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diff --git a/26568-0.txt b/26568-0.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ce38d3c --- /dev/null +++ b/26568-0.txt @@ -0,0 +1,24608 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Seventh Annual Report, by Various + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Seventh Annual Report + of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the + Smithsonian Institution, 1885-1886, Government Printing + Office, Washington, 1891 + +Author: Various + +Editor: John Wesley Powell + +Release Date: September 10, 2008 [EBook #26568] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: UTF-8 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT *** + + + + +Produced by Carlo Traverso, William Flis, C. J. Lippert, +Julia Miller, Frank van Drogen, Louise Hope, and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team + + + + +[Transcriber’s Note: + +This e-text includes characters that will only display in UTF-8 +(Unicode) text readers: + + ā, ē ... (vowel with macron or “long” mark) + ă, ĕ ... (vowel with breve or “short” mark) + ‛ (glottal stop, shown as “reverse high-9” quotation mark) + + In Linguistic Families article only (all infrequent): + χ (chi) + ʇ ʞ (inverted letters) + e̥ (e with ring under), + ż (z with over-dot) + + In Sacred Formulas article only: + ⁿ ⁱ ᵘ ᵁ ʷ (small raised n, i, u, U, w) + +If any of these characters do not display properly--in particular, if +the diacritic does not appear directly above the letter--or if the +apostrophes and quotation marks in this paragraph appear as garbage, +make sure your text reader’s “character set” or “file encoding” is set +to Unicode (UTF-8). You may also need to change the default font. As a +last resort, use the Latin-1 version of this file instead. + +Depending on available fonts, some lists and tables may not line up +vertically. Note that the stress marks, as in “Midē´wiwin,” are _not_ +meant to display on top of the adjoining letter. + +The three “Accompanying Papers” that make up the bulk of this book are +also available as individual texts from Project Gutenberg: + + J. W. Powell, _Indian Linguistic Families of America North + of Mexico_ (pages 1-140): e-text 17286 + W. J. Hoffman, _The Midē´wiwin or Grand Medicine Society of the + Ojibwa_ (pages 141-300): e-text 19368 + J. Mooney, _The Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees_ (pages 300-398): + e-text 24788 + +The papers are identical except that a few more typographical errors +have been corrected in this combined version, and some minor formatting +has been changed for consistency. Plates and Figures were numbered +continuously in the published volume, and have not been changed. + +Typographical errors are listed separately after each paper and +after the combined Index. Bracketed passages other than footnotes or +illustration tags are in the original.] + + + * * * * * + * * * * + + SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT + + of the + + BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY + + to the + + Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution + + 1885-’86 + + by + + J. W. POWELL + Director + + + [Illustration] + + + WASHINGTON + Government Printing Office + 1891 + + * * * * * + + +CONTENTS. + +REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR. + + Page. + Letter of transmittal XIII + Introduction XV + Field work XVI + Mound explorations XVI + Work of Prof. Cyrus Thomas XVI + Explorations in stone villages XVIII + Work of Director J. W. Powell XVIII + Work of Mr. James Stevenson XXIV + Work of Messrs. Victor Mindeleff and Cosmos + Mindeleff XXV + Work of Mr. E. W. Nelson XXVIII + General field studies XXVIII + Work of Dr. H. C. Yarrow XXVIII + Work of Mr. James C. Pilling XXX + Work of Mr. Jeremiah Curtin XXX + Office work XXX + Work of Prof. Cyrus Thomas XXX + Work of Mrs. V. L. Thomas XXXI + Work of Mr. James C. Pilling XXXI + Work of Mr. Frank H. Cushing XXXI + Work of Mrs. Erminnie A. Smith XXXI + Work of Mr. Charles C. Royce XXXII + Work of Dr. H. C. Yarrow XXXII + Work of Dr. Washington Matthews XXXII + Work of Mr. W. H. Holmes XXXII + Work of Mr. Victor Mindeleff XXXII + Work of Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff XXXIII + Work of Mr. E. W. Nelson XXXIII + Work of Col. Garrick Mallery XXXIV + Work of Mr. H. W. Henshaw XXXIV + Work of Mr. Albert S. Gatschet XXXIV + Work of Rev. J. Owen Dorsey XXXIV + Work of Mr. James Mooney XXXIV + Synonymy of Indian tribes XXXIV + Accompanying papers XXXVI + Linguistic families of North America XXXVI + The Midē´wiwin or Grand Medicine Society of the + Ojibwa, by Dr. W. J. Hoffman, and The Sacred + Formulas of the Cherokees, by Mr. James Mooney XXXIX + Financial statement XLI + + +ACCOMPANYING PAPERS + +INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES OF AMERICA NORTH OF MEXICO, +BY J. W. POWELL. + + Nomenclature of linguistic families 7 + Literature relating to the classification of + Indian languages 12 + Linguistic map 25 + Indian tribes sedentary 30 + Population 33 + Tribal land 40 + Village sites 40 + Agricultural land 41 + Hunting claims 42 + Summary of deductions 44 + Linguistic families 45 + Adaizen family 45 + Algonquian family 47 + Algonquian area 47 + Principal Algonquian tribes 48 + Population 48 + Athapascan family 51 + Boundaries 52 + Northern group 53 + Pacific group 53 + Southern group 54 + Principal tribes 55 + Population 55 + Attacapan family 56 + Beothukan family 57 + Geographic distribution 58 + Caddoan family 58 + Northern group 60 + Middle group 60 + Southern group 60 + Principal tribes 61 + Population 62 + Chimakuan family 62 + Principal tribes 63 + Chimarikan family 63 + Principal tribes 63 + Chimmesyan family 63 + Principal tribes or villages 64 + Population 64 + Chinookan family 65 + Principal tribes 66 + Population 66 + Chitimachan family 66 + Chumashan family 67 + Population 68 + Coahuiltecan family 68 + Principal tribes 69 + Copehan family 69 + Geographic distribution 69 + Principal tribes 70 + Costanoan family 70 + Geographic distribution 71 + Population 71 + Eskimauan family 71 + Geographic distribution 72 + Principal tribes and villages 74 + Population 74 + Esselenian family 75 + Iroquoian family 76 + Geographic distribution 77 + Principal tribes 79 + Population 79 + Kalapooian family 81 + Principal tribes 82 + Population 82 + Karankawan family 82 + Keresan family 83 + Villages 83 + Population 83 + Kiowan family 84 + Population 84 + Kitunahan family 85 + Tribes 85 + Population 85 + Koluschan family 85 + Tribes 87 + Population 87 + Kulanapan family 87 + Geographic distribution 88 + Tribes 88 + Kusan family 89 + Tribes 89 + Population 89 + Lutuamian family 89 + Tribes 90 + Population 90 + Mariposan family 90 + Geographic distribution 91 + Tribes 91 + Population 91 + Moquelumnan family 92 + Geographic distribution 93 + Principal tribes 93 + Population 93 + Muskhogean family 94 + Geographic distribution 94 + Principal tribes 95 + Population 95 + Natchesan family 95 + Principal tribes 97 + Population 97 + Palaihnihan family 97 + Geographic distribution 98 + Principal tribes 98 + Piman family 98 + Principal tribes 99 + Population 99 + Pujunan family 99 + Geographic distribution 100 + Principal tribes 100 + Quoratean family 100 + Geographic distribution 101 + Tribes 101 + Population 101 + Salinan family 101 + Population 102 + Salishan family 102 + Geographic distribution 104 + Principal tribes 104 + Population 105 + Sastean family 105 + Geographic distribution 106 + Shahaptian family 106 + Geographic distribution 107 + Principal tribes and population 107 + Shoshonean family 108 + Geographic distribution 109 + Principal tribes and population 110 + Siouan family 111 + Geographic distribution 112 + Principal tribes 114 + Population 116 + Skittagetan family 118 + Geographic distribution 120 + Principal tribes 120 + Population 121 + Takilman family 121 + Geographic distribution 121 + Tañoan family 121 + Geographic distribution 123 + Population 123 + Timuquanan family 123 + Geographic distribution 123 + Principal tribes 124 + Tonikan family 125 + Geographic distribution 125 + Tonkawan family 125 + Geographic distribution 125 + Uchean family 126 + Geographic distribution 126 + Population 27 + Waiilatpuan family 127 + Geographic distribution 127 + Principal tribes 127 + Population 128 + Wakashan family 128 + Geographic distribution 130 + Principal Aht tribes 130 + Population 130 + Principal Haeltzuk tribes 131 + Population 131 + Washoan family 131 + Weitspekan family 131 + Geographic distribution 132 + Tribes 132 + Wishoskan family 133 + Geographic distribution 133 + Tribes 133 + Yokonan family 133 + Geographic distribution 134 + Tribes 134 + Population 135 + Yanan family 135 + Geographic distribution 135 + Yukian family 135 + Geographic distribution 136 + Yuman family 136 + Geographic distribution 137 + Principal tribes 138 + Population 138 + Zuñian family 138 + Geographic distribution 139 + Population 139 + Concluding remarks 139 + + +THE MIDĒ´WIWIN OR “GRAND MEDICINE SOCIETY” OF THE OJIBWA, +BY W. J. HOFFMAN. + + Introduction 149 + Shamans 156 + Midē´wiwin 164 + Midē´wigân 187 + First degree 189 + Preparatory instruction 189 + Midē´ therapeutics 197 + Imploration for clear weather 207 + Initiation of candidate 210 + Descriptive notes 220 + Second degree 224 + Preparation of candidate 224 + Initiation of candidate 231 + Descriptive notes 236 + Third degree 240 + Preparation of candidate 241 + Initiation of candidate 243 + Descriptive notes 251 + Fourth degree 255 + Preparation of candidate 257 + Initiation of candidate 258 + Descriptive notes 274 + Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân 278 + Initiation by substitution 281 + Supplementary notes 286 + Pictography 286 + Music 289 + Dress and ornaments 298 + Future of the society 299 + + +THE SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES, BY JAMES MOONEY. + + Introduction 307 + How the formulas were obtained 310 + The A‛yûⁿinĭ (Swimmer) manuscript 310 + The Gatigwanastĭ (Belt) manuscript 312 + The Gahunĭ manuscript 313 + The Inâlĭ (Black Fox) manuscript 314 + Other manuscripts 316 + The Kanâhe´ta Ani-Tsa´lagĭ Etĭ or Ancient Cherokee + Formulas 317 + Character of the formulas-- the Cherokee religion 318 + Myth of the origin of disease and medicine 319 + Theory of disease-- animals, ghosts, witches 332 + Selected list of plants used 324 + Medical practice-- theory of resemblances-- fasting-- + tabu-- seclusion-- women 328 + Illustration of the gaktûⁿta or tabu 331 + Neglect of sanitary regulations 332 + The sweat bath-- bleeding-- rubbing-- bathing 333 + Opposition of shamans to white physicians 336 + Medicine dances 337 + Description of symptoms 337 + The ugista´‛tĭ or pay of the shaman 337 + Ceremonies for gathering plants and preparing medicine 339 + The Cherokee gods and their abiding places 340 + Color symbolism 342 + Importance attached to names 343 + Language of the formulas 343 + Specimen formulas 344 + Medicine 345 + To treat the crippler (rheumatism)-- from Gahuni 345 + Second formula for the crippler-- from Gahuni 349 + Song and prescription for snake bites-- from Gahuni 351 + When something is causing something to eat them-- + Gahuni 353 + Second formula for the same disease-- A‛wanita 355 + For moving pains in the teeth (neuralgia?)-- + Gatigwanasti 356 + Song and prayer for the great chill-- A‛yûⁿini 359 + To make children jump down (child birth)-- A‛yûⁿini 363 + Second formula for child birth-- Takwatihi 364 + Song and prayer for the black yellowness + (biliousness)-- A‛yûⁿini 365 + To treat for ordeal diseases (witchcraft)-- A‛yûⁿini 366 + Hunting 369 + Concerning hunting-- A‛yûⁿini 369 + For hunting birds-- A‛yûⁿini 371 + To shoot dwellers in the wilderness-- A‛wanita 372 + Bear song-- A‛yûⁿini 373 + For catching large fish-- A‛yûⁿini 374 + Love 375 + Concerning living humanity-- Gatigwanasti 376 + For going to water-- Gatigwanasti 378 + Yûⁿwehi song for painting-- Gatigwanasti 379 + Song and prayer to fix the affections-- A‛yûⁿini 380 + To separate lovers-- A‛yûⁿini 381 + Song and prayer to fix the affections-- Gatigwanasti 382 + Miscellaneous 384 + To shorten a night-goer on this side-- A‛yûⁿini 384 + To find lost articles-- Gatigwanasti 386 + To frighten away a storm-- A‛yûⁿini 387 + To help warriors-- A‛wanita 388 + To destroy life (ceremony with beads)-- A‛yûⁿini 391 + To take to water for the ball play-- A‛yûⁿini 395 + + +ILLUSTRATIONS. + + Page. + Plate I. Map. Linguistic stocks of America north + of Mexico In pocket. + II. Map showing present distribution of Ojibwa 150 + III. Bed Lake and Leech Lake records 166 + IV. Sikas´sige’s record 170 + V. Origin of Âníshinâ´bēg 172 + VI. Facial decoration 174 + VII. Facial decoration 178 + VIII. Ojibwa’s record 182 + IX. Mnemonic songs 192 + X. Mnemonic songs 202 + XI. Sacred objects 220 + XII. Invitation sticks 226 + XIII. Mnemonic songs 228 + XIV. Mnemonic songs 238 + XV. Sacred posts 240 + XVI. Mnemonic songs 244 + XVII. Mnemonic songs 266 + XVIII. Jĕs´sakkīd´ removing disease 278 + XIX. Birch-bark records 286 + XX. Sacred bark scroll and contents 288 + XXI. Midē´ relics from Leech Lake 290 + XXII. Mnemonic songs 292 + XXIII. Midē´ dancing garters 298 + XXIV. Portrait of A‛yûⁿini (Swimmer) 306 + XXV. Facsimile of A‛yûⁿini manuscript-- Formula for + Dalâni Ûⁿagei 310 + XXVI. Facsimile of Gatigwanasti manuscript-- + Yûⁿwĕhĭ formula 312 + XXVII. Facsimile of Grahuni manuscript-- Formula for + Didûⁿlĕskĭ 314 + + + Fig. 1. Herbalist preparing medicine and treating + patient 159 + 2. Sikas´sigē’s combined charts, showing descent + of Mī´nabō´zho 174 + 3. Origin of ginseng 175 + 4. Peep-hole post 178 + 5. Migration of Âníshinâ´bēg 179 + 6. Birch-bark record, from White Earth 185 + 7. Birch-bark record, from Red Lake 186 + 8. Birch-bark record, from Red Lake 186 + 9. Eshgibō´ga 187 + 10. Diagram of Midē´wigân of the first degree 188 + 11. Interior of Midē´wigân 188 + 12. Ojibwa drums 190 + 13. Midē´ rattle 191 + 14. Midē´ rattle 191 + 15. Shooting the Mīgis 192 + 16. Wooden beads 205 + 17. Wooden effigy 205 + 18. Wooden effigy 205 + 19. Hawk-leg fetish 220 + 20. Hunter’s medicine 222 + 21. Hunter’s medicine 222 + 22. Wâbĕnō´ drum 223 + 23. Diagram of Midē´wigân of the second degree 224 + 34. Midē´ destroying an enemy 238 + 25. Diagram of Midē´wigân of the third degree 240 + 26. Jĕs’sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge 252 + 27. Jĕs’sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge 252 + 28. Jĕs’sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge 252 + 29. Jĕs’sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge 252 + 30. Jĕs’sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge 252 + 31. Jĕs’sakkīd´ curing woman 255 + 32. Jĕs’sakkīd´ curing man 255 + 33. Diagram of Midē´wigân of the fourth degree 255 + 34. General view of Midē´wigân 256 + 35. Indian diagram of ghost lodge 279 + 36. Leech Lake Midē´ song 295 + 37. Leech Lake Midē´ song 296 + 38. Leech Lake Midē´ song 297 + 39. Leech Lake Midē´ song 297 + + + + +LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL. + + Smithsonian Institution, + Bureau of Ethnology, + _Washington, D.C., October 1, 1886_. + +SIR: I have the honor to submit my Seventh Annual Report as Director of +the Bureau of Ethnology. + +The first part consists of an explanation of the plan and operations +of the Bureau; the second part consists of a series of papers on +anthropologic subjects, prepared to illustrate the methods and results +of the work of the Bureau. + +I desire to express my thanks for your earnest support and your wise +counsel relating to the work under my charge. I am, with respect, your +obedient servant, + +[Signature:] J. W. Powell + + Prof. SPENCER F. BAIRD, + _Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution._ + + + * * * * * + + SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT + + of the + + BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. + + By J. W. POWELL, Director. + + * * * * * + + +INTRODUCTION. + + +The prosecution of ethnologic researches among the North American +Indians, in accordance with act of Congress, was continued during the +fiscal year 1885-’86. + +The general plan upon which the work has been prosecuted in former +years, and which has been explained in earlier reports, was continued in +operation. + +General lines of investigation were indicated by the Director, and the +details intrusted to selected persons trained in their several pursuits, +the results of whose labors are published from time to time in the +manner provided for by law. A brief statement of the work upon which +each of these special students was engaged during the year, with its +condensed result, is presented below. This, however, does not specify in +detail all of the studies undertaken or services rendered by them, as +particular lines of research have been temporarily suspended in order to +accomplish immediately objects regarded as of superior importance. From +this cause the publication of several treatises and monographs has been +delayed, although in some instances they have been heretofore reported +as substantially completed, and, indeed, as partly in type. + +The present opportunity is used to invite and urge again the assistance +of explorers, writers, and students, who are not and may not desire to +be officially connected with this Bureau. Their contributions, whether +in the shape of suggestion or of extended communications, will be +gratefully acknowledged and carefully considered. If published in whole +or in part, either in the series of reports or in monographs or +bulletins, as the liberality of Congress may in future allow, the +contributors will always receive proper credit. + +The items which form the subject of the present report are presented in +two principal divisions. The first relates to the work prosecuted in the +field, and the second to the office work, which consists largely of the +preparation for publication of the results of the field work, +complemented and extended by study of the literature of the several +subjects and by correspondence relating to them. + + + + +FIELD WORK. + + +This heading may be divided into, first, Mound Explorations; second, +Explorations in Stone Villages; and, third, General Field Studies, among +which those upon mythology, linguistics, and customs have been during +the year the most prominent. + + +MOUND EXPLORATIONS. + +WORK OF PROF. CYRUS THOMAS. + +The work of the mound-exploring division, under the charge of Prof. +Cyrus Thomas, was carried on during the fiscal year with the same +success that had attended its earlier operations. + +It is proper to explain that the title given above to the division does +not fully indicate the extent of its work. The simple exploration of +mounds is but a part of its scope, which embraces, as contemplated in +its organization, a careful examination and study of the archeologic +remains in the United States east of the Rocky Mountains. The limitation +of the force engaged on this work renders it necessary that the +investigations should be conducted along but one or two selected lines +at a time. + +Before and even during some portion of the year now reported upon +attention had been devoted almost exclusively to the exploration of +individual mounds, with a view of ascertaining the different types of +tumuli, as regards form, construction, and other particulars and the +vestiges of art and human remains found in them. The study of these +works in their relation to each other and their segregation into groups, +and of the mural works, inclosures, and works of defense, is important +in the attempt to obtain indications of the social life and customs of +the builders. This plan of study had not received the attention +desirable and involved the necessity of careful surveys. It was thought +best to make a commencement this year in this branch of investigation. + +During the summer of 1885 Prof. Thomas was in Wisconsin, engaged in +investigating and studying the effigy mounds and other ancient works of +that section. + +Messrs. James D. Middleton, John P. Rogan, and John W. Emmert were +permanent assistants during the year; Mr. Charles M. Smith, Rev. S. D. +Peet, and Mr. H. L. Reynolds were employed for short periods as +temporary assistants. + +During the summer and autumn of 1885 Messrs. Middleton and Emmert were +at work on the mounds and ancient monuments of southwestern Wisconsin, +the former surveying the groups of effigy mounds and the latter +exploring the conical tumuli. When the weather became too cold for +operations in that section they were transferred to east Tennessee, +where Mr. Emmert continued at work throughout the remainder of the +fiscal year. + +When it had been decided to commence the preparation of a report on the +field work of the division, in the hope of its early publication, Mr. +Middleton was called to the office to assist in that preparation, where +he remained, preparing maps and plats and making a catalogue of the +collections, until the latter part of April, 1886, when he again entered +upon field work in the southern part of Illinois, among the graves of +that neighborhood. + +Mr. Rogan was in charge of the office work from the 1st of July until +the latter part of August, during which time Prof. Thomas was in the +field, as before mentioned. He was engaged during the remainder of the +year in exploring the mounds of northern Georgia and east Tennessee. + +Rev. S. D. Peet was employed for a few months in preparing a preliminary +map showing the localities of the antiquarian remains of Wisconsin and +the areas formerly occupied by the several Indian tribes which are known +to have inhabited that region. In addition he prepared for use in the +report notes on the distribution and character of the mounds and other +ancient works of Wisconsin. + +Mr. Smith was engaged during the month of June, 1886, in exploring +mounds and investigating the ancient works in southwestern Pennsylvania; +and Mr. Reynolds, during the same time, in tracing and exploring the +monumental remains of western New York. + +Notwithstanding the details necessary for office work in the preparation +of maps and plats for the report, and cataloguing the collection, the +amount of field work accomplished was equal to that done in previous +years. Although, as before stated, one of the assistants, Mr. Middleton, +was chiefly engaged, while in the field, in surveying, about 3,500 +specimens were collected and a large number of drawings obtained +illustrating the different modes of construction of the mounds. + + +EXPLORATIONS IN STONE VILLAGES. + +WORK OF DIRECTOR J. W. POWELL. + +During the summer of 1885 the Director, accompanied by Mr. James +Stevenson, revisited portions of Arizona and New Mexico in which many +structures are found which have greatly interested travelers and +anthropologists, and about which various theories have grown. The +results of the investigation have been so much more distinct and +comprehensive than any before obtained that they require to be reported +with some detail. + +On the plain to the west of the Little Colorado River and north of the +San Francisco Mountain there are many scattered ruins, usually having +one, two, or three rooms each, all of which are built of basaltic +cinders and blocks. Through the plain a valley runs to the north, and +then east to the Little Colorado. Down the midst of the valley there is +a wash, through which, in seasons of great rainfall, a stream courses. +Along this stream there are extensive ruins built of sandstone and +limestone. At one place a village site was discovered, in which several +hundred people once found shelter. To the north of this and about +twenty-five miles from the summit of San Francisco Peak there is a +volcanic cone of cinder and basalt. This small cone had been used as the +site of a village, a pueblo having been built around the crater. The +materials of construction were derived from a great sandstone quarry +near by, and the pit from which they were taken was many feet in depth +and extended over two or three acres of ground. The cone rises on the +west in a precipitous cliff from the valley of an intermittent creek. +The pueblo was built on that side at the summit of the cliff, and +extending on the north and south sides along the summit of steep slopes, +was inclosed on the east, so that the plaza was entered by a covered +way. The court, or plaza, was about one-third of an acre in area. The +little pueblo contained perhaps sixty or seventy rooms. Southward of San +Francisco Mountain many other ruins were found. + +East of the San Francisco Peak, at a distance of about twelve miles, +another cinder cone was found. Here the cinders are soft and friable, +and the cone is a prettily shaped dome. On the southern slope there are +excavations into the indurated and coherent cinder mass, constituting +chambers, often ten or twelve feet in diameter and six to ten feet in +height. The chambers are of irregular shape, and occasionally a larger +central chamber forms a kind of vestibule to several smaller ones +gathered about it. The smaller chambers are sometimes at the same +altitude as the central or principal one, and sometimes at a lower +altitude. About one hundred and fifty of these chambers have been +excavated. Most of them are now partly filled by the caving in of the +walls and ceilings, but some of them are yet in a good state of +preservation. In these chambers, and about them on the summit and sides +of the cinder cone, many stone implements were found, especially +metates. Some bone implements also were discovered. At the very summit +of the little cone there is a plaza, inclosed by a rude wall made of +volcanic cinders, the floor of which was carefully leveled. The plaza is +about forty-five by seventy-five feet in area. Here the people lived in +underground houses--chambers hewn from the friable volcanic cinders. +Before them, to the south, west, and north, stretched beautiful valleys, +beyond which volcanic cones are seen rising amid pine forests. The +people probably cultivated patches of ground in the low valleys. + +About eighteen miles still farther to the east of San Francisco Mountain +another ruined village was discovered, built about the crater of a +volcanic cone. This volcanic peak is of much greater magnitude. The +crater opens to the eastward. On the south many stone dwellings have +been built of the basaltic and cinder-like rocks. Between the ridge on +the south and another on the northwest there is a low saddle in which +other buildings have been erected, and in which a great plaza was found, +much like the one previously described. But the most interesting part of +this village was on the cliff which rose on the northwest side of the +crater. In this cliff are many natural caves, and the caves themselves +were utilized as dwellings by inclosing them in front with walls made of +volcanic rocks and cinders. These cliff dwellings are placed tier above +tier, in a very irregular way. In many cases natural caves were thus +utilized; in other cases cavate chambers were made; that is, chambers +have been excavated in the friable cinders. On the very summit of the +ridge stone buildings were erected, so that this village was in part a +cliff village, in part cavate, and in part the ordinary stone pueblo. +The valley below, especially to the southward, was probably occupied by +their gardens. In the chambers among the overhanging cliffs a great many +interesting relics were found, of stone, bone, and wood, and many +potsherds. + +About eight miles southeast of Flagstaff, a little town on the southern +slope of San Francisco Mountain, Oak Creek enters a canyon, which runs +to the eastward and then southward for a distance of about ten miles. +The gorge is a precipitous box canyon for the greater part of this +distance. It is cut through carboniferous rocks--sandstones and +limestones--which are here nearly horizontal. The softer sandstones +rapidly disintegrate, and the harder sandstones and limestones remain. +Thus broad shelves are formed on the sides of the cliffs, and these +shelves, or the deep recesses between them, were utilized, so that here +is a village of cliff dwellings. There are several hundred rooms +altogether. The rooms are of sandstone, pretty carefully worked and laid +in mortar, and the interior of the rooms was plastered. The opening for +the chimney was usually by the side of the entrance, and the ceilings of +the rooms are still blackened with soot and smoke. Around this village, +on the terrace of the canyon, great numbers of potsherds, stone +implements, and implements of bone, horn, and wood were found; and here, +as in all of the other ruins mentioned, corncobs in great abundance were +discovered. + +In addition to the four principal ruins thus described many others are +found, most of them being of the ordinary pueblo type. From the evidence +presented it would seem that they had all been occupied at a +comparatively late date. They were certainly not abandoned more than +three or four centuries ago. + +Later in the season the Director visited the Supai Indians of Cataract +Canyon, and was informed by them that their present home had been taken +up not many generations ago, and that their ancestors occupied the ruins +which have been described; and they gave such a circumstantial account +of the occupation and of their expulsion by the Spaniards, that no doubt +can be entertained of the truth of their traditions in this respect. The +Indians of Cataract Canyon doubtless lived on the north, east, and south +of San Francisco Mountain at the time this country was discovered by the +Spaniards, and they subsequently left their cliff and cavate dwellings +and moved into Cataract Canyon, where they now live. It is thus seen +that these cliff and cavate dwellings are not of an ancient prehistoric +time, but that they were occupied by a people still existing, who also +built pueblos of the common type. + +Later in the season the party visited the cavate ruins near Santa Clara, +previously explored by Mr. Stevenson. Here, on the western side of the +Rio Grande del Norte, was found a system of volcanic peaks, constituting +what is known as the Valley Range. To the east of these peaks, +stretching far beyond the present channel of the Rio Grande, there was +once a great Tertiary lake, which was gradually filled with the sands +washed into it on every hand and by the ashes blown out of the adjacent +volcanoes. This great lake formation is in some places a thousand feet +in thickness. When the lake was filled the Rio Grande cut its channel +through the midst to a depth of many hundreds of feet. The volcanic +mountains to the westward send to the Rio Grande a number of minor +streams, which in a general way are parallel with one another. The Rio +Grande itself, and all of these lateral streams, have cut deep gorges +and canyons, so that there are long, irregular table-lands, or mesas, +extending from the Rio Grande back to the Valley Mountains, each mesa +being severed from the adjacent one by a canyon or canyon valley; and +each of these long mesas rises with a precipitous cliff from the valley +below. The cliffs themselves are built of volcanic sands and ashes, and +many of the strata are exceedingly light and friable. The specific +gravity of some of these rocks is so low that they will float on water. +Into the faces of these cliffs, in the friable and easily worked rock, +many chambers have been excavated; for mile after mile the cliffs are +studded with them, so that altogether there are many thousands. +Sometimes a chamber or series of chambers is entered from a terrace, but +usually they were excavated many feet above any landing or terrace +below, so that they could be reached only by ladders. In other places +artificial terraces were built by constructing retaining walls and +filling the interior next to the cliff with loose rock and sand. Very +often steps were cut into the face of a cliff and a rude stairway formed +by which chambers could be reached. The chambers were very irregularly +arranged and very irregular in size and structure. In many cases there +is a central chamber, which seems to have been a general living room for +the people, back of which two, three, or more chambers somewhat smaller +are found. The chambers occupied by one family are sometimes connected +with those occupied by another family, so that two or three or four sets +of chambers have interior communication. Usually, however, the +communication from one system of chambers to another was by the outside. +Many of the chambers had evidently been occupied as dwellings. They +still contained fireplaces and evidences of fire; there were little +caverns or shelves in which various vessels were placed, and many +evidences of the handicraft of the people were left in stone, bone, +horn, and wood, and in the chambers and about the sides of the cliffs +potsherds are abundant. On more careful survey it was found that many +chambers had been used as stables for asses, goats, and sheep. Sometimes +they had been filled a few inches, or even two or three feet, with the +excrement of these animals. Ears of corn and corncobs were also found in +many places. Some of the chambers were evidently constructed to be used +as storehouses or caches for grain. Altogether it is very evident that +the cliff houses have been used in comparatively modern times; at any +rate since the people owned asses, goats, and sheep. The rock is of such +a friable nature that it will not stand atmospheric degradation very +long, and there is abundant evidence of this character testifying to the +recent occupancy of these cavate dwellings. + +Above the cliffs, on the mesas, which have already been described, +evidences of more ancient ruins were found. These were pueblos built of +cut stone rudely dressed. Every mesa had at least one ancient pueblo +upon it, evidently far more ancient than the cavate dwellings found in +the face of the cliffs. It is, then, very plain that the cavate +dwellings are not of great age; that they have been occupied since the +advent of the white man, and that on the summit of the cliffs there are +ruins of more ancient pueblos. + +Now, the pottery of Santa Clara had been previously studied by Mr. +Stevenson, who made a large collection there two or three years ago, and +it was at once noticed that the potsherds of these cliff dwellings are, +both in shape and material, like those now made by the Santa Clara +Indians. The peculiar pottery of Santa Clara is readily distinguished, +as may be seen by examining the collection now in the National Museum. +While encamped in the valley below, the party met a Santa Clara Indian +and engaged him in conversation. From him the history of the cliff +dwellings was soon obtained. His statement was that originally his +people lived in six pueblos, built of cut stone, upon the summit of the +mesas; that there came a time when they were at war with the Apaches and +Navajos, when they abandoned their stone pueblos above and for greater +protection excavated the chambers in the cliffs below; that when this +war ended part of them returned to the pueblos above, which were +rebuilt; that there afterward came another war, with the Comanche +Indians, and they once more resorted to cliff dwellings. At the close of +this war they built a pueblo in the valley of the Rio Grande, but at the +time of the invasion of the Spaniards their people refused to be +baptized, and a Spanish army was sent against them, when they abandoned +the valley below and once more inhabited the cliff dwellings above. Here +they lived many years, until at last a wise and good priest brought them +peace, and persuaded them to build the pueblo which they now occupy--the +village of Santa Clara. The ruin of the pueblo which they occupied +previous to the invasion of the Spaniards is still to be seen about a +mile distant from the present pueblo. + +The history thus briefly given was repeated by the governor and by other +persons, all substantially to the same effect. It is therefore evident +that the cavate dwellings of the Santa Clara region belong to a people +still extant; that they are not of great antiquity, and do not give +evidence of a prehistoric and now extinct race. + +Plans and measurements were made of some of the villages with sufficient +accuracy to prepare models. Photographic views and sketches were also +procured with which to illustrate a detailed report of the subject to be +published by the Bureau. + +WORK OF MR. JAMES STEVENSON. + +After the investigations made in company with the Director, as mentioned +above, Mr. Stevenson proceeded with a party to the ancient province of +Tusayan, in Arizona, to study the characteristics of the Moki tribes, +its inhabitants, and to make collections of such implements and utensils +as illustrate their arts and industries. Several months were spent among +the villages, resulting in a large collection of rare objects, all of +which were selected with special reference to their anthropologic +importance. This collection contains many articles novel in character +and with uses differing from any heretofore obtained, and forms an +important addition to the collections in the National Museum. + +A study of their religious ceremonials and mythology was made, of which +full notes were taken. Sketches were made of their masks and other +objects which could not be obtained for the collection. + +Mrs. Stevenson was also enabled to obtain a minute description of the +celebrated dance, or medicine ceremony, of the Navajos, called the +Yéibit-cai. She made complete sketches of the sand altars, masks, and +other objects employed in this ceremonial. + +WORK OF MESSRS. VICTOR MINDELEFF AND COSMOS MINDELEFF. + +Mr. Victor Mindeleff, who had been engaged for several years in +investigating the architecture of the pueblos and the ruins of the +southwest, was at the beginning of the fiscal year at work among the +Moki towns in Arizona, in charge of a party. Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff left +Washington on July 6 for the same locality. He was placed in charge of +the surveying necessary in the Stone Village region, and the result of +his work is included in the general report of that division. + +Visits were paid to the Moki villages in succession, obtaining drawings +of some constructional details, and also traditions bearing on the ruins +in that vicinity. The main camp was established near Mashongnavi, one of +the Moki villages. A large ruined pueblo, formerly occupied by the +Mashongnavi, was here surveyed. No standing walls are found at the +present time, and many portions of the plan are entirely obliterated. +Typical fragments of pottery were collected. + +Following this work, four other ruined pueblos were surveyed, and such +portions of them as clearly indicated dividing walls were drawn on the +ground plans. + +Many of the ruins in this vicinity, according to the traditions of the +Mokis, have been occupied in comparatively recent times---a number of +them having been abandoned since the Spanish conquest of the country. In +several cases the villages now occupied are not upon the same sites as +those first visited by the Spaniards, although retaining the same names. + +While the work of surveying was in progress, in charge of Mr. Cosmos +Mindeleff, Mr. Victor Mindeleff made a visit of several days at Keam +Canyon, there to meet a number of the Navajo Indians to explain the +purpose of the work and allay the suspicions of these Indians, +a necessary precaution, as some of the proposed work was laid out in +Canyon de Chelly, in the heart of their reservation. Recent restrictions +to which they had been subjected, as a consequence of new surveys of the +reservation line, had made them especially distrustful of parties +equipped with instruments for surveying. Incidental to explanations of +the purpose of the work, an opportunity was afforded of obtaining a +number of mythologic notes, and also interesting data regarding the +construction of their “hogans,” with the rules prescribing the +arrangement of each part of the frame and other particulars. A number of +ceremonial songs are sung at the building of these houses, but of these +only one could be secured, which was obtained in the original and +translated. Whenever opportunity occurred, during the progress of the +work, photographs and diagrams of construction of “hogans” were +procured. + +On August 17 the ceremony of the snake-dance took place at Mashongnavi, +similar in every detail to that performed at Walpi, and differing only +in the number of participants. Several instantaneous negatives of the +various phases of the dance were secured. On the following day the same +ceremony was performed on a larger scale at Walpi, the easternmost of +the Moki villages. + +Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff assisted in collecting from the present inhabitants +of the region legendary information bearing upon ruins and in observing +the snake-dances, a description of which was prepared for publication. + +While the surveys of the ruins were in progress many detailed studies +were made of special features in the modern villages, particularly among +the “kivas” or religious chambers. In several instances the large +roofing timbers of the “kiva” were found to be the old beams from the +Spanish churches, hewn square, and decorated with the characteristic +rude carving of the old Spanish work. A number of legends connected with +the ruined pueblos were recorded. + +On closing this work in the vicinity of the Moki villages, late in +August, the party moved into Keam Canyon, en route for Canyon de Chelly. +A day was devoted to the survey of a small pueblo of irregular +elliptical outline, situated about eighteen miles northeast from Keam +Canyon. This ruin is in excellent state of preservation and exhibits in +the masonry some stones of remarkably large size. The early part of +September was employed in making a close survey of the Mummy Cave group +of ruins in Canyon de la Muerte, this work including a five-foot contour +map of the ground and the rocky ledge over which the houses were +distributed. Detailed drawings of a number of special features were made +here, particularly in connection with the circular ceremonial chambers. +The latter were so buried under the accumulated debris of fallen walls +that much excavation was required to lay bare the details of internal +arrangement. A high class of workmanship is here exhibited, both in the +execution of the constructional features and in the interior decoration +of these chambers. Later the White House group, in the Canyon de Chelly, +comprising a village and cliff houses, was examined and platted in the +same manner. + +The drawings and plans were supplemented with a series of photographs. +Some negatives of Navajo houses were also made. + +On closing this work the party went into Fort Defiance, en route for +Zuñi, and thence to Ojo Caliente, a modern farming pueblo of the Zuñi, +about twelve miles south of the principal village. Here two ruins of +villages, thought to belong to the ancient Cibola group, were platted. +One of these villages had been provided with a circular reservoir of +large size, partially walled in with masonry. Here, also, the well +preserved walls of a stone church can be seen. The other contains the +remains of a large church, built of adobe. A series of widely scattered +house-clusters, occurring two miles west of Ojo Caliente, was also +examined, but the earth had drifted over the fallen walls and so covered +them that the arrangement of rooms could scarcely be traced at all. + +The modern village of Ojo Caliente was also surveyed and diagrams and +photographs made. + +Towards the end of September camp was moved to the vicinity of Zuñi. +Here four other villages of the Cibola group and the old villages on the +mesa of Ta-ai-ya-lo-ne were examined. Camp was then moved to Nutria, +a farming pueblo of Zuñi. From this camp Nutria was surveyed and +photographed, and also the village of Pescado, which is occupied only +during the farming season. Both of these modern farming pueblos appear +to be built on the ruins of more ancient villages, the remains of which +were especially noticeable in the case of Pescado, where the very +carefully executed masonry, characteristic of the ancient methods of +construction, could be seen outcropping at many points. + +WORK OF MR. E. W. NELSON. + +Following the return of the main party to Washington, some preliminary +exploration was carried on by Mr. E. W. Nelson, who made an examination +of the headwaters of the South Fork of Salt River, but did not find any +ruins. Thence the Blue Ridge was crossed, and the valley of the Blue +Fork of the San Francisco River visited. Here ruins were frequently +increasing in number toward the south. Farther south three sets of cliff +ruins were also located. + + +GENERAL FIELD STUDIES. + +WORK OF DR. H. C. YARROW. + +During the summer and fall of 1885, Dr. H. C. Yarrow, acting assistant +surgeon U.S. Army, examined points in Arizona and Utah. In the vicinity +of Springerville, Apache County, Arizona, in company with Mr. E. W. +Nelson, he visited a number of ancient pueblos and discovered that the +people formerly occupying the towns had followed the custom of burying +their dead immediately outside the walls of their habitations, marking +the places of sepulcher with circles of stones. The graves were four or +five feet in depth, and various household utensils had been deposited +with the dead. Mr. Nelson, who had made a careful search for these +cemeteries, informed him of the locality of hundreds. Unfortunately for +anthropometric science, most of the bones are too much decayed to be of +practical value. The places of burial selected at these pueblos are +similar to the burial places discovered in 1874 near the large ruined +pueblo of Abiquiu, in the valley of the Chama, New Mexico. + +Dr. Yarrow also visited the Moki pueblos in Arizona, and obtained from +one of the principal men a clear and succinct account of their burial +customs. While there he witnessed the famous snake dance, which occurs +every two years, and is supposed to have the effect of producing rain. +From his knowledge of the reptilian fauna of the country he was able to +identify the species of serpents used in the dance, and from personal +examination satisfied himself that the fangs had not been extracted from +the poisonous varieties. He thinks, however, that the reptiles are +somewhat tamed by handling during the four days that they are kept in +the estufas and possibly are made to eject the greater part of the venom +contained in the sacs at the roots of the teeth, by being teased and +forced to strike at different objects held near them. He does not think +that a vegetable decoction in which they are washed has a stupefying +effect, as has been supposed by some. He also obtained from a Moki high +priest a full account of the ceremonies attending the dance. Through the +assistance of Mr. Thomas V. Keam, of Keam Canyon, Arizona, and Mr. A. M. +Stephen, he was able to procure from a noted Navajo wise man an exact +account of the burial customs of his people, as well as valuable +information regarding their medical practices, especially such as relate +to obstetrics. + +From Arizona Dr. Yarrow proceeded to Utah, and made an examination of an +old rock cemetery near Farmington, finding it similar to the one he +discovered in 1872 near the town of Fillmore. The bodies had been +carried far up the side of the mountain; cavities had been prepared in a +rock slide, and the bodies placed therein. Branches of cottonwood were +then laid over and large boulders piled on top. In several of these +graves the skeletons were in a fair state of preservation, and were +removed, as well as the articles found with them. + +Through the kindness of Mr. William Young, of Grantsville, a skeleton of +a Gosiute, in excellent preservation, was obtained, and has been +presented to the Army Medical Museum. It may be stated that the +examination of the rock cemetery at Farmington showed that the +inhabitants of the eastern slope of the Wahsatch Range, in Great Salt +Lake Valley, followed the mode of rock sepulture from this, the most +northern point visited, to below Parowan, a distance of at least two +hundred miles southward, and it seems that these people occupied the +valley long subsequent to those living near the water courses who +constructed the small mounds on top of which were the rude adobe +dwellings, and in some instances used these huts for burial purposes. + +WORK OF MR. J. C. PILLING. + +In the spring of 1886 Mr. James C. Pilling made a trip to Europe in the +interest of his work on the Bibliography of the Languages of the North +American Indians, and spent many days in the library of the British +Museum, the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, and several extensive +private libraries in England and France. The results of this trip are +highly satisfactory and valuable. + +WORK OF MR. JEREMIAH CURTIN. + +Mr. Jeremiah Curtin continued to collect vocabularies and myths in +California. The whole number of myths obtained in California and Oregon +was over three hundred. The number of vocabularies was eight, being the +Yana, Atsugëi (Hat Creek), Wasco, Miléblama (Warm Springs), Pai Ute, +Shasta, Maidu, and Wintu. Texts were also obtained in Yana, Wasco, Warm +Spring, and Shasta. + + + + +OFFICE WORK. + + +Prof. CYRUS THOMAS was engaged during the year, except the few weeks he +was in the field, in the preparation of his general report and in +correspondence relating to the archeology of the district before +specified. He also finished a paper published in the Sixth Annual Report +of this Bureau under the title, “Aids to the study of the Maya Codices,” +and a special report on the “Burial mounds of the northern sections of +the United States.” The latter has appeared in the Fifth Annual Report +of the Bureau. + +Mrs. V. L. THOMAS, in addition to her duties as clerk, has been employed +in preparing a catalogue of the ancient works in that part of the United +States east of the Rocky Mountains. This catalogue, now nearly complete, +is intended to give the localities and character of all the antiquities +in the region mentioned, including discoveries which have been noted in +publications, as well as those mentioned in the reports of work done +under the Bureau. + +Mr. JAMES C. PILLING continued to give a large share of his time and +attention throughout the year to the “Bibliography of the languages of +the North American Indians,” which has been adverted to in previous +reports. The advance “proofsheets” of this work, printed in the last +fiscal year, were distributed to collaborators and have been the means +of obtaining the active cooperation of many persons throughout this and +other countries who are interested in linguistic and bibliographic +science. They have thus elicited a large number of additions, +corrections, suggestions, and criticisms, all of which have received +careful consideration. + +Mr. FRANK H. CUSHING was engaged in the preparation, from the large +amount of Zuñi material collected by him during several years, of papers +upon the language, mythology, and institutions of that people. + +Mrs. ERMINNIE A. SMITH continued her study of the Iroquoian languages. +The first part of her final contribution on the subject was intended to +be a Tuscarora grammar and dictionary. The first portion of the +dictionary was completed, and had been forwarded to the Bureau when her +sudden and lamented death occurred on June 9, 1886, at her home in +Jersey City. Her former assistant, Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt, of Tuscarora +descent, has been engaged to complete the work she so successfully +began, and it is expected that the results of her long labors in the +field will be published without delay. + +Mr. CHARLES C. ROYCE resigned his connection with the Bureau in the +early part of the year, thereby delaying the completion of the work upon +the primal title of the Indian tribes to lands within the United States +and the methods of procuring their relinquishment, the scope and value +of which have before been explained. Mr. Royce, before his departure +from Washington, completed a paper on the “Cherokee Nation of Indians,” +which has appeared in the Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau. + +Dr. H. C. YARROW was still engaged in preparing the material for the +final volume upon the mortuary customs of the North American Indians, in +the prosecution of which the large amount of information received and +obtained from various sources has been carefully classified and arranged +under proper divisions, so that the manuscript is now being rapidly put +into shape for publication. + +Dr. WASHINGTON MATTHEWS, U.S. Army, continued to prepare for publication +the copious notes obtained by him during former years in the Navajo +country, his chief work being upon a grammar and dictionary of the +Navajo language. He also wrote several papers, one of which, a “Chant +upon the Mountains,” has been published in the Fifth Annual Report. + +Mr. W. H. HOLMES continued his work in the office during the year, +superintending the illustration of the various publications of the +Bureau. His scientific studies have been confined principally to the +field of American archeologic art. Two fully illustrated papers have +been finished and have appeared in the Sixth Annual Report of the +Bureau. They are upon “Ancient art of the province of Chiriqui, +Colombia,” and “A study of the textile art in its relations to the +development of form and ornament.” Mr. Holmes has, in addition, +continued his duties as curator of aboriginal pottery in the National +Museum. + +Mr. VICTOR MINDELEFF, when not in the field, prepared reports on the +Tusayan and Cibola architectural groups. These, when completed, are to +be fully illustrated by a series of plans and drawings now being +prepared from the field-notes and other material. In this work it is +proposed to discuss the architecture in detail, particularly in the case +of the modern pueblos, where many of the constructional devices of the +old builders still survive. The examination of these details will be +found to throw light on obscure features of many ruined pueblos whose +state of preservation is such as to exhibit but little detail in +themselves. + +In connection with the classification and arrangement of new material +from Canyon de Chelly, a paper was prepared on the cliff ruins of that +region. + +Mr. COSMOS MINDELEFF has been in charge of the modeling room during the +last year. Upon his return from the field a series of models to +illustrate the Chaco ruins, architecturally the most important in the +Southwest, was commenced. Two of these, viz, the ruin of Wejegi and that +of a small pueblo near Pueblo Alto, have been finished and duplicates +have been deposited in the National Museum. The third, a large model of +Peñasco Blanco, is still uncompleted. All of these models are made from +entirely new surveys made in the summer of 1884. The scale used in the +previous series--the inhabited pueblos and the cliff ruins--though +larger than usually adopted for this class of work, has shown so much +more detail and has proved generally so satisfactory, that it has been +continued in the Chaco Ruin group, bringing the entire series of models +made by the Bureau to a uniform scale of 1:60, or one inch to five feet. +In addition to this the work of duplicating the existing models of the +Bureau for purposes of exchange was commenced. Three of these have been +completed, and two others are about half finished. + +Mr. E. W. NELSON was engaged upon a report of his investigations among +the Eskimo tribes of Alaska. A part of this report, consisting of an +English-Eskimo dictionary, he has already forwarded. + + * * * * * + +As hereinafter explained, the year was principally devoted to the +synonymy of the Indian tribes, the special studies of several officers +of the Bureau being suspended so that their whole time might be employed +in that direction. In the year 1885, however, and at subsequent +intervals, their work was as follows: + +Col. GARRICK MALLERY, U.S. Army, continued the study, by researches and +correspondence, of sign language and pictography. A comprehensive, +though preliminary, paper on the latter subject has been printed, with +copious illustrations, in the Fourth Annual Report. + +Mr. H. W. HENSHAW was engaged during the year in work upon the synonymy +of Indian tribes, as specified below. + +Mr. ALBERT S. GATSCHET continued to revise and perfect his grammar and +dictionary of the Klamath language, a large part of which work is in +print. He also took down vocabularies from Indian delegates present in +this city on tribal business, and thus succeeded in incorporating into +the collections of the Bureau of Ethnology linguistic material from the +Alibamu, Hitchiti, Muskoki, and Seneca languages. + +Rev. J. OWEN DORSEY pursued his work on the Ȼegiha language. Having the +aid of a Winnebago Indian for some time he enlarged his vocabulary of +that language and recorded grammatical notes. He also reported upon +works submitted to his examination upon the Tuscarora, Micmac, and +Cherokee languages. + +Mr. JAMES MOONEY, who had been officially connected with the Bureau +since the early part of the fiscal year, was also engaged upon +linguistic work. + + +SYNONYMY OF INDIAN TRIBES. + +The Director has before reported in general terms that the most serious +source of perplexity to the student of the history of the North American +Indians is the confusion existing among their tribal names. The causes +of this confusion are various. The Indian names for themselves have been +understood and recorded in diverse ways by the earlier authors, and have +been variously transmitted by the latter. Nicknames arising from trivial +causes, and often without apparent cause, have been imposed upon many +tribes. Names borne by one tribe at some period of its history have been +transferred to another, or to several other distinct tribes. +Typographical errors, and improved spelling on assumed phonetic grounds, +have swelled the number of synonyms until the investigator of a special +tribe often finds himself in a maze of nomenclatural perplexity. + +It has long been the intention of the Director to prepare a work on +tribal names, which so far as possible should refer their confusing +titles to a correct and systematic standard. Delay has been occasioned +chiefly by the fundamental necessity of defining linguistic stocks or +families into which all tribes must be primarily divided; and to +accomplish this, long journeys and laborious field and office +investigations have been required during the whole time since the +establishment of the Bureau. Though a few points still remained in an +unsatisfactory condition, it was considered that a sufficient degree of +accuracy had been attained to allow of the publication for the benefit +of students of a volume devoted to the subject. The preparation of the +plan of such a volume was intrusted to Mr. H. W. Henshaw, late in the +spring of 1885, and in June of that year the work was energetically +begun in accordance with the plans submitted. The preparation of this +work, which to a great extent underlies and is the foundation for every +field of ethnologic investigation among Indians, was considered of such +prime importance that nearly all the available force of the Bureau was +placed upon it, to the suspension of the particular investigations in +which the several officers had been engaged. + +In addition to the general charge of the whole work, Mr. Henshaw gave +special attention to the families of the northwest coast from Oregon +northward, including the Eskimo, and also several in California. To Mr. +Albert S. Gatschet the tribes of the southeastern United States, +together with the Pueblo and Yuman tribes, were assigned. The Algonkian +family in all its branches--by far the most important part of the whole, +so far as the great bulk of literature relating to it is concerned--was +intrusted to Col. Garrick Mallery and Mr. James Mooney. They also took +charge of the Iroquoian family. Rev. J. O. Dorsey’s intimate +acquaintance with the tribes of the Siouan and Caddoan families +peculiarly fitted him to cope with that part of the work, and he also +undertook the Athapascan tribes. Dr. W. J. Hoffman worked upon the +Shoshonean tribes, aided by the Director’s personal supervision. Mr. +Jeremiah Curtin, to whom was assigned the California tribes, also gave +assistance in other sections. + +Each of the gentlemen named has been able to contribute largely to the +results by his personal experience and investigations in the field, +there being numerous regions concerning which published accounts are +meager and unsatisfactory. The main source of the material to be dealt +with has, however, been necessarily derived from books. A vast amount of +the current literature pertaining to the North American Indians has been +examined, amounting to over one thousand volumes, with a view to the +extraction of the tribal names and the historical data necessary to fix +their precise application. + +The work at the present time is well advanced toward completion. The +examination of literature for the collation of synonyms may be regarded +as practically done. The tables of synonymy and the accounts of the +tribes have been completed for more than one-half the number of +linguistic families. + + + + +ACCOMPANYING PAPERS. + + +LINGUISTIC FAMILIES OF NORTH AMERICA. + +In harmony with custom, three scientific papers accompany this report, +designed to illustrate the nature, methods and spirit of the researches +conducted by the Bureau. The first is on the “Classification of the +North American Languages.” It is by no means a final paper on the +subject, but is intended rather to give an account of the present status +of the subject, and to place before the workers in this field of +scholarship the data now existing and the conclusions already reached, +so as to constitute a point of departure for new work. With this end in +view Mr. Pilling is engaged upon the bibliography of the subject and is +rapidly publishing the same, and Mr. Henshaw is employed on the tribal +synonymy. Altogether it is hoped that this work will inaugurate a new +era in the investigation of the subject by making available the vast +body of material scattered broadcast through the literature relating to +the North American Indians. + +In the course of these ethnic researches an interesting field of facts +has been brought to view relating to the superstitions of the Indians. +Already a very large body of mythology has been collected--stories from +a great number of tongues which embody the rude philosophy of tribal +thought. Such philosophy or opinion finds its expression not only in the +mythic tales, but in the organization of the people into society, in +their daily life and in their habits and customs. There is a realm of +anthropology in this lower state of mankind which we call savagery, that +is hard to understand from the standpoint of modern civilization, where +science, theology, religion, medicine and the esthetic arts are +developed as more or less discrete subjects. In savagery these great +subjects are blended in one, as they are interwoven into a vast plexus +of thought and action, for mythology is the basis of philosophy, +religion, medicine, and art. In savagery the observed facts of the +universe, relating alike to physical nature and to the humanities, are +explained mythologically, and these mythic conceptions give rise to a +great variety of practices. The acts of life are born of the opinions +held as explanations of the environing world. Thus it is that philosophy +finds expression in a complex system of superstitions, ceremonies and +practices, which together constitute the religion of the people. The +purpose of these practices is to avert calamity and to secure prosperity +in the present life. It is astonishing to find how little the condition +of a life to come is involved. The future beyond the grave is scarcely +heeded, or when recognized it seems not to affect the daily life of the +people to any appreciable degree. That which occupies the attention of +the savage mind relates to the pleasures and pains, the joys and sorrows +of present existence. + +Perhaps the chief motive is derived from the consideration of health and +disease, as the pleasures and pains arising therefrom are forever +present to the experience or observation. Good and evil are also +involved in those gifts of nature to man by which his biotic life is +sustained, his food, drink, clothing and shelter. These bounties come +not in a never-changing stream, but are apparently fitful and +capricious. Seasons of plenty are accented by seasons of scarcity, and +thus prosperity and adversity are strangely commingled in the history of +the people. To secure this prosperity and avert this adversity seems to +be the second great motive in the development of the superstitious +practices of the people. A third occasion for the development of this +primitive religion inheres in the social organization of mankind, +primarily expressed in the love of man and woman for each other, but +finally expressed in all the relations of kin and kith and in the +relations of tribe with tribe. This gives rise to a very important +development of primitive religion, for the savage man seeks to discover +by occult agencies the power of controlling the love and good will of +his kind and the power of averting the effect of enmity. To attain these +ends he invents a vast system of devices, from love philters to war +dances. A fourth region of exploitation in the realm of the esoteric +relates to the origin of life itself, as many of their practices are +designed to secure perpetuity of life by frequent births and less +painful throes. + +It will thus be seen that life, health, prosperity, and peace are the +ends sought in all this region of human activity as they are presented +in the study of savage life. The opinions held by the people on these +subjects are primarily expressed in speech and organized into tales, +which constitute mythology, and they are expressed in acts, as +ceremonies and observances, which constitute their religion, their +medicine, and their esthetic arts. These arts consist of sculpture and +painting, by which their mythic beings are represented, and they also +consist of dancing, by which religious fervor is produced, and they give +rise to music, romance, poetry, and drama. Thus it is that the esthetic +arts have their origin in mythology. The epic poem and the symphony are +lineal descendants of the dance, and the dance arises as the first form +of worship, born of the mythic conception of the powers of nature. + + +THE MIDĒ´WIWIN, OR GRAND MEDICINE SOCIETY OF THE OJIBWA, BY W. J. +HOFFMAN, AND THE SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES, BY JAMES MOONEY. + +Mr. Hoffman presents a paper on the “Midē´wiwin, or Grand Medicine +Society of the Ojibwa,” and sets forth the vestiges of a once powerful +organization existing among these people. Mr. Mooney has made a study of +the Cherokee with the same end in view. In the opinion of the Director +they are important contributions to this subject. The same lines of +investigation have been carried on by other members of the Bureau with +other tribes where societies and practices have been but little modified +by the contact of the white man, and where the subject is therefore much +more plainly arrayed. In due time these additional researches will be +published. + +In Mr. Hoffman’s paper it is seen that two and a half centuries of +association with the white man has not only served to break down this +organization to some extent, but has also inculcated in the minds of the +Ojibwa a clearer conception of a Great Spirit and a future life than is +normal to the savage mind. Mr. Mooney, whose paper largely deals with +the use of plants by the Indians for the healing of disease, naïvely +compares the pharmacopoeia of savagery with that of civilization, +assuming that the latter is a standard of scientific truth. Perchance +scientific men will make one step in advance of this position, and will +be interested in discovering the extent to which savage philosophy is +still represented in civilized materia medica as expressed in officinal +formulas. + +A word in relation to the dramatis personæ of Indian mythology. In all +those mythologies which have been studied with any degree of care up to +the present time zoic deities greatly prevail, the progenitors and +prototypes of the animals of the land, air, and water; yet there are +other deities. Chief among these are the sun, moon, stars, fire, and the +spirits of mountains and other geographical and natural phenomena. Yet +these beings are largely zoomorphic, being considered rather as mythic +animals than as mythic men; but it must be understood that the line of +demarcation between man and the lower animals is not so clearly +presented to the savage mind as to the civilized mind. In speaking of +the theology of the North American Indians as being zoomorphic it must +therefore be understood to mean that such is its chief characteristic, +but not its exclusive characteristic; and further, it must be understood +that it contains by survival many elements from an earlier condition in +which hecastotheism prevailed, that is, that the form of philosophy +known as animism was generally accepted, and that psychic life, with +feeling, thought, and will, was attributed to inanimate things. But more +than this, zootheism is not a permanent state of philosophy, but only a +stepping-stone to something higher. That something higher may be +denominated physitheism, or the worship of the powers and more obtrusive +phenomena of nature. In this higher state the sun, the planets, the +stars, the winds, the storms, the rainbow, and fire take the leading +part. The beginnings of this higher state are to be observed in many of +the mythologies of North America. It is worthy of remark that a +mythology with its religion subject to the influences of an overwhelming +civilization yields first in its zoomorphic elements. Zoic mythology +soon degenerates into folk tales of beasts, to be recited by crones to +children or told by garrulous old men as amusing stories inherited from +past generations; while physitheism is more often incorporated into the +compound of paganism and Christianity now held by the more advanced +tribes. Notwithstanding this general tendency, zootheism is often, +though not to so great an extent, compounded in the same way. The study +of this stage of mythology, and of the arts and customs arising +therefrom, as they are exhibited among the North American Indians, will +ultimately throw a flood of light upon that later stage known as +physitheism, or nature worship, now the subject of investigation by an +army of Aryan scholars. + + + + +FINANCIAL STATEMENT. + + +_Table showing amounts appropriated and expended for North American +ethnology for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1886._ + + --------------------------------------+-----------+--------------- + Expenses. | Amount | Amount + | expended. | appropriated. + --------------------------------------+-----------+--------------- + | | + Services |$31,287.93 | + Traveling expenses | 2,070.71 | + Transportation of property | 478.91 | + Field subsistence | 284.99 | + Field expenses and supplies | 360.32 | + Field material | 163.61 | + Modeling material | 63.11 | + Photographic material | 34.44 | + Books and maps | 469.69 | + Stationery and drawing material | 169.44 | + Illustrations for reports | 289.65 | + Goods for distribution to Indians | 767.82 | + Office furniture | 12.00 | + Office supplies and repairs | 63.56 | + Correspondence | 13.87 | + Specimens | 800.00 | + Bonded railroad accounts forwarded to | | + Treasury for settlement | 103.84 | + Balance on hand to meet outstanding | | + liabilities | 2,566.11 | + +-----------+--------------- + Total | 40,000.00 | $40,000.00 + --------------------------------------+-----------+--------------- + + * * * * * + * * * * + +Errata for Introduction: + + General Table of Contents: + + Adaizen + Yokonan + [_spellings unchanged; Linguistic Families article and general + Index both have “Adaizan”, “Yakonan”_] + + expressed in officinal formulas. [_not an error_] + + + * * * * * + * * * * + * * * * * + + + ACCOMPANYING PAPERS. + + + * * * * * + + + INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES OF AMERICA + + NORTH OF MEXICO. + + + by + J. W. POWELL. + + + * * * * * + + + CONTENTS. + + Nomenclature of linguistic families 7 + Literature relating to the classification of + Indian languages 12 + Linguistic map 25 + Indian tribes sedentary 30 + Population 33 + Tribal land 40 + Village sites 40 + Agricultural land 41 + Hunting claims 42 + Summary of deductions 44 + Linguistic families 45 + Adaizan family 45 + Algonquian family 47 + Algonquian area 47 + Principal Algonquian tribes 48 + Population 48 + Athapascan family 51 + Boundaries 52 + Northern group 53 + Pacific group 53 + Southern group 54 + Principal tribes 55 + Population 55 + Attacapan family 56 + Beothuakan family 57 + Geographic distribution 58 + Caddoan family 58 + Northern group 60 + Middle group 60 + Southern group 60 + Principal tribes 61 + Population 62 + Chimakuan family 62 + Principal tribes 63 + Chimarikan family 63 + Principal tribes 63 + Chimmesyan family 63 + Principal tribes or villages 64 + Population 64 + Chinookan family 65 + Principal tribes 66 + Population 66 + Chitimachan family 66 + Chumashan family 67 + Population 68 + Coahuiltecan family 68 + Principal tribes 69 + Copehan family 69 + Geographic distribution 69 + Principal tribes 70 + Costanoan family 70 + Geographic distribution 71 + Population 71 + Eskimauan family 71 + Geographic distribution 72 + Principal tribes and villages 74 + Population 74 + Esselenian family 75 + Iroquoian family 76 + Geographic distribution 77 + Principal tribes 79 + Population 79 + Kalapooian family 81 + Principal tribes 82 + Population 82 + Karankawan family 82 + Keresan family 83 + Villages 83 + Population 83 + Kiowan family 84 + Population 84 + Kitunahan family 85 + Tribes 85 + Population 85 + Koluschan family 85 + Tribes 87 + Population 87 + Kulanapan family 87 + Geographic distribution 88 + Tribes 88 + Kusan family 89 + Tribes 89 + Population 89 + Lutuamian family 89 + Tribes 90 + Population 90 + Mariposan family 90 + Geographic distribution 91 + Tribes 91 + Population 91 + Moquelumnan family 92 + Geographic distribution 93 + Principal tribes 93 + Population 93 + Muskhogean family 94 + Geographic distribution 94 + Principal tribes 95 + Population 95 + Natchesan family 95 + Principal tribes 97 + Population 97 + Palaihnihan family 97 + Geographic distribution 98 + Principal tribes 98 + Piman family 98 + Principal tribes 99 + Population 99 + Pujunan family 99 + Geographic distribution 100 + Principal tribes 100 + Quoratean family 100 + Geographic distribution 101 + Tribes 101 + Population 101 + Salinan family 101 + Population 102 + Salishan family 102 + Geographic distribution 104 + Principal tribes 104 + Population 105 + Sastean family 105 + Geographic distribution 106 + Shahaptian family 106 + Geographic distribution 107 + Principal tribes and population 107 + Shoshonean family 108 + Geographic distribution 109 + Principal tribes and population 110 + Siouan family 111 + Geographic distribution 112 + Principal tribes 114 + Population 116 + Skittagetan family 118 + Geographic distribution 120 + Principal tribes 120 + Population 121 + Takilman family 121 + Geographic distribution 121 + Tañoan family 121 + Geographic distribution 122 + Population 123 + Timuquanan family 123 + Geographic distribution 123 + Principal tribes 124 + Tonikan family 125 + Geographic distribution 125 + Tonkawan family 125 + Geographic distribution 125 + Uchean family 126 + Geographic distribution 126 + Population 127 + Waiilatpuan family 127 + Geographic distribution 127 + Principal tribes 127 + Population 128 + Wakashan family 128 + Geographic distribution 130 + Principal Aht tribes 130 + Population 130 + Principal Haeltzuk tribes 131 + Population 131 + Washoan family 131 + Weitspekan family 131 + Geographic distribution 132 + Tribes 132 + Wishoskan family 132 + Geographic distribution 133 + Tribes 133 + Yakonan family 133 + Geographic distribution 134 + Tribes 134 + Population 135 + Yanan family 135 + Geographic distribution 135 + Yukian family 135 + Geographic distribution 136 + Yuman family 136 + Geographic distribution 137 + Principal tribes 138 + Population 138 + Zuñian family 138 + Geographic distribution 139 + Population 139 + Concluding remarks 139 + + +ILLUSTRATION + + Plate I. Map. Linguistic stocks of North America north of Mexico. + In pocket at end of volume + +[Transcriber’s Note: + +The Map is available in the “images” directory accompanying the html +version of this file. There are two sizes in addition to the thumbnail: + + mapsmall.jpg: 615×732 pixels (about 9×11 in / 23×28 cm, 168K) + maplarge.jpg: 1521×1818 pixels (about 22×27 in / 56×70 cm, 1MB)] + + + * * * * * + + + INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. + + By J. W. POWELL. + + + * * * * * + + + NOMENCLATURE OF LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. + + +The languages spoken by the pre-Columbian tribes of North America were +many and diverse. Into the regions occupied by these tribes travelers, +traders, and missionaries have penetrated in advance of civilization, +and civilization itself has marched across the continent at a rapid +rate. Under these conditions the languages of the various tribes have +received much study. Many extensive works have been published, +embracing grammars and dictionaries; but a far greater number of minor +vocabularies have been collected and very many have been published. In +addition to these, the Bible, in whole or in part, and various religious +books and school books, have been translated into Indian tongues to be +used for purposes of instruction; and newspapers have been published in +the Indian languages. Altogether the literature of these languages and +that relating to them are of vast extent. + +While the materials seem thus to be abundant, the student of Indian +languages finds the subject to be one requiring most thoughtful +consideration, difficulties arising from the following conditions: + +(1) A great number of linguistic stocks or families are discovered. + +(2) The boundaries between the different stocks of languages are not +immediately apparent, from the fact that many tribes of diverse stocks +have had more or less association, and to some extent linguistic +materials have been borrowed, and thus have passed out of the exclusive +possession of cognate peoples. + +(3) Where many peoples, each few in number, are thrown together, an +intertribal language is developed. To a large extent this is gesture +speech; but to a limited extent useful and important words are adopted +by various tribes, and out of this material an intertribal “jargon” is +established. Travelers and all others who do not thoroughly study a +language are far more likely to acquire this jargon speech than the real +speech of the people; and the tendency to base relationship upon such +jargons has led to confusion. + +(4) This tendency to the establishment of intertribal jargons was +greatly accelerated on the advent of the white man, for thereby many +tribes were pushed from their ancestral homes and tribes were mixed with +tribes. As a result, new relations and new industries, especially of +trade, were established, and the new associations of tribe with tribe +and of the Indians with Europeans led very often to the development of +quite elaborate jargon languages. All of these have a tendency to +complicate the study of the Indian tongues by comparative methods. + +The difficulties inherent in the study of languages, together with the +imperfect material and the complicating conditions that have arisen by +the spread of civilization over the country, combine to make the problem +one not readily solved. + +In view of the amount of material on hand, the comparative study of the +languages of North America has been strangely neglected, though perhaps +this is explained by reason of the difficulties which have been pointed +out. And the attempts which have been made to classify them has given +rise to much confusion, for the following reasons: First, later authors +have not properly recognized the work of earlier laborers in the field. +Second, the attempt has more frequently been made to establish an ethnic +classification than a linguistic classification, and linguistic +characteristics have been confused with biotic peculiarities, arts, +habits, customs, and other human activities, so that radical differences +of language have often been ignored and slight differences have been +held to be of primary value. + +The attempts at a classification of these languages and a corresponding +classification of races have led to the development of a complex, mixed, +and inconsistent synonymy, which must first be unraveled and a selection +of standard names made therefrom according to fixed principles. + +It is manifest that until proper rules are recognized by scholars the +establishment of a determinate nomenclature is impossible. It will +therefore be well to set forth the rules that have here been adopted, +together with brief reasons for the same, with the hope that they will +commend themselves to the judgment of other persons engaged in +researches relating to the languages of North America. + +A fixed nomenclature in biology has been found not only to be +advantageous, but to be a prerequisite to progress in research, as the +vast multiplicity of facts, still ever accumulating, would otherwise +overwhelm the scholar. In philological classification fixity of +nomenclature is of corresponding importance; and while the analogies +between linguistic and biotic classification are quite limited, many of +the principles of nomenclature which biologists have adopted having no +application in philology, still in some important particulars the +requirements of all scientific classifications are alike, and though +many of the nomenclatural points met with in biology will not occur in +philology, some of them do occur and may be governed by the same rules. + +Perhaps an ideal nomenclature in biology may some time be established, +as attempts have been made to establish such a system in chemistry; and +possibly such an ideal system may eventually be established in +philology. Be that as it may, the time has not yet come even for its +suggestion. What is now needed is a rule of some kind leading scholars +to use the same terms for the same things, and it would seem to matter +little in the case of linguistic stocks what the nomenclature is, +provided it becomes denotive and universal. + +In treating of the languages of North America it has been suggested that +the names adopted should be the names by which the people recognize +themselves, but this is a rule of impossible application, for where the +branches of a stock diverge very greatly no common name for the people +can be found. Again, it has been suggested that names which are to go +permanently into science should be simple and euphonic. This also is +impossible of application, for simplicity and euphony are largely +questions of personal taste, and he who has studied many languages loses +speedily his idiosyncrasies of likes and dislikes and learns that words +foreign to his vocabulary are not necessarily barbaric. + +Biologists have decided that he who first distinctly characterizes and +names a species or other group shall thereby cause the name thus used to +become permanently affixed, but under certain conditions adapted to a +growing science which is continually revising its classifications. This +law of priority may well be adopted by philologists. + +By the application of the law of priority it will occasionally happen +that a name must be taken which is not wholly unobjectionable or which +could be much improved. But if names may be modified for any reason, the +extent of change that may be wrought in this manner is unlimited, and +such modifications would ultimately become equivalent to the +introduction of new names, and a fixed nomenclature would thereby be +overthrown. The rule of priority has therefore been adopted. + +Permanent biologic nomenclature dates from the time of Linnæus simply +because this great naturalist established the binominal system and +placed scientific classification upon a sound and enduring basis. As +Linnæus is to be regarded as the founder of biologic classification, so +Gallatin may be considered the founder of systematic philology relating +to the North American Indians. Before his time much linguistic work had +been accomplished, and scholars owe a lasting debt of gratitude to +Barton, Adelung, Pickering, and others. But Gallatin’s work marks an era +in American linguistic science from the fact that he so thoroughly +introduced comparative methods, and because he circumscribed the +boundaries of many families, so that a large part of his work remains +and is still to be considered sound. There is no safe resting place +anterior to Gallatin, because no scholar prior to his time had properly +adopted comparative methods of research, and because no scholar was +privileged to work with so large a body of material. It must further be +said of Gallatin that he had a very clear conception of the task he was +performing, and brought to it both learning and wisdom. Gallatin’s work +has therefore been taken as the starting point, back of which we may not +go in the historic consideration of the systematic philology of North +America. The point of departure therefore is the year 1836, when +Gallatin’s “Synopsis of Indian Tribes” appeared in vol. 2 of the +Transactions of the American Antiquarian Society. + +It is believed that a name should be simply a denotive word, and that no +advantage can accrue from a descriptive or connotive title. It is +therefore desirable to have the names as simple as possible, consistent +with other and more important considerations. For this reason it has +been found impracticable to recognize as family names designations based +on several distinct terms, such as descriptive phrases, and words +compounded from two or more geographic names. Such phrases and compound +words have been rejected. + +There are many linguistic families in North America, and in a number of +them there are many tribes speaking diverse languages. It is important, +therefore, that some form should be given to the family name by which it +may be distinguished from the name of a single tribe or language. In +many cases some one language within a stock has been taken as the type +and its name given to the entire family; so that the name of a language +and that of the stock to which it belongs are identical. This is +inconvenient and leads to confusion. For such reasons it has been +decided to give each family name the termination “an” or “ian.” + +Conforming to the principles thus enunciated, the following rules have +been formulated: + + I. The law of priority relating to the nomenclature of the + systematic philology of the North American tribes shall not extend + to authors whose works are of date anterior to the year 1836. + + II. The name originally given by the founder of a linguistic group + to designate it as a family or stock of languages shall be + permanently retained to the exclusion of all others. + + III. No family name shall be recognized if composed of more than one + word. + + IV. A family name once established shall not be canceled in any + subsequent division of the group, but shall be retained in a + restricted sense for one of its constituent portions. + + V. Family names shall be distinguished as such by the termination + “an” or “ian.” + + VI. No name shall be accepted for a linguistic family unless used to + designate a tribe or group of tribes as a linguistic stock. + + VII. No family name shall be accepted unless there is given the + habitat of tribe or tribes to which it is applied. + + VIII. The original orthography of a name shall be rigidly preserved + except as provided for in rule III, and unless a typographical error + is evident. + +The terms “family” and “stock” are here applied interchangeably to a +group of languages that are supposed to be cognate. + +A single language is called a stock or family when it is not found to be +cognate with any other language. Languages are said to be cognate when +such relations between them are found that they are supposed to have +descended from a common ancestral speech. The evidence of cognation is +derived exclusively from the vocabulary. Grammatic similarities are not +supposed to furnish evidence of cognation, but to be phenomena, in part +relating to stage of culture and in part adventitious. It must be +remembered that extreme peculiarities of grammar, like the vocal +mutations of the Hebrew or the monosyllabic separation of the Chinese, +have not been discovered among Indian tongues. It therefore becomes +necessary in the classification of Indian languages into families to +neglect grammatic structure, and to consider lexical elements only. But +this statement must be clearly understood. It is postulated that in the +growth of languages new words are formed by combination, and that these +new words change by attrition to secure economy of utterance, and also +by assimilation (analogy) for economy of thought. In the comparison of +languages for the purposes of systematic philology it often becomes +necessary to dismember compounded words for the purpose of comparing the +more primitive forms thus obtained. The paradigmatic words considered in +grammatic treatises may often be the very words which should be +dissected to discover in their elements primary affinities. But the +comparison is still lexic, not grammatic. + +A lexic comparison is between vocal elements; a grammatic comparison is +between grammatic methods, such, for example, as gender systems. The +classes into which things are relegated by distinction of gender may be +animate and inanimate, and the animate may subsequently be divided into +male and female, and these two classes may ultimately absorb, in part at +least, inanimate things. The growth of a system of genders may take +another course. The animate and inanimate may be subdivided into the +standing, the sitting, and the lying, or into the moving, the erect and +the reclined; or, still further, the superposed classification may be +based upon the supposed constitution of things, as the fleshy, the +woody, the rocky, the earthy, the watery. Thus the number of genders may +increase, while further on in the history of a language the genders may +decrease so as almost to disappear. All of these characteristics are in +part adventitious, but to a large extent the gender is a phenomenon of +growth, indicating the stage to which the language has attained. A +proper case system may not have been established in a language by the +fixing of case particles, or, having been established, it may change by +the increase or diminution of the number of cases. A tense system also +has a beginning, a growth, and a decadence. A mode system is variable in +the various stages of the history of a language. In like manner a +pronominal system undergoes changes. Particles may be prefixed, infixed, +or affixed in compounded words, and which one of these methods will +finally prevail can be determined only in the later stage of growth. All +of these things are held to belong to the grammar of a language and to +be grammatic methods, distinct from lexical elements. + +With terms thus defined, languages are supposed to be cognate when +fundamental similarities are discovered in their lexical elements. When +the members of a family of languages are to be classed in subdivisions +and the history of such languages investigated, grammatic +characteristics become of primary importance. The words of a language +change by the methods described, but the fundamental elements or roots +are more enduring. Grammatic methods also change, perhaps even more +rapidly than words, and the changes may go on to such an extent that +primitive methods are entirely lost, there being no radical grammatic +elements to be preserved. Grammatic structure is but a phase or accident +of growth, and not a primordial element of language. The roots of a +language are its most permanent characteristics, and while the words +which are formed from them may change so as to obscure their elements or +in some cases even to lose them, it seems that they are never lost from +all, but can be recovered in large part. The grammatic structure or plan +of a language is forever changing, and in this respect the language may +become entirely transformed. + + + * * * * * + + + LITERATURE RELATING TO THE CLASSIFICATION + + OF INDIAN LANGUAGES. + + +While the literature relating to the languages of North America is very +extensive, that which relates to their classification is much less +extensive. For the benefit of future students in this line it is thought +best to present a concise account of such literature, or at least so +much as has been consulted in the preparation of this paper. + + 1836. Gallatin (Albert). + + A synopsis of the Indian tribes within the United States east of the + Rocky Mountains, and in the British and Russian possessions in North + America. In Transactions and Collections of the American Antiquarian + Society (Archæologia Americana) Cambridge, 1836, vol. 2. + +The larger part of the volume consists of Gallatin’s paper. A short +chapter is devoted to general observations, including certain historical +data, and the remainder to the discussion of linguistic material and the +affinities of the various tribes mentioned. Vocabularies of many of the +families are appended. Twenty-eight linguistic divisions are recognized +in the general table of the tribes. Some of these divisions are purely +geographic, such as the tribes of Salmon River, Queen Charlotte’s +Island, etc. Vocabularies from these localities were at hand, but of +their linguistic relations the author was not sufficiently assured. Most +of the linguistic families recognized by Gallatin were defined with much +precision. Not all of his conclusions are to be accepted in the presence +of the data now at hand, but usually they were sound, as is attested by +the fact that they have constituted the basis for much classificatory +work since his time. + +The primary, or at least the ostensible, purpose of the colored map +which accompanies Gallatin’s paper was, as indicated by its title, to +show the distribution of the tribes, and accordingly their names appear +upon it, and not the names of the linguistic families. Nevertheless, it +is practically a map of the linguistic families as determined by the +author, and it is believed to be the first attempted for the area +represented. Only eleven of the twenty-eight families named in this +table appear, and these represent the families with which he was best +acquainted. As was to be expected from the early period at which the map +was constructed, much of the western part of the United States was left +uncolored. Altogether the map illustrates well the state of knowledge of +the time. + + 1840. Bancroft (George). + + History of the colonization of the United States, Boston. 1840, + vol. 3. + +In Chapter XXII of this volume the author gives a brief synopsis of the +Indian tribes east of the Mississippi, under a linguistic +classification, and adds a brief account of the character and methods of +Indian languages. A linguistic map of the region is incorporated, which +in general corresponds with the one published by Gallatin in 1836. A +notable addition to the Gallatin map is the inclusion of the Uchees in +their proper locality. Though considered a distinct family by Gallatin, +this tribe does not appear upon his map. Moreover, the Choctaws and +Muskogees, which appear as separate families upon Gallatin’s map (though +believed by that author to belong to the same family), are united upon +Bancroft’s map under the term Mobilian. + +The linguistic families treated of are, I. Algonquin, II. Sioux or +Dahcota, III. Huron-Iroquois, IV. Catawba, V. Cherokee, VI. Uchee, VII. +Natchez, VIII. Mobilian. + + 1841. Scouler (John). + + Observations of the indigenous tribes of the northwest coast of + America. In Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London. + London, 1841, vol. 11. + +The chapter cited is short, but long enough to enable the author to +construct a very curious classification of the tribes of which he +treats. In his account Scouler is guided chiefly, to use his own words, +“by considerations founded on their physical character, manners and +customs, and on the affinities of their languages.” As the linguistic +considerations are mentioned last, so they appear to be the least +weighty of his “considerations.” + +Scouler’s definition of a family is very broad indeed, and in his +“Northern Family,” which is a branch of his “Insular Group,” he includes +such distinct linguistic stocks as “all the Indian tribes in the Russian +territory,” the Queen Charlotte Islanders, Koloshes, Ugalentzes, Atnas, +Kolchans, Kenáïes, Tun Ghaase, Haidahs, and Chimmesyans. His +Nootka-Columbian family is scarcely less incongruous, and it is evident +that the classification indicated is only to a comparatively slight +extent linguistic. + + 1846. Hale (Horatio). + + United States exploring expedition, during the years 1838, 1839, 1840, + 1841, 1842, under the command of Charles Wilkes, U.S. Navy, vol. 6, + ethnography and philology. Philadelphia, 1846. + +In addition to a large amount of ethnographic data derived from the +Polynesian Islands, Micronesian Islands, Australia, etc., more than +one-half of this important volume is devoted to philology, a large share +relating to the tribes of northwestern America. + +The vocabularies collected by Hale, and the conclusions derived by him +from study of them, added much to the previous knowledge of the +languages of these tribes. His conclusions and classification were in +the main accepted by Gallatin in his linguistic writings of 1848. + + 1846. Latham (Robert Gordon). + + Miscellaneous contributions to the ethnography of North America. In + Proceedings of the Philological Society of London. London, 1816, + vol. 2. + +In this article, which was read before the Philological Society, January +24, 1845, a large number of North American languages are examined and +their affinities discussed in support of the two following postulates +made at the beginning of the paper: First, “No American language has an +isolated position when compared with the other tongues en masse rather +than with the language of any particular class;” second, “The affinities +between the language of the New World, as determined by their +_vocabularies_, is not less real than that inferred from the analogies +of their _grammatical structure_.” The author’s conclusions are that +both statements are substantiated by the evidence presented. The paper +contains no new family names. + + 1847. Prichard (James Cowles). + + Researches into the physical history of mankind (third edition), vol. + 5, containing researches into the history of the Oceanic and of the + American nations. London, 1847. + +It was the purpose of this author, as avowed by himself, to determine +whether the races of men are the cooffspring of a single stock or have +descended respectively from several original families. Like other +authors on this subject, his theory of what should constitute a race was +not clearly defined. The scope of the inquiry required the consideration +of a great number of subjects and led to the accumulation of a vast body +of facts. In volume 5 the author treats of the American Indians, and in +connection with the different tribes has something to say of their +languages. No attempt at an original classification is made, and in the +main the author follows Gallatin’s classification and adopts his +conclusions. + + 1848. Gallatin (Albert). + + Hale’s Indians of Northwest America, and vocabularies of North + America, with an introduction. In Transactions of the American + Ethnological Society, New York, 1848, vol. 2. + +The introduction consists of a number of chapters, as follows: First, +Geographical notices and Indian means of subsistence; second, Ancient +semi-civilization of New Mexico, Rio Gila and its vicinity; third, +Philology; fourth, Addenda and miscellaneous. In these are brought +together much valuable information, and many important deductions are +made which illustrate Mr. Gallatin’s great acumen. The classification +given is an amplification of that adopted in 1836, and contains changes +and additions. The latter mainly result from a consideration of the +material supplied by Mr. Hale, or are simply taken from his work. + +The groups additional to those contained in the Archæologia Americana +are: + + 1. Arrapahoes. + 2. Jakon. + 3. Kalapuya. + 4. Kitunaha. + 5. Lutuami. + 6. Palainih. + 7. Sahaptin. + 8. Selish (Tsihaili-Selish). + 9. Saste. + 10. Waiilatpu. + + 1848, Latham (Robert Gordon). + + On the languages of the Oregon Territory. In Journal of the + Ethnological Society of London, Edinburgh, 1848, vol. 1. + +This paper was read before the Ethnological Society on the 11th of +December. The languages noticed are those that lie between “Russian +America and New California,” of which the author aims to give an +exhaustive list. He discusses the value of the groups to which these +languages have been assigned, viz, Athabascan and Nootka-Columbian, and +finds that they have been given too high value, and that they are only +equivalent to the primary subdivisions of _stocks_, like the Gothic, +Celtic, and Classical, rather than to the stocks themselves. He further +finds that the Athabascan, the Kolooch, the Nootka-Columbian, and the +Cadiak groups are subordinate members of one large and important +class--the Eskimo. + +No new linguistic groups are presented. + + 1848. Latham (Robert Gordon). + + On the ethnography of Russian America. In Journal of the Ethnological + Society of London, Edinburgh, 1848, vol. 1. + +This essay was read before the Ethnological Society February 19, 1845. +Brief notices are given of the more important tribes, and the languages +are classed in two groups, the Eskimaux and the Kolooch. Each of these +groups is found to have affinities-- + +(1) With the Athabascan tongues, and perhaps equal affinities. + +(2) Each has affinities with the Oregon languages, and each perhaps +equally. + +(3) Each has definite affinities with the languages of New California, +and each perhaps equal ones. + +(4) Each has miscellaneous affinities with all the other tongues of +North and South America. + + 1848. Berghaus (Heinrich). + + Physikalischer Atlas oder Sammlung von Karten, auf denen die + hauptsächlichsten erscheinungen der anorganischen und organischen + Natur nach ihrer geographischen Verbreitung und Vertheilung bildlich + dargestellt sind. Zweiter Band, Gotha, 1848. + +This, the first edition of this well known atlas, contains, among other +maps, an ethnographic map of North America, made in 1845. It is based, +as is stated, upon material derived from Gallatin, Humboldt, Clavigero, +Hervas, Vater, and others. So far as the eastern part of the United +States is concerned it is largely a duplication of Gallatin’s map of +1836, while in the western region a certain amount of new material is +incorporated. + +1852. In the edition of 1852 the ethnographic map bears date of 1851. +Its eastern portion is substantially a copy of the earlier edition, but +its western half is materially changed, chiefly in accordance with the +knowledge supplied by Hall in 1848. + +Map number 72 of the last edition of Berghaus by no means marks an +advance upon the edition of 1852. Apparently the number of families is +much reduced, but it is very difficult to interpret the meaning of the +author, who has attempted on the same map to indicate linguistic +divisions and tribal habitats with the result that confusion is made +worse confounded. + + 1853. Gallatin (Albert). + + Classification of the Indian Languages; a letter inclosing a table of + generic Indian Families of languages. In Information respecting the + History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United + States, by Henry E. Schoolcraft. Philadelphia, 1853, vol. 3. + +This short paper by Gallatin consists of a letter addressed to W. +Medill, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, requesting his cooperation in an +endeavor to obtain vocabularies to assist in a more complete study of +the grammar and structure of the languages of the Indians of North +America. It is accompanied by a “Synopsis of Indian Tribes,” giving the +families and tribes so far as known. In the main the classification is a +repetition of that of 1848, but it differs from that in a number of +particulars. Two of the families of 1848 do not appear in this paper, +viz, Arapaho and Kinai. Queen Charlotte Island, employed as a family +name in 1848, is placed under the Wakash family, while the Skittagete +language, upon which the name Queen Charlotte Island was based in 1848, +is here given as a family designation for the language spoken at “Sitka, +bet. 52 and 59 lat.” The following families appear which are not +contained in the list of 1848: + + 1. Cumanches. + 2. Gros Ventres. + 3. Kaskaias. + 4. Kiaways. + 5. Natchitoches. + 6. Pani, Towiacks. + 7. Ugaljachmatzi. + + 1853. Gibbs (George). + + Observations on some of the Indian dialects of northern California. In + Information respecting the History, Condition, and Prospects of the + Indian tribes of the United States, by Henry E. Schoolcraft. + Philadelphia, 1853, vol. 3. + +The “Observations” are introductory to a series of vocabularies +collected in northern California, and treat of the method employed in +collecting them and of the difficulties encountered. They also contain +notes on the tribes speaking the several languages as well as on the +area covered. There is comparatively little of a classificatory nature, +though in one instance the name Quoratem is proposed as a proper one for +the family “should it be held one.” + + 1854. Latham (Robert Gordon). + + On the languages of New California. In Proceedings of the Philological + Society of London for 1852 and 1853. London, 1854, vol. 6. + +Read before the Philological Society, May 13, 1853. A number of +languages are examined in this paper for the purpose of determining the +stocks to which they belong and the mutual affinities of the latter. +Among the languages mentioned are the Saintskla, Umkwa, Lutuami, Paduca, +Athabascan, Dieguno, and a number of the Mission languages. + + 1855. Lane (William Carr). + + Letter on affinities of dialects in New Mexico. In Information + respecting the History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian + tribes of the United States, by Henry R. Schoolcraft. Philadelphia, + 1855, vol. 5. + +The letter forms half a page of printed matter. The gist of the +communication is in effect that the author has heard it said that the +Indians of certain pueblos speak three different languages, which he has +heard called, respectively, (1) Chu-cha-cas and Kes-whaw-hay; (2) +E-nagh-magh; (3) Tay-waugh. This can hardly be called a classification, +though the arrangement of the pueblos indicated by Lane is quoted at +length by Keane in the Appendix to Stanford’s Compendium. + + 1856. Latham (Robert Gordon). + + On the languages of Northern, Western, and Central America. In + Transactions of the Philological Society of London, for 1856. London + [1857?]. + +This paper was read before the Philological Society May 9, 1856, and is +stated to be “a supplement to two well known contributions to American +philology by the late A. Gallatin.” + +So far as classification of North American languages goes, this is +perhaps the most important paper of Latham’s, as in it a number of new +names are proposed for linguistic groups, such as Copeh for the +Sacramento River tribes, Ehnik for the Karok tribes, Mariposa Group and +Mendocino Group for the Yokut and Pomo tribes respectively, Moquelumne +for the Mutsun, Pujuni for the Meidoo, Weitspek for the Eurocs. + + 1856. Turner (William Wadden). + + Report upon the Indian tribes, by Lieut. A. W. Whipple, Thomas + Ewbank, esq., and Prof. William W. Turner, Washington, D.C., + 1855. In Reports of Explorations and Surveys to ascertain the most + practicable and economical route for a railroad from the Mississippi + to the Pacific Ocean. Washington, 1856, vol. 3. part 3. + +Chapter V of the above report is headed “Vocabularies of North American +Languages,” and is by Turner, as is stated in a foot-note. Though the +title page of Part III is dated 1855, the chapter by Turner was not +issued till 1856, the date of the full volume, as is stated by Turner +on page 84. The following are the vocabularies given, with their +arrangement in families: + + I. Delaware. } + II. Shawnee. } Algonkin. + III. Choctaw. + IV. Kichai. } + V. Huéco. } Pawnee? + VI. Caddo. + VII. Comanche. } + VIII. Chemehuevi. } Shoshonee. + IX. Cahuillo. } + X. Kioway. + XI. Navajo. } + XII. Pinal Leño. } Apache. + XIII. Kiwomi. } + XIV. Cochitemi. } Keres. + XV. Acoma. } + XVI. Zuñi. + XVII. Pima. + XVIII. Cuchan. } + XIX. Coco-Maricopa. } + XX. Mojave. } Yuma. + XXI. Diegeno. } + +Several of the family names, viz, Keres, Kiowa, Yuma, and Zuñi, have +been adopted under the rules formulated above. + + 1858. Buschmann (Johann Carl Eduard). + + Die Völker und Sprachen Neu-Mexiko’s und der Westseite des britischen + Nordamerika’s, dargestellt von Hrn. Buschmann. In Abhandlungen (aus + dem Jahre 1857) der königlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu + Berlin. Berlin, 1858. + +This work contains a historic review of early discoveries in New Mexico +and of the tribes living therein, with such vocabularies as were +available at the time. On pages 315-414 the tribes of British America, +from about latitude 54° to 60°, are similarly treated, the various +discoveries being reviewed; also those on the North Pacific coast. Much +of the material should have been inserted in the volume of 1859 (which +was prepared in 1854), to which cross reference is frequently made, and +to which it stands in the nature of a supplement. + + 1859. Buschmann (Johann Carl Eduard). + + Die Spuren der aztekischen Sprache im nördlichen Mexico und höheren + amerikanischen Norden. Zugleich eine Musterung der Völker und + Sprachen des nördlichen Mexico’s und der Westseite Nordamerika’s von + Guadalaxara an bis zum Eismeer. In Abhandlungen aus dem Jahre 1854 + der königlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Berlin, 1859. + +The above, forming a second supplemental volume of the Transactions for +1854, is an extensive compilation of much previous literature treating +of the Indian tribes from the Arctic Ocean southward to Guadalajara, and +bears specially upon the Aztec language and its traces in the languages +of the numerous tribes scattered along the Pacific Ocean and inland +to the high plains. A large number of vocabularies and a vast amount +of linguistic material are here brought together and arranged in +a comprehensive manner to aid in the study attempted. In his +classification of the tribes east of the Rocky Mountains, Buschmann +largely followed Gallatin. His treatment of those not included in +Gallatin’s paper is in the main original. Many of the results obtained +may have been considered bold at the time of publication, but recent +philological investigations give evidence of the value of many of the +author’s conclusions. + + 1859. Kane (Paul). + + Wanderings of an artist among the Indians of North America from Canada + to Vancouver’s Island and Oregon through the Hudson’s Bay Company’s + territory and back again. London, 1859. + +The interesting account of the author’s travels among the Indians, +chiefly in the Northwest, and of their habits, is followed by a four +page supplement, giving the names, locations, and census of the tribes +of the Northwest coast. They are classified by language into Chymseyan, +including the Nass, Chymseyans, Skeena and Sabassas Indians, of whom +twenty-one tribes are given; Ha-eelb-zuk or Ballabola, including the +Milbank Sound Indians, with nine tribes; Klen-ekate, including twenty +tribes; Hai-dai, including the Kygargey and Queen Charlotte’s Island +Indians, nineteen tribes being enumerated; and Qua-colth, with +twenty-nine tribes. No statement of the origin of these tables is given, +and they reappear, with no explanation, in Schoolcraft’s Indian Tribes, +volume V, pp. 487-489. + +In his Queen Charlotte Islands, 1870, Dawson publishes the part of this +table relating to the Haida, with the statement that he received it from +Dr. W. F. Tolmie. The census was made in 1836-’41 by the late Mr. John +Work, who doubtless was the author of the more complete tables published +by Kane and Schoolcraft. + + 1862. Latham (Robert Gordon). + + Elements of comparative philology. London, 1862. + +The object of this volume is, as the author states in his preface, “to +lay before the reader the chief facts and the chief trains of reasoning +in Comparative Philology.” Among the great mass of material accumulated +for the purpose a share is devoted to the languages of North America. +The remarks under these are often taken verbatim from the author’s +earlier papers, to which reference has been made above, and the family +names and classification set forth in them are substantially repeated. + + 1862. Hayden (Ferdinand Vandeveer). + + Contributions to the ethnography and philology of the Indian tribes of + the Missouri Valley. Philadelphia, 1862. + +This is a valuable contribution to our knowledge of the Missouri River +tribes, made at a time when the information concerning them was none too +precise. The tribes treated of are classified as follows: + + I. Knisteneaux, or Crees. } + II. Blackfeet. } Algonkin Group, A. + III. Shyennes. } + IV. Arapohos. } Arapoho Group, B. + V. Atsinas. } + VI. Pawnees. } Pawnee Group, C. + VII. Arikaras. } + VIII. Dakotas. } + IX. Assiniboins. } + X. Crows. } + XI. Minnitarees. } Dakota Group, D. + XII. Mandans. } + XIII. Omahas. } + XIV. Iowas. } + + 1864. Orozco y Berra (Manuel). + + Geografía de las Lenguas y Carta Etnográfica de México Precedidas de + un ensayo de clasificacion de las mismas lenguas y de apuntes para + las inmigraciones de las tribus. Mexico, 1864. + +The work is divided into three parts. (1) Tentative classification of +the languages of Mexico; (2) notes on the immigration of the tribes of +Mexico; (3) geography of the languages of Mexico. + +The author states that he has no knowledge whatever of the languages he +treats of. All he attempts to do is to summarize the opinions of others. +His authorities were (1) writers on native grammars; (2) missionaries; +(3) persons who are reputed to be versed in such matters. He professes +to have used his own judgment only when these authorities left him free +to do so. + +His stated method in compiling the ethnographic map was to place before +him the map of a certain department, examine all his authorities bearing +on that department, and to mark with a distinctive color all localities +said to belong to a particular language. When this was done he drew a +boundary line around the area of that language. Examination of the map +shows that he has partly expressed on it the classification of languages +as given in the first part of his text, and partly limited himself to +indicating the geographic boundaries of languages, without, however, +giving the boundaries of all the languages mentioned in his lists. + + 1865. Pimentel (Francisco). + + Cuadro Descriptivo y Comparativo de las Lenguas Indígenas de México. + México, 1865. + +According to the introduction this work is divided into three parts: (1) +descriptive; (2) comparative; (3) critical. + +The author divides the treatment of each language into (1) its +mechanism; (2) its dictionary; (3) its grammar. By “mechanism” he means +pronunciation and composition; by “dictionary” he means the commonest or +most notable words. + +In the case of each language he states the localities where it is +spoken, giving a short sketch of its history, the explanation of its +etymology, and a list of such writers on that language as he has become +acquainted with. Then follows: “mechanism, dictionary, and grammar.” +Next he enumerates its dialects if there are any, and compares specimens +of them when he is able. He gives the Our Father when he can. + +Volume I (1862) contains introduction and twelve languages. Volume II +(1865) contains fourteen groups of languages, a vocabulary of the Opata +language, and an appendix treating of the Comanche, the Coahuilteco, and +various languages of upper California. + +Volume III (announced in preface of Volume II) is to contain the +“comparative part” (to be treated in the same “mixed” method as the +“descriptive part”), and a scientific classification of all the +languages spoken in Mexico. + +In the “critical part” (apparently dispersed through the other two +parts) the author intends to pass judgment on the merits of the +languages of Mexico, to point out their good qualities and their +defects. + + 1870. Dall (William Healey). + + On the distribution of the native tribes of Alaska and the adjacent + territory. In Proceedings of the American Association for the + Advancement of Science. Cambridge, 1870, vol. 18. + +In this important paper is presented much interesting information +concerning the inhabitants of Alaska and adjacent territories. The +natives are divided into two groups, the Indians of the interior, and +the inhabitants of the coast, or Esquimaux. The latter are designated by +the term Orarians, which are composed of three lesser groups, Eskimo, +Aleutians, and Tuski. The Orarians are distinguished, first, by their +language; second, by their distribution; third, by their habits; fourth, +by their physical characteristics. + + 1870. Dall (William Healey). + + Alaska and its Resources. Boston, 1870. + +The classification followed is practically the same as is given in the +author’s article in the Proceedings of the American Association for the +Advancement of Science. + + 1877. Dall (William Healey). + + Tribes of the extreme northwest. In Contributions to North American + Ethnology (published by United States Geographical and Geological + Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region). Washington, 1877, vol. 1. + +This is an amplification of the paper published in the Proceedings of +the American Association, as above cited. The author states that +“numerous additions and corrections, as well as personal observations of +much before taken at second hand, have placed it in my power to enlarge +and improve my original arrangement.” + +In this paper the Orarians are divided into “two well marked groups,” +the Innuit, comprising all the so-called Eskimo and Tuskis, and the +Aleuts. The paper proper is followed by an appendix by Gibbs and Dall, +in which are presented a series of vocabularies from the northwest, +including dialects of the Tlinkit and Haida nations, T’sim-si-ans, and +others. + + 1877. Gibbs (George). + + Tribes of Western Washington and Northwestern Oregon. In Contributions + to North American Ethnology. Washington, 1887, vol. 1. + +This is a valuable article, and gives many interesting particulars of +the tribes of which it treats. References are here and there made to the +languages of the several tribes, with, however, no attempt at their +classification. A table follows the report, in which is given by Dall, +after Gibbs, a classification of the tribes mentioned by Gibbs. Five +families are mentioned, viz: Nūtka, Sahaptin, Tinneh, Selish, and +T’sinūk. The comparative vocabularies follow Part II. + + 1877. Powers (Stephen). + + Tribes of California. In Contributions to North American Ethnology. + Washington, 1877, vol. 3. + +The extended paper on the Californian tribes which makes up the bulk of +this volume is the most important contribution to the subject ever made. +The author’s unusual opportunities for personal observation among these +tribes were improved to the utmost and the result is a comparatively +full and comprehensive account of their habits and character. + +Here and there are allusions to the languages spoken, with reference to +the families to which the tribes belong. No formal classification is +presented. + + 1877. Powell (John Wesley). + + Appendix. Linguistics edited by J. W. Powell. In Contributions to + North American Ethnology. Washington, 1877, vol. 3. + +This appendix consists of a series of comparative vocabularies collected +by Powers, Gibbs and others, classified into linguistic families, as +follows: + + Family. + 1. Ká-rok. + 2. Yú-rok. + 3. Chim-a-rí-ko. + 4. Wish-osk. + 5. Yú-ki. + 6. Pómo. + 7. Win-tūn´. + 8. Mūt´-sūn. + 9. Santa Barbara. + 10. Yó-kuts. + 11. Mai´-du. + 12. A-cho-mâ´-wi. + 13. Shaś-ta. + + 1877. Gatschet (Albert Samuel). + + Indian languages of the Pacific States and Territories. In Magazine of + American History. New York, 1877, vol. 1. + +After some remarks concerning the nature of language and of the special +characteristics of Indian languages, the author gives a synopsis of the +languages of the Pacific region. The families mentioned are: + + 1. Shóshoni. 15. Cahrok. + 2. Yuma. 16. Tolewa. + 3. Pima. 17. Shasta. + 4. Santa Barbara. 18. Pit River. + 5. Mutsun. 19. Klamath. + 6. Yocut. 20. Tinné. + 7. Meewoc. 21. Yakon. + 8. Meidoo. 22. Cayuse. + 9. Wintoon. 23. Kalapuya. + 10. Yuka. 24. Chinook. + 11. Pomo. 25. Sahaptin. + 12. Wishosk. 26. Selish. + 13. Eurok. 27. Nootka. + 14. Weits-pek. 28. Kootenai. + +This is an important paper, and contains notices of several new stocks, +derived from a study of the material furnished by Powers. + +The author advocates the plan of using a system of nomenclature similar +in nature to that employed in zoology in the case of generic and +specific names, adding after the name of the tribe the family to which +it belongs; thus: Warm Springs, Sahaptin. + + 1878. Powell (John Wesley). + + The nationality of the Pueblos. In the Rocky Mountain Presbyterian. + Denver, November, 1878. + +This is a half-column article, the object of which is to assign the +several Pueblos to their proper stocks. A paragraph is devoted to +contradicting the popular belief that the Pueblos are in some way +related to the Aztecs. No vocabularies are given or cited, though the +classification is stated to be a linguistic one. + + 1878. Keane (Augustus H). + + Appendix. Ethnography and philology of America. In Stanford’s + Compendium of Geography and Travel, edited and extended by H. W. + Bates. London, 1878. + +In the appendix are given, first, some of the more general +characteristics and peculiarities of Indian languages, followed by a +classification of all the tribes of North America, after which is given +an alphabetical list of American tribes and languages, with their +habitats and the stock to which they belong. + +The classification is compiled from many sources, and although it +contains many errors and inconsistencies, it affords on the whole a good +general idea of prevalent views on the subject. + + 1880. Powell (John Wesley). + + Pueblo Indians. In the American Naturalist. Philadelphia, 1880, + vol. 14. + +This is a two-page article in which is set forth a classification of the +Pueblo Indians from linguistic considerations. The Pueblos are divided +into four families or stocks, viz: + + 1. Shínumo. + 2. Zunian. + 3. Kéran. + 4. Téwan. + +Under the several stocks is given a list of those who have collected +vocabularies of these languages and a reference to their publication. + + 1880. Eells (Myron). + + The Twana language of Washington Territory. In the American + Antiquarian. Chicago, 1880-’81, vol. 3. + +This is a brief article--two and a half pages--on the Twana, Clallam, +and Chemakum Indians. The author finds, upon a comparison of +vocabularies, that the Chemakum language has little in common with +its neighbors. + + 1885. Dall (William Healey). + + The native tribes of Alaska. In Proceedings of the American + Association for the Advancement of Science, thirty-fourth meeting, + held at Ann Arbor, Mich., August, 1885. Salem, 1886. + +This paper is a timely contribution to the subject of the Alaska tribes, +and carries it from the point at which the author left it in 1869 to +date, briefly summarizing the several recent additions to knowledge. It +ends with a geographical classification of the Innuit and Indian tribes +of Alaska, with estimates of their numbers. + + 1885. Bancroft (Hubert Howe). + + The works of Hubert Howe Bancroft, vol. 3: the native races, vol. 3, + myths and languages. San Francisco, 1882. + + [Transcriber’s Note: + Vols. 1-5 collectively are “The Native Races”; vol. 3 is _Myths and + Languages_.] + +In the chapter on that subject the languages are classified by divisions +which appear to correspond to groups, families, tribes, and dialects. + +The classification does not, however, follow any consistent plan, and is +in parts unintelligible. + + 1882. Gatschet (Albert Samuel). + + Indian languages of the Pacific States and Territories and of the + Pueblos of New Mexico. In the Magazine of American History. New + York, 1882, vol. 8. + +This paper is in the nature of a supplement to a previous one in the +same magazine above referred to. It enlarges further on several of the +stocks there considered, and, as the title indicates, treats also of the +Pueblo languages. The families mentioned are: + + 1. Chimariko. + 2. Washo. + 3. Yákona. + 4. Sayúskla. + 5. Kúsa. + 6. Takilma. + 7. Rio Grande Pueblo. + 8. Kera. + 9. Zuñi. + + 1883. Hale (Horatio). + + Indian migrations, as evidenced by language. In The American + Antiquarian and Oriental Journal. Chicago, 1888, vol. 5. + +In connection with the object of this paper--the study of Indian +migrations--several linguistic stocks are mentioned, and the linguistic +affinities of a number of tribes are given. The stocks mentioned are: + + Huron-Cherokee. + Dakota. + Algonkin. + Chahta-Muskoki. + + 1885. Tolmie (W. Fraser) and Dawson (George M.) + + Comparative vocabularies of the Indian tribes of British Columbia, + with a map illustrating distribution (Geological and Natural History + Survey of Canada). Montreal, 1884. + +The vocabularies presented constitute an important contribution to +linguistic science. They represent “one or more dialects of every Indian +language spoken on the Pacific slope from the Columbia River north to +the Tshilkat River, and beyond, in Alaska; and from the outermost +sea-board to the main continental divide in the Rocky Mountains.” +A colored map shows the area occupied by each linguistic family. + + + * * * * * + + + LINGUISTIC MAP. + + +In 1836 Gallatin conferred a great boon upon linguistic students by +classifying all the existing material relating to this subject. Even in +the light of the knowledge of the present day his work is found to rest +upon a sound basis. The material of Gallatin’s time, however, was too +scanty to permit of more than an outline of the subject. Later writers +have contributed to the work, and the names of Latham, Turner, Prichard, +Buschmann, Hale, Gatschet, and others are connected with important +classificatory results. + +The writer’s interest in linguistic work and the inception of a plan for +a linguistic classification of Indian languages date back about 20 +years, to a time when he was engaged in explorations in the West. Being +brought into contact with many tribes, it was possible to collect a +large amount of original material. Subsequently, when the Bureau of +Ethnology was organized, this store was largely increased through the +labors of others. Since then a very large body of literature published +in Indian languages has been accumulated, and a great number of +vocabularies have been gathered by the Bureau assistants and by +collaborators in various parts of the country. The results of a study of +all this material, and of much historical data, which necessarily enters +largely into work of this character, appear in the accompanying map. + +The contributions to the subject during the last fifty years have been +so important, and the additions to the material accessible to the +student of Gallatin’s time have been so large, that much of the reproach +which deservedly attached to American scholars because of the neglect of +American linguistics has been removed. The field is a vast one, however, +and the workers are comparatively few. Moreover, opportunities for +collecting linguistic material are growing fewer day by day, as tribes +are consolidated upon reservations, as they become civilized, and as the +older Indians, who alone are skilled in their language, die, leaving, it +may be, only a few imperfect vocabularies as a basis for future study. +History has bequeathed to us the names of many tribes, which became +extinct in early colonial times, of whose language not a hint is left +and whose linguistic relations must ever remain unknown. + +It is vain to grieve over neglected opportunities unless their +contemplation stimulates us to utilize those at hand. There are yet many +gaps to be filled, even in so elementary a part of the study as the +classification of the tribes by language. As to the detailed study of +the different linguistic families, the mastery and analysis of the +languages composing them, and their comparison with one another and with +the languages of other families, only a beginning has been made. + +After the above statement it is hardly necessary to add that the +accompanying map does not purport to represent final results. On the +contrary, it is to be regarded as tentative, setting forth in visible +form the results of investigation up to the present time, as a guide and +aid to future effort. + +Each of the colors or patterns upon the map represents a distinct +linguistic family, the total number of families contained in the whole +area being fifty-eight. It is believed that the families of languages +represented upon the map can not have sprung from a common source; they +are as distinct from one another in their vocabularies and apparently in +their origin as from the Aryan or the Scythian families. Unquestionably, +future and more critical study will result in the fusion of some of +these families. As the means for analysis and comparison accumulate, +resemblances now hidden will be brought to light, and relationships +hitherto unsuspected will be shown to exist. Such a result may be +anticipated with the more certainty inasmuch as the present +classification has been made upon a conservative plan. Where +relationships between families are suspected, but can not be +demonstrated by convincing evidence, it has been deemed wiser not to +unite them, but to keep them apart until more material shall have +accumulated and proof of a more convincing character shall have been +brought forward. While some of the families indicated on the map may in +future be united to other families, and the number thus be reduced, +there seems to be no ground for the belief that the total of the +linguistic families of this country will be materially diminished, at +least under the present methods of linguistic analysis, for there is +little reason to doubt that, as the result of investigation in the +field, there will be discovered tribes speaking languages not +classifiable under any of the present families; thus the decrease in the +total by reason of consolidation may be compensated by a corresponding +increase through discovery. It may even be possible that some of the +similarities used in combining languages into families may, on further +study, prove to be adventitious, and the number may be increased +thereby. To which side the numerical balance will fall remains for the +future to decide. + +As stated above, all the families occupy the same basis of dissimilarity +from one another--i.e., none of them are related--and consequently no +two of them are either more or less alike than any other two, except +in so far as mere coincidences and borrowed material may be said to +constitute likeness and relationship. Coincidences in the nature of +superficial word resemblances are common in all languages of the world. +No matter how widely separated geographically two families of languages +may be, no matter how unlike their vocabularies, how distinct their +origin, some words may always be found which appear upon superficial +examination to indicate relationship. There is not a single Indian +linguistic family, for instance, which does not contain words similar +in sound, and more rarely similar in both sound and meaning, to words +in English, Chinese, Hebrew, and other languages. Not only do such +resemblances exist, but they have been discovered and pointed out, not +as mere adventitious similarities, but as proof of genetic relationship. +Borrowed linguistic material also appears in every family, tempting the +unwary investigator into making false analogies and drawing erroneous +conclusions. Neither coincidences nor borrowed material, however, can be +properly regarded as evidence of cognation. + +While occupying the same plane of genetic dissimilarity, the families +are by no means alike as regards either the extent of territory +occupied, the number of tribes grouped under them respectively, or the +number of languages and dialects of which they are composed. Some of +them cover wide areas, whose dimensions are stated in terms of latitude +and longitude rather than by miles. Others occupy so little space that +the colors representing them are hardly discernible upon the map. Some +of them contain but a single tribe; others are represented by scores of +tribes. In the case of a few, the term “family” is commensurate with +language, since there is but one language and no dialects. In the case +of others, their tribes spoke several languages, so distinct from one +another as to be for the most part mutually unintelligible, and the +languages shade into many dialects more or less diverse. + +The map, designed primarily for the use of students who are engaged in +investigating the Indians of the United States, was at first limited to +this area; subsequently its scope was extended to include the whole of +North America north of Mexico. Such an extension of its plan was, +indeed, almost necessary, since a number of important families, largely +represented in the United States, are yet more largely represented in +the territory to the north, and no adequate conception of the size and +relative importance of such families as the Algonquian, Siouan, +Salishan, Athapascan, and others can be had without including +extralimital territory. + +To the south, also, it happens that several linguistic stocks extend +beyond the boundaries of the United States. Three families are, indeed, +mainly extralimital in their position, viz: Yuman, the great body of the +tribes of which family inhabited the peninsula of Lower California; +Piman, which has only a small representation in southern Arizona; and +the Coahuiltecan, which intrudes into southwestern Texas. The Athapascan +family is represented in Arizona and New Mexico by the well known Apache +and Navajo, the former of whom have gained a strong foothold in northern +Mexico, while the Tañoan, a Pueblo family of the upper Rio Grande, has +established a few pueblos lower down the river in Mexico. For the +purpose of necessary comparison, therefore, the map is made to include +all of North America north of Mexico, the entire peninsula of Lower +California, and so much of Mexico as is necessary to show the range of +families common to that country and to the United States. It is left to +a future occasion to attempt to indicate the linguistic relations of +Mexico and Central America, for which, it may be remarked in passing, +much material has been accumulated. + +It is apparent that a single map can not be made to show the locations +of the several linguistic families at different epochs; nor can a single +map be made to represent the migrations of the tribes composing the +linguistic families. In order to make a clear presentation of the latter +subject, it would be necessary to prepare a series of maps showing the +areas successively occupied by the several tribes as they were disrupted +and driven from section to section under the pressure of other tribes or +the vastly more potent force of European encroachment. Although the data +necessary for a complete representation of tribal migration, even for +the period subsequent to the advent of the European, does not exist, +still a very large body of material bearing upon the subject is at hand, +and exceedingly valuable results in this direction could be presented +did not the amount of time and labor and the large expense attendant +upon such a project forbid the attempt for the present. + +The map undertakes to show the habitat of the linguistic families only, +and this is for but a single period in their history, viz, at the time +when the tribes composing them first became known to the European, or +when they first appear on recorded history. As the dates when the +different tribes became known vary, it follows as a matter of course +that the periods represented by the colors in one portion of the map are +not synchronous with those in other portions. Thus the data for the +Columbia River tribes is derived chiefly from the account of the journey +of Lewis and Clarke in 1803-’05, long before which period radical +changes of location had taken place among the tribes of the eastern +United States. Again, not only are the periods represented by the +different sections of the map not synchronous, but only in the case of a +few of the linguistic families, and these usually the smaller ones, is +it possible to make the coloring synchronous for different sections of +the same family. Thus our data for the location of some of the northern +members of the Shoshonean family goes back to 1804, a date at which +absolutely no knowledge had been gained of most of the southern members +of the group, our first accounts of whom began about 1850. Again, our +knowledge of the eastern Algonquian tribes dates back to about 1600, +while no information was had concerning the Atsina, Blackfeet, Cheyenne, +and the Arapaho, the westernmost members of the family, until two +centuries later. + +Notwithstanding these facts, an attempt to fix upon the areas formerly +occupied by the several linguistic families, and of the pristine homes +of many of the tribes composing them, is by no means hopeless. For +instance, concerning the position of the western tribes during the +period of early contact of our colonies and its agreement with their +position later when they appear in history, it may be inferred that as a +rule it was stationary, though positive evidence is lacking. When +changes of tribal habitat actually took place they were rarely in the +nature of extensive migration, by which a portion of a linguistic family +was severed from the main body, but usually in the form of encroachment +by a tribe or tribes upon neighboring territory, which resulted simply +in the extension of the limits of one linguistic family at the expense +of another, the defeated tribes being incorporated or confined within +narrower limits. If the above inference be correct, the fact that +different chronologic periods are represented upon the map is of +comparatively little importance, since, if the Indian tribes were in the +main sedentary, and not nomadic, the changes resulting in the course of +one or two centuries would not make material differences. Exactly the +opposite opinion, however, has been expressed by many writers, viz, that +the North American Indian tribes were nomadic. The picture presented by +these writers is of a medley of ever-shifting tribes, to-day here, +to-morrow there, occupying new territory and founding new homes--if +nomads can be said to have homes--only to abandon them. Such a picture, +however, is believed to convey an erroneous idea of the former condition +of our Indian tribes. As the question has significance in the present +connection it must be considered somewhat at length. + + + INDIAN TRIBES SEDENTARY. + +In the first place, the linguistic map, based as it is upon the earliest +evidence obtainable, itself offers conclusive proof, not only that the +Indian tribes were in the main sedentary at the time history first +records their position, but that they had been sedentary for a very long +period. In order that this may be made plain, it should be clearly +understood, as stated above, that each of the colors or patterns upon +the map indicates a distinct linguistic family. It will be noticed that +the colors representing the several families are usually in single +bodies, i.e., that they represent continuous areas, and that with some +exceptions the same color is not scattered here and there over the map +in small spots. Yet precisely this last state of things is what would be +expected had the tribes representing the families been nomadic to a +marked degree. If nomadic tribes occupied North America, instead of +spreading out each from a common center, as the colors show that the +tribes composing the several families actually did, they would have been +dispersed here and there over the whole face of the country. That they +are not so dispersed is considered proof that in the main they were +sedentary. It has been stated above that more or less extensive +migrations of some tribes over the country had taken place prior to +European occupancy. This fact is disclosed by a glance at the present +map. The great Athapascan family, for instance, occupying the larger +part of British America, is known from linguistic evidence to have sent +off colonies into Oregon (Wilopah, Tlatskanai, Coquille), California +(Smith River tribes, Kenesti or Wailakki tribes, Hupa), and Arizona and +New Mexico (Apache, Navajo). How long before European occupancy of this +country these migrations took place can not be told, but in the case of +most of them it was undoubtedly many years. By the test of language it +is seen that the great Siouan family, which we have come to look upon as +almost exclusively western, had one offshoot in Virginia (Tutelo), +another in North and South Carolina (Catawba), and a third in +Mississippi (Biloxi); and the Algonquian family, so important in the +early history of this country, while occupying a nearly continuous area +in the north and east, had yet secured a foothold, doubtless in very +recent times, in Wyoming and Colorado. These and other similar facts +sufficiently prove the power of individual tribes or gentes to sunder +relations with the great body of their kindred and to remove to distant +homes. Tested by linguistic evidence, such instances appear to be +exceptional, and the fact remains that in the great majority of cases +the tribes composing linguistic families occupy continuous areas, and +hence are and have been practically sedentary. Nor is the bond of a +common language, strong and enduring as that bond is usually thought to +be, entirely sufficient to explain the phenomenon here pointed out. When +small in number the linguistic tie would undoubtedly aid in binding +together the members of a tribe; but as the people speaking a common +language increase in number and come to have conflicting interests, the +linguistic tie has often proved to be an insufficient bond of union. In +the case of our Indian tribes feuds and internecine conflicts were +common between members of the same linguistic family. In fact, it is +probable that a very large number of the dialects into which Indian +languages are split originated as the result of internecine strife. +Factions, divided and separated from the parent body, by contact, +intermarriage, and incorporation with foreign tribes, developed distinct +dialects or languages. + +But linguistic evidence alone need not be relied upon to prove that the +North American Indian was not nomadic. + +Corroborative proof of the sedentary character of our Indian tribes is +to be found in the curious form of kinship system, with mother-right as +its chief factor, which prevails. This, as has been pointed out in +another place, is not adapted to the necessities of nomadic tribes, +which need to be governed by a patriarchal system, and, as well, to be +possessed of flocks and herds. + +There is also an abundance of historical evidence to show that, when +first discovered by Europeans, the Indians of the eastern United States +were found living in fixed habitations. This does not necessarily imply +that the entire year was spent in one place. Agriculture not being +practiced to an extent sufficient to supply the Indian with full +subsistence, he was compelled to make occasional changes from his +permanent home to the more or less distant waters and forests to procure +supplies of food. When furnished with food and skins for clothing, the +hunting parties returned to the village which constituted their true +home. At longer periods, for several reasons--among which probably the +chief were the hostility of stronger tribes, the failure of the fuel +supply near the village, and the compulsion exercised by the ever lively +superstitious fancies of the Indians--the villages were abandoned and +new ones formed to constitute new homes, new focal points from which to +set out on their annual hunts and to which to return when these were +completed. The tribes of the eastern United States had fixed and +definitely bounded habitats, and their wanderings were in the nature of +temporary excursions to established points resorted to from time +immemorial. As, however, they had not yet entered completely into the +agricultural condition, to which they were fast progressing from the +hunter state, they may be said to have been nomadic to a very limited +extent. The method of life thus sketched was substantially the one which +the Indians were found practicing throughout the eastern part of the +United States, as also, though to a less degree, in the Pacific States. +Upon the Pacific coast proper the tribes were even more sedentary than +upon the Atlantic, as the mild climate and the great abundance and +permanent supply of fish and shellfish left no cause for a seasonal +change of abode. + +When, however, the interior portions of the country were first visited +by Europeans, a different state of affairs was found to prevail. There +the acquisition of the horse and the possession of firearms had wrought +very great changes in aboriginal habits. The acquisition of the former +enabled the Indian of the treeless plains to travel distances with ease +and celerity which before were practically impossible, and the +possession of firearms stimulated tribal aggressiveness to the utmost +pitch. Firearms were everywhere doubly effective in producing changes in +tribal habitats, since the somewhat gradual introduction of trade placed +these deadly weapons in the hands of some tribes, and of whole congeries +of tribes, long before others could obtain them. Thus the general state +of tribal equilibrium which had before prevailed was rudely disturbed. +Tribal warfare, which hitherto had been attended with inconsiderable +loss of life and slight territorial changes, was now made terribly +destructive, and the territorial possessions of whole groups of tribes +were augmented at the expense of those less fortunate. The horse made +wanderers of many tribes which there is sufficient evidence to show were +formerly nearly sedentary. Firearms enforced migration and caused +wholesale changes in the habitats of tribes, which, in the natural order +of events, it would have taken many centuries to produce. The changes +resulting from these combined agencies, great as they were, are, +however, slight in comparison with the tremendous effects of the +wholesale occupancy of Indian territory by Europeans. As the acquisition +of territory by the settlers went on, a wave of migration from east to +west was inaugurated which affected tribes far remote from the point of +disturbance, ever forcing them within narrower and narrower bounds, and, +as time went on, producing greater and greater changes throughout the +entire country. + +So much of the radical change in tribal habitats as took place in the +area remote from European settlements, mainly west of the Mississippi, +is chiefly unrecorded, save imperfectly in Indian tradition, and is +chiefly to be inferred from linguistic evidence and from the few facts +in our possession. As, however, the most important of these changes +occurred after, and as a result of, European occupancy, they are noted +in history, and thus the map really gives a better idea of the pristine +or prehistoric habitat of the tribes than at first might be thought +possible. + +Before speaking of the method of establishing the boundary lines between +the linguistic families, as they appear upon the map, the nature of the +Indian claim to land and the manner and extent of its occupation should +be clearly set forth. + + + POPULATION. + +As the question of the Indian population of the country has a direct +bearing upon the extent to which the land was actually occupied, a few +words on the subject will be introduced here, particularly as the area +included in the linguistic map is so covered with color that it may +convey a false impression of the density of the Indian population. +As a result of an investigation of the subject of the early Indian +population, Col. Mallery long ago arrived at the conclusion that their +settlements were not numerous, and that the population, as compared with +the enormous territory occupied, was extremely small.[1] + + [Footnote 1: Proc. Am. Ass. Adv. Science, 1877, vol. 26.] + +Careful examination since the publication of the above tends to +corroborate the soundness of the conclusions there first formulated. +The subject may be set forth as follows: + +The sea shore, the borders of lakes, and the banks of rivers, where fish +and shell-fish were to be obtained in large quantities, were naturally +the Indians’ chief resort, and at or near such places were to be found +their permanent settlements. As the settlements and lines of travel of +the early colonists were along the shore, the lakes and the rivers, +early estimates of the Indian population were chiefly based upon the +numbers congregated along these highways, it being generally assumed +that away from the routes of travel a like population existed. Again, +over-estimates of population resulted from the fact that the same body +of Indians visited different points during the year, and not +infrequently were counted two or three times; change of permanent +village sites also tended to augment estimates of population. + +For these and other reasons a greatly exaggerated idea of the Indian +population was obtained, and the impressions so derived have been +dissipated only in comparatively recent times. + +As will be stated more fully later, the Indian was dependent to no small +degree upon natural products for his food supply. Could it be affirmed +that the North American Indians had increased to a point where they +pressed upon the food supply, it would imply a very much larger +population than we are justified in assuming from other considerations. +But for various reasons the Malthusian law, whether applicable elsewhere +or not, can not be applied to the Indians of this country. Everywhere +bountiful nature had provided an unfailing and practically inexhaustible +food supply. The rivers teemed with fish and mollusks, and the forests +with game, while upon all sides was an abundance of nutritious roots and +seeds. All of these sources were known, and to a large extent they were +drawn upon by the Indian, but the practical lesson of providing in the +season of plenty for the season of scarcity had been but imperfectly +learned, or, when learned, was but partially applied. Even when taught +by dire experience the necessity of laying up adequate stores, it was +the almost universal practice to waste great quantities of food by a +constant succession of feasts, in the superstitious observances of which +the stores were rapidly wasted and plenty soon gave way to scarcity and +even to famine. + +Curiously enough, the hospitality which is so marked a trait among our +North American Indians had its source in a law, the invariable practice +of which has had a marked effect in retarding the acquisition by the +Indian of the virtue of providence. As is well known, the basis of the +Indian social organization was the kinship system. By its provisions +almost all property was possessed in common by the gens or clan. Food, +the most important of all, was by no means left to be exclusively +enjoyed by the individual or the family obtaining it. + +For instance, the distribution of game among the families of a party was +variously provided for in different tribes, but the practical effect of +the several customs relating thereto was the sharing of the supply. The +hungry Indian had but to ask to receive and this no matter how small the +supply, or how dark the future prospect. It was not only his privilege +to ask, it was his right to demand. Undoubtedly what was originally a +right, conferred by kinship connections, ultimately assumed broader +proportions, and finally passed into the exercise of an almost +indiscriminate hospitality. By reason of this custom, the poor hunter +was virtually placed upon equality with the expert one, the lazy with +the industrious, the improvident with the more provident. Stories of +Indian life abound with instances of individual families or parties +being called upon by those less fortunate or provident to share their +supplies. + +The effect of such a system, admirable as it was in many particulars, +practically placed a premium upon idleness. Under such communal rights +and privileges a potent spur to industry and thrift is wanting. + +There is an obverse side to this problem, which a long and intimate +acquaintance with the Indians in their villages has forced upon the +writer. The communal ownership of food and the great hospitality +practiced by the Indian have had a very much greater influence upon his +character than that indicated in the foregoing remarks. The peculiar +institutions prevailing in this respect gave to each tribe or clan a +profound interest in the skill, ability and industry of each member. He +was the most valuable person in the community who supplied it with the +most of its necessities. For this reason the successful hunter or +fisherman was always held in high honor, and the woman, who gathered +great store of seeds, fruits, or roots, or who cultivated a good +corn-field, was one who commanded the respect and received the highest +approbation of the people. The simple and rude ethics of a tribal people +are very important to them, the more so because of their communal +institutions; and everywhere throughout the tribes of the United States +it is discovered that their rules of conduct were deeply implanted in +the minds of the people. An organized system of teaching is always +found, as it is the duty of certain officers of the clan to instruct the +young in all the industries necessary to their rude life, and simple +maxims of industry abound among the tribes and are enforced in diverse +and interesting ways. The power of the elder men in the clan over its +young members is always very great, and the training of the youth is +constant and rigid. Besides this, a moral sentiment exists in favor of +primitive virtues which is very effective in molding character. This may +be illustrated in two ways. + +Marriage among all Indian tribes is primarily by legal appointment, as +the young woman receives a husband from some other prescribed clan or +clans, and the elders of the clan, with certain exceptions, control +these marriages, and personal choice has little to do with the affair. +When marriages are proposed, the virtues and industry of the candidates, +and more than all, their ability to properly live as married couples and +to supply the clan or tribe with a due amount of subsistence, are +discussed long and earnestly, and the young man or maiden who fails in +this respect may fail in securing an eligible and desirable match. And +these motives are constantly presented to the savage youth. + +A simple democracy exists among these people, and they have a variety of +tribal offices to fill. In this way the men of the tribe are graded, and +they pass from grade to grade by a selection practically made by the +people. And this leads to a constant discussion of the virtues and +abilities of all the male members of the clan, from boyhood to old age. +He is most successful in obtaining clan and tribal promotion who is most +useful to the clan and the tribe. In this manner all of the ambitious +are stimulated, and this incentive to industry is very great. + +When brought into close contact with the Indian, and into intimate +acquaintance with his language, customs, and religious ideas, there is a +curious tendency observable in students to overlook aboriginal vices and +to exaggerate aboriginal virtues. It seems to be forgotten that after +all the Indian is a savage, with the characteristics of a savage, and he +is exalted even above the civilized man. The tendency is exactly the +reverse of what it is in the case of those who view the Indian at a +distance and with no precise knowledge of any of his characteristics. In +the estimation of such persons the Indian’s vices greatly outweigh his +virtues; his language is a gibberish, his methods of war cowardly, his +ideas of religion utterly puerile. + +The above tendencies are accentuated in the attempt to estimate the +comparative worth and position of individual tribes. No being is more +patriotic than the Indian. He believes himself to be the result of a +special creation by a partial deity and holds that his is the one +favored race. The name by which the tribes distinguish themselves from +other tribes indicates the further conviction that, as the Indian is +above all created things, so in like manner each particular tribe is +exalted above all others. “Men of men” is the literal translation of one +name; “the only men” of another, and so on through the whole category. A +long residence with any one tribe frequently inoculates the student with +the same patriotic spirit. Bringing to his study of a particular tribe +an inadequate conception of Indian attainments and a low impression of +their moral and intellectual plane, the constant recital of its virtues, +the bravery and prowess of its men in war, their generosity, the chaste +conduct and obedience of its women as contrasted with the opposite +qualities of all other tribes, speedily tends to partisanship. He +discovers many virtues and finds that the moral and intellectual +attainments are higher than he supposed; but these advantages he +imagines to be possessed solely, or at least to an unusual degree, by +the tribe in question. Other tribes are assigned much lower rank in the +scale. + +The above is peculiarly true of the student of language. He who studies +only one Indian language and learns its manifold curious grammatic +devices, its wealth of words, its capacity of expression, is speedily +convinced of its superiority to all other Indian tongues, and not +infrequently to all languages by whomsoever spoken. + +If like admirable characteristics are asserted for other tongues he is +apt to view them but as derivatives from one original. Thus he is led to +overlook the great truth that the mind of man is everywhere practically +the same, and that the innumerable differences of its products are +indices merely of different stages of growth or are the results of +different conditions of environment. In its development the human mind +is limited by no boundaries of tribe or race. + +Again, a long acquaintance with many tribes in their homes leads to the +belief that savage people do not lack industry so much as wisdom. They +are capable of performing, and often do perform, great and continuous +labor. The men and women alike toil from day to day and from year to +year, engaged in those tasks that are presented with the recurring +seasons. In civilization, hunting and fishing are often considered +sports, but in savagery they are labors, and call for endurance, +patience, and sagacity. And these are exercised to a reasonable degree +among all savage peoples. + +It is probable that the real difficulty of purchasing quantities of food +from Indians has, in most cases, not been properly understood. Unless +the alien is present at a time of great abundance, when there is more on +hand or easily obtainable than sufficient to supply the wants of the +people, food can not be bought of the Indians. This arises from the fact +that the tribal tenure is communal, and to get food by purchase requires +a treaty at which all the leading members of the tribe are present and +give consent. + +As an illustration of the improvidence of the Indians generally, the +habits of the tribes along the Columbia River may be cited. The Columbia +River has often been pointed to as the probable source of a great part +of the Indian population of this country, because of the enormous supply +of salmon furnished by it and its tributaries. If an abundant and +readily obtained supply of food was all that was necessary to insure a +large population, and if population always increased up to the limit of +food supply, unquestionably the theory of repeated migratory waves of +surplus population from the Columbia Valley would be plausible enough. +It is only necessary, however, to turn to the accounts of the earlier +explorers of this region, Lewis and Clarke, for example, to refute the +idea, so far at least as the Columbia Valley is concerned, although a +study of the many diverse languages spread over the United States would +seem sufficiently to prove that the tribes speaking them could not have +originated at a common center, unless, indeed, at a period anterior to +the formation of organized language. + +The Indians inhabiting the Columbia Valley were divided into many +tribes, belonging to several distinct linguistic families. They all were +in the same culture status, however, and differed in habits and arts +only in minor particulars. All of them had recourse to the salmon of the +Columbia for the main part of their subsistence, and all practiced +similar crude methods of curing fish and storing it away for the winter. +Without exception, judging from the accounts of the above mentioned and +of more recent authors, all the tribes suffered periodically more or +less from insufficient food supply, although, with the exercise of due +forethought and economy, even with their rude methods of catching and +curing salmon, enough might here have been cured annually to suffice for +the wants of the Indian population of the entire Northwest for several +years. + +In their ascent of the river in spring, before the salmon run, it was +only with great difficulty that Lewis and Clarke were able to provide +themselves by purchase with enough food to keep themselves from +starving. Several parties of Indians from the vicinity of the Dalles, +the best fishing station on the river, were met on their way down in +quest of food, their supply of dried salmon having been entirely +exhausted. + +Nor is there anything in the accounts of any of the early visitors to +the Columbia Valley to authorize the belief that the population there +was a very large one. As was the case with all fish-stocked streams, the +Columbia was resorted to in the fishing season by many tribes living at +considerable distance from it; but there is no evidence tending to show +that the settled population of its banks or of any part of its drainage +basin was or ever had been by any means excessive. + +The Dalles, as stated above, was the best fishing station on the river, +and the settled population there may be taken as a fair index of that of +other favorable locations. The Dalles was visited by Ross in July, 1811, +and the following is his statement in regard to the population: + + The main camp of the Indians is situated at the head of the narrows, + and may contain, during the salmon season, 3,000 souls, or more; but + the constant inhabitants of the place do not exceed 100 persons, and + are called Wy-am-pams; the rest are all foreigners from different + tribes throughout the country, who resort hither, not for the + purpose of catching salmon, but chiefly for gambling and + speculation.[2] + + [Footnote 2: Adventures on the Columbia River, 1849, p. 117.] + +And as it was on the Columbia with its enormous supply of fish, so was +it elsewhere in the United States. + +Even the practice of agriculture, with its result of providing a more +certain and bountiful food supply, seems not to have had the effect of +materially augmenting the Indian population. At all events, it is in +California and Oregon, a region where agriculture was scarcely practiced +at all, that the most dense aboriginal population lived. There is no +reason to believe that there ever existed within the limits of the +region included in the map, with the possible exception of certain areas +in California, a population equal to the natural food supply. On the +contrary, there is every reason for believing that the population at the +time of the discovery might have been many times more than what it +actually was had a wise economy been practised. + +The effect of wars in decimating the people has often been greatly +exaggerated. Since the advent of the white man on the continent, wars +have prevailed to a degree far beyond that existing at an earlier time. +From the contest which necessarily arose between the native tribes and +invading nations many wars resulted, and their history is well known. +Again, tribes driven from their ancestral homes often retreated to lands +previously occupied by other tribes, and intertribal wars resulted +therefrom. The acquisition of firearms and horses, through the agency of +white men, also had its influence, and when a commercial value was given +to furs and skins, the Indian abandoned agriculture to pursue hunting +and traffic, and sought new fields for such enterprises, and many new +contests arose from this cause. Altogether the character of the Indian +since the discovery of Columbus has been greatly changed, and he has +become far more warlike and predatory. Prior to that time, and far away +in the wilderness beyond such influence since that time, Indian tribes +seem to have lived together in comparative peace and to have settled +their difficulties by treaty methods. A few of the tribes had distinct +organizations for purposes of war; all recognized it to a greater or +less extent in their tribal organization; but from such study as has +been given the subject, and from the many facts collected from time to +time relating to the intercourse existing between tribes, it appears +that the Indians lived in comparative peace. Their accumulations were +not so great as to be tempting, and their modes of warfare were not +excessively destructive. Armed with clubs and spears and bows and +arrows, war could be prosecuted only by hand-to-hand conflict, and +depended largely upon individual prowess, while battle for plunder, +tribute, and conquest was almost unknown. Such intertribal wars as +occurred originated from other causes, such as infraction of rights +relating to hunting grounds and fisheries, and still oftener prejudices +growing out of their superstitions. + +That which kept the Indian population down sprang from another source, +which has sometimes been neglected. The Indians had no reasonable or +efficacious system of medicine. They believed that diseases were caused +by unseen evil beings and by witchcraft, and every cough, every +toothache, every headache, every chill, every fever, every boil, and +every wound, in fact, all their ailments, were attributed to such cause. +Their so-called medicine practice was a horrible system of sorcery, and +to such superstition human life was sacrificed on an enormous scale. The +sufferers were given over to priest doctors to be tormented, bedeviled, +and destroyed; and a universal and profound belief in witchcraft made +them suspicious, and led to the killing of all suspected and obnoxious +people, and engendered blood feuds on a gigantic scale. It may be safely +said that while famine, pestilence, disease, and war may have killed +many, superstition killed more; in fact, a natural death in a savage +tent is a comparatively rare phenomenon; but death by sorcery, medicine, +and blood feud arising from a belief in witchcraft is exceedingly +common. + +Scanty as was the population compared with the vast area teeming with +natural products capable of supporting human life, it may be safely said +that at the time of the discovery, and long prior thereto, practically +the whole of the area included in the present map was claimed and to +some extent occupied by Indian tribes; but the possession of land by the +Indian by no means implies occupancy in the modern or civilized sense of +the term. In the latter sense occupation means to a great extent +individual control and ownership. Very different was it with the +Indians. Individual ownership of land was, as a rule, a thing entirely +foreign to the Indian mind, and quite unknown in the culture stage to +which he belonged. All land, of whatever character or however utilized, +was held in common by the tribe, or in a few instances by the clan. +Apparently an exception to this broad statement is to be made in the +case of the Haida of the northwest coast, who have been studied by +Dawson. According to him[3] the land is divided among the different +families and is held as strictly personal property, with hereditary +rights or possessions descending from one generation to another. “The +lands may be bartered or given away. The larger salmon streams are, +however, often the property jointly of a number of families.” The +tendency in this case is toward personal right in land. + + [Footnote 3: Report on the Queen Charlotte Islands, 1878, p. 117.] + + + TRIBAL LAND. + +For convenience of discussion, Indian tribal land may be divided into +three classes: First, the land occupied by the villages; second, the +land actually employed in agriculture; third, the land claimed by the +tribe but not occupied, except as a hunting ground. + + +_Village sites_.--The amount of land taken up as village sites varied +considerably in different parts of the country. It varied also in the +same tribe at different times. As a rule, the North American Indians +lived in communal houses of sufficient size to accommodate several +families. In such cases the village consisted of a few large structures +closely grouped together, so that it covered very little ground. When +territory was occupied by warlike tribes, the construction of rude +palisades around the villages and the necessities of defense generally +tended to compel the grouping of houses, and the permanent village sites +of even the more populous tribes covered only a very small area. In the +case of confederated tribes and in the time of peace the tendency was +for one or more families to establish more or less permanent settlements +away from the main village, where a livelihood was more readily +obtainable. Hence, in territory which had enjoyed a considerable +interval of peace the settlements were in the nature of small +agricultural communities, established at short distances from each other +and extending in the aggregate over a considerable extent of country. In +the case of populous tribes the villages were probably of the character +of the Choctaw towns described by Adair.[4] “The barrier towns, which +are next to the Muskohge and Chikkasah countries, are compactly settled +for social defense, according to the general method of other savage +nations; but the rest, both in the center and toward the Mississippi, +are only scattered plantations, as best suits a separate easy way of +living. A stranger might be in the middle of one of their populous, +extensive towns without seeing half a dozen houses in the direct course +of his path.” More closely grouped settlements are described by Wayne in +American State Papers, 1793, in his account of an expedition down the +Maumee Valley, where he states that “The margins of the Miamis of the +Lake and the Au Glaize appear like one continuous village for a number +of miles, nor have I ever beheld such immense fields of corn in any part +of America from Canada to Florida.” Such a chain of villages as this was +probably highly exceptional; but even under such circumstances the +village sites proper formed but a very small part of the total area +occupied. + + [Footnote 4: Hist. of Am. Ind., 1775, p. 282.] + +From the foregoing considerations it will be seen that the amount of +land occupied as village sites under any circumstances was +inconsiderable. + + +_Agricultural land_.--It is practically impossible to make an accurate +estimate of the relative amount of land devoted to agricultural purposes +by any one tribe or by any family of tribes. None of the factors which +enter into the problem are known to us with sufficient accuracy to +enable reliable estimates to be made of the amount of land tilled or of +the products derived from the tillage; and only in few cases have we +trustworthy estimates of the population of the tribe or tribes +practicing agriculture. Only a rough approximation of the truth can be +reached from the scanty data available and from a general knowledge of +Indian methods of subsistence. + +The practice of agriculture was chiefly limited to the region south of +the St. Lawrence and east of the Mississippi. In this region it was far +more general and its results were far more important than is commonly +supposed. To the west of the Mississippi only comparatively small areas +were occupied by agricultural tribes and these lay chiefly in New Mexico +and Arizona and along the Arkansas, Platte, and Missouri Rivers. The +rest of that region was tenanted by non-agricultural tribes--unless +indeed the slight attention paid to the cultivation of tobacco by a few +of the west coast tribes, notably the Haida, may be considered +agriculture. Within the first mentioned area most of the tribes, perhaps +all, practiced agriculture to a greater or less extent, though +unquestionably the degree of reliance placed upon it as a means of +support differed much with different tribes and localities. + +Among many tribes agriculture was relied upon to supply an +important--and perhaps in the case of a few tribes, the most +important--part of the food supply. The accounts of some of the early +explorers in the southern United States, where probably agriculture was +more systematized than elsewhere, mention corn fields of great extent, +and later knowledge of some northern tribes, as the Iroquois and some of +the Ohio Valley tribes, shows that they also raised corn in great +quantities. The practice of agriculture to a point where it shall prove +the main and constant supply of a people, however, implies a degree of +sedentariness to which our Indians as a rule had not attained and an +amount of steady labor without immediate return which was peculiarly +irksome to them. Moreover, the imperfect methods pursued in clearing, +planting, and cultivating sufficiently prove that the Indians, though +agriculturists, were in the early stages of development as such--a fact +also attested by the imperfect and one-sided division of labor between +the sexes, the men as a rule taking but small share of the burdensome +tasks of clearing land, planting, and harvesting. + +It is certain that by no tribe of the United States was agriculture +pursued to such an extent as to free its members from the practice of +the hunter’s or fisher’s art. Admitting the most that can be claimed for +the Indian as an agriculturist, it may be stated that, whether because +of the small population or because of the crude manner in which his +operations were carried on, the amount of land devoted to agriculture +within the area in question was infinitesimally small as compared with +the total. Upon a map colored to show only the village sites and +agricultural land, the colors would appear in small spots, while by far +the greater part of the map would remain uncolored. + + +_Hunting claims_.--The great body of the land within the area mapped +which was occupied by agricultural tribes, and all the land outside it, +was held as a common hunting ground, and the tribal claim to territory, +independent of village sites and corn fields, amounted practically to +little else than hunting claims. The community of possession in the +tribe to the hunting ground was established and practically enforced by +hunting laws, which dealt with the divisions of game among the village, +or among the families of the hunters actually taking part in any +particular hunt. As a rule, such natural landmarks as rivers, lakes, +hills, and mountain chains served to mark with sufficient accuracy the +territorial tribal limits. In California, and among the Haida and +perhaps other tribes of the northwest coast, the value of certain +hunting and fishing claims led to their definition by artificial +boundaries, as by sticks or stones.[5] + + [Footnote 5: Powers, Cont. N.A. Eth. 1877, vol. 3, p. 109: Dawson, + Queen Charlotte Islands, 1880, p. 117.] + +Such precautions imply a large population, and in such regions as +California the killing of game upon the land of adjoining tribes was +rigidly prohibited and sternly punished. + +As stated above, every part of the vast area included in the present map +is to be regarded as belonging, according to Indian ideas of land title, +to one or another of the Indian tribes. To determine the several tribal +possessions and to indicate the proper boundary lines between individual +tribes and linguistic families is a work of great difficulty. This is +due more to the imperfection and scantiness of available data concerning +tribal claims than to the absence of claimants or to any ambiguity in +the minds of the Indians as to the boundaries of their several +possessions. + +Not only is precise data wanting respecting the limits of land actually +held or claimed by many tribes, but there are other tribes, which +disappeared early in the history of our country, the boundaries to whose +habitat is to be determined only in the most general way. Concerning +some of these, our information is so vague that the very linguistic +family they belonged to is in doubt. In the case of probably no one +family are the data sufficient in amount and accuracy to determine +positively the exact areas definitely claimed or actually held by the +tribes. Even in respect of the territory of many of the tribes of the +eastern United States, much of whose land was ceded by actual treaty +with the Government, doubt exists. The fixation of the boundary points, +when these are specifically mentioned in the treaty, as was the rule, is +often extremely difficult, owing to the frequent changes of geographic +names and the consequent disagreement of present with ancient maps. +Moreover, when the Indian’s claim to his land had been admitted by +Government, and the latter sought to acquire a title through voluntary +cession by actual purchase, land assumed a value to the Indian never +attaching to it before. + +Under these circumstances, either under plea of immemorial occupancy or +of possession by right of conquest, the land was often claimed, and the +claims urged with more or less plausibility by several tribes, sometimes +of the same linguistic family, sometimes of different families. + +It was often found by the Government to be utterly impracticable to +decide between conflicting claims, and not infrequently the only way out +of the difficulty lay in admitting the claim of both parties, and in +paying for the land twice or thrice. It was customary for a number of +different tribes to take part in such treaties, and not infrequently +several linguistic families were represented. It was the rule for each +tribe, through its representatives, to cede its share of a certain +territory, the natural boundaries of which as a whole are usually +recorded with sufficient accuracy. The main purpose of the Government in +treaty-making being to obtain possession of the land, comparatively +little attention was bestowed to defining the exact areas occupied by +the several tribes taking part in a treaty, except in so far as the +matter was pressed upon attention by disputing claimants. Hence the +territory claimed by each tribe taking part in the treaty is rarely +described, and occasionally not all the tribes interested in the +proposed cession are even mentioned categorically. The latter statement +applies more particularly to the territory west of the Mississippi, the +data for determining ownership to which is much less precise, and the +doubt and confusion respecting tribal boundary lines correspondingly +greater than in the country east of that river. Under the above +circumstances, it will be readily understood that to determine tribal +boundaries within accurately drawn lines is in the vast majority of +cases quite impossible. + +Imperfect and defective as the terms of the treaties frequently are as +regards the definition of tribal boundaries, they are by far the most +accurate and important of the means at our command for fixing boundary +lines upon the present map. By their aid the territorial possessions of +a considerable number of tribes have been determined with desirable +precision, and such areas definitely established have served as checks +upon the boundaries of other tribes, concerning the location and extent +of whose possessions little is known. + +For establishing the boundaries of such tribes as are not mentioned in +treaties, and of those whose territorial possessions are not given with +sufficient minuteness, early historical accounts are all important. Such +accounts, of course, rarely indicate the territorial possessions of the +tribes with great precision. In many cases, however, the sites of +villages are accurately given. In others the source of information +concerning a tribe is contained in a general statement of the occupancy +of certain valleys or mountain ranges or areas at the heads of certain +rivers, no limiting lines whatever being assigned. In others, still, the +notice of a tribe is limited to a brief mention of the presence in a +certain locality of hunting or war parties. + +Data of this loose character would of course be worthless in an attempt +to fix boundary lines in accordance with the ideas of the modern +surveyor. The relative positions of the families and the relative size +of the areas occupied by them, however, and not their exact boundaries, +are the chief concern in a linguistic map, and for the purpose of +establishing these, and, in a rough way, the boundaries of the territory +held by the tribes composing them, these data are very important, and +when compared with one another and corrected by more definite data, when +such are at hand, they have usually been found to be sufficient for the +purpose. + + + SUMMARY OF DEDUCTIONS. + +In conclusion, the more important deductions derivable from the data +upon which the linguistic map is based, or that are suggested by it, may +be summarized as follows: + +First, the North American Indian tribes, instead of speaking related +dialects, originating in a single parent language, in reality speak many +languages belonging to distinct families, which have no apparent unity +of origin. + +Second, the Indian population of North America was greatly exaggerated +by early writers, and instead of being large was in reality small as +compared with the vast territory occupied and the abundant food supply; +and furthermore, the population had nowhere augmented sufficiently, +except possibly in California, to press upon the food supply. + +Third, although representing a small population, the numerous tribes had +overspread North America and had possessed themselves of all the +territory, which, in the case of a great majority of tribes, was owned +in common by the tribe. + +Fourth, prior to the advent of the European, the tribes were probably +nearly in a state of equilibrium, and were in the main sedentary, and +those tribes which can be said with propriety to have been nomadic +became so only after the advent of the European, and largely as the +direct result of the acquisition of the horse and the introduction of +firearms. + +Fifth, while agriculture was general among the tribes of the eastern +United States, and while it was spreading among western tribes, its +products were nowhere sufficient wholly to emancipate the Indian from +the hunter state. + + + * * * * * + + + LINGUISTIC FAMILIES. + + +Within the area covered by the map there are recognized fifty-eight +distinct linguistic families. + +These are enumerated in alphabetical order and each is accompanied by +a table of the synonyms of the family name, together with a brief +statement of the geographical area occupied by each family, so far as it +is known. A list of the principal tribes of each family also is given. + + +ADAIZAN FAMILY. + + = Adaize, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 116, 306, + 1836. Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc., Lond., II, 31-59, 1846. Latham, + Opuscula, 293, 1860. Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, xcix, 1848. + Gallatin in Schoolcraft Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853. Latham, Elements + Comp. Phil., 477, 1862 (referred to as one of the most isolated + languages of N.A.). Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. + Am.), 478, 1878 (or Adees). + + = Adaizi, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 406, 1847. + + = Adaise, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 77, 1848. + + = Adahi, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 342, 1850. Latham in Trans. Philolog. + Soc., Lond., 103, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 366, 368, 1860. Latham, + Elements Comp., Phil., 473, 477, 1863 (same as his Adaize above). + + = Adaes, Buschmann, Spuren der aztekischen Sprache, 424, 1859. + + = Adees. Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.) 478, 1878 + (same as his Adaize). + + = Adái, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Leg., 41, 1884. + + +Derivation: From a Caddo word hadai, sig. “brush wood.” + +This family was based upon the language spoken by a single tribe who, +according to Dr. Sibley, lived about the year 1800 near the old Spanish +fort or mission of Adaize, “about 40 miles from Natchitoches, below the +Yattassees, on a lake called Lac Macdon, which communicates with the +division of Red River that passes by Bayau Pierre.”[6] A vocabulary of +about two hundred and fifty words is all that remains to us of their +language, which according to the collector, Dr. Sibley, “differs from +all others, and is so difficult to speak or understand that no nation +can speak ten words of it.” + + [Footnote 6: Travels of Lewis and Clarke, London, 1809, p. 189.] + +It was from an examination of Sibley’s vocabulary that Gallatin reached +the conclusion of the distinctness of this language from any other +known, an opinion accepted by most later authorities. A recent +comparison of this vocabulary by Mr. Gatschet, with several Caddoan +dialects, has led to the discovery that a considerable percentage of the +Adái words have a more or less remote affinity with Caddoan, and he +regards it as a Caddoan dialect. The amount of material, however, +necessary to establish its relationship to Caddoan is not at present +forthcoming, and it may be doubted if it ever will be, as recent inquiry +has failed to reveal the existence of a single member of the tribe, or +of any individual of the tribes once surrounding the Adái who remembers +a word of the language. + +Mr. Gatschet found that some of the older Caddo in the Indian Territory +remembered the Adái as one of the tribes formerly belonging to the Caddo +Confederacy. More than this he was unable to learn from them. + +Owing to their small numbers, their remoteness from lines of travel, and +their unwarlike character the Adái have cut but a small figure in +history, and accordingly the known facts regarding them are very meager. +The first historical mention of them appears to be by Cabeça de Vaca, +who in his “Naufragios,” referring to his stay in Texas, about 1530, +calls them Atayos. Mention is also made of them by several of the early +French explorers of the Mississippi, as d’Iberville and Joutel. + +The Mission of Adayes, so called from its proximity to the home of the +tribe, was established in 1715. In 1792 there was a partial emigration +of the Adái to the number of fourteen families to a site south of San +Antonio de Bejar, southwest Texas, where apparently they amalgamated +with the surrounding Indian population and were lost sight of. (From +documents preserved at the City Hall, San Antonio, and examined by Mr. +Gatschet in December, 1886.) The Adái who were left in their old homes +numbered one hundred in 1802, according to Baudry de Lozieres. According +to Sibley, in 1809 there were only “twenty men of them remaining, but +more women.” In 1820 Morse mentions only thirty survivors. + + +ALGONQUIAN FAMILY. + + > Algonkin-Lenape, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 23, 305, + 1836. Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid, 1852. + + > Algonquin, Bancroft, Hist. U.S., III, 337, 1840. Prichard Phys. + Hist. Mankind, V, 381, 1847 (follows Gallatin). + + > Algonkins, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 77, + 1848. Gallatin in Schoolcraft Ind. Tribes, III, 401, 1853. + + > Algonkin, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rept., III, pt. 3, 55, 1856 (gives + Delaware and Shawnee vocabs.). Hayden, Cont. Eth. and Phil. Missouri + Inds., 232, 1862 (treats only of Crees, Blackfeet, Shyennes). Hale in + Am. Antiq., 112, April, 1883 (treated with reference to migration). + + < Algonkin, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc., Lond., 1856 (adds to + Gallatin’s list of 1836 the Bethuck, Shyenne, Blackfoot, and + Arrapaho). Latham, Opuscula, 327, 1860 (as in preceding). Latham, + Elements Comp. Phil, 447, 1862. + + < Algonquin, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp., (Cent. and S. Am.), 460, + 465, 1878 (list includes the Maquas, an Iroquois tribe). + + > Saskatschawiner, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848 (probably + designates the Arapaho). + + > Arapahoes, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. + + X Algonkin und Beothuk, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887. + + +Derivation: Contracted from Algomequin, an Algonkin word, signifying +“those on the other side of the river,” i.e., the St. Lawrence River. + + +ALGONQUIAN AREA. + +The area formerly occupied by the Algonquian family was more extensive +than that of any other linguistic stock in North America, their +territory reaching from Labrador to the Rocky Mountains, and from +Churchill River of Hudson Bay as far south at least as Pamlico Sound of +North Carolina. In the eastern part of this territory was an area +occupied by Iroquoian tribes, surrounded on almost all sides by their +Algonquian neighbors. On the south the Algonquian tribes were bordered +by those of Iroquoian and Siouan (Catawba) stock, on the southwest and +west by the Muskhogean and Siouan tribes, and on the northwest by the +Kitunahan and the great Athapascan families, while along the coast of +Labrador and the eastern shore of Hudson Bay they came in contact with +the Eskimo, who were gradually retreating before them to the north. In +Newfoundland they encountered the Beothukan family, consisting of but a +single tribe. A portion of the Shawnee at some early period had +separated from the main body of the tribe in central Tennessee and +pushed their way down to the Savannah River in South Carolina, where, +known as Savannahs, they carried on destructive wars with the +surrounding tribes until about the beginning of the eighteenth century +they were finally driven out and joined the Delaware in the north. Soon +afterwards the rest of the tribe was expelled by the Cherokee and +Chicasa, who thenceforward claimed all the country stretching north to +the Ohio River. + +The Cheyenne and Arapaho, two allied tribes of this stock, had become +separated from their kindred on the north and had forced their way +through hostile tribes across the Missouri to the Black Hills country of +South Dakota, and more recently into Wyoming and Colorado, thus forming +the advance guard of the Algonquian stock in that direction, having the +Siouan tribes behind them and those of the Shoshonean family in front. + + +PRINCIPAL ALGONQUINIAN TRIBES. + + Abnaki. Menominee. Ottawa. + Algonquin. Miami. Pamlico. + Arapaho. Micmac. Pennacook. + Cheyenne. Mohegan. Pequot. + Conoy. Montagnais. Piankishaw. + Cree. Montauk. Pottawotomi. + Delaware. Munsee. Powhatan. + Fox. Nanticoke. Sac. + Illinois. Narraganset. Shawnee. + Kickapoo. Nauset. Siksika. + Mahican. Nipmuc. Wampanoag. + Massachuset. Ojibwa. Wappinger. + + +_Population._--The present number of the Algonquian stock is about +95,600, of whom about 60,000 are in Canada and the remainder in the +United States. Below is given the population of the tribes officially +recognized, compiled chiefly from the United States Indian +Commissioner’s report for 1889 and the Canadian Indian report for 1888. +It is impossible to give exact figures, owing to the fact that in many +instances two or more tribes are enumerated together, while many +individuals are living with other tribes or amongst the whites: + + Abnaki: + “Oldtown Indians,” Maine 410 + Passamaquoddy Indians, Maine 215? + Abenakis of St. Francis and Bécancour, Quebec 369 + “Amalecites” of Témiscouata and Viger, Quebec 198 + “Amalecites” of Madawaska, etc., New Brunswick 683 + ----- 1,874? + Algonquin: + Of Renfrew, Golden Lake and Carleton, Ontario 797 + With Iroquois (total 131) at Gibson, Ontario 31? + With Iroquois at Lake of Two Mountains, Quebec 30 + Quebec Province 3,909 + ----- 4,767? + Arapaho: + Cheyenne and Arapaho Agency, Indian Territory 1,272 + Shoshone Agency, Wyoming (Northern Arapaho) 885 + Carlisle school, Pennsylvania, + and Lawrence school, Kansas 55 + ----- 2,212 + Cheyenne: + Pine Ridge Agency, South Dakota (Northern Cheyenne) 517 + Cheyenne and Arapaho Agency, Indian Territory 2,091 + Carlisle school, Pennsylvania, + and Lawrence school, Kansas 153 + Tongue River Agency, Montana (Northern Cheyenne) 865 + ----- 3,626 + Cree: + With Salteau in Manitoba, etc., British America + (treaties Nos. 1, 2, and 5: total, 6,066) 3,066? + Plain and Wood Cree, treaty No. 6, Manitoba, etc. 5,790 + Cree (with Salteau, etc.), treaty No. 4, + Manitoba, etc. 8,530 + ----- 17,386? + Delaware, etc.: + Kiowa, Comanche, and Wichita Agency, Indian Territory 95 + Incorporated with Cherokee, Indian Territory 1,000? + Delaware with the Seneca in New York 3 + Hampton and Lawrence schools 3 + Muncie in New York, + principally with Onondaga and Seneca 36 + Munsee with Stockbridge (total 133), + Green Bay Agency, Wis. 23? + Munsee with Chippewa at Pottawatomie and + Great Nemaha Agency, Kansas (total 75) 37? + Munsee with Chippewa on the Thames, Ontario 131 + “Moravians” of the Thames, Ontario 288 + Delaware with Six Nations on Grand River, Ontario 134 + ----- 1,750? + Kickapoo: + Sac and Fox Agency, Indian Territory 325 + Pottawatomie and Great Nemaha Agency, Kansas 237 + In Mexico 200? + ----- 762? + Menominee: + Green Bay Agency, Wisconsin 1,311 + Carlisle school 1 + ----- 1,312 + Miami: + Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory 67 + Indiana, no agency 300? + Lawrence and Carlisle schools 7 + ----- 374? + Micmac: + Restigouche, Maria, and Gaspé, Quebec 732 + In Nova Scotia 2,145 + New Brunswick 912 + Prince Edward Island 319 + ----- 4,108 + Misisauga: + Alnwick, New Credit, etc., Ontario 774 + + Monsoni, Maskegon, etc.: + Eastern Rupert’s Land, British America 4,016 + + Montagnais: + Betsiamits, Lake St. John, Grand Romaine, etc., Quebec 1,607 + Seven Islands, Quebec 312 + ----- 1,919 + Nascapee: + Lower St. Lawrence, Quebec 2,860 + + Ojibwa: + White Earth Agency, Minnesota 6,263 + La Pointe Agency, Wisconsin 4,778 + Mackinac Agency, Michigan + (about one-third of 5,563 Ottawa and Chippewa) 1,854? + Mackinac Agency, Michigan (Chippewa alone) 1,351 + Devil’s Lake Agency, North Dakota + (Turtle Mountain Chippewa) 1,340 + Pottawatomie and Great Nemaha Agency, Kansas + (one-half of 75 Chippewa and Muncie) 38? + Lawrence and Carlisle schools 15 + “Ojibbewas” of Lake Superior and Lake Huron, Ontario 5,201 + “Chippewas” of Sarnia, etc., Ontario 1,956 + “Chippewas” with Munsees on Thames, Ontario 454 + “Chippewas” with Pottawatomies + on Walpole Island, Ontario 658 + “Ojibbewas” with Ottawas (total 1,856) + on Manitoulin and Cockburn Islands, Ontario 928? + “Salteaux” of treaty Nos. 3 and 4, etc., + Manitoba, etc. 4,092 + “Chippewas” with Crees in Manitoba, etc., + treaties Nos. 1, 2, and 5 (total Chippewa + and Cree, 6,066) 3,000? + ----- 31,928? + Ottawa: + Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory 137 + Mackinac Agency, Michigan (5,563 Ottawa and Chippewa) 3,709? + Lawrence and Carlisle schools 20 + With “Ojibbewas” on Manitoulin and Cockburn + Islands, Ontario 928 + ----- 4,794? + Peoria, etc.: + Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory 160 + Lawrence and Carlisle schools 5 + ----- 165 + Pottawatomie: + Sac and Fox Agency, Indian Territory 480 + Pottawatomie and Great Nemaha Agency, Kansas 462 + Mackinac Agency, Michigan 77 + Prairie band, Wisconsin 280 + Carlisle, Lawrence and Hampton schools 117 + With Chippewa on Walpole Island, Ontario 166 + ----- 1,582 + Sac and Fox: + Sac and Fox Agency, Indian Territory 515 + Sac and Fox Agency, Iowa 381 + Pottawatomie and Great Nemaha Agency, Kansas 77 + Lawrence, Hampton, and Carlisle schools 8 + ----- 981 + Shawnee: + Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory 79 + Sac and Fox Agency, Indian Territory 640 + Incorporated with Cherokee, Indian Territory 800? + Lawrence, Carlisle, and Hampton schools 40 + ----- 1,559? + Siksika: + Blackfoot Agency, Montana. (Blackfoot, Blood, Piegan) 1,811 + Blackfoot reserves in Alberta, British America + (with Sarcee and Assiniboine) 4,932 + ----- 6,743 + Stockbridge (Mahican): + Green Bay Agency, Wisconsin 110 + In New York (with Tuscarora and Seneca) 7 + Carlisle school 4 + ----- 121 + + +ATHAPASCAN FAMILY. + + > Athapascas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 16, + 305, 1836. Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 375, 1847. Gallatin in + Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848. Berghaus (1845), + Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852. Turner in “Literary World,” + 281, April 17, 1852 (refers Apache and Navajo to this family on + linguistic evidence). + + > Athapaccas, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 401, 1853. + (Evident misprint.) + + > Athapascan, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., III, pt. 3, 84, 1856. (Mere + mention of family; Apaches and congeners belong to this family, as + shown by him in “Literary World.” Hoopah also asserted to be + Athapascan.) + + > Athabaskans, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 302, 1850. (Under Northern + Athabaskans, includes Chippewyans Proper, Beaver Indians, Daho-dinnis, + Strong Bows, Hare Indians, Dog-ribs, Yellow Knives, Carriers. Under + Southern Athabaskans, includes (p. 308) Kwalioqwa, Tlatskanai, Umkwa.) + + = Athabaskan, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 65, 96, 1856. + Buschmann (1854), Der athapaskische Sprachstamm, 250, 1856 (Hoopahs, + Apaches, and Navajoes included). Latham, Opuscula, 333, 1860. Latham, + El. Comp. Phil., 388, 1862. Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., II, + 31-50, 1846 (indicates the coalescence of Athabascan family with + Esquimaux). Latham (1844), in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., I, 161, 1848 + (Nagail and Taculli referred to Athabascan). Scouler (1846), in Jour. + Eth. Soc. Lond., I, 230, 1848. Latham, Opuscula, 257, 259, 276, 1860. + Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 463, 1878. + + > Kinai, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 14, 305, + 1836 (Kinai and Ugaljachmutzi; considered to form a distinct family, + though affirmed to have affinities with western Esquimaux and with + Athapascas). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 440-448, 1847 (follows + Gallatin; also affirms a relationship to Aztec). Gallatin in Trans. + Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 77, 1848. + + > Kenay, Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., II, 32-34, 1846. + Latham, Opuscula, 275, 1860. Latham, Elements Comp. Phil., 389, 1862 + (referred to Esquimaux stock). + + > Kinætzi, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 441, 1847 (same as his + Kinai above). + + > Kenai, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, xcix, 1848 (see Kinai + above). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 695, 1856 (refers it to + Athapaskan). + + X Northern, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 218, 1841. + (Includes Atnas, Kolchans, and Kenáïes of present family.) + + X Haidah, Scouler, ibid., 224 (same as his Northern family). + + > Chepeyans, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 375, 1847 (same as + Athapascas above). + + > Tahkali-Umkwa, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 198, 201, 569, 1846 + (“a branch of the great Chippewyan, or Athapascan, stock;” includes + Carriers, Qualioguas, Tlatskanies, Umguas). Gallatin, after Hale in + Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 9, 1848. + + > Digothi, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Digothi, + Loucheux, ibid. 1852. + + > Lipans, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 349, 1850 (Lipans (Sipans) between + Rio Arkansas and Rio Grande). + + > Tototune, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 325, 1850 (seacoast south of the + Saintskla). + + > Ugaljachmutzi, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853 + (“perhaps Athapascas”). + + > Umkwa, Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., VI, 72, 1854 (a single + tribe). Latham, Opuscula, 300, 1860. + + > Tahlewah. Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 422, 1853 + (a single tribe). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 76, 1856 + (a single tribe). Latham. Opuscula, 342, 1860. + + > Tolewa, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 163, 1877 (vocab. from Smith + River, Oregon; affirmed to be distinct from any neighboring tongue). + Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Miscellany, 438, 1877. + + > Hoo-pah, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 422, 1853 (tribe on + Lower Trinity, California). + + > Hoopa, Powers in Overland Monthly, 135, August, 1872. + + > Hú-pâ, Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 72, 1877 (affirmed to be + Athapascan). + + = Tinneh, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass. A. S., XVIII, 269, 1869 (chiefly + Alaskan tribes). Dall, Alaska and its Resources, 428, 1870. Dall in + Cont. N.A. Eth., I, 24, 1877. Bancroft, Native Races, III, 562, 583, + 603, 1882. + + = Tinné, Gatschet in Mag. Am, Hist., 165, 1877 (special mention of + Hoopa, Rogue River, Umpqua.) Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 440, 1877. + Gatschet in Geog. Surv. W. 100th M., VII, 406, 1879. Tolmie and + Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 62, 1884. Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, + 1887. + + = Tinney, Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, + 463, 1878. + + X Klamath, Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475, + 1878; or Lutuami, (Lototens and Tolewahs of his list belong here.) + + +Derivation: From the lake of the same name; signifying, according to +Lacombe, “place of hay and reeds.” + +As defined by Gallatin, the area occupied by this great family is +included in a line drawn from the mouth of the Churchill or Missinippi +River to its source; thence along the ridge which separates the north +branch of the Saskatchewan from those of the Athapascas to the Rocky +Mountains; and thence northwardly till within a hundred miles of the +Pacific Ocean, in latitude 52° 30'. + +The only tribe within the above area excepted by Gallatin as of probably +a different stock was the Quarrelers or Loucheux, living at the mouth of +Mackenzie River. This tribe, however, has since been ascertained to be +Athapascan. + +The Athapascan family thus occupied almost the whole of British Columbia +and of Alaska, and was, with the exception of the Eskimo, by whom they +were cut off on nearly all sides from the ocean, the most northern +family in North America. + +Since Gallatin’s time the history of this family has been further +elucidated by the discovery on the part of Hale and Turner that isolated +branches of the stock have become established in Oregon, California, and +along the southern border of the United States. + +The boundaries of the Athapascan family, as now understood, are best +given under three primary groups--Northern, Pacific, and Southern. + + +_Northern group_.--This includes all the Athapascan tribes of British +North America and Alaska. In the former region the Athapascans occupy +most of the western interior, being bounded on the north by the Arctic +Eskimo, who inhabit a narrow strip of coast; on the east by the Eskimo +of Hudson’s Bay as far south as Churchill River, south of which river +the country is occupied by Algonquian tribes. On the south the +Athapascan tribes extended to the main ridge between the Athapasca and +Saskatchewan Rivers, where they met Algonquian tribes; west of this area +they were bounded on the south by Salishan tribes, the limits of whose +territory on Fraser River and its tributaries appear on Tolmie and +Dawson’s map of 1884. On the west, in British Columbia, the Athapascan +tribes nowhere reach the coast, being cut off by the Wakashan, Salishan, +and Chimmesyan families. + +The interior of Alaska is chiefly occupied by tribes of this family. +Eskimo tribes have encroached somewhat upon the interior along the +Yukon, Kuskokwim, Kowak, and Noatak Rivers, reaching on the Yukon to +somewhat below Shageluk Island,[7] and on the Kuskokwim nearly or quite +to Kolmakoff Redoubt.[8] Upon the two latter they reach quite to their +heads.[9] A few Kutchin tribes are (or have been) north of the Porcupine +and Yukon Rivers, but until recently it has not been known that they +extended north beyond the Yukon and Romanzoff Mountains. Explorations of +Lieutenant Stoney, in 1885, establish the fact that the region to the +north of those mountains is occupied by Athapascan tribes, and the map +is colored accordingly. Only in two places in Alaska do the Athapascan +tribes reach the coast--the K’naia-khotana, on Cook’s Inlet, and the +Ahtena, of Copper River. + + [Footnote 7: Dall, Map Alaska, 1877.] + + [Footnote 8: Fide Nelson in Dall’s address, Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci., + 1885, p. 13.] + + [Footnote 9: Cruise of the _Corwin_, 1887.] + + +_Pacific group_.--Unlike the tribes of the Northern group, most of those +of the Pacific group have removed from their priscan habitats since the +advent of the white race. The Pacific group embraces the following: +Kwalhioqua, formerly on Willopah River, Washington, near the Lower +Chinook;[10] Owilapsh, formerly between Shoalwater Bay and the heads of +the Chehalis River, Washington, the territory of these two tribes being +practically continuous; Tlatscanai, formerly on a small stream on the +northwest side of Wapatoo Island.[11] Gibbs was informed by an old +Indian that this tribe “formerly owned the prairies on the Tsihalis at +the mouth of the Skukumchuck, but, on the failure of game, left the +country, crossed the Columbia River, and occupied the mountains to the +south”--a statement of too uncertain character to be depended upon; the +Athapascan tribes now on the Grande Ronde and Siletz Reservations, +Oregon,[12] whose villages on and near the coast extended from Coquille +River southward to the California line, including, among others, the +Upper Coquille, Sixes, Euchre, Creek, Joshua, Tutu tûnnĕ, and other +“Rogue River” or “Tou-touten bands,” Chasta Costa, Galice Creek, +Naltunne tûnnĕ and Chetco villages;[13] the Athapascan villages formerly +on Smith River and tributaries, California;[14] those villages extending +southward from Smith River along the California coast to the mouth of +Klamath River;[15] the Hupâ villages or “clans” formerly on Lower +Trinity River, California;[16] the Kenesti or Wailakki (2), located as +follows: “They live along the western slope of the Shasta Mountains, +from North Eel River, above Round Valley, to Hay Fork; along Eel and Mad +Rivers, extending down the latter about to Low Gap; also on Dobbins and +Larrabie Creeks;”[17] and Saiaz, who “formerly occupied the tongue of +land jutting down between Eel River and Van Dusen’s Fork.”[18] + + [Footnote 10: Gibbs in Pac. R. R. Rep. I, 1855, p. 428.] + + [Footnote 11: Lewis and Clarke, Exp., 1814, vol. 2, p. 382.] + + [Footnote 12: Gatschet and Dorsey, MS., 1883-’84.] + + [Footnote 13: Dorsey, MS., map, 1884, B.E.] + + [Footnote 14: Hamilton, MS., Haynarger Vocab., B.E.; Powers, + Contr. N.A. Ethn., 1877, vol. 3, p. 65.] + + [Footnote 15: Dorsey, MS., map, 1884, B.E.] + + [Footnote 16: Powers, Contr. N.A. Ethn., 1877, vol. 3, pp. 72, 73.] + + [Footnote 17: Powers, Contr. N.A. Ethn., 1877, vol. 3, p. 114.] + + [Footnote 18: Powers, Contr. N.A. Ethn., 1877, vol. 3, p. 122.] + + +_Southern group_.--Includes the Navajo, Apache, and Lipan. Engineer José +Cortez, one of the earliest authorities on these tribes, writing in +1799, defines the boundaries of the Lipan and Apache as extending north +and south from 29° N. to 36° N., and east and west from 99° W. to 114° +W.; in other words from central Texas nearly to the Colorado River in +Arizona, where they met tribes of the Yuman stock. The Lipan occupied +the eastern part of the above territory, extending in Texas from the +Comanche country (about Red River) south to the Rio Grande.[19] More +recently both Lipan and Apache have gradually moved southward into +Mexico where they extend as far as Durango.[20] + + [Footnote 19: Cortez in Pac. R. R. Rep., 1856, vol. 3, pt. 3, + pp. 118, 119.] + + [Footnote 20: Bartlett, Pers. Narr., 1854; Orozco y Berra, Geog., + 1864.] + +The Navajo, since first known to history, have occupied the country on +and south of the San Juan River in northern New Mexico and Arizona and +extending into Colorado and Utah. They were surrounded on all sides by +the cognate Apache except upon the north, where they meet Shoshonean +tribes. + + +PRINCIPAL TRIBES. + + A. Northern group: B. Pacific group: C. Southern group: + + Ah-tena. Ătaăkût. Arivaipa. + Kaiyuh-khotana. Chasta Costa. Chiricahua. + Kcaltana. Chetco. Coyotero. + K’naia-khotana. Dakube tede Faraone. + Koyukukhotana. (on Applegate Creek). Gileño. + Kutchin. Euchre Creek. Jicarilla. + Montagnais. Hupâ. Lipan. + Montagnards. Kălts’erea tûnnĕ. Llanero. + Nagailer. Kenesti or Wailakki. Mescalero. + Slave. Kwalhioqua. Mimbreño. + Sluacus-tinneh. Kwaʇami. Mogollon. + Taculli. Micikqwûtme tûnnĕ. Na-isha. + Tahl-tan (1). Mikono tûnnĕ. Navajo. + Unakhotana. Owilapsh. Pinal Coyotero. + Qwinctûnnetûn. Tchĕkûn. + Saiaz. Tchishi. + Taltûctun tûde. + (on Galice Creek). + Tcêmê (Joshuas). + Tcĕtlĕstcan tûnnĕ. + Terwar. + Tlatscanai. + Tolowa. + Tutu tûnnĕ. + +_Population._--The present number of the Athapascan family is about +32,899, of whom about 8,595, constituting the Northern group, are in +Alaska and British North America, according to Dall, Dawson, and the +Canadian Indian-Report for 1888; about 895, comprising the Pacific +group, are in Washington, Oregon, and California; and about 23,409, +belonging to the Southern group, are in Arizona, New Mexico, Colorado, +and Indian Territory. Besides these are the Lipan and some refugee +Apache, who are in Mexico. These have not been included in the above +enumeration, as there are no means of ascertaining their number. + +Northern group.--This may be said to consist of the following: + Ah-tena (1877) 364? + Ai-yan (1888) 250 + Al-ta-tin (Sicannie) estimated (1888) 500 + of whom there are at Fort Halkett (1887) 73 + of whom there are at Fort Liard (1887) 78 + Chippewyan, Yellow Knives, with a few Slave and Dog Rib + at Fort Resolution 469 + Dog Rib at Fort Norman 133 + Dog Rib, Slave, and Yellow Knives at Fort Rae 657 + Hare at Fort Good Hope 364 + Hare at Fort Norman 103 + Kai-yuh-kho-tána (1877), Koyukukhotána (1877), + and Unakhotána (1877) 2,000? + K’nai-a Khotána (1880) 250? + Kutchin and Bastard Loucheux at Fort Good Hope 95 + Kutchin at Peel River and La Pierre’s House 337 + Kutchin on the Yukon (six tribes) 842 + Nahanie at Fort Good Hope 8 + Nahanie at Fort Halkett (including Mauvais Monde, + Bastard Nahanie, and Mountain Indians) 332 + Nahanie at Fort Liard 38 + Nahanie at Fort Norman 43 + --- + 421 + Nahanie at Fort Simpson and Big Island + (Hudson Bay Company’s Territory) 87 + Slave, Dog Rib, and Hare at Fort Simpson and Big Island + (Hudson Bay Company’s Territory) 658 + Slave at Fort Liard 281 + Slave at Fort Norman 84 + Tenán Kutchin (1877) 700? + ----- + 8,595? + +To the Pacific Group may be assigned the following: + Hupa Indians, on Hoopa Valley Reservation, California 468 + Rogue River Indians at Grande Ronde Reservation, Oregon 47 + Siletz Reservation, Oregon + (about one-half the Indians thereon) 300? + Umpqua at Grande Ronde Reservation, Oregon 80 + --- + 895? + +Southern Group, consisting of Apache, Lipan, and Navajo: + Apache children at Carlisle, Pennsylvania 142 + Apache prisoners at Mount Vernon Barracks, Alabama 356 + Coyotero Apache (San Carlos Reservation) 733? + Jicarilla Apache (Southern Ute Reservation, Colorado) 808 + Lipan with Tonkaway on Oakland Reserve, Indian Territory 15? + Mescalero Apache (Mescalero Reservation, New Mexico) 513 + Na-isha Apache (Kiowa, Comanche, and Wichita Reservation, + Indian Territory) 326 + Navajo (most on Navajo Reservation, Arizona + and New Mexico; 4 at Carlisle, Pennsylvania) 17,208 + San Carlos Apache (San Carlos Reservation, Arizona) 1,352? + White Mountain Apache (San Carlos Reservation, Arizona) 36 + White Mountain Apache + (under military at Camp Apache, Arizona) 1,920 + ------ + 23,409? + + +ATTACAPAN FAMILY. + + = Attacapas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 116, + 306, 1836. Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II. pt. 1, xcix, 77, + 1848. Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 343, 1850 (includes Attacapas and + Carankuas). Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853. + Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 426, 1859. + + = Attacapa, Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., II, 31-50, 1846. + Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 406, 1847 (or “Men eaters”). Latham + in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 105, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 293, + 1860. + + = Attakapa, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 103, 1856. Latham, + Opuscula, 366, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 477, 1862 (referred to + as one of the two most isolated languages of N.A.). + + = Atákapa, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Leg., I, 45, 1884. Gatschet in + Science, 414, Apr. 29, 1887. + + +Derivation: From a Choctaw word meaning “man-eater.” + +Little is known of the tribe, the language of which forms the basis of +the present family. The sole knowledge possessed by Gallatin was derived +from a vocabulary and some scanty information furnished by Dr. John +Sibley, who collected his material in the year 1805. Gallatin states +that the tribe was reduced to 50 men. According to Dr. Sibley the +Attacapa language was spoken also by another tribe, the “Carankouas,” +who lived on the coast of Texas, and who conversed in their own language +besides. In 1885 Mr. Gatschet visited the section formerly inhabited by +the Attacapa and after much search discovered one man and two women at +Lake Charles, Calcasieu Parish, Louisiana, and another woman living 10 +miles to the south; he also heard of five other women then scattered in +western Texas; these are thought to be the only survivors of the tribe. +Mr. Gatschet collected some two thousand words and a considerable body +of text. His vocabulary differs considerably from the one furnished by +Dr. Sibley and published by Gallatin, and indicates that the language of +the western branch of the tribe was dialectically distinct from that of +their brethren farther to the east. + +The above material seems to show that the Attacapa language is distinct +from all others, except possibly the Chitimachan. + + +BEOTHUKAN FAMILY. + + = Bethuck, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 58, 1856 (stated to + be “Algonkin rather than aught else”). Latham, Opuscula, 327, 1860. + Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 453, 1862. + + = Beothuk, Gatschet in Proc. Am. Philosoph. Soc., 408, Oct., 1885. + Gatschet, ibid., 411, July, 1886 (language affirmed to represent a + distinct linguistic family). Gatschet, ibid., 1, Jan-June, 1890. + + +Derivation: Beothuk signifies “Indian” or “red Indian.” + +The position of the language spoken by the aborigines of Newfoundland +must be considered to be doubtful. + +In 1846 Latham examined the material then accessible, and was led to the +somewhat ambiguous statement that the language “was akin to those of the +ordinary American Indians rather than to the Eskimo; further +investigation showing that, of the ordinary American languages, it was +Algonkin rather than aught else.” + +Since then Mr. Gatschet has been able to examine a much larger and more +satisfactory body of material, and although neither in amount nor +quality is the material sufficient to permit final and satisfactory +deductions, yet so far as it goes it shows that the language is quite +distinct from any of the Algonquian dialects, and in fact from any other +American tongue. + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +It seems highly probable that the whole of Newfoundland at the time of +its discovery by Cabot in 1497 was inhabited by Beothuk Indians. + +In 1534 Cartier met with Indians inhabiting the southeastern part of the +island, who, very likely, were of this people, though the description is +too vague to permit certain identification. A century later the southern +portion of the island appears to have been abandoned by these Indians, +whoever they were, on account of European settlements, and only the +northern and eastern parts of the island were occupied by them. About +the beginning of the eighteenth century western Newfoundland was +colonized by the Micmac from Nova Scotia. As a consequence of the +persistent warfare which followed the advent of the latter and which was +also waged against the Beothuk by the Europeans, especially the French, +the Beothuk rapidly wasted in numbers. Their main territory was soon +confined to the neighborhood of the Exploits River. The tribe was +finally lost sight of about 1827, having become extinct, or possibly the +few survivors having crossed to the Labrador coast and joined the +Nascapi with whom the tribe had always been on friendly terms. + +Upon the map only the small portion of the island is given to the +Beothuk which is known definitely to have been occupied by them, viz., +the neighborhood of the Exploits River, though, as stated above, it +seems probable that the entire island was once in their possession. + + +CADDOAN FAMILY. + + > Caddoes, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 116, 306, + 1836 (based on Caddoes alone). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 406, + 1847. Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1858 [gives as + languages Caddo, Red River, (Nandakoes, Tachies, Nabedaches)]. + + > Caddokies, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 116, + 1836 (same as his Caddoes). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 406, + 1847. + + > Caddo, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., II, 31-50, 1846 + (indicates affinities with Iroquois, Muskoge, Catawba, Pawnee). + Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848, (Caddo + only). Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848 (Caddos, etc.). + Ibid., 1852. Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 338, 1850 (between the + Mississippi and Sabine). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc., Lond., 101, + 1856. Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., III, pt. 3, 55, 70, 1856 (finds + resemblances to Pawnee but keeps them separate). Buschmann, Spuren der + aztek. Sprache, 426, 448, 1859. Latham, Opuscula, 290, 366, 1860. + + > Caddo, Latham, Elements Comp. Phil., 470, 1862 (includes Pawni and + Riccari). + + > Pawnees, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 128, 306, + 1836 (two nations: Pawnees proper and Ricaras or Black Pawnees). + Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 408, 1847 (follows Gallatin). + Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 1848. Latham, Nat. + Hist. Man, 344, 1850 (or Panis; includes Loup and Republican Pawnees). + Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853 (gives as + languages: Pawnees, Ricaras, Tawakeroes, Towekas, Wachos?). Hayden, + Cont. Eth. and Phil. Missouri Indians, 232, 345, 1863 (includes + Pawnees and Arikaras). + + > Panis, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 117, 128, + 1836 (of Red River of Texas; mention of villages; doubtfully indicated + as of Pawnee family). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 407, 1847 + (supposed from name to be of same race with Pawnees of the Arkansa). + Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 344, 1850 (Pawnees or). Gallatin in + Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 403, 1853 (here kept separate from + Pawnee family). + + > Pawnies, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 77, 1848 (see + Pawnee above). + + > Pahnies, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852. + + > Pawnee(?), Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., III, pt. 3, 55, 65, 1856 + (Kichai and Hueco vocabularies). + + = Pawnee, Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 478, + 1878 (gives four groups, viz: Pawnees proper; Arickarees; Wichitas; + Caddoes). + + = Pani, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, 42, 1884. Berghaus, Physik. + Atlas, map 72, 1887. + + > Towiaches. Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 116, + 128, 1836 (same as Panis above). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, + 407, 1847. + + > Towiachs, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 349, 1850 (includes Towiach, + Tawakenoes, Towecas?, Wacos). + + > Towiacks, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853. + + > Natchitoches, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 116, + 1836 (stated by Dr. Sibley to speak a language different from any + other). Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 342, 1850. Prichard, Phys. Hist. + Mankind, V, 406, 1847 (after Gallatin). Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. + Tribes, III, 402, 1853 (a single tribe only). + + > Aliche, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 349, 1850 (near Nacogdoches; not + classified). + + > Yatassees, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 116, + 1836 (the single tribe; said by Dr. Sibley to be different from any + other; referred to as a family). + + > Riccarees, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 344, 1850 (kept distinct from + Pawnee family). + + > Washita, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc., Lond., 103, 1856. + Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 441, 1859 (revokes previous + opinion of its distinctness and refers it to Pawnee family). + + > Witchitas, Buschmann, ibid., (same as his Washita). + + +Derivation: From the Caddo term ka´-ede, signifying “chief” (Gatschet). + +The Pawnee and Caddo, now known to be of the same linguistic family, +were supposed by Gallatin and by many later writers to be distinct, and +accordingly both names appear in the Archæologia Americana as family +designations. Both names are unobjectionable, but as the term Caddo has +priority by a few pages preference is given to it. + +Gallatin states “that the Caddoes formerly lived 300 miles up Red River +but have now moved to a branch of Red River.” He refers to the +Nandakoes, the Inies or Tachies, and the Nabedaches as speaking dialects +of the Caddo language. + +Under Pawnee two tribes were included by Gallatin: The Pawnees proper +and the Ricaras. The Pawnee tribes occupied the country on the Platte +River adjoining the Loup Fork. The Ricara towns were on the upper +Missouri in latitude 46° 30'. The boundaries of the Caddoan family, as +at present understood, can best be given under three primary groups, +Northern, Middle, and Southern. + +_Northern group_.--This comprises the Arikara or Ree, now confined to a +small village (on Fort Berthold Reservation, North Dakota,) which they +share with the Mandan and Hidatsa tribes of the Siouan family. The +Arikara are the remains of ten different tribes of “Paneas,” who had +been driven from their country lower down the Missouri River (near the +Ponka habitat in northern Nebraska) by the Dakota. In 1804 they were in +three villages, nearer their present location.[21] + + [Footnote 21: Lewis, Travels of Lewis and Clarke, 15, 1809.] + +According to Omaha tradition, the Arikara were their allies when these +two tribes and several others were east of the Mississippi River.[22] +Fort Berthold Reservation, their present abode, is in the northwest +corner of North Dakota. + + [Footnote 22: Dorsey in Am. Naturalist, March, 1886, p. 215.] + +_Middle group_.--This includes the four tribes or villages of Pawnee, +the Grand, Republican, Tapage, and Skidi. Dunbar says: “The original +hunting ground of the Pawnee extended from the Niobrara,” in Nebraska, +“south to the Arkansas, but no definite boundaries can be fixed.” In +modern times their villages have been on the Platte River west of +Columbus, Nebraska. The Omaha and Oto were sometimes southeast of them +near the mouth of the Platte, and the Comanche were northwest of them on +the upper part of one of the branches of the Loup Fork.[23] The Pawnee +were removed to Indian Territory in 1876. The Grand Pawnee and Tapage +did not wander far from their habitat on the Platte. The Republican +Pawnee separated from the Grand about the year 1796, and made a village +on a “large northwardly branch of the Kansas River, to which they have +given their name; afterwards they subdivided, and lived in different +parts of the country on the waters of Kansas River. In 1805 they +rejoined the Grand Pawnee.” The Skidi (Panimaha, or Pawnee Loup), +according to Omaha tradition,[24] formerly dwelt east of the Mississippi +River, where they were the allies of the Arikara, Omaha, Ponka, etc. +After their passage of the Missouri they were conquered by the Grand +Pawnee, Tapage, and Republican tribes, with whom they have remained to +this day. De L’Isle[25] gives twelve Panimaha villages on the Missouri +River north of the Pani villages on the Kansas River. + + [Footnote 23: Dorsey, Omaha map of Nebraska.] + + [Footnote 24: Dorsey in Am. Nat., March, 1886, p. 215.] + + [Footnote 25: Carte de la Louisiane, 1718.] + +_Southern group_.--This includes the Caddo, Wichita, Kichai, and other +tribes or villages which were formerly in Texas, Louisiana, Arkansas, +and Indian Territory. + +The Caddo and Kichai have undoubtedly been removed from their priscan +habitats, but the Wichita, judging from the survival of local names +(Washita River, Indian Territory, Wichita Falls, Texas) and the +statement of La Harpe,[26] are now in or near one of their early abodes. +Dr. Sibley[27] locates the Caddo habitat 35 miles west of the main +branch of Red River, being 120 miles by land from Natchitoches, and they +formerly lived 375 miles higher up. Cornell’s Atlas (1870) places Caddo +Lake in the northwest corner of Louisiana, in Caddo County. It also +gives both Washita and Witchita as the name of a tributary of Red River +of Louisiana. This duplication of names seems to show that the Wichita +migrated from northwestern Louisiana and southwestern Arkansas to the +Indian Territory. After comparing the statements of Dr. Sibley (as +above) respecting the habitats of the Anadarko, Ioni, Nabadache, and +Eyish with those of Schermerhorn respecting the Kädo hadatco,[28] of Le +Page Du Pratz (1758) concerning the Natchitoches, of Tonti[29] and La +Harpe[30] about the Yatasi, of La Harpe (as above) about the Wichita, +and of Sibley concerning the Kichai, we are led to fix upon the +following as the approximate boundaries of the habitat of the southern +group of the Caddoan family: Beginning on the northwest with that part +of Indian Territory now occupied by the Wichita, Chickasaw, and Kiowa +and Comanche Reservations, and running along the southern border of the +Choctaw Reservation to the Arkansas line; thence due east to the +headwaters of Washita or Witchita River, Polk County, Arkansas; thence +through Arkansas and Louisiana along the western bank of that river to +its mouth; thence southwest through Louisiana striking the Sabine River +near Salem and Belgrade; thence southwest through Texas to Tawakonay +Creek, and along that stream to the Brazos River; thence following that +stream to Palo Pinto, Texas; thence northwest to the mouth of the North +Fork of Red River; and thence to the beginning. + + [Footnote 26: In 1719, _fide_ Margry, VI, 289, “the Ousita village + is on the southwest branch of the Arkansas River.”] + + [Footnote 27: 1805, in Lewis and Clarke, Discov., 1806, p. 66.] + + [Footnote 28: Second Mass, Hist. Coll., vol. 2, 1814, p. 23.] + + [Footnote 29: 1690, in French, Hist. Coll. La., vol. 1, p. 72.] + + [Footnote 30: 1719, in Margry, vol. 6, p. 264.] + + +PRINCIPAL TRIBES. + + A. Pawnee. + Grand Pawnee. + Tappas. + Republican Pawnee. + Skidi. + + B. Arikara. + + C. Wichita. + (Ki-¢i´-tcac, Omaha pronunciation of the name of a Pawnee tribe, + Ki-dhi´-chash or Ki-ri´-chash). + + D. Kichai. + + E. Caddo (Kä´-do). + + +_Population._--The present number of the Caddoan stock is 2,259, of whom +447 are on the Fort Berthold Reservation, North Dakota, and the rest in +the Indian Territory, some on the Ponca, Pawnee, and Otoe Reservation, +the others on the Kiowa, Comanche, and Wichita Reservation. Below is +given the population of the tribes officially recognized, compiled +chiefly from the Indian Report for 1889: + + Arikara 448 + Pawnee 824 + Wichita 176 + Towakarehu 145 + Waco 64 + --- 385 + Kichai 63 + Caddo 539 + ----- + Total 2,259 + + +CHIMAKUAN FAMILY. + + = Chimakum, Gibbs in Pac. R. R. Rep., I, 431, 1855 (family doubtful). + + = Chemakum, Eells in Am. Antiquarian, 52, Oct., 1880 (considers + language different from any of its neighbors). + + < Puget Sound Group, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), + 474, 1878 (Chinakum included in this group). + + < Nootka, Bancroft, Native Races, III, 564, 1882 (contains Chimakum). + + +Derivation unknown. + +Concerning this language Gibbs, as above cited, states as follows: + +The language of the Chimakum “differs materially from either that of the +Clallams or the Nisqually, and is not understood by any of their +neighbors. In fact, they seem to have maintained it a State secret. To +what family it will ultimately be referred, cannot now be decided.” + +Eells also asserts the distinctness of this language from any of its +neighbors. Neither of the above authors assigned the language family +rank, and accordingly Mr. Gatschet, who has made a comparison of +vocabularies and finds the language to be quite distinct from any other, +gives it the above name. + +The Chimakum are said to have been formerly one of the largest and most +powerful tribes of Puget Sound. Their warlike habits early tended to +diminish their numbers, and when visited by Gibbs in 1854 they counted +only about seventy individuals. This small remnant occupied some fifteen +small lodges on Port Townsend Bay. According to Gibbs “their territory +seems to have embraced the shore from Port Townsend to Port Ludlow.”[31] +In 1884 there were, according to Mr. Myron Eells, about twenty +individuals left, most of whom are living near Port Townsend, +Washington. Three or four live upon the Skokomish Reservation at the +southern end of Hood’s Canal. + + [Footnote 31: Dr. Boas was informed in 1889, by a surviving Chimakum + woman and several Clallam, that the tribe was confined to the + peninsula between Hood’s Canal and Port Townsend.] + +The Quile-ute, of whom in 1889 there were 252 living on the Pacific +south of Cape Flattery, belong to the family. The Hoh, a sub-tribe of +the latter, number 71 and are under the Puyallup Agency. + + +PRINCIPAL TRIBES. + +The following tribes are recognized: + + Chimakum. + Quile-ute. + + +CHIMARIKAN FAMILY. + + = Chim-a-ri´-ko, Powell in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 474, 1877. Gatschet + in Mag. Am. Hist., 255, April, 1882 (stated to be a distinct family). + + +According to Powers, this family was represented, so far as known, by +two tribes in California, one the Chi-mál-a-kwe, living on New River, +a branch of the Trinity, the other the Chimariko, residing upon the +Trinity itself from Burnt Ranch up to the mouth of North Fork, +California. The two tribes are said to have been as numerous formerly as +the Hupa, by whom they were overcome and nearly exterminated. Upon the +arrival of the Americans only twenty-five of the Chimalakwe were left. +In 1875 Powers collected a Chimariko vocabulary of about two hundred +words from a woman, supposed to be one of the last three women of that +tribe. In 1889 Mr. Curtin, while in Hoopa Valley, found a Chimariko man +seventy or more years old, who is believed to be one of the two living +survivors of the tribe. Mr. Curtin obtained a good vocabulary and much +valuable information relative to the former habitat and history of the +tribe. Although a study of these vocabularies reveals a number of words +having correspondences with the Kulanapan (Pomo) equivalents, yet the +greater number show no affinities with the dialects of the latter +family, or indeed with any other. The family is therefore classed as +distinct. + + +PRINCIPAL TRIBES. + + Chimariko. + Chimalakwe. + + +CHIMMESYAN FAMILY. + + = Chimmesyan, Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., I, 154, 1848 (between + 53° 30' and 55° 30' N.L.). Latham, Opuscula, 250, 1860. + + Chemmesyan, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 300, 1850 (includes Naaskok, + Chemmesyan, Kitshatlah, Kethumish). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. + Lond., 72, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 339, 1860. Latham, Elements Comp. + Phil., 401, 1862. + + = Chymseyans, Kane, Wanderings of an Artist, app., 1859 (a census of + tribes of N.W. coast classified by languages). + + = Chimayans, Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, V, 487, 1855 (gives Kane’s list + but with many orthographical changes). Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 269, + 1869 (published in 1870). Dall in Cont. N.A. Eth., I, 36, 39, 40, 1877 + (probably distinct from T’linkets). Bancroft, Native Races, III, 564, + 607, 1882. + + = Tshimsian, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 14-25, 1884. + + = Tsimpsi-an´, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 379, 1885 (mere mention of + family). + + X Northern, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 220, 1841 + (includes Chimmesyans). + + X Haidah, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 220, 1841 (same + as his Northern family). + + < Naas, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, c, 1848 + (including Chimmesyan). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. + + < Naass, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 77, 1848. + Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853. + + = Nasse, Dall in Cont. N.A. Eth., I, 36, 40, 1877 (or Chimsyan). + + < Nass, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 564, 606, 1882 (includes Nass and + Sebassa Indians of this family, also Hailtza). + + = Hydahs, Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 473, + 1878 (includes Tsimsheeans, Nass, Skeenas, Sebasses of present + family). + + +Derivation: From the Chimsian ts’em, “on;” kcian, “main river:” “On the +main (Skeena) river.” + +This name appears in a paper of Latham’s published in 1848. To it is +referred a vocabulary of Tolmie’s. The area where it is spoken is said +by Latham to be 50° 30' and 55° 30'. The name has become established by +long usage, and it is chiefly on this account that it has been given +preference over the Naas of Gallatin of the same year. The latter name +was given by Gallatin to a group of languages now known to be not +related, viz, Hailstla, Haceltzuk Billechola, and Chimeysan. Billechola +belongs under Salishan, a family name of Gallatin’s of 1836. + +Were it necessary to take Naas as a family name it would best apply to +Chimsian, it being the name of a dialect and village of Chimsian +Indians, while it has no pertinency whatever to Hailstla and Haceltzuk, +which are closely related and belong to a family quite distinct from the +Chimmesyan. As stated above, however, the term Naas is rejected in favor +of Chimmesyan of the same date. + +For the boundaries of this family the linguistic map published by Tolmie +and Dawson, in 1884, is followed. + + +PRINCIPAL TRIBES. + +Following is a list of the Chimmesyan tribes, according to Boas:[32] + + A. Nasqa´: + Nasqa´. + Gyitksa´n. + + B. Tsimshian proper: + Ts’emsia´n. + Gyits’umrä´lon. + Gyits’ala´ser. + Gyitqā´tla. + Gyitg·ā´ata. + Gyidesdzo´. + + [Footnote 32: B.A.A.S. Fifth Rep. of Committee on NW. Tribes of + Canada. Newcastle-upon-Tyne meeting, 1889, pp. 8-9.] + + +_Population._--The Canadian Indian Report for 1888 records a total for +all the tribes of this family of 5,000. In the fall of 1887 about 1,000 +of these Indians, in charge of Mr. William Duncan, removed to Annette +Island, about 60 miles north of the southern boundary of Alaska, near +Port Chester, where they have founded a new settlement called New +Metlakahtla. Here houses have been erected, day and industrial schools +established, and the Indians are understood to be making remarkable +progress in civilization. + + +CHINOOKAN FAMILY. + + > Chinooks, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 134, + 306, 1836 (a single tribe at mouth of Columbia). + + = Chinooks, Hale in U.S. Expl. Expd., VI, 198, 1846. Gallatin, after + Hale, in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 15, 1848 (or Tsinuk). + + = Tshinuk, Hale in U.S. Expl. Expd., VI, 562, 569, 1846 (contains + Watlala or Upper Chinook, including Watlala, Nihaloitih, or Echeloots; + and Tshinuk, including Tshinuk, Tlatsap, Wakaikam). + + = Tsinuk, Gallatin, after Hale, in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, + 15, 1848. Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. + + > Cheenook, Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., I, 236, 1848. Latham, + Opuscula, 253, 1860. + + > Chinuk, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 317, 1850 (same as Tshinúk; includes + Chinúks proper, Klatsops, Kathlamut, Wakáikam, Watlala, Nihaloitih). + Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 73, 1856 (mere mention of + family name). Latham, Opuscula, 340, 1860. Buschmann. Spuren der + aztek. Sprache, 616-619, 1859. + + = Tschinuk, Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. Latham in + Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 73, 1856 (mere mention of family name). + Latham, Opuscula, 340, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 402, 1862 (cites + a short vocabulary of Watlala). + + = Tshinook, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853 + (Chinooks, Clatsops, and Watlala). Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs. + Brit. Col., 51, 61, 1884. + + > Tshinuk, Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 616, 1859 (same as + his Chinuk). + + = T’sinūk, Dall, after Gibbs, in Cont. N.A. Eth., 1, 241, 1877 (mere + mention of family). + + = Chinook, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 167, 1877 (names and gives + habitats of tribes). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 442, 1877. + + < Chinooks, Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 474, + 1878 (includes Skilloots, Watlalas, Lower Chinooks, Wakiakurns, + Cathlamets, Clatsops, Calapooyas, Clackamas, Killamooks, Yamkally, + Chimook Jargon; of these Calapooyas and Yamkally are Kalapooian, + Killamooks are Salishan). + + > Chinook, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 565, 626-628, 1882 (enumerates + Chinook, Wakiakum, Cathlamet, Clatsop, Multnomah, Skilloot, Watlala). + + X Nootka-Columbian, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 224, + 1841 (includes Cheenooks, and Cathlascons of present family). + + X Southern, Scouler, ibid., 234 (same as his Nootka-Columbian family + above). + + +The vocabulary of the Chinook tribe, upon which the family name was +based, was derived from the mouth of the Columbia. As now understood the +family embraces a number of tribes, speaking allied languages, whose +former homes extended from the mouth of the river for some 200 miles, or +to The Dalles. According to Lewis and Clarke, our best authorities on +the pristine home of this family, most of their villages were on the +banks of the river, chiefly upon the northern bank, though they probably +claimed the land upon either bank for several miles back. Their villages +also extended on the Pacific coast north nearly to the northern extreme +of Shoalwater Bay, and to the south to about Tillamook Head, some 20 +miles from the mouth of the Columbia. + + +PRINCIPAL TRIBES. + + Lower Chinook: + Chinook. + Clatsop. + + Upper Chinook: + Cathlamet. + Cathlapotle. + Chilluckquittequaw. + Clackama. + Cooniac. + Echeloot. + Multnoma. + Wahkiacum. + Wasco. + + +_Population._--There are two hundred and eighty-eight Wasco on the Warm +Springs Reservation, Oregon, and one hundred and fifty on the Yakama +Reservation, Washington. On the Grande Ronde Reservation, Oregon, there +are fifty-nine Clackama. From information derived from Indians by Mr. +Thomas Priestly, United States Indian Agent at Yakama, it is learned +that there still remain three or four families of “regular Chinook +Indians,” probably belonging to one of the down-river tribes, about 6 +miles above the mouth of the Columbia. Two of these speak the Chinook +proper, and three have an imperfect command of Clatsop. There are eight +or ten families, probably also of one of the lower river tribes, living +near Freeport, Washington. + +Some of the Watlala, or Upper Chinook, live near the Cascades, about 55 +miles below The Dalles. There thus remain probably between five and six +hundred of the Indians of this family. + + +CHITIMACHAN FAMILY. + + = Chitimachas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 114, + 117, 1836. Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 407, 1847. + + = Chetimachas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 306, + 1836. Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 1848. Latham, + Nat. Hist. Man, 341, 1850. Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, + 402, 1853. + + = Chetimacha, Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., II, 31-50, 1846. + Latham, Opuscula, 293, 1860. + + = Chetemachas, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 77, 1848 + (same as Chitimachas). + + = Shetimasha, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, 44, 1884. Gatschet in + Science, 414, April 29, 1887. + + +Derivation: From Choctaw words tchúti, “cooking vessels,” másha, “they +possess,” (Gatschet). + +This family was based upon the language of the tribe of the same name, +“formerly living in the vicinity of Lake Barataria, and still existing +(1836) in lower Louisiana.” + +Du Pratz asserted that the Taensa and Chitimacha were kindred tribes of +the Na’htchi. A vocabulary of the Shetimasha, however, revealed to +Gallatin no traces of such affinity. He considered both to represent +distinct families, a conclusion subsequent investigations have +sustained. + +In 1881 Mr. Gatschet visited the remnants of this tribe in Louisiana. He +found about fifty individuals, a portion of whom lived on Grand River, +but the larger part in Charenton, St. Mary’s Parish. The tribal +organization was abandoned in 1879 on the death of their chief. + + +CHUMASHAN FAMILY. + + > Santa Barbara, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc., Lond., 85, 1856 + (includes Santa Barbara, Santa Inez, San Luis Obispo languages). + Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 531, 535, 538, 602, 1859. + Latham, Opuscula, 351, 1860. Powell in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 550, 567, + 1877 (Kasuá, Santa Inez, Id. of Santa Cruz, Santa Barbara). Gatschet + in U.S. Geog. Surv. W. 100th M., VII, 419, 1879 (cites La Purísima, + Santa Inez, Santa Barbara, Kasuá, Mugu, Santa Cruz Id.). + + X Santa Barbara, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 156, 1877 (Santa Inez, + Santa Barbara, Santa Cruz Id., San Luis Obispo, San Antonio). + + +Derivation: From Chumash, the name of the Santa Rosa Islanders. + +The several dialects of this family have long been known under the group +or family name, “Santa Barbara,” which seems first to have been used in +a comprehensive sense by Latham in 1856, who included under it three +languages, viz: Santa Barbara, Santa Inez, and San Luis Obispo. The term +has no special pertinence as a family designation, except from the fact +that the Santa Barbara Mission, around which one of the dialects of the +family was spoken, is perhaps more widely known than any of the others. +Nevertheless, as it is the family name first applied to the group and +has, moreover, passed into current use its claim to recognition would +not be questioned were it not a compound name. Under the rule adopted +the latter fact necessitates its rejection. As a suitable substitute the +term Chumashan is here adopted. Chumash is the name of the Santa Rosa +Islanders, who spoke a dialect of this stock, and is a term widely known +among the Indians of this family. + +The Indians of this family lived in villages, the villages as a whole +apparently having no political connection, and hence there appears to +have been no appellation in use among them to designate themselves as a +whole people. + +Dialects of this language were spoken at the Missions of San +Buenaventura, Santa Barbara, Santa Iñez, Purísima, and San Luis Obispo. +Kindred dialects were spoken also upon the Islands of Santa Rosa and +Santa Cruz, and also, probably, upon such other of the Santa Barbara +Islands as formerly were permanently inhabited. + +These dialects collectively form a remarkably homogeneous family, all of +them, with the exception of the San Luis Obispo, being closely related +and containing very many words in common. Vocabularies representing six +dialects of the language are in possession of the Bureau of Ethnology. + +The inland limits of this family can not be exactly defined, although a +list of more than one hundred villages with their sites, obtained by Mr. +Henshaw in 1884, shows that the tribes were essentially maritime and +were closely confined to the coast. + + +_Population._--In 1884 Mr. Henshaw visited the several counties formerly +inhabited by the populous tribes of this family and discovered that +about forty men, women, and children survived. The adults still speak +their old language when conversing with each other, though on other +occasions they use Spanish. The largest settlement is at San +Buenaventura, where perhaps 20 individuals live near the outskirts of +the town. + + +COAHUILTECAN FAMILY. + + = Coahuilteco, Orozco y Berra, Geografía de las Lenguas de México, + map, 1864. + + = Tejano ó Coahuilteco, Pimentel, Cuadro Descriptivo y Comparativo de + las Lenguas Indígenas de México, II, 409, 1865. (A preliminary notice + with example from the language derived from Garcia’s Manual, 1760.) + + +Derivation: From the name of the Mexican State Coahuila. + +This family appears to have included numerous tribes in southwestern +Texas and in Mexico. They are chiefly known through the record of the +Rev. Father Bartolomé Garcia (Manual para administrar, etc.), published +in 1760. In the preface to the “Manual” he enumerates the tribes and +sets forth some phonetic and grammatic differences between the dialects. + +On page 63 of his Geografía de las Lenguas de México, 1864, Orozco y +Berra gives a list of the languages of Mexico and includes Coahuilteco, +indicating it as the language of Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, and Tamaulipas. +He does not, however, indicate its extension into Texas. It would thus +seem that he intended the name as a general designation for the language +of all the cognate tribes. + +Upon his colored ethnographic map, also, Orozco y Berra designates the +Mexican portion of the area formerly occupied by the tribes of this +family Coahuilteco.[33] In his statement that the language and tribes +are extinct this author was mistaken, as a few Indians still survive who +speak one of the dialects of this family, and in 1886 Mr. Gatschet +collected vocabularies of two tribes, the Comecrudo and Cotoname, who +live on the Rio Grande, at Las Prietas, State of Tamaulipas. Of the +Comecrudo some twenty-five still remain, of whom seven speak the +language. + + [Footnote 33: Geografía de las Lenguas de México, map, 1864.] + +The Cotoname are practically extinct, although Mr. Gatschet obtained one +hundred and twenty-five words from a man said to be of this blood. +Besides the above, Mr. Gatschet obtained information of the existence of +two women of the Pinto or Pakawá tribe who live at La Volsa, near +Reynosa, Tamaulipas, on the Rio Grande, and who are said to speak their +own language. + + +PRINCIPAL TRIBES. + + Alasapa. Pajalate. + Cachopostate. Pakawá. + Casa chiquita. Pamaque. + Chayopine. Pampopa. + Comecrudo. Pastancoya. + Cotoname. Patacale. + Mano de perro. Pausane. + Mescal. Payseya. + Miakan. Sanipao. + Orejone. Tâcame. + Pacuâche. Venado. + + +COPEHAN FAMILY. + + > Cop-eh, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 421, 1853 (mentioned + as a dialect). + + = Copeh, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc., Lond., 79, 1856 (of Upper + Sacramento; cites vocabs. from Gallatin and Schoolcraft). Latham, + Opuscula, 345, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 412, 1862. + + = Wintoons, Powers in Overland Monthly, 530, June, 1874 (Upper + Sacramento and Upper Trinity). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 160, 1877 + (defines habitat and names tribes). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. + Miscellany, 434, 1877. + + = Win-tún, Powell in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 518-534, 1877 (vocabularies + of Wintun, Sacramento River, Trinity Indians). Gatschet in U.S. Geog. + Surv. W. 100th M., VII, 418, 1879 (defines area occupied by family). + + X Klamath, Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475, + 1878 (cited as including Copahs, Patawats, Wintoons). Bancroft, Nat. + Races, III, 565, 1882 (contains Copah). + + > Napa, Keane, ibid., 476, 524, 1878 (includes Myacomas, Calayomanes, + Caymus, Ulucas, Suscols). Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 567, 1882 + (includes Napa, Myacoma, Calayomane, Caymus, Uluca, Suscol). + + +This name was proposed by Latham with evident hesitation. He says of it: +“How far this will eventually turn out to be a convenient name for the +group (or how far the group itself will be real), is uncertain.” Under +it he places two vocabularies, one from the Upper Sacramento and the +other from Mag Redings in Shasta County. The head of Putos Creek is +given as headquarters for the language. Recent investigations have +served to fully confirm the validity of the family. + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +The territory of the Copehan family is bounded on the north by Mount +Shasta and the territory of the Sastean and Lutuamian families, on the +east by the territory of the Palaihnihan, Yanan, and Pujunan families, +and on the south by the bays of San Pablo and Suisun and the lower +waters of the Sacramento. + +The eastern boundary of the territory begins about 5 miles east of Mount +Shasta, crosses Pit River a little east of Squaw Creek, and reaches to +within 10 miles of the eastern bank of the Sacramento at Redding. From +Redding to Chico Creek the boundary is about 10 miles east of the +Sacramento. From Chico downward the Pujunan family encroaches till at +the mouth of Feather River it occupies the eastern bank of the +Sacramento. The western boundary of the Copehan family begins at the +northernmost point of San Pablo Bay, trends to the northwest in a +somewhat irregular line till it reaches John’s Peak, from which point it +follows the Coast Range to the tipper waters of Cottonwood Creek, whence +it deflects to the west, crossing the headwaters of the Trinity and +ending at the southern boundary of the Sastean family. + + +PRINCIPAL TRIBES. + + A. Patwin: B. Wintu: + Chenposel. Daupom. + Gruilito. Nomlaki. + Korusi. Nommuk. + Liwaito. Norelmuk. + Lolsel. Normuk. + Makhelchel. Waikenmuk. + Malaka. Wailaki. + Napa. + Olelato. + Olposel. + Suisun. + Todetabi. + Topaidisel. + Waikosel. + Wailaksel. + + +COSTANOAN FAMILY. + + = Costano, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 82, 1856 (includes + the Ahwastes, Olhones or Costanos, Romonans, Tulornos, Altatmos). + Latham, Opuscula, 348, 1860. + + < Mutsun, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 157, 1877 (includes Ahwastes, + Olhones, Altahmos, Romonans, Tulomos). Powell in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, + 535, 1877 (includes under this family vocabs. of Costano, Mutsun, + Santa Clara, Santa Cruz). + + +Derivation: From the Spanish costano, “coast-men.” + +Under this group name Latham included five tribes, given above, which +were under the supervision of the Mission Dolores. He gives a few words +of the Romonan language, comparing it with Tshokoyem which he finds to +differ markedly. He finally expresses the opinion that, notwithstanding +the resemblance of a few words, notably personal pronouns, to Tshokoyem +of the Moquelumnan group, the affinities of the dialects of the Costano +are with the Salinas group, with which, however, he does not unite it +but prefers to keep it by itself. Later, in 1877, Mr. Gatschet,[34] +under the family name Mutsun, united the Costano dialects with the ones +classified by Latham under Moquelumnan. This arrangement was followed by +Powell in his classification of vocabularies.[35] More recent comparison +of all the published material by Mr. Curtin, of the Bureau, revealed +very decided and apparently radical differences between the two groups +of dialects. In 1888 Mr. H. W. Henshaw visited the coast to the north +and south of San Francisco, and obtained a considerable body of +linguistic material for further comparison. The result seems fully +to justify the separation of the two groups as distinct families. + + [Footnote 34: Mag. Am. Hist., 1877, p. 157.] + + [Footnote 35: Cont. N.A. Eth., 1877, vol. 3, p. 535.] + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +The territory of the Costanoan family extends from the Golden Gate to a +point near the southern end of Monterey Bay. On the south it is bounded +from Monterey Bay to the mountains by the Esselenian territory. On the +east side of the mountains it extends to the southern end of Salinas +Valley. On the east it is bounded by a somewhat irregular line running +from the southern end of Salinas Valley to Gilroy Hot Springs and the +upper waters of Conestimba Creek, and, northward from the latter points +by the San Joaquin River to its mouth. The northern boundary is formed +by Suisun Bay, Carquinez Straits, San Pablo and San Francisco Bays, and +the Golden Gate. + + +_Population._--The surviving Indians of the once populous tribes of this +family are now scattered over several counties and probably do not +number, all told, over thirty individuals, as was ascertained by Mr. +Henshaw in 1888. Most of these are to be found near the towns of Santa +Cruz and Monterey. Only the older individuals speak the +language. + + +ESKIMAUAN FAMILY. + + > Eskimaux, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 9, 305, + 1836. Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848. + Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 401, 1853. + + = Eskimo, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852. + Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 288, 1850 (general remarks on origin and + habitat). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 689, 1859. Latham, El. + Comp. Phil., 385, 1862. Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 562, 574, 1882. + + > Esquimaux, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 367-371, 1847 (follows + Gallatin). Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., I, 182-191, 1848. Latham, + Opuscula, 266-274, 1860. + + > Eskimo, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 266, 1869 (treats of Alaskan Eskimo + and Tuski only). Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887 (excludes the + Aleutian). + + > Eskimos, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 1878 + (excludes Aleutian). + + > Ounángan, Veniamínoff, Zapíski ob ostrovaχ Unaláshkinskago otdailo, + II, 1, 1840 (Aleutians only). + + > Ūnŭǵŭn, Dall in Cont. N.A. Eth., I, 22, 1877 (Aleuts a division of + his Orarian group). + + > Unangan, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887. + + X Northern, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 218, 1841 + (includes Ugalentzes of present family). + + X Haidah, Scouler, ibid., 224, 1841 (same as his Northern family). + + > Ugaljachmutzi, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853 + (lat. 60°, between Prince Williams Sound and Mount St. Elias, perhaps + Athapascas). + + Aleuten, Holmberg, Ethnog. Skizzen d. Völker Russ. Am., 1855. + + > Aleutians, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 266, 1869. Dall, Alaska and + Resources, 374, 1870 (in both places a division of his Orarian + family). + + > Aleuts, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 1878 + (consist of Unalaskans of mainland and of Fox and Shumagin Ids., with + Akkhas of rest of Aleutian Arch.). + + > Aleut, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 562, 1882 (two dialects, Unalaska + and Atkha). + + > Konjagen, Holmberg, Ethnograph. Skizzen Volker Russ. Am., 1855 + (Island of Koniag or Kadiak). + + = Orarians, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 265, 1869 (group name; includes + Innuit, Aleutians, Tuski). Dall, Alaska and Resources, 374, 1870. Dall + in Cont. N.A. Eth., 1, 8, 9, 1877. + + X Tinneb, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 269, 1869 (includes “Ugalense”). + + > Innuit, Dall in Cont. N.A. Eth., 1, 9, 1877 (“Major group” of + Orarians: treats of Alaska Innuit only). Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map + 73, 1887 (excludes the Aleutians). + + +Derivation: From an Algonkin word eskimantik, “eaters of raw flesh.” + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +The geographic boundaries of this family were set forth by Gallatin +in 1836 with considerable precision, and require comparatively little +revision and correction. + +In the linear extent of country occupied, the Eskimauan is the most +remarkable of the North American linguistic families. It extends +coastwise from eastern Greenland to western Alaska and to the extremity +of the Aleutian Islands, a distance of considerably more than 5,000 +miles. The winter or permanent villages are usually situated on the +coast and are frequently at considerable distances from one another, +the intervening areas being usually visited in summer for hunting and +fishing purposes. The interior is also visited by the Eskimo for the +purpose of hunting reindeer and other animals, though they rarely +penetrate farther than 50 miles. A narrow strip along the coast, +perhaps 30 miles wide, will probably, on the average, represent +Eskimo occupancy. + +Except upon the Aleutian Islands, the dialects spoken over this vast +area are very similar, the unity of dialect thus observable being in +marked contrast to the tendency to change exhibited in other linguistic +families of North America. + +How far north the east coast of Greenland is inhabited by Eskimo is +not at present known. In 1823 Capt. Clavering met with two families of +Eskimo north of 74° 30'. Recent explorations (1884-’85) by Capt. Holm, +of the Danish Navy, along the southeast coast reveal the presence of +Eskimo between 65° and 66° north latitude. These Eskimo profess entire +ignorance of any inhabitants north of themselves, which may be taken as +proof that if there are fiords farther up the coast which are inhabited +there has been no intercommunication in recent times at least between +these tribes and those to the south. It seems probable that more or less +isolated colonies of Eskimo do actually exist along the east coast of +Greenland far to the north. + +Along the west coast of Greenland, Eskimo occupancy extends to +about 74°. This division is separated by a considerable interval of +uninhabited coast from the Etah Eskimo who occupy the coast from Smith +Sound to Cape York, their most northerly village being in 78° 18'. For +our knowledge of these interesting people we are chiefly indebted to +Ross and Bessels. + +In Grinnell Land, Gen. Greely found indications of permanent Eskimo +habitations near Fort Conger, lat. 81° 44'. + +On the coast of Labrador the Eskimo reach as far south as Hamilton +Inlet, about 55° 30'. Not long since they extended to the Straits of +Belle Isle, 50° 30'. + +On the east coast of Hudson Bay the Eskimo reach at present nearly to +James Bay. According to Dobbs[36] in 1744 they extended as far south as +east Maine River, or about 52°. The name Notaway (Eskimo) River at the +southern end of the bay indicates a former Eskimo extension to that +point. + + [Footnote 36: Dobbs (Arthur). An account of the Countries adjoining + to Hudson’s Bay. London, 1744.] + +According to Boas and Bessels the most northern Eskimo of the middle +group north of Hudson Bay reside on the southern extremity of Ellesmere +Land around Jones Sound. Evidences of former occupation of Prince +Patrick, Melville, and other of the northern Arctic islands are not +lacking, but for some unknown cause, probably a failure of food supply, +the Eskimo have migrated thence and the islands are no longer inhabited. +In the western part of the central region the coast appears to be +uninhabited from the Coppermine River to Cape Bathurst. To the west of +the Mackenzie, Herschel Island marks the limit of permanent occupancy by +the Mackenzie Eskimo, there being no permanent villages between that +island and the settlements at Point Barrow. + +The intervening strip of coast is, however, undoubtedly hunted over more +or less in summer. The Point Barrow Eskimo do not penetrate far into the +interior, but farther to the south the Eskimo reach to the headwaters of +the Nunatog and Koyuk Rivers. Only visiting the coast for trading +purposes, they occupy an anomalous position among Eskimo. + +Eskimo occupancy of the rest of the Alaska coast is practically +continuous throughout its whole extent as far to the south and east as +the Atna or Copper River, where begin the domains of the Koluschan +family. Only in two places do the Indians of the Athapascan family +intrude upon Eskimo territory, about Cook’s Inlet, and at the mouth of +Copper River. + +Owing to the labors of Dall, Petroff, Nelson, Turner, Murdoch, and +others we are now pretty well informed as to the distribution of the +Eskimo in Alaska. + +Nothing is said by Gallatin of the Aleutian Islanders and they were +probably not considered by him to be Eskimauan. They are now known to +belong to this family, though the Aleutian dialects are unintelligible +to the Eskimo proper. Their distribution has been entirely changed since +the advent of the Russians and the introduction of the fur trade, and at +present they occupy only a very small portion of the islands. Formerly +they were much more numerous than at present and extended throughout the +chain. + +The Eskimauan family is represented in northeast Asia by the Yuit of the +Chukchi peninsula, who are to be distinguished from the sedentary +Chukchi or the Tuski of authors, the latter being of Asiatic origin. +According to Dall the former are comparatively recent arrivals from the +American continent, and, like their brethren of America, are confined +exclusively to the coast. + + +PRINCIPAL TRIBES AND VILLAGES. + + Greenland group-- Labrador group: Alaska group: + East Greenland villages: Itivimiut. Chiglit. + Akorninak. Kiguaqtagmiut. Chugachigmiut. + Aluik. Suqinimiut. Ikogmiut. + Anarnitsok. Taqagmiut. Imahklimiut. + Angmagsalik. Inguhklimiut. + Igdlolnarsuk. Middle Group: Kaialigmiut. + Ivimiut. Aggomiut. Kangmaligmiut. + Kemisak. Ahaknanelet. Kaviagmiut. + Kikkertarsoak. Aivillirmiut. Kittegareut. + Kinarbik. Akudliarmiut. Kopagmiut. + Maneetsuk. Akudnirmiut. Kuagmiut. + Narsuk. Amitormiut. Kuskwogmiut. + Okkiosorbik. Iglulingmiut. Magemiut. + Sermiligak. Kangormiut. Mahlemiut. + Sermilik. Kinnepatu. Nunatogmiut. + Taterat. Kramalit. Nunivagmiut. + Umanak. Nageuktormiut. Nushagagmiut. + Umerik. Netchillirmiut. Nuwungmiut. + Nugumiut. Oglemiut. + West coast villages: Okomiut. Selawigmiut. + Akbat. Pilinginiut. Shiwokugmiut. + Karsuit. Sagdlirmiut. Ukivokgmiut. + Tessuisak. Sikosuilarmiut. Unaligmiut. + Sinimiut. + Ugjulirmiut. Aleutian group: + Ukusiksalingmiut. Atka. + Unalashka. + + Asiatic group: + Yuit. + + +_Population._--Only a rough approximation of the population of the +Eskimo can be given, since of some of the divisions next to nothing is +known. Dall compiles the following estimates of the Alaskan Eskimo from +the most reliable figures up to 1885: Of the Northwestern Innuit 3,100 +(?), including the Kopagmiut, Kangmaligmiut, Nuwukmiut, Nunatogmiut, +Kuagmiut, the Inguhklimiut of Little Diomede Island 40 (?), Shiwokugmiut +of St. Lawrence Island 150 (?), the Western Innuit 14,500 (?), the +Aleutian Islanders (Unungun) 2,200 (?); total of the Alaskan Innuit, +about 20,000. + +The Central or Baffin Land Eskimo are estimated by Boas to number about +1,100.[37] + + [Footnote 37: Sixth Ann. Rep. Bu. Eth., 426, 1888.] + +From figures given by Rink, Packard, and others, the total number of +Labrador Eskimo is believed to be about 2,000. + +According to Holm (1884-’85) there are about 550 Eskimo on the east +coast of Greenland. On the west coast the mission Eskimo numbered 10,122 +in 1886, while the northern Greenland Eskimo, the Arctic Highlanders of +Ross, number about 200. + +Thus throughout the Arctic regions generally there is a total of about +34,000. + + +ESSELENIAN FAMILY. + + < Salinas, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 85, 1856 (includes + Gioloco?, Ruslen, Soledad, Eslen, Carmel, San Antonio, and San Miguel, + cited as including Eslen). Latham, Opuscula, 350, 1860. + + +As afterwards mentioned under the Salinan family, the present family was +included by Latham in the heterogeneous group called by him Salinas. For +reasons there given the term Salinan was restricted to the San Antonio +and San Miguel languages, leaving the present family without a name. It +is called Esselenian, from the name of the single tribe Esselen, of +which it is composed. + +Its history is a curious and interesting one. Apparently the first +mention of the tribe and language is to be found in the Voyage de la +Pérouse, Paris, 1797, page 288, where Lamanon (1786) states that the +language of the Ecclemachs (Esselen) differs “absolutely from all those +of their neighbors.” He gives a vocabulary of twenty-two words and by +way of comparison a list of the ten numerals of the Achastlians +(Costanoan family). It was a study of the former short vocabulary, +published by Taylor in the California Farmer, October 24, 1862, that +first led to the supposition of the distinctness of this language. + +A few years later the Esselen people came under the observation of +Galiano,[38] who mentions the Eslen and Runsien as two distinct nations, +and notes a variety of differences in usages and customs which are of no +great weight. It is of interest to note, however, that this author also +appears to have observed essential differences in the languages of the +two peoples, concerning which he says: “The same difference as in usage +and custom is observed in the languages of the two nations, as will be +perceived from the following comparison with which we will conclude this +chapter.” + + [Footnote 38: Relacion del viage hecho por las Goletas Sutil y + Mexicana en el año de 1792. Madrid, 1802, p. 172.] + +Galiano supplies Esselen and Runsien vocabularies of thirty-one words, +most of which agree with the earlier vocabulary of Lamanon. These were +published by Taylor in the California Farmer under date of April 20, +1860. + +In the fall of 1888 Mr. H. W. Henshaw visited the vicinity of Monterey +with the hope of discovering survivors of these Indians. Two women were +found in the Salinas Valley to the south who claimed to be of Esselen +blood, but neither of them was able to recall any of the language, both +having learned in early life to speak the Runsien language in place of +their own. An old woman was found in the Carmelo Valley near Monterey +and an old man living near the town of Cayucos, who, though of Runsien +birth, remembered considerable of the language of their neighbors with +whom they were connected by marriage. From them a vocabulary of one +hundred and ten words and sixty-eight phrases and short sentences were +obtained. These serve to establish the general correctness of the short +lists of words collected so long ago by Lamanon and Galiano, and they +also prove beyond reasonable doubt that the Esselen language forms a +family by itself and has no connection with any other known. + +The tribe or tribes composing this family occupied a narrow strip of the +California coast from Monterey Bay south to the vicinity of the Santa +Lucia Mountain, a distance of about 50 miles. + + +IROQUOIAN FAMILY. + + > Iroquois, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 21, 23, 305, 1836 + (excludes Cherokee). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 381, 1847 + (follows Gallatin). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, + 77, 1848 (as in 1836). Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 401, + 1853. Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 58, 1856. Latham, + Opuscula, 327, 1860. Latham, Elements Comp. Phil., 463, 1862. + + > Irokesen, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852. + + X Irokesen, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887 (includes Kataba and + said to be derived from Dakota). + + > Huron-Iroquois, Bancroft, Hist. U.S., III, 243, 1840. + + > Wyandot-Iroquois, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), + 460, 468, 1878. + + > Cherokees, Gallatin in Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 89, 306, 1836 (kept + apart from Iroquois though probable affinity asserted). Bancroft, + Hist. U.S., III, 246, 1840. Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 401, + 1847. Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848. + Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 58, 1856 (a separate group + perhaps to be classed with Iroquois and Sioux). Gallatin in + Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 401, 1853. Latham, Opuscula, 327, 1860. + Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 472, 1878 (same + as Chelekees or Tsalagi--“apparently entirely distinct from all other + American tongues”). + + > Tschirokies, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. + + > Chelekees, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 473, + 1878 (or Cherokees). + + > Cheroki, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, 34, 1884. Gatschet in + Science, 413, April 29, 1887. + + = Huron-Cherokee, Hale in Am. Antiq., 20, Jan., 1883 (proposed as a + family name instead of Huron-Iroquois; relationship to Iroquois + affirmed). + + +Derivation: French, adaptation of the Iroquois word hiro, used to +conclude a speech, and koué, an exclamation (Charlevoix). Hale gives as +possible derivations ierokwa, the indeterminate form of the verb to +smoke, signifying “they who smoke;” also the Cayuga form of bear, +iakwai.[39] Mr. Hewitt[39] suggests the Algonkin words īrīn, true, or +real; ako, snake; with the French termination ois, the word becomes +Irinakois. + + [Footnote 39: Iroquois Book of Rites, 1883, app., p. 173.] + + [Footnote 40: American Anthropologist, 1888, vol. 1, p. 188.] + +With reference to this family it is of interest to note that as early as +1798 Barton[41] compared the Cheroki language with that of the Iroquois +and stated his belief that there was a connection between them. +Gallatin, in the Archæologia Americana, refers to the opinion expressed +by Barton, and although he states that he is inclined to agree with that +author, yet he does not formally refer Cheroki to that family, +concluding that “We have not a sufficient knowledge of the grammar, and +generally of the language of the Five Nations, or of the Wyandots, to +decide that question.”[42] + + [Footnote 41: New Views of the Origin of the Tribes and Nations of + America. Phila., 1798.] + + [Footnote 42: Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1836, vol. 2, p. 92.] + +Mr. Hale was the first to give formal expression to his belief in the +affinity of the Cheroki to Iroquois.[43] Recently extensive Cheroki +vocabularies have come into possession of the Bureau of Ethnology, and a +careful comparison of them with ample Iroquois material has been made by +Mr. Hewitt. The result is convincing proof of the relationship of the +two languages as affirmed by Barton so long ago. + + [Footnote 43: Am. Antiq., 1883, vol. 5, p. 20.] + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +Unlike most linguistic stocks, the Iroquoian tribes did not occupy a +continuous area, but when first known to Europeans were settled in three +distinct regions, separated from each other by tribes of other lineage. +The northern group was surrounded by tribes of Algonquian stock, while +the more southern groups bordered upon the Catawba and Maskoki. + +A tradition of the Iroquois points to the St. Lawrence region as the +early home of the Iroquoian tribes, whence they gradually moved down to +the southwest along the shores of the Great Lakes. + +When Cartier, in 1534, first explored the bays and inlets of the Gulf of +St. Lawrence he met a Huron-Iroquoian people on the shores of the Bay of +Gaspé, who also visited the northern coast of the gulf. In the following +year when he sailed up the St. Lawrence River he found the banks of the +river from Quebec to Montreal occupied by an Iroquoian people. From +statements of Champlain and other early explorers it seems probable that +the Wyandot once occupied the country along the northern shore of Lake +Ontario. + +The Conestoga, and perhaps some allied tribes, occupied the country +about the Lower Susquehanna, in Pennsylvania and Maryland, and have +commonly been regarded as an isolated body, but it seems probable that +their territory was contiguous to that of the Five Nations on the north +before the Delaware began their westward movement. + +As the Cherokee were the principal tribe on the borders of the southern +colonies and occupied the leading place in all the treaty negotiations, +they came to be considered as the owners of a large territory to which +they had no real claim. Their first sale, in 1721, embraced a tract in +South Carolina, between the Congaree and the South Fork of the +Edisto,[44] but about one-half of this tract, forming the present +Lexington County, belonging to the Congaree.[45] In 1755 they sold a +second tract above the first and extending across South Carolina from +the Savannah to the Catawba (or Wateree),[46] but all of this tract east +of Broad River belonged to other tribes. The lower part, between the +Congaree and the Wateree, had been sold 20 years before, and in the +upper part the Broad River was acknowledged as the western Catawba +boundary.[48] In 1770 they sold a tract, principally in Virginia and +West Virginia, bounded east by the Great Kanawha,[47] but the Iroquois +claimed by conquest all of this tract northwest of the main ridge of the +Alleghany and Cumberland Mountains, and extending at least to the +Kentucky River,[49] and two years previously they had made a treaty +with Sir William Johnson by which they were recognized as the owners of +all between Cumberland Mountains and the Ohio down to the Tennessee.[50] +The Cumberland River basin was the only part of this tract to which the +Cherokee had any real title, having driven out the former occupants, the +Shawnee, about 1721.[51] The Cherokee had no villages north of the +Tennessee (this probably includes the Holston as its upper part), and at +a conference at Albany the Cherokee delegates presented to the Iroquois +the skin of a deer, which they said belonged to the Iroquois, as the +animal had been killed north of the Tennessee.[52] In 1805, 1806, and +1817 they sold several tracts, mainly in middle Tennessee, north of the +Tennessee River and extending to the Cumberland River watershed, but +this territory was claimed and had been occupied by the Chickasaw, and +at one conference the Cherokee admitted their claim.[53] The adjacent +tract in northern Alabama and Georgia, on the headwaters of the Coosa, +was not permanently occupied by the Cherokee until they began to move +westward, about 1770. + + [Footnote 44: Cession No. 1, on Royce’s Cherokee map, 1884.] + + [Footnote 45: Howe in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 1854, vol. 4, + p. 163.] + + [Footnote 46: Cession 2, on Royce’s Cherokee map, 1884.] + + [Footnote 47: Howe in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 1854, vol. 4, pp. + 155-159.] + + [Footnote 48: Cession 4, on Royce’s Cherokee map, 1884.] + + [Footnote 49: Sir William Johnson in Parkman’s Conspiracy of + Pontiac, app.] + + [Footnote 50: Bancroft, Hist. U.S.] + + [Footnote 51: Ramsey, Annals of Tennessee, 1853.] + + [Footnote 52: Ramsey, Annals of Tennessee, 1853.] + + [Footnote 53: Blount (1792) in Am. State Papers, 1832, vol. 4, + p. 336.] + +The whole region of West Virginia, Kentucky, and the Cumberland River +region of Tennessee was claimed by the Iroquois and Cherokee, but the +Iroquois never occupied any of it and the Cherokee could not be said to +occupy any beyond the Cumberland Mountains. The Cumberland River was +originally held by the Shawnee, and the rest was occupied, so far as it +was occupied at all, by the Shawnee, Delaware, and occasionally by the +Wyandot and Mingo (Iroquoian), who made regular excursions southward +across the Ohio every year to hunt and to make salt at the licks. Most +of the temporary camps or villages in Kentucky and West Virginia were +built by the Shawnee and Delaware. The Shawnee and Delaware were the +principal barrier to the settlement of Kentucky and West Virginia for a +period of 20 years, while in all that time neither the Cherokee nor the +Iroquois offered any resistance or checked the opposition of the Ohio +tribes. + +The Cherokee bounds in Virginia should be extended along the mountain +region as far at least as the James River, as they claim to have lived +at the Peaks of Otter,[54] and seem to be identical with the Rickohockan +or Rechahecrian of the early Virginia writers, who lived in the +mountains beyond the Monacan, and in 1656 ravaged the lowland country as +far as the site of Richmond and defeated the English and the Powhatan +Indians in a pitched battle at that place.[55] + + [Footnote 54: Schoolcraft, Notes on Iroquois, 1847.] + + [Footnote 55: Bancroft, Hist. U.S.] + +The language of the Tuscarora, formerly of northeastern North Carolina, +connect them directly with the northern Iroquois. The Chowanoc and +Nottoway and other cognate tribes adjoining the Tuscarora may have been +offshoots from that tribe. + + +PRINCIPAL TRIBES. + + Cayuga. + Cherokee. + Conestoga. + Erie. + Mohawk. + Neuter. + Nottoway. + Oneida. + Onondaga. + Seneca. + Tionontate. + Tuscarora. + Wyandot. + + +_Population._--The present number of the Iroquoian stock is about +43,000, of whom over 34,000 (including the Cherokees) are in the United +States while nearly 9,000 are in Canada. Below is given the population +of the different tribes, compiled chiefly from the Canadian Indian +Report for 1888, and the United States Census Bulletin for 1890: + + Cherokee: + Cherokee and Choctaw Nations, Indian Territory + (exclusive of adopted Indians, negroes, and whites) 25,557 + Eastern Band, Qualla Reservation, Cheowah, etc., North Carolina + (exclusive of those practically white) 1,500? + Lawrence school, Kansas 6 + ------ + 27,063 + Caughnawaga: + Caughnawaga, Quebec 1,673 + + Cayuga: + Grand River, Ontario 972? + With Seneca, Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory (total 255) 128? + Cattaraugus Reserve, New York 165 + Other Reserves in New York 36 + ------ + 1,301? + “Iroquois”: + Of Lake of Two Mountains, Quebec, mainly Mohawk + (with Algonquin) 345 + With Algonquin at Gibson, Ontario (total 131) 31? + ------ + 376? + Mohawk: + Quinte Bay, Ontario 1,050 + Grand River, Ontario 1,302 + Tonawanda, Onondaga, and Cattaraugus Reserves, New York 6 + ------ + 2,358 + Oneida: + Oneida and other Reserves, New York 295 + Green Bay Agency, Wisconsin (“including homeless Indians”) 1,716 + Carlisle and Hampton schools 104 + Thames River, Ontario 778 + Grand River, Ontario 236 + ------ + 3,129 + Onondaga: + Onondaga Reserve, New York 380 + Allegany Reserve, New York 77 + Cattaraugus Reserve, New York 38 + Tuscarora (41) and Tonawanda (4) Reserves, New York 45 + Carlisle and Hampton schools 4 + Grand River, Ontario 346 + ------ + 890 + Seneca: + With Cayuga, Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory (total 255) 127? + Allegany Reserve, New York 862 + Cattaraugus Reserve, New York 1,318 + Tonawanda Reserve, New York 517 + Tusarora and Onondaga Reserves, New York 12 + Lawrence, Hampton, and Carlisle schools 13 + Grand River, Ontario 206 + ------ + 3,055? + St. Regis: + St. Regis Reserve, New York 1,053 + Onondaga and other Reserves, New York 17 + St. Regis Reserve, Quebec 1,179 + ------ + 2,249 + Tuscarora: + Tuscarora Reserve, New York 398 + Cattaraugus and Tonawanda Reserves, New York 6 + Grand River, Ontario 329 + ------ + 733 + Wyandot: + Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory 288 + Lawrence, Hampton, and Carlisle schools 18 + “Hurons” of Lorette, Quebec 279 + “Wyandots” of Anderdon, Ontario 98 + ------ + 683 + +The Iroquois of St. Regis, Caughnawaga, Lake of Two Mountains (Oka), and +Gibson speak a dialect mainly Mohawk and Oneida, but are a mixture of +all the tribes of the original Five Nations. + + +KALAPOOIAN FAMILY. + + = Kalapooiah, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 335, 1841 + (includes Kalapooiah and Yamkallie; thinks the Umpqua and Cathlascon + languages are related). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 599, + 617, 1859, (follows Scouler). + + = Kalapuya, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 3217, 584, 1846 (of Willamet + Valley above Falls). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., I pt. 1, c, 17, + 77, 1848. Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1853. Gallatin in + Sohoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853. Latham in Trans. Philolog. + Soc. Lond., 73, 1856. Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 617, 1859. + Latham, Opuscula, 340, 1860. Gatschet in Mag. Arn. Hist., 167, 1877. + Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 443, 1877. + + > Calapooya, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 565, 639, 1883. + + X Chinooks, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent, and So. Am.), 474, + 1878 (includes Calapooyas and Yamkally). + + > Yamkally, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 565, 630, 1883 (bears a certain + relationship to Calapooya). + + +Under this family name Scouler places two tribes, the Kalapooiah, +inhabiting “the fertile Willamat plains” and the Yamkallie, who live +“more in the interior, towards the sources of the Willamat River.” +Scouler adds that the Umpqua “appear to belong to this Family, although +their language is rather more remote from the Kalapooiah than the +Yamkallie is.” The Umpqua language is now placed under the Athapascan +family. Scouler also asserts the intimate relationship of the Cathlascon +tribes to the Kalapooiah family. They are now classed as Chinookan. + +The tribes of the Kalapooian family inhabited the valley of Willamette +River, Oregon, above the falls, and extended well up to the headwaters +of that stream. They appear not to have reached the Columbia River, +being cut off by tribes of the Chinookan family, and consequently were +not met by Lewis and Clarke, whose statements of their habitat were +derived solely from natives. + + +PRINCIPAL TRIBES + + _Ahántchuyuk_ + (Pudding River Indians). + Atfálati. + Calapooya. + Chelamela. + Lákmiut. + Santiam. + Yámil. + + +_Population._--So far as known the surviving Indians of this family are +all at the Grande Ronde Agency, Oregon. + +The following is a census for 1890: + + Atfálati 28 + Calapooya 22 + Lákmiut 29 + Mary’s River 28 + Santiam 27 + Yámil 30 + Yonkalla 7 + --- + Total 171 + + +KARANKAWAN FAMILY. + + = Karánkawa, Gatschet in Globus, XLIX, No. 8, 123, 1886 (vocabulary + of 25 terms; distinguished as a family provisionally). Gatschet in + Science, 414, April 9, 1887. + + +The Karankawa formerly dwelt upon the Texan coast, according to Sibley, +upon an island or peninsula in the Bay of St. Bernard (Matagorda Bay). +In 1804 this author, upon hearsay evidence, stated their number to be +500 men.[56] In several places in the paper cited it is explicitly +stated that the Karankawa spoke the Attakapa language; the Attakapa was +a coast tribe living to the east of them. In 1884 Mr. Gatschet found a +Tonkawe at Fort Griffin, Texas, who claimed to have formerly lived among +the Karankawa. From him a vocabulary of twenty-five terms was obtained, +which was all of the language he remembered. + + [Footnote 56: Am. State Papers, 1832, vol. 4, p. 722.] + +The vocabulary is unsatisfactory, not only because of its meagerness, +but because most of the terms are unimportant for comparison. +Nevertheless, such as it is, it represents all of the language that is +extant. Judged by this vocabulary the language seems to be distinct not +only from the Attakapa but from all others. Unsatisfactory as the +linguistic evidence is, it appears to be safer to class the language +provisionally as a distinct family upon the strength of it than to +accept Sibley’s statement of its identity with Attakapa, especially as +we know nothing of the extent of his information or whether indeed his +statement was based upon a personal knowledge of the language. + +A careful search has been made with the hope of finding a few survivors +of this family, but thus far not a single descendant of the tribe has +been discovered and it is probable that not one is now living. + + +KERESAN FAMILY. + + > Keres, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., III, pt. 3, 55, 86-90, 1856 + (includes Kiwomi, Cochitemi, Acoma). + + = Kera, Powell in Rocky Mt. Presbyterian, Nov., 1878 (includes San + Felipe, Santo Domingo, Cóchiti, Santa Aña, Cia, Acoma, Laguna, Povate, + Hasatch, Mogino). Gratschet in U.S. Geog. Surv. W. 100th M., VII, 417, + 1879. Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist. 259, 1883. + + = Keran, Powell in Am. Nat., 604, Aug., 1880 (enumerates pueblos and + gives linguistic literature). + + = Queres, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Ana.), 479, + 1878. + + = Chu-cha-cas, Lane in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, V, 689, 1855 + (includes Laguna, Acoma, Santo Domingo, San Felipe, Santa Ana, + Cochite, Sille). + + = Chu-cha-chas, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 479, + 1878 (misprint; follows Lane). + + = Kes-whaw-hay, Lane in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, V, 689, 1855 (same + as Chu-cha-cas above). Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. + Am.), 479, 1878 (follows Lane). + + +Derivation unknown. The name is pronounced with an explosive initial +sound, and Ad. F. Bandelier spells it Qq’uêres, Quéra, Quéris. + +Under this name Turner, as above quoted, includes the vocabularies of +Kiwomi, Cochitemi, and Acoma. + +The full list of pueblos of Keresan stock is given below. They are +situated in New Mexico on the upper Rio Grande, on several of its small +western affluents, and on the Jemez and San José, which also are +tributaries of the Rio Grande. + + +VILLAGES. + + Acoma. + Acomita.[57] + Cochití. + Hasatch. + Laguna. + Paguate. + Pueblito.[57] + Punyeestye. + Punyekia. + Pusityitcho. + San Felipe. + Santa Ana. + Santo Domingo. + Seemunah. + Sia. + Wapuchuseamma. + Ziamma. + + [Footnote 57: Summer pueblos only.] + + +_Population._--According to the census of 1890 the total population of +the villages of the family is 3,560, distributed as follows: + + Acoma[58] 566 + Cochití 268 + Laguna[59] 1,143 + Santa Ana 253 + San Felipe 554 + Santo Domingo 670 + Sia 106 + + [Footnote 58: Includes Acomita and Pueblito.] + + [Footnote 59: Includes Hasatch, Paguate, Punyeestye, Punyekia, + Pusityitcho, Seemunah, Wapuchuseamma, and Ziamma.] + + +KIOWAN FAMILY. + + = Kiaways, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853 (on + upper waters Arkansas). + + = Kioway, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., III, pt. 3, 55, 80, 1856 (based + on the (Caigua) tribe only). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, + 432, 433, 1859. Latham, EL. Comp. Phil., 444, 1862 (“more Paduca than + aught else”). + + = Kayowe, Gatschet in Am. Antiq., 280, Oct., 1882 (gives phonetics + of). + + +Derivation: From the Kiowa word Kó-i, plural Kó-igu, meaning “Káyowe +man.” The Comanche term káyowe means “rat.” + +The author who first formally separated this family appears to have been +Turner. Gallatin mentions the tribe and remarks that owing to the loss +of Dr. Say’s vocabularies “we only know that both the Kiowas and +Kaskaias languages were harsh, guttural, and extremely difficult.”[60] +Turner, upon the strength of a vocabulary furnished by Lieut. Whipple, +dissents from the opinion expressed by Pike and others to the effect +that the language is of the same stock as the Comanche, and, while +admitting that its relationship to Camanche is greater than to any other +family, thinks that the likeness is merely the result of long +intercommunication. His opinion that it is entirely distinct from any +other language has been indorsed by Buschmann and other authorities. The +family is represented by the Kiowa tribe. + + [Footnote 60: Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1836, vol. II, + p. 133.] + +So intimately associated with the Comanches have the Kiowa been since +known to history that it is not easy to determine their pristine home. +By the Medicine Creek treaty of October 18, 1867, they and the Comanches +were assigned their present reservation in the Indian Territory, both +resigning all claims to other territory, especially their claims and +rights in and to the country north of the Cimarron River and west of the +eastern boundary of New Mexico. + +The terms of the cession might be taken to indicate a joint ownership of +territory, but it is more likely that the Kiowa territory adjoined the +Comanche on the northwest. In fact Pope[61] definitely locates the Kiowa +in the valley of the Upper Arkansas, and of its tributary, the Purgatory +(Las Animas) River. This is in substantial accord with the statements of +other writers of about the same period. Schermerhorn (1812) places the +Kiowa on the heads of the Arkansas and Platte. Earlier still they appear +upon the headwaters of the Platte, which is the region assigned them +upon the map.[62] This region was occupied later by the Cheyenne and +Arapaho of Algonquian stock. + + [Footnote 61: Pac. R. R. Rep., 1855, vol. 2, pt. 3, p. 16.] + + [Footnote 62: Pike, Exp. to sources of the Mississippi, App., 1810, + pt. 3, p. 9.] + + +_Population._--According to the United States census for 1890 there are +1,140 Kiowa on the Kiowa, Comanche, and Wichita Reservation, Indian +Territory. + + +KITUNAHAN FAMILY. + + = Kitunaha, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 204, 535, 1846 (between the + forks of the Columbia). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, + c, 10, 77, 1848 (Flatbow). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, + 1853. Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 70, 1856. Latham, + Opuscula, 388, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 395, 1862 (between 52° + and 48° N.L., west of main ridge of Rocky Mountains). Gatschet in Mag. + Am. Hist., 170, 1877 (on Kootenay River). + + = Coutanies, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 204, 1846 (= Kitunaha). + + = Kútanis, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man., 316, 1850 (Kitunaha). + + = Kituanaha, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853 + (Coutaria or Flatbows, north of lat. 49°). + + = Kootanies, Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 661, 1859. + + = Kutani, Latham, El. Comp. Phil, 395, 1862 (or Kitunaha). + + = Cootanie, Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 395, 1862 (synonymous with + Kitunaha). + + = Kootenai, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 170, 1877 (defines area + occupied). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 446, 1877. Bancroft, Nat. + Races, III, 565, 1882. + + = Kootenuha, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 79-87, 1884 (vocabulary + of Upper Kootenuha). + + = Flatbow, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 204, 1846 (= Kitunaha). + Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 10, 77, 1848 (after + Hale). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 661, 1859. Latham, El. + Comp. Phil., 395, 1862 (or Kitunaha). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 170, + 1877. + + = Flachbogen, Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. + + X Shushwaps, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, + 474, 1878 (includes Kootenais (Flatbows or Skalzi)). + + +This family was based upon a tribe variously termed Kitunaha, Kutenay, +Cootenai, or Flatbow, living on the Kootenay River, a branch of the +Columbia in Oregon. + +Mr. Gatschet thinks it is probable that there are two dialects of the +language spoken respectively in the extreme northern and southern +portions of the territory occupied, but the vocabularies at hand are not +sufficient to definitely settle the question. + +The area occupied by the Kitunahan tribes is inclosed between the +northern fork of the Columbia River, extending on the south along the +Cootenay River. By far the greater part of the territory occupied by +these tribes is in British Columbia. + + +TRIBES. + +The principal divisions or tribes are Cootenai, or Upper Cootenai; +Akoklako, or Lower Cootenai; Klanoh-Klatklam, or Flathead Cootenai; +Yaketahnoklatakmakanay, or Tobacco Plains Cootenai. + + +_Population._--There are about 425 Cootenai at Flathead Agency, Montana, +and 539 at Kootenay Agency, British Columbia; total, 964. + + +KOLUSCHAN FAMILY. + + = Koluschen, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 14, + 1836 (islands and adjacent coast from 60° to 55° N.L.). + + = Koulischen, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 306, + 1836. Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, c, 77, 1848, + (Koulischen and Sitka languages). Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. + Tribes, III, 402, 1853 (Sitka, bet. 52° and 59° lat.). + + < Kolooch, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., II, 31-50, 1846 + (tends to merge Kolooch into Esquimaux). Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc. + Lond., 1, 163, 1848 (compared with Eskimo language.). Latham, + Opuscula, 259, 276, 1860. + + = Koluschians, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 433, 1847 (follows + Gallatin). Scouler (1846) in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., I, 231, 1848. + + < Kolúch, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 294, 1850 (more likely forms a + subdivision of Eskimo than a separate class; includes Kenay of Cook’s + Inlet, Atna of Copper River, Koltshani, Ugalents, Sitkans, Tungaas, + Inkhuluklait, Magimut, Inkalit; Digothi and Nehanni are classed as + “doubtful Kolúches”). + + = Koloschen, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., + 1852. Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 680, 1859. Berghaus, + Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887. + + = Kolush, Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 401, 1862 (mere mention of family + with short vocabulary). + + = Kaloshians, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 375, 1885 (gives tribes and + population). + + X Northern, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 218, 1841 + (includes Koloshes and Tun Ghasse). + + X Haidah, Scouler, ibid, 219, 1841 (same as his Northern). + + = Klen-ee-kate, Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, V, 489, 1855. + + = Klen-e-kate, Kane, Wanderings of an Artist, app., 1859 (a census of + N.W. coast tribes classified by language). + + = Thlinkithen, Holmberg in Finland Soc., 284, 1856 (fide Buschmann, + 676, 1859). + + = Thl’nkets, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 268, 269, 1869 (divided into + Sitka-kwan, Stahkin-kwan, “Yakutats”). + + = T’linkets, Dall in Cont. N.A. Eth., I, 36, 1877 (divided into + Yăk´ūtăts, Chilkāht’-kwan, Sitka-kwan, Stākhin´-kwān, Kygāh´ni). + + = Thlinkeet, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent, and So. Am.), 460, + 462, 1878 (from Mount St. Elias to Nass River; includes Ugalenzes, + Yakutats, Chilkats, Hoodnids, Hoodsinoos, Takoos, Auks, Kakas, + Stikines, Eeliknûs, Tungass, Sitkas). Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 562, + 579, 1882. + + = Thlinkit, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 14, 1884 (vocab. of + Skutkwan Sept; also map showing distribution of family). Berghaus, + Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887. + + = Tlinkit, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 375, 1885 (enumerates tribes and + gives population). + + +Derivation: From the Aleut word kolosh, or more properly, kaluga, +meaning “dish,” the allusion being to the dish-shaped lip ornaments. + +This family was based by Gallatin upon the Koluschen tribe (the +Tshinkitani of Marchand), “who inhabit the islands and the adjacent +coast from the sixtieth to the fifty-fifth degree of north latitude.” + +In the Koluschan family, Gallatin observes that the remote analogies to +the Mexican tongue to be found in several of the northern tribes, as the +Kinai, are more marked than in any other. + +The boundaries of this family as given by Gallatin are substantially in +accordance with our present knowledge of the subject. The southern +boundary is somewhat indeterminate owing to the fact, ascertained by the +census agents in 1880, that the Haida tribes extend somewhat farther +north than was formerly supposed and occupy the southeast half of Prince +of Wales Island. About latitude 56°, or the mouth of Portland Canal, +indicates the southern limit of the family, and 60°, or near the mouth +of Atna River, the northern limit. Until recently they have been +supposed to be exclusively an insular and coast people, but Mr. Dawson +has made the interesting discovery[63] that the Tagish, a tribe living +inland on the headwaters of the Lewis River, who have hitherto been +supposed to be of Athapascan extraction, belong to the Koluschan family. +This tribe, therefore, has crossed the coast range of mountains, which +for the most part limits the extension of this people inland and +confines them to a narrow coast strip, and have gained a permanent +foothold in the interior, where they share the habits of the neighboring +Athapascan tribes. + + [Footnote 63: Annual Report of the Geological Survey of Canada, + 1887.] + + +TRIBES. + + Auk. + Chilcat. + Hanega. + Hoodsunu. + Hunah. + Kek. + Sitka. + Stahkin. + Tagish. + Taku. + Tongas. + Yakutat. + + +_Population._--The following figures are from the census of 1880.[64] +The total population of the tribes of this family, exclusive of the +Tagish, is 6,437, distributed as follows: + + Auk 640 + Chilcat 988 + Hanega (including Kouyon + and Klanak) 587 + Hoodsunu 666 + Hunah 908 + Kek 568 + Sitka 721 + Stahkin 317 + Taku 269 + Tongas 273 + Yakutat 500 + + [Footnote 64: Petroff, Report on the Population, Industries, and + Resources of Alaska, 1884, p. 33.] + + +KULANAPAN FAMILY. + + X Kula-napo, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 431, 1853 (the + name of one of the Clear Lake bands). + + > Mendocino (?), Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 77, 1856 (name + suggested for Choweshak, Batemdaikai, Kulanapo, Yukai, Khwaklamayu + languages). Latham, Opuscula, 343, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 410, + 1863 (as above). + + > Pomo, Powers in Overland Monthly, IX, 498, Dec., 1873 (general + description of habitat and of family). Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, + 146, 1877. Powell, ibid., 491 (vocabularies of Gal-li-no-mé-ro, + Yo-kai´-a, Ba-tem-da-kaii, Chau-i-shek, Yu-kai, Ku-la-na-po, H’hana, + Venaambakaiia, Ka´-bi-na-pek, Chwachamaju). Gatschet in Mag. Am. + Hist., 16, 1877 (gives habitat and enumerates tribes of family). + Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 436, 1877. Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. + (Cent, and So. Am.), 476, 1878 (includes Castel Pomos, Ki, Cahto, + Choam, Chadela, Matomey Ki, Usal or Calamet, Shebalne Pomos, + Gallinomeros, Sanels, Socoas, Lamas, Comachos). + + < Pomo, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 566, 1882 (includes Ukiah, + Gallinomero, Masallamagoon, Gualala, Matole, Kulanapo, Sanél, Yonios, + Choweshak, Batemdakaie, Chocuyem, Olamentke, Kainamare, Chwachamaju. + Of these, Chocuyem and Olamentke are Moquelumnan). + + +The name applied to this family was first employed by Gibbs in 1853, as +above cited. He states that it is the “name of one of the Clear Lake +bands,” adding that “the language is spoken by all the tribes occupying +the large valley.” The distinctness of the language is now generally +admitted. + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +The main territory of the Kulanapan family is bounded on the west by the +Pacific Ocean, on the east by the Yukian and Copehan territories, on the +north by the watershed of the Russian River, and on the south by a line +drawn from Bodega Head to the southwest corner of the Yukian territory, +near Santa Rosa, Sonoma County, California. Several tribes of this +family, viz, the Kastel Pomo, Kai Pomo, and Kato Pomo, are located in +the valley between the South Fork of Eel River and the main river, and +on the headwaters of the South Fork, extending thence in a narrow strip +to the ocean. In this situation they were entirely cut off from the main +body by the intrusive Yuki tribes, and pressed upon from the north by +the warlike Wailakki, who are said to have imposed their language and +many of their customs upon them and as well doubtless to have +extensively intermarried with them. + + +TRIBES. + + Balló Kaì Pomo, “Oat Valley People.” + Batemdikáyi. + Búldam Pomo (Rio Grande or Big River). + Chawishek. + Choam Chadila Pomo (Capello). + Chwachamajù. + Dápishul Pomo (Redwood Cañon). + Eastern People (Clear Lake about Lakeport). + Erío (mouth of Russian River). + Erússi (Fort Ross). + Gallinoméro (Russian River Valley below Cloverdale + and in Dry Creek Valley). + Grualála (northwest corner of Sonoma County). + Kabinapek (western part of Clear Lake basin). + Kaimé (above Healdsburgh). + Kai Pomo (between Eel River and South Fork). + Kastel Pomo (between Eel River and South Fork). + Kato Pomo, “Lake People.” + Komácho (Anderson and Rancheria Valleys). + Kulá Kai Pomo (Sherwood Valley). + Kulanapo. + Láma (Russian River Valley). + Misálamagūn or Musakakūn (above Healdsburgh). + Mitoám Kai Pomo, “Wooded Valley People” (Little Lake). + Poam Pomo. + Senel (Russian River Valley). + Shódo Kaí Pomo (Coyote Valley). + Síako (Russian River Valley). + Sokóa (Russian River Valley). + Yokáya Pomo, “Lower Valley People” (Ukiah City). + Yusâl (or Kámalel) Pomo, “Ocean People” + (on coast and along Yusal Creek). + + +KUSAN FAMILY. + + = Kúsa, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 257, 1883. + + +Derivation: Milhau, in a manuscript letter to Gibbs (Bureau of +Ethnology), states that “Coos in the Rogue River dialect is said to mean +lake, lagoon or inland bay.” + +The “Kaus or Kwokwoos” tribe is merely mentioned by Hale as living on a +river of the same name between the Umqua and the Clamet.[65] Lewis and +Clarke[66] also mention them in the same location as the Cookkoo-oose. +The tribe was referred to also under the name Kaus by Latham,[67] who +did not attempt its classification, having in fact no material for the +purpose. + + [Footnote 65: U.S. Expl. Exp., 1846, vol. 6, p, 221.] + + [Footnote 66: Allen Ed., 1814, vol. 2, p. 118.] + + [Footnote 67: Nat. Hist. Man, 1850, p. 325.] + +Mr. Gatschet, as above, distinguishes the language as forming a distinct +stock. It is spoken on the coast of middle Oregon, on Coos River and +Bay, and at the mouth of Coquille River, Oregon. + + +TRIBES. + + Anasitch. + Melukitz. + Mulluk or Lower Coquille. + Nacu?. + + +_Population._--Most of the survivors of this family are gathered upon +the Siletz Reservation, Oregon, but their number can not be stated as +the agency returns are not given by tribes. + + +LUTUAMIAN FAMILY. + + = Lutuami, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 199, 569, 1846 (headwaters + Klamath River and lake). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, + c, 17, 77, 1848 (follows Hale). Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 325, 1850 + (headwaters Clamet River). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, + 1852. Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., VI, 82, 1854. Latham in + Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 74, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 300, 310, + 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 407, 1862. + + = Luturim, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853 + (misprint for Lutuami; based on Clamets language). + + = Lutumani, Latham, Opuscula, 341, 1860 (misprint for Lutuami). + + = Tlamatl, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 218, 569, 1846 (alternative of + Lutuami). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. + + = Clamets, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 218, 569, 1846 (alternative of + Lutuami). + + = Klamath, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 164, 1877. Gatschet in Beach. + Ind. Misc., 439, 1877. Gatschet in Am. Antiq., 81-84, 1878 (general + remarks upon family). + + < Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 475, + 1878 (a geographic group rather than a linguistic family; includes, in + addition to the Klamath proper or Lutuami, the Yacons, Modocs, Copahs, + Shastas, Palaiks, Wintoons, Eurocs, Cahrocs, Lototens, Weeyots, + Wishosks, Wallies, Tolewahs, Patawats, Yukas, “and others between Eel + River and Humboldt Bay.” The list thus includes several distinct + families). Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 565, 640, 1882 (includes Lutuami + or Klamath, Modoc and Copah, the latter belonging to the Copehan + family). + + = Klamath Indians of Southwestern Oregon, Gatschet in Cont, N.A. Eth., + II, pt. 1, XXXIII, 1890. + + +Derivation: From a Pit River word meaning “lake.” + +The tribes of this family appear from time immemorial to have occupied +Little and Upper Klamath Lakes, Klamath Marsh, and Sprague River, +Oregon. Some of the Modoc have been removed to the Indian Territory, +where 84 now reside; others are in Sprague River Valley. + +The language is a homogeneous one and, according to Mr. Gatschet who has +made a special study of it, has no real dialects, the two divisions of +the family, Klamath and Modoc, speaking an almost identical language. + +The Klamaths’ own name is É-ukshikni, “Klamath Lake people.” The Modoc +are termed by the Klamath Módokni, “Southern people.” + + +TRIBES. + + Klamath. + Modoc. + + +_Population._--There were 769 Klamath and Modoc on the Klamath +Reservation in 1889. Since then they have slightly decreased. + + +MARIPOSAN FAMILY. + + > Mariposa, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 84, 1856 (Coconoons + language, Mariposa County). Latham, Opuscula, 350, 1860. Latham, El. + Comp. Philology, 416, 1862 (Coconoons of Mercede River). + + = Yo´-kuts, Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 369, 1877. Powell, ibid., + 570 (vocabularies of Yo´-kuts, Wi´-chi-kik, Tin´-lin-neh, King’s + River, Coconoons, Calaveras County). + + = Yocut, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 158, 1877 (mentions Taches, + Chewenee, Watooga, Chookchancies, Coconoons and others). Gatschet in + Beach, Ind. Misc., 432, 1877. + + +Derivation: A Spanish word meaning “butterfly,” applied to a county in +California and subsequently taken for the family name. + +Latham mentions the remnants of three distinct bands of the Coconoon, +each with its own language, in the north of Mariposa County. These are +classed together under the above name. More recently the tribes speaking +languages allied to the Coconūn have been treated of under the family +name Yokut. As, however, the stock was established by Latham on a sound +basis, his name is here restored. + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +The territory of the Mariposan family is quite irregular in outline. On +the north it is bounded by the Fresno River up to the point of its +junction with the San Joaquin; thence by a line running to the northeast +corner of the Salinan territory in San Benito County, California; on the +west by a line running from San Benito to Mount Pinos. From the middle +of the western shore of Tulare Lake to the ridge at Mount Pinos on the +south, the Mariposan area is merely a narrow strip in and along the +foothills. Occupying one-half of the western and all the southern shore +of Tulare Lake, and bounded on the north by a line running from the +southeast corner of Tulare Lake due east to the first great spur of the +Sierra Nevada range is the territory of the intrusive Shoshoni. On the +east the secondary range of the Sierra Nevada forms the Mariposan +boundary. + +In addition to the above a small strip of territory on the eastern +bank of the San Joaquin is occupied by the Cholovone division of the +Mariposan family, between the Tuolumne and the point where the San +Joaquin turns to the west before entering Suisun Bay. + + +TRIBES. + + Ayapaì (Tule River). + Chainímaini (lower King’s River). + Chukaímina (Squaw Valley). + Chūk’chansi (San Joaquin River above Millerton). + Ćhunut (Kaweah River at the lake). + Coconūn´ (Merced River). + Ititcha (King’s River). + Kassovo (Day Creek). + Kau-í-a (Kaweah River; foothills). + Kiawétni (Tule River at Porterville). + Mayáyu (Tule River, south fork). + Notoánaiti (on the lake). + Ochíngita (Tule River). + Pitkachì (extinct; San Joaquin River below Millerton). + Pohállin Tinleh (near Kern lake). + Sawákhtu (Tule River, south fork). + Táchi (Kingston). + Télumni (Kaweah River below Visalia). + Tínlinneh (Fort Tejon). + Tisèchu (upper King’s River). + Wíchikik (King’s River). + Wikchúmni (Kaweah River; foothills). + Wíksachi (upper Kaweah Valley). + Yúkol (Kaweah River plains). + + +_Population._--There are 145 of the Indians of this family now attached +to the Mission Agency, California. + + +MOQUELUMNAN FAMILY. + + > Tcho-ko-yem, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 421, 1853 + (mentioned as a band and dialect). + + > Moquelumne, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 81, 1856 + (includes Hale’s Talatui, Tuolumne from Schoolcraft, Mumaltachi, + Mullateco, Apangasi, Lapappu, Siyante or Typoxi, Hawhaw’s band of + Aplaches, San Rafael vocabulary, Tshokoyem vocabulary, Cocouyem and + Yonkiousme Paternosters, Olamentke of Kostromitonov, Paternosters + for Mission de Santa Clara and the Vallee de los Tulares of Mofras, + Paternoster of the Langue Guiloco de la Mission de San Francisco). + Latham, Opuscula, 347, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 414, 1862 (same + as above). + + = Meewoc, Powers in Overland Monthly, 322, April, 1873 (general + account of family with allusions to language). Gatschet in Mag. Am. + Hist., 159, 1877 (gives habitat and bands of family). Gatschet in + Beach, Ind. Misc., 433, 1877. + + = Mí-wok, Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 346, 1877 (nearly as above). + + < Mutsun, Powell in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 535, 1877 (vocabs. of + Mi´-wok, Tuolumne, Costano, Tcho-ko-yem, Mūtsūn, Santa Clara, Santa + Cruz, Chum-te´-ya, Kawéya, San Raphael Mission, Talatui, Olamentke). + Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 157, 1877 (gives habitat and members of + family). Gatschet, in Beach, Ind. Misc., 430, 1877. + + X Runsiens, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent, and So. Am.), 476, + 1878 (includes Olhones, Eslenes, Santa Cruz, San Miguel, + Lopillamillos, Mipacmacs, Kulanapos, Yolos, Suisunes, Talluches, + Chowclas, Waches, Talches, Poowells). + + +Derivation: From the river and hill of same name in Calaveras County, +California; according to Powers the Meewoc name for the river is +Wakalumitoh. + +The Talatui mentioned by Hale[68] as on the Kassima (Cosumnes) River +belong to the above family. Though this author clearly distinguished the +language from any others with which he was acquainted, he nowhere +expressed the opinion that it is entitled to family rank or gave it a +family name. Talatui is mentioned as a tribe from which he obtained an +incomplete vocabulary. + + [Footnote 68: U.S. Expl. Exp., 1846, vol. 6, pp. 630, 633.] + +It was not until 1856 that the distinctness of the linguistic family was +fully set forth by Latham. Under the head of Moquelumne, this author +gathers several vocabularies representing different languages and +dialects of the same stock. These are the Talatui of Hale, the Tuolumne +from Schoolcraft, the Sonoma dialects as represented by the Tshokoyem +vocabulary, the Chocuyem and Youkiousme paternosters, and the Olamentke +of Kostromitonov in Bäer’s Beiträge. He also places here provisionally +the paternosters from the Mission de Santa Clara and the Vallee de los +Tulares of Mofras; also the language Guiloco de la Mission de San +Francisco. The Costano containing the five tribes of the Mission of +Dolores, viz., the Ahwastes, Olhones or Costanos of the coast, Romonans, +Tulomos and the Altahmos seemed to Latham to differ from the Moquelumnan +language. Concerning them he states “upon the whole, however, the +affinities seem to run in the direction of the languages of the next +group, especially in that of the Ruslen.” He adds: “Nevertheless, for +the present I place the Costano by itself, as a transitional form of +speech to the languages spoken north, east, and south of the Bay of San +Francisco.” Recent investigation by Messrs. Curtin and Henshaw have +confirmed the soundness of Latham’s views and, as stated under head of +the Costanoan family, the two groups of languages are considered to be +distinct. + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +The Moquelumnan family occupies the territory bounded on the north by +the Cosumne River, on the south by the Fresno River, on the east by the +Sierra Nevada, and on the west by the San Joaquin River, with the +exception of a strip on the east bank occupied by the Cholovone. A part +of this family occupies also a territory bounded on the south by San +Francisco Bay and the western half of San Pablo Bay; on the west by the +Pacific Ocean from the Golden Gate to Bodega Head; on the north by a +line running from Bodega Head to the Yukian territory northeast of Santa +Rosa, and on the east by a line running from the Yukian territory to the +northernmost point of San Pablo Bay. + + +PRINCIPAL TRIBES. + + Miwok division: Olamentke division: + Awani. Olowidok. Bollanos. + Chauchila. Olowit. Chokuyem. + Chumidok. Olowiya. Guimen. + Chumtiwa. Sakaiakumni. Likatuit. + Chumuch. Seroushamne. Nicassias. + Chumwit. Talatui. Numpali. + Hettitoya. Tamoleka. Olamentke. + Kani. Tumidok. Olumpali. + Lopolatimne. Tumun. Sonomi. + Machemni. Walakumni. Tamal. + Mokelumni. Yuloni. Tulare. + Newichumni. Utchium. + +_Population._--Comparatively few of the Indians of this family survive, +and these are mostly scattered in the mountains and away from the routes +of travel. As they were never gathered on reservations, an accurate +census has not been taken. + +In the detached area north of San Francisco Bay, chiefly in Marin +County, formerly inhabited by the Indians of this family, almost none +remain. There are said to be none living about the mission of San +Rafael, and Mr. Henshaw, in 1888, succeeded in locating only six at +Tomales Bay, where, however, he obtained a very good vocabulary from a +woman. + + +MUSKHOGEAN FAMILY. + + > Muskhogee, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 94, + 306, 1836 (based upon Muskhogees, Hitchittees, Seminoles). Prichard, + Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 402, 1847 (includes Muskhogees, Seminoles, + Hitchittees). + + > Muskhogies, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., + 1852. + + > Muscogee, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, + 471, 1878 (includes Muscogees proper, Seminoles, Choctaws, Chickasaws, + Hitchittees, Coosadas or Coosas, Alibamons, Apalaches). + + = Maskoki, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, 50, 1884 (general account + of family; four branches, Maskoki, Apalachian, Alibamu, Chahta). + Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887. + + > Choctaw Muskhogee, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, + 119, 1836. + + > Chocta-Muskhog, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, + 77, 1848. Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 401, 1853. + + = Chata-Muskoki, Hale in Am. Antiq., 108, April, 1883 (considered with + reference to migration). + + > Chahtas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 100, 306, + 1836 (or Choctaws). + + > Chahtahs, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 403, 1847 (or Choktahs + or Flatheads). + + > Tschahtas, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., + 1852. + + > Choctah, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 337, 1850 (includes Choctahs, + Muscogulges, Muskohges). Latham in Trans. Phil. Soc. Lond., 103, 1856. + Latham, Opuscula, 366, 1860. + + > Mobilian, Bancroft, Hist. U.S., 349, 1840. + + > Flat-heads, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 403, 1847 (Chahtahs or + Choktahs). + + > Coshattas, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 349, 1850 (not classified). + + > Humas, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 341, 1850 (east of Mississippi above + New Orleans). + + +Derivation: From the name of the principal tribe of the Creek +Confederacy. + +In the Muskhogee family Gallatin includes the Muskhogees proper, who +lived on the Coosa and Tallapoosa Rivers; the Hitchittees, living on the +Chattahoochee and Flint Rivers; and the Seminoles of the peninsula of +Florida. It was his opinion, formed by a comparison of vocabularies, +that the Choctaws and Chickasaws should also be classed under this +family. In fact, he called[69] the family Choctaw Muskhogee. In +deference, however, to established usage, the two tribes were kept +separate in his table and upon the colored map. In 1848 he appears to be +fully convinced of the soundness of the view doubtfully expressed in +1836, and calls the family the Chocta-Muskhog. + + [Footnote 69: On p. 119, Archæologia Americana.] + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +The area occupied by this family was very extensive. It may be described +in a general way as extending from the Savannah River and the Atlantic +west to the Mississippi, and from the Gulf of Mexico north to the +Tennessee River. All of this territory was held by Muskhogean tribes +except the small areas occupied by the Yuchi, Ná’htchi, and some small +settlements of Shawni. + +Upon the northeast Muskhogean limits are indeterminate. The Creek +claimed only to the Savannah River; but upon its lower course the Yamasi +are believed to have extended east of that river in the sixteenth to the +eighteenth century.[70] The territorial line between the Muskhogean +family and the Catawba tribe in South Carolina can only be conjectured. + + [Footnote 70: Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, 1884, vol. 1, p. 62.] + +It seems probable that the whole peninsula of Florida was at one time +held by tribes of Timuquanan connection; but from 1702 to 1708, when the +Apalachi were driven out, the tribes of northern Florida also were +forced away by the English. After that time the Seminole and the Yamasi +were the only Indians that held possession of the Floridian peninsula. + + +PRINCIPAL TRIBES. + + Alibamu. + Apalachi. + Chicasa. + Choctaw. + Creek or Maskoki proper. + Koasáti. + Seminole. + Yamacraw. + Yamasi. + + +_Population._--There is an Alibamu town on Deep Creek, Indian Territory, +an affluent of the Canadian, Indian Territory. Most of the inhabitants +are of this tribe. There are Alibamu about 20 miles south of Alexandria, +Louisiana, and over one hundred in Polk County, Texas. + +So far as known only three women of the Apalachi survived in 1886, and +they lived at the Alibamu town above referred to. The United States +Census bulletin for 1890 gives the total number of pureblood Choctaw at +9,996, these being principally at Union Agency, Indian Territory. Of the +Chicasa there are 3,464 at the same agency; Creek 9,291; Seminole 2,539; +of the latter there are still about 200 left in southern Florida. + +There are four families of Koasáti, about twenty-five individuals, near +the town of Shepherd, San Jacinto County, Texas. Of the Yamasi none are +known to survive. + + +NATCHESAN FAMILY. + + > Natches, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 95, 806, + 1836 (Natches only). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 402, 403, 1847. + + > Natsches, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852. + + > Natchez, Bancroft, Hist. U.S., 248, 1840. Gallatin in Trans. Am. + Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848 (Natchez only). Latham, Nat. + Hist. Man, 340, 1850 (tends to include Taensas, Pascagoulas, + Colapissas, Biluxi in same family). Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. + Tribes, III, 401, 1853 (Natchez only). Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. + (Cent, and So. Am.), 460, 473, 1878 (suggests that it may include the + Utchees). + + > Naktche, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, 34, 1884. Gatschet in + Science, 414, April 29, 1887. + + > Taensa, Gatschet in The Nation, 383, May 4, 1882. Gatschet in Am. + Antiq., IV, 238, 1882. Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, 33, 1884. + Gatschet in Science, 414, April 29, 1887 (Taensas only). + + +The Na’htchi, according to Gallatin, a residue of the well-known nation +of that name, came from the banks of the Mississippi, and joined the +Creek less than one hundred years ago.[71] The seashore from Mobile to +the Mississippi was then inhabited by several small tribes, of which the +Na’htchi was the principal. + + [Footnote 71: Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1836, vol. 2, p. 95.] + +Before 1730 the tribe lived in the vicinity of Natchez, Miss., along St. +Catherine Creek. After their dispersion by the French in 1730 most of +the remainder joined the Chicasa and afterwards the Upper Creek. They +are now in Creek and Cherokee Nations, Indian Territory. + +The linguistic relations of the language spoken by the Taensa tribe have +long been in doubt, and it is probable that they will ever remain so. As +no vocabulary or text of this language was known to be in existence, the +“Grammaire et vocabulaire de la langue Taensa, avec textes traduits et +commentés par J.-D. Haumonté, Parisot, L. Adam,” published in Paris in +1882, was received by American linguistic students with peculiar +interest. Upon the strength of the linguistic material embodied in the +above Mr. Gatschet (loc. cit.) was led to affirm the complete linguistic +isolation of the language. + +Grave doubts of the authenticity of the grammar and vocabulary have, +however, more recently been brought forward.[72] The text contains +internal evidences of the fraudulent character, if not of the whole, at +least of a large part of the material. So palpable and gross are these +that until the character of the whole can better be understood by the +inspection of the original manuscript, alleged to be in Spanish, by a +competent expert it will be far safer to reject both the vocabulary and +grammar. By so doing we are left without any linguistic evidence +whatever of the relations of the Taensa language. + + [Footnote 72: D. G. Brinton in Am. Antiquarian, March, 1885, + pp. 109-114.] + +D’Iberville, it is true, supplies us with the names of seven Taensa +towns which were given by a Taensa Indian who accompanied him; but most +of these, according to Mr. Gatschet, were given, in the Chicasa trade +jargon or, as termed by the French, the “Mobilian trade jargon,” which +is at least a very natural supposition. Under these circumstances we +can, perhaps, do no better than rely upon the statements of several of +the old writers who appear to be unanimous in regarding the language of +the Taensa as of Na’htchi connection. Du Pratz’s statement to that +effect is weakened from the fact that the statement also includes the +Shetimasha, the language of which is known from a vocabulary to be +totally distinct not only from the Na’htchi but from any other. To +supplement Du Pratz’s testimony, such as it is, we have the statements +of M. de Montigny, the missionary who affirmed the affinity of the +Taensa language to that of the Na’htchi, before he had visited the +latter in 1699, and of Father Gravier, who also visited them. For the +present, therefore, the Taensa language is considered to be a branch of +the Na’htchi. + +The Taensa formerly dwelt upon the Mississippi, above and close to the +Na’htchi. Early in the history of the French settlements a portion of +the Taensa, pressed upon by the Chicasa, fled and were settled by the +French upon Mobile Bay. + + +PRINCIPAL TRIBES. + + Na’htchi. + Taensa. + + +_Population._--There still are four Na’htchi among the Creek in Indian +Territory and a number in the Cheroki Hills near the Missouri border. + + +PALAIHNIHAN FAMILY. + + = Palaihnih, Hale in U.S. Expl. Expd., VI, 218, 569, 1846 (used in + family sense). + + = Palaik, Hale in U.S. Expl. Expd., VI, 199, 218, 569, 1846 (southeast + of Lutuami in Oregon), Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, + 18, 77, 1848. Latham, Nat. Hist. Man., 325, 1850 (southeast of + Lutuami). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. Latham in + Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., VI, 82, 1854 (cites Hale’s vocab). Latham + in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 74, 1856 (has Shoshoni affinities). + Latham, Opuscula, 310, 341, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 407, 1862. + + = Palainih, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, c, 1848. + (after Hale). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. + + = Pulairih, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853 + (obvious typographical error; quotes Hale’s Palaiks). + + = Pit River, Powers in Overland Monthly, 412, May, 1874 (three + principal tribes: Achomáwes, Hamefcuttelies, Astakaywas or + Astakywich). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 164, 1877 (gives habitat; + quotes Hale for tribes). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 439, 1877. + + = A-cho-mâ´-wi, Powell in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 601, 1877 (vocabs. of + A-cho-mâ´-wi and Lutuami). Powers in ibid., 267 (general account of + tribes; A-cho-mâ´-wi, Hu-mâ´-whi, Es-ta-ke´-wach, Han-te´-wa, + Chu-mâ´-wa, A-tu-a´-mih, Il-mâ´-wi). + + < Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 475, + 1878 (includes Palaiks). + + < Shasta, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 565, 1882 (contains Palaik of + present family). + + +Derivation: From the Klamath word _p’laikni_, signifying “mountaineers” +or “uplanders” (Gatschet). + +In two places[73] Hale uses the terms Palaihnih and Palaiks +interchangeably, but inasmuch as on page 569, in his formal table of +linguistic families and languages, he calls the family Palaihnih, this +is given preference over the shorter form of the name. + + [Footnote 73: U.S. Expl. Expd., 1846, vol. 6, pp. 199, 218.] + +Though here classed as a distinct family, the status of the Pit River +dialects can not be considered to be finally settled. Powers speaks of +the language as “hopelessly consonantal, harsh, and sesquipedalian,” +* * * “utterly unlike the sweet and simple languages of the Sacramento.” +He adds that the personal pronouns show it to be a true Digger Indian +tongue. Recent investigations by Mr. Gatschet lead him, however, to +believe that ultimately it will be found to be linguistically related +to the Sastean languages. + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +The family was located by Hale to the southeast of the Lutuami +(Klamath). They chiefly occupied the area drained by the Pit River in +extreme northeastern California. Some of the tribe were removed to Round +Valley Reservation, California. + + +PRINCIPAL TRIBES. + +Powers, who has made a special study of the tribe, recognizes the +following principal tribal divisions:[74] + + Achomâ´wi. + Atua´mih. + Chumâ´wa. + Estake´wach. + Hante´wa. + Humâ´whi. + Ilmâ´wi. + Pakamalli? + + [Footnote 74: Cont. N.A. Eth. vol. 3, p. 267.] + + +PIMAN FAMILY. + + = Pima, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 898, 1850 (cites three languages from + the Mithridates, viz, Pima proper, Opata, Eudeve). Turner in Pac. R. + R. Rep., III, pt. 3, 55, 1856 (Pima proper). Latham in Trans. + Philolog. Soc. Lond., 92, 1856 (contains Pima proper, Opata, Eudeve, + Papagos). Latham, Opuscula, 356, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 427, + 1862 (includes Pima proper, Opata, Eudeve, Papago, Ibequi, Hiaqui, + Tubar, Tarahumara, Cora). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 156, 1877 + (includes Pima, Névome, Pápago). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 429, + 1877 (defines area and gives habitat). + + +Latham used the term Pima in 1850, citing under it three dialects or +languages. Subsequently, in 1856, he used the same term for one of the +five divisions into which he separates the languages of Sonora and +Sinaloa. + +The same year Turner gave a brief account of Pima as a distinct +language, his remarks applying mainly to Pima proper of the Gila River, +Arizona. This tribe had been visited by Emory and Johnston and also +described by Bartlett. Turner refers to a short vocabulary in the +Mithridates, another of Dr. Coulter’s in Royal Geological Society +Journal, vol. XI, 1841, and a third by Parry in Schoolcraft, Indian +Tribes, vol. III, 1853. The short vocabulary he himself published was +collected by Lieut. Whipple. + +Only a small portion of the territory occupied by this family is +included within the United States, the greater portion being in Mexico +where it extends to the Gulf of California. The family is represented in +the United States by three tribes, Pima alta, Sobaipuri, and Papago. The +former have lived for at least two centuries with the Maricopa on the +Gila River about 160 miles from the mouth. The Sobaipuri occupied the +Santa Cruz and San Pedro Rivers, tributaries of the Gila, but are no +longer known. The Papago territory is much more extensive and extends to +the south across the border. In recent times the two tribes have been +separated, but the Pima territory as shown upon the map was formerly +continuous to the Gila River. + +According to Buschmann, Gatschet, Brinton, and others the Pima language +is a northern branch of the Nahuatl, but this relationship has yet to be +demonstrated.[75] + + [Footnote 75: Buschmann, Die Pima-Sprache und die Sprache der + Koloschen, pp. 321-432.] + + +PRINCIPAL TRIBES. + + Northern group: + Opata. + Papago. + Pima. + + Southern group: + Cahita. + Cora. + Tarahumara. + Tepeguana. + + +_Population._--Of the above tribes the Pima and Papago only are within +our boundaries. Their numbers under the Pima Agency, Arizona,[76] are +Pima, 4,464; Papago, 5,163. + + [Footnote 76: According to the U.S. Census Bulletin for 1890.] + + +PUJUNAN FAMILY. + + > Pujuni, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 80, 1856 (contains + Pujuni, Secumne, Tsamak of Hale, Cushna of Schoolcraft). Latham, + Opuscula, 346, 1860. + + > Meidoos, Powers in Overland Monthly, 420, May, 1874. + + = Meidoo, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 159, 1877 (gives habitat and + tribes). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 433, 1877. + + > Mai´-du, Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 282, 1877 (same as + Mai´-deh; general account of; names the tribes). Powell, ibid., 586 + (vocabs. of Kon´-kau, Hol-o´-lu-pai, Na´-kum, Ni´-shi-nam, “Digger,” + Cushna, Nishinam, Yuba or Nevada, Punjuni, Sekumne, Tsamak). + + > Neeshenams, Powers in Overland Monthly, 21, Jan., 1874 (considers + this tribe doubtfully distinct from Meidoo family). + + > Ni-shi-nam, Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 313, 1877 + (distinguishes them from Maidu family). + + X Sacramento Valley, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), + 476, 1878 (Ochecumne, Chupumne, Secumne, Cosumne, Sololumne, Puzlumne, + Yasumne, etc.; “altogether about 26 tribes”). + + +The following tribes were placed in this group by Latham: Pujuni, +Secumne, Tsamak of Hale, and the Cushna of Schoolcraft. The name adopted +for the family is the name of a tribe given by Hale.[77] This was one of +the two races into which, upon the information of Captain Sutter as +derived by Mr. Dana, all the Sacramento tribes were believed to be +divided. “These races resembled one another in every respect but +language.” + + [Footnote 77: U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, p. 631.] + +Hale gives short vocabularies of the Pujuni, Sekumne, and Tsamak. Hale +did not apparently consider the evidence as a sufficient basis for a +family, but apparently preferred to leave its status to be settled +later. + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +The tribes of this family have been carefully studied by Powers, to whom +we are indebted for most all we know of their distribution. They +occupied the eastern bank of the Sacramento in California, beginning +some 80 or 100 miles from its mouth, and extended northward to within a +short distance of Pit River, where they met the tribes of the +Palaihnihan family. Upon the east they reached nearly to the border of +the State, the Palaihnihan, Shoshonean, and Washoan families hemming +them in in this direction. + + +PRINCIPAL TRIBES. + + Bayu. Olla. + Boka. Otaki. + Eskin. Paupákan. + Hélto. Pusúna. + Hoak. Taitchida. + Hoankut. Tíshum. + Hololúpai. Toámtcha. + Koloma. Tosikoyo. + Konkau. Toto. + Kū´lmeh. Ustóma. + Kulomum. Wapúmni. + Kwatóa. Wima. + Nakum. Yuba. + + +QUORATEAN FAMILY. + + > Quoratem, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 422, 1853 + (proposed as a proper name of family “should it be held one”). + + > Eh-nek, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 423, 1853 (given as + name of a band only; but suggests Quoratem as a proper family name). + + > Ehnik, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 76, 1856 (south of + Shasti and Lutuami areas). Latham, Opuscula, 342, 1860. + + = Cahrocs, Powers in Overland Monthly, 328, April, 1872 (on Klamath + and Salmon Rivers). + + = Cahrok, Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 438, 1877. + + = Ka´-rok, Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 19, 1877. Powell in ibid., + 447, 1877 (vocabularies of Ka´-rok, Arra-Arra, Peh´-tsik, Eh-nek). + + < Klamath, Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475, + 1878 (cited as including Cahrocs). + + +Derivation: Name of a band at mouth of Salmon River, California. +Etymology unknown. + +This family name is equivalent to the Cahroc or Karok of Powers and +later authorities. + +In 1853, as above cited, Gibbs gives Eh-nek as the titular heading of +his paragraphs upon the language of this family, with the remark that it +is “The name of a band at the mouth of the Salmon, or Quoratem river.” +He adds that “This latter name may perhaps be considered as proper to +give to the family, should it be held one.” He defines the territory +occupied by the family as follows: “The language reaches from Bluff +creek, the upper boundary of the Pohlik, to about Clear creek, thirty or +forty miles above the Salmon; varying, however, somewhat from point to +point.” + +The presentation of the name Quoratem, as above, seems sufficiently +formal, and it is therefore accepted for the group first indicated by +Gibbs. + +In 1856 Latham renamed the family Ehnik, after the principal band, +locating the tribe, or rather the language, south of the Shasti and +Lutuami areas. + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +The geographic limits of the family are somewhat indeterminate, though +the main area occupied by the tribes is well known. The tribes occupy +both banks of the lower Klamath from a range of hills a little above +Happy Camp to the junction of the Trinity, and the Salmon River from its +mouth to its sources. On the north, Quoratean tribes extended to the +Athapascan territory near the Oregon line. + + +TRIBES. + + Ehnek. + Karok. + Pehtsik. + + +_Population._--According to a careful estimate made by Mr. Curtin in the +region in 1889, the Indians of this family number about 600. + + +SALINAN FAMILY. + + < Salinas, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 85, 1856 (includes + Gioloco, Ruslen, Soledad of Mofras, Eslen, Carmel, San Antonio, San + Miguel). Latham, Opuscula, 350, 1860. + + > San Antonio, Powell in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 568, 1877 (vocabulary + of; not given as a family, but kept by itself). + + < Santa Barbara, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 157, 1877 (cited here as + containing San Antonio). Gatschet in U.S. Geog. Surv. W. 100th M., + VII, 419, 1879 (contains San Antonio, San Miguel). + + X Runsiens, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 476, + 1878 (San Miguel of his group belongs here). + + +Derivation: From river of same name. + +The language formerly spoken at the Missions of San Antonio and San +Miguel in Monterey County, California, have long occupied a doubtful +position. By some they have been considered distinct, not only from each +other, but from all other languages. Others have held that they +represent distinct dialects of the Chumashan (Santa Barbara) group of +languages. Vocabularies collected in 1884 by Mr. Henshaw show clearly +that the two are closely connected dialects and that they are in no wise +related to any other family. + +The group established by Latham under the name Salinas is a +heterogeneous one, containing representatives of no fewer than four +distinct families. Gioloco, which he states “may possibly belong to this +group, notwithstanding its reference to the Mission of San Francisco,” +really is congeneric with the vocabularies assigned by Latham to the +Mendocinan family. The “Soledad of Mofras” belongs to the Costanoan +family mentioned on page 348 of the same essay, as also do the Ruslen +and Carmel. Of the three remaining forms of speech, Eslen, San Antonio, +and San Miguel, the two latter are related dialects, and belong within +the drainage of the Salinas River. The term Salinan is hence applied to +them, leaving the Eslen language to be provided with a name. + + +_Population._--Though the San Antonio and San Miguel were probably never +very populous tribes, the Missions of San Antonio and San Miguel, when +first established in the years 1771 and 1779, contained respectively +1,400 and 1,300 Indians. Doubtless the larger number of these converts +were gathered in the near vicinity of the two missions and so belonged +to this family. In 1884 when Mr. Henshaw visited the missions he was +able to learn of the existence of only about a dozen Indians of this +family, and not all of these could speak their own language. + + +SALISHAN FAMILY. + + > Salish, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 134, 306, 1836 (or + Flat Heads only). Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., II, 31-50, + 1846 (of Duponceau. Said to be the Okanagan of Tolmie). + + X Salish, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 474, + 1878 (includes Flatheads, Kalispelms, Skitsuish, Colvilles, Quarlpi, + Spokanes, Pisquouse, Soaiatlpi). + + = Salish, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 565, 618, 1882. + + > Selish, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc. II, pt. 1, 77, 1848 (vocab. + of Nsietshaws). Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 63, 78, 1884 + (vocabularies of Lillooet and Kullēspelm). + + > Jelish, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 403, 1853 + (obvious misprint for Selish; follows Hale as to tribes). + + = Selish, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 169, 1877 (gives habitat and + tribes of family). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 444, 1877. + + < Selish, Dall, after Gibbs, in Cont. N.A. Eth., 1, 241, 1877 + (includes Yakama, which is Shahaptian). + + > Tsihaili-Selish, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 205, 535, 569, 1846 + (includes Shushwaps. Selish or Flatheads, Skitsuish, Piskwaus, Skwale, + Tsihailish, Kawelitsk, Nsietshawus). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., + II, pt. 1, c, 10, 1848 (after Hale). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, + map 17, 1852. Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 658-661, 1859. + Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 399, 1862 (contains Shushwap or Atna Proper, + Kuttelspelm or Pend d’Oreilles, Selish, Spokan, Okanagan, Skitsuish, + Piskwaus, Nusdalum, Kawitchen, Cathlascou, Skwali, Chechili, Kwaintl, + Kwenaiwtl, Nsietshawus, Billechula). + + > Atnahs, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 134, 135, 306, 1836 + (on Fraser River). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 427, 1847 (on + Fraser River). + + > Atna, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 71, 1856 + (Tsihaili-Selish of Hale and Gallatin). + + X Nootka-Columbian, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 224, + 1841 (includes, among others, Billechoola, Kawitchen, Noosdalum, + Squallyamish of present family). + + X Insular, Scouler, ibid., (same as Nootka-Columbian family). + + X Shahaptan, Scouler, ibid., 225 (includes Okanagan of this family). + + X Southern, Scouler, ibid., 224 (same as Nootka-Columbian family). + + > Billechoola, Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., I, 154, 1848 (assigns + Friendly Village of McKenzie here). Latham, Opuscula, 250, 1860 (gives + Tolmie’s vocabulary). + + > Billechula, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 300, 1850 (mouth of Salmon + River). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 72, 1856 (same). + Latham, Opuscula, 339, 1860. + + > Bellacoola, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 564, 607, 1882 (Bellacoolas + only; specimen vocabulary). + + > Bilhoola, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 62, 1884 (vocab. of + Noothlākimish). + + > Bilchula, Boas in Petermann’s Mitteilungen, 130, 1887 (mentions + Sātsq, Nūte̥´l, Nuchalkmχ, Taleómχ). + + X Naass, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc. II, pt. 1, c, 77, 1848 + (cited as including Billechola). + + > Tsihaili, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 310, 1850 (chiefly lower part of + Fraser River and between that and the Columbia; includes Shuswap, + Salish, Skitsuish, Piskwaus, Kawitchen, Skwali, Checheeli, Kowelits, + Noosdalum, Nsietshawus). + + X Wakash, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 301, 1850 (cited as including + Klallems). + + X Shushwaps, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, + 474, 1878 (quoted as including Shewhapmuch and Okanagans). + + X Hydahs, Keane, ibid., 473 (includes Bellacoolas of present family). + + X Nootkahs, Keane, ibid., 473 (includes Komux, Kowitchans, Klallums, + Kwantlums, Teets of present family). + + X Nootka, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 564, 1882 (contains the following + Salishan tribes: Cowichin, Soke, Comux, Noosdalum, Wickinninish, + Songhie, Sanetch, Kwantlum, Teet, Nanaimo, Newchemass, Shimiahmoo, + Nooksak, Samish, Skagit, Snohomish, Clallam, Toanhooch). + + < Puget Sound Group, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), + 474, 1878 (comprises Nooksahs, Lummi, Samish, Skagits, Nisqually, + Neewamish, Sahmamish, Snohomish, Skeewamish, Squanamish, Klallums, + Classets, Chehalis, Cowlitz, Pistchin, Chinakum; all but the last + being Salishan). + + > Flatheads, Keane, ibid., 474, 1878 (same as his Salish above). + + > Kawitshin, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 39, 1884 (vocabs. of + Songis and Kwantlin Sept and Kowmook or Tlathool). + + > Qauitschin, Boas in Petermann’s Mitteilungen, 131, 1887. + + > Niskwalli, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 50, 121, 1884 (or + Skwalliamish vocabulary of Sinahomish). + + +The extent of the Salish or Flathead family was unknown to Gallatin, as +indeed appears to have been the exact locality of the tribe of which he +gives an anonymous vocabulary from the Duponceau collection. The tribe +is stated to have resided upon one of the branches of the Columbia +River, “which must be either the most southern branch of Clarke’s River +or the most northern branch of Lewis’s River.” The former supposition +was correct. As employed by Gallatin the family embraced only a single +tribe, the Flathead tribe proper. The Atnah, a Salishan tribe, were +considered by Gallatin to be distinct, and the name would be eligible as +the family name; preference, however, is given to Salish. The few words +from the Friendly Village near the sources of the Salmon River given by +Gallatin in Archæologia Americana, II, 1836, pp. 15, 306, belong under +this family. + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +Since Gallatin’s time, through the labors of Riggs, Hale, Tolmie, +Dawson, Boas, and others, our knowledge of the territorial limits of +this linguistic family has been greatly extended. The most southern +outpost of the family, the Tillamook and Nestucca, were established on +the coast of Oregon, about 50 miles to the south of the Columbia, where +they were quite separated from their kindred to the north by the +Chinookan tribes. Beginning on the north side of Shoalwater Bay, +Salishan tribes held the entire northwestern part of Washington, +including the whole of the Puget Sound region, except only the Macaw +territory about Cape Flattery, and two insignificant spots, one near +Port Townsend, the other on the Pacific coast to the south of Cape +Flattery, which were occupied by Chimakuan tribes. Eastern Vancouver +Island to about midway of its length was also held by Salishan tribes, +while the great bulk of their territory lay on the mainland opposite and +included much of the upper Columbia. On the south they were hemmed in +mainly by the Shahaptian tribes. Upon the east Salishan tribes dwelt to +a little beyond the Arrow Lakes and their feeder, one of the extreme +north forks of the Columbia. Upon the southeast Salishan tribes extended +into Montana, including the upper drainage of the Columbia. They were +met here in 1804 by Lewis and Clarke. On the northeast Salish territory +extended to about the fifty-third parallel. In the northwest it did not +reach the Chilcat River. + +Within the territory thus indicated there is considerable diversity of +customs and a greater diversity of language. The language is split into +a great number of dialects, many of which are doubtless mutually +unintelligible. + +The relationship of this family to the Wakashan is a very interesting +problem. Evidences of radical affinity have been discovered by Boas and +Gatschet, and the careful study of their nature and extent now being +prosecuted by the former may result in the union of the two, though +until recently they have been considered quite distinct. + + +PRINCIPAL TRIBES. + + Atnah. Pentlatc. Skitsuish. + Bellacoola. Pisquow. Skokomish. + Chehalis. Puyallup. Skopamish. + Clallam. Quaitso. Sktehlmish. + Colville. Queniut. Smulkamish. + Comux. Queptlmamish. Snohomish. + Copalis. Sacumehu. Snoqualmi. + Cowichin. Sahewamish. Soke. + Cowlitz. Salish. Songish. + Dwamish. Samamish. Spokan. + Kwantlen. Samish. Squawmisht. + Lummi. Sanetch. Squaxon. + Met’how. Sans Puell. Squonamish. + Nanaimo. Satsop. Stehtsasamish. + Nanoos. Sawamish. Stillacum. + Nehalim. Sekamish. Sumass. + Nespelum. Shomamish. Suquamish. + Nicoutamuch. Shooswap. Swinamish. + Nisqualli. Shotlemamish. Tait. + Nuksahk. Skagit. Tillamook. + Okinagan. Skihwamish. Twana. + Pend d’Oreilles. + + +_Population._--The total Salish population of British Columbia is +12,325, inclusive of the Bellacoola, who number, with the Hailtzuk, +2,500, and those in the list of unclassified, who number 8,522, +distributed as follows: + +Under the Fraser River Agency, 4,986; Kamloops Agency, 2,579; Cowichan +Agency, 1,852; Okanagan Agency, 942; Williams Lake Agency, 1,918; +Kootenay Agency, 48. + +Most of the Salish in the United States are on reservations. They number +about 5,500, including a dozen small tribes upon the Yakama Reservation, +which have been consolidated with the Clickatat (Shahaptian) through +intermarriage. The Salish of the United States are distributed as +follows (Indian Affairs Report, 1889, and U.S. Census Bulletin, 1890): + +Colville Agency, Washington, Coeur d’ Alene, 422; Lower Spokane, 417; +Lake, 303; Colville, 247; Okinagan, 374; Kespilem, 67; San Pueblo (Sans +Puell), 300; Calispel, 200; Upper Spokane, 170. + +Puyallup Agency, Washington, Quaitso, 82; Quinaielt (Queniut), 101; +Humptulip, 19; Puyallup, 563; Chehalis, 135; Nisqually, 94; Squaxon, 60; +Clallam, 351; Skokomish, 191; Oyhut, Hoquiam, Montesano, and Satsup, 29. + +Tulalip Agency, Washington, Snohomish, 443; Madison, 144; Muckleshoot, +103; Swinomish, 227; Lummi, 295. + +Grande Ronde Agency, Oregon, Tillamook, 5. + + +SASTEAN FAMILY. + + = Saste, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 218, 569, 1846. Gallatin in + Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, c, 77, 1848. Berghaus (1851), Physik. + Atlas, map 17, 1852. Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 572, 1859. + + = Shasty, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 218, 1846 (= Saste). Buschmann, + Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 573, 1859 (= Saste). + + = Shasties, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 199, 569, 1846 (= Saste). + Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. + + = Shasti, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 325, 1850 (southwest of Lutuami). + Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc., Lond., VI, 82, 1854. Latham, ibid, 74, + 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 310, 341, 1860 (allied to both Shoshonean and + Shahaptian families). Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 407, 1862. + + = Shaste, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 422, 1853 (mentions + Watsa-he’-wa, a Scott’s River band). + + = Sasti, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853 + (= Shasties). + + = Shasta, Powell in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 607, 1877. Gatschet in Mag. + Am. Hist., 164, 1877. Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 438, 1877. + + = Shas-ti-ka, Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 243, 1877. + + = Shasta, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 164, 1877 (= Shasteecas). + + < Shasta, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 565, 1882 (includes Palaik, + Watsahewah, Shasta). + + < Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475, 1878 + (contains Shastas of present family). + + +Derivation: The single tribe upon the language of which Hale based his +name was located by him to the southwest of the Lutuami or Klamath +tribes. He calls the tribe indifferently Shasties or Shasty, but the +form applied by him to the family (see pp. 218, 569) is Saste, which +accordingly is the one taken. + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +The former territory of the Sastean family is the region drained by the +Klamath River and its tributaries from the western base of the Cascade +range to the point where the Klamath flows through the ridge of hills +east of Happy Camp, which forms the boundary between the Sastean and the +Quoratean families. In addition to this region of the Klamath, the +Shasta extended over the Siskiyou range northward as far as Ashland, +Oregon. + + +SHAHAPTIAN FAMILY. + + X Shahaptan, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc., XI, 225, 1841 (three + tribes, Shahaptan or Nez-percés, Kliketat, Okanagan; the latter being + Salishan). + + < Shahaptan, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 428, 1847 (two classes, + Nez-perces proper of mountains, and Polanches of plains; includes also + Kliketat and Okanagan). + + > Sahaptin, Hale in U.S. Expl. Expd., VI, 198, 212, 542, 1846 + (Shahaptin or Nez-percés, Wallawallas, Pelooses, Yakemas, Klikatats). + Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, c, 14, 1848 (follows + Hale). Gallatin, ibid., II, pt. 1, c, 77, 1848 (Nez-percés only). + Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. Gallatin in Schoolcraft, + Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853 (Nez-perces and Wallawallas). Dall, after + Gibbs, in Cont. N.A. Eth., 1, 241, 1877 (includes Taitinapam and + Kliketat). + + > Saptin, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 428, 1847 (or Shahaptan). + + < Sahaptin, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 323, 1850 (includes Wallawallas, + Kliketat, Proper Sahaptin or Nez-percés, Pelús, Yakemas, Cayús?). + Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 73, 1856 (includes Waiilatpu). + Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 614, 615, 1859. Latham, + Opuscula, 340, 1860 (as in 1856). Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 440, 1862 + (vocabularies Sahaptin, Wallawalla, Kliketat). Keane, App. Stanford’s + Comp. (Cent, and So. Am.), 460, 474, 1878 (includes Palouse, Walla + Wallas, Yakimas, Tairtlas, Kliketats or Pshawanwappams, Cayuse, + Mollale; the two last are Waiilatpuan). + + = Sahaptin, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 168, 1877 (defines habitat and + enumerates tribes of). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 443, 1877. + Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 565, 620, 1882. + + > Shahaptani, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 78, 1884 (Whulwhaipum + tribe). + + < Nez-percés, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 428, 1847 (see + Shahaptan). Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent, and So. Am.), 474, + 1878 (see his Sahaptin). + + X Seliah, Dall, after Gibbs, in Cont. N.A. Eth., I, 241, 1877 + (includes Yakama which belongs here). + + +Derivation: From a Selish word of unknown significance. + +The Shahaptan family of Scouler comprised three tribes--the Shahaptan or +Nez Percés, the Kliketat, a scion of the Shahaptan, dwelling near Mount +Ranier, and the Okanagan, inhabiting the upper part of Fraser River and +its tributaries; “these tribes were asserted to speak dialects of the +same language.” Of the above tribes the Okinagan are now known to be +Salishan. + +The vocabularies given by Scouler were collected by Tolmie. The term +“Sahaptin” appears on Gallatin’s map of 1836, where it doubtless refers +only to the Nez Percé tribe proper, with respect to whose linguistic +affinities Gallatin apparently knew nothing at the time. At all events +the name occurs nowhere in his discussion of the linguistic families. + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +The tribes of this family occupied a large section of country along the +Columbia and its tributaries. Their western boundary was the Cascade +Mountains; their westernmost bands, the Klikitat on the north, the Tyigh +and Warm Springs on the south, enveloping for a short distance the +Chinook territory along the Columbia which extended to the Dalles. +Shahaptian tribes extended along the tributaries of the Columbia for a +considerable distance, their northern boundary being indicated by about +the forty-sixth parallel, their southern by about the forty-fourth. +Their eastern extension was interrupted by the Bitter Root Mountains. + + +PRINCIPAL TRIBES AND POPULATION. + + Chopunnish (Nez Percé), 1,515 on Nez Percé Reservation, Idaho. + Klikitat, say one-half of 330 natives, on Yakama Reservation, + Washington. + Paloos, Yakama Reservation, number unknown. + Tenaino, 69 on Warm Springs Reservation, Oregon. + Tyigh, 430 on Warm Springs Reservation, Oregon. + Umatilla, 179 on Umatilla Reservation, Oregon. + Walla Walla, 405 on Umatilla Reservation, Oregon. + + +SHOSHONEAN FAMILY. + + > Shoshonees, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 120, + 133, 306, 1836 (Shoshonee or Snake only). Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, + 218, 1846 (Wihinasht, Pánasht, Yutas, Sampiches, Comanches). Gallatin + in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, c, 77, 1848 (as above). Gallatin, + ibid., 18, 1848 (follows Hale; see below). Gallatin in Schoolcraft, + Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853. Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., III, pt. 3, + 55, 71, 76, 1856 (treats only of Comanche, Chemehuevi, Cahuillo). + Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 553, 649, 1859. + + > Shoshoni, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 199, 218, 569, 1846 + (Shóshoni, Wihinasht, Pánasht, Yutas, Sampiches, Comanches). Latham in + Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 73, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 340, 1860. + + > Schoschonenu Kamantschen, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, + 1848. Ibid., 1852. + + > Shoshones, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 429, 1847 (or Snakes; + both sides Rocky Mountains and sources of Missouri). + + = Shoshóni, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist. 154, 1877. Gatschet in Beach, + Ind. Misc., 426, 1877. + + < Shoshone, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, + 477, 1878 (includes Washoes of a distinct family). Bancroft, Nat. + Races, III, 567, 661, 1882. + + > Snake, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 120, 133, + 1836 (or Shoshonees). Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 218, 1846 (as under + Shoshonee). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 429, 1847 (as under + Shoshones). Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., III, pt. 3, 76, 1856 (as under + Shoshonees). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 552, 649, 1859 (as + under Shoshonees). + + < Snake, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 477, 1878 + (contains Washoes in addition to Shoshonean tribes proper). + + > Kizh, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 569, 1846 (San Gabriel language + only). + + > Netela, Hale, ibid., 569, 1846 (San Juan Capestrano language). + + > Paduca, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 415, 1847 (Cumanches, + Kiawas, Utas). Latham, Nat. Hist., Man., 310, 326, 1850. Latham (1853) + in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., VI, 73, 1854 (includes Wihinast, + Shoshoni, Uta). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 96, 1856. + Latham, Opuscula, 300, 360, 1860. + + < Paduca, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man., 346, 1850 (Wihinast, Bonaks, + Diggers, Utahs, Sampiches, Shoshonis, Kiaways, Kaskaias?, Keneways?, + Bald-heads, Cumanches, Navahoes, Apaches, Carisos). Latham, El. Comp. + Phil., 440, 1862 (defines area of; cites vocabs. of Shoshoni, + Wihinasht, Uta, Comanch, Piede or Pa-uta, Chemuhuevi, Cahuillo, + Kioway, the latter not belonging here). + + > Cumanches, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853. + + > Netela-Kij, Latham (1853) in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., VI, 76, + 1854 (composed of Netela of Hale, San Juan Capistrano of Coulter, San + Gabriel of Coulter, Kij of Hale). + + > Capistrano, Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 85, 1856 (includes + Netela, of San Luis Rey and San Juan Capistrano, the San Gabriel or + Kij of San Gabriel and San Fernando). + + +In his synopsis of the Indian tribes[78] Gallatin’s reference to this +great family is of the most vague and unsatisfactory sort. He speaks of +“some bands of Snake Indians or Shoshonees, living on the waters of the +river Columbia” (p. 120), which is almost the only allusion to them to +be found. The only real claim he possesses to the authorship of the +family name is to be found on page 306, where, in his list of tribes and +vocabularies, he places “Shoshonees” among his other families, which is +sufficient to show that he regarded them as a distinct linguistic group. +The vocabulary he possessed was by Say. + + [Footnote 78: Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 1836.] + +Buschmann, as above cited, classes the Shoshonean languages as a +northern branch of his Nahuatl or Aztec family, but the evidence +presented for this connection is deemed to be insufficient. + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +This important family occupied a large part of the great interior basin +of the United States. Upon the north Shoshonean tribes extended far into +Oregon, meeting Shahaptian territory on about the forty-fourth parallel +or along the Blue Mountains. Upon the northeast the eastern limits of +the pristine habitat of the Shoshonean tribes are unknown. The narrative +of Lewis and Clarke[79] contains the explicit statement that the +Shoshoni bands encountered upon the Jefferson River, whose summer home +was upon the head waters of the Columbia, formerly lived within their +own recollection in the plains to the east of the Rocky Mountains, +whence they were driven to their mountain retreats by the Minnetaree +(Atsina), who had obtained firearms. Their former habitat thus given is +indicated upon the map, although the eastern limit is of course quite +indeterminate. Very likely much of the area occupied by the Atsina was +formerly Shoshonean territory. Later a division of the Bannock held the +finest portion of southwestern Montana,[80] whence apparently they were +being pushed westward across the mountains by Blackfeet.[81] Upon the +east the Tukuarika or Sheepeaters held the Yellowstone Park country, +where they were bordered by Siouan territory, while the Washaki occupied +southwestern Wyoming. Nearly the entire mountainous part of Colorado was +held by the several bands of the Ute, the eastern and southeastern parts +of the State being held respectively by the Arapaho and Cheyenne +(Algonquian), and the Kaiowe (Kiowan). To the southeast the Ute country +included the northern drainage of the San Juan, extending farther east a +short distance into New Mexico. The Comanche division of the family +extended farther east than any other. According to Crow tradition the +Comanche formerly lived northward in the Snake River region. Omaha +tradition avers that the Comanche were on the Middle Loup River, +probably within the present century. Bourgemont found a Comanche tribe +on the upper Kansas River in 1724.[82] According to Pike the Comanche +territory bordered the Kaiowe on the north, the former occupying the +head waters of the upper Red River, Arkansas, and Rio Grande.[83] How +far to the southward Shoshonean tribes extended at this early period is +not known, though the evidence tends to show that they raided far down +into Texas to the territory they have occupied in more recent years, +viz, the extensive plains from the Rocky Mountains eastward into Indian +Territory and Texas to about 97°. Upon the south Shoshonean territory +was limited generally by the Colorado River. The Chemehuevi lived on +both banks of the river between the Mohave on the north and the Cuchan +on the south, above and below Bill Williams Fork.[84] The Kwaiantikwoket +also lived to the east of the river in Arizona about Navajo Mountain, +while the Tusayan (Moki) had established their seven pueblos, including +one founded by people of Tañoan stock, to the east of the Colorado +Chiquito. In the southwest Shoshonean tribes had pushed across +California, occupying a wide band of country to the Pacific. In their +extension northward they had reached as far as Tulare Lake, from which +territory apparently they had dispossessed the Mariposan tribes, leaving +a small remnant of that linguistic family near Fort Tejon.[85] + + [Footnote 79: Allen ed., Philadelphia, 1814, vol. 1, p. 418.] + + [Footnote 80: U.S. Ind. Aff., 1869, p. 289.] + + [Footnote 81: Stevens in Pac. R. R. Rep., 1855, vol. 1, p. 329.] + + [Footnote 82: Lewis and Clarke, Allen ed., 1814, vol. 1, p. 34.] + + [Footnote 83: Pike, Expl. to sources of the Miss., app. pt. 3, 16, + 1810.] + + [Footnote 84: Ives, Colorado River, 1861, p. 54.] + + [Footnote 85: Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., 1877, vol. 3, p. 369.] + +A little farther north they had crossed the Sierras and occupied the +heads of San Joaquin and Kings Rivers. Northward they occupied nearly +the whole of Nevada, being limited on the west by the Sierra Nevada. The +entire southeastern part of Oregon was occupied by tribes of Shoshoni +extraction. + + +PRINCIPAL TRIBES AND POPULATION. + + Bannock, 514 on Fort Hall Reservation + and 75 on the Lemhi Reservation, Idaho. + Chemehuevi, about 202 attached to the Colorado River Agency, Arizona. + Comanche, 1,598 on the Kiowa, Comanche and Wichita Reservation, + Indian Territory. + Gosiute, 256 in Utah at large. + Pai Ute, about 2,300 scattered in southeastern California and + southwestern Nevada. + Paviotso, about 3,000 scattered in western Nevada and southern Oregon. + Saidyuka, 145 under Klamath Agency. + Shoshoni, 979 under Fort Hall Agency and 249 at the Lemhi Agency. + Tobikhar, about 2,200, under the Mission Agency, California. + Tukuarika, or Sheepeaters, 108 at Lemhi Agency. + Tusayan (Moki), 1,996 (census of 1890). + Uta, 2,839 distributed as follows: + 985 under Southern Ute Agency, Colorado; + 1,021 on Ouray Reserve, Utah; + 833 on Uintah Reserve, Utah. + + +SIOUAN FAMILY. + + X Sioux, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 121, 306, + 1836 (for tribes included see text below). Prichard, Phys. Hist. + Mankind, V, 408, 1847 (follows Gallatin). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. + Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848 (as in 1836). Berghaus (1845), Physik. + Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852. Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. + Tribes, III, 402, 1853. Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887. + + > Sioux, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 333, 1850 (includes Winebagoes, + Dakotas, Assineboins, Upsaroka, Mandans, Minetari, Osage). Latham in + Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 58, 1856 (mere mention of family). + Latham, Opuscula, 327, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil, 458, 1862. + + > Catawbas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 87, 1836 + (Catawbas and Woccons). Bancroft, Hist. U.S., III, 245, et map, 1840. + Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 399, 1847. Gallatin in Trans. Am. + Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848. Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. + (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 473, 1878. + + > Catahbas, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852. + + > Catawba, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man., 334, 1850 (Woccoon are allied). + Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 401, 1853. + + > Kataba, Gatschet in Am. Antiquarian, IV, 238, 1882. Gatschet, Creek + Mig. Legend, I, 15, 1884. Gatschet in Science, 413, April 29, 1887. + + > Woccons, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 306, 1836 + (numbered and given as a distinct family in table, but inconsistently + noted in foot-note where referred to as Catawban family.) + + > Dahcotas, Bancroft, Hist. U.S., III, 243, 1840. + + > Dakotas, Hayden, Cont. Eth. and Phil. Missouri Ind., 232, 1862 + (treats of Dakotas, Assiniboins, Crows, Minnitarees, Mandans, Omahas, + Iowas). + + > Dacotah, Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, + 470, 1878. (The following are the main divisions given: Isaunties, + Sissetons, Yantons, Teetons, Assiniboines, Winnebagos, Punkas, Omahas, + Missouris, Iowas, Otoes, Kaws, Quappas, Osages, Upsarocas, + Minnetarees.) + + > Dakota, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887. + + +Derivation: A corruption of the Algonkin word “nadowe-ssi-wag,” “the +snake-like ones,” “the enemies” (Trumbull). + +Under the family Gallatin makes four subdivisions, viz, the Winnebagos, +the Sioux proper and the Assiniboins, the Minnetare group, and the +Osages and southern kindred tribes. Gallatin speaks of the distribution +of the family as follows: The Winnebagoes have their principal seats on +the Fox River of Lake Michigan and towards the heads of the Rock River +of the Mississippi; of the Dahcotas proper, the Mendewahkantoan or “Gens +du Lac” lived east of the Mississippi from Prairie du Chien north to +Spirit Lake. The three others, Wahkpatoan, Wahkpakotoan and Sisitoans +inhabit the country between the Mississippi and the St. Peters, and that +on the southern tributaries of this river and on the headwaters of the +Red River of Lake Winnipek. The three western tribes, the Yanktons, the +Yanktoanans and the Tetons wander between the Mississippi and the +Missouri, extending southerly to 43° of north latitude and some distance +west of the Missouri, between 43° and 47° of latitude. The “Shyennes” +are included in the family but are marked as doubtfully belonging here. + +Owing to the fact that “Sioux” is a word of reproach and means snake or +enemy, the term has been discarded by many later writers as a family +designation, and “Dakota,” which signifies friend or ally, has been +employed in its stead. The two words are, however, by no means properly +synonymous. The term “Sioux” was used by Gallatin in a comprehensive or +family sense and was applied to all the tribes collectively known to him +to speak kindred dialects of a widespread language. It is in this sense +only, as applied to the linguistic family, that the term is here +employed. The term “Dahcota” (Dakota) was correctly applied by Gallatin +to the Dakota tribes proper as distinguished from the other members of +the linguistic family who are not Dakotas in a tribal sense. The use of +the term with this signification should be perpetuated. + +It is only recently that a definite decision has been reached respecting +the relationship of the Catawba and Woccon, the latter an extinct tribe +known to have been linguistically related to the Catawba. Gallatin +thought that he was able to discern some affinities of the Catawban +language with “Muskhogee and even with Choctaw,” though these were not +sufficient to induce him to class them together. Mr. Gatschet was the +first to call attention to the presence in the Catawba language of a +considerable number of words having a Siouan affinity. + +Recently Mr. Dorsey has made a critical examination of all the Catawba +linguistic material available, which has been materially increased by +the labors of Mr. Gatschet, and the result seems to justify its +inclusion as one of the dialects of the widespread Siouan family. + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +The pristine territory of this family was mainly in one body, the only +exceptions being the habitats of the Biloxi, the Tutelo, the Catawba and +Woccon. + +Contrary to the popular opinion of the present day, the general trend of +Siouan migration has been westward. In comparatively late prehistoric +times, probably most of the Siouan tribes dwelt east of the Mississippi +River. + +The main Siouan territory extended from about 53° north in the Hudson +Bay Company Territory, to about 33°, including a considerable part of +the watershed of the Missouri River and that of the Upper Mississippi. +It was bounded on the northwest, north, northeast, and for some distance +on the east by Algonquian territory. South of 45° north the line ran +eastward to Lake Michigan, as the Green Bay region belonged to the +Winnebago.[86] + + [Footnote 86: See treaty of Prairie du Chien, 1825.] + +It extended westward from Lake Michigan through Illinois, crossing the +Mississippi River at Prairie du Chien. At this point began the +Algonquian territory (Sac, etc.) on the west side of the Mississippi, +extending southward to the Missouri, and crossing that river it returned +to the Mississippi at St. Louis. The Siouan tribes claimed all of the +present States of Iowa and Missouri, except the parts occupied by +Algonquian tribes. The dividing line between the two for a short +distance below St. Louis was the Mississippi River. The line then ran +west of Dunklin, New Madrid, and Pemiscot Counties, in Missouri, and +Mississippi County and those parts of Craighead and Poinsett Counties, +Arkansas, lying east of the St. Francis River. Once more the Mississippi +became the eastern boundary, but in this case separating the Siouan from +the Muskhogean territory. The Quapaw or Akansa were the most southerly +tribe in the main Siouan territory. In 1673[87] they were east of the +Mississippi. Joutel (1687) located two of their villages on the Arkansas +and two on the Mississippi one of the latter being on the east bank, in +our present State of Mississippi, and the other being on the opposite +side, in Arkansas. Shea says[88] that the Kaskaskias were found by De +Soto in 1540 in latitude 36°, and that the Quapaw were higher up the +Mississippi. But we know that the southeast corner of Missouri and the +northeast corner of Arkansas, east of the St. Francis River, belonged to +Algonquian tribes. A study of the map of Arkansas shows reason for +believing that there may have been a slight overlapping of habitats, or +a sort of debatable ground. At any rate it seems advisable to +compromise, and assign the Quapaw and Osage (Siouan tribes) all of +Arkansas up to about 36° north. + + [Footnote 87: Marquette’s Autograph Map.] + + [Footnote 88: Disc. of Miss. Valley, p. 170, note.] + +On the southwest of the Siouan family was the Southern Caddoan group, +the boundary extending from the west side of the Mississippi River in +Louisiana, nearly opposite Vicksburg, Mississippi, and running +northwestwardly to the bend of Red River between Arkansas and Louisiana; +thence northwest along the divide between the watersheds of the Arkansas +and Red Rivers. In the northwest corner of Indian Territory the Osages +came in contact with the Comanche (Shoshonean), and near the western +boundary of Kansas the Kiowa, Cheyenne, and Arapaho (the two latter +being recent Algonquian intruders?) barred the westward march of the +Kansa or Kaw. + +The Pawnee group of the Caddoan family in western Nebraska and +northwestern Kansas separated the Ponka and Dakota on the north from the +Kansa on the south, and the Omaha and other Siouan tribes on the east +from Kiowa and other tribes on the west. The Omaha and cognate peoples +occupied in Nebraska the lower part of the Platte River, most of the +Elkhorn Valley, and the Ponka claimed the region watered by the Niobrara +in northern Nebraska. + +There seems to be sufficient evidence for assigning to the Crows +(Siouan) the northwest corner of Nebraska (i.e., that part north of the +Kiowan and Caddoan habitats) and the southwest part of South Dakota (not +claimed by Cheyenne[89]), as well as the northern part of Wyoming and +the southern part of Montana, where they met the Shoshonean stock.[90] + + [Footnote 89: See Cheyenne treaty, in Indian Treaties, 1873, pp. + 124, 5481-5489.] + + [Footnote 90: Lewis and Clarke, Trav., Lond., 1807, p. 25. Lewis + and Clarke, Expl., 1874, vol. 2, p. 390. A. L. Riggs, MS. letter + to Dorsey, 1876 or 1877. Dorsey, Ponka tradition: “The Black Hills + belong to the Crows.” That the Dakotas were not there till this + century see Corbusier’s Dakota Winter Counts, in 4th Rept. Bur. + Eth., p. 130, where it is also said that the Crow were the + original owners of the Black Hills.] + +The Biloxi habitat in 1699 was on the Pascogoula river,[91] in the +southeast corner of the present State of Mississippi. The Biloxi +subsequently removed to Louisiana, where a few survivors were found by +Mr. Gatschet in 1886. + + [Footnote 91: Margry, Découvertes, vol. 4, p. 195.] + +The Tutelo habitat in 1671 was in Brunswick County, southern Virginia, +and it probably included Lunenburgh and Mecklenburg Counties.[92] The +Earl of Bellomont (1699) says[93] that the Shateras were “supposed to be +the Toteros, on Big Sandy River, Virginia,” and Pownall, in his map of +North America (1776), gives the Totteroy (i.e., Big Sandy) River. +Subsequently to 1671 the Tutelo left Virginia and moved to North +Carolina.[94] They returned to Virginia (with the Sapona), joined the +Nottaway and Meherrin, whom they and the Tuscarora followed into +Pennsylvania in the last century; thence they went to New York, where +they joined the Six Nations, with whom they removed to Grand River +Reservation, Ontario, Canada, after the Revolutionary war. The last +full-blood Tutelo died in 1870. For the important discovery of the +Siouan affinity of the Tutelo language we are indebted to Mr. Hale. + + [Footnote 92: Batts in Doc. Col. Hist. N.Y., 1853, vol. 3, p. 194. + Harrison, MS. letter to Dorsey, 1886.] + + [Footnote 93: Doc. Col. Hist. N.Y., 1854, vol. 4. p. 488.] + + [Footnote 94: Lawson, Hist. Carolina, 1714; reprint of 1860, + p. 384.] + +The Catawba lived on the river of the same name on the northern boundary +of South Carolina. Originally they were a powerful tribe, the leading +people of South Carolina, and probably occupied a large part of the +Carolinas. The Woccon were widely separated from kinsmen living in North +Carolina in the fork of the Cotentnea and Neuse Rivers. + +The Wateree, living just below the Catawba, were very probably of the +same linguistic connection. + + +PRINCIPAL TRIBES. + +I. _Dakota_. + + (A) Santee: include Mde´-wa-kaⁿ-toⁿ-waⁿ (Spirit Lake village, Santee + Reservation, Nebraska), and Wa-qpe´-ku-te (Leaf Shooters); + some on Fort Peck Reservation, Montana. + + (B) Sisseton (Si-si´-toⁿ-waⁿ), on Sisseton Reservation, South Dakota, + and part on Devil’s Lake Reservation, North Dakota. + + (C) Wahpeton (Wa-qpe´-toⁿ-waⁿ, Wa-hpe-ton-wan); Leaf village. + Some on Sisseton Reservation; most on Devil’s Lake Reservation. + + (D) Yankton (I-hañk´-toⁿ-waⁿ), at Yankton Reservation, South Dakota. + + (E) Yanktonnais (I-hañk´-toⁿ-waⁿ´-na); divided into _Upper_ and + _Lower_. Of the _Upper Yanktonnais_, there are some of the + _Cut-head band_ (Pa´-ba-ksa gens) on Devil’s Lake Reservation. + _Upper Yanktonnais_, most are on Standing Rock Reservation, North + Dakota; _Lower Yanktonnais_, most are on Crow Creek Reservation, + South Dakota, some are on Standing Rock Reservation, and some on + Fort Peck Reservation, Montana. + + (F) Teton (Ti-toⁿ-waⁿ); some on Fort Peck Reservation, Montana. + + (a) _Brulé_ (Si-tcaⁿ´-xu); some are on Standing Rock Reservation. + Most of the _Upper Brulé_ (Highland Sitcaⁿxu) are on Rosebud + Reservation, South Dakota. Most of the _Lower Brulé_ (Lowland + Sitcaⁿxu) are on Lower Brulé Reservation, South Dakota. + + (b) _Sans Arcs_ (I-ta´-zip-tco´, Without Bows). + Most are on Cheyenne Reservation, South Dakota; some on Standing + Rock Reservation. + + (c) _Blackfeet_ (Si-ha´sa´-pa). + Most are on Cheyenne Reservation; some on Standing Rock + Reservation. + + (d) _Minneconjou_ (Mi´-ni-ko´-o-ju). + Most are on Cheyenne Reservation, some are on Rosebud Reservation, + and some on Standing Rock Reservation. + + (e) _Two Kettles_ (O-o´-he-noⁿ´-pa, Two Boilings), on Cheyenne + Reservation. + + (f) _Ogalalla_ (O-gla´-la). Most on Pine Ridge Reservation, South + Dakota; some on Standing Rock Reservation. _Wa-ża-ża_ (Wa-ja-ja, + Wa-zha-zha), a gens of the Oglala (Pine Ridge Reservation); + _Loafers_ (Wa-glu-xe, In-breeders), a gens of the Oglala; + most on Pine Ridge Reservation; some on Rosebud Reservation. + + (g) _Uncpapa_ (1862-’63), _Uncapapa_ (1880-’81), (Huñ´-kpa-pa), on + Standing Rock Reservation. + +II. _Assinaboin_ (Hohe, Dakota name); most in British North America; + some on Fort Peck Reservation, Montana. + +III. _Omaha_ (U-maⁿ´-haⁿ), on Omaha Reservation, Nebraska. + +IV. _Ponca_ (formerly _Ponka_ on maps; Ponka); 605 on Ponca Reservation, + Indian Territory; 217 at Santee Agency, Nebraska. + + [Transcriber’s Note: [K] and [S] represent inverted K and S] + +V. _Kaw_ ([K]aⁿ´-ze; the Kansa Indians); on the Kansas Reservation, + Indian Territory. + +VI. _Osage_; _Big Osage_ (Pa-he´-tsi, Those on a Mountain); _Little + Osage_ (Those at the foot of the Mountain); _Arkansas Band_ + ([S]an-ʇsu-ʞ¢iⁿ, Dwellers in a Highland Grove), Osage Reservation, + Indian Territory. + +VII. _Quapaw_ (U-ʞa´-qpa; Kwapa). A few are on the Quapaw Reserve, but + about 200 are on the Osage Reserve, Oklahoma. (They are the _Arkansa_ + of early times.) + +VIII. _Iowa_, on Great Nemaha Reserve, Kansas and Nebraska, and 86 on + Sac and Fox Reserve, Indian Territory. + +IX. _Otoe_ (Wa-to´-qta-ta), on Otoe Reserve, Indian Territory. + +X. _Missouri_ or _Missouria_ (Ni-u´-t’a-tci), on Otoe Reserve. + +XI. _Winnebago_ (Ho-tcañ´-ga-ra); most in Nebraska, on their reserve: + some are in Wisconsin; some in Michigan, according to Dr. Reynolds. + +XII. _Mandan_, on Fort Berthold Reserve, North Dakota. + +XIII. _Gros Ventres_ (a misleading name; syn. _Minnetaree_; Hi-da´-tsa); + on the same reserve. + +XIV. _Crow_ (Absáruqe, Aubsároke, etc.), Crow Reserve, Montana. + +XV. _Tutelo_ (Ye-saⁿ´); among the Six Nations, Grand River Reserve, + Province of Ontario, Canada. + +XVI. _Biloxi_ (Ta´-neks ha´-ya), part on the Red River, at Avoyelles, + Louisiana; part in Indian Territory, among the Choctaw and Caddo. + +XVII. _Catawba_. + +XVIII. _Woccon_. + + +_Population._--The present number of the Siouan family is about 43,400, +of whom about 2,204 are in British North America, the rest being in the +United States. Below is given the population of the tribes officially +recognized, compiled chiefly from the Canadian Indian Report for 1888, +the United States Indian Commissioner’s Report for 1889, and the United +States Census Bulletin for 1890: + + Dakota: + Mdewakantonwan and Wahpekute (Santee) on Santee Reserve, + Nebraska 869 + At Flandreau, Dakota 292 + Santee at Devil’s Lake Agency 54 + Sisseton and Wahpeton on Sisseton Reserve, South Dakota 1,522 + Sisseton, Wahpeton, and Cuthead (Yanktonnais) + at Devil’s Lake Reservation 857 + + Yankton: + On Yankton Reservation, South Dakota 1,725 + At Devil’s Lake Agency 123 + On Fort Peck Reservation, Montana 1,121 + A few on Crow Creek Reservation, South Dakota 10 + A few on Lower Brulé Reservation, South Dakota 10 + ----- 2,989 + Yanktonnais: + Upper Yanktonnais on Standing Rock Reservation 1,786 + Lower Yanktonnais on Crow Creek Reservation 1,058 + At Standing Rock Agency 1,739 + ----- 4,583 + Teton: + Brulé, Upper Brulé on Rosebud Reservation 3,245 + On Devil’s Lake Reservation 2 + Lower Brulé at Crow Creek and Lower Brulé Agency 1,026 + Minneconjou (mostly) and Two Kettle, on Cheyenne + River Reserve 2,823 + Blackfeet on Standing Rock Reservation 545 + Two Kettle on Rosebud Reservation 315 + Oglala on Pine Ridge Reservation 4,552 + Wajaja (Oglala gens) on Rosebud Reservation 1,825 + Wagluxe (Oglala gens) on Rosebud Reservation 1,353 + Uncapapa, on Standing Rock Reservation 571 + Dakota at Carlisle, Lawrence, and Hampton schools 169 + ----- 16,426 + Dakota in British North America (tribes not stated): + On Bird Tail Sioux Reserve, Birtle Agency, + Northwest Territory 108 + On Oak River Sioux Reserve, Birtle Agency 276 + On Oak Lake Sioux Reserve, Birtle Agency 55 + On Turtle Mountain Sioux Reserve, Birtle Agency 34 + On Standing Buffalo Reserve, under Northwest Territory 184 + Muscowpetung’s Agency: + White Cap Dakota (Moose Woods Reservation) 105 + American Sioux (no reserve) 95 + ----- 857 + Assinaboin: + On Fort Belknap Reservation, Montana 952 + On Fort Peck Reservation, Montana 719 + At Devil’s Lake Agency 2 + The following are in British North America: + Pheasant Rump’s band, at Moose Mountain (of whom 6 at + Missouri and 4 at Turtle Mountain) 69 + Ocean Man’s band, at Moose Mountain (of whom 4 at + Missouri) 68 + The-man-who-took-the-coat’s band, at Indian Head (of + whom 5 are at Milk River) 248 + Bear’s Head band, Battleford Agency 227 + Chee-pooste-quahn band, at Wolf Creek, Peace Hills + Agency 128 + Bear’s Paw band, at Morleyville 236 + Chiniquy band, Reserve, at Sarcee Agency 134 + Jacob’s band 227 + ----- 3,008 + Omaha: + Omaha and Winnebago Agency, Nebraska 1,158 + At Carlisle School, Pennsylvania 19 + At Hampton School, Virginia 10 + At Lawrence School, Kansas 10 + ----- 1,197 + Ponka: + In Nebraska (under the Santee agent) 217 + In Indian Territory (under the Ponka agent) 605 + At Carlisle, Pennsylvania 1 + At Lawrence, Kansas 24 + ----- 847 + Osage: + At Osage Agency, Indian Territory 1,509 + At Carlisle, Pennsylvania 7 + At Lawrence, Kansas 65 + ----- 1,581 + Kansa or Kaw: + At Osage Agency, Indian Territory 198 + At Carlisle, Pennsylvania 1 + At Lawrence, Kansas 15 + ----- 214 + Quapaw: + On Quapaw Reserve, Indian Territory 154 + On Osage Reserve, Indian Territory 71 + At Carlisle, Pennsylvania 3 + At Lawrence, Kansas 4 + ----- 232 + Iowa: + On Great Nemaha Reservation, Kansas 165 + On Sac and Fox Reservation, Oklahoma 102 + At Carlisle, Pennsylvania 1 + At Lawrence, Kansas 5 + ----- 273 + + Oto and Missouri, in Indian Territory 358 + + Winnebago: + In Nebraska 1,215 + In Wisconsin (1889) 930 + At Carlisle, Pennsylvania 27 + At Lawrence, Kansas 2 + At Hampton, Virginia 10 + ----- 2,184 + Mandan: + On Fort Berthold Reservation, North Dakota 251 + At Hampton, Virginia 1 + ----- 252 + + Hidatsa, on Fort Berthold Reservation, North Dakota 522 + + Crow, on Crow Reservation, Montana 2,287 + + Tutelo, about a dozen mixed bloods on Grand River + Reserve, Ontario, Canada, and a few more near + Montreal (?), say, about 20 + + Biloxi: + In Louisiana, about 25 + At Atoka, Indian Territory 1 + ----- 26 + Catawba: + In York County, South Carolina, about 80 + Scattered through North Carolina, about 40? + ----- 120? + + +SKITTAGETAN FAMILY. + + > Skittagets, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, + c, 1848 (the equivalent of his Queen Charlotte’s Island group, p. 77). + + > Skittagetts, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. + + > Skidegattz, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 403, 1853 + (obvious typographical error; Queen Charlotte Island). + + X Haidah, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 224, 1841 (same + as his Northern family; see below). + + = Haidah, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 300, 1850 (Skittegats, Massets, + Kumshahas, Kyganie). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 72, 1856 + (includes Skittigats, Massetts, Kumshahas, and Kyganie of Queen + Charlotte’s Ids. and Prince of Wales Archipelago). Latham, Opuscula, + 339, 1860. Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 673, 1859. Latham, + El. Comp. Phil., 401, 1862 (as in 1856). Dall in Proc. Am. Ass’n. 269, + 1869 (Queen Charlotte’s Ids. and southern part of Alexander + Archipelago). Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 564, 604, 1882. + + > Hai-dai, Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, V, 489, 1855. Kane, Wanderings of + an Artist, app., 1859, (Work’s census, 1836-’41, of northwest coast + tribes, classified by language). + + = Haida, Gibbs in Cont. N.A. Eth., I, 135, 1877. Tolmie and Dawson, + Comp. Vocabs., 15, 1884 (vocabs. of Kaigani Sept, Masset, Skidegate, + Kumshiwa dialects; also map showing distribution). Dall in Proc. Am. + Ass’n, 375, 1885 (mere mention of family). + + < Hydahs, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 473, + 1878 (enumerates Massets, Klue, Kiddan, Ninstance, Skid-a-gate, + Skid-a-gatees, Cum-she-was, Kaiganies, Tsimsheeans, Nass, Skeenas, + Sebasses, Hailtzas, Bellacoolas). + + > Queen Charlotte’s Island, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. + Soc., II, 15, 306, 1836 (no tribe indicated). Gallatin in Trans. Am. + Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 77, 1848 (based on Skittagete language). Latham + in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., 1, 154, 1848. Latham, Opuscula, 349, 1860. + + X Northern, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 219, 1841 + (includes Queen Charlotte’s Island and tribes on islands and coast up + to 60° N.L.; Haidas, Massettes, Skittegás, Cumshawás). Prichard, + Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 433, 1847 (follows Scouler). + + = Kygáni, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass’n, 269, 1869 (Queen Charlotte’s Ids. + or Haidahs). + + X Nootka, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 564, 1882 (contains Quane, + probably of present family; Quactoe, Saukaulutuck). + + +The vocabulary referred by Gallatin[95] to “Queen Charlotte’s Islands” +unquestionably belongs to the present family. In addition to being a +compound word and being objectionable as a family name on account of its +unwieldiness, the term is a purely geographic one and is based upon no +stated tribe; hence it is not eligible for use in systematic +nomenclature. As it appears in the Archæologia Americana it represents +nothing but the locality whence the vocabulary of an unknown tribe was +received. + + [Footnote 95: Archæologia Americana, 1836, II, pp. 15, 306.] + +The family name to be considered as next in order of date is the +Northern (or Haidah) of Scouler, which appears in volume XI, Royal +Geographical Society, page 218, et seq. The term as employed by Scouler +is involved in much confusion, and it is somewhat difficult to determine +just what tribes the author intended to cover by the designation. +Reduced to its simplest form, the case stands as follows: Scouler’s +primary division of the Indians of the Northwest was into two groups, +the insular and the inland. The insular (and coast tribes) were then +subdivided into two families, viz, Northern or Haidah family (for the +terms are interchangeably used, as on page 224) and the Southern or +Nootka-Columbian family. Under the Northern or Haidah family the author +classes all the Indian tribes in the Russian territory, the Kolchians +(Athapascas of Gallatin, 1836), the Koloshes, Ugalentzes, and Tun Ghaase +(the Koluscans of Gallatin, 1836); the Atnas (Salish of Gallatin, 1836); +the Kenaians (Athapascas, Gallatin, 1836); the Haidah tribes proper of +Queen Charlotte Island, and the Chimesyans. + +It will appear at a glance that such a heterogeneous assemblage of +tribes, representing as they do several distinct stocks, can not have +been classed together on purely linguistic evidence. In point of fact, +Scouler’s remarkable classification seems to rest only in a very slight +degree upon a linguistic basis, if indeed it can be said to have a +linguistic basis at all. Consideration of “physical character, manners, +and customs” were clearly accorded such weight by this author as to +practically remove his Northern or Haidah family from the list of +linguistic stocks. + +The next family name which was applied in this connection is the +Skittagets of Gallatin as above cited. This name is given to designate a +family on page _c_, volume II, of Transactions of the Ethnological +Society, 1848. In his subsequent list of vocabularies, page 77, he +changes his designation to Queen Charlotte Island, placing under this +family name the Skittagete tribe. His presentation of the former name of +Skittagets in his complete list of families is, however, sufficiently +formal to render it valid as a family designation, and it is, therefore, +retained for the tribes of the Queen Charlotte Archipelago which have +usually been called Haida. + +From a comparison of the vocabularies of the Haida language with others +of the neighboring Koluschan family, Dr. Franz Boas is inclined to +consider that the two are genetically related. The two languages possess +a considerable number of words in common, but a more thorough +investigation is requisite for the settlement of the question than has +yet been given. Pending this the two families are here treated +separately. + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +The tribes of this family occupy Queen Charlotte Islands, Forrester +Island to the north of the latter, and the southeastern part of Prince +of Wales Island, the latter part having been ascertained by the agents +of the Tenth Census.[96] + + [Footnote 96: See Petroff map of Alaska, 1880-’81.] + + +PRINCIPAL TRIBES. + +The following is a list of the principal villages: + + Haida: Kaigani: + Aseguang. Chatcheeni. + Cumshawa. Clickass. + Kayung. Howakan. + Kung. Quiahanless. + Kunχit. Shakan. + Massett. + New Gold Harbor. + Skedan. + Skiteiget. + Tanu. + Tartanee. + Uttewas. + + +_Population._--The population of the Haida is 2,500, none of whom are at +present under an agent. + + +TAKILMAN FAMILY. + + = Takilma, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 1882 (Lower Rogue River). + + +This name was proposed by Mr. Gatschet for a distinct language spoken on +the coast of Oregon about the lower Rogue River. Mr. Dorsey obtained a +vocabulary in 1884 which he has compared with Athapascan, Kusan, +Yakonan, and other languages spoken in the region without finding any +marked resemblances. The family is hence admitted provisionally. The +language appears to be spoken by but a single tribe, although there is +a manuscript vocabulary in the Bureau of Ethnology exhibiting certain +differences which may be dialectic. + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +The Takilma formerly dwelt in villages along upper Rogue River, Oregon, +all the latter, with one exception, being on the south side, from +Illinois River on the southwest, to Deep Rock, which was nearer the head +of the stream. They are now included among the “Rogue River Indians,” +and they reside to the number of twenty-seven on the Siletz Reservation, +Tillamook County, Oregon, where Dorsey found them in 1884. + + +TAÑOAN FAMILY. + + > Tay-waugh, Lane (1854) in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, V. 689, 1855 + (Pueblos of San Juan, Santa Clara, Pojuaque, Nambe. San Il de Conso, + and one Moqui pueblo). Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent, and So. + Am.), 479, 1878. + + > Taño, Powell in Rocky Mountain Presbyterian, Nov., 1878 (includes + Sandia, Téwa, San Ildefonso, San Juan, Santa Clara, Pojoaque, Nambé, + Tesuque, Sinecú, Jemez, Taos, Picuri). + + > Tegna, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent, and So. Am.), 479, 1878 + (includes S. Juan, Sta. Clara, Pojuaque, Nambe, Tesugue, S. Ildefonso, + Haro). + + = Téwan, Powell in Am. Nat., 605, Aug., 1880 (makes five divisions: 1. + Taño (Isleta, Isleta near El Paso, Sandía); 2. Taos (Taos, Picuni); 3. + Jemes (Jemes); 4. Tewa or Tehua (San Ildefonso, San Juan, Pojoaque, + Nambe, Tesuque, Santa Clara, and one Moki pueblo); 5. Piro). + + > E-nagh-magh, Lane (1854) in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, V, 689, 1855 + (includes Taos, Vicuris, Zesuqua, Sandia, Ystete, and two pueblos near + El Paso, Texas). Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent, and So. Am.), + 479, 1878 (follows Lane, but identifies Texan pueblos with Lentis? and + Socorro?). + + > Picori, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent, and So. Am.), 479, 1878 + (or Enaghmagh). + + = Stock of Rio Grande Pueblos, Gatschet in U.S. Geog. Surv. W. 100th + M., vii, 415, 1879. + + = Rio Grande Pueblo, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 258, 1882. + + +Derivation: Probably from “taínin,” plural of tá-ide, “Indian,” in the +dialect of Isleta and Sandia (Gatschet). + +In a letter[97] from Wm. Carr Lane to H. R. Schoolcraft, appear some +remarks on the affinities of the Pueblo languages, based in large part +on hearsay evidence. No vocabularies are given, nor does any real +classification appear to be attempted, though referring to such of his +remarks as apply in the present connection, Lane states that the Indians +of “Taos, Vicuris, Zesuqua, Sandia, and Ystete, and of two pueblos of +Texas, near El Paso, are said to speak the same language, which I have +heard called E-nagh-magh,” and that the Indians of “San Juan, Santa +Clara, Pojuaque, Nambe, San Il de Conso, and one Moqui pueblo, all speak +the same language, as it is said: this I have heard called Tay-waugh.” +The ambiguous nature of his reference to these pueblos is apparent from +the above quotation. + + [Footnote 97: Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, 1855, vol. 5, p. 689.] + +The names given by Lane as those he had “heard” applied to certain +groups of pueblos which “it is said” speak the same language, rest on +too slender a basis for serious consideration in a classificatory sense. + +Keane in the appendix to Stanford’s Compendium (Central and South +America), 1878, p. 479, presents the list given by Lane, correcting his +spelling in some cases and adding the name of the Tusayan pueblo as Haro +(Hano). He gives the group no formal family name, though they are +classed together as speaking “Tegua or Tay-waugh.” + +The Taño of Powell (1878), as quoted, appears to be the first name +formally given the family, and is therefore accepted. Recent +investigations of the dialect spoken at Taos and some of the other +pueblos of this group show a considerable body of words having +Shoshonean affinities, and it is by no means improbable that further +research will result in proving the radical relationship of these +languages to the Shoshonean family. The analysis of the language has not +yet, however, proceeded far enough to warrant a decided opinion. + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +The tribes of this family in the United States resided exclusively upon +the Rio Grande and its tributary valleys from about 33° to about 36°. +A small body of these people joined the Tusayan in northern Arizona, +as tradition avers to assist the latter against attacks by the +Apache--though it seems more probable that they fled from the Rio Grande +during the pueblo revolt of 1680--and remained to found the permanent +pueblo of Hano, the seventh pueblo of the group. A smaller section of +the family lived upon the Rio Grande in Mexico and Texas, just over the +New Mexico border. + + +_Population._--The following pueblos are included in the family, with a +total population of about 3,237: + + Hano (of the Tusayan group) 132 + Isleta (New Mexico) 1,059 + Isleta (Texas) few + Jemez 428 + Nambé 79 + Picuris 100 + Pojoaque 20 + Sandia 140 + San Ildefonso 148 + San Juan 406 + Santa Clara 225 + Senecú (below El Paso) few + Taos 409 + Tesuque 91 + + +TIMUQUANAN FAMILY. + + = Timuquana, Smith in Hist. Magazine, II, 1, 1858 (a notice of the + language with vocabulary; distinctness of the language affirmed). + Brinton. Floridian Peninsula, 134, 1859 (spelled also Timuaca, + Timagoa, Timuqua). + + = Timucua, Gatschet in Proc. Am. Phil. Soc., XVI, April 6, 1877 (from + Cape Cañaveral to mouth of St. John’s River). Gatschet, Creek Mig. + Legend I, 11-13, 1884. Gatschet in Science, 413, April 29, 1887. + + = Atimuca, Gatschet in Science, ibid, (proper name). + + +Derivation: From ati-muca, “ruler,” “master;” literally, “servants +attend upon him.” + +In the Historical Magazine as above cited appears a notice of the +Timuquana language by Buckingham Smith, in which is affirmed its +distinctness upon the evidence of language. A short vocabulary is +appended, which was collated from the “Confessionario” by Padre Pareja, +1613. Brinton and Gatschet have studied the Timuquana language and have +agreed as to the distinctness of the family from any other of the United +States. Both the latter authorities are inclined to take the view that +it has affinities with the Carib family to the southward, and it seems +by no means improbable that ultimately the Timuquana language will be +considered an offshoot of the Carib linguistic stock. At the present +time, however, such a conclusion would not be justified by the evidence +gathered and published. + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +It is impossible to assign definite limits to the area occupied by the +tribes of this family. From documentary testimony of the sixteenth and +seventeenth centuries the limits of the family domain appear to have +been about as follows: In general terms the present northern limits of +the State of Florida may be taken as the northern frontier, although +upon the Atlantic side Timuquanan territory may have extended into +Georgia. Upon the northwest the boundary line was formed in De Soto’s +time by the Ocilla River. Lake Okeechobee on the south, or as it was +then called Lake Sarrape or Mayaimi, may be taken as the boundary +between the Timuquanan tribes proper and the Calusa province upon the +Gulf coast and the Tegesta province upon the Atlantic side. Nothing +whatever of the languages spoken in these two latter provinces is +available for comparison. A number of the local names of these provinces +given by Fontanedo (1559) have terminations similar to many of the +Timuquanan local names. This slender evidence is all that we have from +which to infer the Timuquanan relationship of the southern end of the +peninsula. + + +PRINCIPAL TRIBES. + +The following settlements appear upon the oldest map of the regions we +possess, that of De Bry (Narratio; Frankf. a. M. 15, 1590): + +(A) Shores of St. John’s River, from mouth to sources: + + Patica. Utina. + Saturiwa. Patchica. + Atore. Chilili. + Homolua or Molua. Calanay. + Alimacani. Onochaquara. + Casti. Mayarca. + Malica. Mathiaca. + Melona. Maiera. + Timoga or Timucua. Mocoso. + Enecaqua. Cadica. + Choya. Eloquale. + Edelano (island). Aquonena. + Astina. + +(B) On a (fictitious) western tributary of St. John’s River, from mouth + to source: + + Hicaranaou. + Appalou. + Oustaca. + Onathcaqua. + Potanou. + Ehiamana. + Anouala. + +(C) East Floridian coast, from south to north: + + Mocossou. + Oathcaqua. + Sorrochos. + Hanocoroucouay. + Marracou. + +(D) On coast north of St. John’s River: + + Hiouacara. + +(E) The following are gathered from all other authorities, mostly from +the accounts of De Soto’s expedition: + + Acquera. San Mateo (1688). + Aguile. Santa Lucia de Acuera + Basisa or Vacissa (SE. coast). + (1688). Tacatacuru. + Cholupaha. Tocaste. + Hapaluya. Tolemato. + Hirrihiqua. Topoqui. + Itafi Tucururu + (perhaps a province). (SE. coast) + Itara Ucita. + Machaua (1688). Urriparacuxi. + Napetuca. Yupaha + Osile (Oxille). (perhaps a province). + San Juan de Guacara + (1688). + + +TONIKAN FAMILY. + + = Tunicas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 115, 116, + 1836 (quotes Dr. Sibley, who states they speak a distinct language). + Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 341, 1850 (opposite mouth of Red River; quotes + Dr. Sibley as to distinctness of language). + + = Tonica, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, 39, 1884 (brief account of + tribe). + + = Tonika, Gatschet in Science, 412, April 29, 1887 (distinctness as a + family asserted; the tribe calls itself Túniχka). + + +Derivation: From the Tonika word óni, “man,” “people;” t- is a prefix or +article; -ka, -χka a nominal suffix. + +The distinctness of the Tonika language, has long been suspected, and +was indeed distinctly stated by Dr. Sibley in 1806.[98] The statement to +this effect by Dr. Sibley was quoted by Gallatin in 1836, but as the +latter possessed no vocabulary of the language he made no attempt to +classify it. Latham also dismisses the language with the same quotation +from Sibley. Positive linguistic proof of the position of the language +was lacking until obtained by Mr. Gatschet in 1886, who declared it to +form a family by itself. + + [Footnote 98: President’s message, February 19, 1806.] + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +The Tonika are known to have occupied three localities: First, on the +Lower Yazoo River (1700); second, east shore of Mississippi River (about +1704); third, in Avoyelles Parish, Louisiana (1817). Near Marksville, +the county seat of that parish, about twenty-five are now living. + + +TONKAWAN FAMILY. + + = Tonkawa, Gatschet, Zwölf Sprachen aus dem Südwesten Nordamerikas, + 76, 1876 (vocabulary of about 300 words and some sentences). Gatschet, + Die Sprache der Tonkawas, in Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 64, 1877. + Gatschet (1876), in Proc. Am. Philosoph. Soc., XVI, 318, 1877. + + +Derivation: the full form is the Caddo or Wako term tonkawéya, “they all +stay together” (wéya, “all”). + +After a careful examination of all the linguistic material available for +comparison, Mr. Gatschet has concluded that the language spoken by the +Tonkawa forms a distinct family. + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +The Tónkawa were a migratory people and a _colluvies gentium_, whose +earliest habitat is unknown. Their first mention occurs in 1719; at that +time and ever since they roamed in the western and southern parts of +what is now Texas. About 1847 they were engaged as scouts in the United +States Army, and from 1860-’62 (?) were in the Indian Territory; after +the secession war till 1884 they lived in temporary camps near Fort +Griffin, Shackelford County, Texas, and in October, 1884, they removed +to the Indian Territory (now on Oakland Reserve). In 1884 there were +seventy-eight individuals living; associated with them were nineteen +Lipan Apache, who had lived in their company for many years, though in a +separate camp. They have thirteen divisions (partly totem-clans) and +observe mother-right. + + +UCHEAN FAMILY. + + = Uchees, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II., 95, 1836 + (based upon the Uchees alone). Bancroft, Hist. U.S., III., 247, 1840. + Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc. II., pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848. Keane, + App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 472, 1878 (suggests that + the language may have been akin to Natchez). + + = Utchees, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II., 306, + 1836. Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III., 401, 1853. Keane, + App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 472, 1878. + + = Utschies, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852. + + = Uché, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 338, 1850 (Coosa River). Latham in + Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., II., 31-50, 1846. Latham, Opuscula, 293, + 1860. + + = Yuchi, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, 17, 1884. Gatschet in + Science, 413, April 29, 1887. + + +The following is the account of this tribe given by Gallatin (probably +derived from Hawkins) in Archæologia Americana, page 95: + + The original seats of the Uchees were east of Coosa and probably of + the Chatahoochee; and they consider themselves as the most ancient + inhabitants of the country. They may have been the same nation which + is called Apalaches in the accounts of De Soto’s expedition, and + their towns were till lately principally on Flint River. + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +The pristine homes of the Yuchi are not now traceable with any degree of +certainty. The Yuchi are supposed to have been visited by De Soto during +his memorable march, and the town of Cofitachiqui chronicled by him, is +believed by many investigators to have stood at Silver Bluff, on the +left bank of the Savannah, about 25 miles below Augusta. If, as is +supposed by some authorities, Cofitachiqui was a Yuchi town, this would +locate the Yuchi in a section which, when first known to the whites, was +occupied by the Shawnee. Later the Yuchi appear to have lived somewhat +farther down the Savannah, on the eastern and also the western side, as +far as the Ogeechee River, and also upon tracts above and below Augusta, +Georgia. These tracts were claimed by them as late as 1736. + +In 1739 a portion of the Yuchi left their old seats and settled among +the Lower Creek on the Chatahoochee River; there they established three +colony villages in the neighborhood, and later on a Yuchi settlement is +mentioned on Lower Tallapoosa River, among the Upper Creek.[99] +Filson[100] gives a list of thirty Indian tribes and a statement +concerning Yuchi towns, which he must have obtained from a much earlier +source: “Uchees occupy four different places of residence--at the head +of St. John’s, the fork of St. Mary’s, the head of Cannouchee, and the +head of St. Tillis” (Satilla), etc.[101] + + [Footnote 99: Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, 21-22, 1884.] + + [Footnote 100: Discovery, etc., of Kentucky, 1793, II, 84-7.] + + [Footnote 101: Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, p. 20.] + + +_Population._--More than six hundred Yuchi reside in northeastern Indian +Territory, upon the Arkansas River, where they are usually classed as +Creek. Doubtless the latter are to some extent intermarried with them, +but the Yuchi are jealous of their name and tenacious of their position +as a tribe. + + +WAIILATPUAN. + + = Waiilatpu, Hale, in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 199, 214, 569, 1846 + (includes Cailloux or Cayuse or Willetpoos, and Molele). Gallatin, + after Hale, in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, c, 14, 56, 77, 1848 + (after Hale). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. Buschmann, + Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 628, 1859. Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 565, + 1882 (Cayuse and Mollale). + + = Wailatpu, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853 + (Cayuse and Molele). + + X Sahaptin, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 323, 1850 (cited as including + Cayús?). + + X Sahaptins, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 474, + 1878 (cited because it includes Cayuse and Mollale). + + = Molele, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 324, 1850 (includes Molele, Cayús?). + + > Cayús?, Latham, ibid. + + = Cayuse, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 166, 1877 (Cayuse and Moléle). + Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 442, 1877. + + +Derivation: Wayíletpu, plural form of Wa-ílet, “one Cayuse man” +(Gatschet). + +Hale established this family and placed under it the Cailloux or Cayuse +or Willetpoos, and the Molele. Their headquarters as indicated by Hale +are the upper part of the Walla Walla River and the country about Mounts +Hood and Vancouver. + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +The Cayuse lived chiefly near the mouth of the Walla Walla River, +extending a short distance above and below on the Columbia, between the +Umatilla and Snake Rivers. The Molále were a mountain tribe and occupied +a belt of mountain country south of the Columbia River, chiefly about +Mounts Hood and Jefferson. + + +PRINCIPAL TRIBES. + + Cayuse. + Molále. + + +_Population._--There are 31 Molále now on the Grande Ronde Reservation, +Oregon,[102] and a few others live in the mountains west of Klamath +Lake. The Indian Affairs Report for 1888 credits 401 and the United +States Census Bulletin for 1890, 415 Cayuse Indians to the Umatilla +Reservation, but Mr. Henshaw was able to find only six old men and women +upon the reservation in August, 1888, who spoke their own language. The +others, though presumably of Cayuse blood, speak the Umatilla tongue. + + [Footnote 102: U.S. Ind. Aff., 1889.] + + +WAKASHAN FAMILY. + + > Wakash, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 15, 306, + 1836 (of Nootka Sound; gives Jewitt’s vocab.). Gallatin in Trans. Am. + Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 77, 1848 (based on Newittee). Berghaus (1851), + Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, + III, 402, 1853 (includes Newittee and Nootka Sound). Latham in Trans. + Philolog. Soc. Lond., 73, 1856 (of Quadra and Vancouver’s Island). + Latham, Opuscula, 340, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 403, 1862 + (Tlaoquatsh and Wakash proper; Nutka and congeners also referred + here). + + X Wakash, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 301. 1850 (includes Naspatle, proper + Nutkans, Tlaoquatsh, Nittenat, Klasset, Klallems; the last named is + Salishan). + + X Nootka-Columbian, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc., XI, 221, 1841 + (includes Quadra and Vancouver Island, Haeeltzuk, Billechoola, + Tlaoquatch, Kawitchen, Noosdalum, Squallyamish, Cheenooks). Prichard, + Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 435, 1847 (follows Scouler). Latham in Jour. + Eth. Soc. Lond., I, 162, 1848 (remarks upon Scouler’s group of this + name). Latham, Opuscula, 257, 1860 (the same). + + < Nootka, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 220, 569, 1846 (proposes family + to include tribes of Vancouver Island and tribes on south side of Fuca + Strait). + + > Nutka, Buschmann, Neu-Mexico, 329, 1858. + + > Nootka, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 170, 1877 (mentions only Makah, + and Classet tribes of Cape Flattery). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., + 446. 1877. + + X Nootkahs, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 473, + 1878 (includes Muchlahts, Nitinahts, Ohyahts, Manosahts, and + Quoquoulths of present family, together with a number of Salishan + tribes). + + X Nootka, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 564, 607, 1882 (a heterogeneous + group, largely Salishan, with Wakashan, Skittagetan, and other + families represented). + + > Straits of Fuca, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, + 134, 306, 1836 (vocabulary of, referred here with doubt; considered + distinct by Gallatin). + + X Southern, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc., XI, 224, 1841 (same as + his Noctka-Columbian above). + + X Insular, Scouler ibid. (same as his Nootka-Columbian above). + + X Haeltzuk, Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., I, 155, 1848 (cities + Tolmie’s vocab. Spoken from 50°30' to 53°30' N.L.). Latham, Opuscula, + 251, 1860 (the same). + + > Haeeltsuk and Hailtsa, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 300, 1850 (includes + Hyshalla, Hyhysh, Esleytuk, Weekenoch, Nalatsenoch, Quagheuil, + Tlatla-Shequilla, Lequeeltoch). + + > Hailtsa, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 72, 1856. Buschmann, + Neu-Mexico, 322, 1858. Latham, Opuscula, 339, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. + Phil., 401, 1862 (includes coast dialects between Hawkesbury Island, + Broughton’s Archipelago, and northern part of Vancouver Island). + + > Ha-eelb-zuk, Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, V, 487, 1855. Kane, Wand. of + an Artist, app., 1859 (or Ballabola; a census of N.W. tribes + classified by language). + + > Ha-ilt´-zŭkh, Dall, after Gibbs, in Cont. N.A. Eth., I, 144, 1877 + (vocabularies of Bel-bella of Milbank Sound and of Kwákiūtl’). + + < Nass, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt 1, c, 1848. + + < Naass, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 77, 1848 + (includes Hailstla, Haceltzuk, Billechola, Chimeysan). Gallatin in + Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853 (includes Huitsla). + + X Nass, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 564, 606, 1882 (includes Hailtza of + present family). + + > Aht, Sproat, Savage Life, app., 312, 1868 (name suggested for family + instead of Nootka-Columbian). + + > Aht, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 50, 1884 (vocab. of + Kaiookwāht). + + X Puget Sound Group, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), + 460, 474, 1878. + + X Hydahs, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 473, 1878 + (includes Hailtzas of the present family). + + > Kwakiool, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 27-48, 1884 (vocabs. of + Haishilla, Hailtzuk, Kwiha, Likwiltoh, Septs; also map showing family + domain). + + > Kwā´kiūṯḻ, Boas in Petermann’s Mitteilungen, 130, 1887 (general + account of family with list of tribes). + + +Derivation: Waukash, waukash, is the Nootka word “good” “good.” When +heard by Cook at Friendly Cove, Nootka Sound, it was supposed to be the +name of the tribe. + +Until recently the languages spoken by the Aht of the west coast of +Vancouver Island and the Makah of Cape Flattery, congeneric tribes, and +the Haeltzuk and Kwakiutl peoples of the east coast of Vancouver Island +and the opposite mainland of British Columbia, have been regarded as +representing two distinct families. Recently Dr. Boas has made an +extended study of these languages, has collected excellent vocabularies +of the supposed families, and as a result of his study it is now +possible to unite them on the basis of radical affinity. The main body +of the vocabularies of the two languages is remarkably distinct, though +a considerable number of important words are shown to be common to the +two. + +Dr. Boas, however, points out that in both languages suffixes only are +used in forming words, and a long list of these shows remarkable +similarity. + +The above family name was based upon a vocabulary of the Wakash Indians, +who, according to Gallatin, “inhabit the island on which Nootka Sound is +situated.” The short vocabulary given was collected by Jewitt. Gallatin +states[103] that this language is the one “in that quarter, which, by +various vocabularies, is best known to us.” In 1848[104] Gallatin +repeats his Wakash family, and again gives the vocabulary of Jewitt. +There would thus seem to be no doubt of his intention to give it formal +rank as a family. + + [Footnote 103: Archæologia Americana, II, p. 15.] + + [Footnote 104: Trans. Am. Eth. Soc. II, p. 77.] + +The term “Wakash” for this group of languages has since been generally +ignored, and in its place Nootka or Nootka-Columbian has been adopted. +“Nootka-Columbian” was employed by Scouler in 1841 for a group of +languages, extending from the mouth of Salmon River to the south of the +Columbia River, now known to belong to several distinct families. +“Nootka family” was also employed by Hale[105] in 1846, who proposed the +name for the tribes of Vancouver Island and those along the south side +of the Straits of Fuca. + + [Footnote 105: U.S. Expl. Expd., vol. 6, p. 220.] + +The term “Nootka-Columbian” is strongly condemned by Sproat.[106] For +the group of related tribes on the west side of Vancouver Island this +author suggests Aht, “house, tribe, people,” as a much more appropriate +family appellation. + + [Footnote 106: Savage Life, 312.] + +Though by no means as appropriate a designation as could be found, it +seems clear that for the so-called Wakash, Newittee, and other allied +languages usually assembled under the Nootka family, the term Wakash of +1836 has priority and must be retained. + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +The tribes of the Aht division of this family are confined chiefly to +the west coast of Vancouver Island. They range to the north as far as +Cape Cook, the northern side of that cape being occupied by Haeltzuk +tribes, as was ascertained by Dr. Boas in 1886. On the south they +reached to a little above Sooke Inlet, that inlet being in possession of +the Soke, a Salishan tribe. + +The neighborhood of Cape Flattery, Washington, is occupied by the Makah, +one of the Wakashan tribes, who probably wrested this outpost of the +family from the Salish (Clallam) who next adjoin them on Puget Sound. + +The boundaries of the Haeltzuk division of this family are laid down +nearly as they appear on Tolmie and Dawson’s linguistic map of 1884. The +west side of King Island and Cascade Inlet are said by Dr. Boas to be +inhabited by Haeltzuk tribes, and are colored accordingly. + + +PRINCIPAL AHT TRIBES. + + Ahowsaht. Mowachat. + Ayhuttisaht. Muclaht. + Chicklesaht. Nitinaht. + Clahoquaht. Nuchalaht. + Hishquayquaht. Ohiaht. + Howchuklisaht. Opechisaht. + Kitsmaht. Pachenaht. + Kyoquaht. Seshaht. + Macaw. Toquaht. + Manosaht. Yuclulaht. + + +_Population._--There are 457 Makah at the Neah Bay Agency, +Washington.[107] The total population of the tribes of this family under +the West Coast Agency, British Columbia, is 3,160.[108] The grand total +for this division of the family is thus 3,617. + + [Footnote 107: U.S. Census Bulletin for 1890.] + + [Footnote 108: Canada Ind. Aff. Rep. for 1888.] + + +PRINCIPAL HAELTZUK TRIBES. + + Aquamish. Likwiltoh. + Belbellah. Mamaleilakitish. + Clowetsus. Matelpa. + Hailtzuk. Nakwahtoh. + Haishilla. Nawiti. + Kakamatsis. Nimkish. + Keimanoeitoh. Quatsino. + Kwakiutl. Tsawadinoh. + Kwashilla. + + +_Population._--There are 1,898 of the Haeltzuk division of the family +under the Kwawkewlth Agency, British Columbia. Of the Bellacoola +(Salishan family) and Haeltzuk, of the present family, there are 2,500 +who are not under agents. No separate census of the latter exists at +present. + + +WASHOAN FAMILY. + + = Washo, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 255, April, 1882. + + < Shoshone, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 477, + 1878 (contains Washoes). + + < Snake, Keane, ibid. (Same as Shoshone, above.) + + +This family is represented by a single well known tribe, whose range +extended from Reno, on the line of the Central Pacific Railroad, to the +lower end of the Carson Valley. + +On the basis of vocabularies obtained by Stephen Powers and other +investigators, Mr. Gatschet was the first to formally separate the +language. The neighborhood of Carson is now the chief seat of the tribe, +and here and in the neighboring valleys there are about 200 living a +parasitic life about the ranches and towns. + + +WEITSPEKAN FAMILY. + + = Weits-pek, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 422, 1853 (a band + and language on Klamath at junction of Trinity). Latham, El. Comp. + Phil., 410, 1862 (junction of Klamath and Trinity Rivers). Gatschet in + Mag. Am. Hist., 163, 1877 (affirmed to be distinct from any + neighboring tongue). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 438, 1877. + + < Weitspek, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 77, 1856 (junction + of Klamath and Trinity Rivers; Weyot and Wishosk dialects). Latham, + Opuscula, 343, 1860. + + = Eurocs, Powers in Overland Monthly, VII, 530, June, 1872 (of the + Lower Klamath and coastwise; Weitspek, a village of). + + = Eurok, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 163, 1877. Gatschet in Beach, + Ind. Misc., 437, 1877. + + = Yu´-rok, Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 45, 1877 (from junction of + Trinity to mouth and coastwise). Powell, ibid., 460 (vocabs. of + Al-i-kwa, Klamath, Yu´-rok.) + + X Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475, 1878 + (Eurocs belong here). + + +Derivation: Weitspek is the name of a tribe or village of the family +situated on Klamath River. The etymology is unknown. + +Gibbs was the first to employ this name, which he did in 1853, as above +cited. He states that it is “the name of the principal band on the +Klamath, at the junction of the Trinity,” adding that “this language +prevails from a few miles above that point to the coast, but does not +extend far from the river on either side.” It would thus seem clear that +in this case, as in several others, he selected the name of a band to +apply to the language spoken by it. The language thus defined has been +accepted as distinct by later authorities except Latham, who included as +dialects under the Weitspek language, the locality of which he gives as +the junction of the Klamath and Trinity Rivers, the Weyot and Wishosk, +both of which are now classed under the Wishoskan family. + +By the Karok these tribes are called Yurok, “down” or “below,” by which +name the family has recently been known. + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +For our knowledge of the range of the tribes of this family we are +chiefly indebted to Stephen Powers.[109] The tribes occupy the lower +Klamath River, Oregon, from the mouth of the Trinity down. Upon the +coast, Weitspekan territory extends from Gold Bluff to about 6 miles +above the mouth of the Klamath. The Chillúla are an offshoot of the +Weitspek, living to the south of them, along Redwood Creek to a point +about 20 miles inland, and from Gold Bluff to a point about midway +between Little and Mad Rivers. + + [Footnote 109: Cont. N.A. Eth., 1877, vol. 3, p. 44.] + + +PRINCIPAL TRIBES. + + Chillúla, Redwood Creek. + Mita, Klamath River. + Pekwan, Klamath River. + Rikwa, Regua, fishing village at outlet of Klamath River. + Sugon, Shragoin, Klamath River. + Weitspek, Klamath River (above Big Bend). + + +WISHOSKAN FAMILY. + + > Wish-osk, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 422, 1853 (given + as the name of a dialect on Mad River and Humboldt Bay). + + = Wish-osk, Powell in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 478, 1877 (vocabularies of + Wish-osk, Wi-yot, and Ko-wilth). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 162, 1877 + (indicates area occupied by family). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., + 437, 1877. + + > Wee-yot, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 422, 1853 (given as + the name of a dialect on Eel River and Humboldt Bay). + + X Weitspek, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 77, 1856 (includes + Weyot and Wishosk). Latham, Opuscula, 343, 1860. + + < Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475, 1878 + (cited as including Patawats, Weeyots, Wishosks). + + +Derivation: Wish-osk is the name given to the Bay and Mad River Indians +by those of Eel River. + +This is a small and obscure linguistic family and little is known +concerning the dialects composing it or of the tribes which speak it. + +Gibbs[110] mentions Wee-yot and Wish-osk as dialects of a general +language extending “from Cape Mendocino to Mad River and as far back +into the interior as the foot of the first range of mountains,” but does +not distinguish the language by a family name. + + [Footnote 110: Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 1853, vol. 3, p. 422.] + +Latham considered Weyot and Wishosk to be mere dialects of the same +language, i.e., the Weitspek, from which, however, they appeared to him +to differ much more than they do from each other. Both Powell and +Gatschet have treated the language represented by these dialects as +quite distinct from any other, and both have employed the same name. + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +The area occupied by the tribes speaking dialects of this language was +the coast from a little below the mouth of Eel River to a little north +of Mad River, including particularly the country about Humboldt Bay. +They also extended up the above-named rivers into the mountain passes. + + +TRIBES. + + Patawat, Lower Mad River and Humboldt Bay as far south as Arcata. + Weeyot, mouth of Eel River. + Wishosk, near mouth of Mad River and north part of Humboldt Bay. + + +YAKONAN FAMILY. + + > Yakones, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 198, 218, 1846 (or Iakon, + coast of Oregon). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 612, 1859. + + > Iakon, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 218, 569, 1846 (or Lower + Killamuks). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 612, 1859. + + > Jacon, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, c, 77, 1848. + + > Jakon, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 17, 1848. + Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. Gallatin in Schoolcraft, + Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853 (language of Lower Killamuks). Latham in + Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 78, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 340, 1860. + + > Yakon, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 324, 1850. Gatschet, in Mag. Am. + Hist., 166, 1877. Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 441, 1877. Bancroft, + Nat. Races, III, 565, 640, 1882. + + > Yákona, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 256, 1882. + + > Southern Killamuks, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 218, 569, 1846 (or + Yakones). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, 17, 1848 (after Hale). + + > Süd Killamuk, Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. + + > Sainstskla, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 325, 1850 (“south of the Yakon, + between the Umkwa and the sea”). + + > Sayúskla, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 257, 1882 (on Lower Umpqua, + Sayúskla, and Smith Rivers). + + > Killiwashat, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 325, 1850 (“mouth of the + Umkwa”). + + X Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475, 1878 + (cited as including Yacons). + + +Derivation: From yakwina, signifying “spirit” (Everette). + +The Yakwina was the leading tribe of this family. It must have been of +importance in early days, as it occupied fifty-six villages along +Yaquina River, from the site of Elk City down to the ocean. Only a few +survive, and they are with the Alsea on the Siletz Reservation, +Tillamook County, Oregon. They were classed by mistake with the +Tillamook or “Killamucks” by Lewis and Clarke. They are called by Lewis +and Clarke[111] Youikcones and Youkone.[112] + + [Footnote 111: Allen, ed. 1814, vol. 2, p. 473.] + + [Footnote 112: Ibid., p. 118.] + +The Alsea formerly dwelt in villages along both sides of Alsea River, +Oregon, and on the adjacent coast. They are now on the Siletz +Reservation, Oregon. Perhaps a few are on the Grande Ronde Reservation, +Oregon. + +The Siuslaw used to inhabit villages on the Siuslaw River, Oregon. There +may be a few pure Siuslaw on the Siletz Reservation, but Mr. Dorsey did +not see any of them. They are mentioned by Drew,[113] who includes them +among the “Kat-la-wot-sett” bands. At that time, they were still on the +Siuslaw River. The Ku-itc or Lower Umpqua villages were on both sides of +the lower part of Umpqua River, Oregon, from its mouth upward for about +30 miles. Above them were the Upper Umpqua villages, of the Athapascan +stock. A few members of the Ku-itc still reside on the Siletz +Reservation, Oregon. + + [Footnote 113: U.S. Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 359.] + +This is a family based by Hale upon a single tribe, numbering six or +seven hundred, who live on the coast, north of the Nsietshawus, from +whom they differ merely in language. Hale calls the tribe Iakon or +Yakones or Southern Killamuks. + +The Sayúsklan language has usually been assumed to be distinct from all +others, and the comments of Latham and others all tend in this +direction. Mr. Gatschet, as above quoted, finally classed it as a +distinct stock, at the same time finding certain strong coincidences +with the Yakonan family. Recently Mr. Dorsey has collected extensive +vocabularies of the Yakonan, Sayúskla, and Lower Umpqua languages and +finds unquestioned evidence of relationship. + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +The family consists of four primary divisions or tribes: Yakwina, Alsea, +Siuslaw, and Ku-itc or Lower Umpqua. Each one of these comprised many +villages, which were stretched along the western part of Oregon on the +rivers flowing into the Pacific, from the Yaquina on the north down to +and including the Umpqua River. + + +TRIBES. + + Alsea (on Alseya River). + Yakwĭ´na. + Kuitc. + Siuslaw. + + +_Population._--The U.S. Census Bulletin for 1890 mentions thirty-one +tribes as resident on the Siletz Reservation with a combined population +of 571. How many Yakwina are among this number is not known. The +breaking down of tribal distinctions by reason of the extensive +intermarriage of the several tribes is given as the reason for the +failure to give a census by tribes. + + +YANAN FAMILY. + + = Nó-zi, Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 275, 1877 (or No-si; mention + of tribe; gives numerals and states they are different from any he has + found in California). + + = Noces, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 160, March, 1877 (or Nozes; + merely mentioned under Meidoo family). + + +Derivation: Yana means “people” in the Yanan language. + +In 1880 Powell collected a short vocabulary from this tribe, which is +chiefly known to the settlers by the name Noje or Nozi. Judged by this +vocabulary the language seemed to be distinct from any other. More +recently, in 1884, Mr. Curtin visited the remnants of the tribe, +consisting of thirty-five individuals, and obtained an extensive +collection of words, the study of which seems to confirm the impression +of the isolated position of the language as regards other American +tongues. + +The Nozi seem to have been a small tribe ever since known to Europeans. +They have a tradition to the effect that they came to California from +the far East. Powers states that they differ markedly in physical traits +from all California tribes met by him. At present the Nozi are reduced +to two little groups, one at Redding, the other in their original +country at Round Mountain, California. + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +The eastern boundary of the Yanan territory is formed by a range of +mountains a little west of Lassen Butte and terminating near Pit River; +the northern boundary by a line running from northeast to southwest, +passing near the northern side of Round Mountain, 3 miles from Pit +River. The western boundary from Redding southward is on an average 10 +miles to the east of the Sacramento. North of Redding it averages double +that distance or about 20 miles. + + +YUKIAN FAMILY. + + = Yuki, Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 125-138, 1877 (general + description of tribe). + + = Yú-ki, Powell in ibid., 483 (vocabs. of Yú-ki, Hūchnpōm, and a + fourth unnamed vocabulary). + + = Yuka, Powers in Overland Monthly, IX, 305, Oct., 1872 (same as + above). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 161, 1877 (defines habitat of + family; gives Yuka, Ashochemies or Wappos, Shumeias, Tahtoos). + Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 435, 1877. Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, + 566, 1882 (includes Yuka, Tahtoo, Wapo or Ashochemic). + + = Uka, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 161, 1877. Gatschet in Beach, Ind. + Misc., 435, 1877 (same as his Yuka). + + X Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475, 1878 + (Yukas of his Klamath belong here). + + +Derivation: From the Wintun word yuki, meaning “stranger;” secondarily, +“bad” or “thieving.” + +A vocabulary of the Yuki tribe is given by Gibbs in vol. III of +Schoolcraft’s Indian Tribes, 1853, but no indication is afforded that +the language is of a distinct stock. + +Powell, as above cited, appears to have been the first to separate the +language. + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +Round Valley, California, subsequently made a reservation to receive the +Yuki and other tribes, was formerly the chief seat of the tribes of the +family, but they also extended across the mountains to the coast. + + +PRINCIPAL TRIBES. + + Ashochimi (near Healdsburgh). + Chumaya (Middle Eel River). + Napa (upper Napa Valley). + Tatu (Potter Valley). + Yuki (Round Valley, California). + + +YUMAN FAMILY. + + > Yuma, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., III, pt. 3, 55, 94, 101, 1856 + (includes Cuchan, Coco-Maricopa, Mojave, Diegeño). Latham in Trans. + Philolog. Soc. Lond., 86, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 351, 1860 (as + above). Latham in addenda to Opuscula, 392, 1860 (adds Cuchan to the + group). Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 420, 1862 (includes Cuchan, + Cocomaricopa, Mojave, Dieguno). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 156, 1877 + (mentions only U.S. members of family). Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. + (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 479, 1878 (includes Yumas, Maricopas, + Cuchans, Mojaves, Yampais, Yavipais, Hualpais). Bancroft, Nat. Races, + III, 569, 1882. + + = Yuma, Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 429, 1877 (habitat and dialects + of family). Gatschet in U.S. Geog. Surv. W. 100th M., VII, 413, 414, + 1879. + + > Dieguno, Latham (1853) in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., VI, 75, 1854 + (includes mission of San Diego, Dieguno, Cocomaricopas, Cuchañ, Yumas, + Amaquaquas.) + + > Cochimi, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 87, 1856 (northern + part peninsula California). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 471, + 1859 (center of California peninsula). Latham, Opuscula, 353, 1860. + Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 423, 1862. Orozco y Berra, Geografía de las + Lenguas de México, map, 1864. Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and + So. Am.), 476, 1878 (head of Gulf to near Loreto). + + > Layamon, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 88, 1856 (a dialect + of Waikur?). Latham, Opuscula, 353, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., + 423, 1862. + + > Waikur, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 90, 1856 (several + dialects of). Latham, Opuscula, 353, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., + 423, 1862. + + > Guaycura, Orozco y Berra, Geografía de las Lenguas de México, map, + 1864. + + > Guaicuri, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 476, + 1878 (between 26th and 23d parallels). + + > Ushiti, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 88, 1856 (perhaps a + dialect of Waikur). Latham, Opuscula, 353, 1860. + + > Utshiti, Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 423, 1862 (same as Ushiti). + + > Pericú, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 88, 1856. Latham, + Opuscula, 353, 1860. Orozco y Berra, Geografía de las Lenguas de + México, map, 1864. + + > Pericui, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent, and So. Am.), 476, 1878 + (from 23° N.L. to Cape S. Lucas and islands). + + > Seri, Gatschet in Zeitschr. für Ethnologie, XV, 129, 1883, and + XVIII, 115, 1886. + + +Derivation: A Cuchan word signifying “sons of the river” (Whipple). + +In 1856 Turner adopted Yuma as a family name, and placed under it +Cuchan, Coco-Maricopa, Mojave and Diegeno. + +Three years previously (1853) Latham[114] speaks of the Dieguno +language, and discusses with it several others, viz, San Diego, +Cocomaricopa, Cuohañ, Yuma, Amaquaqua (Mohave), etc. Though he seems to +consider these languages as allied, he gives no indication that he +believes them to collectively represent a family, and he made no formal +family division. The context is not, however, sufficiently clear to +render his position with respect to their exact status as precise as is +to be desired, but it is tolerably certain that he did not mean to make +Diegueño a family name, for in the volume of the same society for 1856 +he includes both the Diegueño and the other above mentioned tribes in +the Yuma family, which is here fully set forth. As he makes no allusion +to having previously established a family name for the same group of +languages, it seems pretty certain that he did not do so, and that the +term Diegueño as a family name may be eliminated from consideration. It +thus appears that the family name Yuma was proposed by both the above +authors during the same year. For, though part 3 of vol. III of Pacific +Railroad Reports, in which Turner’s article is published, is dated 1855, +it appears from a foot-note (p. 84) that his paper was not handed to Mr. +Whipple till January, 1856, the date of title page of volume, and that +his proof was going through the press during the month of May, which is +the month (May 9) that Latham’s paper was read before the Philological +Society. The fact that Latham’s article was not read until May 9 enables +us to establish priority of publication in favor of Turner with a +reasonable degree of certainty, as doubtless a considerable period +elapsed between the presentation of Latham’s paper to the society and +its final publication, upon which latter must rest its claim. The Yuma +of Turner is therefore adopted as of precise date and of undoubted +application. Pimentel makes Yuma a part of Piman stock. + + [Footnote 114: Proc. London Philol. Soc., vol. 6, 75, 1854.] + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +The center of distribution of the tribes of this family is generally +considered to be the lower Colorado and Gila Valleys. At least this is +the region where they attained their highest physical and mental +development. With the exception of certain small areas possessed by +Shoshonean tribes, Indians of Yuman stock occupied the Colorado River +from its mouth as far up as Cataract Creek where dwell the Havasupai. +Upon the Gila and its tributaries they extended as far east as the Tonto +Basin. From this center they extended west to the Pacific and on the +south throughout the peninsula of Lower California. The mission of San +Luis Rey in California was, when established, in Yuman territory, and +marks the northern limit of the family. More recently and at the present +time this locality is in possession of Shoshonean tribes. + +The island of Angel de la Guardia and Tiburon Island were occupied by +tribes of the Yuman family, as also was a small section of Mexico lying +on the gulf to the north of Guaymas. + + +PRINCIPAL TRIBES. + + Cochimi. + Cocopa. + Cuchan or Yuma proper. + Diegueño. + Havasupai. + Maricopa. + Mohave. + Seri. + Waicuru. + Walapai. + + +_Population._--The present population of these tribes, as given in +Indian Affairs Report for 1889, and the U.S. Census Bulletin for 1890, +is as follows: + +Of the Yuma proper there are 997 in California attached to the Mission +Agency and 291 at the San Carlos Agency in Arizona. + +Mohave, 640 at the Colorado River Agency in Arizona; 791 under the San +Carlos Agency; 400 in Arizona not under an agency. + +Havasupai, 214 in Cosnino Cañon, Arizona. + +Walapai, 728 in Arizona, chiefly along the Colorado. + +Diegueño, 555 under the Mission Agency, California. + +Maricopa, 315 at the Pima Agency, Arizona. + +The population of the Yuman tribes in Mexico and Lower California is +unknown. + + +ZUÑIAN FAMILY. + + = Zuñi, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., III, pt. 3, 55, 91-93, 1856 (finds + no radical affinity between Zuñi and Keres). Buschmann, Neu-Mexico, + 254, 266, 276-278, 280-296, 302, 1858 (vocabs. and general + references). Keane, App. Stanford’s Com. (Cent. and So. Am.), 479, + 1878 (“a stock language”). Powell in Rocky Mountain Presbyterian, + Nov., 1878 (includes Zuñi, Las Nutrias, Ojo de Pescado). Gatschet in + Mag. Am. Hist., 260, 1882. + + = Zuñian, Powell in Am. Nat., 604, August, 1880. + + +Derivation: From the Cochití term Suinyi, said to mean “the people of +the long nails,” referring to the surgeons of Zuñi who always wear some +of their nails very long (Cushing). + +Turner was able to compare the Zuñi language with the Keran, and his +conclusion that they were entirely distinct has been fully +substantiated. Turner had vocabularies collected by Lieut. Simpson and +by Capt. Eaton, and also one collected by Lieut. Whipple. + +The small amount of linguistic material accessible to the earlier +writers accounts for the little done in the way of classifying the +Pueblo languages. Latham possessed vocabularies of the Moqui, Zuñi, +A´coma or Laguna, Jemez, Tesuque, and Taos or Picuri. The affinity of +the Tusayan (Moqui) tongue with the Comanche and other Shoshonean +languages early attracted attention, and Latham pointed it out with some +particularity. With the other Pueblo languages he does little, and +attempts no classification into stocks. + + +GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION. + +The Zuñi occupy but a single permanent pueblo, on the Zuñi River, +western New Mexico. Recently, however, the summer villages of Tâiakwin, +Heshotatsína, and K’iapkwainakwin have been occupied by a few families +during the entire year. + + +_Population._--The present population is 1,613. + + + + + CONCLUDING REMARKS. + + +The task involved in the foregoing classification has been accomplished +by intermittent labors extending through more than twenty years of time. +Many thousand printed vocabularies, embracing numerous larger lexic and +grammatic works, have been studied and compared. In addition to the +printed material, a very large body of manuscript matter has been used, +which is now in the archives of the Bureau of Ethnology, and which, it +is hoped, will ultimately be published. The author does not desire that +his work shall be considered final, but rather as initiatory and +tentative. The task of studying many hundreds of languages and deriving +therefrom ultimate conclusions as contributions to the science of +philology is one of great magnitude, and in its accomplishment an army +of scholars must be employed. The wealth of this promised harvest +appeals strongly to the scholars of America for systematic and patient +labor. The languages are many and greatly diverse in their +characteristics, in grammatic as well as in lexic elements. The author +believes it is safe to affirm that the philosophy of language is some +time to be greatly enriched from this source. From the materials which +have been and may be gathered in this field the evolution of language +can be studied from an early form, wherein words are usually not parts +of speech, to a form where the parts of speech are somewhat +differentiated; and where the growth of gender, number, and case +systems, together with the development of tense and mode systems can be +observed. The evolution of mind in the endeavor to express thought, by +coining, combining, and contracting words and by organizing logical +sentences through the development of parts of speech and their syntactic +arrangement, is abundantly illustrated. The languages are very unequally +developed in their several parts. Low gender systems appear with high +tense systems, highly evolved case systems with slightly developed mode +systems; and there is scarcely any one of these languages, so far as +they have been studied, which does not exhibit archaic devices in its +grammar. + +The author has delayed the present publication somewhat, expecting to +supplement it with another paper on the characteristics of those +languages which have been most fully recorded, but such supplementary +paper has already grown too large for this place and is yet unfinished, +while the necessity for speedy publication of the present results seems +to be imperative. The needs of the Bureau of Ethnology, in directing the +work of the linguists employed in it, and especially in securing and +organizing the labor of a large body of collaborators throughout the +country, call for this publication at the present time. + +In arranging the scheme of linguistic families the author has proceeded +very conservatively. Again and again languages have been thrown together +as constituting one family and afterwards have been separated, while +other languages at first deemed unrelated have ultimately been combined +in one stock. Notwithstanding all this care, there remain a number of +doubtful cases. For example, Buschmann has thrown the Shoshonean and +Nahuatlan families into one. Now the Shoshonean languages are those best +known to the author, and with some of them he has a tolerable speaking +acquaintance. The evidence brought forward by Buschmann and others seems +to be doubtful. A part is derived from jargon words, another part from +adventitious similarities, while some facts seem to give warrant to the +conclusion that they should be considered as one stock, but the author +prefers, under the present state of knowledge, to hold them apart and +await further evidence, being inclined to the opinion that the peoples +speaking these languages have borrowed some part of their vocabularies +from one another. + +After considering the subject with such materials as are on hand, this +general conclusion has been reached: That borrowed materials exist in +all the languages; and that some of these borrowed materials can be +traced to original sources, while the larger part of such acquisitions +can not be thus relegated to known families. In fact, it is believed +that the existing languages, great in number though they are, give +evidence of a more primitive condition, when a far greater number were +spoken. When there are two or more languages of the same stock, it +appears that this differentiation into diverse tongues is due mainly to +the absorption of other material, and that thus the multiplication of +dialects and languages of the same group furnishes evidence that at some +prior time there existed other languages which are now lost except as +they are partially preserved in the divergent elements of the group. The +conclusion which has been reached, therefore, does not accord with the +hypothesis upon which the investigation began, namely, that common +elements would be discovered in all these languages, for the longer the +study has proceeded the more clear it has been made to appear that the +grand process of linguistic development among the tribes of North +America has been toward unification rather than toward multiplication, +that is, that the multiplied languages of the same stock owe their +origin very largely to absorbed languages that are lost. The data upon +which this conclusion has been reached can not here be set forth, but +the hope is entertained that the facts already collected may ultimately +be marshaled in such a manner that philologists will be able to weigh +the evidence and estimate it for what it may be worth. + +The opinion that the differentiation of languages within a single stock +is mainly due to the absorption of materials from other stocks, often to +the extinguishment of the latter, has grown from year to year as the +investigation has proceeded. Wherever the material has been sufficient +to warrant a conclusion on this subject, no language has been found to +be simple in its origin, but every language has been found to be +composed of diverse elements. The processes of borrowing known in +historic times are those which have been at work in prehistoric times, +and it is not probable that any simple language derived from some single +pristine group of roots can be discovered. + +There is an opinion current that the lower languages change with great +rapidity, and that, by reason of this, dialects and languages of the +same stock are speedily differentiated. This widely spread opinion does +not find warrant in the facts discovered in the course of this research. +The author has everywhere been impressed with the fact that savage +tongues are singularly persistent, and that a language which is +dependent for its existence upon oral tradition is not easily modified. +The same words in the same form are repeated from generation to +generation, so that lexic and grammatic elements have a life that +changes very slowly. This is especially true where the habitat of the +tribe is unchanged. Migration introduces a potent agency of mutation, +but a new environment impresses its characteristics upon a language more +by a change in the semantic content or meaning of words than by change +in their forms. There is another agency of change of profound influence, +namely, association with other tongues. When peoples are absorbed by +peaceful or militant agencies new materials are brought into their +language, and the affiliation of such matter seems to be the chief +factor in the differentiation of languages within the same stock. In +the presence of opinions that have slowly grown in this direction, the +author is inclined to think that some of the groups herein recognized as +families will ultimately be divided, as the common materials of such +languages, when they are more thoroughly studied, will be seen to have +been borrowed. + +In the studies which have been made as preliminary to this paper, I have +had great assistance from Mr. James C. Pilling and Mr. Henry W. Henshaw. +Mr. Pilling began by preparing a list of papers used by me, but his work +has developed until it assumes the proportions of a great bibliographic +research, and already he has published five bibliographies, amounting in +all to about 1,200 pages. He is publishing this bibliographic material +by linguistic families, as classified by myself in this paper. Scholars +in this field of research will find their labors greatly abridged by the +work of Mr. Pilling. Mr. Henshaw began the preparation of the list of +tribes, but his work also has developed into an elaborate system of +research into the synonymy of the North American tribes, and when his +work is published it will constitute a great and valuable contribution +to the subject. The present paper is but a preface to the works of Mr. +Pilling and Mr. Henshaw, and would have been published in form as such +had not their publications assumed such proportions as to preclude it. +And finally, it is needful to say that I could not have found the time +to make this classification, imperfect as it is, except with the aid of +the great labors of the gentlemen mentioned, for they have gathered the +literature and brought it ready to my hand. For the classification +itself, however, I am wholly responsible. + +I am also indebted to Mr. Albert S. Gatschet and Mr. J. Owen Dorsey for +the preparation of many comparative lists necessary to my work. + +The task of preparing the map accompanying this paper was greatly +facilitated by the previously published map of Gallatin. I am especially +indebted to Col. Garrick Mallery for work done in the early part of its +preparation in this form. I have also received assistance from Messrs. +Gatschet, Dorsey, Mooney and Curtin. The final form which it has taken +is largely due to the labors of Mr. Henshaw, who has gathered many +important facts relating to the habitat of North American tribes while +preparing a synonymy of tribal names. + + * * * * * + * * * * + +Errata for Linguistic Families: + + “Lewis and Clarke” + “Zuñi” (with tilde) + [_these spellings are standard throughout the text_] + + (“obvious typographical error”) (“evident misprint”) + [_this and similar notations are from original text_] + +Table of Contents: + + Chimmesyan family / Principal tribes or villages + [_main text has “Principal Tribes” only_] + Tonkawan family / Geographic distribution 126 [125] + Waiilatpuan family [unchanged] + [_main text has “Waiilatpuan” only_] + Weitspekan family / Tribes + [_main text has “Principal Tribes”_] + + slight differences have been [heen] + ... kinship system, with mother-right as its chief factor + [mother-rite] + that passes by Bayau Pierre [_spelling unchanged_] + “more in the interior, towards the sources of the Willamat River.” + [_“w” invisible_] + (includes Kootenais (Flatbows or Skalzi)). [_one ) missing_] + There were 769 Klamath and Modoc on the Klamath Reservation + [Klamaht Reservation] + Hawhaw’s band of Aplaches [_spelling unchanged: may be right_] + Vallee de los Tulares [_spelling unchanged_] + Tshokoyem vocabulary [vobabulary] + especially in that of the Ruslen.” [_close quote invisible_] + = A-cho-mâ´-wi, Powell in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 601, 1877 (vocabs. + [_open parenthesis missing_] + A corruption of the Algonkin word “nadowe-ssi-wag,” + [_close quote missing_] + Waukash, waukash, is the Nootka word “good” “good.” + [_both repetitions in original_] + Humboldt Bay as far south as Arcata + [_text unchanged: Arcata is at the extreme north end of + Humboldt Bay_] + a change in the semantic content or meaning of words [sematic] + + + * * * * * + * * * * + * * * * * + + + THE MIDĒ´WIWIN OR “GRAND MEDICINE SOCIETY” + + of + + THE OJIBWA. + + by + + W. J. HOFFMAN. + + + * * * * * + +[Transcriber’s Note: + +The music is available in two forms, collected in the “music” +directory associated with the .html version of this text. + + --simplified lilypond files (extension .ly), with lyrics and dynamic + markings omitted. + --MIDI (playable sound) files for each song. + +Each [Music] tag includes a page number for cross-reference.] + + +CONTENTS. + Page + Introduction 149 + Shamans 156 + Midē´wiwin 164 + Midē´wigân 187 + First degree 189 + Preparatory instruction 189 + Midē´ therapeutics 197 + Imploration for clear weather 207 + Initiation of candidate 210 + Descriptive notes 220 + Second degree 224 + Preparation of candidate 224 + Initiation of candidate 231 + Descriptive notes 236 + Third degree 240 + Preparation of candidate 241 + Initiation of candidate 243 + Descriptive notes 251 + Fourth degree 255 + Preparation of candidate 257 + Initiation of candidate 258 + Descriptive notes 274 + Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân 278 + Initiation by substitution 281 + Supplementary notes 286 + Pictography 286 + Music 289 + Dress and ornaments 298 + Future of the society 299 + + +ILLUSTRATIONS. + Page + Plate II. Map showing present distribution of Ojibwa 150 + III. Red Lake and Leech Lake records 166 + IV. Sikas´sige’s record 170 + V. Origin of Âníshinâ´bēg 172 + VI. Facial decoration 174 + VII. Facial decoration 178 + VIII. Ojibwa’s record 182 + IX. Mnemonic songs 193 + X. Mnemonic songs 202 + XI. Sacred objects 220 + XII. Invitation sticks 236 + XIII. Mnemonic songs 238 + XIV. Mnemonic songs 288 + XV. Sacred posts 240 + XVI. Mnemonic songs 244 + XVII. Mnemonic songs 266 + XVIII. Jĕs´sakkīd´ removing disease 278 + XIX. Birch-bark records 286 + XX. Sacred bark scroll and contents 288 + XXI. Midē´ relics from Leech Lake 390 + XXII. Mnemonic songs 392 + XXIII. Midē´ dancing garters 298 + + Fig. 1. Herbalist preparing medicine and treating patient 159 + 2. Sikas´sigĕ’s combined charts, + showing descent of Mī´nabō´zho 174 + 3. Origin of ginseng 175 + 4. Peep-hole post 178 + 5. Migration of Âníshinâ´bēg 179 + 6. Birch-bark record, from White Earth 185 + 7. Birch-bark record, from Bed Lake 186 + 8. Birch-bark record, from Red Lake 186 + 9. Eshgibō´ga 187 + 10. Diagram of Midē´wigân of the first degree 188 + 11. Interior of Midē´wigân 188 + 12. Ojibwa drums 190 + 13. Midē´ rattle 191 + 14. Midē´ rattle 191 + 15. Shooting the Mīgis 192 + 16. Wooden beads 205 + 17. Wooden effigy 205 + 18. Wooden effigy 205 + 19. Hawk-leg fetish 220 + 20. Hunter’s medicine 222 + 21. Hunter’s medicine 222 + 22. Wâbĕnō´ drum 223 + 23. Diagram of Midē´wigân of the second degree 224 + 24. Midē´ destroying an enemy 238 + 25. Diagram of Midē´wigân of the third degree 240 + 26. Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge 252 + 27. Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge 252 + 28. Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge 252 + 29. Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge 252 + 30. Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge 252 + 31. Jĕs´sakkīd´ curing woman 255 + 32. Jĕs´sakkīd´ curing man 255 + 33. Diagram of Midē´wigân of the fourth degree 255 + 34. General view of Midē´wigân 256 + 35. Indian diagram of ghost lodge 279 + 36. Leech Lake Midē´ song 295 + 37. Leech Lake Midē´ song 296 + 38. Leech Lake Midē´ song 297 + 39. Leech Lake Midē´ song 297 + + + * * * * * + + + THE MIDĒ´WIWIN OR “GRAND MEDICINE SOCIETY” + OF THE OJIBWAY. + + By W. J. HOFFMAN. + + + * * * * * + + +INTRODUCTION. + +The Ojibwa is one of the largest tribes of the United States, and it is +scattered over a considerable area, from the Province of Ontario, on the +east, to the Red River of the North, on the west, and from Manitoba +southward through the States of Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Michigan. This +tribe is, strictly speaking, a timber people, and in its westward +migration or dispersion has never passed beyond the limit of the timber +growth which so remarkably divides the State of Minnesota into two parts +possessing distinct physical features. The western portion of this State +is a gently undulating prairie which sweeps away to the Rocky Mountains, +while the eastern portion is heavily timbered. The dividing line, at or +near the meridian of 95° 50' west longitude, extends due north and +south, and at a point about 75 miles south of the northern boundary the +timber line trends toward the northwest, crossing the State line, 49° +north latitude, at about 97° 10' west longitude. + +Minnesota contains many thousand lakes of various sizes, some of which +are connected by fine water courses, while others are entirely isolated. +The wooded country is undulating, the elevated portions being covered +chiefly with pine, fir, spruce, and other coniferous trees, and the +lowest depressions being occupied by lakes, ponds, or marshes, around +which occur the tamarack, willow, and other trees which thrive in moist +ground, while the regions between these extremes are covered with oak, +poplar, ash, birch, maple, and many other varieties of trees and shrubs. + +Wild fowl, game, and fish are still abundant, and until recently have +furnished to the Indians the chief source of subsistence. + +Tribal organization according to the totemic system is practically +broken up, as the Indians are generally located upon or near the several +reservations set apart for them by the General Government, where they +have been under more or less restraint by the United States Indian +agents and the missionaries. Representatives of various totems or gentes +may therefore be found upon a single reservation, where they continue to +adhere to traditional customs and beliefs, thus presenting an +interesting field for ethnologic research. + +The present distribution of the Ojibwa in Minnesota and Wisconsin is +indicated upon the accompanying map, Pl. II. In the southern portion +many of these people have adopted civilized pursuits, but throughout the +northern and northwestern part many bands continue to adhere to their +primitive methods and are commonly designated “wild Indians.” The +habitations of many of the latter are rude and primitive. The bands on +the northeast shore of Red Lake, as well as a few others farther east, +have occupied these isolated sites for an uninterrupted period of about +three centuries, as is affirmed by the chief men of the several villages +and corroborated by other traditional evidence. + +Father Claude Alloüez, upon his arrival in 1666 at Shagawaumikong, or La +Pointe, found the Ojibwa preparing to attack the Sioux. The settlement +at this point was an extensive one, and in traditions pertaining to the +“Grand Medicine Society” frequent allusion is made to the fact that at +this place the rites were practiced in their greatest purity. + +Mr. Warren, in his History of the Ojibwa Indians,[1] bases his belief +upon traditional evidence that the Ojibwa first had knowledge of the +whites in 1612. Early in the seventeenth century the French missionaries +met with various tribes of the Algonkian linguistic stock, as well as +with bands or subtribes of the Ojibwa Indians. One of the latter, +inhabiting the vicinity of Sault Ste. Marie, is frequently mentioned +in the Jesuit Relations as the Saulteurs. This term was applied to all +those people who lived at the Falls, but from other statements it is +clear that the Ojibwa formed the most important body in that vicinity. +La Hontan speaks of the “Outchepoues, alias Sauteurs,” as good warriors. +The name Saulteur survives at this day and is applied to a division of +the tribe. + + [Footnote 1: Coll. Minn. Hist. Soc., 1885, vol. 5, p. 130.] + +According to statements made by numerous Ojibwa chiefs of importance the +tribe began its westward dispersion from La Pointe and Fond du Lac at +least two hundred and fifty years ago, some of the bands penetrating the +swampy country of northern Minnesota, while others went westward and +southwestward. According to a statement[2] of the location of the tribes +of Lake Superior, made at Mackinaw in 1736, the Sioux then occupied the +southern and northern extremities of that lake. It is possible, however, +that the northern bands of the Ojibwa may have penetrated the region +adjacent to the Pigeon River and passed west to near their present +location, thus avoiding their enemies who occupied the lake shore south +of them. + + [Footnote 2: Reproduced from the ninth volume of the New York + Colonial Documents, pp. 1054, 1055.] + + [Illustration: Plate II. + Ojibwa Indian Reservations in Minnesota and Wisconsin. + + I Red Lake. II White Earth. III Winnibigoshish. IV Cass Lake. V Leech + Lake. VI Deer Creek. VII Bois Forte. VIII Vermillion Lake. IX Fond du + Lac. X Mille Lacs. XI Lac Court Oreílle. XII La Pointe. XIII Lac de + Flanibeau. XIV Red Cliff. XV Grand Portage.] + +From recent investigations among a number of tribes of the Algonkian +linguistic division it is found that the traditions and practices +pertaining to the Midē´wiwin, Society of the Midē´ or Shamans, popularly +designated as the “Grand Medicine Society,” prevailed generally, and the +rites are still practiced at irregular intervals, though in slightly +different forms in various localities. + +In the reports of early travelers and missionaries no special mention is +made of the Midē´, the Jes´sakkīd´, or the Wâbĕnō´, but the term +sorcerer or juggler is generally employed to designate that class of +persons who professed the power of prophecy, and who practiced +incantation and administered medicinal preparations. Constant reference +is made to the opposition of these personages to the introduction of +Christianity. In the light of recent investigation the cause of this +antagonism is seen to lie in the fact that the traditions of Indian +genesis and cosmogony and the ritual of initiation into the Society of +the Midē´ constitute what is to them a religion, even more powerful and +impressive than the Christian religion is to the average civilized man. +This opposition still exists among the leading classes of a number of +the Algonkian tribes, and especially among the Ojibwa, many bands of +whom have been more or less isolated and beyond convenient reach of the +Church. The purposes of the society are twofold; first, to preserve the +traditions just mentioned, and second, to give a certain class of +ambitious men and women sufficient influence through their acknowledged +power of exorcism and necromancy to lead a comfortable life at the +expense of the credulous. The persons admitted into the society are +firmly believed to possess the power of communing with various +supernatural beings--manidos--and in order that certain desires may be +realized they are sought after and consulted. The purpose of the present +paper is to give an account of this society and of the ceremony of +initiation as studied and observed at White Earth, Minnesota, in 1889. +Before proceeding to this, however, it may be of interest to consider a +few statements made by early travelers respecting the “sorcerers or +jugglers” and the methods of medication. + +In referring to the practices of the Algonkian tribes of the Northwest, +La Hontan[3] says: + + When they are sick, they only drink Broth, and eat sparingly; and if + they have the good luck to fall asleep, they think themselves cur’d: + They have told me frequently, that sleeping and sweating would cure + the most stubborn Diseases in the World. When they are so weak that + they cannot get out of Bed, their Relations come and dance and make + merry before ’em, in order to divert ’em. To conclude, when they are + ill, they are always visited by a sort of Quacks, (_Jongleurs_); of + whom ’t will now be proper to subjoin two or three Words by the bye. + + A _Jongleur_ is a sort of _Physician_, or rather a _Quack_, who being + once cur’d of some dangerous Distemper, has the Presumption and Folly + to fancy that he is immortal, and possessed of the Power of curing all + Diseases, by speaking to the Good and Evil Spirits. Now though every + Body rallies upon these Fellows when they are absent, and looks upon + ’em as Fools that have lost their Senses by some violent Distemper, + yet they allow ’em to visit the Sick; whether it be to divert ’em with + their Idle Stories, or to have an Opportunity of seeing them rave, + skip about, cry, houl, and make Grimaces and Wry Faces, as if they + were possess’d. When all the Bustle is over, they demand a Feast of a + Stag and some large Trouts for the Company, who are thus regal’d at + once with Diversion and Good Cheer. + + When the Quack comes to visit the Patient, he examines him very + carefully; _If the Evil Spirit be here_, says he, _we shall quickly + dislodge him._ This said, he withdraws by himself to a little Tent + made on purpose, where he dances, and sings houling like an Owl; + (which gives the Jesuits Occasion to say, _That the Devil converses + with ’em_.) After he has made an end of this Quack Jargon, he comes + and rubs the Patient in some part of his Body, and pulling some little + Bones out of his Mouth, acquaints the Patient, _That these very Bones + came out of his Body; that he ought to pluck up a good heart, in + regard that his Distemper is but a Trifle; and in fine, that in order + to accelerate the Cure, ’t will be convenient to send his own and his + Relations Slaves to shoot Elks, Deer, &c., to the end they may all eat + of that sort of Meat, upon which his Cure does absolutely depend._ + + Commonly these Quacks bring ’em some Juices of Plants, which are a + sort of Purges, and are called _Maskikik_. + + [Footnote 3: New Voyages to North America, London, 1703, vol. 2, + pp. 47, 48.] + +Hennepin, in “A Continuation of the New Discovery,” etc.,[4] speaks of +the religion and sorcerers of the tribes of the St. Lawrence and those +living about the Great Lakes as follows: + + We have been all too sadly convinced, that almost all the Salvages in + general have no notion of a God, and that they are not able to + comprehend the most ordinary Arguments on that Subject; others will + have a Spirit that commands, say they, in the Air. Some among ’em look + upon the Skie as a kind of Divinity; others as an _Otkon_ or + _Manitou_, either Good or Evil. + + These People admit of some sort of Genius in all things; they all + believe there is a Master of Life, as they call him, but hereof they + make various applications; some of them have a lean Raven, which they + carry always along with them, and which they say is the Master of + their Life; others have an Owl, and some again a Bone, a Sea-Shell, + or some such thing; + + There is no Nation among ’em which has not a sort of Juglers or + Conjuerers, which some look upon to be Wizards, but in my Opinion + there is no Great reason to believe ’em such, or to think that their + Practice favours any thing of a Communication with the Devil. + + These Impostors cause themselves to be reverenced as Prophets which + fore-tell Futurity. They will needs be look’d upon to have an + unlimited Power. They boast of being able to make it Wet or Dry; to + cause a Calm or a Storm; to render Land Fruitful or Barren; and, in a + Word to make Hunters Fortunate or Unfortunate. They also pretend to + Physick, and to apply Medicines, but which are such, for the most part + as have little Virtue at all in ’em, especially to Cure that Distemper + which they pretend to. + + It is impossible to imagine, the horrible Howlings and strange + Contortions that those Jugglers make of their Bodies, when they are + disposing themselves to Conjure, or raise their Enchantments. + + [Footnote 4: London, 1689, p. 59, et. seq.] + +Marquette, who visited the Miami, Mascontin and Kickapoo Indians in +1673, after referring to the Indian herbalist, mentions also the +ceremony of the “calumet dance,” as follows: + + They have Physicians amongst them, towards whom they are very liberal + when they are sick, thinking that the Operation of the Remedies they + take, is proportional to the Presents they make unto those who have + prescrib’d them. + +In connection with this, reference is made by Marquette to a certain +class of individuals among the Illinois and Dakota, who were compelled +to wear women’s clothes, and who were debarred many privileges, but were +permitted to “assist at all the Superstitions of their _Juglers_, and +their solemn Dances in honor of the _Calumet_, in which they may sing, +but it is not lawful for them to dance. They are call’d to their +Councils, and nothing is determin’d without their Advice; for, because +of their extraordinary way of Living, they are look’d upon as +_Manitous_, or at least for great and incomparable Genius’s.” + +That the calumet was brought into requisition upon all occasions of +interest is learned from the following statement, in which the same +writer declares that it is “the most mysterious thing in the World. The +Sceptres of our Kings are not so much respected; for the Savages have +such a Deference for this Pipe, that one may call it _The God of Peace +and War, and the Arbiter of Life and Death_. Their _Calumet of Peace_ is +different from the _Calumet of War_; They make use of the former to seal +their Alliances and Treaties, to travel with safety, and receive +Strangers; and the other is to proclaim War.” + +This reverence for the calumet is shown by the manner in which it is +used at dances, in the ceremony of smoking, etc., indicating a religious +devoutness approaching that recently observed among various Algonkian +tribes in connection with the ceremonies of the Midē´wiwin. When the +calumet dance was held, the Illinois appear to have resorted to the +houses in the winter and to the groves in the summer. The above-named +authority continues in this connection: + + They chuse for that purpose a set Place among Trees, to shelter + themselves against the Heat of the Sun, and lay in the middle a large + Matt, as a Carpet, to lay upon the God of the Chief of the Company, + who gave the Ball; for every one has his peculiar God, whom they call + _Manitoa_. It is sometime a Stone, a Bird, a Serpent, or anything else + that they dream of in their Sleep; for they think this _Manitoa_ will + prosper their Wants, as Fishing, Hunting, and other Enterprizes. To + the Right of their _Manitoa_ they place the _Calumet_, their Great + Deity, making round about it a Kind of Trophy with their Arms, viz. + their Clubs, Axes, Bows, Quivers, and Arrows. * * * Every Body + sits down afterwards, round about, as they come, having first of all + saluted the _Manitoa_, which they do in blowing the Smoak of their + Tobacco upon it, which is as much as offering to it Frankincense. + * * * This _Preludium_ being over, he who is to begin the Dance + appears in the middle of the Assembly, and having taken the _Calumet_, + presents it to the Sun, as if he wou’d invite him to smoke. Then he + moves it into an infinite Number of Postures sometimes laying it near + the Ground, then stretching its Wings, as if he wou’d make it fly, and + then presents it to the Spectators, who smoke with it one after + another, dancing all the while. This is the first Scene of this famous + Ball. + +The infinite number of postures assumed in offering the pipe appear as +significant as the “smoke ceremonies” mentioned in connection with the +preparatory instruction of the candidate previous to his initiation into +the Midē´wiwin. + +In his remarks on the religion of the Indians and the practices of the +sorcerers, Hennepin says: + + As for their Opinion concerning the Earth, they make use of a Name of + a certain _Genius_, whom they call _Micaboche_, who has cover’d the + whole Earth with water (as they imagine) and relate innumerable + fabulous Tales, some of which have a kind of Analogy with the + Universal Deluge. These Barbarians believe that there are certain + Spirits in the Air, between Heaven and Earth, who have a power to + foretell future Events, and others who play the part of Physicians, + curing all sorts of Distempers. Upon which account, it happens, that + these _Savages_ are very Superstitious, and consult their Oracles with + a great deal of exactness. One of these Masters-Jugglers who pass for + Sorcerers among them, one day caus’d a Hut to be erected with ten + thick Stakes, which he fix’d very deep in the Ground, and then made a + horrible noise to Consult the Spirits, to know whether abundance of + Snow wou’d fall ere long, that they might have good game in the + Hunting of Elks and Beavers: Afterward he bawl’d out aloud from the + bottom of the Hut, that he saw many Herds of Elks, which were as yet + at a very great distance, but that they drew near within seven or + eight Leagues of their Huts, which caus’d a great deal of joy among + those poor deluded Wretches. + +That this statement refers to one or more tribes of the Algonkian +linguistic stock is evident, not only because of the reference to the +sorcerers and their peculiar methods of procedure, but also that the +name of _Micaboche_, an Algonkian divinity, appears. This Spirit, who +acted as an intercessor between Ki´tshi Man´idō (Great Spirit) and the +Indians, is known among the Ojibwa as Mi´nabō´zho; but to this full +reference will be made further on in connection with the Myth of the +origin of the Midē´wiwin. The tradition of Nokomis (the earth) and the +birth of Manabush (the Mi´nabō´zho of the Menomoni) and his brother, the +Wolf, that pertaining to the re-creation of the world, and fragments of +other myths, are thrown together and in a mangled form presented by +Hennepin in the following words: + + Some Salvages which live at the upper end of the River St. _Lawrence_, + do relate a pretty diverting Story. They hold almost the same opinion + with the former [the Iroquois], that a Woman came down from Heaven, + and remained for some while fluttering in the Air, not finding Ground + whereupon to put her Foot. But that the Fishes moved with Compassion + for her, immediately held a Consultation to deliberate which of them + should receive her. The Tortoise very officiously offered its Back on + the Surface of the Water. The Woman came to rest upon it, and fixed + herself there. Afterwards the Filthiness and Dirt of the Sea gathering + together about the Tortoise, there was formed by little and little + that vast Tract of Land, which we now call _America_. + + They add that this Woman grew weary of her Solitude, wanting some body + for to keep her Company, that so she might spend her time more + pleasantly. Melancholy and Sadness having seiz’d upon her Spirits, she + fell asleep, and a Spirit descended from above, and finding her in + that Condition approach’d and knew her unperceptibly. From which + Approach she conceived two Children, which came forth out of one of + her Ribs. But these two Brothers could never afterwards agree + together. One of them was a better Huntsman than the other; they + quarreled every day; and their Disputes grew so high at last, that one + could not bear with the other. One especially being of a very wild + Temper, hated mortally his Brother who was of a milder Constitution, + who being no longer able to endure the Pranks of the other, he + resolved at last to part from him. He retired then into Heaven, + whence, for a Mark of his just Resentment, he causeth at several + times his Thunder to rore over the Head of his unfortunate Brother. + + Sometime after the Spirit descended again on that Woman, and she + conceived a Daughter, from whom (as the Salvages say) were propagated + these numerous People, which do occupy now one of the greatest parts + of the Universe. + +It is evident that the narrator has sufficiently distorted the +traditions to make them conform, as much as practicable, to the biblical +story of the birth of Christ. No reference whatever is made in the +Ojibwa or Menomoni myths to the conception of the Daughter of Nokomis +(the earth) by a celestial visitant, but the reference is to one of the +wind gods. Mi´nabō´zho became angered with the Ki´tshi Man´idō, and the +latter, to appease his discontent, gave to Mi´nabō´zho the rite of the +Midēwiwin. The brother of Mi´nabō´zho was destroyed by the malevolent +underground spirits and now rules the abode of shadows,--the “Land of +the Midnight Sun.” + +Upon his arrival at the “Bay of Puans” (Green Bay, Wisconsin), Marquette +found a village inhabited by three nations, viz: “Miamis, Maskoutens, +and Kikabeux.” He says: + + When I arriv’d there, I was very glad to see a great Cross set up in + the middle of the Village, adorn’d with several White Skins, Red + Girdles, Bows and Arrows, which that good People had offer’d to the + Great _Manitou_, to return him their Thanks for the care he had taken + of them during the Winter, and that he had granted them a prosperous + Hunting. _Manitou_, is the Name they give in general to all Spirits + whom they think to be above the Nature of Man. + +Marquette was without doubt ignorant of the fact that the cross is the +sacred post, and the symbol of the fourth degree of the Midē´wiwin, as +will be fully explained in connection with that grade of the society. +The erroneous conclusion that the cross was erected as an evidence of +the adoption of Christianity, and possibly as a compliment to the +visitor, was a natural one on the part of the priest, but this same +symbol of the Midē´ Society had probably been erected and bedecked with +barbaric emblems and weapons months before anything was known of him. + +The result of personal investigations among the Ojibwa, conducted during +the years 1887, 1888 and 1889, are presented in the accompanying paper. +The information was obtained from a number of the chief Midē´ priests +living at Red Lake and White Earth reservations, as well as from members +of the society from other reservations, who visited the last named +locality during the three years. Special mention of the peculiarity of +the music recorded will be made at the proper place; and it may here be +said that in no instance was the use of colors detected, in any +birch-bark or other records or mnemonic songs, simply to heighten the +artistic effect; though the reader would be led by an examination of the +works of Schoolcraft to believe this to be a common practice. Col. +Garrick Mallery; U.S. Army, in a paper read before the Anthropological +Society of Washington, District of Columbia, in 1888, says, regarding +this subject: + + The general character of his voluminous publications has not been such + as to assure modern critics of his accuracy, and the wonderful + minuteness, as well as comprehension, attributed by him to the Ojibwa + hieroglyphs has been generally regarded of late with suspicion. It was + considered in the Bureau of Ethnology an important duty to ascertain + how much of truth existed in these remarkable accounts, and for that + purpose its pictographic specialists, myself and Dr. W. J. Hoffman as + assistant, were last summer directed to proceed to the most favorable + points in the present habitat of the tribe, namely, the northern + region of Minnesota and Wisconsin, to ascertain how much was yet to be + discovered. * * * The general results of the comparison of + Schoolcraft’s statements with what is now found shows that, in + substance, he told the truth, but with much exaggeration and coloring. + The word “coloring” is particularly appropriate, because, in his + copious illustrations, various colors were used freely with apparent + significance, whereas, in fact, the general rule in regard to the + birch-bark rolls was that they were never colored at all; indeed, the + bark was not adapted to coloration. The metaphorical coloring was also + used by him in a manner which, to any thorough student of the Indian + philosophy and religion, seems absurd. Metaphysical expressions are + attached to some of the devices, or, as he calls them, symbols, which, + could never have been entertained by a people in the stage of culture + of the Ojibwa. + + +SHAMANS. + +There are extant among the Ojibwa Indians three classes of mystery men, +termed respectively and in order of importance the Midē´, the +Jĕs´sakkīd´, and the Wâbĕnō´, but before proceeding to elaborate in +detail the Society of the Midē´, known as the Midē´wiwin, a brief +description of the last two is necessary. + +The term Wâbĕnō´ has been explained by various intelligent Indians as +signifying “Men of the dawn,” “Eastern men,” etc. Their profession is +not thoroughly understood, and their number is so extremely limited that +but little information respecting them can be obtained. Schoolcraft,[5] +in referring to the several classes of Shamans, says “there is a third +form or rather modification of the medawin, * * * the Wâbĕnō´; +a term denoting a kind of midnight orgies, which is regarded as a +corruption of the Meda.” This writer furthermore remarks[6] that “it is +stated by judicious persons among themselves to be of modern origin. +They regard it as a degraded form of the mysteries of the Meda.” + + [Footnote 5: Information respecting the history, condition, and + prospects of the Indian tribes of the United States. Philadelphia, + 1851, vol. 1, p. 319.] + + [Footnote 6: Ibid., p. 362.] + +From personal investigation it has been ascertained that a Wâbĕnō´ does +not affiliate with others of his class so as to constitute a society, +but indulges his pretensions individually. A Wâbĕnō´ is primarily +prompted by dreams or visions which may occur during his youth, for +which purpose he leaves his village to fast for an indefinite number of +days. It is positively affirmed that evil man´idōs favor his desires, +and apart from his general routine of furnishing “hunting medicine,” +“love powders,” etc., he pretends also to practice medical magic. When a +hunter has been successful through the supposed assistance of the +Wâbĕnō´, he supplies the latter with part of the game, when, in giving a +feast to his tutelary daimon, the Wâbĕnō´ will invite a number of +friends, but all who desire to come are welcome. This feast is given at +night; singing and dancing are boisterously indulged in, and the +Wâbĕnō´, to sustain his reputation, entertains his visitors with a +further exhibition of his skill. By the use of plants he is alleged to +be enabled to take up and handle with impunity red-hot stones and +burning brands, and without evincing the slightest discomfort it is said +that he will bathe his hands in boiling water, or even boiling maple +sirup. On account of such performances the general impression prevails +among the Indians that the Wâbĕnō´ is a “dealer in fire,” or +“fire-handler.” Such exhibitions always terminate at the approach of +day. The number of these pretenders who are not members of the +Midē´wiwin, is very limited; for instance, there are at present but two +or three at White Earth Reservation and none at Leech Lake. + +As a general rule, however, the Wâbĕnō´ will seek entrance into the +Midē´wiwin when he becomes more of a specialist in the practice of +medical magic, incantations, and the exorcism of malevolent man´idōs, +especially such as cause disease. + +The Jĕs´sakkīd´ is a seer and prophet; though commonly designated a +“juggler,” the Indians define him as a “revealer of hidden truths.” +There is no association whatever between the members of this profession, +and each practices his art singly and alone whenever a demand is made +and the fee presented. As there is no association, so there is no +initiation by means of which one may become a Jĕs´sakkīd´. The gift is +believed to be given by the thunder god, or Animiki´, and then only at +long intervals and to a chosen few. The gift is received during youth, +when the fast is undertaken and when visions appear to the individual. +His renown depends upon his own audacity and the opinion of the tribe. +He is said to possess the power to look into futurity; to become +acquainted with the affairs and intentions of men; to prognosticate the +success or misfortune of hunters and warriors, as well as other affairs +of various individuals, and to call from any living human being the +soul, or, more strictly speaking, the shadow, thus depriving the victim +of reason, and even of life. His power consists in invoking, and causing +evil, while that of the Midē´ is to avert it; he attempts at times to +injure the Midē´ but the latter, by the aid of his superior man´idos, +becomes aware of, and averts such premeditated injury. It sometimes +happens that the demon possessing a patient is discovered, but the Midē´ +alone has the power to expel him. The exorcism of demons is one of the +chief pretensions of this personage, and evil spirits are sometimes +removed by sucking them through tubes, and startling tales are told how +the Jĕs´sakkīd´ can, in the twinkling of an eye, disengage himself of +the most complicated tying of cords and ropes, etc. The lodge used by +this class of men consists of four poles planted in the ground, forming +a square of three or four feet and upward in diameter, around which are +wrapped birch bark, robes, or canvas in such a way as to form an upright +cylinder. Communion is held with the turtle, who is the most powerful +man´idō of the Jĕs´sakkīd´, and through him, with numerous other +malevolent man´idōs, especially the Animiki´, or thunder-bird. When the +prophet has seated himself within his lodge the structure begins to sway +violently from side to side, loud thumping noises are heard within, +denoting the arrival of man´idōs, and numerous voices and laughter are +distinctly audible to those without. Questions may then be put to the +prophet and, if everything be favorable, the response is not long in +coming. In his notice of the Jĕs´sakkīd´, Schoolcraft affirms[7] that +“while he thus exercises the functions of a prophet, he is also a member +of the highest class of the fraternity of the Midâwin--a society of men +who exercise the medical art on the principles of magic and +incantations.” The fact is that there is not the slightest connection +between the practice of the Jĕs´sakkīd´ and that of the Midē´wiwin, and +it is seldom, if at all, that a Midē´ becomes a Jĕs´sakkīd´, although +the latter sometimes gains admission into the Midē´wiwin, chiefly with +the intention of strengthening his power with his tribe. + + [Footnote 7: Op. cit., vol. 5, p. 423.] + +The number of individuals of this class who are not members of the +Midē´wiwin is limited, though greater than that of the Wâbĕnō´. An idea +of the proportion of numbers of the respective classes may be formed by +taking the case of Menomoni Indians, who are in this respect upon the +same plane as the Ojibwa. That tribe numbers about fifteen hundred, the +Midē´ Society consisting, in round numbers, of one hundred members, and +among the entire population there are but two Wâbĕnō´ and five +Jĕs´sakkīd´. + +It is evident that neither the Wâbĕnō´ nor the Jĕs´sakkīd´ confine +themselves to the mnemonic songs which are employed during their +ceremonial performances, or even prepare them to any extent. Such bark +records as have been observed or recorded, even after most careful +research and examination extending over the field seasons of three +years, prove to have been the property of Wâbĕnō´ and Jĕs´sakkīd´, who +were also Midē´. It is probable that those who practice either of the +first two forms of ceremonies and nothing else are familiar with and may +employ for their own information certain mnemonic records; but they are +limited to the characteristic formulæ of exorcism, as their practice +varies and is subject to changes according to circumstances and the +requirements and wants of the applicant when words are chanted to accord +therewith. + +Some examples of songs used by Jĕs´sakkīd´, after they have become +Midē´, will be given in the description of the several degrees of the +Midē ’wiwin. + +There is still another class of persons termed Mashkī´kĭkē´winĭnĭ, or +herbalists, who are generally denominated “medicine men,” as the Ojibwa +word implies. Their calling is a simple one, and consists in knowing the +mysterious properties of a variety of plants, herbs, roots, and berries, +which are revealed upon application and for a fee. When there is an +administration of a remedy for a given complaint, based upon true +scientific principles, it is only in consequence of such practice having +been acquired from the whites, as it has usually been the custom of the +Catholic Fathers to utilize all ordinary and available remedies for the +treatment of the common disorders of life. Although these herbalists are +aware that certain plants or roots will produce a specified effect upon +the human system, they attribute the benefit to the fact that such +remedies are distasteful and injurious to the demons who are present in +the system and to whom the disease is attributed. Many of these +herbalists are found among women, also; and these, too, are generally +members of the Midē´wiwin. In Fig. 1 is shown an herbalist preparing a +mixture. + + [Illustration: Fig. 1.--Herbalist preparing medicine and treating + patient.] + +The origin of the Midē´wiwin or Midē´ Society, commonly, though +erroneously, termed Grand Medicine Society, is buried in obscurity. In +the Jesuit Relations, as early as 1642, frequent reference is made to +sorcerers, jugglers, and persons whose faith, influence, and practices +are dependent upon the assistance of “Manitous,” or mysterious spirits; +though, as there is no discrimination made between these different +professors of magic, it is difficult positively to determine which of +the several classes were met with at that early day. It is probable that +the Jĕs´sakkīd´, or juggler, and the Midē´, or Shaman, were referred to. + +The Midē´, in the true sense of the word, is a Shaman, though he has by +various authors been termed powwow, medicine man, priest, seer, prophet, +etc. Among the Ojibwa the office is not hereditary; but among the +Menomoni a curious custom exists, by which some one is selected to fill +the vacancy one year after the death of a Shaman. Whether a similar +practice prevailed among other tribes of the Algonkian linguistic stock +can be ascertained only by similar research among the tribes +constituting that stock. + +Among the Ojibwa, however, a substitute is sometimes taken to fill the +place of one who has been prepared to receive the first degree of the +Midē´wiwin, or Society of the Midē´, but who is removed by death before +the proper initiation has been conferred. This occurs when a young man +dies, in which case his father or mother may be accepted as a +substitute. This will be explained in more detail under the caption of +Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân or “Ghost Lodge,” a collateral branch of the +Midē´wiwin. + +As I shall have occasion to refer to the work of the late Mr. W. W. +Warren, a few words respecting him will not be inappropriate. Mr. Warren +was an Ojibwa mixed blood, of good education, and later a member of the +legislature of Minnesota. His work, entiled “History of the Ojibwa +Nation,” was published in Vol. V of the Collections of the Minnesota +Historical Society, St. Paul, 1885, and edited by Dr. E. D. Neill. Mr. +Warren’s work is the result of the labor of a lifetime among his own +people, and, had he lived, he would undoubtedly have added much to the +historical material of which the printed volume chiefly consists. His +manuscript was completed about the year 1852, and he died the following +year. In speaking of the Society of the Midē´,[8] he says: + + The grand rite of Me-da-we-win (or, as we have learned to term it, + “Grand Medicine,”) and the beliefs incorporated therein, are not yet + fully understood by the whites. This important custom is still + shrouded in mystery even to my own eyes, though I have taken much + pains to inquire and made use of every advantage possessed by speaking + their language perfectly, being related to them, possessing their + friendship and intimate confidence has given me, and yet I frankly + acknowledge that I stand as yet, as it were, on the threshold of the + Me-da-we lodge. I believe, however, that I have obtained full as much + and more general and true information on this matter than any other + person who has written on the subject, not excepting a great and + standard author, who, to the surprise of many who know the Ojibways + well, has boldly asserted in one of his works that he has been + regularly initiated into the mysteries of this rite, and is a member + of the Me-da-we Society. This is certainly an assertion hard to + believe in the Indian country; and when the old initiators or Indian + priests are told of it they shake their heads in incredulity that a + white man should ever have been allowed _in truth_ to become a member + of their Me-da-we lodge. + + An entrance into the lodge itself, while the ceremonies are being + enacted, has sometimes been granted through courtesy; though this does + not initiate a person into the mysteries of the creed, nor does it + make him a member of the Society. + + [Footnote 8: Op. cit., pp. 65, 66.] + +These remarks pertaining to the pretensions of “a great and standard +authority” have reference to Mr. Schoolcraft, who among numerous other +assertions makes the following, in the first volume of his Information +Respecting the Indian Tribes of the United States, Philadelphia, 1851, +p. 361, viz: + + I had observed the exhibitions of the Medawin, and the exactness and + studious ceremony with which its rites were performed in 1820 in the + region of Lake Superior; and determined to avail myself of the + advantages of my official position, in 1822, when I returned as a + Government agent for the tribes, to make further inquiries into its + principles and mode of proceeding. And for this purpose I had its + ceremonies repeated in my office, under the secrecy of closed doors, + with every means of both correct interpretation and of recording the + result. Prior to this transaction I had observed in the hands of an + Indian of the Odjibwa tribe one of those symbolic tablets of pictorial + notation which have been sometimes called “music boards,” from the + fact of their devices being sung off by the initiated of the Meda + Society. This constituted the object of the explanations, which, in + accordance with the positive requisitions of the leader of the society + and three other initiates, was thus ceremoniously made. + +This statement is followed by another,[9] in which Mr. Schoolcraft, in a +foot-note, affirms: + + Having in 1823 been myself admitted to the class of a Meda by the + Chippewas, and taken the initiatory step of a _Sagima_ and + _Jesukaid_ in each of the other fraternities, and studied their + pictographic system with great care and good helps, I may speak with + the more decision on the subject. + + [Footnote 9: Op. cit., vol. 5, p, 71.] + +Mr. Schoolcraft presents a superficial outline of the initiatory +ceremonies as conducted during his time, but as the description is +meager, notwithstanding that there is every evidence that the ceremonies +were conducted with more completeness and elaborate dramatization nearly +three-quarters of a century ago than at the present day, I shall not +burden this paper with useless repetition, but present the subject as +conducted within the last three years. + +Mr. Warren truly says: + + In the Me-da-we rite is incorporated most that is ancient amongst + them--songs and traditions that have descended not orally, but in + hieroglyphs, for at least a long time of generations. In this rite is + also perpetuated the purest and most ancient idioms of their language, + which differs somewhat from that of the common everyday use. + +As the ritual of the Midē´wiwin is based to a considerable extent upon +traditions pertaining to the cosmogony and genesis and to the thoughtful +consideration by the Good Spirit for the Indian, it is looked upon by +them as “their religion,” as they themselves designate it. + +In referring to the rapid changes occurring among many of the Western +tribes of Indians, and the gradual discontinuance of aboriginal +ceremonies and customs, Mr. Warren remarks[10] in reference to the +Ojibwa: + + Even among these a change is so rapidly taking place, caused by a + close contact with the white race, that ten years hence it will be too + late to save the traditions of their forefathers from total oblivion. + And even now it is with great difficulty that genuine information can + be obtained of them. Their aged men are fast falling into their + graves, and they carry with them the records of the past history of + their people; they are the initiators of the grand rite of religious + belief which they believe the Great Spirit has granted to his red + children to secure them long life on earth and life hereafter; and in + the bosoms of these old men are locked up the original secrets of this + their most ancient belief. * * * + + They fully believe, and it forms part of their religion, that the + world has once been covered by a deluge, and that we are now living on + what they term the “new earth.” This idea is fully accounted for by + their vague traditions; and in their Me-da-we-win or religion, + hieroglyphs are used to denote this second earth. + + [Footnote 10: Op. cit., p. 25.] + +Furthermore, + + They fully believe that the red man mortally angered the Great Spirit + which caused the deluge, and at the commencement of the new earth it + was only through the medium and intercession of a powerful being, whom + they denominate Manab-o-sho, that they were allowed to exist, and + means were given them whereby to subsist and support life; and a code + of religion was more lately bestowed on them, whereby they could + commune with the offended Great Spirit, and ward off the approach and + ravages of death. + +It may be appropriate in this connection to present the description +given by Rev. Peter Jones of the Midē´ priests and priestesses. Mr. +Jones was an educated Ojibwa Episcopal clergyman, and a member of the +Missasauga--i.e., the Eagle totemic division of that tribe of Indians +living in Canada. In his work[11] he states: + + Each tribe has its medicine men and women--an order of priesthood + consulted and employed in all times of sickness. These powwows are + persons who are believed to have performed extraordinary cures, either + by the application of roots and herbs or by incantations. When an + Indian wishes to be initiated into the order of a powwow, in the first + place he pays a large fee to the faculty. He is then taken into the + woods, where he is taught the names and virtues of the various useful + plants; next he is instructed how to chant the medicine song, and how + to pray, which prayer is a vain repetition offered up to the Master of + Life, or to some munedoo whom the afflicted imagine they have + offended. + + The powwows are held in high veneration by their deluded brethren; not + so much for their knowledge of medicine as for the magical power which + they are supposed to possess. It is for their interest to lead these + credulous people to believe that they can at pleasure hold intercourse + with the munedoos, who are ever ready to give them whatever + information they require. + + [Footnote 11: History of the Ojebway Indians, London [1843(?)], + pp. 143,144.] + +The Ojibwa believe in a multiplicity of spirits, or man´idōs, which +inhabit all space and every conspicuous object in nature. These +man´idōs, in turn, are subservient to superior ones, either of a +charitable and benevolent character or those which are malignant and +aggressive. The chief or superior man´idō is termed Ki´tshi +Man´idō--Great Spirit--approaching to a great extent the idea of the God +of the Christian religion; the second in their estimation is Dzhe +Man´idō, a benign being upon whom they look as the guardian spirit of +the Midē´wiwin and through whose divine provision the sacred rites of +the Midē´wiwin were granted to man. The Ani´miki or Thunder God is, if +not the supreme, at least one of the greatest of the malignant man´idōs, +and it is from him that the Jĕs´sakkīd´ are believed to obtain their +powers of evil doing. There is one other, to whom special reference will +be made, who abides in and rules the “place of shadows,” the hereafter; +he is known as Dzhibai´ Man´idō--Shadow Spirit, or more commonly Ghost +Spirit. The name of Ki´tshi Man´idō is never mentioned but with +reverence, and thus only in connection with the rite of Midē´wiwin, or a +sacred feast, and always after making an offering of tobacco. + +The first important event in the life of an Ojibwa youth is his first +fast. For this purpose he will leave his home for some secluded spot in +the forest where he will continue to fast for an indefinite number of +days; when reduced by abstinence from food he enters a hysterical or +ecstatic state in which he may have visions and hallucinations. The +spirits which the Ojibwa most desire to see in these dreams are those of +mammals and birds, though any object, whether animate or inanimate, is +considered a good omen. The object which first appears is adopted as the +personal mystery, guardian spirit, or tutelary daimon of the entranced, +and is never mentioned by him without first making a sacrifice. A small +effigy of this man´idō is made, or its outline drawn upon a small piece +of birch bark, which is carried suspended by a string around the neck, +or if the wearer be a Midē´ he carries it in his “medicine bag” or +pinji´gosân. The future course of life of the faster is governed by his +dream; and it sometimes occurs that because of giving an imaginary +importance to the occurrence, such as beholding, during the trance some +powerful man´idō or other object held in great reverence by the members +of the Midē´ Society, the faster first becomes impressed with the idea +of becoming a Midē´. Thereupon he makes application to a prominent Midē´ +priest, and seeks his advice as to the necessary course to be pursued to +attain his desire. If the Midē´ priest considers with favor the +application, he consults with his confrères and action is taken, and the +questions of the requisite preliminary instructions, fees, and presents, +etc., are formally discussed. If the Midē´ priests are in accord with +the desires of the applicant an instructor or preceptor is designated, +to whom he must present himself and make an agreement as to the amount +of preparatory information to be acquired and the fees and other +presents to be given in return. These fees have nothing whatever to do +with the presents which must be presented to the Midē´ priests previous +to his initiation as a member of the society, the latter being collected +during the time that is devoted to preliminary instruction, which period +usually extends over several years. Thus ample time is found for +hunting, as skins and peltries, of which those not required as presents +may be exchanged for blankets, tobacco, kettles, guns, etc., obtainable +from the trader. Sometimes a number of years are spent in preparation +for the first degree of the Midē´wiwin, and there are many who have +impoverished themselves in the payment of fees and the preparation for +the feast to which all visiting priests are also invited. + +Should an Indian who is not prompted by a dream wish to join the society +he expresses to the four chief officiating priests a desire to purchase +a mī´gis, which is the sacred symbol of the society and consists of a +small white shell, to which reference will be made further on. His +application follows the same course as in the preceding instance, and +the same course is pursued also when a Jĕs´sakkīd´ or a Wâbĕnō´ wishes +to become a Midē´. + + +MIDĒ´WIWIN. + +The Midē´wiwin--Society of the Midē´ or Shamans--consists of an +indefinite number of Midē´ of both sexes. The society is graded into +four separate and distinct degrees, although there is a general +impression prevailing even among certain members that any degree beyond +the first is practically a mere repetition. The greater power attained +by one in making advancement depends upon the fact of his having +submitted to “being shot at with the medicine sacks” in the hands of the +officiating priests. This may be the case at this late day in certain +localities, but from personal experience it has been learned that there +is considerable variation in the dramatization of the ritual. One +circumstance presents itself forcibly to the careful observer, and that +is that the greater number of repetitions of the phrases chanted by the +Midē´ the greater is felt to be the amount of inspiration and power of +the performance. This is true also of some of the lectures in which +reiteration and prolongation in time of delivery aids very much in +forcibly impressing the candidate and other observers with the +importance and sacredness of the ceremony. + +It has always been customary for the Midē´ priests to preserve +birch-bark records, bearing delicate incised lines to represent +pictorially the ground plan of the number of degrees to which the owner +is entitled. Such records or charts are sacred and are never exposed to +the public view, being brought forward for inspection only when an +accepted candidate has paid his fee, and then only after necessary +preparation by fasting and offerings of tobacco. + +During the year 1887, while at Red Lake, Minnesota, I had the good +fortune to discover the existence of an old birch-bark chart, which, +according to the assurances of the chief and assistant Midē´ priests, +had never before been exhibited to a white man, nor even to an Indian +unless he had become a regular candidate. This chart measures 7 feet 1½ +inches in length and 18 inches in width, and is made of five pieces of +birch bark neatly and securely stitched together by means of thin, flat +strands of bass wood. At each end are two thin strips of wood, secured +transversely by wrapping and stitching with thin strands of bark, so as +to prevent splitting and fraying of the ends of the record. Pl. III A, +is a reproduction of the design referred to. + +It had been in the keeping of Skwēkŏ´mĭk, to whom it was intrusted at +the death of his father-in-law, the latter, in turn, having received it +in 1825 from Badâ´san, the Grand Shaman and chief of the Winnibē´goshish +Ojibwa. + +It is affirmed that Badâ´san had received the original from the Grand +Midē´ priest at La Pointe, Wisconsin, where, it is said, the Midē´wiwin +was at that time held annually and the ceremonies conducted in strict +accordance with ancient and traditional usage. + +The present owner of this record has for many years used it in the +preliminary instruction of candidates. Its value in this respect is very +great, as it presents to the Indian a pictorial résumé of the +traditional history of the origin of the Midē´wiwin, the positions +occupied by the various guardian man´idos in the several degrees, and +the order of procedure in study and progress of the candidate. On +account of the isolation of the Red Lake Indians and their long +continued, independent ceremonial observances, changes have gradually +occurred so that there is considerable variation, both in the pictorial +representation and the initiation, as compared with the records and +ceremonials preserved at other reservations. The reason of this has +already been given. + +A detailed description of the above mentioned record, will be presented +further on in connection with two interesting variants which were +subsequently obtained at White Earth, Minnesota. On account of the +widely separated location of many of the different bands of the Ojibwa, +and the establishment of independent Midē´ societies, portions of the +ritual which have been forgotten by one set may be found to survive at +some other locality, though at the expense of some other fragments of +tradition or ceremonial. No satisfactory account of the tradition of the +origin of the Indians has been obtained, but such information as it was +possible to procure will be submitted. + +In all of their traditions pertaining to the early history of the tribe +these people are termed A-nish´-in-â´-bēg--original people--a term +surviving also among the Ottawa, Patawatomi, and Menomoni, indicating +that the tradition of their westward migration was extant prior to the +final separation of these tribes, which is supposed to have occurred at +Sault Ste. Marie. + +Mi´nabō´zho (Great Rabbit), whose name occurs in connection with most of +the sacred rites, was the servant of Dzhe Man´idō, the Good Spirit, and +acted in the capacity of intercessor and mediator. It is generally +supposed that it was to his good offices that the Indian owes life and +the good things necessary to his health and subsistence. + +The tradition of Mi´nabō´zho and the origin of the Midē´wiwin, as +given in connection with the birch-bark record obtained at Red Lake +(Pl. III A), is as follows: + +When Mi´nabō´zho, the servant of Dzhe Man´idō, looked down upon the +earth he beheld human beings, the Ani´shinâ´bēg, the ancestors of the +Ojibwa. They occupied the four quarters of the earth--the northeast, the +southeast, the southwest, and the northwest. He saw how helpless they +were, and desiring to give them the means of warding off the diseases +with which they were constantly afflicted, and to provide them with +animals and plants to serve as food and with other comforts, Mi´nabō´zho +remained thoughtfully hovering over the center of the earth, endeavoring +to devise some means of communicating with them, when he heard something +laugh, and perceived a dark object appear upon the surface of the water +to the west (No. 2). He could not recognize its form, and while watching +it closely it slowly disappeared from view. It next appeared in the +north (No. 3), and after a short lapse of time again disappeared. +Mi´nabō´zho hoped it would again show itself upon the surface of the +water, which it did in the east (No. 4). Then Mi´nabō´zho wished that it +might approach him, so as to permit him to communicate with it. When it +disappeared from view in the east and made its reappearance in the south +(No. 1), Mi´nabō´zho asked it to come to the center of the earth that he +might behold it. Again it disappeared from view, and after reappearing +in the west Mi´nabō´zho observed it slowly approaching the center of the +earth (i.e., the centre of the circle), when he descended and saw it was +the Otter, now one of the sacred man´idōs of the Midē´wiwin. Then +Mi´nabō´zho instructed the Otter in the mysteries of the Midē´wiwin, and +gave him at the same time the sacred rattle to be used at the side of +the sick; the sacred Midē´ drum to be used during the ceremonial of +initiation and at sacred feasts, and tobacco, to be employed in +invocations and in making peace. + + [Illustration: Plate III. + Red Lake and Leech Lake Records.] + +The place where Mi´nabō´zho descended was an island in the middle of a +large body of water, and the Midē´ who is feared by all the others is +called Mini´sino´shkwe (He-who-lives-on-the-island). Then Mi´nabō´zho +built a Midē´wigân (sacred Midē´ lodge), and taking his drum he beat +upon it and sang a Midē´ song, telling the Otter that Dzhe Man´idō had +decided to help the Aníshinâ´bōg, that they might always have life and +an abundance of food and other things necessary for their comfort. +Mi´nabō´zho then took the Otter into the Midē´wigân and conferred upon +him the secrets of the Midē´wiwin, and with his Midē´ bag shot the +sacred mī´gis into his body that he might have immortality and be able +to confer these secrets to his kinsmen, the Aníshinâ´bēg. + +The mī´gis is considered the sacred symbol of the Midē´wigân, and may +consist of any small white shell, though the one believed to be similar +to the one mentioned in the above tradition resembles the cowrie, and +the ceremonies of initiation as carried out in the Midē´wiwin at this +day are believed to be similar to those enacted by Mi´nabō´zho and the +Otter. It is admitted by all the Midē´ priests whom I have consulted +that much of the information has been lost through the death of their +aged predecessors, and they feel convinced that ultimately all of the +sacred character of the work will be forgotten or lost through the +adoption of new religions by the young people and the death of the Midē´ +priests, who, by the way, decline to accept Christian teachings, and are +in consequence termed “pagans.” + +My instructor and interpreter of the Red Lake chart added other +information in explanation of the various characters represented +thereon, which I present herewith. The large circle at the right side of +the chart denotes the earth as beheld by Mi´nabō´zho, while the Otter +appeared at the square projections at Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4; the +semicircular appendages between these are the four quarters of the +earth, which are inhabited by the Ani´shinâ´bēg, Nos. 5, 6, 7, and 8. +Nos. 9 and 10 represent two of the numerous malignant man´idōs, who +endeavor to prevent entrance into the sacred structure and mysteries of +the Midē´wiwin. The oblong squares, Nos. 11 and 12, represent the +outline of the first degree of the society, the inner corresponding +lines being the course traversed during initiation. The entrance to the +lodge is directed toward the east, the western exit indicating the +course toward the next higher degree. The four human forms at Nos. 13, +14, 15, and 16 are the four officiating Midē´ priests whose services are +always demanded at an initiation. Each is represented as having a +rattle. Nos. 17, 18, and 19 indicate the cedar trees, one of each of +this species being planted near the outer angles of a Midē´ lodge. No. +20 represents the ground. The outline of the bear at No. 21 represents +the Makwa´ Man´idō, or Bear Spirit, one of the sacred Midē´ man´idōs, to +which the candidate must pray and make offerings of tobacco, that he may +compel the malevolent spirits to draw away from the entrance to the +Midē´wigân, which is shown in No. 28. Nos 23 and 24 represent the sacred +drum which the candidate must use when chanting the prayers, and two +offerings must be made, as indicated by the number two. + +After the candidate has been admitted to one degree, and is prepared to +advance to the second, he offers three feasts, and chants three prayers +to the Makwa´ Man´idō, or Bear Spirit (No. 22), that the entrance (No. +29) to that degree may be opened to him. The feasts and chants are +indicated by the three drums shown at Nos. 25, 26, and 27. + +Nos. 30, 31, 32, 33, and 34 are five Serpent Spirits, evil man´idōs who +oppose a Midē´’s progress, though after the feasting and prayers +directed to the Makwa´ Man´idō have by him been deemed sufficient the +four smaller Serpent Spirits move to either side of the path between the +two degrees, while the larger serpent (No. 32) raises its body in the +middle so as to form an arch, beneath which passes the candidate on his +way to the second degree. + +Nos. 35, 36, 46, and 47 are four malignant Bear Spirits, who guard the +entrance and exit to the second degree, the doors of which are at Nos. +37 and 49. The form of this lodge (No. 38) is like the preceding; but +while the seven Midē´ priests at Nos. 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, and 45 +simply indicate that the number of Midē´ assisting at this second +initiation are of a higher and more sacred class of personages than in +the first degree, the number designated having reference to quality and +intensity rather than to the actual number of assistants, as +specifically shown at the top of the first degree structure. + +When the Midē´ is of the second degree, he receives from Dzhe Man´idō +supernatural powers as shown in No. 48. The lines extending upward from +the eyes signify that he can look into futurity; from the ears, that he +can hear what is transpiring at a great distance; from the hands, that +he can touch for good or for evil friends and enemies at a distance, +however remote; while the lines extending from the feet denote his +ability to traverse all space in the accomplishment of his desires or +duties. The small disk upon the breast of the figure denotes that a +Midē´ of this degree has several times had the mī´gis--life--“shot into +his body,” the increased size of the spot signifying amount or quantity +of influence obtained thereby. + +No. 50 represents a Mi´tsha Midē´ or Bad Midē´, one who employs his +powers for evil purposes. He has the power of assuming the form of any +animal, in which guise he may destroy the life of his victim, +immediately after which he resumes his human form and appears innocent +of any crime. His services are sought by people who wish to encompass +the destruction of enemies or rivals, at however remote a locality the +intended victim may be at the time. An illustration representing the +modus operandi of his performance is reproduced and explained in Fig. +24, page 238. + +Persons possessed of this power are sometimes termed witches, special +reference to whom is made elsewhere. The illustration, No. 50, +represents such an individual in his disguise of a bear, the characters +at Nos. 51 and 52 denoting footprints of a bear made by him, impressions +of which are sometimes found in the vicinity of lodges occupied by his +intended victims. The trees shown upon either side of No. 50 signify a +forest, the location usually sought by bad Midē´ and witches. + +If a second degree Midē´ succeeds in his desire to become a member of +the third degree, he proceeds in a manner similar to that before +described; he gives feasts to the instructing and four officiating +Midē´, and offers prayers to Dzhe Man´idō for favor and success. No. 53 +denotes that the candidate now personates the bear--not one of the +malignant man´idōs, but one of the sacred man´idōs who are believed to +be present during the ceremonials of initiation of the second degree. He +is seated before his sacred drum, and when the proper time arrives the +Serpent Man´idō (No. 54)--who has until this opposed his +advancement--now arches its body, and beneath it he crawls and advances +toward the door (No. 55) of the third degree (No. 56) of the Midē´wiwin, +where he encounters two (Nos. 57 and 58) of the four Panther Spirits, +the guardians of this degree. + +Nos. 61 to 76 indicate midē´ spirits who inhabit the structure of this +degree, and the number of human forms in excess of those shown in +connection with the second degree indicates a correspondingly higher and +more sacred character. When an Indian has passed this, initiation he +becomes very skillful in his profession of a Midē´. The powers which he +possessed in the second degree may become augmented. He is represented +in No. 77 with arms extended, and with lines crossing his body and arms +denoting darkness and obscurity, which signifies his ability to grasp +from the invisible world the knowledge and means to accomplish +extraordinary deeds. He feels more confident of prompt response and +assistance from the sacred man´idōs and his knowledge of them becomes +more widely extended. + +Nos. 59 and 60 are two of the four Panther Spirits who are the special +guardians of the third degree lodge. + +To enter the fourth and highest degree of the society requires a greater +number of feasts than before, and the candidate, who continues to +personate the Bear Spirit, again uses his sacred drum, as he is shown +sitting before it in No. 78, and chants more prayers to Dzhe Man´idō for +his favor. This degree is guarded by the greatest number and the most +powerful of malevolent spirits, who make a last effort to prevent a +candidate’s entrance at the door (No. 79) of the fourth degree structure +(No. 80). The chief opponents to be overcome, through the assistance of +Dzhe Man´idō, are two Panther Spirits (Nos. 81 and 82) at the eastern +entrance, and two Bear Spirits (Nos. 83 and 84) at the western exit. +Other bad spirits are about the structure, who frequently gain +possession and are then enabled to make strong and prolonged resistance +to the candidate’s entrance. The chiefs of this group of malevolent +beings are Bears (Nos. 88 and 96), the Panther (No. 91), the Lynx (No. +97), and many others whose names they have forgotten, their positions +being indicated at Nos. 85, 86, 87, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94, and 95, all but +the last resembling characters ordinarily employed to designate +serpents. + +The power with which it is possible to become endowed after passing +through the fourth degree is expressed by the outline of a human figure +(No. 98), upon which are a number of spots indicating that the body is +covered with the mī´gis or sacred shells, symbolical of the Midē´wiwin. +These spots designate the places where the Midē´ priests, during the +initiation, shot into his body the mī´gis and the lines connecting them +in order that all the functions of the several corresponding parts or +organs of the body may be exercised. + +The ideal fourth degree Midē´ is presumed to be in a position to +accomplish the greatest feats in necromancy and magic. He is not only +endowed with the power of reading the thoughts and intentions of others, +as is pictorially indicated by the mī´gis spot upon the top of the head, +but to call forth the shadow (soul) and retain it within his grasp at +pleasure. At this stage of his pretensions, he is encroaching upon the +prerogatives of the Jĕs´sakkīd´, and is then recognized as one, as he +usually performs within the Jĕs´sakkân or Jĕs´sakkīd´ lodge, commonly +designated “the Jugglery.” + +The ten small circular objects upon the upper part of the record may +have been some personal marks of the original owner; their import was +not known to my informants and they do not refer to any portion of the +history or ceremonies or the Midē´wiwin. + +Extending toward the left from the end of the fourth degree inclosure is +an angular pathway (No. 99), which represents the course to be followed +by the Midē´ after he has attained this high distinction. On account of +his position his path is often beset with dangers, as indicated by the +right angles, and temptations which may lead him astray; the points at +which he may possibly deviate from the true course of propriety are +designated by projections branching off obliquely toward the right and +left (No. 100). The ovoid figure (No. 101) at the end of this path is +termed Wai-ĕk´-ma-yŏk´--End of the road--and is alluded to in the +ritual, as will be observed hereafter, as the end of the world, i.e., +the end of the individual’s existence. The number of vertical strokes +(No. 102) within the ovoid figure signify the original owner to have +been a fourth degree Midē´ for a period of 14 years. + +The outline of the Midē´wigân (No. 103) not only denotes that the same +individual was a member of the Midē´wiwin, but the thirteen vertical +strokes shown in Nos. 104 and 105 indicate that he was chief Midē´ +priest of the society for that number of years. + + [Illustration: Plate IV. + Sikas´sige’s Record.] + +The outline of a Midē´wigân as shown at No. 106, with the place upon the +interior designating the location of the sacred post (No. 107) and the +stone (No. 108) against which the sick are placed during the time of +treatment, signifies the owner to have practiced his calling of the +exorcism of demons. But that he also visited the sick beyond the +acknowledged jurisdiction of the society in which he resided, is +indicated by the path (No. 109) leading around the sacred inclosure. + +Upon that portion of the chart immediately above the fourth degree lodge +is shown the outline of a Midē´wiwin (No. 110), with a path (No. 114), +leading toward the west to a circle (No. 111), within which is another +similar structure (No. 112) whose longest diameter is at right angles to +the path, signifying that it is built so that its entrance is at the +north. This is the Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân or Ghost Lodge. + +Around the interior of the circle are small V-shaped characters denoting +the places occupied by the spirits of the departed, who are presided +over by the Dzhibai´ Midē´, literally Shadow Midē´. + +No. 113 represents the Kŏ´-kó-kŏ-ō´ (Owl) passing from the Midē´wigân to +the Land of the Setting Sun, the place of the dead, upon the road of the +dead, indicated by the pathway at No. 114. This man´idō is personated by +a candidate for the first degree of the Midē´wiwin when giving a feast +to the dead in honor of the shadow of him who had been dedicated to the +Midē´wiwin and whose place is now to be taken by the giver of the feast. + +Upon the back of the Midē´ record, above described, is the personal +record of the original owner, as shown in Pl. III B. Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4 +represent the four degrees of the society into which he has been +initiated, or, to use the phraseology of an Ojibwa, “through which he +has gone.” This “passing through” is further illustrated by the bear +tracks, he having personated the Makwa´ Man´idō or Bear Spirit, +considered to be the highest and most powerful of the guardian spirits +of the fourth degree wigwam. + +The illustration presented in Pl. III C represents the outlines of a +birch-bark record (reduced to one-third) found among the effects of a +lately deceased Midē´ from Leech Lake, Minnesota. This record, together +with a number of other curious articles, composed the outfit of the +Midē´, but the Rev. James A. Gilfillan of White Earth, through whose +courtesy I was permitted to examine the objects, could give me no +information concerning their use. Since that time, however, I have had +an opportunity of consulting with one of the chief priests of the Leech +Lake Society, through whom I have obtained some interesting data +concerning them. + +The chart represents the owner to have been a Midē´ of the second +degree, as indicated by the two outlines of the respective structures at +Nos. 1 and 2, the place of the sacred posts being marked at Nos. 3 and +4. Nos. 5, 6, 7, and 8 are Midē´ priests holding their Midē´ bags as in +the ceremony of initiation. The disks represented at Nos. 9, 10, 11, 12, +and 13 denote the sacred drum, which may be used by him during his +initiation, while Nos. 14, 15, 16, and 17 denote that he was one of the +four officiating priests of the Midē´wigân at his place of residence. +Each of these figures is represented as holding their sacred bags as +during the ceremonies. No. 18 denotes the path he has been pursuing +since he became a Midē´, while at Nos. 19 and 20 diverging lines signify +that his course is beset with temptations and enemies, as referred to in +the description of the Red Lake chart, Pl. III A. + +The remaining objects found among the effects of the Midē´ referred to +will be described and figured hereafter. + +The diagram represented on Pl. IV is a reduced copy of a record made by +Sikas´sigĕ, a Mille Lacs Ojibwa Midē´ of the second degree, now resident +at White Earth. + +The chart illustrating pictorially the general plan of the several +degrees is a copy of a record in the possession of the chief Midē´ at +Mille Lacs in 1830, at which time Sikas´sigĕ, at the age of 10 years, +received his first degree. For a number of years thereafter Sikas´sigĕ +received continued instruction from his father Baiē´dzhĕk, and although +he never publicly received advancement beyond the second degree of the +society, his wife became a fourth degree priestess, at whose initiation +he was permitted to be present. + +Since his residence at White Earth Sikas´sigĕ has become one of the +officiating priests of the society at that place. One version given by +him of the origin of the Indians is presented in the following +tradition, a pictorial representation having also been prepared of which +Pl. V is a reduced copy: + + In the beginning, Dzhe Man´idō (No. 1), made the Midē´ Man´idōs. He + first created two men (Nos. 2 and 3), and two women (Nos. 4 and 5); + but they had no power of thought or reason. Then Dzhe Man´idō (No. 1) + made them rational beings. He took them in his hands so that they + should multiply; he paired them, and from this sprung the Indians. + When there were people he placed them upon the earth, but he soon + observed that they were subject to sickness, misery, and death, and + that unless he provided them with the Sacred Medicine they would soon + become extinct. + + Between the position occupied by Dzhe Man´idō and the earth were four + lesser spirits (Nos. 6, 7, 8, and 9) with whom Dzhe Man´idō decided to + commune, and to impart to them the mysteries by which the Indians + could be benefited. So he first spoke to a spirit at No. 6, and told + him all he had to say, who in turn communicated the same information + to No. 7, and he in turn to No. 8, who also communed with No. 9. They + all met in council, and determined to call in the four wind gods at + Nos. 10, 11, 12, and 13. After consulting as to what would be best for + the comfort and welfare of the Indians, these spirits agreed to ask + Dzhe Man´idō to communicate the Mystery of the Sacred Medicine to the + people. + + Dzhe Man´idō then went to the Sun Spirit (No. 14) and asked him to go + to the earth and instruct the people as had been decided upon by the + council. The Sun Spirit, in the form of a little boy, went to the + earth and lived with a woman (No. 15) who had a little boy of her own. + + [Illustration: Plate V. + Origin of Âni´shinâ´bēg.] + + This family went away in the autum to hunt, and during the winter this + woman’s son died. The parents were so much distressed that they + decided to return to the village and bury the body there; so they made + preparations to return, and as they traveled along, they would each + evening erect several poles upon which the body was placed to prevent + the wild beasts from devouring it. When the dead boy was thus hanging + upon the poles, the adopted child--who was the Sun Spirit--would play + about the camp and amuse himself, and finally told his adopted father + he pitied him, and his mother, for their sorrow. The adopted son said + he could bring his dead brother to life, whereupon the parents + expressed great surprise and desired to know how that could be + accomplished. + + The adopted boy then had the party hasten to the village, when he + said, “Get the women to make a wig´iwam of bark (No. 16), put the dead + boy in a covering of birch bark and place the body on the ground in + the middle of the wig´iwam.” On the next morning after this had been + done, the family and friends went into this lodge and seated + themselves around the corpse. + + When they had all been sitting quietly for some time, they saw through + the doorway the approach of a bear (No. 17) which gradually came + towards the wig´iwam, entered it, and placed itself before the dead + body and said hŭ, hŭ, hŭ, hŭ, when he passed around it towards the + left side, with a trembling motion, and as he did so, the body began + quivering, and the quivering increased as the bear continued until he + had passed around four times, when the body came to life again and + stood up. Then the bear called to the father, who was sitting in the + distant right-hand corner of the wig´iwam, and addressed to him the + following words: + + Nōs ka-wī´-na ni´-shi-na´-bi wis-sī´ a´-ya-wī´-an man´-i-dō + My father is not an Indian not you are a spirit + + nin-gī´-sis. Be-mai´-a-mī´-nik ni´-dzhĭ man´-i-dō mī-a-zhĭ´-gwa + son. Insomuch my fellow spirit now + + tshí-gĭ-a´-we-ân´. Nōs a-zhĭ´-gwa a-sē´-ma tshi´-a-tō´-yēk. + as you are. My father now tobacco you shall put. + + A´-mĭ-kŭn´-dem mi-ē´-ta â´-bi-dink´ dzhi-gŏsh´-kwi-tōt´ + He speaks of only once to be able to do it + + wen´-dzhi-bi-mâ´-di-zid´-o-ma´ a-gâ´-wa bi-mâ-dĭ-zĭd´-mi-o-ma´; + why he shall live here now that he scarcely lives; + + ni-dzhĭ man´-i-dō mí-a-zhĭ´-gwa tshí-gĭ-wĕ´-ân. + my fellow spirit now I shall go home. + + The little bear boy (No. 17) was the one who did this. He then + remained among the Indians (No. 18) and taught them the mysteries of + the Grand Medicine (No. 19); and, after he had finished, he told his + adopted father that as his mission had been fulfilled he was to return + to his kindred spirits, for the Indians would have no need to fear + sickness as they now possessed the Grand Medicine which would enable + them to live. He also said that his spirit could bring a body to life + but once, and he would now return to the sun from which they would + feel his influence. + +This is called Kwí-wĭ-sĕns´ wĕ-dī´-shĭ-tshī gē-wī-nĭp-- +“Little-boy-his-work.” + +From subsequent information it was learned that the line No. 22 denotes +the earth, and that, being considered as one step in the course of +initiation into the Midē´wiwin, three others must be taken before a +candidate can be admitted. These steps, or rests, as they are +denominated (Nos. 23, 24, and 25), are typified by four distinct gifts +of goods, which must be remitted to the Midē´ priests before the +ceremony can take place. + +Nos. 18 and 19 are repetitions of the figures alluded to in the +tradition (Nos. 16 and 17) to signify that the candidate must personate +the Makwa´ Man´idō--Bear Spirit--when entering the Midē´wiwin (No. 19). +No. 20 is the Midē´ Man´idō as Ki´tshi Man´idō is termed by the Midē´ +priests. The presence of horns attached to the head is a common symbol +of superior power found in connection with the figures of human and +divine forms in many Midē´ songs and other mnemonic records. No. 21 +represents the earth’s surface, similar to that designated at No. 22. + +Upon comparing the preceding tradition of the creation of the Indians +with the following, which pertains to the descent to earth of +Mi´nabō´zho, there appears to be some discrepancy, which could not be +explained by Sikas´sigĕ, because he had forgotten the exact sequence of +events; but from information derived from other Midē´ it is evident that +there have been joined together two myths, the intervening circumstances +being part of the tradition given below in connection with the narrative +relating to the chart on Pl. III A. + +This chart, which was in possession of the Mille Lacs chief Baiē´dzhĕk, +was copied by him from that belonging to his preceptor at La Pointe +about the year 1800, and although the traditions given by Sikas´sigĕ is +similar to the one surviving at Red Lake, the diagram is an interesting +variant for the reason that there is a greater amount of detail in the +delineation of objects mentioned in the tradition. + +By referring to Pl. IV it will be noted that the circle, No. 1, +resembles the corresponding circle at the beginning of the record on Pl. +III, A, with this difference, that the four quarters of the globe +inhabited by the Ani´shinâ´bēg are not designated between the cardinal +points at which the Otter appeared, and also that the central island, +only alluded to there (Pl. III A), is here inserted. + +The correct manner of arranging the two pictorial records, Pls. III A +and IV, is by placing the outline of the earth’s surface (Pl. V, No. 21) +upon the island indicated in Pl. IV, No. 6, so that the former stands +vertically and at right angles to the latter; for the reason that the +first half of the tradition pertains to the consultation held between +Ki´tshi Man´idō and the four lesser spirits which is believed to have +occurred above the earth’s surface. According to Sikas´sigĕ the two +charts should be joined as suggested in the accompanying illustration, +Fig. 2. + + [Illustration: Fig. 2.--Sikas´sigĕ’s combined charts, showing descent + of Min´abō´zho.] + + [Illustration: Plate VI. + Ojibwa Facial Decoration.] + +Sikas´sigĕ’s explanation of the Mille Lacs chart (Pl. IV) is +substantially as follows: + + [Illustration: Fig. 3.--Origin of Ginseng.] + + When Mi´nabō´zho descended to the earth to give to the Ani´shinâ´bēg + the Midē´wiwin, he left with them this chart, Midē´wigwas´. Ki´tshi + Man´idō saw that his people on earth were without the means of + protecting themselves against disease and death, so he sent + Mi´nabō´zho to give to them the sacred gift. Mi´nabō´zho appeared over + the waters and while reflecting in what manner he should be able to + communicate with the people, he heard something laugh, just as an + otter sometimes cries out. He saw something black appear upon the + waters in the west (No. 2) which immediately disappeared beneath the + surface again. Then it came up at the northern horizon (No. 3), which + pleased Mi´nabō´zho, as he thought he now had some one through whom he + might convey the information with which he had been charged by Ki´tshi + Man´idō. When the black object disappeared beneath the waters at the + north to reappear in the east (No. 4), Mi´nabō´zho desired it would + come to him in the middle of the waters, but it disappeared to make + its reappearance in the south (No. 5), where it again sank out of + sight to reappear in the west (No. 2), when Mi´nabō´zho asked it to + approach the center where there was an island (No. 6), which it did. + This did Ni´gĭk, the Otter, and for this reason he is given charge of + the first degree of the Midē´wiwin (Nos. 35 and 36) where his spirit + always abides during initiation and when healing the sick. + + Then Ni´gĭk asked Mi´nabō´zho, “Why do you come to this place?” When + the latter said, “I have pity on the Ani´shinâ´bēg and wish to give + them life; Ki´tshi Man´idō gave me the power to confer upon them the + means of protecting themselves against sickness and death, and through + you I will give them the Midē´wiwin, and teach them the sacred rites.” + + Then Mi´nabō´zho built a Midē´wigân in which he instructed the Otter + in all the mysteries of the Midē´wiwin. The Otter sat before the door + of the Midē´wigân four days (Nos. 7, 8, 9, and 10), sunning himself, + after which time he approached the entrance (No. 14), where his + progress was arrested (No. 11) by seeing two bad spirits (Nos. 12 and + 13) guarding it. Through the powers possessed by Mi´nabō´zho he was + enabled to pass these; when he entered the sacred lodge (No. 15), the + first object he beheld being the sacred stone (No. 16) against which + those who were sick were to be seated, or laid, when undergoing the + ceremonial of restoring them to health. He next saw a post (No. 17) + painted red with a green band around the top. A sick man would also + have to pray to the stone and to the post, when he is within the + Midē´wigân, because within them would be the Midē´ spirits whose help + he invoked. The Otter was then taken to the middle of the Midē´wigân + where he picked up the mī´gis (No. 18) from among a heap of sacred + objects which form part of the gifts given by Ki´tshi Man´idō. The + eight man´idōs around the midē´wigân (Nos. 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, + and 26) were also sent by Ki´tshi Man´idō to guard the lodge against + the entrance of bad spirits. + +A life is represented by the line No. 27, the signification of the short +lines (Nos. 28, 29, 30, and 31) denoting that the course of human +progress is beset by temptations and trials which may be the cause of +one’s departure from such course of conduct as is deemed proper, and the +beliefs taught by the Midē´. When one arrives at middle age (No. 32) his +course for the remaining period of life is usually without any special +events, as indicated by the plain line No. 27, extending from middle age +(No. 32) to the end of one’s existence (No. 33). The short lines at Nos. +28, 29, 30, and 31, indicating departure from the path of propriety, +terminate in rounded spots and signify, literally, “lecture places,” +because when a Midē´ feels himself failing in duty or vacillating in +faith he must renew professions by giving a feast and lecturing to his +confreres, thus regaining his strength to resist evil doing--such as +making use of his powers in harming his kinsmen, teaching that which was +not given him by Ki´tshi Man´idō through Mi´nabō´zho, etc. His heart +must be cleansed and his tongue guarded. + +To resume the tradition of the course pursued by the Otter, Sikas´sigĕ +said: + + The Otter then went round the interior of the Midē´wigân (No. 34), and + finally seated himself in the west, where Mi´nabō´zho shot into his + body the sacred mī´gis, which was in his Midē´ bag. Then Mi´nabō´zho + said, “This is your lodge and you shall own it always (Nos. 35 and + 36), and eight Midē´ Man´idōs (Nos. 19-26) shall guard it during the + night.” + + The Otter was taken to the entrance (No. 37) of the second degree + structure (No. 38), which he saw was guarded by two evil man´idōs + (Nos. 39 and 40), who opposed his progress, but who were driven away + by Mi´nabō´zho. When the Otter entered at the door he beheld the + sacred stone (No. 41) and two posts (Nos. 42, 43), the one nearest to + him being painted red with a green band around the top, and another at + the middle, with a bunch of little feathers upon the top. The other + post (No. 43) was painted red, with only a band of green at the top, + similar to the first degree post. Nos. 44 and 45 are the places where + sacred objects and gifts are placed. This degree of the Midē´wiwin is + guarded at night by twelve Midē´ Man´idōs (Nos. 46 to 57) placed there + by Ki´tshi Man´idō, and the degree is owned by the Thunder Bird as + shown in Nos. 58, 59. + +The circles (Nos. 60, 61, and 62) at either end of the outline of the +structure denoting the degree and beneath it are connected by a line +(No. 63) as in the preceding degree, and are a mere repetition to denote +the course of conduct to be pursued by the Midē´. The points (Nos. 64, +65, 66, and 67), at the termini of the shorter lines, also refer to the +feasts and lectures to be given in case of need. + +To continue the informant’s tradition: + + When the Otter had passed around the interior of the Midē´wigân four + times, he seated himself in the west and faced the degree post, when + Mi´nabō´zho again shot into his body the mī´gis, which gave him + renewed life. Then the Otter was told to take a “sweat bath” once each + day for four successive days, so as to prepare for the next degree. + (This number is indicated at the rounded spots at Nos. 68, 69, 70, + and 71.) + + The third degree of the Midē´wiwin (No. 72) is guarded during the day + by two Midē´ spirits (Nos. 73, 74) near the eastern entrance, and by + the Makwa´ Man´idō within the inclosure (Nos. 75 and 76), and at night + by eighteen Midē´ Man´idōs (Nos. 77 to 94), placed there by Ki´tshi + Man´idō. When the Otter approached the entrance (No. 95) he was again + arrested in his progress by two evil man´idōs (Nos. 96 and 97), who + opposed his admission, but Mi´nibō´zho overcame them and the Otter + entered. Just inside of the door, and on each side, the Otter saw a + post (Nos. 98 and 99), and at the western door or exit two + corresponding posts (Nos. 100 and 101). These symbolized the four legs + of the Makwa´ Man´idō, or Bear Spirit, who is the guardian by day and + the owner of the third degree. The Otter then observed the sacred + stone (No. 102) and the two heaps of sacred objects (Nos. 103 and 104) + which Mi´nabō´zho had deposited, and three degree posts (Nos. 105, + 106, and 107), the first of which (No. 105) was a plain cedar post + with the bark upon it, but sharpened at the top; the second (No. 106), + a red post with a green band round the top and one about the middle, + as in the second degree; and the third a cross (No. 107) painted red, + each of the tips painted green. [The vertical line No. 108 was said to + have no relation to anything connected with the tradition.] After the + Otter had observed the interior of the Midē´wigân he again made four + circuits, after which he took his station in the west, where he seated + himself, facing the sacred degree posts. Then Mi´nabō´zho, for the + third time, shot into his body the mī´gis, thus adding to the powers + which he already possessed, after which he was to prepare for the + fourth degree of the Midē´wiwin. + +Other objects appearing upon the chart were subsequently explained as +follows: + + The four trees (Nos. 109, 110, 111, and 112), one of which is planted + at each of the four corners of the Midē´wigân, are usually cedar, + though pine may be taken as a substitute when the former can not be + had. The repetition of the circles Nos. 113, 114, and 115 and + connecting line No. 116, with the short lines at Nos. 117, 118, 119, + and 120, have the same signification as in the preceding two degrees. + + After the Otter had received the third degree he prepared himself for + the fourth, and highest, by taking a steam bath once a day for four + successive days (Nos. 121, 122, 123, and 124). Then, as he proceeded + toward the Midē´wigân he came to a wig´iwam made of brush (No. 179), + which was the nest of Makwa´ Man´idō, the Bear Spirit, who guarded the + four doors of the sacred structure. + +The four rows of spots have reference to the four entrances of the +Midē´wigân of the fourth degree. The signification of the spots near the +larger circle, just beneath the “Bear’s nest” could not be explained by +Sikas´sigĕ, but the row of spots (No. 117) along the horizontal line +leading to the entrance of the inclosure were denominated steps, or +stages of progress, equal to as many days--one spot denoting one +day--which must elapse before the Otter was permitted to view the +entrance. + + [Illustration: Fig. 4.--Peep-hole post.] + + When the Otter approached the fourth degree (No. 118) he came to a + short post (No. 119) in which there was a small aperture. The post was + painted green on the side from which he approached and red upon the + side toward the Midē´wigân [see Fig. 4.] But before he was permitted + to look through it he rested and invoked the favor of Ki´tshi Man´idō, + that the evil man´idōs might be expelled from his path. Then, when the + Otter looked through the post, he saw that the interior of the + inclosure was filled with Midē´ Man´idos, ready to receive him and to + attend during his initiation. The two Midē´ Man´idos at the outside of + the eastern entrance (Nos. 120 and 121) compelled the evil man´idōs + (Nos. 122 and 123) to depart and permit the Otter to enter at the door + (No. 124). Then the Otter beheld the sacred stone (No. 125) and the + five heaps of sacred objects which Minabō´zho had deposited (Nos. 126, + 127, 128, 129, and 130) near the four degree posts (Nos. 131, 132, + 133, and 134). According to their importance, the first was painted + red, with a green band about the top; the second was painted red, with + two green bands, one at the top and another at the middle; the third + consisted of a cross painted red, with the tips of the arms and the + top of the post painted green; while the fourth was a square post, the + side toward the east being painted white, that toward the south green, + that toward the west red, and that toward the north black. + + The two sets of sticks (Nos. 135 and 136) near the eastern and western + doors represent the legs of Makwa´ Man´idō, the Bear Spirit. When the + Otter had observed all these things he passed round the interior of + the Midē´wigân four times, after which he seated himself in the west, + facing the degree posts, when Mi´nabō´zho approached him and for the + fourth time shot into his body the sacred mī´gis, which gave him life + that will endure always. Then Mi´nabō´zho said to the Otter, “This + degree belongs to Ki´tshi Man´ido, the Great Spirit (Nos. 137 and + 138), who will always be present when you give the sacred rite to any + of your people.” At night the Midē´ Man´idōs (Nos. 139 to 162) will + guard the Midē´wigân, as they are sent by Ki´tshi Man´ido to do so. + The Bear’s nest (Nos. 163 and 164) just beyond the northern and + southern doors (Nos. 165 and 166) of the Midē´wigân are the places + where Makwa´ Man´idō takes his station when guarding the doors. + + Then the Otter made a wig´iwam and offered four prayers (Nos. 167, + 168, 169, and 170) for the rites of the Midē´wiwin, which Ki´tshi + Man´idō had given him. + + [Illustration: Plate VII. + Ojibwa Facial Decoration.] + +The following supplemental explanations were added by Sikas´sigĕ, viz: +The four vertical lines at the outer angles of the lodge structure (Nos. +171, 172, 173, and 174), and four similar ones on the inner corners +(Nos. 175, 176, 177, and 178), represent eight cedar trees planted there +by the Midē´ at the time of preparing the Midē´wigân for the reception +of candidates. The circles Nos. 179, 180, and 181, and the connecting +line, are a reproduction of similar ones shown in the three preceding +degrees, and signify the course of a Midē’s life--that it should be +without fault and in strict accordance with the teachings of the +Midē´wiwin. The short lines, terminating in circles Nos. 182, 183, 184, +and 185, allude to temptations which beset the Midē’s path, and he +shall, when so tempted, offer at these points feasts and lectures, or, +in other words, “professions of faith.” The three lines Nos. 186, 187, +and 188, consisting of four spots each, which radiate from the larger +circle at No. 179 and that before mentioned at No. 116, symbolize the +four bear nests and their respective approaches, which are supposed to +be placed opposite the four doors of the fourth degree; and it is +obligatory, therefore, for a candidate to enter these four doors on +hands and knees when appearing for his initiation and before he finally +waits to receive the concluding portion of the ceremony. + + [Illustration: Fig. 5.--Migration of Âníshinâ´beg.] + +The illustration presented in Fig. 5 is a reduced copy of a drawing made +by Sikas´sigĕ to represent the migration of the Otter toward the west +after he had received the rite of the Midē´wiwin. No. 1 refers to the +circle upon the large chart on Pl. III in A, No. 1, and signifies the +earth’s surface as before described. No. 2 in Fig. 5 is a line +separating the history of the Midē´wiwin from that of the migration as +follows: When the Otter had offered four prayers, as above mentioned, +which fact is referred to by the spot No. 3, he disappeared beneath the +surface of the water and went toward the west, whither the Ani´shinâ´bēg +followed him, and located at Ottawa Island (No. 4). Here they erected +the Midē´wigân and lived for many years. Then the Otter again +disappeared beneath the water, and in a short time reappeared at +A´wiat´ang (No. 5), when the Midē´wigân was again erected and the sacred +rites conducted in accordance with the teachings of Mi´nabō´zho. Thus +was an interrupted migration continued, the several resting places being +given below in their proper order, at each of which the rites of the +Midē´wiwin were conducted in all their purity. The next place to locate +at was Mi´shenama´kinagung-- Mackinaw (No. 6); then Ne´mikung (No. 7); +Kiwe´winang´ (No. 8); Bâwating-- Sault Ste. Marie (No. 9); Tshiwi´towi´ +(No. 10); Nega´wadzhĕ´ŭ-- Sand Mountain (No. 11), northern shore of Lake +Superior; Mi´nisa´wĭk [Mi´nisa´bikkăng]-- Island of rocks (No. 12); +Kawa´sitshĭŭwongk-- Foaming rapids (No. 13); Mush´kisi´wi +[Mash´kisi´bi]-- Bad River (No. 14); Shagawâmikongk-- +Long-sand-bar-beneath-the-surface (No. 15); Wikwe´dâⁿwonggâⁿ-- Sandy Bay +(No. 16); Neâ´shiwikongk-- Cliff Point (No. 17); Netâⁿ´wayaⁿ´sink-- +Little point-of-sand-bar (No. 18); Aⁿ´nibiⁿs-- Little elm tree +(No. 19); Wikup´biⁿmiⁿsh-literally, Little-island-basswood (No. 20); +Makubiⁿ´miⁿsh-- Bear Island (No. 21); Sha´geski´ke´dawan´ga (No. 22); +Ni´wigwas´sikongk-- The place where bark is peeled (No. 23); +Ta´pakwe´ĭkak [Sa´apakwe´shkwaokongk]-- +The-place-where-lodge-bark-is-obtained (No. 24); Ne´uwesak´kudeze´bi +[Ne´wisaku´desi´biⁿ]-- Point-deadwood-timber river (No. 25); +Amini´kanzi´bi [modern name, Âsh´kiba´gisi´bi], given respectively as +Fish spawn River and Green leaf River (No. 26). + +This last-named locality is said to be Sandy Lake, Minnesota, where the +Otter appeared for the last time, and where the Midē´wigân was finally +located. From La Pointe, as well as from Sandy Lake, the Ojibwa claim to +have dispersed in bands over various portions of the territory, as well +as into Wisconsin, which final separation into distinct bodies has been +the chief cause of the gradual changes found to exist in the ceremonies +of the Midē´wiwin. + +According to Sikas´sigĕ, the above account of the initiation of the +Otter, by Mi´nabo´zho, was adopted as the course of initiation by the +Midē´ priests of the Mille Lacs Society, when he himself received the +first degree, 1830. At that time a specific method of facial decoration +was pursued by the priests of the respective degrees (Pl. VI), each +adopting that pertaining to the highest degree to which he was entitled, +viz: + +_First degree._--A broad band of green across the forehead and a narrow +stripe of vermilion across the face, just below the eyes. + +_Second degree._--A narrow stripe of vermilion across the temples, the +eyelids, and the root of the nose, a short distance above which is a +similar stripe of green, then another of vermilion, and above this again +one of green. + +_Third degree._--Red and white spots are daubed all over the face, the +spots being as large as can be made by the finger tips in applying the +colors. + +_Fourth degree._--Two forms of decoration were admissible; for the +first, the face was painted with vermilion, with a stripe of green +extending diagonally across it from the upper part of the left temporal +region to the lower part of the right cheek; for the second, the face +was painted red with two short, horizontal parallel bars of green across +the forehead. Either of these was also employed as a sign of mourning by +one whose son has been intended for the priesthood of the Midē´wiwin, +but special reference to this will be given in connection with the +ceremony of the Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân, or Ghost Society. + +On Pl. VIII is presented a reduced copy of the Midē´ chart made by +Ojibwa, a Midē´ priest of the fourth degree and formerly a member of the +society of the Sandy Lake band of the Mississippi Ojibwa. The +illustration is copied from his own chart which he received in 1833 in +imitation of that owned by his father, Me´toshi´kōⁿsh; and this last +had been received from Lake Superior, presumably La Pointe, many years +before. + +The illustration of the four degrees are here represented in profile, +and shows higher artistic skill than the preceding copies from Red Lake, +and Mille Lacs. + +The information given by Ojibwa, regarding the characters is as follows: + + When Ki´tshi Man´idō had decided to give to the Ani´shinâ´bēg the + rites of the Midē´wiwin, he took his Midē´ drum and sang, calling upon + the other Man´idōs to join him and to hear what he was going to do. + No. 1 represents the abode in the sky of Ki´tshi Man´idō, No. 2, + indicating the god as he sits drumming, No. 3. the small spots + surrounding the drum denoting the mī´gis with which everything about + him is covered. The Midē´ Man´idōs came to him in his Midē´wigân (No. + 4), eleven of which appear upon the inside of that structure, while + the ten--all but himself--upon the outside (Nos. 5 to 14) are + represented as descending to the earth, charged with the means of + conferring upon the Ani´shinâbē´g the sacred rite. In the Midē´wigân + (No. 4) is shown also the sacred post (No. 15) upon which is perched + Kŏ-ko´kŏ-ō--the Owl (No. 16). The line traversing the structure, from + side to side, represents the trail leading through it, while the two + rings (Nos. 17 and 18) upon the right side of the post indicate + respectively the spot where the presents are deposited and the sacred + stone--this according to modern practices. + + When an Indian is prepared to receive the rights of initiation he + prepares a wig´iwam (No. 19) in which he takes a steam bath once each + day for four successive days. The four baths and four days are + indicated by the number of spots at the floor of the lodge, + representing stones. The instructors, employed by him, and the + officiating priests of the society are present, one of which (No. 20) + may be observed upon the left of the wig´iwam in the act of making an + offering of smoke, while the one to the right (No. 21) is drumming and + singing. The four officiating priests are visible to either side of + the candidate within the structure. The wig´iwams (Nos. 22, 23, 24, + and 25) designate the village habitations. + + In the evening of the day preceding the initiation, the candidate (No. + 26) visits his instructor (No. 27) to receive from him final + directions as to the part to be enacted upon the following day. The + candidate is shown in the act of carrying with him his pipe, the + offering of tobacco being the most acceptable of all gifts. His + relatives follow and carry the goods and other presents, some of which + are suspended from the branches of the Midē´ tree (No. 28) near the + entrance of the first degree structure. The instructor’s wig´iwam is + shown at No. 29, the two dark circular spots upon the floor showing + two of the seats, occupied by instructor and pupil. The figure No. 27 + has his left arm elevated, denoting that his conversation pertains to + Ki´tshi Man´idō, while in his right hand he holds his Midē´ drum. Upon + the following morning the Midē´ priests, with the candidate in advance + (No. 30), approach and enter the Midē´wigân and the initiation begins. + No. 31 is the place of the sacred drum and those who are detailed to + employ the drum and rattles, while No. 32 indicates the officiating + priests; No. 33 is the degree post, surmounted by Kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´, the + Owl (No. 34). The post is painted with vermilion, with small white + spots all over its surface, emblematic of the mī´gis shell. The line + (No. 35) extending along the upper portion of the inclosure represents + the pole from which are suspended the robes, blankets, kettles, etc., + which constitute the fee paid to the society for admission. + + This degree is presided over and guarded by the Panther Man´idō. + + When the candidate has been able to procure enough gifts to present to + the society for the second degree, he takes his drum and offers chants + (No. 35) to Ki´tshi Man´idō for success. Ki´tshi Man´idō himself is + the guardian of the second degree and his footprints are shown in No. + 36. No. 37 represents the second degree inclosure, and contains two + sacred posts (Nos. 38 and 39), the first of which is the same as that + of the first degree, the second being painted with white clay, bearing + two bands of vermilion, one about the top and one near the middle. A + small branch near the top is used, after the ceremony is over, to hang + the tobacco pouch on. No. 40 represents the musicians and attendants; + No. 41 the candidate upon his knees; while Nos. 42, 43, 44, and 45 + pictures the officiating priests who surround him. The horizontal pole + (No. 46) has presents of robes, blankets, and kettles suspended from + it. + + When a candidate is prepared to advance to the third degree (No. 47) + he personates Makwa´ Man´idō, who is the guardian of this degree, and + whose tracks (No. 48) are visible. The assistants are visible upon the + interior, drumming and dancing. There are three sacred posts, the + first (No. 49) is black, and upon this is placed Kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´--the + Owl; the second (No. 50) is painted with white clay and has upon the + top the effigy of an owl; while the third (No. 51) is painted with + vermilion, bearing upon the summit the effigy of an Indian. Small + wooden effigies of the human figure are used by the Midē´ in their + tests of the proof of the genuineness and sacredness of their + religion, which tests will be alluded to under another caption. The + horizontal rod (No. 52), extending from one end of the structure to + the other, has suspended from it the blankets and other gifts. + + The guardian of the fourth degree is Maka´no--the Turtle--as he + appears (No. 53) facing the entrance of the fourth degree (No. 54). + Four sacred posts are planted in the fourth degree; the first (No. + 55), being painted white upon the upper half and green upon the lower; + the second (No. 56) similar; the third (No. 57) painted red, with a + black spiral line extending from the top to the bottom, and upon which + is placed Kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´--the Owl; and the fourth (No. 58), a cross, the + arms and part of the trunk of which is white, with red spots--to + designate the sacred mī´gis--the lower half of the trunk cut square, + the face toward the east painted red, the south green, the west white, + and the north black. The spot (No. 59) at the base of the cross + signifies the place of the sacred stone, while the human figures (No. + 60) designate the participants, some of whom are seated near the wall + of the inclosure, whilst others are represented as beating the drum. + Upon the horizontal pole (No. 61) are shown the blankets constituting + gifts to the society. + + [Illustration: Plate VIII. + Ojibwa’s Record.] + +The several specific methods of facial decoration employed (Pl. VII), +according to Ojibwa’s statement, are as follows: + +_First degree._--One stripe of vermilion across the face, from near the +ears across the tip of the nose. + +_Second degree._--One stripe as above, and another across the eyelids, +temples, and the root of the nose. + +_Third degree._--The upper half of the face is painted green and the +lower half red. + +_Fourth degree._--The forehead and left side of the face, from the outer +canthus of the eye downward, is painted green; four spots of vermilion +are made with the tip of the finger upon the forehead and four upon the +green surface of the left cheek. In addition to this, the plumes of the +golden eagle, painted red, are worn upon the head and down the back. +This form of decoration is not absolutely necessary, as the expense of +the “war bonnet” places it beyond the reach of the greater number of +persons. + +Before proceeding further with the explanation of the Mide´ records it +may be of interest to quote the traditions relative to the migration of +the Ani´shinâ´bēg, as obtained by Mr. Warren previous to 1853. In his +reference to observing the rites of initiation he heard one of the +officiating priests deliver “a loud and spirited harangue,” of which the +following words[12] caught his attention: + + “Our forefathers were living on the great salt water toward the rising + sun, the great Megis (seashell) showed itself above the surface of the + great water and the rays of the sun for a long time period were + reflected from its glossy back. It gave warmth and light to the + An-ish-in-aub-ag (red race). All at once it sank into the deep, and + for a time our ancestors were not blessed with its light. It rose to + the surface and appeared again on the great river which drains the + waters of the Great Lakes, and again for a long time it gave life to + our forefathers and reflected back the rays of the sun. Again it + disappeared from sight and it rose not till it appeared to the eyes of + the An-ish-in-aub-ag on the shores of the first great lake. Again it + sank from sight, and death daily visited the wigiwams of our + forefathers till it showed its back and reflected the rays of the sun + once more at Bow-e-ting (Sault Ste. Marie). Here it remained for a + long time, but once more, and for the last time, it disappeared, and + the An-ish-in-aub-ag was left in darkness and misery, till it floated + and once more showed its bright back at Mo-ning-wun-a-kaun-ing (La + Pointe Island), where it has ever since reflected back the rays of the + sun and blessed our ancestors with life, light, and wisdom. Its rays + reach the remotest village of the widespread Ojibways.” As the old man + delivered this talk he continued to display the shell, which he + represented as an emblem of the great megis of which he was speaking. + + A few days after, anxious to learn the true meaning of this allegory, + * * * I requested him to explain to me the meaning of his Me-da-we + harangue. + + After filling his pipe and smoking of the tobacco I had presented he + proceeded to give me the desired information, as follows: + + “My grandson,” said he, “the megis I spoke of means the Me-da-we + religion. Our forefathers, many string of lives ago, lived on the + shores of the great salt water in the east. Here, while they were + suffering the ravages of sickness and death, the Great Spirit, at the + intercession of Man-a-bo-sho, the great common uncle of the + An-ish-in-aub-ag, granted them this rite, wherewith life is restored + and prolonged. Our forefathers moved from the shores of the great + water and proceeded westward. + + “The Me-da-we lodge was pulled down, and it was not again erected till + our forefathers again took a stand on the shores of the great river + where Mo-ne-aung (Montreal) now stands. + + “In the course of time this town was again deserted, and our + forefathers, still proceeding westward, lit not their fires till they + reached the shores of Lake Huron, where again the rites of the + Me-da-we were practiced. + + “Again these rites were forgotten, and the Me-da-we lodge was not + built till the Ojibways found themselves congregated at Bow-e-ting + (outlet of Lake Superior), where it remained for many winters. Still + the Ojibways moved westward, and for the last time the Me-da-we lodge + was erected on the island of La Pointe, and here, long before the pale + face appeared among them, it was practiced in its purest and most + original form. Many of our fathers lived the full term of life granted + to mankind by the Great Spirit, and the forms of many old people were + mingled with each rising generation. This, my grandson, is the meaning + of the words you did not understand; they have been repeated to us by + our fathers for many generations.” + + [Footnote 12: Op. cit., p. 78 et seq.] + +In the explanation of the chart obtained at Red Lake, together with the +tradition, reference to the otter, as being the most sacred emblem of +society, is also verified in a brief notice of a tradition by Mr. +Warren,[13] as follows: + + There is another tradition told by the old men of the Ojibway village + of Fond du Lac, Lake Superior, which tells of their former residence + on the shores of the great salt water. It is, however, so similar in + character to the one I have related that its introduction here would + only occupy unnecessary space. The only difference between the two + traditions is that the otter, which is emblematical of one of the four + Medicine Spirits who are believed to preside over the Midawe rites, is + used in one in the same figurative manner as the seashell is used in + the other, first appearing to the ancient An-ish-in-aub-ag from the + depths of the great salt water, again on the river St. Lawrence, then + on Lake Huron at Sault Ste. Marie, again at La Pointe, but lastly at + Fond du Lac, or end of Lake Superior, where it is said to have forced + the sand bank at the mouth of the St. Louis River. The place is still + pointed out by the Indians where they believe the great otter broke + through. + + [Footnote 13: Op. cit., p. 81.] + +It is affirmed by the Indians that at Sault Ste. Marie some of the +Ojibwa separated from the main body of that tribe and traversed the +country along the northern shore of Lake Superior toward the west. These +have since been known of as the “Bois Forts” (hardwood people or timber +people), other bands being located at Pigeon River, Rainy Lake, etc. +Another separation occurred at La Pointe, one party going toward Fond du +Lac and westward to Red Lake, where they claim to have resided for more +than three hundred years, while the remainder scattered from La Pointe +westward and southwestward, locating at favorable places throughout the +timbered country. This early dismemberment and long-continued separation +of the Ojibwa nation accounts, to a considerable extent, for the several +versions of the migration and the sacred emblems connected with the +Midē´wiwin, the northern bands generally maintaining their faith in +favor of the Otter as the guide, while the southern bodies are almost +entirely supporters of the belief in the great mī´gis. + +On account of the independent operations of the Midē´ priests in the +various settlements of the Ojibwa, and especially because of the slight +intercourse between those of the northern and southern divisions of the +nation, there has arisen a difference in the pictographic representation +of the same general ideas, variants which are frequently not recognized +by Midē´ priests who are not members of the Midē´wiwin in which these +mnemonic charts had their origin. As there are variants in the +pictographic delineation of originally similar ideas, there are also +corresponding variations in the traditions pertaining to them. + + [Illustration: Fig. 6.--Birch-bark record, from White Earth.] + +The tradition relating to Mi´nabō´zho and the sacred objects received +from Ki´tshi Man´idō for the Ani´shinâ´bēg is illustrated in Fig. 6, +which is a reproduction of a chart preserved at White Earth. The record +is read from left to right. No. 1 represents Mi´nabō´zho, who says of +the adjoining characters representing the members of the Midē´wiwin: +“They are the ones, they are the ones, who put into my heart the life.” +Mi´nabō´zho holds in his left hand the sacred Midē´ sack, or +pin-ji´-gu-sân´. Nos. 2 and 3 represent the drummers. At the sound of +the drum all the Midē´ rise and become inspired, because Ki´tshi Man´idō +is then present in the wig´iwam. No. 4 denotes that women also have the +privilege of becoming members of the Midē´wiwin. The figure holds in the +left hand the Midē´ sack, made of a snake skin. No. 5 represents the +Tortoise, the guardian spirit who was the giver of some of the sacred +objects used in the rite. No. 6, the Bear, also a benevolent Man´idō, +but not held in so great veneration as the Tortoise. His tracks are +visible in the Midē´wiwin. No. 7, the sacred Midē´ sack or +pin-ji´-gu-sân´, which contains life, and can be used by the Midē´ to +prolong the life of a sick person. No. 8 represents a Dog, given by the +Midē´ Man´idōs to Mi´nabō´zho as a companion. + +Such was the interpretation given by the owner of the chart, but the +informant was unconsciously in error, as has been ascertained not only +from other Midē´ priests consulted with regard to the true meaning, but +also in the light of later information and research in the +exemplification of the ritual of the Midē´wiwin. + +Mi´nabō´zho did not receive the rite from any Midē´ priests (Nos. 2 and +5), but from Ki´tshi Man´idō. Women are not mentioned in any of the +earlier traditions of the origin of the society, neither was the dog +given to Mi´nabō´zho, but Mi´nabō´zho gave it to the Ani´shinâ´bēg. + +The chart, therefore, turns out to be a mnemonic song similar to others +to be noted hereafter, and the owner probably copied it from a chart in +the possession of a stranger Midē´, and failed to learn its true +signification, simply desiring it to add to his collection of sacred +objects and to gain additional respect from his confrères and admirers. + + [Illustration: Fig. 7.--Birch-bark record, from Red Lake.] + + [Illustration: Fig. 8.--Birch-bark record, from Red Lake.] + +Two similar and extremely old birch-bark mnemonic songs were found in +the possession of a Midē´ at Red Lake. The characters upon these are +almost identical, one appearing to be a copy of the other. These are +reproduced in Figs. 7 and 8. By some of the Midē´ Esh´gibō´ga takes the +place of Mi´nabō´zho as having originally received the Midē´wiwin from +Ki´tshi Man´idō, but it is believed that the word is a synonym or a +substitute based upon some reason to them inexplicable. These figures +were obtained in 1887, and a brief explanation of them given in the +American Anthropologist.[14] At that time I could obtain but little +direct information from the owners of the records, but it has since been +ascertained that both are mnemonic songs pertaining to Mi´nabō´zho, or +rather Eshgibō´ga, and do not form a part of the sacred records of the +Midē´wiwin, but simply the pictographic representation of the +possibilities and powers of the alleged religion. The following +explanation of Figs. 7 and 8 is reproduced from the work just cited. A +few annotations and corrections are added. The numbers apply equally to +both illustrations: + + No. 1, represents Esh´gibō´ga, the great uncle of the Ani´shinâ´bēg, + and receiver of the Midē´wiwin. + + No. 2, the drum and drumsticks used by Esh´gibō´ga. + + No. 3, a bar or rest, denoting an interval of time before the song is + resumed. + + No. 4, the pin-ji´-gu-sân´ or sacred Midē´ sack. It consists of an + otter skin, and is the mī´gis or sacred symbol of the Midē´wigân. + + No. 5. a Midē´ priest, the one who holds the mī´gis while chanting the + Midē´ song in the Midē´wigân. He is inspired, as indicated by the + line extending from the heart to the mouth. + + No. 6, denotes that No. 5 is a member of the Midē´wiwin. This + character, with the slight addition of lines extending upward from + the straight top line, is usually employed by the more southern + Ojibwa to denote the wig´iwam of a Jĕss´akkīd´, or jugglery. + + No. 7, is a woman, and signifies that women may also be admitted to + the Midē´wiwin. + + No. 8, a pause or rest. + + No. 9, a snake-skin pin-ji´-gu-sân´ possessing the power of giving + life. This power is indicated by the lines radiating from the head, + and the back of the skin. + + No. 10, represents a woman. + + No. 11, is another illustration of the mī´gis, or otter. + + No. 12, denotes a priestess who is inspired, as shown by the line + extending from the heart to the mouth in Fig. 7, and simply showing + the heart in Fig. 6. In the latter she is also empowered to cure + with magic plants. + + No. 13, in Fig. 7, although representing a Midē´ priest, no + explanation was given. + + [Footnote 14: Vol. 1, No. 3, 1888, p. 216, Figs. 2 and 3.] + + [Illustration: Fig. 9.--Esh´gibō´ga.] + +Fig. 9 is presented as a variant of the characters shown in No. 1 of +Figs. 7 and 8. The fact that this denotes the power of curing by the use +of magic plants would appear to indicate an older and more appropriate +form than the delineation of the bow and arrows, as well as being more +in keeping with the general rendering of the tradition. + + +MIDĒ´WIGÂN. + +Initiation into the Midē´wiwin or Midē´ Society is, at this time, +performed during the latter part of summer. The ceremonies are performed +in public, as the structure in which they are conducted is often loosely +constructed of poles with intertwined branches and leaves, leaving the +top almost entirely exposed, so that there is no difficulty in observing +what may transpire within. Furthermore, the ritual is unintelligible to +the uninitiated, and the important part of the necessary information is +given to the candidate in a preceptor’s wig´iwam. + +To present intelligibly a description of the ceremonial of initiation as +it occurred at White Earth, Minnesota, it will be necessary to first +describe the structure in which it occurs, as well as the sweat lodge +with which the candidate has also to do. + + [Illustration: Fig. 10.--Diagram of Midē´wigân of the first degree.] + +The Midē´wigân, i.e., Midē´wig´iwam, or, as it is generally designated +“Grand Medicine Lodge,” is usually built in an open grove or clearing; +it is a structure measuring about 80 feet in length by 20 in width, +extending east and west with the main entrance toward that point of the +compass at which the sun rises. The walls consist of poles and saplings +from 8 to 10 feet high, firmly planted in the ground, wattled with short +branches and twigs with leaves. In the east and west walls are left open +spaces, each about 4 feet wide, used as entrances to the inclosure. From +each side of the opening the wall-like structure extends at right angles +to the end wall, appearing like a short hallway leading to the +inclosure, and resembles double doors opened outward. Fig. 10 represents +a ground plan of the Midē´wigân, while Fig. 11 shows an interior view. +Saplings thrown across the top of the structure serve as rafters, upon +which are laid branches with leaves, and pieces of bark, to sufficiently +shade the occupants from the rays of the sun. Several saplings extend +across the inclosure near the top, while a few are attached to these so +as to extend longitudinally, from either side of which presents of +blankets, etc., may be suspended. About 10 feet from the main entrance a +large flattened stone, measuring more than a foot in diameter, is placed +upon the ground. This is used when subjecting to treatment a patient; +and at a corresponding distance from the western door is planted the +sacred Midē´ post of cedar, that for the first degree being about 7 feet +in height and 6 or 8 inches in diameter. It is painted red, with a band +of green 4 inches wide around the top. Upon the post is fixed the +stuffed body of an owl. Upon that part of the floor midway between the +stone and the Midē´ post is spread a blanket, upon which the gifts and +presents to the society are afterward deposited. A short distance from +each of the outer angles of the structure are planted cedar or pine +trees, each about 10 feet in height. + + [Illustration: Fig. 11.--Interior of Midē´wigân.] + +About a hundred yards east of the main entrance is constructed a +wig´iwam or sweat lodge, to be used by the candidate, both to take his +vapor baths and to receive final instructions from his preceptor. + +This wig´iwam is dome-shaped measures about 10 feet in diameter and 6 +feet high in the middle, with an opening at the top which can be readily +covered with a piece of bark. The framework of the structure consists of +saplings stuck into the ground, the tops being bent over to meet others +from the opposite side. Other thin saplings are then lashed horizontally +to the upright ones so as to appear like hoops, decreasing in size as +the summit is reached. They are secured by using strands of basswood +bark. The whole is then covered with pieces of birchbark--frequently the +bark of the pine is used--leaving a narrow opening on the side facing +the Midē´wigân, which may be closed with an adjustable flap of bark or +blankets. + +The space between the Midē´wigân and the sweat lodge must be kept clear +of other temporary shelters, which might be placed there by some of the +numerous visitors attending the ceremonies. + + +FIRST DEGREE. + +PREPARATORY INSTRUCTION. + +When the candidate’s application for reception into the Midē´wiwin has +been received by one of the officiating priests, he calls upon the three +assisting Midē´, inviting them to visit him at his own wig´iwam at a +specified time. When the conference takes place, tobacco, which has been +previously furnished by the candidate, is distributed and a smoke +offering made to Ki´tshi Man´idō, to propitiate his favor in the +deliberations about to be undertaken. The host then explains the object +of the meeting, and presents to his auditors an account of the +candidate’s previous life; he recounts the circumstances of his fast and +dreams, and if the candidate is to take the place of a lately deceased +son who had been prepared to receive the degree, the fact is mentioned, +as under such circumstances the forms would be different from the +ordinary method of reception into the society. The subject of presents +and gifts to the individual members of the society, as well as those +intended to be given as a fee to the officiating priests, is also +discussed; and lastly, if all things are favorable to the applicant, the +selection of an instructor or preceptor is made, this person being +usually appointed from among these four priests. + +When the conference is ended the favorable decision is announced to the +applicant, who acknowledges his pleasure by remitting to each of the +four priests gifts of tobacco. He is told what instructor would be most +acceptable to them, when he repairs to the wig´iwam of the person +designated and informs him of his wish and the decision of the Midē´ +council. + +The designated preceptor arranges with his pupil to have certain days +upon which the latter is to call and receive instruction and acquire +information. The question of remuneration being settled, tobacco is +furnished at each sitting, as the Midē´ never begins his lecture until +after having made a smoke-offering, which is done by taking a whiff and +pointing the stem to the east; then a whiff, directing the stem to the +south; another whiff, directing the stem to the west; then a whiff and a +similar gesture with the stem to the north; another whiff is taken +slowly and with an expression of reverence, when the stem is pointed +forward and upward as an offering to Ki´tshi Man´idō; and finally, after +taking a similar whiff, the stem is pointed forward and downward toward +the earth as an offering to Nokō´mis, the grandmother of the universe, +and to those who have passed before. After these preliminaries, the +candidate receives at each meeting only a small amount of information, +because the longer the instruction is continued daring the season before +the meeting at which it is hoped the candidate may be admitted the +greater will be the fees; and also, in order that the instruction may be +looked upon with awe and reverence, most of the information imparted is +frequently a mere repetition, the ideas being clothed in ambiguous +phraseology. The Midē´ drum (Fig. 12 _a_) differs from the drum commonly +used in dances (Fig. 12 _b_) in the fact that it is cylindrical, +consisting of an elongated kettle or wooden vessel, or perhaps a section +of the hollow trunk of a tree about 10 inches in diameter and from 18 to +20 inches in length, over both ends of which rawhide is stretched while +wet, so that upon drying the membrane becomes hard and tense, producing, +when beaten, a very hard, loud tone, which may be heard at a great +distance. + + [Illustration: Fig. 12.--Ojibwa drums.] + +Frequently, however, water is put into the bottom of the drum and the +drum-head stretched across the top in a wet state, which appears to +intensify the sound very considerably. + +The peculiar and special properties of the drum are described to the +applicant; that it was at first the gift of Ki´tshi Man´idō, who gave it +through the intercession of Mi´nabō´zho; that it is used to invoke the +presence of the Midē´ Man´idōs, or sacred spirits, when seeking +direction as to information desired, success, etc.; that it is to be +employed at the side of the sick to assist in the expulsion or exorcism +of evil man´idōs who may possess the body of the sufferer; and that it +is to be used in the. Midē´wigân during the initiation of new members or +the advancement of a Midē´ from a degree to a higher one. + + [Illustration: Fig. 13.--Midē´ rattle.] + +The properties of the rattle are next enumerated and recounted, its +origin is related, and its uses explained. It is used at the side of a +patient and has even more power in the expulsion of evil demons than the +drum. The rattle is also employed in some of the sacred songs as an +accompaniment, to accentuate certain notes and words. There are two +forms used, one consisting of a cylindrical tin box filled with grains +of corn or other seeds (Fig. 13), the other being a hollow gourd also +filled with seed (Fig. 14). In both of these the handle passes entirely +through the rattle case. + + [Illustration: Fig. 14.--Midē´ rattle.] + +In a similar manner the remaining gifts of Mi´nabō´zho are instanced and +their properties extolled. + +The mī´gis, a small white shell (Cypræa moneta L.) is next extracted +from the Midē´ sack, or pinji´gusân´. This is explained as being the +sacred emblem of the Midē´wiwin, the reason therefor being given in the +account of the several traditions presented in connection with Pls. III, +IV, and VIII. This information is submitted in parts, so that the +narrative of the history connected with either of the records is +extended over a period of time to suit the preceptor’s plans and +purposes. The ceremony of shooting the mī´gis (see Fig. 15) is explained +on page 215. + + [Illustration: Fig. 15.--Shooting the mī´gis.] + +As time progresses the preceptor instructs his pupil in Midē´ songs, +i.e., he sings to him songs which form a part of his stock in trade, and +which are alleged to be of service on special occasions, as when +searching for medicinal plants, hunting, etc. The pupil thus acquires a +comprehension of the method of preparing and reciting songs, which +information is by him subsequently put to practical use in the +composition and preparation of his own songs, the mnemonic characters +employed being often rude copies of those observed upon the charts of +his preceptor, but the arrangement thereof being original. + +It is for this reason that a Midē´ is seldom, if ever, able to recite +correctly any songs but his own, although he may be fully aware of the +character of the record and the particular class of service in which it +may be employed. In support of this assertion several songs obtained at +Red Lake and imperfectly explained by “Little Frenchman” and “Leading +Feather,” are reproduced in Pl. XXII, A B, page 292. + +From among the various songs given by my preceptor are selected and +presented herewith those recognized by him as being part of the ritual. +The greater number of songs are mere repetitions of short phrases, and +frequently but single words, to which are added meaningless sounds or +syllables to aid in prolonging the musical tones, and repeated ad +libitum in direct proportion to the degree of inspiration in which the +singer imagines himself to have attained. These frequent outbursts of +singing are not based upon connected mnemonic songs preserved upon birch +bark, but they consist of fragments or selections of songs which have +been memorized, the selections relating to the subject upon which the +preceptor has been discoursing, and which undoubtedly prompts a rythmic +vocal equivalent. These songs are reproduced on Pl. IX, A, B, C. The +initial mnemonic characters pertaining to each word or phrase of the +original text are repeated below in regular order with translations in +English, together with supplemental notes explanatory of the characters +employed. The musical notation is not presented, as the singing consists +of a monotonous repetition of four or five notes in a minor key; +furthermore, a sufficiently clear idea of this may be formed by +comparing some of the Midē´ songs presented in connection with the +ritual of initiation and preparation of medicines. The first of the +songs given herewith (Pl. IX, A) pertains to a request to Ki´tshi +Man´idō that clear weather may be had for the day of ceremonial, and +also an affirmation to the candidate that the singer’s words are a +faithful rendering of his creed. + + [Illustration: Plate IX. + Mnemonic Songs.] + +Each of the phrases is repeated before advancing to the next, as often +as the singer desires and in proportion to the amount of reverence and +awe with which he wishes to impress his hearer. There is usually a brief +interval between each of the phrases, and a longer one at the appearance +of a vertical line, denoting a rest, or pause. One song may occupy, +therefore, from fifteen minutes to half an hour. + + [Illustration] + Ki-ne´-na-wi´-´in mani´-i-dō´-ye-win. + I rock you, you that are a spirit. + [A midē’s head, the lines denoting voice or speech--i.e., singing + of sacred things, as the loops or circles at the ends of each line + indicate.] + + [Illustration] + Kí-zhĭk-ki-wĭn´-da-mūn´. + The sky I tell you. + [The otter skin medicine sack, and arm reaching to procure something + therefrom.] + + [Illustration] + O-we-nen´; hwīn´. + Who is it, who? + [The mī´gis shell; the sacred emblem of the Midē´wiwin.] + + [Illustration] + Wi´-dzhĭ-i-nan´. + The man helping me. + [A man walking, the Midē´ Man´idō or Sacred Spirit.] + + [Illustration] + Nu-waⁿ´-ni-ma´na nin-guĭs´? + Have I told the truth to my son? + [The bear going to the Midē´wigan, and takes with him life to the + Ani´shinâ´bēg.] + + [Illustration] + Rest. + + [Illustration] + Ni´-nīn-dē´, a´-ya´. + My heart, I am there (in the fullness of my heart). + [My heart; knows all Midē´ secrets, sensible one.] + + [Illustration] + A´-ni-na´-nĕsh-mi´-ĭ-an ni´-na´-wĭ-tō´. + I follow with my arms. + [Arms extended to take up “medicine” or Midē´ secrets.] + + [Illustration] + Man´-i-dō´-wi-an´ nĭ-me´-shine´-mi´-an. + Knowledge comes from the heart, the heart reaches to sources of + “medicine” in the earth. + [A Midē´ whose heart’s desires and knowledge extend to the + secrets of the earth. The lines diverging toward the earth + denote direction.] + + [Illustration] + We´-gi-kwō´ Kĕ-mī´-nĭ-nan´? From whence comes the rain? + [The power of making a clear sky, i.e., weather.] + + [Illustration] + Mi-shŏk´ kwōt´, dzhe-man´-i-dō´-yan. + The sky, nevertheless, may be clear, Good Spirit. + [Giving life to the sick; Dzhe Man´idō handing it to the Midē´.] + + [Illustration] + Wi´-ka-ka-nŭn´-ĕ-nan. + Very seldom I make this request of you. + [The Good Spirit filling the body of the supplicant with knowledge + of secrets of the earth.] + +In the following song (Pl. IX, B), the singer relates to the candidate +the gratitude which he experiences for the favors derived from the Good +Spirit; he has been blessed with knowledge of plants and other sacred +objects taken from the ground, which knowledge has been derived by his +having himself become a member of the Midē´wiwin, and hence urges upon +the candidate the great need of his also continuing in the course which +he has thus far pursued. + + [Illustration] + Na-witsh´-tshi na-kŭm´-i-en a-na´-pi-aⁿ´? + When I am out of hearing, where am I? + [The lines extending from the ears denote hearing; the arms directed + toward the right and left, being the gesture of negation, usually + made by throwing the hands outward and away from the front of the + body.] + + [Illustration] + We´-nen-ne´ en´-da-yan. + In my house, I see. + [Sight is indicated by the lines extending from the eyes; the horns + denote superiority of the singer.] + + [Illustration] + Mo-kī´-yan-na´-a-witsh´-i-gūm´-mi. + When I rise it gives me life, and I take it. + [The arm reaches into the sky to receive the gifts which are handed + down by the Good Spirit. The short transverse line across the + forearm indicates the arch of the sky, this line being an + abbreviation of the curve usually employed to designate the same + idea.] + + [Illustration] + Wen´-dzhi-ba´-pi-aⁿ´. + The reason why I am happy. + [Asking the Spirit for life, which is granted. The singer’s body is + filled with the heart enlarged, i.e., fullness of heart, the lines + from the mouth denoting abundance of voice or grateful utterances-- + singing.] + + [Illustration (two vertical lines) missing] + Rest. + + [Illustration] + Zha´-zha-bui´-ki-bi-nan´ wig´-ĕ-wâm´. + The Spirit says there is plenty of “medicine” in the Midē´ wig´iwam. + [Two superior spirits, Ki´tshi Man´idō and Dzhe Man´idō, whose + bodies are surrounded by “lines of sacredness,” tell the Midē´ where + the mysterious remedies are to be found. The vertical waving lines + are the lines indicating these communications; the horizontal line, + at the bottom, is the earth’s surface.]. + + [Illustration] + Ya-hō´-hon-ni´-yŏ. + The Spirit placed medicine in the ground, let us take it. + [The arm of Ki´tshi Man´idō put into the ground sacred plants, etc., + indicated by the spots at different horizons in the earth. The short + vertical and waving lines denote sacredness of the objects.] + + [Illustration] + Ní-wo´-we-nī´-nan ki´-bi-do-naⁿ´. + I am holding this that I bring to you. + [The singer sits in the Midē´wiwin, and offers the privilege of + entrance, by initiation, to the hearer.] + + [Illustration] + Midē´ nĭ-ka´-năk kish´-o-wĕ´-ni-mĭ-ko´. + I have found favor in the eyes of my midē´ friends. + [The Good Spirit has put life into the body of the singer, as + indicated by the two mysterious arms reaching towards his body, + i.e., the heart, the seat of life.] + +In the following song (Pl. IX, C), the preceptor appears to feel +satisfied that the candidate is prepared to receive the initiation, +and therefore tells him that the Midē´ Man´idō announces to him the +assurance. The preceptor therefore encourages his pupil with promises +of the fulfillment of his highest desires. + + [Illustration] + Ba´-dzhĭ-ke´-o gi´-mand ma-bis´-in-dâ´-ă. + I hear the spirit speaking to us. + [The Midē´ singer is of superior power, as designated by the horns + and apex upon his head. The lines from the ears indicate hearing.] + + [Illustration] + Kwa-yăk´-in dī´-sha in-dâ´-yaⁿ. + I am going into the medicine lodge. + [The Midē´wigân is shown with a line through it to signify that he + is going through it, as in the initiation.] + + [Illustration] + Kwe´-tshĭ-ko-wa´-ya ti´-na-man. + I am taking (gathering) medicine to make me live. + [The discs indicate sacred objects within reach of the speaker.] + + [Illustration] + O´-wi-yo´-in en´-do-ma mâk´-kwin-ĕn´-do-ma´. + I give you medicine, and a lodge, also. + [The Midē´, as the personator of Makwa´ Man´idō, is empowered to + offer this privilege to the candidate.] + + [Illustration] + O-wē´-nĕn bĕ-mī´-sĕt. + I am flying into my lodge. + [Represents the Thunder-Bird, a deity flying into the arch of the + sky. The short lines denote the (so-called spirit lines) abode of + spirits or Man´idōs.] + + [Illustration] + Na-nī-ne kwe-wē´-an. + The Spirit has dropped medicine from the sky where we can get it. + [The line from the sky, diverging to various points, indicates that + the sacred objects occur in scattered places.] + + [Illustration] + Nē´-wōdē´-ē´. + I have the medicine in my heart. + [The singer’s body--i.e., heart--is filled with knowledge relating + to sacred medicines from the earth.] + + +MIDĒ´ THERAPEUTICS. + +During the period of time in which the candidate is instructed in the +foregoing traditions, myths, and songs the subject of Midē´ plants is +also discussed. The information pertaining to the identification and +preparation of the various vegetable substances is not imparted in +regular order, only one plant or preparation, or perhaps two, being +enlarged upon at a specified consultation. It may be that the candidate +is taken into the woods where it is known that a specified plant or tree +may be found, when a smoke offering is made before the object is pulled +out of the soil, and a small pinch of tobacco put into the hole in the +ground from which it was taken. This is an offering to Noko´mis--the +earth, the grandmother of mankind--for the benefits which are derived +from her body where they were placed by Ki´tshi Man´idō. + +In the following list are presented, as far as practicable, the +botanical and common names of these, there being a few instances in +which the plants were not to be had, as they were foreign to that +portion of Minnesota in which the investigations were made; a few of +them, also, were not identified by the preceptors, as they were out of +season. + +It is interesting to note in this list the number of infusions and +decoctions which are, from a medical and scientific standpoint, specific +remedies for the complaints for which they are recommended. It is +probable that the long continued intercourse between the Ojibwa and the +Catholic Fathers, who were tolerably well versed in the ruder forms of +medication, had much to do with improving an older and purely aboriginal +form of practicing medical magic. In some of the remedies mentioned +below there may appear to be philosophic reasons for their +administration, but upon closer investigation it has been learned that +the cure is not attributed to a regulation or restoration of functional +derangement, but to the removal or even expulsion of malevolent +beings--commonly designated as bad Man´idōs--supposed to have taken +possession of that part of the body in which such derangement appears +most conspicuous. Further reference to the mythic properties of some of +the plants employed will be made at the proper time. + +Although the word Mashki kiwa´buⁿ--medicine broth--signifies liquid +medical preparations, the term is usually employed in a general sense to +pertain to the entire materia medica; and in addition to the alleged +medicinal virtues extolled by the preceptors, certain parts of the trees +and plants enumerated are eaten on account of some mythic reason, or +employed in the construction or manufacture of habitations, utensils, +and weapons, because of some supposed supernatural origin or property, +an explanation of which they have forgotten. + + _Pinus strobus_, L. White Pine. Zhingwâk´. + + 1. The leaves are crushed and applied to relieve headache; also + boiled; after which they are put into a small hole in the ground + and hot stones placed therein to cause a vapor to ascend, which + is inhaled to cure backache. + + The fumes of the leaves heated upon a stone or a hot iron pan are + inhaled to cure headache. + + 2. Gum; chiefly used to cover seams of birch-bark canoes. The gum is + obtained by cutting a circular band of bark from the trunk, upon + which it is then scraped and boiled down to proper consistence. + The boiling was formerly done in clay vessels. + + _Pinus resinosa_, Ait. Red Pine; usually, though erroneously, termed + Norway Pine. Pŏkgwĕ´nagē´mŏk. + + Used as the preceding. + + _Abies balsamea_, Marshall. Balsam Fir. Ini´nandŏk. + + 1. The bark is scraped from the trunk and a decoction thereof is + used to induce diaphoresis. + + 2. The gum, which is obtained from the vesicles upon the bark, and + also by skimming it from the surface of the water in which the + crushed bark is boiled, is carried in small vessels and taken + internally as a remedy for gonorrhoea and for soreness of the + chest resulting from colds. + + 3. Applied externally to sores and cuts. + + _Abies alba_, Michx. White Spruce. Sĕ´ssēgân´dŏk. The split + roots--wadŏb´-are used for sewing; the wood for the inside timbers + of canoes. + + _Abies nigra_, Poir. Black Spruce. A´mikwan´dŏk. + + 1. The leaves and crushed bark are used to make a decoction, and + sometimes taken as a substitute in the absence of pines. + + 2. Wood used in manufacture of spear handles. + + _Abies Canadensis_, Michx. Hemlock. Gaga´īⁿwuⁿsh-- “Raven Tree.” + + Outer bark powdered and crushed and taken internally for the cure of + diarrhea. Usually mixed with other plants not named. + + _Larix Americana_, Michx. Tamarack. Mŏsh´kīkiwa´dik. + + 1. Crushed leaves and bark used as Pinus strobus. + + 2. Gum used in mending boats. + + 3. Bark used for covering wig´iwams. + + _Cupressus thyoides_, L. White Cedar. Gi´zhĭk-- “Day.” + + 1. Leaves crushed and used as Pinus strobus. The greater the variety + of leaves of coniferæ the better. The spines of the leaves exert + their prickly influence through the vapor upon the demons + possessing the patient’s body. + + 2. The timber in various forms is used in the construction of canoe + and lodge frames, the bark being frequently employed in roofing + habitations. + + _Juniperus Virginiana_, L. Red Cedar. Muskwa´wâ´ak. + + Bruised leaves and berries are used internally to remove headache. + + _Quercus alba_, L. White Oak. Mītig´ōmish´. + + 1. The bark of the root and the inner bark scraped from the trunk is + boiled and the decoction used internally for diarrhea. + + 2. Acorns eaten raw by children, and boiled or dried by adults. + + _Quercus rubra_, L. Red Oak. Wisug´emītig´omish´-- “Bitter Acorn + Tree.” + + Has been used as a substitute for Q. alba. + + _Acer saccharinum_, Wang. Sugar Maple. Innīnâ´tik. + + 1. Decoction of the inner bark is used for diarrhea. + + 2. The sap boiled in making sirup and sugar. + + 3. The wood valued for making arrow shafts. + + _Acer nigrum_, Michx. Black Sugar Maple. Iskig´omeaush´-- + “Sap-flows-fast.” + + Arbor liquore abundans, ex quo liquor tanquam urina vehementer + projicitur. + + Sometimes used as the preceding. + + _Betula excelsa_, Ait. Yellow Birch. Wi´nnis´sik. + + The inner bark is scraped off, mixed with that of the Acer + saccharinum, and the decoction taken as a diuretic. + + _Betula papyracea_, Ait. White Birch. Wīgwas´. + + Highly esteemed, and employed for making records, canoes, + syrup-pans, mōkoks´--or sugar boxes--etc. The record of the + Midē´wiwin, given by Minabō´zho, was drawn upon this kind of bark. + + _Populus monilifera_, Ait. Cottonwood. Mâ´nâsâ´ti. + + The cotton down is applied to open sores as an absorbent. + + _Populus balsamifera_, L. Balsam Poplar. Asa´dĭ. + + 1. The bark is peeled from the branches and the gum collected and + eaten. + + 2. Poles are used in building ordinary shelter lodges, and + particularly for the Midē´wigân. + + _Juglans nigra_, L. Black Walnut. Paga´nŏk-- “Nut wood.” + + Walnuts are highly prized; the green rind of the unripe fruit is + sometimes employed in staining or dyeing. + + _Smilacina racemosa_, Desf. False Spikenard. Kinē´bigwŏshk-- “Snake + weed or Snake Vine.” + + 1. Warm decoction of leaves used by lying-in women. + + 2. The roots are placed upon a red-hot stone, the patient, with a + blanket thrown over his head, inhaling the fumes, to relieve + headache. + + 3. Fresh leaves are crushed and applied to cuts to stop bleeding. + + _Helianthus occidentalis_, Riddell. Sunflower. Pŭkite´wŭbbŏkuⁿs´. + + The crushed root is applied to bruises and contusions. + + _Polygala senega_, L. Seneca Snakeroot. Winis´sikēⁿs´. + + 1. A decoction of the roots is used for colds and cough. + + 2. An infusion of the leaves is given for sore throat; also to + destroy water-bugs that have been swallowed. + + _Rubus occidentalis_, L. Black Raspberry. Makadē´mĭskwi´minŏk-- + “Black Blood Berry.” + + A decoction made of the crushed roots is taken to relieve pains in + the stomach. + + _Rubus strigosus_, Michx. Wild Red Raspberry. Miskwi´minŏk´-- “Blood + Berry.” + + The roots are sometimes used as a substitute for the preceding. + + _Gaylussacia resinosa_, Torr. and Gr. Huckleberry. Mī´nŭn. + + Forms one of the chief articles of trade during the summer. The + berry occupies a conspicuous place in the myth of the “Road of + the Dead,” referred to in connection with the “Ghost Society.” + + _Prunus Virginiana_, L. Choke Cherry. Sisaⁿ´wemi´nakŏâⁿsh´. + + 1. The branchlets are used for making an ordinary drink; used also + during gestation. + + 2. The fruit is eaten. + + _Prunus serotina_, Ehrhart. Wild Black Cherry. Okwē´mĭsh-- “Scabby + Bark.” + + 1. The inner bark is applied to external sores, either by first + boiling, bruising, or chewing it. + + 2. An infusion of the inner bark is sometimes given to relieve pains + and soreness of the chest. + + _Prunus Pennsylvanica_, L. Wild Red Cherry. Kusigwa´kumi´nŏk. + + 1. A decoction of the crushed root is given for pains and other + stomach disorders. + + 2. Fruit is eaten and highly prized. + + 3. This, believed to be synonymous with the June Cherry of + Minnesota, is referred to in the myths and ceremonies of the + “Ghost Society.” + + _Prunus Americana_, Marsh. Wild Plum. Bogē´sanŏk. + + The small rootlets, and the bark of the larger ones, are crushed and + boiled together with the roots of the following named plants, as a + remedy for diarrhea. The remaining plants were not in bloom at the + time during which the investigations were made, and therefore were + not identified by the preceptors, they being enabled to furnish + only the names and an imperfect description. They are as follows, + viz: Minēⁿ´sŏk, two species, one with red berries, the other with + yellow ones; Wabō´sōminī´sŏk-- “Rabbit berries”; Shi´gwanau´isŏk, + having small red berries; and Cratægus coccinea, + L. Scarlet-fruited Thorn. O´ginīk. + + _Typha latifolia_, L. Common Cat-tail. Napŏgŭshk-- “Flat grass.” + + The roots are crushed by pounding or chewing, and applied as a + poultice to sores. + + _Sporobolus heterolepis_ Gr. Napŏ´gŭshkūⁿs´-- “Little Flat Grass.” + + 1. Used sometimes as a substitute for the preceding. + + 2. Roots are boiled and the decoction taken to induce emesis, “to + remove bile.” + + _Fragaria vesca_, L. Wild Strawberry. Odē īmĭn´nĕ-- Heart Berry. + + Referred to in the ceremony of the “Ghost Society.” + + The fruit is highly valued as a luxury. + + _Acer Pennsylvanicum_, L. Striped Maple. Mōⁿ´zomĭsh´-- “Moose Wood.” + + The inner bark scraped from four sticks or branches, each two feet + long, is put into a cloth and boiled, the liquid which can + subsequently be pressed out of the bag is swallowed, to act as + an emetic. + + _Fraxinus sambucifolia_, Lam. Black or Water Ash. A´gimak´. + + 1. The inner bark is soaked in warm water, and the liquid applied to + sore eyes. + + 2. The wood is employed in making the rims for frames of snow-shoes. + + _Veronica Virginica_, L. Culver’s Root. Wi´sŏgedzhi´bik-- “Bitter + Root.” + + A decoction of the crushed root is taken as a purgative. + + _Salix Candida_, Willd. Hoary Willow. Sisi´gobe´mĭsh. + + The thick inner bark of the roots is scraped off, boiled, and the + decoction taken for cough. + + _Symphoricarpos vulgaris_, Michx. Indian Currant. Gus´sigwaka´mĭsh. + + The inner bark of the root boiled and the decoction, when cold, + applied to sore eyes. + + _Geum strictum_, Ait. Aven. Ne´bone´ankwe´âk-- “Hair on one side.” + + The roots are boiled and a weak decoction taken internally for + soreness in the chest, and cough. + + _Rumex crispus_, L. Curled Dock. O´zabetshi´wĭk. + + The roots are bruised or crushed and applied to abrasions, sores, + etc. + + _Amorpha canescens_, Nutt. Lead Plant. We´abŏnag´kak-- “That which + turns white.” + + A decoction, made of the roots, is used for pains in the stomach. + _Rosa blanda_, Ait. Early Wild Rose. O´ginīk. + + A piece of root placed in lukewarm water, after which the liquid is + applied to inflamed eyes. + + _Anemone_ (_sp.?_) Anemone. Wisŏg´ibŏk´; also called Hartshorn plant + by the mixed-bloods of Minnesota. + + The dry leaves are powdered and used as an errhine, for the cure of + headache. + + (_Gen. et sp. ?_) Termed Kine´bĭk waⁿsh´koⁿs and “Snake weed.” + + This plant was unfortunately so injured in transportation that + identification was impossible. Ball-players and hunters use it + to give them endurance and speed; the root is chewed when + necessary to possess these qualities. The root is likened to a + snake, which is supposed to be swift in motion and possessed of + extraordinary muscular strength. + + _Rhus_ (_aromatica_, Ait. ?) “White Sumac.” Bŏkkwan´ībŏk. + + Roots are boiled, with those of the following named plant, and the + decoction taken to cure diarrhea. + + (_Gen. et sp. ?_) Ki´tshiodēiminibŏk-- “Big Heart Leaf.” + + Roots boiled, with preceding, and decoction taken for diarrhea. + + _Monarda fistulosa_, L. Wild Bergamot. Moshkōs´waⁿowiⁿs´-- “Little + Elk’s Tail.” + + The root is used by making a decoction and drinking several + swallows, at intervals, for pain in the stomach and intestines. + + _Hydrophyllum Virginicum_, L. Waterleaf. Buⁿkite´bagūⁿs´. + + The roots are boiled, the liquor then taken for pains in the chest, + back, etc. + + _Anemone Pennsylvanicum_, L. Pennsylvania Anemone. + Pesī´kwadzhi´bwiko´kŏk. + + A decoction of the roots is used for pains in the lumbar region. + + _Viola_ (_Canadensis_, L.?). Canada Violet. Maskwī´widzhī´wiko´kŏk. + + The decoction made of the roots is used for pains in the region of + the bladder. + + _Phryma leptostachya_, L. Lopseed. Waia´bishkĕno´kŏk. + + The roots are boiled and the decoction taken for rheumatic pains in + the legs. + + _Viola pubescens_, Ait. Downy Yellow Violet. Ogitē´baguⁿs. + + A decoction is made of the roots, of which small doses are taken at + intervals for sore throat. + + _Rosa_ (_lucida_, Ehrhart?). Dwarf Wild Rose. Oginī´minagaⁿ´wŏs. + + The roots of young plants are steeped in hot water and the liquid + applied to sore eyes. + + (_Gen. et sp. ?_) Mŏ´zânâ´tĭk. + + This plant could not be identified at the locality and time at + which investigations were conducted. The root is boiled and the + decoction taken as a diuretic for difficult micturition. + + _Actæa rubra_, Michx. Red Baneberry. Odzī´bĭkĕⁿs´-- “Little Root.” + + A decoction of the root, which has a sweet taste, is used for + stomachic pains caused by having swallowed hair (mythic). Used + also in conjunction with Ginseng. + + This plant, according to some peculiarities, is considered the male + plant at certain seasons of the year, and is given only to men and + boys, while the same plant at other seasons, because of size, + color of fruit, or something else, is termed the female, and is + prepared for women and girls in the following manner, viz: The + roots are rolled in basswood leaves and baked, when they become + black; an infusion is then prepared, and used in a similar manner + as above. + + The latter is called Wash´kubĭdzhi´bikakŏk´. + + _Botrychium Virginicum_, Swartz. Moonwort. Ozaga´tigŭm. + + The root is bruised and applied to cuts. + + _Aralia trifolia_, Gr. Dwarf Ginseng. Nesō´bakŏk-- “Three Leafed.” + + The roots are chewed and the mass applied to cuts to arrest + hemorrhage. + + _Echinospermum lappula_, Lehm. Stickweed. Ozaga´tĭgomĕⁿs-- “Burr + Bush.” + + The roots are placed in a hole in the ground upon hot stones, to + cause the fumes to rise, when the patient puts down his face and + has a cloth or blanket thrown over his head. The fumes are inhaled + for headache. The raw roots are also sniffed at for the same + purpose. + +It is affirmed by various members of the Midē´ Society that in former +times much of the information relating to some of these plants was not +imparted to a candidate for initiation into the first degree, but was +reserved for succeeding degrees, to induce a Midē´ of the first degree +to endeavor to attain higher distinction and further advancement in the +mysteries of the order. As much knowledge is believed to have been lost +through the reticence and obstinacy of former chief priests, the +so-called higher secrets are now imparted at the first and second degree +preparatory instructions. The third and fourth degrees are very rarely +conferred, chiefly because the necessary presents and fees are beyond +the reach of those who so desire advancement, and partly also because +the missionaries, and in many instances the Indian agents, have done +their utmost to suppress the ceremonies, because they were a direct +opposition and hindrance to progress in Christianizing influences. + +When the preparatory instruction has come to an end and the day of the +ceremony of initiation is at hand, the preceptor sings to his pupil a +song, expatiating upon his own efforts and the high virtue of the +knowledge imparted. The pipe is brought forward and an offering of +tobacco smoke made by both preceptor and pupil, after which the former +sings a song (Pl. X, A.), the time of its utterance being tediously +prolonged. The mnemonic characters were drawn by Sikas´sigĕ, and are a +copy of an old birch-bark scroll which has for many years been in his +possession, and which was made in imitation of one in the possession of +his father, Baiē´dzĭk, one of the leading Midē´ at Mille Lacs, +Minnesota. + + [Illustration] + Wī-ka-no´-shi-aⁿ-ŏ. + My arm is almost pulled out from digging medicine. It is full of + medicine. + [The short zigzag lines signifying magic influence, erroneously + designated “medicine.”] + + [Illustration] + We-wī´-ka-ni´-an. + Almost crying because the medicine is lost. + [The lines extending downward from the eye signifies weeping; + the circle beneath the figure is the place where the “medicine” + is supposed to exist. The idea of “lost” signifies that some + information has been forgotton through death of those who possessed + it.] + + [Illustration] + Me-shi´-âk-kĭnk mi-sui´-a-kĭnk. + Yes, there is much medicine you may cry for. + [Refers to that which is yet to be learned of.] + + [Illustration] + Pe-i´-e-mĭ-ko-ya´-na-kĭnk´. + Yes, I see there is plenty of it. + [The Midē´ has knowledge of more than he has imparted, but reserves + that knowledge for a future time. The lines of “sight” run to + various medicines which he perceives or knows of.] + + [Illustration] + Rest. + + [Illustration: Plate X. + Mnemonic Songs.] + + [Illustration] + We´-a-kwĕ´-nĭnk pe-ĭ-e´-mi-wĭt´-o-wan´. + When I come out the sky becomes clear. + [When the otter-skin Midē´ sack is produced the sky becomes clear, + so that the ceremonies may proceed.] + + [Illustration] + We´-kwĕ-nĭnk´ ke´-tŏ-nĭnk´ e´-to-wa´. + The spirit has given me power to see. + [The Midē´ sits on a mountain the better to commune with the Good + Spirit.] + + [Illustration] + Mi´-sha-kwat´-ni-yō´. + I brought the medicine to bring life. + [The Midē´ Man´idō, the Thunderer, after bringing some of the + plants--by causing the rains to fall--returns to the sky. The short + line represents part of the circular line usually employed to + designate the imaginary vault of the sky.] + + [Illustration] + Me´-ka-yē´-nĭnk te´-a-yĕ-am´-ban. + I, too, see how much there is. + [His power elevates the Midē´ to the rank of a man´idō, from which + point he perceives many secrets hidden in the earth.] + + [Illustration] + In-de´-be-mĭ´-ko. + I am going to the medicine lodge. + [The vertical left-hand figure denotes a leg going toward the + Midē´wigân.] + + [Illustration] + In-de´-bi-bi´-toⁿ. + I take life from the sky. + [The Midē´ is enabled to reach into the sky and to obtain from + Ki´tshi Man´idō the means of prolonging life. The circle at the + top denotes the sacred mī´gis, or shell.] + + [Illustration] + No-a´-wi´-mi-kō´. + Let us talk to one another. + [The circles denote the places of the speaker (Midē´) and the hearer + (Ki´tshi Man´idō), the short lines signifying magic influences, the + Midē´ occupying the left hand and smaller seat.] + + [Illustration] + Man´-i-dō-ye-na´-ni ni-kan´. + The spirit is in my body, my friend. + [The mī´gis, given by Ki´tshi Man´idō, is in contact with the + Midē´’s body, and he is possessed of life and power.] + +From ten days to two weeks before the day of initiation, the chief Midē´ +priest sends out to all the members invitations, which consist of sticks +one-fourth of an inch thick and 6 or 7 inches long. The courier is +charged with giving to the person invited explicit information as to the +day of the ceremony and the locality where it is to be held. Sometimes +these sticks have bands of color painted around one end, usually green, +sometimes red, though both colors may be employed, the two ends being +thus tinted. The person invited is obliged to bring with him his +invitation stick, and upon entering the Midē´wigân he lays it upon the +ground near the sacred stone, on the side toward the degree post. +In case a Midē´ is unable to attend he sends his invitation with a +statement of the reason of his inability to come. The number of sticks +upon the floor are counted, on the morning of the day of initiation, and +the number of those present to attend the ceremonies is known before the +initiation begins. + +About five or six days preceding the day set for the ceremony of +initiation, the candidate removes to the neighborhood of the locality of +the Midē´wigân. On the evening of the fifth day he repairs to the +sudatory or sweat-lodge, which has, in the meantime, been built east of +the sacred inclosure, and when seated within he is supplied with water +which he keeps for making vapor by pouring it upon heated stones +introduced for the purpose by assistants upon the outside. This act of +purification is absolutely necessary and must be performed once each day +for four days, though the process may be shortened by taking two vapor +baths in one day, thus limiting the process to two days. This, however, +is permitted, or desired only under extraordinary circumstances. During +the process of purgation, the candidates thoughts must dwell upon the +seriousness of the course he is pursuing and the sacred character of the +new life he is about to assume. + +When the fumigation has ceased he is visited by the preceptor and the +other officiating Midē´ priests, when the conversation is confined +chiefly to the candidate’s progress. He then gives to each of them +presents of tobacco, and after an offering to Ki´tshi Man´idō, with the +pipe, they expose the articles contained in their Midē´ sacks and +explain and expatiate upon the merits and properties of each of the +magic objects. The candidate for the first time learns of the manner of +preparing effigies, etc., with which to present to the incredulous +ocular demonstration of the genuineness and divine origin of the +Midē´wiwin, or, as it is in this connection termed, religion. + +Several methods are employed for the purpose, and the greater the power +of the Midē´ the greater will appear the mystery connected with the +exhibition. This may be performed whenever circumstances demand such +proof, but the tests are made before the candidate with a twofold +purpose: first, to impress him with the supernatural powers of the Midē´ +themselves; and second, in an oracular manner, to ascertain if Ki´tshi +Ma´nidō is pleased with the contemplated ceremony and the initiation of +the candidate. + + [Illustration: Fig. 16.] + +The first test is made by laying upon the floor of the wig´iwam a string +of four wooden beads each measuring about 1 inch in diameter. See Fig. +16. After the owner of this object has chanted for a few moments in an +almost inaudible manner the beads begin to roll from side to side as if +animated. The string is then quickly restored to its place in the Midē´ +sack. Another Midē´ produces a small wooden effigy of a man (Fig. 17), +measuring about 5 inches in height. The body has a small orifice running +through it from between the shoulders to the buttocks, the head and neck +forming a separate piece which may be attached to the body like a glass +stopper to a bottle. + + [Illustration: Fig. 17.] + + [Illustration: Fig. 18.] + +A hole is made in the ground deep enough to reach to the hips of the +effigy, when the latter is put into it and the loose earth loosely +restored so as to hold it in an upright position. Some magic powder of +herbs is sprinkled around the body, and into the vertical orifice in it, +when the head is put in place. A series of inarticulate utterances are +chanted, when, if everything be favorable, the figure will perceptibly +move up and down as if possessed of life. Fig. 18 represents another +figure used in a similar manner. It consists of one piece, however, and +is decorated with narrow bands of dark blue flannel about the ankles and +knees, a patch of red cloth upon the breast and bands about the wrists, +each of the eyes being indicated by three white porcelain beads. + +One of the most astonishing tests, however, and one that can be produced +only by Midē´ of the highest power, consists in causing a Midē´ sack to +move upon the ground as if it were alive. This, it is confidently +alleged, has been done repeatedly, though it is evident that the +deception is more easily produced than in the above-mentioned instances, +as the temporary retention within a bag of a small mammal could readily +be made to account for the movements. + +In most of these private exhibitions the light is so obscured as to +prevent the deception being observed and exposed; and when public +demonstrations of skill are made the auditors invariably consist of the +most credulous of the uninitiated, or the confréres of the performer, +from whom no antagonism or doubt would be expected. + +The preceptor then consults with the Midē´ priests respecting the +presents to be delivered by the candidate, and repeats the following +words, viz: + + Mis-shai´-ĕ-gwa tshi-dĕ-bŏg-in-de-mung´. + Now is the time that we shall fix the price + + gi´-she-gŏ-dung´ ka-mi´-nĕ-nŏngk + of everything pertaining to the sky, that has been given to us + + gi´-she-goy-dŭng´ di´-bi-ga-dōnk´ gai-yé´. + from the day [and] the night also. + + A-pē´-gĕ-dá´wŭnk i´-wa-pī + When it shall come to pass and at the time + + ge-bin´-de-ga-yŏngk´, ă-au´-wa-mi-dē´-wĭd. + that we shall enter, he who wishes to become a Midē´. + +When the four vapor baths have been taken by the candidate, and the eve +of the ceremony has arrived, he remains in the sudatory longer than +usual so as not to come in contact with the large crowd of visitors who +have arrived upon the scene. The woods resound with the noises incident +to a large camp, while in various directions may be heard the monotonous +beating of the drum indicating the presence of a number of dancers, or +the hard, sharp taps of the midē´ drum, caused by a priest propitiating +and invoking the presence and favor of Ki´tshi Ma´nidō in the service +now so near at hand. + +When the night is far advanced and all becomes hushed, the candidate, +with only the preceptor accompanying, retires to his own wig´iwam, while +the assistant Midē´ priests and intimate friends or members of his +family collect the numerous presents and suspend them from the +transverse and longitudinal poles in the upper part of the Midē´wigân. +Watchers remain to see that nothing is removed during the night. + +At the approach of day, the candidate breakfasts and again returns to +the sweat-lodge to await the coming of his preceptor, and, later, of the +officiating priests. The candidate puts on his best clothing and such +articles of beaded ornaments as he may possess. The preceptor and Midē´ +priests are also clad in their finest apparel, each wearing one or two +beaded dancing bags at his side, secured by a band of beaded cloth +crossing the opposite shoulder. The members of the Midē´wiwin who are +not directly concerned in the preliminaries resort to the Midē´wigân and +take seats around the interior, near the wall, where they may continue +to smoke, or may occasionally drum and sing. The drummer, with his +assistants, takes a place near upon the floor of the sacred inclosure to +the left of the eastern entrance, i.e., the southeast corner. + + +IMPLORATION FOR CLEAR WEATHER. + +Should the day open up with a threatening sky, one of the Midē´ priests +accompanying the candidate sings the following song (Pl. X B) to dispel +the clouds. Each of the lines is repeated an indefinite number of times, +and after being repeated once or twice is sung also by the others as an +accompaniment. + +It will be observed that the words as spoken vary to some extent when +chanted or sung. + + [Illustration] + Ki-na-nē´, hē´, ki´-ne-na-wē´ man´-i-dō. + I swing the spirit like a child. + [The Midē´ Spirit, showing magic lines radiating from his body. The + Midē´ claims to be able to receive special favor.] + + [Music: 207_1] + Ki´nana´wein, Ki´nana´wein, Ki´nana´wein, + Man´ido´weēg; Ki´nana´wein, Ki´nana´wein, Ki´nana´wein, + Man´ido´weēg´; Ki´nana´wein, Man´ido´weēg´. + + [Illustration] + Gi-zhik´-ē´ ka-hwē´ da-mū´-nĕ. + The sky is what I am telling you about. + [The sky and the earth united by a pathway of possible rain.] + + [Music: 207_2] + Ki´zhiga´widâ´ mu´nedē´, Ki´zhiga´widâ´ mu´nedē´, Ki´zhiga´widâ´ + Ki´zhi-ga´wi-dâ´, Ki´zhi-ga´wi-dâ mu´nedē´, Ki´zhiga´widâ mu´nedē´. + + [Illustration] + Wa-ne-o-ho ne´-ge-shi´-go-ni + Ko-sa´-we, hē´, wa-ni´-sha´-na´. + We have lost the sky [it becomes dark]. + [Clouds obscure the sky, and the arm of the Midē´ is reaching up + into it for its favor of clear weather.] + + [Music: 208_1] + Waneo-ho hē ne´-ge-shi-go-ni, Wane-o-ho-hē ne´-ge-shi-go-ni, + Ko´sawe ne hē wa´nishi-na-ha, waneo-ho-hē ne´-ge-shi-go-ni. + + [Illustration] + Wi-tshi´-hi-na´-ne-he, nē´, kō´, hō. + ne´-ni-wi-tshi-nan´. + I am helping you. + [The Otter-skin Midē´ sack is held up to influence the Otter Spirit + to aid them.] + + [Music: 208_2] + Wi´tshihinanehe nē´ kō hō´, ne´niwi´tshinan, + wi´tshihinanehe nē´ kō´ hō´. U-a-ni-ma wē u-a-ni-ma wē henigwish. + + [Illustration] + U-a´-ni-ma´, wē´, he´-ni-gwĭsh. + I have made an error [in sending]. + [The Otter-skin Midē´ sack has failed to produce the desired + effect.] + + [Illustration] + Rest. + +The Midē´ women who have gathered without the lodge now begin to dance +as the song is renewed. + + [Illustration] + Na-nin-dē´, hē´, he-yo-ya, nē´. + I am using my heart. + [Refers to sincerity of motives in practice of Midē´ ceremony.] + + [Illustration] + Yo´-na-hĭsh´-i-me´-a´-ne´, hē´. + yá-na-hĭsh-a-me´-a-ne´, hē´. + What are you saying to me, and I am “in my senses”? + + [Illustration] + Man´-i-dō, hē´ nē´, mē´-de-wē´, ē´. + The spirit wolf. + [One of the malevolent spirits who is opposed to having the ceremony + is assisting the evil man´idōs in causing the sky to be overcast.] + + [Illustration] + Wen´-tshi-o-ne-se hē´, nē´, wen´-tshi-o-ne-se hē´. + I do not know where I am going. + [The Midē´ is in doubt whether to proceed or not in the performance + of initiation.] + + [Illustration] + Mi´-shok-kwo´-ti-ne be-wa´-ne, + ni-bin´-zhi man´-i-dō i-ya´-nē. + I depend on the clear sky. + [To have the ceremony go on. Arm reaching toward the sky for help.] + + [Illustration] + Ke-me´-ni-na-ne´ a-nō´-ē´ + a´-sho-wē´ me-nō´-de ki-man´-i-dō. + I give you the other village, spirit that you are. + [That rain should fall anywhere but upon the assemblage and + Midē´wigân.] + + [Illustration] + Tshing-gwē´-o-dē ||: gē´. + The thunder is heavy. + [The Thunder Bird, who causes the rain.] + + [Transcriber’s Note: + The long gap followed by “gē´” is not explained in the text. It may + refer to the structure of the song.] + + [Illustration] + We´-ka-ka-nō´, hō´ shi´-a-dē´. + We are talking to one another. + [The Midē´ communes with Ki´tshi Man´idō; he is shown near the sky; + his horns denoting superior wisdom and power, while the lines from + the mouth signify speech.] + +In case the appearance of the sky becomes sufficiently favorable the +initiation begins, but if it should continue to be more unfavorable or +to rain, then the song termed the “Rain Song” is resorted to and sung +within the inclosure of the Midē´wigân, to which they all march in +solemn procession. Those Midē´ priests who have with them their Midē´ +drums use them as an accompaniment to the singing and to propitiate the +good will of Ki´tshi Man´idō. Each line of the entire song appears as an +independent song, the intervals of rest varying in time according to the +feelings of the officiating priest. + +The words of the song are known to most of the Midē´ priests; but, as +there is no method of retaining a set form of musicial notation, the +result is entirely individual and may vary with each singer, if sung +independently and out of hearing of others; so that, under ordinary +circumstances, the priest who leads off sings through one stanza of the +song, after which the others will readily catch the notes and accompany +him. It will be observed, also, that the words as spoken vary to some +extent when chanted or sung. + +If this song does not appear to bring about a favorable change the +priests return to their respective wig´iwams and the crowd of visitors +disperses to return upon the first clear day. + + +INITIATION OF CANDIDATE. + +If, however, the day be clear and promising the candidate goes early to +the sweat-lodge, where he is joined by his preceptor, and later by the +officiating priest. After all preliminaries have been arranged and the +proper time for regular proceedings has arrived, the preceptor sings the +following song (Pl. X, C), the musical notation of which varies +according to his feelings, clearly showing that there is no recognized +method of vocal delivery, as is the case with the music of dancing +songs: + + [Illustration] + Kan-do´-e-a-nē´, + to´-e-a-nē´ kan-do´-e-a-nē´, + in-nin´-nĭ man´-e-dō´-ē´. + The spirit man is crying out. + [The head of the Midē´, a synonym of Ki´tshi Man´idō. The voice + lines show spots denoting intensity of accentuation, and that + Ki´tshi Man´idō is pleased to look with favor upon the proceedings.] + + [Illustration] + Ya-ni-nē´, na´, tshi-mo-tē´, hē´, + Talking around in various sections. + [The voice lines, as in the preceding figure, extending downward + from the mouth to either side, have spots upon them to indicate + “talks” in various directions addressed to the Midē´.] + + [Illustration] + Man´-e-dō, wē´, hē´, pe-me´-so-wa´. + The spirit is flying. + [The Thunder Bird, who causes the rain, is away at some remote + place.] + + [Illustration] + Mi-de´-we-tē-we´ me´-wa-gwi´-shak-wa´, + mi-de´-we-ta´. + The day is clear; let us have the grand medicine. + [The Midē’s hand reaches to the sky, and rain falls at places other + than upon the Midē´wigân, as shown by rain lines from the end of the + curved lines denoting the sky.] + + [Illustration] + Me-shak´-kwot dung´-ke-hē´, + ne-mē´-gĭs-sĭm´. + I am the sign that the day will be clear. + [The Midē´’s hand reaches to the sky, as indicated by the short + transverse line, and the sun’s rays diverge in all directions.] + + [Illustration] + Sun´-gis-ni de´-wit-ka-nē´, hē´, + wi-no´-wo-he´-she-wat´ man´-i-do-wi-tshik. + I am the strongest medicine, is what is said of me. + [The speaker compares himself to Makwa´ Man´idō, the Bear Spirit.] + + [Illustration] + Hwo´-ba-mī´-de, hwo´-ba-mī-de, man-ĕ-dō + na´-wa-gī-zhĭk. + The spirit in the middle of the sky sees me. + [The upper spot denotes the abode of Ki´tshi Man´idō, the “line of + vision” extending to the speaker, shown at a corresponding spot + below.] + + [Illustration] + Ni-wĭ-we´-wai-a-de´ hi´-me nai´-o-nā´. + I take my sack and touch him. + [The Midē´ will use his sacred Otter-skin sack to touch the + candidate.] + + [Illustration] + Man´-i-dō wi-kan-ē´, mi-de´-yo. + My medicine is the sacred spirit. + [The Midē´ professes to have received the divine gift from Ki´tshi + Man´idō; the gifts are seen descending to the hand held up to + receive them.] + + [Illustration] + Ha-ni-ne´ ku-mē´ ni´-kan-nē´? + How do you answer me, my Midē´ friends? + [This is addressed to the Midē´ priests (Nika´ni) present, and is an + inquiry as to their willingness to proceed. The Midē´wigân is shown, + the line running horizontally through it the path of the candidate + (or one who has gone through), the two spots within the place of the + sacred stone and the post, while the spot to the right of the + outside of the inclosure denotes the beginning, or the sweat-lodge, + symbolizing the circle of the earth upon the Midē´ chart (Pl. III), + those upon the left denoting the three possible degrees of + advancement in the future.] + +Upon the conclusion of the song there is a brief interval, during which +all partake of a smoke in perfect silence, making the usual offerings to +the four points of the compass, to Ki´tshi Man´idō´, and toward the +earth. + +The preceptor then says: + + Mĭs-sa´i´-a-shi-gwa, mĭs-sa´-a-shĭ-gwa- nŏn´-do-nŭng; ka-kĭ-nâ + Now is the time, now is the time he hears us; all of us + + ka-kĭn´-nâ-gi-nŏn´-do-da´g-u-nan´ ga-o´-shī-dōt mi-dē´-wĭ´-win. + he hears us all the one who made the midē´wiwin. + +After this monologue he continues, and addresses to the candidate the +midē´ gagĭ´kwewĭn´, or Midē´ sermon, in the following language, viz: + + An-be´-bi-sĭn´-di-wi´-shĭn, wa´-i-ni´-nan; + now listen to me what I am about to say to you; + + kēsh´-pin-pe´-sin-da´-nin-wĭn da-ma´-dzhi shka´ + If you take heed of that which I say to you shall continue + + ke´-bi-mâ´-di-si-wĭn´. Uⁿ, nun´-gūm, ke-za´-ki-gi-zi-toⁿ mŏn + always your life. Now, to-day I make known to you + + ki´-tshi man´-i-dō ō´-dik-kid´-do-wĭn´; o´-wi-dŏsh kid´-di-nĭn´ + the great spirit That which he says; and now this I say to you. + + ki-ī´-kid-dō´kī´-tshi man´-i-dō gi´-sa-gi-ĭg´. + This is what says the great spirit that he loves you. + + to-wa´-bish-ga´ gi-shtig-wa a-pī-we- + It shall be white the sacred object at the time + + sa´-gi-sit´-to-wad o-sa´-in-di-kid´-do-wīn + When they shall let it be known and this is what I say + + ĕ´-kid-dōdt ki´-tshi man´-i-dō ŏ´-gi-din´-nĭn + That which he says the great spirit now this I impart to you + + mis-sâ´-wa ke´-a-ked´-de-wó wa´-ba-ma-tshin´ni-bŭdt + even if they say That they saw him dead + + mi´-â-ma´ tshī´-ō- nish-gâd´, ini-â-má + in this place he shall be Raised again in this place + + a-pe´-ni-nut´ nin-dē´ kid´-do-wĭn min-nik´ + he puts his trust In my heart in this “saying” the time + + kid-da´- kĭ-o-wink´. Ka-wī´-ka-da-an´-na-we´-was-si-nan, + of the duration Of the world. It shall never fail. + + me-ē´-kid-dodt´ man´-i-dō. Nin´-ne-dzha´-nis + That is what he says, the spirit. My child, + + ke-un´-dzhi be-mâ´-dis si´-an. + this shall give you life. + +The Midē´ priests then leave the sweat-lodge and stand upon the outside, +while the candidate gathers up in his arms a number of small presents, +such as tobacco, handkerchiefs, etc., and goes out of the wig´iwam to +join the Midē´ priests. The order of marching to the main entrance of +the Midē´wigân is then taken up in the following order: First the +candidate, next the preceptor, who in turn is followed by the +officiating priests, and such others, and members of his family and +relatives as desire. At the door of the Midē´wigân all but one of the +priests continue forward and take their stations within the inclosure, +the preceptor remaining on one side of the candidate, the Midē´ priest +upon the other, then all march four times around the outside of the +inclosure, toward the left or south, during which time drumming is +continued within. Upon the completion of the fourth circuit the +candidate is placed so as to face the main entrance of the Midē´wigân. +When he is prompted to say: + + “Man-un´-ga-bīn´-di-gĕ o-bŏg´-ga-dĭ-nan´, o-dai´-ye-din´.” + Let me come in and these I put down my things [gifts]. + +The presents are then laid upon the ground. The preceptor goes inside, +taking with him the gifts deposited by the candidate, and remains +standing just within the door and faces the degree post toward the west. +Then the chief officiating priest, who has remained at the side of the +candidate, turns toward the latter and in a clear, distinct, and +exceedingly impressive manner sings the following chant, addressed to +Ki´tshi Man´idō whose invisible form is supposed to abide within the +Midē´wigan during such ceremonies, stating that the candidate is +presented to receive life (the mī´gis) for which he is suffering, and +invoking the divine favor. + + Hai ya ha man´-i-dō, hō´, ti-bish´-ko-gish´-i-gŭng, hē´, + There is a spirit ho, just as the one above, he, + + we-zá-ba-mid´-mi niⁿ-dzhá-nis, esh-ĭ-gan´-do-we, hē´, hwē´, + now sits with me my child and now I proclaim, he, hwe, + + mé-a-tshi-bin´-de-gan´-ni-nan, nōs, dzhi-man´-i-dō, hō´, hwō´, + that I enter you here my father good spirit, ho, hwo, + + sha-wé-nĭ-mi-shin´, hē´, hwē´, a-shig´-wa-bin´-de-gan-nŏk + have pity on me, he, hwe now that I enter him here, + + gé-gwa-da-gí-sid wi-bĭ-mâ´-di-sĭd, dé-bwe-daú-wi-shĭn + he that is suffering for life, believe me + + dzhí-bi-mâ´-di-sĭd´, nōs, wē´-o-sĭm´-in-nan´, hē´, hē´. + that he shall live, my father, whose child I am, he, he. + +The following is the musical notation: + + [Music: 213_1] + he-he-he-he yo. + +The candidate is then led within the inclosure when all the members of +the society arise while he is slowly led around toward the southern side +to the extreme end in the west, thence toward the right and back along +the western side to the point of beginning. This is done four times. As +he starts upon his march, the member nearest the door falls in the line +of procession, each member continuing to drop in, at the rear, until the +entire assembly is in motion. During this movement there is a monotonous +drumming upon the Midē´ drums and the chief officiating priest sings: + + Ni´-sha-bōn´-da shkan wig´-i-wam ke-nōn´-dēg, + I go through [the] “house” the long, + i.e., through the Midē´wigân. + +At the fourth circuit, members begin to stop at the places previously +occupied by them, the candidate going and remaining with his preceptor +to a point just inside the eastern entrance, while the four officiating +priests continue around toward the opposite end of the inclosure and +station themselves in a semicircle just beyond the degree post, and +facing the western door. Upon the ground before them are spread blankets +and similar goods, which have been removed from the beams above, and +upon which the candidate is to kneel. He is then led to the western +extremity of the inclosure where he stands upon the blankets spread upon +the ground and faces the four Midē´ priests. The preceptor takes his +position behind and a little to one side of the candidate, another +assistant being called upon by the preceptor to occupy a corresponding +position upon the other side. During this procedure there is gentle +drumming which ceases after all have been properly stationed, when the +preceptor steps to a point to the side and front of the candidate and +nearer the officiating priests, and says: + + Mĭ-i´-shi-gwa´ bŏ´-gi-ta-moⁿ´-nan, + The time has arrived that I yield it to you. + + mi´-na-nan´-kĕ-ân-dzhi bi-mâ´-dĭ-si´-an. + [the midē´migis] that will give you life. + +The preceptor then returns to his position back of and a little to one +side of the candidate, when the chief officiating priest sings the +following song, accompanying himself upon a small cylindrical midē´drum. +The words are: Kit´-ta-noⁿ´-do-wē man´-i-do´-wid--you shall hear me, +spirit that you are--, and the music is rendered as follows: + + [Music: 214_1] + Kit´ta-no´do-we man´i-dō´wid-hō dō, wē, hē, + Kit´ta-no´do-we man´i-dō-wid-hō, hē, hwē, hē, + Kit´-ta-no´-do-we man´-i-dō´-wid, kit´ta-no´do-wē, + kit´ta-no´do-wid, man´i-do´-wid, man´i-do´wid-hō, wē, hwē, hē, + Kit´ta-no´dowē´ man´idō´wid, hō, hē, hwē, hē, hē, hwē, hē. + +After this song is ended the drum is handed to one of the members +sitting near by, when the fourth and last of the officiating priests +says to the candidate, who is now placed upon his knees: + + Mĭs-sa´-a-shi´-gwa ki-bo´-gĭs-sē-na-min tshi´-ma-mâd + Now is the time that I hope of you that you shall + + bi-mâ´-di-sĭ-wĭn, mĭ-nē´-sĭd. + take life the bead [mi´gis shell.] + +This priest then grasps his Midē´ sack as if holding a gun, and, +clutching it near the top with the left hand extended, while with the +right he clutches it below the middle or near the base, he aims it +toward the candidate’s left breast and makes a thrust forward toward +that target uttering the syllables “yâ, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´,” +rapidly, rising to a higher key. He recovers his first position and +repeats this movement three times, becoming more and more animated, the +last time making a vigorous gesture toward the kneeling man’s breast as +if shooting him. (See Fig. 15, page 192.) While this is going on, the +preceptor and his assistants place their hands upon the candidate’s +shoulders and cause his body to tremble. + +Then the next Midē´, the third of the quartette, goes through a similar +series of forward movements and thrusts with his Midē´ sack, uttering +similar sounds and shooting the sacred mī´gis--life--into the right +breast of the candidate, who is agitated still more strongly than +before. When the third Midē´, the second in order of precedence, goes +through similar gestures and pretends to shoot the mī´gis into the +candidate’s heart, the preceptors assist him to be violently agitated. + +The leading priest now places himself in a threatening attitude and says +to the Midē´; “Mī´-dzhi-de´-a-mi-shĭk´”--“put your helping heart with +me”--, when he imitates his predecessors by saying, “yâ, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, +hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´,” at the fourth time aiming the Midē´ sack at the +candidate’s head, and as the mī´gis is supposed to be shot into it, +he falls forward upon the ground, apparently lifeless. + +Then the four Midē´ priests, the preceptor and the assistant, lay their +Midē´ sacks upon his back and after a few moments a mī´gis shell drops +from his mouth--where he had been instructed to retain it. The chief +Midē´ picks up the mī´gis and, holding it between the thumb and index +finger of the right hand, extending his arm toward the candidate’s mouth +says “wâ! wâ! hĕ hĕ hĕ hĕ,” the last syllable being uttered in a high +key and rapidly dropped to a low note; then the same words are uttered +while the mī´gis is held toward the east, and in regular succession to +the south, to the west, to the north, then toward the sky. During this +time the candidate has begun to partially revive and endeavor to get +upon his knees, but when the Midē´ finally places the mī´gis into his +mouth again, he instantly falls upon the ground, as before. The Midē´ +then take up the sacks, each grasping his own as before, and as they +pass around the inanimate body they touch it at various points, which +causes the candidate to “return to life.” The chief priest then says to +him, “Ō´nishgân”--“get up”--which he does; then indicating to the +holder of the Midē´ drum to bring that to him, he begins tapping and +presently sings the following song: + + [Music: 216_1] + Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an Mi´si-ni-en´-di-an Mi´-si-ni-en´-dian, + Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an, Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an, + Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an, Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an, + Ni-kan. Hĭū, Hĭū, Hĭu. + +The words of the text signify, “This is what I am, my fellow Midē´; I +fear all my fellow Midē´.” The last syllables, hĭū´, are meaningless. + +At the conclusion of the song the preceptor prompts the candidate to ask +the chief Midē´: + + Ni-kan´ k´kĕ´-nō´-mo´, maⁿ-dzhi´-an na´-ka-mō´-in. + Colleague instruct me, give me a song. + +In response to which the Midē´ teaches him the following, which is +uttered as a monotonous chant, viz: + + We´-go-nĕn´ ge-gwed´-dzhi-me-an´, mi-dē´-wi-wĭn + What are you asking, grand medicine + + ke-kwed´-dzhi-me-an´? Ki´-ka-mi´-nin en-da-wĕn´-da + are you asking? I will give you you want me to + + ma-wi´-nĕn mi-dē´-wi-wĭn tshi-da-si-nē´-ga´-na-win´-da-mōn; + give you “grand medicine” always take care of; + + ki-ĭn´-tshun-di´-nĕ-ma´-so-wĭn, tsho´-a-wa´-nin di´-sĕ-wan. + you have received it yourself, never forget. + +To this the candidate, who is now a member, replies, ēⁿ, yes, i.e., +assent, fully agreeing with the statement made by the Midē´, and adds: + + Mi-gwĕtsh´ a-shi´-wa-ka-kish´-da-win be-mâ´-di-si´-an. + Thanks for giving to me life. + +Then the priests begin to look around in search of spaces in which to +seat themselves, saying: + + Mi´-a-shi´-gwa ki´-tshi-an´-wâ-bin-da-man tshi-ō´-we-na´-bi-an. + Now is the time I look around where we shall be [sit]. + +and all go to such places as are made, or reserved, for them. + +The new member then goes to the pile of blankets, robes, and other gifts +and divides them among the four officiating priests, reserving some of +less value for the preceptor and his assistant; whereas tobacco is +carried around to each person present. All then make an offering of +smoke, to the east, south, west, north, toward the center and top of the +Midē´wigân--where Ki´tshi Man´idō presides--and to the earth. Then each +person blows smoke upon his or her Midē´ sack as an offering to the +sacred mī´gis within. + +The chief Midē´ advances to the new member and presents him with a new +Midē´ sack, made of an otter skin, or possibly of the skin of the mink +or weasel, after which he returns to his place. The new member rises, +approaches the chief Midē´, who inclines his head to the front, and, +while passing both flat hands down over either side, + + Mi-gwĕtsh´, ni-ka´-ni, ni-ka´-ni, ni-ka´-ni, na-ka´. + Thanks, my colleagues, my colleagues, my colleagues. + +Then, approaching the next in rank, he repeats the ceremony and +continues to do so until he has made the entire circuit of the +Midē´wigân. + +At the conclusion of this ceremony of rendering thanks to the members of +the society for their presence, the newly elected Midē´ returns to his +place and, after placing within his Midē´ sack his mī´gis, starts out +anew to test his own powers. He approaches the person seated nearest the +eastern entrance, on the south side, and, grasping his sack in a manner +similar to that of the officiating priests, makes threatening motions +toward the Midē´ as if to shoot him, saying, “yâ, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, +hŏ´,” gradually raising his voice to a higher key. At the fourth +movement he makes a quick thrust toward his victim, whereupon the latter +falls forward upon the ground. He then proceeds to the next, who is +menaced in a similar manner and who likewise becomes apparently +unconscious from the powerful effects of the mī´gis. This is continued +until all persons present have been subjected to the influence of the +mī´gis in the possession of the new member. At the third or fourth +experiment the first subject revives and sits up, the others recovering +in regular order a short time after having been “shot at,” as this +procedure is termed. + +When all of the Midē´ have recovered a very curious ceremony takes +place. Each one places his mī´gis shell upon the right palm and, +grasping the Midē´ sack with the left hand, moves around the inclosure +and exhibits his mī´gis to everyone present, constantly uttering the +word “hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´,” in a quick, low tone. During this period +there is a mingling of all the persons present, each endeavoring to +attract the attention of the others. Each Midē´ then pretends to swallow +his mī´gis, when suddenly there are sounds of violent coughing, as if +the actors were strangling, and soon thereafter they gag and spit out +upon the ground the mī´gis, upon which each one falls apparently dead. +In a few moments, however, they recover, take up the little shells again +and pretend to swallow them. As the Midē´ return to their respective +places the mī´gis is restored to its receptacle in the Midē´ sack. + +Food is then brought into the Midē´wigân and all partake of it at the +expense of the new member. + +After the feast, the older Midē´ of high order, and possibly the +officiating priests, recount the tradition of the Ani´shinâ´bēg and the +origin of the Midē´wiwin, together with speeches relating to the +benefits to be derived through a knowledge thereof, and sometimes, tales +of individual success and exploits. When the inspired ones have given +utterance to their thoughts and feelings, their memories and their +boastings, and the time of adjournment has almost arrived, the new +member gives an evidence of his skill as a singer and a Midē´. Having +acted upon the suggestion of his preceptor, he has prepared some songs +and learned them, and now for the first time the opportunity presents +itself for him to gain admirers and influential friends, a sufficient +number of whom he will require to speak well of him, and to counteract +the evil which will be spoken of him by enemies--for enemies are +numerous and may be found chiefly among those who are not fitted for the +society of the Midē´, or who have failed to attain the desired +distinction. + +The new member, in the absence of a Midē´ drum of his own, borrows one +from a fellow Midē´ and begins to beat it gently, increasing the strokes +in intensity as he feels more and more inspired, then sings a song +(Pl. X, D), of which the following are the words, each line being +repeated ad libitum, viz: + + [Illustration] + We´-nen-wi´-wik ka´-ni-an. + The spirit has made sacred the place in which I live. + [The singer is shown partly within, and partly above his wigwam, the + latter being represented by the lines upon either side, and crossing + his body.] + + [Illustration] + En´-da-yan´ pi-ma´-ti-su´-i-ŭn en´-da-yan´. + The spirit gave the “medicine” which we receive. + [The upper inverted crescent is the arch of the sky, the magic + influence descending, like rain upon the earth, the latter being + shown by the horizontal line at the bottom.] + + [Illustration] + Rest. + + [Illustration] + Nin´-nik-ka´-ni man´-i-dō. + I too have taken the medicine he gave us. + [The speaker’s arm, covered with mī´gis, or magic influence, reaches + toward the sky to receive from Ki´tshi Man´idō the divine favor of a + Midē’s power.] + + [Illustration] + Ke-kĕk´-ō-ĭ-yan´. + I brought life to the people. + [The Thunderer, the one who causes the rains, and consequently life + to vegetation, by which the Indian may sustain life.] + + [Illustration] + Be-mo´-se ma-kō-yan. + I have come to the medicine lodge also. + [The Bear Spirit, one of the guardians of the Midē´wiwin, was also + present, and did not oppose the singer’s entrance.] + + [Illustration] + Ka´-ka-mi´-ni-ni´-ta. + We spirits are talking together. + [The singer compares himself and his colleagues to spirits, i.e., + those possessing supernatural powers, and communes with them as an + equal.] + + [Illustration] + O-ni´-ni-shĭnk-ni´-yo. + The mī´gis is on my body. + [The magic power has been put into his body by the Midē priests.] + + [Illustration] + Ni man´-i-dō ni´-yăn. + The spirit has put away all my sickness. + [He has received new life, and is, henceforth, free from the + disturbing influences of evil man´idōs.] + +As the sun approaches the western horizon, the Midē´ priests emerge from +the western door of the Midē´wigân and go to their respective wig´iwams, +where they partake of their regular evening repast, after which the +remainder of the evening is spent in paying calls upon other members of +the society, smoking, etc. + +The preceptor and his assistant return to the Midē´wigân at nightfall, +remove the degree post and plant it at the head of the wig´iwam--that +part directly opposite the entrance--occupied by the new member. Two +stones are placed at the base of the post, to represent the two forefeet +of the bear Man´idō through whom life was also given to the +Ani´shinâ´bēg. + +If there should be more than one candidate to receive a degree the +entire number, if not too great, is taken into the Midē´wigân for +initiation at the same time; and if one day suffices to transact the +business for which the meeting was called the Indians return to their +respective homes upon the following morning. If, however, arrangements +have been made to advance a member to a higher degree, the necessary +changes and appropriate arrangement of the interior of the Midē´wigân +are begun immediately after the society has adjourned. + + +DESCRIPTIVE NOTES. + +The mī´gis referred to in this description of the initiation consists of +a small white shell, of almost any species, but the one believed to +resemble the form of the mythical mī´gis is similar to the cowrie, +Cypræa moneta, L., and is figured at No. 1 on Pl. XI. Nearly all of the +shells employed for this purpose are foreign species, and have no doubt +been obtained from the traders. The shells found in the country of the +Ojibwa are of rather delicate structure, and it is probable that the +salt water shells are employed as a substitute chiefly because of their +less frangible character. The mī´gis of the other degrees are presented +on the same plate, but special reference to them will be made. No. 2 +represents the mī´gis in the possession of the chief Midē priest of the +society at Leech Lake, Minnesota, and consists of a pearl-white Helix +(sp?). + +The Midē´ sack represented in No. 7 (Pl. XI.) is made of the skin of a +mink--Putorius vison, Gapp. White, downy feathers are secured to the +nose, as an additional ornament. In this sack are carried the sacred +objects belonging to its owner, such as colors for facial ornamentation, +and the magic red powder employed in the preparation of hunters’ songs; +effigies and other contrivances to prove to the incredulous the +genuineness of the Midē´ pretensions, sacred songs, amulets, and other +small man´idōs--abnormal productions to which they attach supernatural +properties--invitation sticks, etc. + + [Illustration: Plate XI. + Sacred Objects.] + +In Fig. 19 is reproduced a curious abnormal growth which was in the +possession of a Midē´ near Red Lake, Minnesota. It consists of the leg +of a Goshawk--Astur atricapillus, Wilson--from the outer inferior +condyle of the right tibia of which had projected a supernumerary leg +that terminated in two toes, the whole abnormality being about one-half +the size and length of the natural leg and toes. + + [Illustration: Fig. 19.--Hawk-leg fetish.] + +This fetish was highly prized by its former owner, and was believed to +be a medium whereby the favor of the Great Thunderer, or Thunder God, +might be invoked and his anger appeased. This deity is represented in +pictography by the eagle, or frequently by one of the Falconidæ; hence +it is but natural that the superstitious should look with awe and +reverence upon such an abnormality on one of the terrestrial +representatives of this deity. + +A Midē´ of the first degree, who may not be enabled to advance further +in the mysteries of the Midē´wiwin, owing to his inability to procure +the necessary quantity of presents and gifts which he is required to pay +to new preceptors and to the officiating priests--the latter demanding +goods of double the value of those given as an entrance to the first +degree--may, however, accomplish the acquisition of additional knowledge +by purchasing it from individual Midē´. It is customary with Midē´ +priests to exact payment for every individual remedy or secret that may +be imparted to another who may desire such information. This practice is +not entirely based upon mercenary motives, but it is firmly believed +that when a secret or remedy has been paid, for it can not be imparted +for nothing, as then its virtue would be impaired, if not entirely +destroyed, by the man´idō or guardian spirit under whose special +protection it may be supposed to be held or controlled. + +Under such circumstances certain first degree Midē´ may become possessed +of alleged magic powers which are in reality part of the accomplishments +of the Midē´ of the higher degrees; but, for the mutual protection of +the members of the society, they generally hesitate to impart anything +that may be considered of high value. The usual kind of knowledge sought +consists of the magic properties and use of plants, to the chief +varieties of which reference will be made in connection with the next +degree. + +There is one subject, however, which first-degree Midē´ seek enlightment +upon, and that is the preparation of the “hunter’s medicine” and the +pictographic drawings employed in connection therewith. The compound is +made of several plants, the leaves and roots of which are ground into +powder. A little of this is put into the gun barrel, with the bullet, +and sometimes a small pinch is dropped upon the track of the animal to +compel it to halt at whatever place it may be when the powder is so +sprinkled upon the ground. + +The method generally employed to give to the hunter success is as +follows: When anyone contemplates making a hunting trip, he first visits +the Midē´, giving him a present of tobacco before announcing the object +of his visit and afterwards promising to give him such and such portions +of the animal which he may procure. The Midē´, if satisfied with the +gift, produces his pipe and after making an offering to Ki´tshi Man´idō +for aid in the preparation of his “medicine,” and to appease the anger +of the man´idō who controls the class of animals desired, sings a +song, one of his own composition, after which he will draw with +a sharp-pointed bone or nail, upon a small piece of birch bark, the +outline of the animal desired by the applicant. The place of the heart +of the animal is indicated by a puncture upon which a small quantity of +vermilion is carefully rubbed, this color being very efficacious toward +effecting the capture of the animal and the punctured heart insuring its +death. + + [Illustration: Fig. 20.--Hunter’s medicine.] + +Frequently the heart is indicated by a round or triangular figure, from +which a line extends toward the mouth, generally designated the life +line, i.e., that magic power may reach its heart and influence the life +of the subject designated. Fig. 20 is a reproduction of the character +drawn upon a small oval piece of birch bark, which had been made by a +Midē´ to insure the death of two bears. Another example is presented in +Fig. 21, a variety of animals being figured and a small quantity of +vermilion being rubbed upon the heart of each. In some instances the +representation of animal forms is drawn by the Midē´ not upon birch +bark, but directly upon sandy earth or a bed of ashes, either of which +affords a smooth surface. For this purpose he uses a sharply pointed +piece of wood, thrusts it into the region of the heart, and afterwards +sprinkles upon this a small quantity of powder consisting of magic +plants and vermilion. These performances are not conducted in public, +but after the regular mystic ceremony has been conducted by the Midē´ +the information is delivered with certain injunctions as to the course +of procedure, direction, etc. In the latter method of drawing the +outline upon the sand or upon ashes, the result is made known with such +directions as may be deemed necessary to insure success. + + [Illustration: Fig. 21.--Hunter’s medicine.] + +For the purpose of gaining instruction and success in the disposition of +his alleged medicines, the Midē´ familiarizes himself with the +topography and characteristics of the country extending over a wide +area, to ascertain the best feeding grounds of the various animals and +their haunts at various seasons. He keeps himself informed by also +skillfully conducting inquiries of returning hunters, and thus becomes +possessed of a large amount of valuable information respecting the +natural history of the surrounding country, by which means he can, with +a tolerable amount of certainty, direct a hunter to the best localities +for such varieties of game as may be particularly desired by him. + + [Illustration: Fig. 22.--Wâbĕnō´ drum.] + +In his incantations a Wâbĕnō´ uses a drum resembling a tambourine. +A hoop made of ash wood is covered with a piece of rawhide, tightly +stretched while wet. Upon the upper surface is painted a mythic figure, +usually that of his tutelaly daimon. An example of this kind is from Red +Lake, Minnesota, presented in Fig. 22. The human figure is painted red, +while the outline of the head is black, as are also the waving lines +extending from the head. These lines denote superior power. When +drumming upon this figure, the Wâbĕnō´ chants and is thus more easily +enabled to invoke the assistance of his man´idō. + +Women, as before remarked, may take the degrees of the Midē´wiwin, but, +so far as could be ascertained, their professions pertain chiefly to the +treatment of women and children and to tattooing for the cure of +headache and chronic neuralgia. + +Tattooing is accomplished by the use of finely powdered charcoal, soot +or gunpowder, the pricking instrument being made by tying together a +small number of needles; though formerly, it is said, fish spines or +sharp splinters of bone were used for the purpose. The marks consist of +round spots of one-half to three-fourths of an inch in diameter +immediately over the afflicted part, the intention being to drive out +the demon. Such spots are usually found upon the temples, though an +occasional one may be found on the forehead or over the nasal eminence. + +When the pain extends over considerable space the tattoo marks are +smaller, and are arranged in rows or continuous lines. Such marks may be +found upon some individuals to run outward over either or both cheeks +from the alæ of the nose to a point near the lobe of the ear, clearly +indicating that the tattooing was done for toothache or neuralgia. + +The female Midē´ is usually present at the initiation of new members, +but her duties are mainly to assist in the singing and to make herself +generally useful in connection with the preparation of the medicine +feast. + + +SECOND DEGREE. + +The inclosure within which the second degree of the Midē´wiwin is +conferred, resembles in almost every respect that of the first, the only +important difference being that there are two degree posts instead of +one. A diagram is presented in Fig. 23. The first post is planted a +short distance beyond the middle of the floor--toward the western +door--and is similar to the post of the first degree, i.e., red, with a +band of green around the top, upon which is perched the stuffed body of +an owl; the kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´. The second post, of similar size, is painted +red, and over the entire surface of it are spots of white made by +applying clay with the finger tips. (Pl. XV, No. 2.) These spots are +symbolical of the sacred mī´gis, the great number of them denoting +increased power of the magic influence which fills the Midē´wigân. +A small cedar tree is also planted at each of the outer angles of the +inclosure. + + [Illustration: Fig. 23.--Diagram of Midē´wigân of the second degree.] + +The sweat-lodge, as before, is erected at some distance east of the main +entrance of the Midē´wigân, but a larger structure is arranged upon a +similar plan; more ample accommodations must be provided to permit a +larger gathering of Midē´ priests during the period of preparation and +instruction of the candidate. + + +PREPARATION OF CANDIDATE. + +A Midē´ of the first degree is aware of the course to be pursued by him +when he contemplates advancement into the next higher grade. Before +making known to the other members his determination, he is compelled to +procure, either by purchase or otherwise, such a quantity of blankets, +robes, peltries, and other articles of apparel or ornament as will +amount in value to twice the sum at which were estimated the gifts +presented at his first initiation. A year or more usually elapses before +this can be accomplished, as but one hunting season intervenes before +the next annual meeting of the society, when furs are in their prime; +and fruits and maple sugar can be gathered but once during the season, +and these may be converted into money with which to purchase presents +not always found at the Indian traders’ stores. Friends may be called +upon to advance goods to effect the accomplishment of his desire, but +such loans must be returned in kind later on, unless otherwise agreed. +When a candidate feels convinced that he has gathered sufficient +material to pay for his advancement, he announces to those members of +the society who are of a higher grade than the first degree that he +wishes to present himself at the proper time for initiation. This +communication is made to eight of the highest or officiating priests, in +his own wig´iwam, to which they have been specially invited. A feast is +prepared and partaken of, after which he presents to each some tobacco, +and smoking is indulged in for the purpose of making proper offerings, +as already described. The candidate then informs his auditors of his +desire and enumerates the various goods and presents which he has +procured to offer at the proper time. The Midē´ priests sit in silence +and meditate; but as they have already been informally aware of the +applicant’s wish, they are prepared as to the answer they will give, and +are governed according to the estimated value of the gifts. Should the +decision of the Midē´ priests be favorable, the candidate procures the +services of one of those present to assume the office of instructor or +preceptor, to whom, as well as to the officiating priests, he displays +his ability in his adopted specialties in medical magic, etc. He seeks, +furthermore, to acquire additional information upon the preparation of +certain secret remedies, and to this end he selects a preceptor who has +the reputation of possessing it. + +For acting in the capacity of instructor, a Midē´ priest receives +blankets, horses, and whatever may be mutually agreed upon between +himself and his pupil. The meetings take place at the instructor’s +wig´iwam at intervals of a week or two; and sometimes during the autumn +months, preceding the summer in which the initiation is to be conferred, +the candidate is compelled to resort to a sudatory and take a vapor +bath, as a means of purgation preparatory to his serious consideration +of the sacred rites and teachings with which his mind “and heart” must +henceforth be occupied, to the exclusion of everything that might tend +to divert his thoughts. + +What the special peculiarities and ceremonials of initiation into the +second degree may have been in former times, it is impossible to +ascertain at this late day. The only special claims for benefits to be +derived through this advancement, as well as into the third and fourth +degrees, are, that a Midē´ upon his admission into a new degree receives +the protection of that Man´idō alleged and believed to be the special +guardian of such degree, and that the repetition of initiation adds to +the magic powers previously received by the initiate. In the first +degree the sacred mīgis was “shot” into the two sides, the heart, and +head of the candidate, whereas in the second degree this sacred, or +magic, influence, is directed by the priests toward the candidate’s +joints, in accordance with a belief entertained by some priests and +referred to in connection with the Red Lake chart presented on Pl. III. +The second, third, and fourth degrees are practically mere repetitions +of the first, and the slight differences between them are noted under +their respective captions. + +In addition to a recapitulation of the secrets pertaining to the +therapeutics of the Midē´, a few additional magic remedies are taught +the candidate in his preparatory instruction. The chief of these are +described below. + + Ma-kwa´ wī´-i-sŏp, “Bear’s Gall,” and Pi´-zhi-ki wī´-i-sŏp, “Ox Gall,” + are both taken from the freshly killed animal and hung up to dry. + It is powdered as required, and a small pinch of it is dissolved in + water, a few drops of which are dropped into the ear of a patient + suffering from earache. + + Gō´-gi-mish (gen. et sp.?).--A plant, described by the preceptor as + being about 2 feet in height, having black bark and clusters of + small red flowers. + + 1. The bark is scraped from the stalk, crushed and dried. When it is + to be used the powder is put into a small bag of cloth and soaked + in hot water to extract the virtue. It is used to expel evil + man´idōs which cause obstinate coughs, and is also administered + to consumptives. The quantity of bark derived from eight stems, + each 10 inches long, makes a large dose. When a Midē´ gives this + medicine to a patient, he fills his pipe and smokes, and before + the tobacco is all consumed the patient vomits. + + 2. The root of this plant mixed with the following is used to + produce paralysis of the mouth. In consequence of the power it + possesses it is believed to be under the special protection of + the Midē´ Man´idō, i.e., Ki´tshi Man´idō. + + The compound is employed also to counteract the evil intentions, + conjurations, or other charms of so-called bad Midē´, Wâbĕnō´, and + Jĕs´sakkīd´. + + Tzhi-bē´-gŏp-- “Ghost Leaf.” + + After the cuticle is removed from the roots the thick under-bark is + crushed into a powder. It is mixed with Gō´gimish. + + Dzhi-bai´-ĕ-mŏk´-ke-zĭn´-- “Ghost Moccasin;” “Puff-ball.” + + The spore-dust of the ball is carefully reserved to add to the above + mixture. + + O-kwē´-mish-- “Bitter Black Cherry.” + + The inner bark of branches dried and crushed is also added. + + Nē´-wĕ-- “Rattlesnake” (_Crotalus durissus, L._). + + The reptile is crushed and the blood collected, dried, and used in a + pulverulent form. After partially crushing the body it is hung up + and the drippings collected and dried. Other snakes may be + employed as a substitute. + +It is impossible to state the nature of the plants mentioned in the +above compound, as they are not indigenous to the vicinity of White +Earth, Minnesota, but are procured from Indians living in the eastern +extremity of the State and in Wisconsin. Poisonous plants are of rare +occurrence in this latitude, and if any actual poisonous properties +exist in the mixture they may be introduced by the Indian himself, as +strychnia is frequently to be purchased at almost any of the stores, to +be used in the extermination of noxious animals. Admitting that crotalus +venom may be present, the introduction into the human circulation of +this substance would without doubt produce death and not paralysis of +the facial muscles, and if taken into the stomach it quickly undergoes +chemical change when brought in contact with the gastric juice, as is +well known from experiments made by several well known physiologists, +and particularly by Dr. Coxe (Dispensatory, 1839), who employed the +contents of the venom sack, mixed with bread, for the cure of +rheumatism. + + [Illustration: Plate XII. + Invitation Sticks.] + +I mention this because of my personal knowledge of six cases at White +Earth, in which paralysis of one side of the face occurred soon after +the Midē´ administered this compound. In nearly all of them the +distortion disappeared after a lapse of from six weeks to three months, +though one is known to have continued for several years with no signs of +recovery. The Catholic missionary at White Earth, with whom conversation +was held upon this subject, feels impressed that some of the so-called +“bad Midē´” have a knowledge of some substance, possibly procured from +the whites, which they attempt to employ in the destruction of enemies, +rivals, or others. It may be possible that the instances above referred +to were cases in which the dose was not sufficient to kill the victim, +but was enough to disable him temporarily. Strychnia is the only +substance attainable by them that could produce such symptoms, and then +only when given in an exceedingly small dose. It is also alleged by +almost every one acquainted with the Ojibwa that they do possess +poisons, and that they employ them when occasion demands in the removal +of personal enemies or the enemies of those who amply reward the Midē´ +for such service. + +When the time of ceremony of initiation approaches, the chief Midē´ +priest sends out a courier to deliver to each member an invitation to +attend (Pl. XII), while the candidate removes his wig´iwam to the +vicinity of the place where the Midē´wigân has been erected. On the +fifth day before the celebration he visits the sweat-lodge, where he +takes his first vapor bath, followed on the next by another; on the +following day he takes the third bath, after which his preceptor visits +him. After making an offering to Ki´tshi Man´iō the priest sings a song, +of which the characters are reproduced in Pl. XIII, A. The Ojibwa words +employed in singing are given in the first lines, and are said to be the +ancient phraseology as taught for many generations. They are archaic, to +a great extent, and have additional meaningless syllables inserted, and +used as suffixes which are intoned to prolong notes. The second line of +the Ojibwa text consists of the words as they are spoken at the present +time, to each of which is added the interpretation. The radical +similarity between the two is readily perceived. + + [Illustration] + Hi´-na-wi´-a-ni-kaⁿ. (As sung.) + We´-me-a´ ni-kan mi´-sha man´-i-dō + I am crying my colleague great spirit. + ni-wa´-ma-bi-go´ ma´-wĭ-yan´. + He sees me crying. + [The singer is represented as in close relationship or communion + with Ki´tshi Man´idō, the circle denoting union; the short zigzag + lines within which, in this instance, represent the tears, i.e., + “eye rain,” directed toward the sky.] + + [Illustration] + Ki-nŭn´-no, hē´, ki-mun´-i-dō´-we, hē´, esh´-i-ha´-ni. (As sung.) + Gi-nŭn´-dōn ni-kan´ ē-zhi-an. + I hear you, colleague, what you say to me. + [The singer addresses the Otter Spirit, whose figure is emerging + from the Midē´wigân of which he is the chief guardian.] + + [Illustration] + Tē´-ti-wâ´-tshi-wi-mō´ a-ni´-me-ga´-si. (As sung.) + Tē´-ti-wâ´-tshŏ-tâg´ ni-mī´-gĭ-sĭm. + He will tell you (--inform you) [of] my migis. + tē´-ti-wa´-tshĭ-mo-ta´ âg. + He it is who will tell you. + [The reference is to a superior spirit as indicated by the presence + of horns, and the zigzag line upon the breast. The words signify + that Ki´tshi Man´idō will make known to the candidate the presence + within his body of the mī´gis, when the proper time arrives.] + + [Illustration] + Rest, or pause, in the song. + +During this interval another smoke offering is made, in which the Midē´ +priest is joined by the candidate. + + [Illustration] + Hĭu´-a-me´-da-ma´ ki´-a-wēn´-da-mag + man´-i-dō´-wĭt hĭu´-a-wen´-da-mag. (As sung.) + Ki-wĭn´-da-mag´-ū-nan man´-i-dō´-wid. + He tells us he is [one] of the man´idōs. + [This ma´nidō is the same as that referred to in the above-named + phrase. This form is different, the four spots denoting the four + sacred mī´gis points upon his body, the short radiating lines + referring to the abundance of magic powers with which it is filled.] + + [Illustration] + Wa´-sa-wa´-dī, hē´, wen´-da-na-ma´, + mĭ-tē´-wiⁿ. (As sung.) + Wa´-sa-wa´-dŭn´-da-na-ma´ + I get it from afar + mi-dē´-wi-wĭn´. + The “grand medicine.” + [The character represents a leg, with a magic line drawn across the + middle, to signify that the distance is accomplished only through + the medium of supernatural powers. The place “from afar” refers to + the abode of Ki´tshi Man´idō.] + + [Illustration] + Ki-go´-na-bi-hiⁿ ē´-ni-na mi-tē´. (As sung.) + Kiⁿ-do´-na-bī-in´ mi-dē´-wi-wĭn-ni-ni´ + I place you there “in the grand medicine” (among the “Midē´ people”) + a-bit´-da-win´. + Half way (in the Midē´wigân). + [The Midē´ priest informs the candidate that the second initiation + will advance the candidate half way into the secrets of the + Midē´wigân. The candidate is then placed so that his body will + have more magic influence and power as indicated by the zigzag + lines radiating from it toward the sky.] + + [Illustration: Plate XIII. + Mnemonic Songs.] + + [Illustration] + Hi´-sha-we-ne´-me-go´, hē´, nē´. + Ni-go´-tshi-mi, hē´. (As sung.) + Ni´-sha-we´-ni-mi-go´ ĕ´-ne-mâ´-bi-dzhĭk. + They have pity on me those who are sitting here. + [This request is made to the invisible man´idōs who congregate in + the Mide´wigân during the ceremonies, and the statement implies that + they approve of the candidate’s advancement.] + +Another smoke offering is made upon the completion of this song, after +which both individuals retire to their respective habitations. Upon the +following day, that being the one immediately preceding the day of +ceremony, the candidate again repairs to the sudatory to take a last +vapor bath, after the completion of which he awaits the coming of his +preceptor for final conversation and communion with man´idōs respecting +the step he is prepared to take upon the morrow. + +The preceptor’s visit is merely for the purpose of singing to the +candidate, and impressing him with the importance of the rites of the +Midē´wigân. After making the usual offering of tobacco smoke the +preceptor becomes inspired and sings a song, the following being a +reproduction of the one employed by him at this stage of the preparatory +instruction. (See Pl. XIII B.) + + [Illustration] + Man´-i-dō´, hē´, nē, man´-i-dō´, hē´, nē´. + Spirit, spirit, + Ni´-man-i-dō´ win´-da-bi-an´. + I am a spirit (is) the reason why I am here. + [The zigzag lines extending downward and outward from the mouth + indicate singing. He has reached the power of a man´idō, and is + therefore empowered to sit within the sacred inclosure of the + Midē´wigân, to which he alludes.] + + [Illustration] + Da´-bī-wā-ni´, ha´, hē´, + Aⁿ´-nĭn, e-kō´-wē-an´. + Drifting snow, why do I sing. + [The first line is sung, but no interpretation of the words could be + obtained, and it was alleged that the second line contained the idea + to be expressed. The horizontal curve denotes the sky, the vertical + zigzag lines indicating falling snow--though being exactly like the + lines employed to denote rain. The drifting snow is likened to a + shower of delicate mī´gis shells or spots, and inquiry is made of it + to account for the feeling of inspiration experienced by the singer, + as this shower of mī´gis descends from the abode of Ki´tshi Man´idō + and is therefore, in this instance, looked upon as sacred.] + + [Illustration] + Rest, or pause. + + [Illustration] + Gi-man´-i-dō´-wē, ni´-me-ne´-ki-nan´ wan-da. + Gi´-a-wĭngk, gi-man´-i-dō´-a-ni-min´, + Your body, I believe it is a spirit. + Gi-a-wĭngk. + your body. + [The first line is sung, but the last word could not be + satisfactorily explained. The first word, as now pronounced, is + Ki´tshi Man´idō, and the song is addressed to him. The curved line, + from which the arm protrudes, is the Midē´wigân and the arm itself + is that of the speaker in the attitude of adoration: reaching upward + in worship and supplication.] + + [Illustration] + Pi-nē´-si ne´-pi-mi´-a niⁿ´-ge-gē´-kwe-aⁿ + The bird as I promise the falcon + mi-we´-tshi-man´-i-dō´-wid. + the reason he is a spirit. + [The second word is of archaic form and no agreement concerning its + correct signification could be reached by the Midē´. The meaning of + the phrase appears to be that Ki´tshi Man´idō promised to create + the Thunder-bird, one of the man´idōs. The falcon is here taken as a + representative of that deity, the entire group of Thunderers being + termed a-ni´-mi-ki´.] + + [Illustration] + Zhīn´-gwe mi´-shi-ma-kwa´ + Makes a great noise the bear. + weⁿ´-dzhi-wa-ba-mok-kwēd´ kŭn-nēt´. + the reason I am of flame. + [The character of the bear represents the great bear spirit of the + malevolent type, a band about his body indicating his spirit form. + By means of his power and influence the singer has become endowed + with the ability of changing his form into that of the bear, and in + this guise accomplishing good or evil. The reference to flame (fire) + denotes the class of conjurers or Shamans to which this power is + granted, i.e., the Wâbĕnō´, and in the second degree this power is + reached as will be referred to further on.] + + [Illustration] + Ni´-a-wen´-din-da-sa´, ha´, sa´, man´-i-dō´-wid. + Gi´-a-wĭngk in´-do-sa man´-i-dō´-wid. + In your body I put it the spirit. + [The first line is sung, and is not of the modern style of spoken + language. The second line signifies that the arm of Ki´tshi Man´idō, + through the intermediary of the Midē´ priest, will put the spirit, + i.e., the mī´gis, into the body of the candidate.] + +The singer accompanies his song either by using a short baton of wood, +termed “singing stick” or the Midē´ drum. After the song is completed +another present of tobacco is given to the preceptor, and after making +an offering of smoke both persons return to their respective wig´iwams. +Later in the evening the preceptor calls upon the candidate, when both, +with the assistance of friends, carry the presents to the Midē´wigân, +where they are suspended from the rafters, to be ready for distribution +after the initiation on the following day. Several friends of the +candidate, who are Midē´, are stationed at the doors of the Midē´wigân +to guard against the intrusion of the uninitiated, or the possible +abstraction of the gifts by strangers. + + +INITIATION OF CANDIDATE. + +The candidate proceeds early on the morning of the day of initiation to +take possession of the sweat-lodge, where he awaits the coming of his +preceptor and the eight officiating priests. He has an abundance of +tobacco with which to supply all the active participants, so that they +may appease any feeling of opposition of the man´idōs toward the +admission of a new candidate, and to make offerings of tobacco to the +guardian spirit of the second degree of the Midē´wiwin. After the usual +ceremony of smoking individual songs are indulged in by the Midē´ +priests until such time as they may deem it necessary to proceed to the +Midē´wigân, where the members of the society have long since gathered +and around which is scattered the usual crowd of spectators. The +candidate leads the procession from the sweat-lodge to the eastern +entrance of the Midē´wigân, carrying an ample supply of tobacco and +followed by the priests who chant. When the head of the procession +arrives at the door of the sacred inclosure a halt is made, the priests +going forward and entering. The drummer, stationed within, begins to +drum and sing, while the preceptor and chief officiating priest continue +their line of march around the inclosure, going by way of the south or +left hand. Eight circuits are made, the last terminating at the main or +eastern entrance. The drumming then ceases and the candidate is taken to +the inner side of the door, when all the members rise and stand in their +places. The officiating priests approach and stand near the middle of +the inclosure, facing the candidate, when one of them says to the Midē´ +priest beside the latter: O-da´-pin a-sē´-ma--“Take it, the tobacco,” +whereupon the Midē´ spoken to relieves the candidate of the tobacco and +carries it to the middle of the inclosure, where it is laid upon a +blanket spread upon the ground. The preceptor then takes from the +cross-poles some of the blankets or robes and gives them to the +candidate to hold. One of the malevolent spirits which oppose the +entrance of a stranger is still supposed to remain with the Midē´wigân, +its body being that of a serpent, like flames of fire, reaching from the +earth to the sky. He is called I´-shi-ga-nē´-bĭ-gŏg--“Big-Snake.” To +appease his anger the candidate must make a present; so the preceptor +says for the candidate: + + Ka-wī´ⁿ-nĭ-na-ga´ wa´-ba-ma´-si-ba´-shĭ-gi´-ne-gēt´? + Do you not see how he carries the goods? + +This being assented to by the Midē´ priests the preceptor takes the +blankets and deposits them near the tobacco upon the ground. Slight taps +upon the Midē´ drum are heard and the candidate is led toward the left +on his march round the interior of the Midē´wigân, the officiating +priests following and being followed in succession by all others +present. The march continues until the eighth passage round, when the +members begin to step back into their respective places, while the +officiating Midē´ finally station themselves with their backs toward the +westernmost degree post, and face the door at the end of the structure. +The candidate continues round to the western end, faces the Midē´ +priests, and all sit down. The following song is then sung, which may +be the individual production of the candidate (Pl. XIII, C). A song is +part of the ritual, though it is not necessary that the candidate should +sing it, as the preceptor may do so for him. In the instance under +my observation the song was an old one (which had been taught the +candidate), as the archaic form of pronunciation indicates. Each of the +lines is repeated as often as the singer may desire, the prolongation of +the song being governed by his inspired condition. The same peculiarity +governs the insertion, between words and at the end of lines, of +apparently meaningless vowel sounds, to reproduce and prolong the last +notes sounded. This may be done ad libitum, rythmical accentuation being +maintained by gently tapping upon the Midē´ drum. + + [Illustration] + Hĭa´-ni-de hĕn´-da man´-i-dō, hō´, + ni´-sha-bon´-de man´-i-dō´-en-dât. + Where is the spirit lodge? I go through it. + [The oblong structure represents the Midē´wigân, the arm upon the + left indicating the course of the path leading through it, the + latter being shown by a zigzag line.] + + [Illustration] + Nin-gō´-sa mĭ-dē´-kwe ni-ka´ na´-ska-wa´. + I am afraid of the “grand medicine” woman; I go to her. + [A leg is shown to signify locomotion. The singer fears the + opposition of a Midē´ priestess and will conciliate her.] + + [Illustration] + Ka-ni-sa´ hi´-a-tshi´-mĭn-dē´ man´-ski-kī´, dē´, hē´, hē´. + Kinsmen who speak of me, they see the striped sky. + [A person of superior power, as designated by the horns attached to + the head. The lines from the mouth signify voice or speech, while + the horizontal lines denote the stratus clouds, the height above the + earth of which illustrates the direction of the abode of the spirit + whose conversation, referring to the singer, is observed crossing + them as short vertical zigzag lines; i.e., voice lines.] + + [Illustration] + Ke´-na-nan´-do-mē´ ko-nō´-ne-nak + ka-ne-hē´ nin-ko´-tshi nan´-no-me´. + The cloud looks to me for medicine. + [The speaker has become so endowed with the power of magic influence + that he has preference with the superior Man´idōs. The magic + influence is shown descending to the hand which reaches beyond + the cloud indicated by the oblong square upon the forearm.] + + [Illustration] + Rest, after which dancing begins. + + [Illustration] + Wa-tshu´-a-nē´ ke´-ba-bing´-e-on´, wa-dzhū. + Going into the mountains. + [The singer’s thoughts go to the summit to commune with Ki´tshi + Man´idō. He is shown upon the summit.] + + [Illustration] + Hi´-mĕ-de´-wa hen´-dĕ-a he´-na. + The grand medicine affects me. + [In his condition he appeals to Ki´tshi Man´idō for aid. The arms + represent the act of supplication.] + + [Illustration] + Hai´-an-go ho´-ya o´-gĕ-ma, ha´. + The chief goes out. + [The arms grasp a bear--the Bear Man´idō--and the singer intimates + that he desires the aid of that powerful spirit, who is one of the + guardians of the Midē´wigân.] + + [Illustration] + Nish´-o-wē´ ni-mē´-hi-gō´, hē´, ni-gō´-tshi-mi´-go-we, hē´. + Have pity on me wherever I have medicine. + [The speaker is filled with magic influence, upon the strength of + which he asks the Bear to pity and to aid him.] + + [Illustration] + Wi´-so-mi´-ko-wē´ hĕ-a-za-we´-ne-ne-gō´, hō´. + I am the beaver; have pity on me. + [This is said to indicate that the original maker of the mnemonic + song was of the Beaver totem or gens.] + + [Illustration] + Hēn´-ta-no-wik´-ko-we´ de-wĕn´-da ĕn-da-â´-dân. + I wish to know what is the matter with me. + [The singer feels peculiarly impressed by his surroundings in the + Midē´wigân, because the sacred man´idōs have filled his body with + magic powers. These are shown by the zigzag or waving lines + descending to the earth.] + +As each of the preceding lines or verses is sung in such a protracted +manner as to appear like a distinct song, the dancers, during the +intervals of rest, always retire to their places and sit down. The +dancing is not so energetic as many of those commonly indulged in for +amusement only. The steps consist of two treading movements made by each +foot in succession. Keeping time with the drum-beats, at the same time +there is a shuffling movement made by the dancer forward, around and +among his companions, but getting back toward his place before the verse +is ended. The attitude during these movements consists in bending the +body forward, while the knees are bent, giving one the appearance of +searching for a lost object. Those who do not sing give utterance to +short, deep grunts, in accordance with the alternate heavier strokes +upon the drum. + +As the dancing ceases, and all are in their proper seats, the preceptor, +acting for the candidate, approaches the pile of tobacco and distributes +a small quantity to each one present, when smoking is indulged in, +preceded by the usual offering to the east, the south, the west, the +north, the sky and the earth. + +After the completion of this ceremonial an attendant carries the Midē´ +drum to the southeast angle of the inclosure, where it is delivered to +the drummer; then the officiating priests rise and approach within two +or three paces of the candidate as he gets upon his knees. The preceptor +and the assistant who is called upon by him take their places +immediately behind and to either side of the candidate, and the Midē´ +priest lowest in order of precedence begins to utter quick, deep tones, +resembling the sound hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, at the same time grasping +his midē´ sack with both hands, as if it were a gun, and moving it in a +serpentine and interrupted manner toward one of the large joints of the +candidate’s arms or legs. At the last utterance of this sound he +produces a quick puff with the breath and thrusts the bag forward as if +shooting, which he pretends to do, the missile being supposed to be the +invisible sacred mī´gis. The other priests follow in order from the +lowest to the highest, each selecting a different joint, during which +ordeal the candidate trembles more and more violently until at last he +is overcome with the magic influence and falls forward upon the ground +unconscious. The Midē´ priests then lay their sacks upon his back, when +the candidate begins to recover and spit out the mī´gis shell which he +had previously hidden within his mouth. Then the chief Midē´ takes it up +between the tips of the forefinger and thumb and goes through the +ceremony described in connection with the initiation into the first +degree, of holding it toward the east, south, west, north, and the sky, +and finally to the mouth of the candidate, when the latter, who has +partly recovered from his apparently insensible condition, again +relapses into that state. The eight priests then place their sacks to +the respective joints at which they previously directed them, which +fully infuses the body with the magic influence as desired. Upon this +the candidate recovers, takes up the mī´gis shell and, placing it upon +his left palm, holds it forward and swings it from side to side, saying +he! he! he! he! he! and pretends to swallow it, this time only reeling +from its effects. He is now restored to a new life for the second time; +and as the priests go to seek seats he is left on the southern side and +seats himself. After all those who have been occupied with the +initiation have hung up their midē´ sacks on available projections +against the wall or branches, the new member goes forward to the pile of +tobacco, blankets, and other gifts and divides them among those present, +giving the larger portions to the officiating priests. He then passes +around once more, stopping before each one to pass his hands over the +sides of the priests’ heads, and says: + + Mi-gwĕtsh´ ga-shi-tō´-win bi-mâ´-dĭ-si-wĭn, + Thanks for giving to me life, + +after which he retreats a step, and clasping his hands and bowing toward +the priest, says: + + Ni-ka´-ni ni-ka´ni ni-ka´-ni ka-nia´, + fellow midē´ fellow midē´ fellow midē´, + +to which each responds hau´, ēⁿ. The word hau´ is a term of approbation, +ēⁿ signifying yes, or affirmation, the two thus used together serving to +intensify the expression. Those of the Midē´ present who are of the +second, or even some higher degree, then indulge in the ceremony of +passing around to the eastern part of the inclosure, where they feign +coughing and gagging, so as to produce from the mouth the mī´gis shell, +as already narrated in connection with the first degree, p. 192. + +This manner of thanking the officiating Midē´ for their services in +initiating the candidate into a higher degree is extended also to those +members of the Midē´wiwin who are of the first degree only, in +acknowledgment of the favor of their presence at the ceremony, they +being eligible to attend ceremonial rites of any degree higher than the +class to which they belong, because such men are neither benefited nor +influenced in any way by merely witnessing such initiation, but they +must themselves take the principal part in it to receive the favor of a +renewed life and to become possessed of higher power and increased magic +influence. + +Various members of the society indulge in short harangues, recounting +personal exploits in the performance of magic and exorcism, to which the +auditors respond in terms of gratification and exclamations of approval. +During these recitals the ushers, appointed for the purpose, leave the +inclosure by the western door to return in a short time with kettles of +food prepared for the midē´ feast. The ushers make four circuits of the +interior, giving to each person present a quantity of the contents of +the several vessels, so that all receive sufficient to gratify their +desires. When the last of the food has been consumed, or removed, the +midē´ drum is heard, and soon a song is started, in which all who desire +join. After the first two or three verses of the song are recited, a +short interval of rest is taken, but when it is resumed dancing begins +and is continued to the end. In this manner they indulge in singing and +dancing, interspersed with short speeches, until the approach of sunset, +when the members retire to their own wig´iwams, leaving the Midē´-wigân +by the western egress. + +The ushers, assisted by the chief Midē´, then remove the sacred post +from the inclosure and arrange the interior for new initiations, either +of a lower or higher class, if candidates have prepared and presented +themselves. In case there is no further need of meeting again at once, +the members of the society and visitors return upon the following day to +their respective homes. + + +DESCRIPTIVE NOTES. + +The mī´gis shell employed in the second degree initiation is of the same +species as those before mentioned. At White Earth, however, some of the +priests claim an additional shell as characteristic of this advanced +degree, and insist that this should be as nearly round as possible, +having a perforation through it by which it may be secured with a strand +or sinew. In the absence of a rounded white shell a bead may be used as +a substitute. On Pl. XI, No. 4, is presented an illustration of the bead +(the second-degree mī´gis) presented to me on the occasion of my +initiation. + +With reference to the style of facial decoration resorted to in this +degree nearly all of the members now paint the face according to their +own individual tastes, though a few old men still adhere to the +traditional method previously described (pp. 180, 181). The candidate +usually adopts the style practiced by his preceptor, to which he is +officially entitled; but if the preceptor employed in the preparatory +instruction for the second degree be not the same individual whose +services were retained for the first time, then the candidate has the +privilege of painting his face according to the style of the preceding +degree. If he follow his last preceptor it is regarded as an exceptional +token of respect, and the student is not expected to follow the method +in his further advancement. + +A Midē´ of the second degree is also governed by his tutelary daimon; +e.g., if during the first fast and vision he saw a bear, he now prepares +a necklace of bear-claws, which is worn about the neck and crosses the +middle of the breast. He now has the power of changing his form into +that of a bear; and during that term of his disguise he wreaks vengeance +upon his detractors and upon victims for whose destruction he has been +liberally rewarded. Immediately upon the accomplishment of such an act +he resumes his human form and thus escapes identification and detection. +Such persons are termed by many “bad medicine men,” and the practice of +thus debasing the sacred teachings of the Midē´wiwin is discountenanced +by members of the society generally. Such pretensions are firmly +believed in and acknowledged by the credulous and are practiced by that +class of Shamans here designated as the Wâbĕnō´. + +In his history[15] Rev. Mr. Jones says: + + As the powwows always unite witchcraft with the application of their + medicines I shall here give a short account of this curious art. + + Witches and wizards are persons supposed to possess the agency of + familiar spirits from whom they receive power to inflict diseases on + their enemies, prevent good luck of the hunter and the success of the + warrior. They are believed to fly invisibly at pleasure from place to + place; to turn themselves into bears, wolves, foxes, owls, bats, and + snakes. Such metamorphoses they pretend to accomplish by putting on + the skins of these animals, at the same time crying and howling in + imitation of the creature they wish to represent. Several of our + people have informed me that they have seen and heard witches in the + shape of these animals, especially the bear and the fox. They say that + when a witch in the shape of a bear is being chased all at once she + will run round a tree or a hill, so as to be lost sight of for a time + by her pursuers, and then, instead of seeing a bear they behold an old + woman walking quietly along or digging up roots, and looking as + innocent as a lamb. The fox witches are known by the flame of fire + which proceeds out of their mouths every time they bark. + + Many receive the name of witches without making any pretensions to the + art, merely because they are deformed or ill-looking. Persons esteemed + witches or wizards are generally eccentric characters, remarkably + wicked, of a ragged appearance and forbidding countenance. The way in + which they are made is either by direct communication with the + familiar spirit during the days of their fasting, or by being + instructed by those skilled in the art. + + [Footnote 15: History of the Ojebway Indians, etc., London (1843?), + pp. 145, 146.] + +A Midē´ of the second degree has the reputation of superior powers on +account of having had the mī´gis placed upon all of his joints, and +especially because his heart is filled with magic power, as is shown in +Pl. III, No. 48. In this drawing the disk upon the breast denotes where +the mī´gis has been “shot” into the figure, the enlarged size of the +circle signifying “greater abundance,” in contradistinction to the +common designation of a mī´gis shown only by a simple spot or small +point. One of this class is enabled to hear and see what is transpiring +at a remote distance, the lines from the hands indicating that he is +enabled to grasp objects which are beyond the reach of a common person, +and the lines extending from the feet signifying that he can traverse +space and transport himself to the most distant points. Therefore he is +sought after by hunters for aid in the discovery and capture of game, +for success in war, and for the destruction of enemies, however remote +may be their residence. + +When an enemy or a rival is to be dealt with a course is pursued similar +to that followed when preparing hunting charts, though more powerful +magic medicines are used. In the following description of a pictograph +recording such an occurrence the Midē´, or rather the Wâbĕnō´, was of +the fourth degree of the Midē´wiwin. The indication of the grade of the +operator is not a necessary part of the record, but in this instance +appears to have been prompted from motives of vanity. The original +sketch, of which Fig. 24 is a reproduction, was drawn upon birch-bark by +a Midē´, in 1884, and the ceremony detailed actually occurred at White +Earth, Minnesota. By a strange coincidence the person against whom +vengeance was aimed died of pneumonia the following spring, the disease +having resulted from cold contracted during the preceding winter. The +victim resided at a camp more than a hundred miles east of the locality +above named, and his death was attributed to the Midē´’s power, a +reputation naturally procuring for him many new adherents and disciples. +The following is the explanation as furnished by a Midē´ familiar with +the circumstances: + + [Illustration: Fig. 24.--Midē´ destroying an enemy.] + + No. 1 is the author of the chart, a Midē´ who was called upon to take + the life of a man living at a distant camp. The line extending from + the midē´ to the figure at No. 9, signifies that his influence will + reach to that distance. + + No. 2, the applicant for assistance. + + Nos. 3, 4, 5, and 6, represent the four degrees of the Midē´wiwin (of + which the operator, in this instance, was a member). The degrees are + furthermore specifically designated by short vertical strokes. + + No. 7 is the midē´ drum used during the ceremony of preparing the + charm. + + No. 8 represents the body of the intended victim. The heart is + indicated, and upon this spot was rubbed a small quantity of + vermilion. + + No. 9 is the outline of a lake, where the subject operated upon + resided. + +War parties are not formed at this time, but mnemonic charts of songs +used by priests to encourage war parties, are still extant, and a +reproduction of one is given on Pl. XIII, D. This song was used by the +Midē´ priest to insure success to the parties. The members who intended +participating in the exhibition would meet on the evening preceding +their departure, and while listening to the words, some would join in +the singing while others would dance. The lines may be repeated ad +libitum so as to lengthen the entire series of phrases according to the +prevalent enthusiasm and the time at the disposal of the performers. The +war drum was used, and there were always five or six drummers so as to +produce sufficient noise to accord with the loud and animated singing of +a large body of excited men. This drum is, in size, like that employed +for dancing. It is made by covering with rawhide an old kettle, or +wooden vessel, from 2 to 3 feet in diameter. The drum is then attached +to four sticks, or short posts, so as to prevent its touching the +ground, thus affording every advantage for producing full and resonant +sounds, when struck. The drumsticks are strong withes, at the end of +each of which is fastened a ball of buckskin thongs. The following lines +are repeated ad libitum: + + [Illustration: Plate XIV. + Mnemonic Songs.] + + [Illustration] + Hu´-na-wa´-na ha´-wā, + un-do´-dzhe-na´ ha-we´-nĕ. + I am looking [feeling] for my paint. + [The Midē’s hands are at his medicine sack searching for his war + paint.] + + [Illustration] + Hĭa´-dzhi-mĭn-de´ non´-da-kō´, hō´, + They hear me speak of legs. + [Refers to speed in the expedition. To the left of the leg is the + arm of a spirit, which is supposed to infuse magic influence so as + to give speed and strength.] + + [Illustration] + Hu´-wa-ke´, na´, ha´, + He said, + [The Turtle Man´idō will lend his aid in speed. The turtle was one + of the swiftest man´idōs, until through some misconduct, Min´abō´zho + deprived him of his speed.] + + [Illustration] + Wa´-tshe, ha´, hwē, wa´-ka-te´, hē´, wa´-tshe, ha´, hwē´. + Powder, he said. + [The modern form of Wa´-ka-te´, he´, hwā´, is ma´-ka-dē´-hwa; other + archaic words occur also in other portions of this song. The phrase + signifies that the Midē´ Man´idō favors good results from the use of + powder. His form projects from the top of the Midē´ structure.] + + [Illustration] + Rest. A smoke is indulged in after which the song is resumed, + accompanied with dancing. + + [Illustration] + Sin-go´-na wa-kī´ na-ha´-ka + I made him cry. + [The figure is that of a turkey buzzard which the speaker shot.] + + [Illustration] + Te-wa´-tshi-me-kwe´-na, ha´, na-ke´-nan. + They tell of my powers. + [The people speak highly of the singer’s magic powers; a charmed + arrow is shown which terminates above with feather-web ornament, + enlarged to signify its greater power.] + + [Illustration] + He´-wĕ-ne-nis´-sa ma-he´-ka-nĕn´-na. + What have I killed, it is a wolf. + [By aid of his magic influence the speaker has destroyed a bad + man´idō which had assumed the form of a wolf.] + + [Illustration] + Sun´-gu-we´-wa, ha´, nīn-dēn´, tshi´-man-da´-kwa ha´na-nĭn-dēn´. + I am as strong as the bear. + [The Midē´ likens his powers to those of the Bear Man´idō, one of + the most powerful spirits; his figure protrudes from the top of the + Midē´wigân while his spirit form is indicated by the short lines + upon the back.] + + [Illustration] + Wa´-ka-na´-ni, hē´, wa´-ka-na´-ni. + I wish to smoke. + [The pipe used is that furnished by the promoter or originator of + the war party, termed a “partisan.” The Midē´ is in full accord with + the work undertaken and desires to join, signifying his wish by + desiring to smoke with the braves.] + + [Illustration] + He´-wa-hō´-a hai´-a-nē´ + I even use a wooden image. + [Effigies made to represent one who is to be destroyed. The heart is + punctured, vermilion or other magic powder is applied, and the death + of the victim is encompassed.] + + [Illustration] + Pa-kwa´ ma-ko-nē´ ā´, ō´, hē´, + ōsh-ke´-na-ko-nē´-a. + The bear goes round angry. + [The Bear Man´idō is angry because the braves are dilatory in going + to war. The sooner they decide upon this course, the better it will + be for the Midē´ as to his fee, and the chances of success are + greater while the braves are infused with enthusiasm, than if they + should become sluggish and their ardor become subdued.] + + +THIRD DEGREE. + + [Illustration: Fig. 25.--Diagram of Midē´wigân of the third degree.] + +The structure in which the third degree of the Midē´wiwin is conferred +resembles that of the two preceding, and an outline is presented in Fig. +25. In this degree three posts are erected, the first one resembling +that of the first degree, being painted red with a band of green around +the top. (Pl. XV, No. 1.) This is planted a short distance to the east +of the middle of the floor. The second post is also painted red, but has +scattered over its entire surface spots of white clay, each of about the +size of a silver quarter of a dollar, symbolical of the mī´gis shell. +Upon the top of this post is placed the stuffed body of an +owl--Kŏ-kó-kŏ-ō´. (Pl. XV, No. 2.) This post is planted a short distance +west of the first one and about midway between it and the third, which +last is erected within about 6 or 8 feet from the western door, and is +painted black. (Pl. XV, No. 3.) The sacred stone against which patients +are placed, and which has the alleged virtue of removing or expelling +the demons that cause disease, is placed upon the ground at the usual +spot near the eastern entrance (Fig. 25, No. 1). The Makwá Man´idō--bear +spirit--is the tutelary guardian of this degree. Cedar trees are planted +at each of the outer angles of the structure (Fig. 25, Nos. 6, 7, 8, 9). +The sudatory is erected about 100 yards due east of the main entrance of +the Midē´wigân, and is of the same size and for the same purpose as that +for the second degree. + + [Illustration: Plate XV. + Sacred Posts of Midē´wigân.] + + +PREPARATION OF CANDIDATE. + +It is customary for the period of one year to elapse before a +second-degree Midē´ can be promoted, even if he be provided with enough +presents for such advancement. As the exacted fee consists of goods and +tobacco thrice the value of the fee for the first degree, few present +themselves. This degree is not held in as high estimation, relatively, +as the preceding one; but it is alleged that a Midē´’s powers are +intensified by again subjecting himself to the ceremony of being “shot +with the sacred mī´gis,” and he is also elevated to that rank by means +of which he may be enabled the better to invoke the assistance of the +tutelary guardian of this degree. + +A Midē´ who has in all respects complied with the preliminaries of +announcing to the chief Midē´ his purpose, gaining satisfactory evidence +of his resources and ability to present the necessary presents, and of +his proficiency in the practice of medical magic, etc., selects a +preceptor of at least the third degree and one who is held in high +repute and influence in the Midē´wiwin. After procuring the services of +such a person and making a satisfactory agreement with him, he may be +enabled to purchase from him some special formulæ for which he is +distinguished. The instruction embraces a résumé of the traditions +previously given, the various uses and properties of magic plants and +compounds with which the preceptor is familiar, and conversations +relative to exploits performed in medication, incantation, and exorcism. +Sometimes the candidate is enabled to acquire new “medicines” to add to +his list, and the following is a translation of the tradition relating +to the origin of ginseng (Aralia quinquefolia, Gr.), the so-called “man +root,” held in high estimation as of divine origin. In Fig. 3 is +presented a pictorial representation of the story, made by Ojibwa, +a Midē´ priest of White Earth, Minnesota. The tradition purports +to be an account of a visit of the spirit of a boy to the abode of +Dzhibai´Man´idō, “the chief spirit of the place of souls,” called +Ne´-ba-gi´-zis, “the land of the sleeping sun.” + +There appears to be some similarity between this tradition and that +given in connection with Pl. V, in which the Sun Spirit restored to +life a boy, by which act he exemplified a portion of the ritual of the +Midē´wiwin. It is probable therefore that the following tradition is a +corruption of the former and made to account for the origin of “man +root,” as ginseng is designated, this root, or certain portions of it, +being so extensively employed in various painful complaints. + + Once an old Midē´, with his wife and son, started out on a hunting + trip, and, as the autumn was changing into winter, the three erected a + substantial wig´iwam. The snow began to fall and the cold increased, + so they decided to remain and eat of their stores, game having been + abundant and a good supply having been procured. The son died; + whereupon his mother immediately set out for the village to obtain + help to restore him to life, as she believed her father, the chief + priest of the Midē´-wiwin, able to accomplish this. + + When the woman informed her father of the death of her son, her + brother, who was present, immediately set out in advance to render + assistance. The chief priest then summoned three assistant Midē´, and + they accompanied his daughter to the place where the body of his dead + grandson lay upon the floor of the wig´iwam, covered with robes. + + The chief Midē´ placed himself at the left shoulder of the dead boy, + the next in rank at the right, while the two other assistants + stationed themselves at the feet. Then the youngest Midē´--he at the + right foot of the deceased--began to chant a midē´ song, which he + repeated a second, a third, and a fourth time. + + When he had finished, the Midē´ at the left foot sang a midē´ song + four times; then the Midē´ at the right shoulder of the body did the + same, after which the chief Midē´ priest sang his song four times, + whereupon there was a perceptible movement under the blanket, and as + the limbs began to move the blanket was taken off, when the boy sat + up. Being unable to speak, he made signs that he desired water, which + was given to him. + + The four Midē´ priests then chanted medicine songs, each preparing + charmed remedies which were given to the boy to complete his recovery. + The youngest Midē´, standing at the foot of the patient, gave him four + pinches of powder, which he was made to swallow; the Midē´ at the left + foot did the same; then the Midē´ at the right shoulder did likewise, + and he, in turn, was followed by the chief priest standing at the left + shoulder of the boy; whereupon the convalescent immediately recovered + his speech and said that during the time that his body had been in a + trance his spirit had been in the “spirit land,” and had learned of + the “grand medicine.” + + The boy then narrated what his spirit had experienced during the + trance, as follows: “Gi´-gi-min´-ĕ-go´-min mi-dē´-wi-wĭn mi-dē´ + man´-i-dō´ ’n-gi-gĭn´-o-a-mâk ban-dzhi´-ge´-o-we´-ân + ta´-zi-ne´-zho-wak´ ni-zha´-nĕ-zak, kĭ-wi´-de-gĕt´ + mi´-o-pi´-ke´-ne-bŭi´-yan ka-ki´-nĕ ka-we´-dĕ-ge´ mi´-o-wŏk-pi´ + i-kan´-o-a-mag´-ĭ-na mi-dē´ man´i-dō wi-we´-ni-tshi mi-dē´-wi-wĭn, + ki´-mi-mâ´-dĭ-si-win´-in-ân´ ki-mi´-nĭ-go-nan´ ge-on´-dĕ-na-mŏngk + ki´-mi-mâ´-di-si´-wa-in-an´; ki´-ki-no´-a-mag´-wi-nan´ mash´-kĭ-ki + o-gi´-mi-ni´-go-wan´ o-dzhi-bi´-gân gi-me´-ni-na-gŭk´ + mash´-kĭ-ki-wa´-boⁿ shtĭk-wan´-a-ko-se´-an o-ma´-mâsh´-kĭ-ki + ma´-gi-ga´-to ki´-ka-ya-tōn.” + +The following is a translation: + + “He, the chief spirit of the Midē´ Society, gave us the “grand + medicine,” and he has taught us how to use it. I have come back from + the spirit land. There will be twelve, all of whom will take wives; + when the last of these is no longer without a wife, then will I die. + That is the time. The Midē´ spirit taught us to do right. He gave us + life and told us how to prolong it. These things he taught us, and + gave us roots for medicine. I give to you medicine; if your head is + sick, this medicine put upon it, you will put it on.” + +The revelation received by the boy was in the above manner imparted +to the Indians. The reference to twelve--three times the sacred number +four--signifies that twelve chief priests shall succeed each other +before death will come to the narrator. It is observed, also, that a +number of the words are archaic, which fact appears to be an indication +of some antiquity, at least, of the tradition. + +The following are the principal forms in which a Midē´ will utilize +Aralia quinquefolia, Gr., ginseng--Shtĕ´-na-bi-o´-dzhi-bik: + + 1. Small quantities of powdered root are swallowed to relieve + stomachic pains. + + 2. A person complaining with acute pains in any specific part of + the body is given that part of the root corresponding to the part + affected; e.g., for pleurisy, the side of the root is cut out, and + an infusion given to relieve such pains; if one has pains in the + lower extremities, the bifurcations of the root are employed; + should the pains be in the thorax, the upper part of the root-- + corresponding to the chest--is used in a similar manner. + + +INITIATION OF CANDIDATE. + +As the candidate for promotion has acquired from his Midē´ friends such +new information as they choose to impart, and from his instructor all +that was practicable, he has only to await the day of ceremony to be +publicly acknowledged as a third-degree Midē´. As this time approaches +the invitation sticks are sent to the various members and to such +non-resident Midē´ as the officiating priests may wish to honor. On or +before the fifth day previous to the meeting the candidate moves to the +vicinity of the Midē´wigân. On that day the first sweat bath is taken, +and one also upon each succeeding day until four baths, as a ceremony of +purification, have been indulged in. On the evening of the day before +the meeting his preceptor visits him at his own wig´iwam when, with the +assistance of friends, the presents are collected and carried to the +Midē´-wigân and suspended from the transverse poles near the roof. The +officiating priests may subsequently join him, when smoking and singing +form the chief entertainment of the evening. + +By this time numerous visitors have gathered together and are encamped +throughout the adjacent timber, and the sound of the drum, where dancing +is going on, may be heard far into the night. + +Early on the morning of the day of the ceremonies the candidate goes +to the sudatory where he first awaits the coming of his preceptor and +later the arrival of the Midē´ priests by whom he is escorted to the +Midē´wigân. With the assistance of the preceptor he arranges his gift of +tobacco which he takes with him to the sacred inclosure, after which a +smoke offering is made, and later Midē´ songs are chanted. These may be +of his own composition as he has been a professor of magic a sufficient +lapse of time to have composed them, but to give evidence of superior +powers the chief, or some other of the officiating priests, will perhaps +be sufficiently inspired to sing. The following was prepared and chanted +by one of the Midē´ priests at the third-degree meeting at White Earth, +Minnesota, and the illustration in Pl. XIV, A, is a reproduction of the +original. The words, with translation, are as follows: + + [Illustration] + + Ni-ka´-ni-na man´-do-na-mō´-a. + My friend I am shooting into you in trying to hit the mark. + [The two arms are grasping the mī´gis, which he the Midē´ is going + to shoot into the body of the candidate. The last word means, + literally, trying to hit the mark at random.] + + [Illustration] + Me-kwa´-me-sha-kwak´, mi-tē´-wi-da´. + While it is clear let us have it, the “grand medicine.” + [The Midē´ arm, signified by the magic zigzag lines at the lower end + of the picture, reaches up into the sky to keep it clear; the rain + is descending elsewhere as indicated by the lines descending from + the sky at the right and left.] + + [Illustration] + Rest. + During this interval a smoke offering is made. + + [Illustration] + Mi-sha´-kwi-tō-nĭ mī´-gĭs-sĭm´. + As clear as the sky [is] my mī´gis. + [The figure represents the sacred mī´gis, as indicated by the short + lines radiating from the periphery. The mī´gis is white and the + clear sky is compared to it.] + + [Illustration] + Sōn´-gi-mi-dē´ wi-ka´-ne, hē´, + Wi-nō´-a man´-i-dō´-wi-dzhī´-id-e´-zhi-wât. + Take the “grand medicine” strong, as they, together + with the “Great Spirit,” tell me. + [The candidate is enjoined to persevere in his purpose. The + associate Midē´ are alluded to, as also Ki´tshi Man´idō, who urge + his continuance and advancement in the sacred society. The arm + reaches down to search for the sacred mī´gis of the fourth degree-- + designated by four vertical lines--which is, as yet, hidden from + the person addressed.] + + [Illustration] + Hwa´-ba-mi-dē´, hwa´-ba-mi-dē´, + Na´-wa-kin-tē´. + He who sees me, he who sees me, stands on the middle of the earth. + [The human figure symbolizes Ki´tshi Man´idō; the magic lines cross + his body, while his legs rest upon the outline of the Midē´wigân. + His realm, the sky, reaches from the zenith to the earth, and he + beholds the Midē´ while chanting and conducting the Midē´wiwin.] + + [Illustration] + Man´-i-dō´ wi´-ka-ni´ ni-mi-dē´. + To the spirit be a friend, my Midē´. + [The speaker enjoins the candidate to be faithful to his charge, and + thus a friend to Ki´tshi Man´idō, who in return will always assist + him. The figure holds a mī´gis in its right hand, and the Midē´ drum + in its left.] + +The greater number of words in the preceding text are of an archaic +form, and are presented as they were chanted. The several lines may be +repeated ad libitum to accord with the feeling of inspiration which the +singer experiences, or the amount of interest manifested by his hearers. + + [Illustration: Plate XVI. + Mnemonic Songs.] + +All the members of the society not officially inducting the candidate +have ere this entered the Midē´wigân and deposited their invitation +sticks near the sacred stone, or, in the event of their inability to +attend, have sent them with an explanation. The candidate, at the +suggestion of the Midē´ priest, then prepares to leave the sudatory, +gathers up the tobacco, and as he slowly advances toward the Midē´ +inclosure his attendants fall into the procession according to their +office. The priests sing as they go forward, until they reach the +entrance of the Midē´wigân, where the candidate and his preceptor halt, +while the remainder enter and take their stations just within the door, +facing the west. + +The drummers, who are seated in the southwestern angle of the inclosure, +begin to drum and sing, while the candidate is led slowly around the +exterior, going by the south, thus following the course of the sun. Upon +the completion of the fourth circuit he is halted directly opposite the +main entrance, to which his attention is then directed. The drumming and +singing cease; the candidate beholds two Midē´ near the outer entrance +and either side of it. These Midē´ represent two malevolent man´idō and +guard the door against the entrance of those not duly prepared. The one +upon the northern side of the entrance then addresses his companion in +the following words: I´-ku-tan ka´-wi-nad´-gĭ wa´-na-mâ´-sĭ +ē´-zhĭ-gĭ´-nĭ-gĕd--“Do you not see how he is formed?” To which the +other responds: O-da´-pĭ-nŏ´ ke´-no-wĭn-dŭng shkwan´-dĭm--“Take care +of it, the door;” [i.e., guard the entrance.] The former then +again speaks to his companion, and says: Ka-wīn´-nĭ-na-ga´ +wâ´-ba-ma´-si-ba´-shĭ-gi´-ne-gēt´--“Do you not see how he carries the +goods?” The Midē´ spoken to assents to this, when the preceptor takes +several pieces of tobacco which he presents to the two guards, whereupon +they permit the candidate to advance to the inner entrance, where he is +again stopped by two other guardian man´idō, who turn upon him as if to +inquire the reason of his intrusion. The candidate then holds out two +parcels of tobacco and says to them: O-da´-pin a-sē´-ma--“Take it, the +tobacco,” whereupon they receive the gift and stand aside, saying: +Kun´-da-dan--“Go down;” [i.e., enter and follow the path.] As the +candidate is taken a few steps forward and toward the sacred stone, four +of the eight officiating priests receive him, one replacing the +preceptor who goes to the extreme western end there to stand and face +the east, where another joins him, while the remaining two place +themselves side by side so as to face the west. + +It is believed that there are five powerful man´idōs who abide within +the third-degree Midē´wigân, one of whom is the Midē´ man´idō--Ki´tshi +Man´idō--one being present at the sacred stone, the second at that part +of the ground between the sacred stone and the first part where the +gifts are deposited, the remaining three at the three degree posts. + +As the candidate starts and continues upon his walk around the interior +of the inclosure the musicians begin to sing and drum, while all those +remaining are led toward the left, and when opposite the sacred stone +he faces it and is turned round so that his back is not toward it in +passing; the same is done at the second place where one of the spirits +is supposed to abide; again at first, second, and third posts. By this +time the candidate is at the western extremity of the structure, and as +the second Midē´ receives him in charge, the other taking his station +beside the preceptor, he continues his course toward the north and east +to the point of departure, going through similar evolutions as before, +as he passes the three posts, the place of gifts and the sacred stone. +This is done as an act of reverence to the man´idōs and to acknowledge +his gratitude for their presence and encouragement. When he again +arrives at the eastern extremity of the inclosure he is placed between +the two officiating Midē´, who have been awaiting his return, while his +companion goes farther back, even to the door, from which point he +addresses the other officiating Midē´ as follows: + + Mĭs-sa´-a-shi´-gwa wi-kan´-da´-we-an´, mĭs-sa´-a-shi´-gwa + Now is the time [I am] telling [--advising,] now is the time + + wī´-di-wa´-mŏk wi-un´-o-bē-ŏg. + to be observed [I am] ready to make him sit down. + +Then one of the Midē´ priests standing beside the candidate leads him to +the spot between the sacred stone and the first-degree post where the +blankets and other goods have been deposited, and here he is seated. +This priest then walks slowly around him singing in a tremulous manner +wa´, hĕ´, hĕ´, hĕ´, hĕ´, hĕ´, hĕ´, hĕ´, returning to a position so +as to face him, when he addresses him as follows: Mĭs-sa´-a-shi´-gwa +pŏ´-gŭ-sĕ-ni´mi-nan´ au´-u-sa´ za-a´-da-win´ man´-i-dō mī´-gis. +Na´-pish-gatsh di-mâ´-gĭ-sĭ ĕ-nĕ´-nĭ-mi-an pi´-sha-gâ-an-da-i´ +na´-pish-gatsh tshi-skwa´-di-na-wâd´ dzhi-ma´-dzhi-a-ka´-ma-da-mân +bi-mâ´-dĭs-si´-an. + +The following is a free translation: + + The time has arrived for you to ask of the Great Spirit this + “reverence” i.e., the sanctity of this degree. I am interceding in + your behalf, but you think my powers are feeble; I am asking him to + confer upon you the sacred powers. He may cause many to die, but I + shall henceforth watch your course of success in life, and learn if he + will heed your prayers and recognize your magic power. + +At the conclusion of these remarks three others of the officiating Midē´ +advance and seat themselves, with their chief, before the candidate. The +Midē´ drum is handed to the chief priest, and after a short prelude of +drumming he becomes more and more inspired, and sings the following +Midē´ song, represented pictorially, also on Pl. XIV, B. + + [Illustration] + Man´-i-dō´ we-da´, man´-i-dō´ gi-dō´ we-do´-nĭng. + Let us be a spirit, let the spirit come from the mouth. + [The head is said to signify that of a Midē´, who is about to sing.] + + [Illustration] + Nin´-de-wen´-don zha´-bon-dĕsh´-kâⁿ-mân´. + I own this lodge, through which I pass. + [The speaker claims that he has been received into the degree of the + Midē´wiwin to which he refers. The objects on the outer side of the + oblong square character represent spirits, those of the bear.] + + [Illustration] + Ân´-dzhe-ho ĭ´-a-ni´ o-gēn´, hwe´-ō-ke´, hwe´-ō-ke´. + Mother is having it over again. + [The reference is to the earth, as having the ceremony of the “grand + medicine” again.] + + [Illustration] + Ni´-ka-nan ni´-go-sân, ni´-go-sân´ + ni-ka´-ni-san´, man´-i-dō´ wi-dzhig´ + nin-go-sân´ an-i-wa´-bi-dzhig ni-ka´. + Friends I am afraid, I am afraid, friends, of the spirits sitting + around me. + [The speaker reaches his hand toward the sky, i.e., places his faith + in Ki´tshi Man´idō who abides above.] + + [Illustration] + Ya´-ki-no´-sha-me´-wa, ya´-ki-no´-sha-me´-wa, + ya-ki-no-si-ka-ne, ya-ki-no-si-ka-ne, + hē´, ki´-no-sha´-we-wa´. + I am going, with medicine bag, to the lodge. + [The object represents an otter skin Midē´ sack, the property of the + speaker.] + + [Illustration] + Ya´-be-kai´-a-bi, ya´-be-kai´-a-bi, hē´-ā´, hē´-ā´, + ya´-be-kai´-a-bi, ya´-be-kai´-a-bi, hē´-ā´, hē´ā´, + wa´-na-he´-ni´-o-ni´, ya´-be-kai´-o-bik´. + We are still sitting in a circle. + [A Midē´ sitting within the Midē´wigân; the circle is shown.] + + [Illustration] + A-ya´-a-bi-ta´ pa´-ke-zhĭk´, ū´, hū´, a´, + Half the sky + [The hand is shown reaching toward the sky, imploring the assistance + of Ki´tshi Man´idō that the candidate may receive advancement in + power. He has only two degrees, one-half of the number desired.] + + [Illustration] + Ba´-be-ke´ o´-gi-mân nish´-a-we, hē´, + ne´-me-ke-hē´, nish´-a-we´-ni-mĭk o´-gi-mân. + The spirit has pity on me now, + [The “Great Spirit” is descending upon the Midē´wigân, to be present + during the ceremony.] + + [Illustration] + Nin-dai´-a, nin-dai´-a, ha´, + we´-ki-ma´, ha´, wâ-no-kwe´. + In my heart, in my heart, I have the spirit. + [The hand is holding the mī´gis, to which reference is made.] + + [Illustration] + I-ke´-u-ha´-ma man-ta-na´-ki-na ni-ka´-ni + I take the earth, my Midē´ friends. + [The earth furnishes the resources necessary to the maintenance of + life, both food and medicines.] + + [Illustration] + Wi´-a-ya´-din shin-da´, hān´, + man-da´-ha-ni´, o-hō´ ni-bĭ´. + Let us get him to take this water. + [The figure sees medicine in the earth, as the lines from the eyes + to the horizontal strokes indicate.] + + [Illustration] + Hŭe´-shĭ-shi-kwa´-ni-an nin-ga´-ga-mūn´. + I take this rattle. + [The rattle is used when administering medicine.] + + [Illustration] + Wi-wa´-ba-mi´na hē´-na ko´-ni-a´-ni, ka´, + ko´-ni-a´-ho-nā´, nī´, kā´. + See how I shine in making medicine. + [The speaker likens himself to the Makwa´ Man´idō, one of the most + powerful Midē´ spirits. His body shines as if it were ablaze with + light--due to magic power.] + +This song is sung ad libitum according to the inspired condition of the +person singing it. Many of the words are archaic, and differ from the +modern forms. + +Then the officiating priests arise and the one lowest in rank grasps his +Midē´ sack and goes through the gestures, described in connection with +the previous degrees, of shooting into the joints and forehead of the +candidate the sacred mī´gis. At the attempt made by the chief priest the +candidate falls forward apparently unconscious. The priests then touch +his joints and forehead with the upper end of their Midē´ sacks +whereupon he recovers and rises to a standing posture. The chief then +addresses him and enjoins him to conduct himself with propriety and in +accordance with the dignity of his profession. The following is the +text, viz: Gi-gan´-bis-sĭn dau´-gē-in´-ni-nân´ kish-bin´-bish-in +dau´-o-ân-nĭn da´-ki-ka-wa´-bi-kwe ga´-kĭ-ne ke-ke´-wi-bi´-na-mōn +ki-ma´-dzhĭ-zhi we´-bĭ-zi-wĭn´. + +The translation is as follows: “You heed to what I say to you; if you +are listening and will do what is right you will live to have white +hair. That is all; you will do away with all bad actions.” + +The Midē´ priest second in rank then says to the candidate: +Ke´-go-wi´-ka-za´-gi-to-wa´-kin ki-da´-no-ka´tshĭ-gân kai-ē´-gi-gīt´ +a-sē´-ma, kai´-e-mī´-dzĭm, which signifies: “Never begrudge your goods, +neither your tobacco, nor your provisions.” To this the candidate +responds ēⁿ´--yes, by this signifying that he will never regret what +he has given the Midē´ for their services. The candidate remains +standing while the members of the society take seats, after which he +goes to the pile of blankets, skins, and other presents, and upon +selecting appropriate ones for the officiating priests he carries them +to those persons, after which he makes presents of less value to all +other Midē´ present. Tobacco is then distributed, and while all are +preparing to make an offering to Ki´tshi Man´idō of tobacco, the newly +accepted member goes around to each, member present, passes his hands +downward over the sides of the Midē’s head and says: + + Mi-gwĕtsh´ ga´shi-tō´-win bi-ma´-dĭ-si-wīn´, + Thanks for giving to me life, + +then, stepping back, he clasps his hands and bows toward the Midē´, +adding: Ni-ka´-ni, ni-ka´-ni, ni-ka´-ni, ka-na´,--“My Midē´ friend, my +Midē´ friend, my Midē´ friend, friend.” To this the Midē´ responds in +affirmation, hau´, ēⁿ´--yes. + +The new member then finds a seat on the southern side of the +inclosure, whereupon the ushers--Midē´ appointed to attend to outside +duties--retire and bring in the vessels of food which are carried around +to various persons present, four distinct times. + +The feast continues for a considerable length of time, after which the +kettles and dishes are again carried outside the Midē´wi-gân, when all +who desire indulge in smoking. Midē´ songs are chanted by one of the +priests, the accompanying, reproduced pictorially in Pl. XIV C, being an +example. The lines, as usual, are repeated ad libitum, the music being +limited to but few notes, and in a minor key. The following are the +words with translation: + + [Illustration] + He´-ne-wi´-a ni´-na mi´-si-man´-i-dē-ge´ + Their bodies shine over the world + he-wa´-we-a´-ne-kan´. + unto me as unto you, my Midē´ friend. + [This refers to the sun, and moon, whose bodies are united in the + drawing.] + + [Illustration] + Ma´-na-wi-na´ hai´-e-ne-hā´ be-wa´-bik-kun kan-din´-a-we. + Your eyes see them both eyes made of iron, piercing eyes. + [The figure is that of the crane, whose loud, far-reaching voice is + indicated by the short lines radiating from the mouth. The eyes of + the crane Man´idō are equally penetrating.] + + [Illustration] + Ta-be´-nĕ-wa´ he-shi-wa´, hā´ ma´-si-ni´-ni-he´-shi-wa´, hā´. + Calm it leads you to guides you to your food. + [Knowledge of superior powers gained through familiarity with the + rites of the Midē´wiwin is here referred to. The figure points to + the abode of Ki´tshi Man´idō; three short lines indicating three + degrees in the Midē´wiwin, which the candidate has taken.] + + [Illustration] + Ha-nin´-di he-bik´-kĭn-he´ man´-i-dō ni-kan´ + Whence does he rise spirit Midē´ friend + wa-ba-nŭnk´, mi-dē´-man´-i-dō wa-ba-nŭnk´. + from the east, midē´ man´idō from the east. + [The hand reaches up as in making the gesture for rising sun or day, + the “sky lines” leaning to the left, or east; one making signs is + always presumed to face the south, and signs referring to periods of + day, sun, sunrise, etc., are made from the left side of the body.] + + [Illustration] + Rest. + + [Illustration] + Wa-dzhi-wan´, wa-dzhi-wan´-na, + Wa-dahi-wan´ ni-ka´-na-hē´. + There is a mountain, there is a mountain, + There is a mountain, my friends. + [The upright outline represents a mountain upon which a powerful + Midē´ is seated, symbolical of the distinction attainable by a + Midē´.] + + [Illustration] + + Wa´-bĕ-ku´ĕ-be-a´, wa´-bĕ-ku´-ĕ-be-a´, + Shot it was, shot it was + na´-bĕ-ku´-ĕ-be-a´ man´-i-dō´-´a nĭn-dē´. + and it hit body, your man´ido your heart. + man´-i-dō´-a nin-dē´. + man´ido your heart. + [The Mī´gis is represented in the illustration by the small rings; + the arrow indicating that it was “shot” with velocity.] + + [Illustration] + Hwe´-kwo-nin´-na-ta, ki-wī´-kash´-ka-man; + En-do´-ge-mā´ wesh´-in-ē´. + What am I going around? + I am going around the Midē´wigân. + [The oblong structure represents the Midē´wigân. The otter-skin + Midē´ sack is taken around it, as is shown by the outline of that + animal and the line or course indicated. The Makwa´ Man´idō (bear + spirit) is shown at the left, resting upon the horizontal line, the + earth, below which are magic lines showing his power, as also the + lines upon the back of the bear. The speaker compares himself to the + bear spirit.] + + [Illustration] + Nen´-do-ne´-ha-mān-ni´ nī´-ŏ, + What am I looking at. + [The figure denotes a leg, signifying powers of transporting one’s + self to remote places; the magic power is indicated by the three + transverse lines and the small spots, the mī´gis, upon it.] + + [Illustration] + Ba´bin-ke´-en non´-do-wa-wē´, hī´, + I soon heard him, the one who + did not listen to them. + [The Midē´, as a superior personage, is shown by having the horns + attached to the head. The line of hearing has small rings, at + intervals, indicating that something is heard.] + + [Illustration] + Hin´-ta-na´-wi ni-ka´-na-gi´, ē´, hē´, + pī´-na-nī´, hin´-ta-na´-wi ni-ka´-na-ga´ na´-ge-ka-na´ ē´, hē´. + The Nika´ni are finding fault with me, inside of my lodge. + [The arm at the side of the Midē´wigân points to the interior, the + place spoken of.] + + [Illustration] + Oⁿsh´-koⁿsh-na-nā´ pi-na´-wa niⁿ-bosh´-i-na´-na. + With the bear’s claws I almost hit him. + [The Midē´ used the bear’s claw to work a charm, or exorcism, and + would seem to indicate that he claimed the powers of a Wâbĕnō´. The + one spoken of is an evil man´idō, referred to in the preceding line, + in which he speaks of having heard him.] + +At the conclusion of this protracted ceremony a few speeches may be made +by a Midē´, recounting the benefits to be enjoyed and the powers wielded +by the knowledge thus acquired, after which the chief priest intimates +to his colleagues the advisability of adjourning. They then leave the +Midē´wigân by the western door, and before night all movable accessories +are taken away from the structure. + +The remainder of the evening is spent in visiting friends, dancing, +etc., and upon the following day they all return to their respective +homes. + + +DESCRIPTIVE NOTES. + +Although the mī´gis shell of the several degrees is generally of the +same species, some of the older Midē´ priests claim that there were +formerly specific shells, each being characteristic and pertaining +specially to each individual grade. The objects claimed by Sika´s-sigĕ +as referring to the third degree are, in addition to the Cypræa monata, +L., a piece of purple wampum, and one shell of elongated form, both +shown on Pl. XI, Nos. 3 and 5, respectively. + +The fact of a Midē´ having been subjected to “mī´gis shooting” for the +third time is an all-sufficient reason to the Indian why his powers are +in a corresponding manner augmented. His powers of exorcism and +incantation are greater; his knowledge and use of magic medicines more +extended and certain of effect; and his ability to do harm, as in the +capacity of a Wâbĕnō´, is more and more lauded and feared. He becomes +possessed of a greater power in prophecy and prevision, and in this +state enters the class of personages known as the Jĕs´sakkīd´, or +jugglers. His power over darkness and obscurity is indicated on Pl. III, +A, No. 77, upon which the head, chest, and arms are represented as being +covered with lines to designate obscurity, the extended arms with +outstretched hands denoting ability to grasp and control that which is +hidden to the eye. + + [Illustration: Fig. 26.--Jĕs´sakkân´ or juggler’s lodge.] + +The Jĕs´sakkīd´ and his manner of performing have already been +mentioned. This class of sorcerers were met with by the Jesuit Fathers +early in the seventeenth century, and referred to under various +designations, such as jongleur, magicien, consulteur du manitou, etc. +Their influence in the tribe was recognized, and formed one of the +greatest obstacles encountered in the Christianization of the Indians. +Although the Jĕs´sakkīd´ may be a seer and prophet as well as a +practitioner of exorcism without becoming a member of the Midē´wiwin, +it is only when a Midē´ attains the rank of the third degree that he +begins to give evidence of, or pretends to exhibit with any degree of +confidence, the powers accredited to the former. The structure erected +and occupied by the Jĕs´sakkīd´ for the performance of his powers as +prophet or oracle has before been described as cylindrical, being made +by planting four or more poles and wrapping about them sheets of birch +bark, blankets, or similar material that will serve as a covering. This +form of structure is generally represented in pictographic records, as +shown in Fig. 26. + + [Illustration: Fig. 27.--Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge.] + + [Illustration: Fig. 28.--Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge.] + + [Illustration: Fig. 29.--Jĕs´sakkân´, juggler’s lodge.] + +The accompanying illustrations, Figs. 27, 28, and 29, reproduced from +birch-bark etchings, were the property of Jĕs´sakkīd´, who were also +Midē´ of the third and fourth degrees. It will be noticed that the +structure used by them is in the form of the ordinary wig´iwam, as their +profession of medical magic is apparently held in higher esteem than the +art of prophecy; their status and claims as Jĕs´sakkīd´ being indicated +by the great number of ma´nidōs which they have the power of invoking. +These man´idōs, or spirits, are indicated by the outline of their +material forms, the heart being indicated and connected with the +interior of the structure to show the power of the Jĕs´sakkīd´ over the +life of the respective spirits. The Thunder-bird usually occupies the +highest position in his estimation, and for this reason is drawn +directly over the wig´iwam. The Turtle is claimed to be the man´idō who +acts as intermediary between the Jĕs´sakkīd´ and the other man´idōs, and +is therefore not found among the characters on the outside of the +wig´iwam, but his presence is indicated within, either at the spot +marking the convergence of the “life lines,” or immediately below it. +Fig. 30 is a reproducton of an etching made by a Jĕs´sakkīd´ at White +Earth, Minnesota. The two curved lines above the Jĕs´sakkan´ represent +the sky, from which magic power is derived, as shown by the waving line +extending downward. The small spots within the structure are “magic +spots,” i.e., the presence of man´idōs. The juggler is shown upon the +left side near the base. When a prophet is so fortunate as to be able to +claim one of these man´idōs as his own tutelary daimon, his advantage in +invoking the others is comparatively greater. Before proceeding to the +Jĕs´sakkân´--or the “Jugglery,” as the Jĕs´sakkīd´ wig´iwam is commonly +designated, a prophet will prepare himself by smoking and making an +offering to his man´idō, and by singing a chant, of which an example is +presented on Pl. XIV, D. It is a reproduction of one made by a +Jĕs´sakkīd´ who was also a Midē´ of the third degree. Each line is +chanted as often as may be desired, or according to the effect which it +may be desirable to produce or the inspired state of the singer. + + [Illustration: Fig. 30.--Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge.] + + [Illustration] + Me-we´-yan, ha´, ha´, ha´, + I go into the Jĕs´sakkan´ to see the medicine. + [The circle represents the Jĕs´sakkīd´ as viewed from above; the + short lines denote the magic character of the structure, and the + central ring, or spot, the magic stone used by the prophet who + appears entering from the side.] + + [Illustration] + Tschi-nun´-dōn´, he´, he´, he´, he´, + I was the one who dug up life. + [The Otter Man´idō emerging from the Midē´wigân; he received it from + Ki´tshi Mani´dō.] + + [Illustration] + Ni´ka-nī´ we-do-koⁿ´-a, ha´, ha´, + The spirit put down medicine on earth to grow. + [The sacred or magic lines descending to the earth denote + supernatural origin of the mī´gis, which is shown by the four + small rings. The short lines at the bottom represent the ascending + sprouts of magic plants.] + + [Illustration] + Te-ti-ba´-tshi mŭt´-â-wit´, tē´, hē´, hē´, + I am the one that dug up the medicine. + [The otter shown emerging from the jugglery. The speaker represents + himself “like unto the Otter Man´idō.”] + + [Illustration] + Ki´waⁿ-win´-da ma´-kwa-nan´, na´, ha´, + I answer my brother spirit. + [The Otter Man´idō responds to the invocation of the speaker. The + diagonal line across the body signifies the “spirit character” of + the animal.] + + [Illustration] + Rest or pause. + + [Illustration] + Wa´-a-so´-at wĕn´-ti´-na-man, ha´, ha, + The spirit has put life into my body. + [The speaker is represented as being in the Midē´-wigân, where + Ki´tshi Man´idō placed magic power into his body; the arms denote + this act of putting into his sides the mī´gis. The line crossing the + body denotes the person to be possessed of supernatural power.] + + [Illustration] + Ki-to´-na-bi´-in, nē´, hē´, hē´, + This is what the medicine has given us. + [The Midē´wigân, showing on the upper line the guardian man´idōs.] + + [Illustration] + Ni´-sha-we´-ni-bĭ-ku´, hū´, hū´, hē´, + I took with two hands what was thrown down to us. + [The speaker grasped life, i.e., the migīs´, to secure the + mysterious power which he professes.] + +In addition to the practice of medical magic, the Jĕs´sakkīd´ sometimes +resorts to a curious process to extract from the patient’s body the +malevolent beings or man´idōs which cause disease. The method of +procedure is as follows: The Jĕs´sakkīd´ is provided with four or more +tubular bones, consisting of the leg bones of large birds, each of the +thickness of a finger and 4 or 5 inches in length. After the priest has +fasted and chanted prayers for success, he gets down upon all fours +close to the patient and with his mouth near the affected part. After +using the rattle and singing most vociferously to cause the evil man´idō +to take shelter at some particular spot, so that it may be detected and +located by him, he suddenly touches that place with the end of one of +the bones and immediately thereafter putting the other end into his +mouth, as if it were a cigar, strikes it with the flat hand and sends it +apparently down his throat. Then the second bone is treated in the same +manner, as also the third and fourth, the last one being permitted to +protrude from the mouth, when the end is put against the affected part +and sucking is indulged in amid the most violent writhings and +contortions in his endeavors to extract the man´idō. As this object is +supposed to have been reached and swallowed by the Jĕs´sakkīd´ he crawls +away to a short distance from the patient and relieves himself of the +demon with violent retchings and apparent suffering. He recovers in a +short time, spits out the bones, and, after directing his patient what +further medicine to swallow, receives his fee and departs. Further +description of this practice will be referred to below and illustrated +on Pl. XVIII. + +The above manner of disposing of the hollow bones is a clever trick and +not readily detected, and it is only by such acts of jugglery and other +delusions that he maintains his influence and importance among the +credulous. + + [Illustration: Fig. 31.--Jĕs´sakkīd´ curing woman.] + +Fig. 31 represents a Jĕs´sakkīd´ curing a sick woman by sucking the +demon through a bone tube. The pictograph was drawn upon a piece of +birch bark which was carried in the owner’s Midē´ sack, and was intended +to record an event of importance. + + No. 1 represents the actor, holding a rattle in hand. Around his head + is an additional circle, denoting quantity (literally, more than an + ordinary amount of knowledge), the short line projecting to the + right indicating the tube used. + + No. 2 is the woman operated upon. + + [Illustration: Fig. 32.--Jĕs´sakkīd´ curing man.] + +Fig. 32 represents an exhibition by a Jĕs´sakkīd´, a resident of White +Earth, Minnesota. The priest is shown in No. 1 holding his rattle, the +line extending from his eye to the patient’s abdomen signifying that he +has located the demon and is about to begin his exorcism. No. 2 is the +patient lying before the operator. + + +FOURTH DEGREE. + + [Illustration: Fig. 33.--Diagram of Midē´wigân of the fourth degree.] + +The Midē´wigân, in which this degree is conferred, differs from the +preceding structures by having open doorways in both the northern and +southern walls, about midway between the eastern and western extremities +and opposite to one another. Fig. 33 represents a ground plan, in which +may also be observed the location of each of the four Midē´ posts. Fig. +34 shows general view of same structure. A short distance from the +eastern entrance is deposited the sacred stone, beyond which is an area +reserved for the presents to be deposited by an applicant for +initiation. The remaining two-thirds of the space toward the western +door is occupied at regular intervals by four posts, the first being +painted red with a band of green around the top. (Pl. XV, No. 1.) The +second post is red, and has scattered over its surface spots of white +clay to symbolize the sacred mī´gis shell. Upon it is perched the +stuffed skin of an owl--kŏ-kó-kŏ-ō´. (Pl. XV, No. 2.) The third post is +black; but instead of being round is cut square. (Pl. XV, No. 3.) The +fourth post, that nearest the western extremity, is in the shape of a +cross, painted white, with red spots, excepting the lower half of the +trunk, which is squared, the colors upon the four sides being white on +the east, green on the south, red on the west, and black on the north. +(Pl. XV, No. 4.) + + [Illustration: Fig. 34.--General view of Midē´wigân.] + +About 10 paces east of the main entrance, in a direct line between it +and the sweat lodge, is planted a piece of thin board 3 feet high and 6 +inches broad, the top of which is cut so as to present a three-lobed +apex, as shown in Fig. 3. The eastern side of this board is painted +green; that facing the Midē´wigân red. Near the top is a small opening, +through which the Midē´ are enabled to peep into the interior of the +sacred structure to observe the angry man´idōs occupying the structure +and opposing the intrusion of anyone not of the fourth degree. + +A cedar tree is planted at each of the outer corners of the Midē´wigân, +and about 6 paces away from the northern, western, and southern +entrances a small brush structure is erected, sufficiently large to +admit the body. These structures are termed bears’ nests, supposed to be +points where the Bear Man´idō rested during the struggle he passed +through while fighting with the malevolent man´idōs within to gain +entrance and receive the fourth-degree initiation. Immediately within +and to either side of the east and west entrances is planted a short +post, 5 feet high and 8 inches thick, painted red upon the side facing +the interior and black upon the reverse, at the base of each being laid +a stone about as large as a human head. These four posts represent the +four limbs and feet of the Bear Man´idō, who made the four entrances and +forcibly entered and expelled the evil beings who had opposed him. The +fourth-degree Midē´ post-- the cross--furthermore symbolizes the four +days’ struggle at the four openings or doors in the north, south, east, +and west walls of the structure. + + +PREPARATION OF CANDIDATE. + +Under ordinary circumstances it requires at least one year before a +Midē´ of the third grade is considered eligible for promotion, and it is +seldom that a candidate can procure the necessary presents within that +period, so that frequently a number of years elapse before any +intimation by a candidate is made to the chief priest that the necessary +requirements can be complied with. The chief reason of this delay is +attributed to the fact that the fee to the officiating priests alone +must equal in value and quantity four times the amount paid at the first +initiation, and as the success in gathering the robes, skins, blankets, +etc., depends upon the candidate’s own exertions it will readily appear +why so few ever attain the distinction sought. Should one be so +fortunate, however, as to possess the required articles, he has only to +make known the fact to the chief and assistant Midē´ priests, when a +meeting is held at the wig´iwam of one of the members and the merits of +the candidate discussed. For this purpose tobacco is furnished by the +candidate. The more valuable and more numerous the presents the more +rapidly will his application be disposed of, and the more certainly will +favorable consideration on it be had. It becomes necessary, as in former +instances of preparation, for the candidate to procure the service of a +renowned Midē´, in order to acquire new or specially celebrated remedies +or charms. The candidate may also give evidence of his own proficiency +in magic without revealing the secrets of his success or the course +pursued to attain it. The greater the mystery the higher he is held in +esteem even by his jealous confrères. + +There is not much to be gained by preparatory instruction for the fourth +degree, the chief claims being a renewal of the ceremony of “shooting +the mī´gis” into the body of the candidate, and enacting or dramatizing +the traditional efforts of the Bear Man´idō in his endeavor to receive +from the Otter the secrets of this grade. One who succeeds becomes +correspondingly powerful in his profession and therefore more feared by +the credulous. His sources of income are accordingly increased by the +greater number of Indians who require his assistance. Hunters, warriors, +and lovers have occasion to call upon him, and sometimes antidoting +charms are sought, when the evil effects of an enemy’s work are to be +counteracted. + +The instructor receives the visit of the candidate, and upon coming to a +satisfactory agreement concerning the fee to be paid for the service he +prepares his pupil by prompting him as to the part he is to enact during +the initiation and the reasons therefor. The preparation and the merits +of magic compounds are discussed, and the pupil receives instruction in +making effective charms, compounding love powder, etc. This love powder +is held in high esteem, and its composition is held a profound secret, +to be transmitted only when a great fee is paid. It consists of the +following ingredients: Vermilion; powdered snakeroot (Polygala senega, +L.); exiguam particulam sanguinis a puella effusi, quum in primis +menstruis esset; and a piece of ginseng cut from the bifurcation of the +root, and powdered. These are mixed and put into a small buckskin bag. +The preparation is undertaken only after an offering to Ki´tshi Man´idō +of tobacco and a Midē´ song with rattle accompaniment. The manner of +using this powder will be described under the caption of “descriptive +notes.” It differs entirely from the powder employed in painting the +face by one who wishes to attract or fascinate the object of his or her +devotion. The latter is referred to by the Rev. Peter Jones[16] as +follows: + + There is a particular kind of charm which they use when they wish to + obtain the object of their affections. It is made of roots and red + ocher. With this they paint their faces, believing it to possess a + power so irresistible as to cause the object of their desire to love + them. But the moment this medicine is taken away and the charm + withdrawn the person who before was almost frantic with love hates + with a perfect hatred. + + [Footnote 16: Hist. of the Ojebway Indians. London [1843?], p. 155.] + +It is necessary that the candidate take a sweat-bath once each day, for +four successive days, at some time during the autumn months of the year +preceding the year in which the initiation is to occur. This form of +preparation is deemed agreeable to Ki´tshi Man´idō, whose favor is +constantly invoked that the candidate may be favored with the powers +supposed to be conferred in the last degree. As spring approaches the +candidate makes occasional presents of tobacco to the chief priest and +his assistants, and when the period of the annual ceremony approaches, +they send out runners to members to solicit their presence, and, if of +the fourth degree, their assistance. + + +INITIATION OF CANDIDATE. + +The candidate removes to the vicinity of the Midē´wigân so as to be able +to go through the ceremony of purgation four times before the day of +initiation. The sudatory having been constructed on the usual site, east +of the large structure, he enters it on the morning of the fifth day +preceding the initiation and after taking a sweat-bath he is joined by +the preceptor, when both proceed to the four entrances of the Midē´wigân +and deposit at each a small offering of tobacco. This procedure is +followed on the second and third days, also, but upon the fourth the +presents are also carried along and deposited at the entrances, where +they are received by assistants and suspended from the rafters of the +interior. On the evening of the last day, the chief and officiating +priests visit the candidate and his preceptor, in the sweat-lodge, when +ceremonial smoking is indulged in followed by the recitation of Midē´ +chants. The following (Pl. XVI, A) is a reproduction of the chant taught +to and recited by the candidate. The original was obtained from an old +mnemonic chart in use at Mille Lacs, Minnesota, in the year 1825, which +in turn had been copied from a record in the possession of a Midē´ +priest at La Pointe, Wisconsin. Many of the words are of an older form +than those in use at the present day. Each line may be repeated ad +libitum. + + [Illustration] + Ni-ka´-ni-na´, ni-ka´-ni-na´, ni-ka´-ni-na´, + I am the Nika´ni, I am the Nika´ni, I am the Nika´ni, + man´-i-dō wig´-i-wam win´-di-ge´-un. + I am going into the sacred lodge. + [The speaker compares himself to the Bear Man´ido, and as such is + represented at the entrance of the Midē´wigân.] + + [Illustration] + Ni-ka´-ni-na´, ni-ka´-ni-na´, ni-ka´-ni-na´, + I am the Nika´ni, I am the Nika´ni, I am the Nika´ni, + ni-kan´-gi-nun´-da wé-mĭ-dŭk´. + I “suppose” you hear me. + [The lines from the ear denotes hearing; the words are addressed to + his auditors.] + + [Illustration] + Wâ´, he-wa´-ke-wa ke-wâ´, he-wa´-ke-wâ´, wâ´. + He said, he said. + [Signifies that Ki´tshi Man´idō, who is seen with the voice lines + issuing from the mouth, and who promised the Ani´shinâ´bēg “life,” + that they might always live.] + + [Illustration] + Rest. A ceremonial smoke is now indulged in. + + [Illustration] + We´-shki-nun´-do-ni-ne´, ke-nosh´-ki-nun´-do-ni-ne´. + This is the first time you hear it. + [The lines of hearing are again shown; the words refer to the first + time this is chanted as it is an intimation that the singer is to be + advanced to the higher grade of the Midē´wiwin.] + + [Illustration] + Hwe´-na-ni-ka he-na´, he-nō´ mi-tē´-wiⁿ-wiⁿ´ gi´-ga-wa´-pi-no-dōn´. + You laugh, you laugh at the “grand medicine.” + [The arms are directed towards Ki´tshi Man´idō, the creator of the + sacred rite; the words refer to those who are ignorant of the + Midē´wiwin and its teachings.] + + [Illustration] + Nun-te´-ma-ne´, hē´, wi´-na-nun´-te-ma-ne´ ki´-pi-nan´. + I hear, but they hear it not. + [The speaker intimates that he realizes the importance of the + Midē´ rite, but the uninitiated do not.] + + [Illustration] + Pe´-ne-sŭi´-a ke´-ke-kwi´-yan. + I am sitting like a sparrow-hawk. + [The singer is sitting upright, and is watchful, like a hawk + watching for its prey. He is ready to observe, and to acquire, + everything that may transpire in the Midē´ structure.] + +Upon the conclusion of the chant, the assembled Midē´ smoke and review +the manner of procedure for the morrow’s ceremony, and when these +details have been settled they disperse, to return to their wig´iwams, +or to visit Midē´ who may have come from distant settlements. + +Early on the day of his initiation the candidate returns to the sudatory +to await the coming of his preceptor. The gifts of tobacco are divided +into parcels which may thus be easily distributed at the proper time, +and as soon as the officiating priests have arrived, and seated +themselves, the candidate produces some tobacco of which all present +take a pipeful, when a ceremonial smoke-offering is made to Ki´tshi +Man´idō. The candidate then takes his midē´ drum and sings a song of his +own composition, or one which he may have purchased from his preceptor, +or some Midē´ priest. The following is a reproduction of an old mnemonic +song which the owner, Sikas´sigĕ, had received from his father who in +turn had obtained it at La Pointe, Wisconsin, about the year 1800. The +words are archaic to a great extent, and they furthermore differ from +the modern language on account of the manner in which they are +pronounced in chanting, which peculiarity has been faithfully followed +below. The pictographic characters are reproduced in Pl. XVI, B. As +usual, the several lines are sung ad libitum, repetition depending +entirely upon the feelings of the singer. + + [Illustration] + Hin´-to-nâ-ga-ne´ o-sa-ga-tshī´-wēd o-do´-zhi-tōn´. + The sun is coming up, that makes my dish. + [The dish signifies the feast to be made by the singer. The zigzag + lines across the dish denote the sacred character of the feast. The + upper lines are the arm holding the vessel.] + + [Illustration] + Man´-i-dō i´-ya-nē´, ish´-ko-te´-wi-wa´-we-yan´. + My spirit is on fire. + [The horizontal lines across the leg signify magic power of + traversing space. The short lines below the foot denote flames, + i.e., magic influence obtained by swiftness of communication with + the man´idōs.] + + [Illustration] + Ko´tshi-hâ-ya-nē´, nē´, + ish´-ki-to´-ya-ni´, nin-do´-we-hē´, wi´-a-we-yan´. + I want to try you, I am of fire. + [The zigzag lines diverging from the mouth signify voice, singing; + the apex upon the head superior knowledge, by means of which the + singer wishes to try his Midē´ sack upon his hearer, to give + evidence of the power of his influence.] + + [Illustration] + A pause. Ceremonial smoking is indulged in, after which the chant is + continued. + + [Illustration] + Ni-mī´-ga-sim´-ma man´-i-dō, sa-ko´-tshi-na´. + My mī´gis spirit, that is why I am stronger than you. + [The three spots denote the three times the singer has received the + mī´gis by being shot; it is because this spirit is within him that + he is more powerful than those upon the outside of the wigiwam who + hear him.] + + [Illustration] + Mī´-ga-ye´-nin en´-dy-ân, ya´, hō´, ya´, man´-i-dō´-ya. + That is the way I feel, spirit. + [The speaker is filled with joy at his power, the mī´gis within him, + shown by the spot upon the body, making him confident.] + + [Illustration] + Ya-gō´-sha-hī´, nâ´, ha´, ha´, + Ya-gō´-sha-hi´, man´-i-dō-wī´-yĭn. + I am stronger than you, spirit that you are. + [He feels more powerful, from having received three times the + mī´gis, than the evil spirit who antagonizes his progress in + advancement.] + +Upon the completion of this preliminary by the candidate, the priests +emerge from the wig´iwam and fall in line according to their official +status, when the candidate and preceptor gather up the parcels of +tobacco and place themselves at the head of the column and start toward +the eastern entrance of the Midē´wigân. As they approach the lone post, +or board, the candidate halts, when the priests continue to chant and +drum upon the Midē´ drum. The chief Midē´ then advances to the board and +peeps through the orifice near the top to view malevolent man´idōs +occupying the interior, who are antagonistic to the entrance of a +stranger. This spot is assumed to represent the resting place or “nest,” +from which the Bear Man´idō viewed the evil spirits during the time of +his initiation by the Otter. The evil spirits within are crouching upon +the floor, one behind the other and facing the east, the first being +Mi-shi´-bi-shi´--the panther; the second, Me-shi´-kĕ--the turtle; the +third, kwin´-go-â´-gĭ--the big wolverine; the fourth, wâ´-gŭsh--the fox; +the fifth, ma-in´-gŭn--the wolf; and the sixth, ma-kwa´--the bear. They +are the ones who endeavor to counteract or destroy the good wrought by +the rites of the Midē´wiwin, and only by the aid of the good man´idōs +can they be driven from the Midē´wigân so as to permit a candidate to +enter and receive the benefits of the degree. The second Midē´ then +views the group of malevolent beings, after which the third, and lastly +the fourth priest looks through the orifice. They then advise the +presentation by the candidate of tobacco at that point to invoke the +best efforts of the Midē´ Man´idōs in his behalf. + +It is asserted that all of the malevolent man´idōs who occupied and +surrounded the preceding degree structures have now assembled about this +fourth degree of the Midē´wigân to make a final effort against the +admission and advancement of the candidate: therefore he impersonates +the good Bear Man´idō, and is obliged to follow a similar course in +approaching from his present position the entrance of the structure. +Upon hands and knees he slowly crawls toward the main entrance, when a +wailing voice is heard in the east which sounds like the word hāⁿ´, +prolonged in a monotone. This is ge´-gi-si´-bi-ga´-ne-dât man´idō. His +bones are heard rattling as he approaches; he wields his bow and arrow; +his long hair streaming in the air, and his body, covered with mī´gis +shells from the salt sea, from which he has emerged to aid in the +expulsion of the opposing spirits. This being the information given to +the candidate he assumes and personates the character of the man´idō +referred to, and being given a bow and four arrows, and under the +guidance of his preceptor, he proceeds toward the main entrance of the +structure while the officiating priests enter and station themselves +within the door facing the west. The preceptor carries the remaining +parcels of tobacco, and when the candidate arrives near the door he +makes four movements with his bow and arrow toward the interior, as if +shooting, the last time sending an arrow within, upon which the grinning +spirits are forced to retreat toward the other end of the inclosure. The +candidate then rushes in at the main entrance, and upon emerging at the +south suddenly turns and again employs his bow and arrow four times +toward the crowd of evil man´idōs, who have rushed toward him during the +interval that he was within. At the last gesture of shooting into the +inclosure, he sends forward an arrow, deposits a parcel of tobacco and +crouches to rest at the so-called “bear’s nest.” During this period of +repose the Midē´ priests continue to drum and sing. Then the candidate +approaches the southern door again, on all fours, and the moment he +arrives there he rises and is hurried through the inclosure to emerge at +the west, where he turns suddenly, and imitating the manner of shooting +arrows into the group of angry man´idōs within, he at the fourth +movement lets fly an arrow and gets down into the western “bear’s nest.” +After a short interval he again approaches the door, crawling forward on +his hands and knees until he reaches the entrance, where he leaves a +present of tobacco and is hastened through the inclosure to emerge at +the northern door, where he again turns suddenly upon the angry spirits, +and after making threatening movements toward them, at the fourth menace +he sends an arrow among them. The spirits are now greatly annoyed by the +magic power possessed by the candidate and the assistance rendered by +the Midē´ Man´idōs, so that they are compelled to seek safety in flight. +The candidate is resting in the northern “bear’s nest,” and as he again +crawls toward the Midē´wigân, on hands and knees, he deposits another +gift of a parcel of tobacco, then rises and is hurried through the +interior to emerge at the entrance door, where he turns around, and +seeing but a few angry man´idōs remaining, he takes his last arrow and +aiming it at them makes four threatening gestures toward them, at the +last sending the arrow into the structure, which puts to flight all +opposition on the part of this host of man´idōs. The path is now clear, +and after he deposits another gift of tobacco at the door he is led +within, and the preceptor receives the bow and deposits it with the +remaining tobacco upon the pile of blankets and robes that have by this +time been removed from the rafters and laid upon the ground midway +between the sacred Midē´ stone and the first Midē´ post. + +The chief Midē´ priest then takes charge of the candidate, saying: + + Mi´-a-shi´-gwa wi-ka´-we-a´-kwa-mŭs-sin´-nŭk. + Now is the time [to take] the path that has no end + + Mī´-a-shi´-gwa wi-kan´-do-we-ân´ + Now is the time I shall inform you [of] + + mi´-ga-ī´-zhid wen´- dzhi-bi-mâ´-dis. + that which I was told the reason I live. + +To this the second Midē´ priest remarks to the candidate, +Wa´-shi-gân´-do-we-an´ mi-gai´-i-nŏk´ wa´-ka-no´-shi-dzin--which freely +translated signifies: “The reason I now advise you is that you may +heed him when he speaks to you.” The candidate is then led around the +interior of the inclosure, the assistant Midē´ fall in line of march and +are followed by all the others present, excepting the musicians. During +the circuit, which is performed slowly, the chief Midē´ drums upon the +Midē´ drum and chants. The following, reproduced from the original, on +Pl. XVII, B, consists of a number of archaic words, some of which are +furthermore different from the spoken language on account of their being +chanted, and meaningless syllables introduced to prolong certain +accentuated notes. Each line and stanza may be repeated ad libitum. + + [Illustration] + Man´-i-dō, hē´, nē´-yē´, man´-i-dō, hē´, nē´, yē´, + ēn´-da-na´-bi-yĕn wen´-dō-bi´-yĕn. + A spirit, a spirit, you who sit there, who sit there. + [The singer makes a spirit of the candidate by thus giving him new + life, by again shooting into his body the sacred mīgis. The disk is + the dish for feast of spirits in the dzhibai´ midē´wigân--“Ghost + Lodge,” the arms reaching towards it denoting the spirits who take + food therefrom. The signification is that the candidate will be + enabled to invoke and commune with the spirits of departed Midē´, + and to learn of hidden powers.] + + [Illustration] + He´-ha-wa´-ni, yē´, he´-ha-wa´-ni, yē´, + na´-bi-nesh´-ga-na´-bi, hī´, hē´. + [These words were chanted, while the following are those as spoken, + apart from the music.] + Â-wan´-ō-de´-no-wĭn nī´-bi-dĕsh´-ka-wĭn un´-de-no´-wĭn. + The fog wind goes from place to place whence the wind blows. + [The reason of the representation of a human form was not + satisfactorily explained. The preceptor felt confident, however, + that it signified a man´īdō who controls the fog, one different from + one of the a-na´-mi-ki´, or Thunderers, who would be shown by the + figure of an eagle, or a hawk, when it would also denote the + thunder, and perhaps lightning, neither of which occurs in + connection with the fog.] + + [Illustration] + Rest. + + [Illustration] + Man´-i-dō´-we ni´-mi-nan´ ku-ni´-ne man-to´-ke ni´-mi-ne´. + I who acknowledge you to be a spirit, and am dying. + [The figure is an outline of the Midē´wigân with the sacred Midē´ + stone indicated within, as also another spot to signify the place + occupied by a sick person. The waving lines above and beneath the + oblong square are magic lines, and indicate magic or supernatural + power. The singer compares the candidate to a sick man who is + seeking life by having shot into his body the mī´gis.] + + [Illustration] + Ga-kwe´-in-nân´ tshi-ha´-gĕ-nâ´ ma-kwa´ ni-go´-tshi-ni´. + I am trying you who are the bear. + [The Midē´ who is chanting is shown in the figure; his eyes are + looking into the candidate’s heart. The lines from the mouth are + also shown as denoting speech, directed to his hearer. The horns + are a representation of the manner of indicating superior powers.] + + [Illustration] + Pĭ-nē´-si ka´-ka-gī´-wai-yan´ wen´-dzhi man´-i-dō´wid. + The bird, the crow bird’s skin is the reason why I am a spirit. + [Although the crow is mentioned, the Thunder-bird (eagle) is + delineated. The signification of the phrase is, that the speaker + is equal in power to a man´idō, at the time of using the Midē´ + sack--which is of such a skin.] + + [Illustration] + Tshin-gwe´-wi-he´-na nē´, kaⁿ´, tshi-wâ´-ba-ku-nēt´. + The sound of the Thunder is the white bear of fire. + [The head is, in this instance, symbolical of the white bear + man´idō; the short lines below it denoting flame radiating from the + body, the eyes also looking with penetrating gaze, as indicated by + the double waving lines from each eye. The white bear man´idō is one + of the most powerful man´idōs, and is so recognized.] + +By the time this chant is completed the head of the procession reaches +the point of departure, just within the eastern door, and all of the +members return to their seats, only the four officiating Midē´ remaining +with the candidate and his preceptor. To search further that no +malevolent man´idōs may remain lurking within the Midē´wigân, the chief +priests lead the candidate in a zigzag manner to the western door, and +back again to the east. In this way the path leads past the side of the +Midē´ stone, then right oblique to the north of the heap of presents, +thence left oblique to the south of the first-degree post, then passing +the second on the north, and so on until the last post is reached, +around which the course continues, and back in a similar serpentine +manner to the eastern door. The candidate is then led to the blankets, +upon which he seats himself, the four officiating priests placing +themselves before him, the preceptor standing back near the first of the +four degree posts. + +The Midē´ priest of the fourth rank or place in order of precedence +approaches the kneeling candidate and in a manner similar to that which +has already been described shoots into his breast the mī´gis; the third, +second and first Midē´ follow in like manner, the last named alone +shooting his mī´gis into the candidate’s forehead, upon which he falls +forward, spits out a mī´gis shell which he had previously secreted in +his mouth, and upon the priests rubbing upon his back and limbs their +Midē´ sacks he recovers and resumes his sitting posture. + +The officiating priests retire to either side of the inclosure to find +seats, when the newly received member arises and with the assistance of +the preceptor distributes the remaining parcels of tobacco, and lastly +the blankets, robes, and other gifts. He then begins at the southeastern +angle of the inclosure to return thanks for admission, places both hands +upon the first person, and as he moves them downward over his hair says: +Mi-gwĕtsh´ ga-o´-shi-tō´-ĭn bi-mâ´-dĭ-sĭ-win--“Thanks, for giving to me +life.” The Midē´ addressed bows his head and responds, hau´, ēⁿ´,--yes +when the newly admitted member steps back one pace, clasps his hands and +inclines his head to the front. This movement is continued until all +present have been thanked, after which he takes a seat in the +southeastern corner of the inclosure. + +A curious ceremony then takes place in which all the Midē´ on one side +of the inclosure arise and approach those upon the other, each grasping +his Midē´ sack and selecting a victim pretends to shoot into his body +the mī´gis, whereupon the Midē´ so shot falls over, and after a brief +attack of gagging and retching pretends to gain relief by spitting out +of his mouth a mī´gis shell. This is held upon the left palm, and as the +opposing party retreat to their seats, the side which has just been +subjected to the attack moves rapidly around among one another as if +dancing, but simply giving rapid utterance to the word hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, +hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, and showing the mī´gis to everybody present, after which +they place the flat hands quickly to the mouth and pretend again to +swallow their respective shells. The members of this party then +similarly attack their opponents, who submit to similar treatment and go +through like movements in exhibiting the mī´gis, which they again +swallow. When quiet has been restored, and after a ceremonial smoke has +been indulged in, the candidate sings, or chants, the production being +either his own composition or that of some other person from whom it has +been purchased. The chant presented herewith was obtained from +Sikas´sigĕ, who had received it in turn from his father when the latter +was chief priest of the Midē´wiwin at Mille Lacs, Minnesota. The +pictographic characters are reproduced on Pl. XVII, A, and the musical +notation, which is also presented, was obtained during the period of my +preliminary instruction. The phraseology of the chant, of which each +line and verse is repeated ad libitum as the singer may be inspired, +is as follows: + + [Illustration] + Do-nâ´-ga-nī´, Na´-wa-kwe´ in-do´-shi-tōn´, do-nâ´-ga-nī´. + My dish, At noon I make it, my dish. + [The singer refers to the feast which he gives to the Midē´ for + admitting him into the Midē´wiwin.] + + [Music: 266_1] + Do-na-ga-ni, Do-na-ga-ni, Do-na-ga-ni, + Do-na-ga-ni, Do-na-ga-ni, Do-na-ga-ni; + Na-´kwa-wē´, In-do-shi-tōn Donagani, Donaga-ni, + Do-na-ga-ni, Do-na-ga-ni, Do-na-ga-ni, Do-na-ga-ni. + + [Illustration: Plate XVII. + Mnemonic Songs.] + + [Illustration] + Man´-ī-dō´ i-yan-nī´, Esh-ko´-te nin´-do-we´-yo-wĭn´, + I am such a spirit, My body is made of fire. + [His power reaches to the sky, i.e., he has power to invoke the aid + of Ki´tshi Man´idō. The four degrees which he has received are + indicated by the four short lines at the tip of the hand.] + + [Music: 267_1] + Ma´ni-dō-i-ya-ni, Ma´ni-dō-i-ya-ni, Ma´ni-dō-i-ya-ni, + Ma´ni-dō-i-ya-ni, Ma´ni-dō-i-ya-ni; Esh´ko-te nin-do we-yo-win, + Manidōiya-ni, Ma´ni-dō-i-ya-ni, Ma´ni-dō-i-ya-ni, Ma´ni-dō-i-ya-ni. + + [Illustration] + Kŏ´-tshi-hai´-o-nī´, Esh-ko´-te wa-ni´-yō. + I have tried it, My body is of fire. + [He likens himself to the Bear Man´idō, and has like power by virtue + of his mī´gis, which is shown below the lines running downward from + the mouth. He is represented as standing in the Midē´wigân--where + his feet rest.] + + [Music: 267_2] + Ko´tshi-hai´o-ni, Ko´tshi-hai´o-ni, Ko´tshi-hai´o-ni, + Ko´tshihai´oni, Ko´tshi-hai´o-ni, Ko´tshi-hai´o-ni, + Ko´tshi-hai´o-ni, Ko´tshi-hai´o-ni, Esh´kote´wani´yo, + Ko´tshihaioni. Ko´tshihai´oni, Kotshihaioni, hĕ´ō, hĕ´ō. + + [Illustration] + Pause. An offering of smoke is made to Ki´tshi Man´idō. + + [Illustration] + Ni-mī´-gi-sĭm´ man´-i-dō´-we, hwē´, hē´, + Sha´-go-dzhĭ´-hi-na´. + My mī´gis spirit, + I overpower death with. + [His body is covered with mī´gis as shown by the short lines + radiating from the sides, and by this power he is enabled to + overcome death.] + + [Music: 268_1] + Nimegasi mani dō-wē, hwē, hē, Nimegasi mani dō-wē, hwē, hē, + Shagodzhihinani-mega-si, Manido-wē, hwē, hē. + Ni-me-ga-si-ma-ni-dō-wē, hwē, hē. + + [Illustration] + Ni´-ka-ni´ nin-man´-e-dō´-we-ya´. + Ya´-ho-ya´ man´-i-dō´-wa nin-da´-ho-ha´. + That is the way with me, spirit that I am. + [The hand shows how he casts the mī´gis forward into the person + requiring life. He has fourfold power, i.e., he has received the + mī´gis four times himself and is thus enabled to infuse into the + person requiring it.] + + [Music: 268_2] + Ni´-ga-ne´ nin ma´ni-dō´we ya Ni´-ga-ne´ nin ma´ni-dō´we ya, + Ya´ho-ya´ ma´nidō-we, Nin´dohōha ni´gane, ma´ni-dō-we, ya, hē. + + [Illustration] + Ē-kotsh´-i-na´-ha, + Ē-kotsh´-ha man´-i-dō´ hwe-do´-wī. + I hang it, + I hang up the Spirit sack. + [After using his Midē´ sack he hangs it against the wall of the + Midē´wigân, as is usually done during the ceremonial of initiation.] + + [Music: 269_1] + E-ko´tshi-na-ha, E-ko´tshi-na-ha, E-ko´tshi-na-ha, + E-ko´-tshi-na-ha, E-ko´-tshi-na-ha, E-ki´-tshi-ma´-ni-dō´ hwe-do-wi, + E-ko´tshi-na-ha, E-ko´tshi-na-ha, E-ko´tshi-na-ha, hĕ´a. + + [Illustration] + He´-a-wi-non´-dam-a´-ni, + Man´-i-dō´ mi-de´-wi-he´ + ne´-ma-da´-wi-dzig´. + Let them hear, + Midē´ spirit, those who are sitting around. + [He invokes Ki´tshi Man´idō to make his auditors understand his + power.] + + [Music: 269_2] + He-a-wi-non´-da-ma-ni hē, He-a-wi-nonda-ma-ni hē; + He´-a-wi-non-da-ma-ni hē, He´-a-wi-non-da-ma-ni hē; + Manidomidēwi hē, Nemadawi dzhig, Heawinondamani hē, hē, hē. + + [Illustration] + He´-a-we-na´ ni´-we-dō´, + Man´-i-dō´ we-a-nī´ + Ni´-ka-nā´ ni´-na-nā´. + He who is sleeping, + The Spirit, I bring him, a kinsman. + [In the employment of his powers he resorts to the help of Ki´tshi + Man´idō--his kinsman or Midē´ colleague.] + + [Music: 270_1] + He-a-we-na-ne-we-dō, hō, He-a-we-na-ne-we-dō, hō, + He-a-we-na-ne-we-dō, hō, He-a-we-na-ne-we-dō, hō; + Ma´-ni-dō-we-a-ni ni-ka-na ni-ka-na, hō, hō. + + [Illustration] + Man´-i-dō´ we-a-nī´ + Esh-ke´-ta we´-a-nĭ´ man´-i-dō´ we´-a-nĭ´. + I am a spirit, + Fire is my spirit body. + [The hand reaches to the earth to grasp fire, showing his ability + to do so without injury and illustrating in this manner his + supernatural power.] + + [Music: 270_2] + Ma´ni-dō´wi-a-ni hē, Ma´ni-dō´wi-a-ni hē, Ma´-ni-dō´-wi-a-ni + hē, Ma´-ni-dō´-wi-a-ni hē, Ma´-ni-dō´wi-a-ni hē; + Esh´kato´weani hē, Ma´nidō´wiani hē, Ma´nidō´wia-ni hē. + + [Illustration] + Ai-ya´-swa-kĭt-te´, hē´, he´, + He´-ā´ se-wī´-kit-te´, hē´, hē´ + Na-se´-ma-gŏt´ nin-dē´. + It is leaning, + My heart breathes. + [The phrase refers to the mī´gis within his heart. The short + radiating lines indicate the magic power of the shell.] + + [Music: 271_1] + He´-a-si-wi-kit-te hē, He´-a-si-wi-kit-te hē, He´a-si-wikit-te hē, + He´a-si-wi-kit-te hē, Na´simagot nin´de hē, He´-a-si-wi-kit-te hē, + He´-a-si-wi-kit-te hē, He´-a-si-wi-kit-te hē´, He´a-si-wi-kitte hē. + + [Illustration] + Rest, or pause, after which dancing accompanies the remainder of the + song. + + [Illustration] + Ni-ka´-nin-ko´-tshi´-ha ni´-ka-na + Ni-ka´-na-nin-ko´-tshi-ha. + Midē´ friends, I am trying, Midē´ friends, Midē´ friends, I am trying. + [His hand and arm crossed by lines to denote magic power, in + reaching to grasp more than four degrees have given him; he has + in view a fifth, or its equivalent.] + + [Music: 271_2] + Ni´-ka-ni ko´tshiha Ni´ka-ni ha, Ni´-ka-ni ko´tshini Ni´-ka-ni + ha, Ni´-ka-ni ko´-tshi-ha Ni´-ka-ni ha. + + [Illustration] + Hi´-ne-na-wa´ ni-be´-i-dōn´ ni-di´-na. + I hold that which I brought, and told him. + [The singer is holding the mī´gis and refers to his having its + power, which he desires Ki´tshi Man´idō to augment.] + + [Music: 272_1] + He-ne-na-wa-ni-bei-dōn, He-ne-na-wa-ni-bei-dōn, + He-ne-na-wa-ni-bei-dōn, He-ne-na-wa-ni-bei-dōn. + + [Illustration] + Ye´-we-ni´-mi-dē´, hwa´, da´, Ke-wa´-shi-mi-dē´, hĭ-a, + hwē´, Ye´-we-ni´-mi-dē? + Who is this grand Midē´? You have not much grand medicine. + Who is the Midē´? + [The first line, when used with the music, is a´-we-nin-o´-au-midē´. + The whole phrase refers to boasters, who have not received the + proper initiations which they profess. The figure is covered with + mī´gis shells, as shown by the short lines attached to the body.] + + [Music: 272_2] + Ye-we-ni-mi-dē hwa, da. Ke-wa-shi-mi-dē hĭa, hwē, + Ye-we-ni-mi-dē hwa, da. Ke-wa-shi-mi-dē hĭa, hwe. + Ye-we-ni-mi-dē, Ye-we-ni-mi-dē hwa, da. + + [Illustration] + Nai´-a-na-wi´ na-ma´, ha´, Wa-na´-he-ne-ni-wa´, ha´, + O´-ta-be-we-ni´, mē´, hē´. + I can not reach it, + Only when I go round the Mide´wigân; + I can not reach it from where I sit. + [The mī´gis attached to the arrow signifies its swift and certain + power and effect. The first line of the phrase, when spoken, is + nin-na´-na-wi-nan´.] + + [Music: 273_1] + Nai-a-na-wi-na-ma ha, Nai-a-na-wi-na-ma ha, + Nai-a-na-wi-na-ma ha, Nai-a-na-wi-na-ma ha, + Wa-na-he-ne-ni-wa ha, O-ta-be-we-ni-me ha. + + [Illustration] + Ai-yā´ ha´-na-wi´-na-ma´. + I can not strike him. + [The speaker is weeping because he can not see immediate prospects + for further advancement in the acquisition of power. The broken ring + upon his breast is the place upon which he was shot with the + mī´gis.] + + [Music: 273_2] + Ai-ya-ha-na-wi-na-ma, Ai-ya-ha-na-wi-na-ma, + Ai-ya-ha-na-wi-na-ma, Ai-ya-ha-na-wi-na--ma, hĕō, hĕō, hĕō. + +The following musical notation presents accurately the range of notes +employed by the preceptor. The peculiarity of Midē´ songs lies in the +fact that each person has his own individual series of notes which +correspond to the number of syllables in the phrase and add thereto +meaningless words to prolong the effect. When a song is taught, the +words are the chief and most important part, the musical rendering of a +second person may be so different from that of the person from whom he +learns it as to be unrecognizable without the words. Another fact which +often presents itself is the absence of time and measure, which prevents +any reduction to notation by full bars; e.g., one or two bars may appear +to consist of four quarter notes or a sufficient number of quarters and +eighths to complete such bars, but the succeeding one may consist of an +additional quarter, or perhaps two, thus destroying all semblance of +rythmic continuity. This peculiarity is not so common in dancing music, +in which the instruments of percussion are employed to assist regularity +and to accord with the steps made by the dancers, or vice versa. + +In some of the songs presented in this paper the bars have been omitted +for the reasons presented above. The peculiarity of the songs as +rendered by the preceptor is thus more plainly indicated. + +When the chant is ended the ushers, who are appointed by the chief +Midē´, leave the inclosure to bring in the vessels of food. This is +furnished by the newly elected member and is prepared by his female +relatives and friends. The kettles and dishes of food are borne around +four times, so that each one present may have the opportunity of eating +sufficiently. Smoking and conversation relating to the Midē´wiwin may +then be continued until toward sunset, when, upon an intimation from the +chief Midē´, the members quietly retire, leaving the structure by the +western door. All personal property is removed, and upon the following +day everybody departs. + + +DESCRIPTIVE NOTES. + +The amount of influence wielded by Midē´ generally, and particularly +such as have received four degrees, is beyond belief. The rite of the +Midē´wiwin is deemed equivalent to a religion--as that term is commonly +understood by intelligent people--and is believed to elevate such a +Midē´ to the nearest possible approach to the reputed character of +Mi´nabō´zho, and to place within his reach the supernatural power of +invoking and communing with Ki´tshi Man´idō himself. + +By reference to Pl. III, A, No. 98, it will be observed that the human +figure is specially marked with very pronounced indications of mī´gis +spots upon the head, the extremities, and more particularly the breast. +These are placed where the mīgis was “shot” into the Midē´, and the +functions of the several parts are therefore believed to be greatly +augmented. All the spots are united by a line to denote unity and +harmony of action in the exercise of power. + +The mī´gis, typical of the fourth degree, consists of small pieces of +deer horn, covered with red paint on one end and green upon the other. +Sometimes but one color is employed for the entire object. The form is +shown on Pl. XI, No. 6. No. 2, upon the same plate, represents a shell, +used as a mī´gis, observed at White Earth. + +Figs. 5-11, on Pl. XV, present several forms of painting midē´ posts, +as practiced by the several societies in Minnesota. Each society claims +to preserve the ancient method. The cross, shown in No. 7, bears the +typical colors--red and green--upon the upper half, while the lower post +is square and colored white on the east, green on the south, red on the +west, and black on the north. The Midē´ explain the signification of the +colors as follows: White represents the east, the source of light and +the direction from which the sacred mī´gis came; green, sha´manō the +southern one, refers to the source of the rains, the direction from +which the Thunderers come in the spring, they who revivify the earth; +red refers to the land of the setting sun, the abode of the shadows or +the dead; and north being black, because that is the direction from +which come cold, hunger, and disease. + +The words of the Midē´ priest alluding to “the path that has no end” +refer to the future course and conduct of the candidate for the last +degree, as well as to the possibility of attaining unlimited powers in +magic, and is pictorially designated upon the chart on Pl. III, A, at +No. 99. The path is devious and beset with temptations, but by strict +adherence to the principles of the Midē´wiwin the Midē´ may reach the +goal and become the superior of his confrères, designated +Mi-ni´-si-nō´-shkwe, “he who lives on the island.” + +A Midē´-Wâbĕnō´ of this degree is dreaded on account of his +extraordinary power of inflicting injury, causing misfortune, etc., and +most remarkable tales are extant concerning his astounding performances +with fire. + +The following performance is said to have occurred at White Earth, +Minnesota, in the presence of a large gathering of Indians and mixed +bloods. Two small wig´iwams were erected, about 50 paces from each +other, and after the Wâbĕnō´ had crawled into one of them his +disparagers built around each of them a continuous heap of brush and +firewood, which were then kindled. When the blaze was at its height all +became hushed for a moment, and presently the Wâbĕnō´ called to the +crowd that he had transferred himself to the other wig´iwam and +immediately, to their profound astonishment, crawled forth unharmed. + +This is but an example of the numerous and marvelous abilities with +which the Wâbĕnō´ of the higher grade is accredited. + +The special pretensions claimed by the Midē-Wâbĕnō´ have already been +mentioned, but an account of the properties and manner of using the +“love powder” may here be appropriate. This powder--the composition of +which has been given--is generally used by the owner to accomplish +results desired by the applicant. It is carried in a small bag made of +buckskin or cloth, which the Wâbĕnō´ carefully deposits within his Midē´ +sack, but which is transferred to another sack of like size and loaned +to the applicant, for a valuable consideration. + +During a recent visit to one of the reservations in Minnesota, I had +occasion to confer with a Catholic missionary regarding some of the +peculiar medical practices of the Indians, and the implements and other +accessories employed in connection with their profession. He related the +following incident as having but a short time previously come under his +own personal observation: + +One of the members of his church, a Norwegian, sixty-two years of age, +and a widower, had for the last preceding year been considered by most +of the residents as demented. The missionary himself had observed his +erratic and frequently irrational conduct, and was impressed with the +probable truth of the prevailing rumor. One morning, however, as the +missionary was seated in his study, he was surprised to receive a very +early call, and upon invitation his visitor took a seat and explained +the object of his visit. He said that for the last year he had been so +disturbed in his peace of mind that he now came to seek advice. He was +fully aware of the common report respecting his conduct, but was utterly +unable to control himself, and attributed the cause of his unfortunate +condition to an occurrence of the year before. Upon waking one morning +his thoughts were unwillingly concentrated upon an Indian woman with +whom he had no personal acquaintance whatever, and, notwithstanding the +absurdity of the impression, he was unable to cast it aside. After +breakfast he was, by some inexplicable influence, compelled to call upon +her, and to introduce himself, and although he expected to be able to +avoid repeating the visit, he never had sufficient control over himself +to resist lurking in the vicinity of her habitation. + +Upon his return home after the first visit he discovered lying upon the +floor under his bed, a Midē´ sack which contained some small parcels +with which he was unfamiliar, but was afterward told that one of them +consisted of “love powder.” He stated that he had grown children, and +the idea of marrying again was out of the question, not only on their +account but because he was now too old. The missionary reasoned with him +and suggested a course of procedure, the result of which had not been +learned when the incident was related. + +Jugglery of another kind, to which allusion has before been made, is +also attributed to the highest class of Jĕs´sakkīd´. Several years ago +the following account was related to Col. Garrick Mallery, U.S. Army, +and myself, and as Col. Mallery subsequently read a paper before the +Anthropological Society of Washington, District of Columbia, in which +the account was mentioned, I quote his words: + + Paul Beaulieu, an Ojibwa of mixed blood, present interpreter at White + Earth Agency, Minnesota, gave me his experience with a Jĕs´sakkīd´, + at Leech Lake, Minnesota, about the year 1858. The reports of his + wonderful performances had reached the agency, and as Beaulieu had no + faith in jugglers, he offered to wager $100, a large sum, then and + there, against goods of equal value, that the juggler could not + perform satisfactorily one of the tricks of his repertoire to be + selected by him (Beaulieu) in the presence of himself and a committee + of his friends. The Jĕs´sakkân´--or Jĕs´sakkīd´ lodge--was then + erected. The framework of vertical poles, inclined to the center, was + filled in with interlaced twigs covered with blankets and birch-bark + from the ground to the top, leaving an upper orifice of about a foot + in diameter for the ingress and egress of spirits and the objects to + be mentioned, but not large enough for the passage of a man’s body. At + one side of the lower wrapping a flap was left for the entrance of the + Jĕs´sakkīd´. + + A committee of twelve was selected to see that no communication was + possible between the Jĕs´sakkīd´ and confederates. These were reliable + people, one of them the Episcopal clergyman of the reservation. The + spectators were several hundred in number, but they stood off, not + being allowed to approach. + + The Jĕs´sakkīd´ then removed his clothing, until nothing remained but + the breech-cloth. Beaulieu took a rope (selected by himself for the + purpose) and first tied and knotted one end about the juggler’s + ankles; his knees were then securely tied together, next the wrists, + after which the arms were passed over the knees and a billet of wood + passed through under the knees, thus securing and keeping the arms + down motionless. The rope was then passed around the neck, again and + again, each time tied and knotted, so as to bring the face down upon + the knees. A flat river-stone, of black color--which was the + Jĕs´sakkīd´’s ma´nidō or amulet--was left lying upon his thighs. + + The Jĕs´sakkīd´ was then carried to the lodge and placed inside upon a + mat on the ground, and the flap covering was restored so as to + completely hide him from view. + + Immediately loud, thumping noises were heard, and the framework began + to sway from side to side with great violence; whereupon the clergyman + remarked that this was the work of the Evil One and ‘it was no place + for him,’ so he left and did not see the end. After a few minutes of + violent movements and swayings of the lodge accompanied by loud + inarticulate noises, the motions gradually ceased when the voice of + the juggler was heard, telling Beaulieu to go to the house of a + friend, near by, and get the rope. Now, Beaulieu, suspecting some joke + was to be played upon him, directed the committee to be very careful + not to permit any one to approach while he went for the rope, which he + found at the place indicated, still tied exactly as he had placed it + about the neck and extremities of the Jĕs´sakkīd´. He immediately + returned, laid it down before the spectators, and requested of the + Jĕs´sakkīd´ to be allowed to look at him, which was granted, but with + the understanding that Beaulieu was not to touch him. + + When the covering was pulled aside, the Jĕs´sakkīd´ sat within the + lodge, contentedly smoking his pipe, with no other object in sight + than the black stone mánidō. Beaulieu paid his wager of $100. + + An exhibition of similar pretended powers, also for a wager, was + announced a short time after, at Yellow Medicine, Minnesota, to be + given in the presence of a number of Army people, but at the threat of + the Grand Medicine Man of the Leech Lake bands, who probably objected + to interference with his lucrative monopoly, the event did not take + place and bets were declared off. + +Col. Mallery obtained further information, of a similar kind from +various persons on the Bad River Reservation, and at Bayfield, +Wisconsin. All of these he considered to be mere variants of a class of +performances which were reported by the colonists of New England and the +first French missionaries in Canada as early as 1613, where the general +designation of “The Sorcerers” was applied to the whole body of Indians +on the Ottawa River. These reports, it must be remembered, however, +applied only to the numerous tribes of the Algonkian linguistic family +among which the alleged practices existed; though neighboring tribes of +other linguistic groups were no doubt familiar with them, just as the +Winnebago, Omaha, and other allied tribes, profess to have “Medicine +Societies,” the secrets of which they claim to have obtained from tribes +located east of their own habitat, that practiced the peculiar ceremony +of “shooting small shells” (i.e., the mī´gis of the Ojibwa) into the +candidate. + +In Pl. XVIII is shown a Jĕs´sakkīd´ extracting sickness by sucking +through bone tubes. + + [Illustration: Plate XVIII + Jĕs´akkīd´ Removing Disease.] + + +DZHIBAI´ MIDĒ´WIGÂN, OR “GHOST LODGE.” + +A structure erected by Indians for any purpose whatever, is now +generally designated a lodge, in which sense the term is applied in +connection with the word dzhibai´--ghost, or more appropriately +shadow--in the above caption. This lodge is constructed in a form +similar to that of the Midē´wigân, but its greatest diameter extends +north and south instead of east and west. Further reference will be made +to this in describing another method of conferring the initiation of the +first degree of the Midē´wiwin. This distinction is attained by first +becoming a member of the so-called “Ghost Society,” in the manner and +for the reason following: + +After the birth of a male child it is customary to invite the friends of +the family to a feast, designating at the same time a Midē´ to serve as +godfather and to dedicate the child to some special pursuit in life. The +Midē´ is governed in his decision by visions, and it thus sometimes +happens that the child is dedicated to the “Grand Medicine,” i.e., he is +to be prepared to enter the society of the Midē´. In such a case the +parents prepare him by procuring a good preceptor, and gather together +robes, blankets, and other gifts to be presented at initiation. + +Should this son die before the age of puberty, before which period it is +not customary to admit any one into the society, the father paints his +own face as before described, viz, red, with a green stripe diagonally +across the face from left to right, as in Pl. VI, No. 4, or red with two +short horizontal parallel bars in green upon the forehead as in Pl. VI, +No. 5, and announces to the chief Midē´ priest his intention of becoming +himself a member of the “Ghost Society” and his readiness to receive the +first degree of the Midē´wiwin, as a substitute for his deceased son. +Other members of the mourner’s family blacken the face, as shown on Pl. +VII, No. 5. + +In due time a council of Midē´ priests is called, who visit the wig´iwam +of the mourner, where they partake of a feast, and the subject of +initiation is discussed. This wig´iwam is situated south and east of the +Midē´wigân, as shown in Fig. 35, which illustration is a reproduction of +a drawing made by Sikas´sigĕ. + + [Illustration: Fig. 35.--Indian diagram of ghost lodge.] + +The following is an explanation of the several characters: + + No. 1 represents the wig´iwam of the mourner, which has been erected + in the vicinity of the Midē´wigân, until after the ceremony of + initiation. + + No. 2 is the path supposed to be taken by the shadow (spirit) of the + deceased; it leads westward to the Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân; literally, + shadow-spirit wig´iwam. + + No. 3, 4, 5, and 6, designate the places where the spirit plucks the + fruits referred to--respectively the strawberry, the blueberry, the + June cherries, and the plum. + + No. 7 designates the form and location of the Dzhihai´ Midē´wigân. The + central spot is the place of the dish of food for Dzhibai´ + Man´idō--the good spirit--and the smaller spots around the interior + of the inclosure are places for the deposit of dishes for the other + Midē´ spirits who have left this earth. + + No. 8 is the path which is taken by the candidate when going from his + wig´iwam to the Midē´wigân. + + No. 9 indicates the place of the sweat-lodge, resorted to at other + periods of initiation. + + No. 10 is the Midē´wigân in which the ceremony is conducted at the + proper time. + +It is stated that in former times the Ghost Lodge was erected west of +the location of the mourner’s wig´iwam, but for a long time this +practice has been discontinued. The tradition relating to the Spirit’s +progress is communicated orally, while the dramatic representation is +confined to placing the dishes of food in the Midē´wigân, which is +selected as a fitting and appropriate substitute during the night +preceding the initiation. + +This custom, as it was practiced, consisted of carrying from the +mourner’s wig´iwam to the Ghost Lodge the dishes of food for the spirits +of departed Midē´ to enjoy a feast, during the time that the Midē´ +priests were partaking of one. A large dish was placed in the center of +the structure by the mourner, from which the supreme Midē´ spirit was to +eat. Dishes are now carried to the Midē´wigân, as stated above. + +The chief officiating Midē´ then instructs the father of the deceased +boy the manner in which he is to dress and proceed, as symbolizing the +course pursued by the spirit of the son on the way to the spirit world. +The instructions are carried out, as far as possible, with the exception +of going to an imaginary Ghost Lodge, as he proceeds only to the +Midē´wigân and deposits the articles enumerated below. He is told to +take one pair of bear-skin moccasins, one pair of wolf-skin, and one +pair of birds’ skins, in addition to those which he wears upon his feet; +these are to be carried to the structure in which the Midē´ spirits are +feasting, walking barefooted, picking a strawberry from a plant on the +right of the path and a blueberry from a bush on the left, plucking June +cherries from a tree on the right and plums on the left. He is then to +hasten toward the Ghost Lodge, which is covered with mī´gis, and to +deposit the fruit and the moccasins; these will be used by his son’s +spirit in traveling the road of the dead after the spirits have +completed their feast and reception of him. While the candidate is on +his mission to the Ghost Lodge (for the time being represented by the +Midē´wigân) the assemblage in the wig´iwam chant the following for the +mourner: Yan´-i-ma-tsha´, yan´-i-ma-tsha´, ha´, yan´-i-ma-tsha´ +yan´-i-ma-tsha´ ha´, yu´-te-no-win´ gē´, hē´ nin-de´-so-ne´--“I am going +away, I am going away, I am going away, to the village I walk”--i.e., +the village of the dead. + +The person who desires to receive initiation into the Midē´wigân, under +such circumstances, impersonates Minabō´zho, as he is believed to have +penetrated the country of the abode of shadows, or ne´-ba-gī´-zis--“land +of the sleeping sun.” He, it is said, did this to destroy the “Ghost +Gambler” and to liberate the many victims who had fallen into his power. +To be enabled to traverse this dark and dismal path, he borrowed of +Kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´--the owl--his eyes, and received also the services of +wâ´-wa-tē´-si-wŭg--the firefly, both of which were sent back to the +earth upon the completion of his journey. By referring to Pl. III, A, +the reference to this myth will be observed as pictorially represented +in Nos. 110 to 114. No. 110 is the Midē´wigân from which the traveler +has to visit the Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân (No. 112) in the west. No. 113, +represented as Kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´--the owl--whose eyes enabled Mī´nabō´zho to +follow the path of the dead (No. 114); the owl skin Midē´ sack is also +sometimes used by Midē´ priests who have received their first degree in +this wise. The V-shaped characters within the circle at No. 111 denote +the presence of spirits at the Ghost Lodge, to which reference has been +made. + +The presents which had been gathered as a gift or fee for the deceased +are now produced and placed in order for transportation to the +Midē´wigân, early on the following morning. + +The Midē´ priests then depart, but on the next morning several of them +make their appearance to assist in clearing the Midē´wigân of the dishes +which had been left there over night, and to carry thither the robes, +blankets, and other presents, and suspend them from the rafters. Upon +their return to the candidate’s wig´iwam, the Midē´ priests gather, and +after the candidate starts to lead the procession toward the Midē´wigân, +the priests fall in in single file, and all move forward, the Midē´ +priests chanting the following words repeatedly, viz: Ki-e´-ne-kwo-tâ´ +ki-e´-ne-kwo-tâ´, ha´, ha´, ha´, nōs e´wi-e´, hē´, ki´-na-ka´-ta-mŭn´ +do-nâ´-gan--“I also, I also, my father, leave you my dish.” + +This is sung for the deceased, who is supposed to bequeath to his father +his dish, or other articles the names of which are sometimes added. + +The procession continues toward and into the Midē´wigân, passing around +the interior by the left side toward the west, north, and east to a +point opposite the space usually reserved for the deposit of goods, +where the candidate turns to the right and stands in the middle of the +inclosure, where he now faces the Midē´ post in the west. The members +who had not joined the procession, but who had been awaiting its +arrival, now resume their seats, and those who accompanied the candidate +also locate themselves as they desire, when the officiating priests +begin the ceremony as described in connection with the initiation for +the first degree after the candidate has been turned over to the chief +by the preceptor. + +Sometimes the mother of one who had been so dedicated to the Midē´wiwin +is taken into that society, particularly when the father is absent or +dead. + + +INITIATION BY SUBSTITUTION. + +It sometimes happens that a sick person can not be successfully treated +by the Midē´, especially in the wig´iwam of the patient, when it becomes +necessary for the latter to be carried to the Midē´wigân and the +services of the society to be held. This course is particularly followed +when the sick person or the family can furnish a fee equivalent to the +gift required for initiation under ordinary circumstances. + +It is believed, under such conditions, that the evil man´idōs can be +expelled from the body only in the sacred structure, at which place +alone the presence of Ki´tshi Man´idō may be felt, after invocation, and +in return for his aid in prolonging the life of the patient the latter +promises his future existence to be devoted to the practice and +teachings of the Midē´wiwin. Before proceeding further, however, it is +necessary to describe the method pursued by the Midē´ priest. + +The first administrations may consist of mashki´kiwabūⁿ´, or medicine +broth, this being the prescription of the Midē´ in the capacity of +mashki´kike´winĭ´nĭ, or herbalist, during which medication he resorts to +incantation and exorcism, accompanying his song by liberal use of the +rattle. As an illustration of the songs used at this period of the +illness, the following is presented, the mnemonic characters being +reproduced on Pl. XVI, C. The singing is monotonous and doleful, though +at times it becomes animated and discordant. + + [Illustration] + In´-do-nâ-gât in-da´-kwo-nan + That which I live upon has been put on this dish by the spirit. + [Ki´tshi Man´idō provides the speaker with the necessary food for + the maintenance of life. The dish, or feast, is shown by the + concentric rings, the spirit’s arm is just below it.] + + [Illustration] + Mo´-ki-yan tshik´-ko-min´. + I bring life to the people. + [The speaker, as the impersonator of the sacred Otter, brings life. + The Otter is just emerging from the surface of the water, as he + emerged from the great salt sea before the Âni´shi-nâ´beg, after + having been instructed by Mi´nabō´zho to carry life to them.] + + [Illustration] + Ni´-no-mūn´ mash-ki´-ki + I can also take medicine from the lodge, or the earth + [The Midē´’s arm is reaching down to extract magic remedies from the + earth. The four spots indicate the remedies, while the square figure + denotes a hole in the ground.] + + [Illustration] + Rest. During this interval the Midē´’s thoughts dwell upon the sacred + character of the work in which he is engaged. + + [Illustration] + Ni´-nin-dē´ in´-dai-yo´. + It is all in my heart, the life. + [The concentric circles indicates the mī´gis, life, within the + heart, the former showing radiating lines to denote its magic + power.] + + [Illustration] + M´bi-mo´-se-an-kĭnk´. + The spirit saw me and sent me medicine from above. + [The figure is that of Ki´tshi Man´idō, who granted power to the + speaker.] + + [Illustration] + Dōn´-de-na mi-tĭz´-kŭnk. + It is also on the trees, that from which I take life. + [The tree bears “medicine” which the speaker has at his command, + and is enabled to use.] + +When the ordinary course of treatment fails to relieve the patient the +fact is made known to the Midē´ priests and he is consequently taken +to the Midē´wigân and laid upon blankets so that part of his body may +rest against the sacred midē´ stone. Associate Midē´ then attend, +in consultation, with the Midē´-in-chief, the other members present +occupying seats around the walls of the structure. + +The accompanying lecture is then addressed to the sick person, viz: + + Mi-shosh´-yâ-gwa´ ga´-a-nin-nan´ gi´-de-wēn´-du-nŭn + ne´-tun-ga´-da-da-we´-in man´-i-dōmī´-gis. Kit´-ti-mâ´-gĭ-si + ē´-ni-dau´-â-ya-we´-yĭn o-ma´-e-nâ´-sa-ba-bĭt bī-ĭ-sha´-gaban´-dĕ-a + gi-bi´-sha-ban-da´-ĕt na-pĭsh-kâ-tshi-dŏsh ke´-a-yū´-ĭn-ki-go + gŏt-tâ-sō-nĕn´, mi´-a-shi´-gwa-gō-dĭn´-na-wât + dzhi-ma´-di-a-kad´-dŏ-yōn bi-mâ-di-si-wĭn´. + +The following is a free translation of the above: + + The time of which I spoke to you has now arrived, and you may deem it + necessary to first borrow the sacred mī´gis. Who are you that comes + here as a supplicant? Sit down opposite to me, where I can see you and + speak to you, and fix your attention upon me, while you receive life + you must not permit your thoughts to dwell upon your present + condition, but to support yourself against falling into despondency. + + Now we are ready to try him; now we are ready to initiate him. + +The reference to borrowing a mī´gis signifies that the patient may have +this mysterious power “shot into his body” where he lies upon the ground +and before he has arrived at the place where candidates are properly +initiated; this, because of his inability to walk round the inclosure. + +The last sentence is spoken to the assisting Midē´. The following song +is sung, the mnemonic characters pertaining thereto being reproduced on +Pl. XVI, D. + + [Illustration] + O-da´-pi-nŭng´-mung oâ´-ki-wen´-dzhi man´-i-dō + we´-an-ĭ-win´-zhi-gu-sân´. + We are going to take the sacred medicine out of the ground. + [The speaker refers to himself and the assistants as resorting + to remedies adopted after consultation, the efficiency thereof + depending upon their combined prayers. The arm is represented as + reaching for a remedy which is surrounded by lines denoting soil.] + + [Illustration] + We-a´-ki man´-i-dō we-an-gwĭs´. + The ground is why I am a spirit, my son. + [The lower horizontal line is the earth, while the magic power which + he possesses is designated by short vertical wavy lines which reach + his body.] + + [Illustration] + Rest. + + [Illustration] + Nish´-u-we-ni-mi´-qu nish´-u-we-ni-mi´-qu we´-gi ma´-ŏ-dzhig´. + The spirits have pity; the spirits have pity on me. + [The Midē´ is supplicating the Midē´ spirits for aid in his wishes + to cure the sick.] + + [Illustration] + Kish´-u-we-ni-mi´-qu ki´-shi´-gŭng don´-dzhi-wa´-wa-mĭk. + The spirits have pity on me; from on high I see you. + [The sky is shown by the upper curved lines, beneath which the Midē´ + is raising his arm in supplication.] + + [Illustration] + Man´-i-dō´-â ni´-o. + My body is a spirit. + [The Midē´ likens himself to the Bear Man´idō, the magic powers of + which are shown by the lines across the body and short strokes upon + the back.] + + [Illustration] + Pi-ne´-si-wi-ân´ ke-ke´-u-wi-an´. + A little bird I am: I am the hawk. + [Like the thunderer, he penetrates the sky in search of power and + influence.] + + [Illustration] + Man´-i-dō´ nu´-tu wa´-kan. + Let us hear the spirit. + [The Ki´tshi Man´idō is believed to make known his presence, and all + are enjoined to listen for such intimation.] + + [Illustration] + Ka´-nun-ta´-wa man´-i-dō´ wi´-da-ku-ē´, hē´, ki´-a-ha-mī´. + You might hear that he is a spirit. + [The line on the top of the head signifies the person to be a + superior being.] + + [Illustration] + Ka´-ke-na gus-sâ´ o´-mi-si´-nī´ na´-ēn. + I am afraid of all, that is why I am in trouble. + [The Midē´ fears that life can not be prolonged because the evil + man´idōs do not appear to leave the body of the sick person. The + arm is shown reaching for mī´gis, or life, the strength of the + speaker’s, having himself received it four times, does not appear + to be of any avail.] + +Should the patient continue to show decided symptoms of increased +illness, the singing or the use of the rattle is continued until life is +extinct, and no other ceremony is attempted; but if he is no worse after +the preliminary course of treatment, or shows any improvement, the first +attendant Midē´ changes his songs to those of a more boastful character. +The first of these is as follows, chanted repeatedly and in a monotonous +manner, viz: + + A´-si-na´-bi-hu´-ya, a-si´-na´-b-hu´-ya. + I have changed my looks, I have changed my looks. + + [This refers to the appearance of the Midē´ stone which it is + believed absorbs some of the disease and assumes a change of color.] + + Nish´-a-we´nī´, hū´, gū´, mi-dē´, wug, a-ne´-ma-bī´-tshig. + The Midē´ have pity on me, those who are sitting around, + and those who are sitting from us. + + [The last line refers to those Midē´ who are sitting, though absent + from the Midē´wigân.] + +The following illustrates the musical rendering: + + [Music: 285_1] + A-si-na-bi-hŭ-i-ya, A-si-na-bi-hŭ-i-ya, A-si-na-bi-hŭ-i-ya hĭa, + A-si-na-bi-hŭ-i-ya, A-si-na-bi-hŭ-i-ya hĭa. + + [Music: 285_2] + Nish-a-wi-in-hu gū, O-ko-mi-dē-wog hē, + A-ne-ma-bi-tshig hē, Nishawiinhu gū, + O-ko-mi-dē-wog hē, Nish-a-wi-ni-hu gŭ O-ko-mi-dē-wog hē. + +As the patient continues to improve the song of the Midē´ becomes more +expressive of his confidence in his own abilities and importance. + +The following is an example in illustration, viz: + + Ni-ne´-ta-we-hē´ wa-wâ´-bâ-ma´ man´-i-dō, wa-wâ´-bâ-ma´. + [I am the only one who sees the spirit, who sees the spirit.] + Nin´-da-nī-wĭ-a, nin´-da-nī´-wĭ-a. + I surpass him, I surpass him. + [The speaker overcomes the malevolent man´idō and causes him to take + flight.] + + Na´-sa-ni-nēn´-di-yaⁿ a-we´-si-yŏk´ no-gwe´-no´-wŏk. + See how I act, beasts I shoot on the wing. + [The signification of this is, that he “shoots at them as they fly,” + referring to the man´idōs as they escape from the body.] + +The following is the musical notation of the above, viz: + + [Music: 285_3] + Ni-ne-ta-we-hē wa-wâ´bâ-ma man-i-dō wa-wâ´-bâ-ma man-i-dō, + Ni-ne-ta-we-hē wa-wâ´-bâ-ma man-i-dō, wa-wâ´-bâ-ma man-i-dō. + + [Music: 286_1] + Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, + Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, + Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, hō. + + [Music: 286_2] + Na-sa-ni-nen-di-ya, Na-sa-ni-nen-di-ya, Na-sa-ni-nen-di-ya, + Awasiyōk, Nogwenowōk. + +If the patient becomes strong enough to walk round the inclosure he is +led to the western end and seated upon a blanket, where he is initiated. +If not, the mī´gis is “shot into his body” as he reclines against the +sacred stone, after which a substitute is selected from among the Midē´ +present, who takes his place and goes through the remainder of the +initiation for him. Before proceeding upon either course, however, +the chief attendant Midē´ announces his readiness in the following +manner: Mi´-o-shi´-gwa, wi-kwod´-gi-o-wŏg´ ga-mâ´-dzhi-a-ka´-dŭng +bi-mâ-di-si-wĭn´--“Now we are ready to escape from this and to begin +to watch life.” This signifies his desire to escape from his present +procedure and to advance to another course of action, to the exercise +of the power of giving life by transferring the sacred mī´gis. + +The remainder of the ceremony is then conducted as in the manner +described as pertains to the first degree of the Midē´wiwin. + + +SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES. + +PICTOGRAPHY. + +Before concluding, it may be of interest to refer in some detail to +several subjects mentioned in the preceding pages. The mnemonic songs +are in nearly every instance incised upon birch bark by means of a +sharp-pointed piece of bone or a nail. The inner surface of the bark is +generally selected because it is softer than the reverse. Bark for such +purposes is peeled from the trunk during the spring months. On the right +hand upper corner of Pl. XIX is reproduced a portion of a mnemonic song +showing characters as thus drawn. The specimen was obtained at White +Earth, and the entire song is presented on Pl. XVI, C. A piece of bark +obtained at Red Lake, and known to have been incised more than seventy +years ago, is shown on the right lower corner of Pl. XIX. The drawings +are upon the outer surface and are remarkably deep and distinct. The +left hand specimen is from the last named locality, and of the same +period, and presents pictographs drawn upon the inner surface. + + [Illustration: Plate XIX. + Sacred Birch Bark Records.] + +In a majority of songs the characters are drawn so as to be read from +left to right, in some from right to left, and occasionally one is found +to combine both styles, being truly boustrophic. Specimens have been +obtained upon which the characters were drawn around and near the margin +of an oblong piece of bark, thus appearing in the form of an irregular +circle. + +The pictographic delineation of ideas is found to exist chiefly among +the shamans, hunters, and travelers of the Ojibwa, and there does not +appear to be a recognized system by which the work of any one person is +fully intelligible to another. A record may be recognized as pertaining +to the Midē´ ceremonies, as a song used when hunting plants, etc.; but +it would be impossible for one totally unfamiliar with the record to +state positively whether the initial character was at the left or the +right hand. The figures are more than simply mnemonic; they are +ideographic, and frequently possess additional interest from the fact +that several ideas are expressed in combination. Col. Garrick Mallery, +U.S. Army, in a paper entitled “Recently Discovered Algonkian +Pictographs,” read before the American Association for the Advancement +of Science, at Cleveland, 1888, expressed this fact in the following +words: + + It is desirable to explain the mode of using the Midē´ and other bark + records of the Ojibwa and also those of other Algonkian tribes to be + mentioned in this paper. The comparison made by Dr. E. B. Tylor of the + pictorial alphabet to teach children “A was an archer,” etc., is not + strictly appropriate in this case. The devices are not only mnemonic, + but are also ideographic and descriptive. They are not merely invented + to express or memorize the subject, but are evolved therefrom. To + persons acquainted with secret societies a good comparison for the + charts or rolls would be what is called the tressel board of the + Masonic order, which is printed and published and publicly exposed + without exhibiting any of the secrets of the order, yet is not only + significant, but useful to the esoteric in assistance to their memory + as to degrees and details of ceremony. + + A more general mode of explaining the so-called symbolism is by a + suggestion that the charts of the order or the song of a myth should + be likened to the popular illustrated poems and songs lately published + in Harper’s Magazine for instance, “Sally in our Alley,” where every + stanza has an appropriate illustration. Now, suppose that the text was + obliterated forever, indeed the art of reading lost, the illustrations + remaining, as also the memory to many persons of the ballad. The + illustrations kept in order would supply always the order of the + stanzas and also the general subject-matter of each particular stanza + and the latter would be a reminder of the words. This is what the + rolls of birch bark do to the initiated Ojibwa, and what Schoolcraft + pretended in some cases to show, but what for actual understanding + requires that all the vocables of the actual songs and charges of the + initiation should be recorded and translated. This involves not only + profound linguistic study, but the revelation of all the mysteries. + In other instances the literation in the aboriginal language of the + nonesoteric songs and stories and their translation is necessary to + comprehend the devices by which they are memorized rather than + symbolized. Nevertheless, long usage has induced some degree of + ideography and symbolism. + + [Illustration: Plate XX. + Sacred Bark Scroll and Contents.] + +On Pl. XX are presented illustrations of several articles found in a +Midē´ sack which had been delivered to the Catholic priest at Red Lake +over seventy years ago, when the owner professed Christianity and +forever renounced (at least verbally) his pagan profession. The +information given below was obtained from Midē´ priests at the above +locality. They are possessed of like articles, being members of the same +society to which the late owners of the relics belonged. The first is a +birch-bark roll, the ends of which were slit into short strips, so as to +curl in toward the middle to prevent the escaping of the contents. The +upper figure is that of the Thunder god, with waving lines extending +forward from the eyes, denoting the power of peering into futurity. This +character has suggested to several Midē´ priests that the owner might +have been a Midē´-Jĕs´sakkīd´. This belief is supported by the actual +practice pursued by this class of priests when marking their personal +effects. The lower figure is that of a buffalo, as is apparent from the +presence of the hump. Curiously enough both eyes are drawn upon one side +of the head, a practice not often followed by Indian artists. + +The upper of the four small figures is a small package, folded, +consisting of the inner sheet of birch-bark and resembling paper both in +consistence and color. Upon the upper fold is the outline of the Thunder +bird. The next two objects represent small boxes made of pine wood, +painted or stained red and black. They were empty when received, but +were no doubt used to hold sacred objects. The lowest figure of the four +consists of a bundle of three small bags of cotton wrapped with a strip +of blue cloth. The bags contain, respectively, love powder, hunter’s +medicine--in this instance red ocher and powdered arbor vitæ leaves--and +another powder of a brownish color, with which is mixed a small quantity +of ground medicinal plants. + +The roll of birch-bark containing these relics inclosed also the skin of +a small rodent (Spermophilus sp.?) but in a torn and moth-eaten +condition. This was used by the owner for purposes unknown to those who +were consulted upon the subject. It is frequently, if not generally, +impossible to ascertain the use of most of the fetiches and other sacred +objects contained in Midē´ sacks of unknown ownership, as each priest +adopts his own line of practice, based upon a variety of reasons, +chiefly the nature of his fasting dreams. + +Fancy sometimes leads an individual to prepare medicine sticks that are +of curious shape or bear designs of odd form copied after something of +European origin, as exemplified in the specimen illustrated on. Pl. XXI, +Nos. 1 and 2, showing both the obverse and reverse. The specimen is made +of ash wood and measures about ten inches in length. On the obverse +side, besides the figures of man´-idōs, such as the Thunder bird, the +serpent, and the tortoise, there is the outline of the sun, spots copied +from playing cards, etc.; upon the reverse appear two spread hands, a +bird, and a building, from the top of which floats the American flag. +This specimen was found among the effects of a Midē´ who died at Leech +Lake, Minnesota, a few years ago, together with effigies and other +relics already mentioned in another part of this paper. + + +MUSIC. + +In addition to the examples of Indian music that have been given, +especially the songs of shamans, it may be of interest to add a few +remarks concerning the several varieties of songs or chants. Songs +employed as an accompaniment to dances are known to almost all the +members of the tribe, so that their rendition is nearly always the same. +Such songs are not used in connection with mnemonic characters, as there +are, in most instances, no words or phrases recited, but simply a +continued repetition of meaningless words or syllables. The notes are +thus rhythmically accentuated, often accompanied by beats upon the drum +and the steps of the dancers. + +An example of another variety of songs, or rather chants, is presented +in connection with the reception of the candidate by the Midē´ priest +upon his entrance into the Midē´wigân of the first degree. In this +instance words are chanted, but the musical rendition differs with the +individual, each Midē´ chanting notes of his own, according to his +choice or musical ability. There is no set formula, and such songs, even +if taught to others, are soon distorted by being sung according to the +taste or ability of the singer. The musical rendering of the words and +phrases relating to the signification of mnemonic characters depends +upon the ability and inspired condition of the singer; and as each Midē´ +priest usually invents and prepares his own songs, whether for +ceremonial purposes, medicine hunting, exorcism, or any other use, he +may frequently be unable to sing them twice in exactly the same manner. +Love songs and war songs, being of general use, are always sung in the +same style of notation. + +The emotions are fully expressed in the musical rendering of the several +classes of songs, which are, with few exceptions, in a minor key. +Dancing and war songs are always in quick time, the latter frequently +becoming extraordinarily animated and boisterous as the participants +become more and more excited. + +Midē´ and other like songs are always more or less monotonous, though +they are sometimes rather impressive, especially if delivered by one +sufficiently emotional and possessed of a good voice. Some of the Midē´ +priests employ few notes, not exceeding a range of five, for all songs, +while others frequently cover the octave, terminating with a final note +lower still. + +The statement has been made that one Midē´ is unable either to recite or +sing the proper phrase pertaining to the mnemonic characters of a song +belonging to another Midē´ unless specially instructed. The +representation of an object may refer to a variety of ideas of a +similar, though not identical, character. The picture of a bear may +signify the Bear man´idō as one of the guardians of the society; it may +pertain to the fact that the singer impersonates that man´idō; exorcism +of the malevolent bear spirit may be thus claimed; or it may relate to +the desired capture of the animal, as when drawn to insure success for +the hunter. An Indian is slow to acquire the exact phraseology, which is +always sung or chanted, of mnemonic songs recited to him by a Midē´ +preceptor. + + [Illustration: Plate XXI. + Midē´ Relics from Leech Lake.] + +An exact reproduction is implicitly believed to be necessary, as +otherwise the value of the formula would be impaired, or perhaps even +totally destroyed. It frequently happens, therefore, that although an +Indian candidate for admission into the Mīdē´wiwin may already have +prepared songs in imitation of those from which he was instructed, +he may either as yet be unable to sing perfectly the phrases relating +thereto, or decline to do so because of a want of confidence. Under such +circumstances the interpretation of a record is far from satisfactory, +each character being explained simply objectively, the true import being +intentionally or unavoidably omitted. An Ojibwa named “Little +Frenchman,” living at Red Lake, had received almost continuous +instruction for three or four years, and although he was a willing and +valuable assistant in other matters pertaining to the subject under +consideration, he was not sufficiently familiar with some of his +preceptor’s songs to fully explain them. A few examples of such mnemonic +songs are presented in illustration, and for comparison with such as +have already been recorded. In each instance the Indian’s interpretation +of the character is given first, the notes in brackets being supplied in +further explanation. Pl. XXII, A, is reproduced from a birch-bark song; +the incised lines are sharp and clear, while the drawing in general is +of a superior character. The record is drawn so as to be read from right +to left. + + [Illustration] + From whence I sit. + [The singer is seated, as the lines indicate contact with the + surface beneath, though the latter is not shown. The short line + extending from the mouth indicates voice, and probably signifies, + in this instance, singing.] + + [Illustration] + The big tree in the center of the earth. + [It is not known whether or not this relates to the first + destruction of the earth, when Mi´nabō´zho escaped by climbing a + tree which continued to grow and to protrude above the surface of + the flood. One Midē´ thought it related to a particular medicinal + tree which was held in estimation beyond all others, and thus + represented as the chief of the earth.] + + [Illustration] + I will float down the fast running stream. + [Strangely enough, progress by water is here designated by + footprints instead of using the outline of a canoe. The etymology of + the Ojibwa word used in this connection may suggest footprints, as + in the Delaware language one word for river signifies “water road,” + when in accordance therewith “footprints” would be in perfect + harmony with the general idea.] + + [Illustration] + The place that is feared I inhabit, the swift-running stream I + inhabit. + [The circular line above the Midē´ denotes obscurity, i.e., he is + hidden from view and represents himself as powerful and terrible to + his enemies as the water monster.] + + [Illustration] + You who speak to me. + + [Illustration] + I have long horns. + [The Midē´ likens himself to the water monster, one of the + malevolent serpent man´idōs who antagonize all good, as beliefs + and practices of the Midē´wiwin.] + + [Illustration] + A rest or pause. + + [Illustration] + I, seeing, follow your example. + + [Illustration] + You see my body, you see my body, you see my nails are worn off in + grasping the stone. + [The Bear man´idō is represented as the type now assumed by the + Midē´. He has a stone within his grasp, from which magic remedies + are extracted.] + + [Illustration] + You, to whom I am speaking. + [A powerful Man´idō´, the panther, is in an inclosure and to him the + Midē´ addresses his request.] + + [Illustration] + I am swimming--floating--down smoothly. + [The two pairs of serpentine lines indicate the river banks, while + the character between them is the Otter, here personated by the + Midē´.] + + [Illustration] + Bars denoting a pause. + + [Illustration] + I have finished my drum. + [The Midē´ is shown holding a Midē´ drum which he is making for use + in a ceremony.] + + [Illustration] + My body is like unto you. + [The mī´gis shell, the symbol of purity and the Midē´wiwin.] + + [Illustration] + Hear me, you who are talking to me! + [The speaker extends his arms to the right and left indicating + persons who are talking to him from their respective places. The + lines denoting speech--or hearing--pass through the speaker’s head + to exclaim as above.] + + [Illustration] + See what I am taking. + [The Midē´ has pulled up a medicinal root. This denotes his + possessing a wonderful medicine and appears in the order of an + advertisement.] + + [Illustration] + See me, whose head is out of water. + + [Illustration: Plate XXII. + Mnemonic Songs.] + +On Pl. XXII, B, is presented an illustration reproduced from a piece of +birch bark owned by the preceptor of “Little Frenchman,” of the import +of which the latter was ignorant. His idea of the signification of the +characters is based upon general information which he has received, and +not upon any pertaining directly to the record. From general appearances +the song seems to be a private record pertaining to the Ghost Society, +the means through which the recorder attained his first degree of the +Midē´wiwin, as well as to his abilities, which appear to be boastfully +referred to: + + [Illustration] + I am sitting with my pipe. + [Midē´ sitting, holding his pipe. He has been called upon to visit a + patient, and the filled pipe is handed to him to smoke preparatory + to his commencing the ceremony of exorcism.] + + [Illustration] + I employ the spirit, the spirit of the owl. + [This evidently indicates the Owl Man´idō, which has been referred + to in connection with the Red Lake Mide´ chart, Pl. III, No. 113. + The Owl man´idō is there represented as passing from the Midē´wigân + to the Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân, and the drawings in that record and in + this are sufficiently alike to convey the idea that the maker of + this song had obtained his suggestion from the old Midē´ chart.] + + [Illustration] + It stands, that which I am going after. + [The Midē´, impersonating the Bear Man´idō, is seeking a medicinal + tree of which he has knowledge, and certain parts of which he + employs in his profession. The two footprints indicate the direction + the animal is taking.] + + [Illustration] + I, who fly. + [This is the outline of a Thunder bird, who appears to grasp in his + talons some medical plants.] + + [Illustration] + Ki´-bi-nan´ pi-zan´. Ki´binan´ is what I use, it flies like an arrow. + [The Midē´’s arm is seen grasping a magic arrow, to symbolize the + velocity of action of the remedy.] + + [Illustration] + I am coming to the earth. + [A Man´idō is represented upon a circle, and in the act of + descending toward the earth, which is indicated by the horizontal + line, upon which is an Indian habitation. The character to denote + the sky is usually drawn as a curved line with the convexity above, + but in this instance the ends of the lines are continued below, + so as to unite and to complete the ring; the intention being, as + suggested by several Midē´ priests, to denote great altitude above + the earth, i.e., higher than the visible azure sky, which is + designated by curved lines only.] + + [Illustration] + I am feeling for it. + [The Midē´ is reaching into holes in the earth in search of hidden + medicines.] + + [Illustration] + I am talking to it. + [The Midē´ is communing with the medicine Man´idō´ with the Midē´ + sack, which he holds in his hand. The voice lines extend from his + mouth to the sack, which appears to be made of the skin of an Owl, + as before noted in connection with the second character in this + song.] + + [Illustration] + They are sitting round the interior in a row. + [This evidently signifies the Ghost Lodge, as the structure is drawn + at right angles to that usually made to represent the Midē´wigân, + and also because it seems to be reproduced from the Red Lake chart + already alluded to and figured in Pl. III, No. 112. The spirits or + shadows, as the dead are termed, are also indicated by crosses in + like manner.] + + [Illustration] + You who are newly hung; you have reached half, and you are now full. + [The allusion is to three phases of the moon, probably having + reference to certain periods at which some important ceremonies + or events are to occur.] + + [Illustration] + I am going for my dish. + [The speaker intimates that he is going to make a feast, the dish + being shown at the top in the form of a circle; the footprints are + directed toward, it and signify, by their shape, that he likens + himself to the Bear man´idō, one of the guardians of the Midēwiwin.] + + [Illustration] + I go through the medicine lodge. + [The footprints within the parallel lines denote his having passed + through an unnamed number of degrees. Although the structure is + indicated as being erected like the Ghost Lodge, i.e., north and + south, it is stated that Midēwiwin is intended. This appears to be + an instance of the non-systematic manner of objective ideagraphic + delineation.] + + [Illustration] + Let us commune with one another. + [The speaker is desirous of communing with his favorite man´idōs, + with whom he considers himself on an equality, as is indicated by + the anthropomorphic form of one between whom and himself the voice + lines extend.] + +On Figs. 36-39, are reproduced several series of pictographs from +birch-bark songs found among the effects of a deceased Midē´ priest, at +Leech Lake. Reference to other relics belonging to the same collection +has been made in connection with effigies and beads employed by Midē´ in +the endeavor to prove the genuineness of their religion and profession. +These mnemonic songs were exhibited to many Midē´ priests from various +portions of the Ojibwa country, in the hope of obtaining some +satisfactory explanation regarding the import of the several characters; +but, although they were pronounced to be “Grand Medicine,” no +suggestions were offered beyond the merest repetition of the name of the +object or what it probably was meant to represent. The direction of +their order was mentioned, because in most instances the initial +character furnishes the guide. Apart from this, the illustrations are of +interest as exhibiting the superior character and cleverness of their +execution. + + [Illustration: Fig. 36.--Leech Lake Midē´ song.] + +The initial character on Fig. 36 appears to be at the right hand upper +corner, and represents the Bear Man´idō. The third figure is that of the +Midē´wiwin, with four man´idōs within it, probably the guardians of the +four degrees. The owner of the song was a Midē´ of the second degree, +as was stated in connection with his Midē´wi-gwas or “medicine chart,” +illustrated on Plate III, C. + + [Illustration: Fig. 37.--Leech Lake Midē´ song.] + +Fig. 37 represents what appears to be a mishkiki or medicine song, as is +suggested by the figures of plants and roots. It is impossible to state +absolutely at which side the initial character is placed, though it +would appear that the human figure at the upper left hand corner would +be more in accordance with the common custom. + + [Illustration: Fig. 38.--Leech Lake Midē´ song.] + +Fig. 38 seems to pertain to hunting, and may have been recognized as a +hunter’s chart. According to the belief of several Midē´, it is lead +from right to left, the human figure indicating the direction according +to the way in which the heads of the crane, bear, etc., are turned. The +lower left hand figure of a man has five marks upon the breast, which +probably indicate mī´gis spots, to denote the power of magic influence +possessed by the recorder. + + [Illustration: Fig. 39.--Leech Lake Midē´ song.] + +The characters on Fig. 39 are found to be arranged so as to read from +the right hand upper corner toward the left, the next line continuing to +the right and lastly again to the left, terminating with the figure of a +Midē´ with the mī´gis upon his breast. This is interesting on account of +the boustrophic system of delineating the figures, and also because such +instances are rarely found to occur. + + +DRESS AND ORNAMENTS. + +While it is customary among many tribes of Indians to use as little +clothing as possible when engaged in dancing, either of a social or +ceremonial nature, the Ojibwa, on the contrary, vie with one another in +the attempt to appear in the most costly and gaudy dress attainable. The +Ojibwa Midē´ priests, take particular pride in their appearance when +attending ceremonies of the Midē´ Society, and seldom fail to impress +this fact upon visitors, as some of the Dakotan tribes, who have adopted +similar medicine ceremonies after the custom of their Algonkian +neighbors, are frequently without any clothing other than the +breechcloth and moccasins, and the armlets and other attractive +ornaments. This disregard of dress appears, to the Ojibwa, as a +sacrilegious digression from the ancient usages, and it frequently +excites severe comment. + +Apart from facial ornamentation, of such design as may take the actor’s +fancy, or in accordance with the degree of which the subject may be a +member, the Midē´ priests wear shirts, trousers, and moccasins, the +first two of which may consist of flannel or cloth and be either plain +or ornamented with beads, while the latter are always of buckskin, or, +what is more highly prized, moose skin, beaded or worked with colored +porcupine quills. + +Immediately below each knee is tied a necessary item of an Ojibwa’s +dress, a garter, which consists of a band of beads varying in different +specimens from 2 to 4 inches in width, and from 18 to 20 inches in +length, to each end of which strands of colored wool yarn, 2 feet long, +are attached so as to admit of being passed around the leg and tied in a +bow-knot in front. These garters are made by the women in such patterns +as they may be able to design or elaborate. On Pl. XXIII are +reproductions of parts of two patterns which are of more than ordinary +interest, because of the symbolic signification of the colors and the +primitive art design in one, and the substitution of colors and the +introduction of modern designs in the other. The upper one consists of +green, red, and white beads, the first two colors being in accord with +those of one of the degree posts, while the white is symbolical of the +mī´gis shell. In the lower illustration is found a substitution of color +for the preceding, accounted for by the Midē´ informants, who explained +that neither of the varieties of beads of the particular color desired +could be obtained when wanted. The yellow beads are substituted for +white, the blue for green, and the orange and pink for red. The design +retains the lozenge form, though in a different arrangement, and the +introduction of the blue border is adapted after patterns observed among +their white neighbors. In the former is presented also what the Ojibwa +term the groundwork or type of their original style of ornamentation, +i.e., wavy or gently zigzag lines. Later art work consists chiefly of +curved lines, and this has gradually become modified through instruction +from the Catholic sisters at various early mission establishments until +now, when there has been brought about a common system of working upon +cloth or velvet, in patterns, consisting of vines, leaves, and flowers, +often exceedingly attractive though not aboriginal in the true sense of +the word. + + [Illustration: Plate XXIII. + Midē´ Dancing Garters.] + +Bands of flannel or buckskin, handsomely beaded, are sometimes attached +to the sides of the pantaloons, in imitation of an officer’s stripes, +and around the bottom. Collars are also used, in addition to necklaces +of claws, shells, or other objects. + +Armlets and bracelets are sometimes made of bands of beadwork, though +brass wire or pieces of metal are preferred. + +Bags made of cloth, beautifully ornamented or entirely covered with +beads, are worn, supported at the side by means of a broad band or +baldric passing over the opposite shoulder. The head is decorated with +disks of metal and tufts of colored horse hair or moose hair and with +eagle feathers to designate the particular exploits performed by the +wearer. + +Few emblems of personal valor or exploits are now worn, as many of the +representatives of the present generation have never been actively +engaged in war, so that there is generally found only among the older +members the practice of wearing upon the head eagle feathers bearing +indications of significant markings or cuttings. A feather which has +been split from the tip toward the middle denotes that the wearer was +wounded by an arrow. A red spot as large as a silver dime painted upon a +feather shows the wearer to have been wounded by a bullet. The privilege +of wearing a feather tipped with red flannel or horse hair dyed red is +recognized only when the wearer has killed an enemy, and when a great +number have been killed in war the so-called war bonnet is worn, and may +consist of a number of feathers exceeding the number of persons killed, +the idea to be expressed being “a great number,” rather than a specific +enumeration. + +Although the Ojibwa admit that in former times they had many other +specific ways of indicating various kinds of personal exploits, they now +have little opportunity of gaining such distinction, and consequently +the practice has fallen into desuetude. + + +FUTURE OF THE SOCIETY. + +According to a treaty now being made between the United States +Government and the Ojibwa Indians, the latter are to relinquish the +several areas of land at present occupied by them and to remove to +portions of the Red Lake and White Earth Reservations and take lands in +severalty. By this treaty about 4,000,000 acres of land will be ceded to +the Government, and the members of the various bands will become +citizens of the United States, and thus their tribal ties will be broken +and their primitive customs and rites be abandoned. + +The chief Midē´ priests, being aware of the momentous consequences of +such a change in their habits, and foreseeing the impracticability of +much longer continuing the ceremonies of so-called “pagan rites,” became +willing to impart them to me, in order that a complete description might +be made and preserved for the future information of their descendants. + +There is scarcely any doubt that these ceremonies will still be secretly +held at irregular intervals; but under the watchful care of the national +authorities it is doubtful whether they will be performed with any +degree of completeness, and it will be but a comparatively short time +before the Midē´wiwin will be only a tradition. + + * * * * * + * * * * + +Errata for Midē´wiwin: + +A number of Ojibwa words are recorded with “w” where the correct form +has “b”. Since w:b is not an attested dialectal variation, these may be +mishearings on the part of the original transcriber. Other errors such +as G:S or h:k can be attributed to misreading of handwritten text. + +Variations and inconsistencies (unchanged): + + Ojibwa : Ojibway + Man´ido(s) : Man´idō(s) + [_throughout text_] + Bois Forts + [_modern name Bois Forte, but “Forts” is common in early texts_] + INDEX: + [_all spellings unchanged_] + [Note 11] History of the Ojebway Indians, London [1843(?)] + [_question mark and brackets in original_] + sacred objects which Minabō´zho had deposited + [_word is usually spelled “Mi´nabō´zho”_] + Before proceeding further with the explanation of the Mide´ + [_word is usually spelled “Midē´”_] + The bear going to the Midē´wigan + [_word is usually spelled “Midē´wigân”_] + The boy then narrated ... man´-i-dō´ ’n-gi-gĭn´-o-a-mâk + [_the apostrophe in “’n-gi-gĭn´-o-a-mâk” occurs nowhere else in the + text; it may be phonetic (elision of i?) or an error_] + +Corrections: + + A´-mĭ-kŭn´-dem mi-ē´-ta â´-bi-dink´ [â´-wi-dink´] + the Midē´wiwin was at that time held annually [Midê´wiwin] + shall guard it during the night [shal] + Amini´kanzi´bi [Aⁿnibi´kanzi´bi] + calling upon the other Man´idōs to join him + [_text reads “to / to” at line break_] + This wig´iwam is dome-shaped measures about 10 feet in diameter + [_text unchanged: “and measures”, “measuring”?_] + shooting the mī´gis (see Fig. 15) is explained on page 215 + [_text reads “page 192” (page number of Fig. 15)_] + Ni´-nīn-dē´, a´-ya´ [Ni´-nīn-dē´, ĕ´, ō´, ya´] + Nē´-wōdē´-ē´. [Hē´-wōg, ē´, ē´] + Gaga´īⁿwuⁿsh-- “Raven Tree.” [Saga´īⁿwuⁿsh] + Iskig´omeaush´-- “Sap-flows-fast.” [Ishig´omeaush´] + Yellow Birch. Wi´nnis´sik. [Wi´umis´sik] + White Birch. Wīgwas´. [Mīgwas´] + Kinē´bigwŏshk-- “Snake weed or Snake Vine.” [Kinē´wigwŏshk] + Sunflower. Pŭkite´wŭbbŏkuⁿs´. [Pŭkite´wŭkbŏkuⁿs´] + Makadē´mĭskwi´minŏk-- “Black Blood Berry.” [Makadē´wĭskwi´minŏk] + Choke Cherry. Sisaⁿ´wemi´nakŏâⁿsh´. [Sisaⁿ´wewi´nakâⁿsh´] + Okwē´mĭsh-- “Scabby Bark.” [Okwē´wĭsh] + at the time during which the investigations were made + [_text reads “investiga/gations” at line break_] + Wabō´sōminī´sŏk-- “Rabbit berries” [Wabō´saminī´sŏk] + Culver’s Root. Wi´sŏgedzhi´bik [Wi´sŏgedzhi´wik] + Hoary Willow. Sisi´gobe´mĭsh. [Sisi´gewe´mĭsh] + _Symphoricarpos vulgaris_ [Symphoricarpus] + (_Gen. et sp. ?_) Termed Kine´bĭk waⁿsh´koⁿs and “Snake weed.” + [_Smilacina racemosa: False Solomon’s seal_] + (_Gen. et sp. ?_) Ki´tshiodēiminibŏk-- “Big Heart Leaf.” + [_Potentilla spp.: Cinquefoil_] + Waterleaf. Buⁿkite´bagūⁿs´. [Huⁿkite´wagūŭs´] + Downy Yellow Violet. Ogitē´baguⁿs. + [... Violet, Ogitē´waguⁿs] + Dwarf Wild Rose. Oginī´minagaⁿ´wŏs. [Oginī´minagaⁿ´mŏs] + (_Gen. et sp. ?_) Mŏ´zânâ´tĭk. + [_Urtica dioica: Stinging Nettle_] + Nesō´bakŏk-- “Three Leafed.” [Nesō´wakŏk] + The short zigzag lines signifying magic influence [sigzag] + The lines extending downward from the eye signifies weeping + [_text unchanged_] + Ki-na-nē´, hē´, ki´-ne-na-wē´ man´-i-dō. [Hi-na-nē´] + “Ō´nishgân”--“get up” [Ō´mishga‘n] + in this place he shall be Raised again + [_text (two-line gloss) reads “in this he shall / be place”_] + (the second-degree mī´gis) [mì´gis] + the illustration in Pl. XIV, A, is a reproduction of the original + [Pl. XVII, A] + the following Midē´ song, represented pictorially, also on Pl. XIV, B + [Pl. XVII, B] + a three-lobed apex, as shown in Fig. 4 [Fig. 3] + south and east of the Midē´wigân, as shown in Fig. 35 [Fig. 30] + These mnemonic songs were exhibited [menmonic] + wâ´-wa-tē´-si-wŭg [wē´-we-tē´-si-wŭg] + +Punctuation: + + principles of magic and incantations.” + [_close quote missing_] + (or, as we have learned to term it, “Grand Medicine,”) + [_close parenthesis missing_] + place the body on the ground in the middle of the wig´iwam.” + [_close quote missing_] + Long-sand-bar-beneath-the-surface (No. 15) + [_printed “beneath/ the” (no hyphen at line break)_] + “Our forefathers were living + [_open quote missing (passage is quote within block quote)_] + We´-gi-kwō´ Kĕ-mī´-nĭ-nan´? + [_text ends “.?”_] + “He, the chief spirit of the Midē´ Society + [_open quote missing (passage is quote within block quote)_] + + + * * * * * + * * * * + * * * * * + + + SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES. + + by + + JAMES MOONEY. + + + * * * * * + + +CONTENTS + + Introduction 307 + How the formulas were obtained. 310 + The A‛yûⁿinĭ (Swimmer) manuscript 310 + The Gatigwanastĭ (Belt) manuscript 312 + The Gahunĭ manuscript 313 + The Inâlĭ (Black Fox) manuscript 314 + Other manuscripts 316 + The Kanâhe´ta Ani-Tsa´lagĭ Etĭ or Ancient Cherokee Formulas 317 + Character of the formulas-- the Cherokee religion 318 + Myth of the origin of disease and medicine 319 + Theory of disease-- animals, ghosts, witches 322 + Selected list of plants used 324 + Medical practice-- theory of resemblances-- fasting-- + tabu-- seclusion-- women 328 + Illustration of the gaktûⁿta or tabu 331 + Neglect of sanitary regulations 332 + The sweat bath-- bleeding--rubbing--bathing 338 + Opposition of shamans to white physicians 336 + Medicine dances 337 + Description of symptoms 337 + The ugista´‛tĭ or pay of the shaman 337 + Ceremonies for gathering plants and preparing medicine 339 + The Cherokee gods and their abiding places 340 + Color symbolism 342 + Importance attached to names 343 + Language of the formulas 343 + Specimen formulas 344 + Medicine. 345 + To treat the crippler (rheumatism)-- from Gahuni 345 + Second formula for the crippler-- from Gahuni 349 + Song and prescription for snake bites-- from Gahuni 351 + When something is causing something to eat them-- Gahuni 353 + Second formula for the same disease-- A‛wanita 355 + For moving pains in the teeth (neuralgia?)-- Gatigwanasti 356 + Song and prayer for the great chill-- A‛yûⁿini 359 + To make children jump down (child birth)-- A‛yûⁿini 363 + Second formula for child birth-- Takwatihi 364 + Song and prayer for the black yellowness (biliousness)-- + A‛yûⁿini 365 + To treat for ordeal diseases (witchcraft)-- A‛yûⁿini 366 + Hunting 369 + Concerning hunting-- A‛yûⁿini 369 + For hunting birds-- A‛yûⁿini 371 + To shoot dwellers in the wilderness-- A‛wanita 372 + Bear song-- A‛yûⁿini 373 + For catching large fish-- A‛yûⁿini 374 + Love 375 + Concerning living humanity-- Gatigwanasti 376 + For going to water-- Gatigwanasti 378 + Yûⁿwehi song for painting-- Gatigwanasti 379 + Song and prayer to fix the affections-- A‛yûⁿini 380 + To separate lovers-- A‛yûⁿini 381 + Song and prayer to fix the affections-- Gatigwanasti 382 + Miscellaneous 384 + To shorten a night goer on this side-- A‛yûⁿini 384 + To find lost articles-- Gatigwanasti 386 + To frighten away a storm-- A‛yûⁿini 387 + To help warriors-- A´wanita 388 + To destroy life (ceremony with beads)-- A‛yûⁿini 391 + To take to water for the ball play-- A‛yûⁿini 395 + + +ILLUSTRATIONS + + Pl. XXIV. Portrait of A‛yûⁿini (Swimmer) 306 + XXV. Facsimile of A‛yûⁿini manuscript--Formula for + Dalâni Ûⁿnagei 310 + XXVI. Facsimile of Gatigwanasti manuscript--Yûⁿwĕhĭ + formula 312 + XXVII. Facsimile of Gahuni manuscript--Formula for + Didûⁿlĕskĭ 314 + + + [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIV + A‛YUᴺINI (SWIMMER).] + + + * * * * * + + + SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES. + + By James Mooney. + + + * * * * * + + +INTRODUCTION. + +The sacred formulas here given are selected from a collection of about +six hundred, obtained on the Cherokee reservation in North Carolina in +1887 and 1888, and covering every subject pertaining to the daily life +and thought of the Indian, including medicine, love, hunting, fishing, +war, self-protection, destruction of enemies, witchcraft, the crops, +the council, the ball play, etc., and, in fact, embodying almost +the whole of the ancient religion of the Cherokees. The original +manuscripts, now in the possession of the Bureau of Ethnology, +were written by the shamans of the tribe, for their own use, in +the Cherokee characters invented by Sikwâ´ya (Sequoyah) in 1821, +and were obtained, with the explanations, either from the writers +themselves or from their surviving relatives. + +Some of these manuscripts are known to be at least thirty years +old, and many are probably older. The medical formulas of all kinds +constitute perhaps one-half of the whole number, while the love charms +come next in number, closely followed by the songs and prayers used in +hunting and fishing. The great number of love charms will doubtless be +a surprise to those who have been educated in the old theory that the +Indian is insensible to the attractions of woman. The comparatively +small number of war formulas is explained by the fact that the last +war in which the Cherokees, as a tribe, were engaged on their own +account, closed with the Revolutionary period, so that these things +were well nigh forgotten before the invention of the alphabet, a +generation later. The Cherokees who engaged in the Creek war and the +late American civil war fought in the interests of the whites, and +their leaders were subordinated to white officers, hence there was not +the same opportunity for the exercise of shamanistic rites that there +would have been had Indians alone been concerned. The prayers for +hunting, fishing, and the ball play being in more constant demand, +have been better preserved. + +These formulas had been handed down orally from a remote antiquity +until the early part of the present century, when the invention of +the Cherokee syllabary enabled the priests of the tribe to put them +into writing. The same invention made it possible for their rivals, +the missionaries, to give to the Indians the Bible in their own +language, so that the opposing forces of Christianity and shamanism +alike profited by the genius of Sikwâya. The pressure of the new +civilization was too strong to be withstood, however, and though +the prophets of the old religion still have much influence with the +people, they are daily losing ground and will soon be without honor in +their own country. + +Such an exposition of the aboriginal religion could be obtained from +no other tribe in North America, for the simple reason that no other +tribe has an alphabet of its own in which to record its sacred lore. +It is true that the Crees and Micmacs of Canada and the Tukuth of +Alaska have so-called alphabets or ideographic systems invented for +their use by the missionaries, while, before the Spanish conquest, +the Mayas of Central America were accustomed to note down their hero +legends and priestly ceremonials in hieroglyphs graven upon the walls +of their temples or painted upon tablets made of the leaves of the +maguey. But it seems never to have occurred to the northern tribes +that an alphabet coming from a missionary source could be used for any +other purpose than the transcription of bibles and catechisms, while +the sacred books of the Mayas, with a few exceptions, have long since +met destruction at the hands of fanaticism, and the modern copies +which have come down to the present day are written out from imperfect +memory by Indians who had been educated under Spanish influences in +the language, alphabet and ideas of the conquerors, and who, as is +proved by an examination of the contents of the books themselves, +drew from European sources a great part of their material. Moreover, +the Maya tablets were so far hieratic as to be understood only +by the priests and those who had received a special training in +this direction, and they seem therefore to have been entirely +unintelligible to the common people. + +The Cherokee alphabet, on the contrary, is the invention or adaptation +of one of the tribe, who, although he borrowed most of the Roman +letters, in addition to the forty or more characters of his own +devising, knew nothing of their proper use or value, but reversed them +or altered their forms to suit his purpose, and gave them a name and +value determined by himself. This alphabet was at once adopted by the +tribe for all purposes for which writing can be used, including the +recording of their shamanistic prayers and ritualistic ceremonies. The +formulas here given, as well as those of the entire collection, were +written out by the shamans themselves--men who adhere to the ancient +religion and speak only their native language--in order that their +sacred knowledge might be preserved in a systematic manner for their +mutual benefit. The language, the conception, and the execution +are all genuinely Indian, and hardly a dozen lines of the hundreds +of formulas show a trace of the influence of the white man or +his religion. The formulas contained in these manuscripts are not +disjointed fragments of a system long since extinct, but are the +revelation of a living faith which still has its priests and devoted +adherents, and it is only necessary to witness a ceremonial ball +play, with its fasting, its going to water, and its mystic bead +manipulation, to understand how strong is the hold which the old faith +yet has upon the minds even of the younger generation. The numerous +archaic and figurative expressions used require the interpretation +of the priests, but, as before stated, the alphabet in which they are +written is that in daily use among the common people. + +In all tribes that still retain something of their ancient +organization we find this sacred knowledge committed to the keeping of +various secret societies, each of which has its peculiar ritual with +regular initiation and degrees of advancement. From this analogy +we may reasonably conclude that such was formerly the case with the +Cherokees also, but by the breaking down of old customs consequent +upon their long contact with the whites and the voluntary adoption +of a civilized form of government in 1827, all traces of such society +organization have long since disappeared, and at present each priest +or shaman is isolated and independent, sometimes confining himself +to a particular specialty, such as love or medicine, or even the +treatment of two or three diseases, in other cases broadening his +field of operations to include the whole range of mystic knowledge. + +It frequently happens, however, that priests form personal friendships +and thus are led to divulge their secrets to each other for their +mutual advantage. Thus when one shaman meets another who he thinks can +probably give him some valuable information, he says to him, “Let us +sit down together.” This is understood by the other to mean, “Let us +tell each other our secrets.” Should it seem probable that the seeker +after knowledge can give as much as he receives, an agreement is +generally arrived at, the two retire to some convenient spot secure +from observation, and the first party begins by reciting one of his +formulas with the explanations. The other then reciprocates with +one of his own, unless it appears that the bargain is apt to prove a +losing one, in which case the conference comes to an abrupt ending. + +It is sometimes possible to obtain a formula by the payment of a coat, +a quantity of cloth, or a sum of money. Like the Celtic Druids of old, +the candidate for the priesthood in former times found it necessary to +cultivate a long memory, as no formula was repeated more than once for +his benefit. It was considered that one who failed to remember after +the first hearing was not worthy to be accounted a shaman. This task, +however, was not so difficult as might appear on first thought, when +once the learner understood the theory involved, as the formulas are +all constructed on regular principles, with constant repetition of +the same set of words. The obvious effect of such a regulation was +to increase the respect in which this sacred knowledge was held by +restricting it to the possession of a chosen few. + +Although the written formulas can be read without difficulty by any +Cherokee educated in his own language, the shamans take good care that +their sacred writings shall not fall into the hands of the laity or +of their rivals in occult practices, and in performing the ceremonies +the words used are uttered in such a low tone of voice as to be +unintelligible even to the one for whose benefit the formula is +repeated. Such being the case, it is in order to explain how the +formulas collected were obtained. + + +HOW THE FORMULAS WERE OBTAINED. + +On first visiting the reservation in the summer of 1887, I devoted +considerable time to collecting plants used by the Cherokees for food +or medicinal purposes, learning at the same time their Indian names +and the particular uses to which each was applied and the mode of +preparation. It soon became evident that the application of the +medicine was not the whole, and in fact was rather the subordinate, +part of the treatment, which was always accompanied by certain +ceremonies and “words.” From the workers employed at the time no +definite idea could be obtained as to the character of these words. +One young woman, indeed, who had some knowledge of the subject, +volunteered to write the words which she used in her prescriptions, +but failed to do so, owing chiefly to the opposition of the half-breed +shamans, from whom she had obtained her information. + + +THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT. + +Some time afterward an acquaintance was formed with a man named +A‛yûⁿ´inĭ or “Swimmer,” who proved to be so intelligent that I +spent several days with him, procuring information in regard to myths +and old customs. He told a number of stories in very good style, and +finally related the Origin of the Bear[1]. The bears were formerly a +part of the Cherokee tribe who decided to leave their kindred and go +into the forest. Their friends followed them and endeavored to induce +them to return, but the Ani-Tsâ´kahĭ, as they were called, were +determined to go. Just before parting from their relatives at the +edge of the forest, they turned to them and said, “It is better for +you that we should go; but we will teach you songs, and some day when +you are in want of food come out to the woods and sing these songs +and we shall appear and give you meat.” Their friends, after learning +several songs from them, started back to their homes, and after +proceeding a short distance, turned around to take one last look, but +saw only a number of bears disappearing in the depths of the forest. +The songs which they learned are still sung by the hunter to attract +the bears. + + [Footnote 1: To appear later with the collection of Cherokee + myths.] + + [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXV + FACSIMILE OF GAHUNI MANUSCRIPT. + Formula for Didùⁿlĕckĭ. (Page 349.)] + +When Swimmer had finished the story he was asked if he knew these +songs. He replied that he did, but on being requested to sing one +he made some excuse and was silent. After some further efforts the +interpreter said it would be useless to press the matter then as there +were several other Indians present, but that to-morrow we should have +him alone with us and could then make another attempt. + +The next day Swimmer was told that if he persisted in his refusal it +would be necessary to employ some one else, as it was unfair in him to +furnish incomplete information when he was paid to tell all he knew. +He replied that he was willing to tell anything in regard to stories +and customs, but that these songs were a part of his secret knowledge +and commanded a high price from the hunters, who sometimes paid as +much as $5 for a single song, “because you can’t kill any bears or +deer unless you sing them.” + +He was told that the only object in asking about the songs was to put +them on record and preserve them, so that when he and the half dozen +old men of the tribe were dead the world might be aware how much the +Cherokees had known. This appeal to his professional pride proved +effectual, and when he was told that a great many similar songs had +been sent to Washington by medicine men of other tribes, he promptly +declared that he knew as much as any of them, and that he would give +all the information in his possession, so that others might be able to +judge for themselves who knew most. The only conditions he made were +that these secret matters should be heard by no one else but the +interpreter, and should not be discussed when other Indians were +present. + +As soon as the other shamans learned what was going on they endeavored +by various means to persuade him to stop talking, or failing in this, +to damage his reputation by throwing out hints as to his honesty or +accuracy of statement. Among other objections which they advanced +was one which, however incomprehensible to a white man, was perfectly +intelligible to an Indian, viz: That when he had told everything this +information would be taken to Washington and locked up there, and thus +they would be deprived of the knowledge. This objection was one of +the most difficult to overcome, as there was no line of argument with +which to oppose it. + +These reports worried Swimmer, who was extremely sensitive in regard +to his reputation, and he became restive under the insinuations of +his rivals. Finally on coming to work one day he produced a book from +under his ragged coat as he entered the house, and said proudly: +“Look at that and now see if I don’t know something.” It was a small +day-book of about 240 pages, procured originally from a white man, and +was about half filled with writing in the Cherokee characters. A brief +examination disclosed the fact that it contained just those matters +that had proved so difficult to procure. Here were prayers, songs, +and prescriptions for the cure of all kinds of diseases--for chills, +rheumatism, frostbites, wounds, bad dreams, and witchery; love charms, +to gain the affections of a woman or to cause her to hate a detested +rival; fishing charms, hunting charms--including the songs without +which none could ever hope to kill any game; prayers to make the corn +grow, to frighten away storms, and to drive off witches; prayers for +long life, for safety among strangers, for acquiring influence in +council and success in the ball play. There were prayers to the Long +Man, the Ancient White, the Great Whirlwind, the Yellow Rattlesnake, +and to a hundred other gods of the Cherokee pantheon. It was in fact +an Indian ritual and pharmacopoeia. + +After recovering in a measure from the astonishment produced by this +discovery I inquired whether other shamans had such books. “Yes,” +said Swimmer, “we all have them.” Here then was a clew to follow up. A +bargain was made by which he was to have another blank book into which +to copy the formulas, after which the original was bought. It is now +deposited in the library of the Bureau of Ethnology. The remainder of +the time until the return was occupied in getting an understanding of +the contents of the book. + + +THE GATIGWANASTI MANUSCRIPT. + +Further inquiry elicited the names of several others who might be +supposed to have such papers. Before leaving a visit was paid to one +of these, a young man named Wilnoti, whose father, Gatigwanasti, had +been during his lifetime a prominent shaman, regarded as a man of +superior intelligence. Wilnoti, who is a professing Christian, said +that his father had had such papers, and after some explanation from +the chief he consented to show them. He produced a box containing a +lot of miscellaneous papers, testaments, and hymnbooks, all in the +Cherokee alphabet. Among them was his father’s chief treasure, a +manuscript book containing 122 pages of foolscap size, completely +filled with formulas of the same kind as those contained in Swimmer’s +book. There were also a large number of loose sheets, making in all +nearly 200 foolscap pages of sacred formulas. + +On offering to buy the papers, he replied that he wanted to keep them +in order to learn and practice these things himself--thus showing +how thin was the veneer of Christianity, in his case at least. On +representing to him that in a few years the new conditions would +render such knowledge valueless with the younger generation, and that +even if he retained the papers he would need some one else to explain +them to him, he again refused, saying that they might fall into +the hands of Swimmer, who, he was determined, should never see his +father’s papers. Thus the negotiations came to an end for the time. + + [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVI + FACSIMILE OF SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT. + Formula for Dalàni Ùⁿnagei (Page 364.)] + +On returning to the reservation in July, 1888, another effort was made +to get possession of the Gatigwanasti manuscripts and any others of +the same kind which could be procured. By this time the Indians had +had several months to talk over the matter, and the idea had gradually +dawned upon them that instead of taking their knowledge away from them +and locking it up in a box, the intention was to preserve it to the +world and pay them for it at the same time. In addition the writer +took every opportunity to impress upon them the fact that he was +acquainted with the secret knowledge of other tribes and perhaps could +give them as much as they gave. It was now much easier to approach +them, and on again visiting Wilnoti, in company with the interpreter, +who explained the matter fully to him, he finally consented to lend +the papers for a time, with the same condition that neither Swimmer +nor anyone else but the chief and interpreter should see them, but +he still refused to sell them. However, this allowed the use of +the papers, and after repeated efforts during a period of several +weeks, the matter ended in the purchase of the papers outright, +with unreserved permission to show them for copying or explanation +to anybody who might be selected. Wilnoti was not of a mercenary +disposition, and after the first negotiations the chief difficulty was +to overcome his objection to parting with his father’s handwriting, +but it was an essential point to get the originals, and he was allowed +to copy some of the more important formulas, as he found it utterly +out of the question to copy the whole. + +These papers of Gatigwanasti are the most valuable of the whole, and +amount to fully one-half the entire collection, about fifty pages +consisting of love charms. The formulas are beautifully written +in bold Cherokee characters, and the directions and headings are +generally explicit, bearing out the universal testimony that he was a +man of unusual intelligence and ability, characteristics inherited by +his son, who, although a young man and speaking no English, is one of +the most progressive and thoroughly reliable men of the band. + + +THE GAHUNI MANUSCRIPT. + +The next book procured was obtained from a woman named Ayâsta, “The +Spoiler,” and had been written by her husband, Gahuni, who died about +30 years ago. The matter was not difficult to arrange, as she had +already been employed on several occasions, so that she understood the +purpose of the work, besides which her son had been regularly engaged +to copy and classify the manuscripts already procured. The book +was claimed as common property by Ayâsta and her three sons, and +negotiations had to be carried on with each one, although in this +instance the cash amount involved was only half a dollar, in addition +to another book into which to copy some family records and personal +memoranda. The book contains only eight formulas, but these are of +a character altogether unique, the directions especially throwing +a curious light on Indian beliefs. There had been several other +formulas of the class called Y´û´ⁿwĕhĭ, to cause hatred between +man and wife, but these had been torn out and destroyed by Ayâsta on +the advice of an old shaman, in order that her sons might never learn +them. In referring to the matter she spoke in a whisper, and it was +evident enough that she had full faith in the deadly power of these +spells. + +In addition to the formulas the book contains about twenty pages of +Scripture extracts in the same handwriting, for Gahuni, like several +others of their shamans, combined the professions of Indian conjurer +and Methodist preacher. After his death the book fell into the hands +of the younger members of the family, who filled it with miscellaneous +writings and scribblings. Among other things there are about seventy +pages of what was intended to be a Cherokee-English pronouncing +dictionary, probably written by the youngest son, already mentioned, +who has attended school, and who served for some time as copyist on +the formulas. This curious Indian production, of which only a few +columns are filled out, consists of a list of simple English words +and phrases, written in ordinary English script, followed by Cherokee +characters intended to give the approximate pronunciation, together +with the corresponding word in the Cherokee language and characters. +As the language lacks a number of sounds which are of frequent +occurrence in English, the attempts to indicate the pronunciation +sometimes give amusing results. Thus we find: _Fox_ (English +script); _kwâgisĭ´_ (Cherokee characters); _tsú‛lû´_ (Cherokee +characters). As the Cherokee language lacks the labial _f_ and has no +compound sound equivalent to our _x_, _kwâgisĭ´_ is as near as the +Cherokee speaker can come to pronouncing our word _fox_. In the same +way “bet” becomes _wĕtĭ_, and “sheep” is _síkwĭ_, while “if he has +no dog” appears in the disguise of _ikwĭ hâsĭ nâ dâ´ga_. + + +THE INÂLI MANUSCRIPT. + +In the course of further inquiries in regard to the whereabouts of +other manuscripts of this kind we heard a great deal about Inâ´lĭ, +or “Black Fox,” who had died a few years before at an advanced age, +and who was universally admitted to have been one of their most able +men and the most prominent literary character among them, for from +what has been said it must be sufficiently evident that the Cherokees +have their native literature and literary men. Like those already +mentioned, he was a full-blood Cherokee, speaking no English, and in +the course of a long lifetime he had filled almost every position of +honor among his people, including those of councilor, keeper of the +townhouse records, Sunday-school leader, conjurer, officer in the +Confederate service, and Methodist preacher, at last dying, as he was +born, in the ancient faith of his forefathers. + + [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVII + FACSIMILE OF GATIGWANASTI MANUSCRIPT. + Yugwilû´ formula. (Page 375.)] + +On inquiring of his daughter she stated that her father had left a +great many papers, most of which were still in her possession, and +on receiving from the interpreter an explanation of our purpose she +readily gave permission to examine and make selections from them on +condition that the matter should be kept secret from outsiders. A day +was appointed for visiting her, and on arriving we found her living in +a comfortable log house, built by Inâlĭ himself, with her children +and an ancient female relative, a decrepit old woman with snow-white +hair and vacant countenance. This was the oldest woman of the tribe, +and though now so feeble and childish, she had been a veritable savage +in her young days, having carried a scalp in the scalp dance in the +Creek war 75 years before. + +Having placed chairs for us in the shade Inâlĭ’s daughter brought +out a small box filled with papers of various kinds, both Cherokee and +English. The work of examining these was a tedious business, as each +paper had to be opened out and enough of it read to get the general +drift of the contents, after which the several classes were arranged +in separate piles. While in the midst of this work she brought out +another box nearly as large as a small trunk, and on setting it down +there was revealed to the astonished gaze such a mass of material as +it had not seemed possible could exist in the entire tribe. + +In addition to papers of the sort already mentioned there were a +number of letters in English from various officials and religious +organizations, and addressed to “Enola,” to “Rev. Black Fox,” and to +“Black Fox, Esq,” with a large number of war letters written to him +by Cherokees who had enlisted in the Confederate service. These latter +are all written in the Cherokee characters, in the usual gossipy style +common among friends, and several of them contain important historic +material in regard to the movements of the two armies in East +Tennessee. Among other things was found his certificate as a Methodist +preacher, dated in 1848. “Know all men by these presents that Black +Fox (Cherokee) is hereby authorized to exercise his Gifts and Graces +as a local preacher in M. E. Church South.”. + +There was found a manuscript book in Inâlĭ’s handwriting containing +the records of the old council of Wolftown, of which he had been +secretary for several years down to the beginning of the war. This +also contains some valuable materials. + +There were also a number of miscellaneous books, papers, and pictures, +together with various trinkets and a number of conjuring stones. + +In fact the box was a regular curiosity shop, and it was with a +feeling akin, to despair that we viewed the piles of manuscript which +had to be waded through and classified. There was a day’s hard work +ahead, and it was already past noon; but the woman was not done yet, +and after rummaging about inside the house for a while longer she +appeared with another armful of papers, which she emptied on top of +the others. This was the last straw; and finding it impossible to +examine in detail such a mass of material we contented ourselves +with picking out the sacred formulas and the two manuscript books +containing the town-house records and scriptural quotations and +departed. + +The daughter of Black Fox agreed to fetch down the other papers in +a few days for further examination at our leisure; and she kept her +promise, bringing with her at the same time a number of additional +formulas which she had not been able to obtain before. A large number +of letters and other papers were selected from the miscellaneous lot, +and these, with the others obtained from her, are now deposited also +with the Bureau of Ethnology. Among other things found at this house +were several beads of the old shell wampum, of whose use the Cherokees +have now lost even the recollection. She knew only that they were +very old and different from the common beads, but she prized them as +talismans, and firmly refused to part with them. + + +OTHER MANUSCRIPTS. + +Subsequently a few formulas were obtained from an old shaman named +Tsiskwa or “Bird,” but they were so carelessly written as to be almost +worthless, and the old man who wrote them, being then on his dying +bed, was unable to give much help in the matter. However, as he was +anxious to tell what he knew an attempt was made to take down some +formulas from his dictation. A few more were obtained in this way but +the results were not satisfactory and the experiment was abandoned. +About the same time A‛wani´ta or “Young Deer,” one of their best herb +doctors, was engaged to collect the various plants used in medicine +and describe their uses. While thus employed he wrote in a book +furnished him for the purpose a number of formulas used by him in his +practice, giving at the same time a verbal explanation of the theory +and ceremonies. Among these was one for protection in battle, which +had been used by himself and a number of other Cherokees in the +late war. Another doctor named Takwati´hĭ or “Catawba Killer,” was +afterward employed on the same work and furnished some additional +formulas which he had had his son write down from his dictation, +he himself being unable to write. His knowledge was limited to the +practice of a few specialties, but in regard to these his information +was detailed and accurate. There was one for bleeding with the +cupping horn. All these formulas obtained from Tsiskwa, A´wanita, and +Takwtihi are now in possession of the Bureau. + + +THE KANÂHETA ANI-TSALAGI ETI. + +Among the papers thus obtained was a large number which for various +reasons it was found difficult to handle or file for preservation. +Many of them had been written so long ago that the ink had almost +faded from the paper; others were written with lead pencil, so that in +handling them the characters soon became blurred and almost illegible; +a great many were written on scraps of paper of all shapes and sizes; +and others again were full of omissions and doublets, due to the +carelessness of the writer, while many consisted simply of the prayer, +with nothing in the nature of a heading or prescription to show its +purpose. + +Under the circumstances it was deemed expedient to have a number of +these formulas copied in more enduring form. For this purpose it +was decided to engage the services of Ayâsta’s youngest son, an +intelligent young man about nineteen years of age, who had attended +school long enough to obtain a fair acquaintance with English in +addition to his intimate knowledge of Cherokee. He was also gifted +with a ready comprehension, and from his mother and uncle Tsiskwa had +acquired some familiarity with many of the archaic expressions used in +the sacred formulas. He was commonly known as “Will West,” but signed +himself W.W. Long, Long being the translation of his father’s name, +Gûnahi´ta. After being instructed as to how the work should be done +with reference to paragraphing, heading, etc., he was furnished a +blank book of two hundred pages into which to copy such formulas as it +seemed desirable to duplicate. He readily grasped the idea and in the +course of about a month, working always under the writer’s personal +supervision, succeeded in completely filling the book according to +the plan outlined. In addition to the duplicate formulas he wrote +down a number of dance and drinking songs, obtained originally from +A‛yûⁿ´inĭ, with about thirty miscellaneous formulas obtained from +various sources. The book thus prepared is modeled on the plan of +an ordinary book, with headings, table of contents, and even with an +illuminated title page devised by the aid of the interpreter according +to the regular Cherokee idiomatic form, and is altogether a unique +specimen of Indian literary art. It contains in all two hundred and +fifty-eight formulas and songs, which of course are native aboriginal +productions, although the mechanical arrangement was performed under +the direction of a white man. This book also, under its Cherokee +title, _Kanâhe´ta Ani-Tsa´lagĭ E´tĭ_ or “Ancient Cherokee +Formulas,” is now in the library of the Bureau. + +There is still a considerable quantity of such manuscript in the hands +of one or two shamans with whom there was no chance for negotiating, +but an effort will be made to obtain possession of these on some +future visit, should opportunity present. Those now in the Bureau +library comprised by far the greater portion of the whole quantity +held by the Indians, and as only a small portion of this was copied by +the owners it can not be duplicated by any future collector. + + +CHARACTER OF THE FORMULAS--THE CHEROKEE RELIGION. + +It is impossible to overestimate the ethnologic importance of the +materials thus obtained. They are invaluable as the genuine production +of the Indian mind, setting forth in the clearest light the state of +the aboriginal religion before its contamination by contact with the +whites. To the psychologist and the student of myths they are equally +precious. In regard to their linguistic value we may quote the +language of Brinton, speaking of the sacred books of the Mayas, +already referred to: + + Another value they have,... and it is one which will be + properly appreciated by any student of languages. They are, + by common consent of all competent authorities, the genuine + productions of native minds, cast in the idiomatic forms of + the native tongue by those born to its use. No matter how + fluent a foreigner becomes in a language not his own, he can + never use it as does one who has been familiar with it from + childhood. This general maxim is tenfold true when we apply + it to a European learning an American language. The flow of + thought, as exhibited in these two linguistic families, is + in such different directions that no amount of practice can + render one equally accurate in both. Hence the importance of + studying a tongue as it is employed by natives; and hence the + very high estimate I place on these “Books of Chilan Balam” as + linguistic material--an estimate much increased by the great + rarity of independent compositions in their own tongues by + members of the native races of this continent.[2] + + [Footnote 2: Brinton, D. G.: The books of Chilan Balam 10, + Philadelphia, n.d., (1882).] + +The same author, in speaking of the internal evidences of authenticity +contained in the Popol Vuh, the sacred book of the Kichés, uses the +following words, which apply equally well to these Cherokee formulas: + + To one familiar with native American myths, this one bears + undeniable marks of its aboriginal origin. Its frequent + puerilities and inanities, its generally low and coarse range + of thought and expression, its occasional loftiness of both, + its strange metaphors and the prominence of strictly heathen + names and potencies, bring it into unmistakable relationship + to the true native myth.[3] + + [Footnote 3: Brinton, D. G.: Names of the Gods in the Kiché Myths, + in Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., Philadelphia, 1881, vol. 19, p. 613.] + +These formulas furnish a complete refutation of the assertion so +frequently made by ignorant and prejudiced writers that the Indian had +no religion excepting what they are pleased to call the meaning less +mummeries of the medicine man. This is the very reverse of the truth. +The Indian is essentially religious and contemplative, and it might +almost be said that every act of his life is regulated and determined +by his religious belief. It matters not that some may call this +superstition. The difference is only relative. The religion of +to-day has developed from the cruder superstitions of yesterday, and +Christianity itself is but an outgrowth and enlargement of the beliefs +and ceremonies which have been preserved by the Indian in their more +ancient form. When we are willing to admit that the Indian has a +religion which he holds sacred, even though it be different from +our own, we can then admire the consistency of the theory, the +particularity of the ceremonial and the beauty of the expression. +So far from being a jumble of crudities, there is a wonderful +completeness about the whole system which is not surpassed even by the +ceremonial religions of the East. It is evident from a study of these +formulas that the Cherokee Indian was a polytheist and that the spirit +world was to him only a shadowy counterpart of this. All his prayers +were for temporal and tangible blessings--for health, for long life, +for success in the chase, in fishing, in war and in love, for good +crops, for protection and for revenge. He had no Great Spirit, no +happy hunting ground, no heaven, no hell, and consequently death had +for him no terrors and he awaited the inevitable end with no anxiety +as to the future. He was careful not to violate the rights of his +tribesman or to do injury to his feelings, but there is nothing to +show that he had any idea whatever of what is called morality in the +abstract. + +As the medical formulas are first in number and importance it may be +well, for the better understanding of the theory involved, to give the +Cherokee account of + + +THE ORIGIN OF DISEASE AND MEDICINE. + +In the old days quadrupeds, birds, fishes, and insects could all talk, +and they and the human race lived together in peace and friendship. +But as time went on the people increased so rapidly that their +settlements spread over the whole earth and the poor animals found +themselves beginning to be cramped for room. This was bad enough, +but to add to their misfortunes man invented bows, knives, blowguns, +spears, and hooks, and began to slaughter the larger animals, birds +and fishes for the sake of their flesh or their skins, while the +smaller creatures, such as the frogs and worms, were crushed and +trodden upon without mercy, out of pure carelessness or contempt. In +this state of affairs the animals resolved to consult upon measures +for their common safety. + +The bears were the first to meet in council in their townhouse in +Kuwa´hĭ, the “Mulberry Place,”[4] and the old White Bear chief +presided. After each in turn had made complaint against the way in +which man killed their friends, devoured their flesh and used their +skins for his own adornment, it was unanimously decided to begin war +at once against the human race. Some one asked what weapons man used +to accomplish their destruction. “Bows and arrows, of course,” cried +all the bears in chorus. “And what are they made of?” was the next +question. “The bow of wood and the string of our own entrails,” +replied one of the bears. It was then proposed that they make a bow +and some arrows and see if they could not turn man’s weapons against +himself. So one bear got a nice piece of locust wood and another +sacrificed himself for the good of the rest in order to furnish a +piece of his entrails for the string. But when everything was ready +and the first bear stepped up to make the trial it was found that +in letting the arrow fly after drawing back the bow, his long claws +caught the string and spoiled the shot. This was annoying, but another +suggested that he could overcome the difficulty by cutting his claws, +which was accordingly done, and on a second trial it was found that +the arrow went straight to the mark. But here the chief, the old White +Bear, interposed and said that it was necessary that they should have +long claws in order to be able to climb trees. “One of us has already +died to furnish the bowstring, and if we now cut off our claws we +shall all have to starve together. It is better to trust to the teeth +and claws which nature has given us, for it is evident that man’s +weapons were not intended for us.” + + [Footnote 4: One of the High peaks of the Smoky Mountains, on the + Tennessee line, near Clingman’s Dome.] + +No one could suggest any better plan, so the old chief dismissed the +council and the bears dispersed to their forest haunts without having +concerted any means for preventing the increase of the human race. Had +the result of the council been otherwise, we should now be at war with +the bears, but as it is the hunter does not even ask the bear’s pardon +when he kills one. + +The deer next held a council under their chief, the Little Deer, and +after some deliberation resolved to inflict rheumatism upon every +hunter who should kill one of their number, unless he took care to ask +their pardon for the offense. They sent notice of their decision to +the nearest settlement of Indians and told them at the same time how +to make propitiation when necessity forced them to kill one of the +deer tribe. Now, whenever the hunter brings down a deer, the Little +Deer, who is swift as the wind and can not be wounded, runs quickly up +to the spot and bending over the blood stains asks the spirit of the +deer if it has heard the prayer of the hunter for pardon. If the reply +be “Yes” all is well and the Little Deer goes on his way, but if the +reply be in the negative he follows on the trail of the hunter, guided +by the drops of blood on the ground, until he arrives at the cabin in +the settlement, when the Little Deer enters invisibly and strikes +the neglectful hunter with rheumatism, so that he is rendered on the +instant a helpless cripple. No hunter who has regard for his health +ever fails to ask pardon of the deer for killing it, although some +who have not learned the proper formula may attempt to turn aside the +Little Deer from his pursuit by building a fire behind them in the +trail. + +Next came the fishes and reptiles, who had their own grievances +against humanity. They held a joint council and determined to make +their victims dream of snakes twining about them in slimy folds and +blowing their fetid breath in their faces, or to make them dream of +eating raw or decaying fish, so that they would lose appetite, sicken, +and die. Thus it is that snake and fish dreams are accounted for. + +Finally the birds, insects, and smaller animals came together for a +like purpose, and the Grubworm presided over the deliberations. It was +decided that each in turn should express an opinion and then vote on +the question as to whether or not man should be deemed guilty. +Seven votes were to be sufficient to condemn him. One after another +denounced man’s cruelty and injustice toward the other animals and +voted in favor of his death. The Frog (walâ´sĭ) spoke first and +said: “We must do something to check the increase of the race or +people will become so numerous that we shall be crowded from off the +earth. See how man has kicked me about because I’m ugly, as he says, +until my back is covered with sores;” and here he showed the spots +on his skin. Next came the Bird (tsi´skwa; no particular species is +indicated), who condemned man because “he burns my feet off,” alluding +to the way in which the hunter barbecues birds by impaling them on a +stick set over the fire, so that their feathers and tender feet are +singed and burned. Others followed in the same strain. The Ground +Squirrel alone ventured to say a word in behalf of man, who seldom +hurt him because he was so small; but this so enraged the others that +they fell upon the Ground Squirrel and tore him with their teeth and +claws, and the stripes remain on his back to this day. + +The assembly then began to devise and name various diseases, one after +another, and had not their invention finally failed them not one of +the human race would have been able to survive. The Grubworm in his +place of honor hailed each new malady with delight, until at last they +had reached the end of the list, when some one suggested that it be +arranged so that menstruation should sometimes prove fatal to woman. +On this he rose up in his place and cried: “Wata´ⁿ Thanks! I’m glad +some of them will die, for they are getting so thick that they tread +on me.” He fairly shook with joy at the thought, so that he fell over +backward and could not get on his feet again, but had to wriggle off +on his back, as the Grubworm has done ever since. + +When the plants, who were friendly to man, heard what had been done by +the animals, they determined to defeat their evil designs. Each tree, +shrub, and herb, down, even to the grasses and mosses, agreed to +furnish a remedy for some one of the diseases named, and each said: “I +shall appear to help man when he calls upon me in his need.” Thus did +medicine originate, and the plants, every one of which has its use if +we only knew it, furnish the antidote to counteract the evil wrought +by the revengeful animals. When the doctor is in doubt what treatment +to apply for the relief of a patient, the spirit of the plant suggests +to him the proper remedy. + + +THEORY OF DISEASE--ANIMALS, GHOSTS, WITCHES. + +Such is the belief upon which their medical practice is based, and +whatever we may think of the theory it must be admitted that the +practice is consistent in all its details with the views set forth +in the myth. Like most primitive people the Cherokees believe that +disease and death are not natural, but are due to the evil influence +of animal spirits, ghosts, or witches. Haywood, writing in 1823, +states on the authority of two intelligent residents of the Cherokee +nation: + + In ancient times the Cherokees had no conception of anyone + dying a natural death. They universally ascribed the death of + those who perished by disease to the intervention or agency of + evil spirits and witches and conjurers who had connection with + the Shina (Anisgi´na) or evil spirits.... A person dying by + disease and charging his death to have been procured by means + of witchcraft or spirits, by any other person, consigns that + person to inevitable death. They profess to believe that their + conjurations have no effect upon white men.[5] + + [Footnote 5: Haywood, John: Natural and Aboriginal History of East + Tennessee, 267-8, Nashville, 1823.] + +On the authority of one of the same informants, he also mentions +the veneration which “their physicians have for the numbers four and +seven, who say that after man was placed upon the earth four and seven +nights were instituted for the cure of diseases in the human body and +the seventh night as the limit for female impurity.”[6] + + [Footnote 6: Ibid., p. 281.] + +Viewed from a scientific standpoint, their theory and diagnosis +are entirely wrong, and consequently we can hardly expect their +therapeutic system to be correct. As the learned Doctor Berendt +states, after an exhaustive study of the medical books of the Mayas, +the scientific value of their remedies is “next to nothing.” It must +be admitted that many of the plants used in their medical practice +possess real curative properties, but it is equally true that many +others held in as high estimation are inert. It seems probable that in +the beginning the various herbs and other plants were regarded as so +many fetiches and were selected from some fancied connection with the +disease animal, according to the idea known to modern folklorists as +the doctrine of signatures. Thus at the present day the doctor puts +into the decoction intended as a vermifuge some of the red fleshy +stalks of the common purslane or chickweed (Portulaca oleracea), +because these stalks somewhat resemble worms and consequently must +have some occult influence over worms. Here the chickweed is a fetich +precisely as is the flint arrow head which is put into the same +decoction, in order that in the same mysterious manner its sharp +cutting qualities may be communicated to the liquid and enable it +to cut the worms into pieces. In like manner, biliousness is called +by the Cherokees dalâ´nĭ or “yellow,” because the most apparent +symptom of the disease is the vomiting by the patient of the yellow +bile, and hence the doctor selects for the decoction four different +herbs, each of which is also called dalânĭ, because of the color of +the root, stalk, or flower. The same idea is carried out in the tabu +which generally accompanies the treatment. Thus a scrofulous patient +must abstain from eating the meat of a turkey, because the fleshy +dewlap which depends from its throat somewhat resembles an inflamed +scrofulous eruption. On killing a deer the hunter always makes an +incision in the hind quarter and removes the hamstring, because this +tendon, when severed, draws up into the flesh; ergo, any one who +should unfortunately partake of the hamstring would find his limbs +draw up in the same manner. + +There can be no doubt that in course of time a haphazard use of +plants would naturally lead to the discovery that certain herbs are +efficacious in certain combinations of symptoms. These plants would +thus come into more frequent use and finally would obtain general +recognition in the Indian materia medica. By such a process of +evolution an empiric system of medicine has grown up among the +Cherokees, by which they are able to treat some classes of ailments +with some degree of success, although without any intelligent idea +of the process involved. It must be remembered that our own medical +system has its remote origin in the same mythic conception of disease, +and that within two hundred years judicial courts have condemned +women to be burned to death for producing sickness by spells and +incantations, while even at the present day our faith-cure professors +reap their richest harvest among people commonly supposed to belong +to the intelligent classes. In the treatment of wounds the Cherokee +doctors exhibit a considerable degree of skill, but as far as any +internal ailment is concerned the average farmer’s wife is worth all +the doctors in the whole tribe. + +The faith of the patient has much to do with his recovery, for the +Indian has the same implicit confidence in the shaman that a child has +in a more intelligent physician. The ceremonies and prayers are well +calculated to inspire this feeling, and the effect thus produced +upon the mind of the sick man undoubtedly reacts favorably upon his +physical organization. + +The following list of twenty plants used in Cherokee practice will +give a better idea of the extent of their medical knowledge than +could be conveyed by a lengthy dissertation. The names are given +in the order in which they occur in the botanic notebook filled on +the reservation, excluding names of food plants and species not +identified, so that no attempt has been made to select in accordance +with a preconceived theory. Following the name of each plant are +given its uses as described by the Indian doctors, together with its +properties as set forth in the United States Dispensatory, one of the +leading pharmacopoeias in use in this country.[7] For the benefit +of those not versed in medical phraseology it may be stated that +aperient, cathartic, and deobstruent are terms applied to medicines +intended to open or purge the bowels, a diuretic has the property of +exciting the flow of urine, a diaphoretic excites perspiration, and +a demulcent protects or soothes irritated tissues, while hæmoptysis +denotes a peculiar variety of blood-spitting and aphthous is an +adjective applied to ulcerations in the mouth. + + [Footnote 7: Wood, T. B., and Bache, F.: Dispensatory of the United + States of America, 14th ed., Philadelphia, 1877.] + + +SELECTED LIST OF PLANTS USED. + +1. UNASTE´TSTIYÛ = “very small root”-- Aristolochia serpentaria-- +Virginia or black snakeroot: Decoction of root blown upon patient for +fever and feverish headache, and drunk for coughs; root chewed and +spit upon wound to cure snake bites; bruised root placed in hollow +tooth for toothache, and held against nose made sore by constant +blowing in colds. Dispensatory: “A stimulant tonic, acting also as a +diaphoretic or diuretic, according to the mode of its application; +* * * also been highly recommended in intermittent fevers, and though +itself generally inadequate to the cure often proves serviceable as an +adjunct to Peruvian bark or sulphate of quinia.” Also used for typhous +diseases, in dyspepsia, as a gargle for sore throat, as a mild +stimulant in typhoid fevers, and to promote eruptions. The genus +derives its scientific name from its supposed efficacy in promoting +menstrual discharge, and some species have acquired the “reputation of +antidotes for the bites of serpents.” + +2. UNISTIL´ÛⁿISTÎ[8] = “they stick on”-- Cynoglossum Morrisoni-- +Beggar lice: Decoction of root or top drunk for kidney troubles; +bruised root used with bear oil as an ointment for cancer; forgetful +persons drink a decoction of this plant, and probably also of other +similar bur plants, from an idea that the sticking qualities of the +burs will thus be imparted to the memory. From a similar connection of +ideas the root is also used in the preparation of love charms. +Dispensatory: Not named. C. officinale “has been used as a demulcent +and sedative in coughs, catarrh, spitting of blood, dysentery, and +diarrhea, and has been also applied externally in burns, ulcers, +scrofulous tumors and goiter.” + + [Footnote 8: The Cherokee plant names here given are generic names, + which are the names commonly used. In many cases the same name is + applied to several species and it is only when it is necessary to + distinguish between them that the Indians use what might be called + specific names. Even then the descriptive term used serves to + distinguish only the particular plants under discussion and the + introduction of another variety bearing the same generic name would + necessitate a new classification of species on a different basis, + while hardly any two individuals would classify the species by the + same characteristics.] + +3. ÛⁿNAGÉI = “black”-- Cassia Marilandica-- Wild senna: Root bruised +and moistened with water for poulticing sores; decoction drunk for +fever and for a disease also called ûⁿnage´i, or “black” (same +name as plant), in which the hands and eye sockets are said to turn +black; also for a disease described as similar to ûⁿnagei, but more +dangerous, in which the eye sockets become black, while black spots +appear on the arms, legs, and over the ribs on one side of the body, +accompanied by partial paralysis, and resulting in death should the +black spots appear also on the other side. Dispensatory: Described as +“an efficient and safe cathartic, * * * most conveniently given in the +form of infusion.” + +4. KÂSD´ÚTA = “simulating ashes,” so called on account of the +appearance of the leaves-- Gnaphalium decurrens-- Life everlasting: +Decoction drunk for colds; also used in the sweat bath for various +diseases and considered one of their most valuable medical plants. +Dispensatory: Not named. Decoctions of two other species of this genus +are mentioned as used by country people for chest and bowel diseases, +and for hemorrhages, bruises, ulcers, etc., although “probably +possessing little medicinal virtue.” + +5. ALTSA´STI = “a wreath for the head”-- Vicia Caroliniana-- Vetch: +Decoction drunk for dyspepsia and pains in the back, and rubbed on +stomach for cramp; also rubbed on ball-players after scratching, to +render their muscles tough, and used in the same way after scratching +in the disease referred to under ûⁿnagei, in which one side becomes +black in spots, with partial paralysis; also used in same manner in +decoction with Kâsduta for rheumatism; considered one of their most +valuable medicinal herbs. Dispensatory: Not named. + +6. DISTAI´YĬ = “they (the roots) are tough”-- Tephrosia Virginiana-- +Catgut, Turkey Pea, Goat’s Rue, or Devil’s Shoestrings: Decoction +drunk for lassitude. Women wash their hair in decoction of its roots +to prevent its breaking or falling out, because these roots are very +tough and hard to break; from the same idea ball-players rub the +decoction on their limbs after scratching, to toughen them. +Dispensatory: Described as a cathartic with roots tonic and aperient. + +7. U´GA-ATASGI´SKĬ = “the pus oozes out”-- Euphorbia hypericifolia-- +Milkweed: Juice rubbed on for skin eruptions, especially on children’s +heads; also used as a purgative; decoction drunk for gonorrhoea and +similar diseases in both sexes, and held in high estimation for this +purpose; juice used as an ointment for sores and for sore nipples, and +in connection with other herbs for cancer. Dispensatory: The juice of +all of the genus has the property of “powerfully irritating the skin +when applied to it,” while nearly all are powerful emetics and +cathartics. This species “has been highly commended as a remedy in +dysentery after due depletion, diarrhea, menorrhagia, and leucorrhea.” + +8. GÛ´NĬGWALĬ´SKĬ = “It becomes discolored when bruised”-- Scutellaria +lateriflora-- Skullcap. The name refers to the red juice which comes +out of the stalk when bruised or chewed. A decoction of the four +varieties of Gûnigwalĭ´skĭ-- S. lateriflora, S. pilosa, Hypericum +corymbosum, and Stylosanthes elatior-- is drunk to promote +menstruation, and the same decoction is also drunk and used as a wash +to counteract the ill effects of eating food prepared by a woman in +the menstrual condition, or when such a woman by chance comes into a +sick room or a house under the tabu; also drunk for diarrhea and used +with other herbs in decoction for breast pains. Dispensatory: This +plant “produces no very obvious effects,” but some doctors regard it +as possessed of nervine, antispasmodic and tonic properties. None of +the other three species are named. + +9. K´GA SKÛ´ⁿTAGĬ = “crow shin”-- Adiantum pedatum-- Maidenhair Fern: +Used either in decoction or poultice for rheumatism and chills, +generally in connection with some other fern. The doctors explain that +the fronds of the different varieties of fern are curled up in the +young plant, but unroll and straighten out as it grows, and +consequently a decoction of ferns causes the contracted muscles of the +rheumatic patient to unbend and straighten out in like manner. It is +also used in decoction for fever. Dispensatory: The leaves “have been +supposed to be useful in chronic catarrh and other pectoral +affections.” + +10. ANDA´NKALAGI´SKĬ = “it removes things from the gums”-- Geranium +maculatum-- Wild Alum, Cranesbill: Used in decoction with Yânû +Unihye´stĭ (Vitis cordifolia) to wash the mouths of children in +thrush; also used alone for the same purpose by blowing the chewed +fiber into the mouth. Dispensatory: “One of our best indigenous +astringents. * * * Diarrhea, chronic dysentery, cholora infantum +in the latter stages, and the various hemorrhages are the forms of +disease in which it is most commonly used.” Also valuable as “an +application to indolent ulcers, an injection in gleet and leucorrhea, +a gargle in relaxation of the uvula and aphthous ulcerations of the +throat.” The other plant sometimes used with it is not mentioned. + +11. Û´ⁿLĔ UKĬ´LTĬ = “the locust frequents it”-- Gillenia trifoliata-- +Indian Physic. Two doctors state that it is good as a tea for bowel +complaints, with fever and yellow vomit; but another says that it is +poisonous and that no decoction is ever drunk, but that the beaten +root is a good poultice for swellings. Dispensatory: “Gillenia is a +mild and efficient emetic, and like most substances belonging to the +same class occasionally acts upon the bowels. In very small doses it +has been thought to be tonic.” + +12. SKWA´LĬ = Hepatica acutiloba-- Liverwort, Heartleaf: Used for +coughs either in tea or by chewing root. Those who dream of snakes +drink a decoction of this herb and I´natû Ga´n‛ka = “snake tongue” +(Camptosorus rhizophyllus or Walking Fern) to produce vomiting, after +which the dreams do not return. The traders buy large quantities of +liverwort from the Cherokees, who may thus have learned to esteem it +more highly than they otherwise would. The appearance of the other +plant, Camptosorus rhizophyllus, has evidently determined its Cherokee +name and the use to which it is applied. Dispensatory: “Liverwort is a +very mild demulcent tonic and astringent, supposed by some to possess +diuretic and deobstruent virtues. It was formerly used in Europe +in various complaints, especially chronic hepatic affections, but +has fallen into entire neglect. In this country, some years since, +it acquired considerable reputation, which, however, it has not +maintained as a remedy in hæmoptysis and chronic coughs.” The other +plant is not named. + +13. DA´YEWÛ = “it sews itself up,” because the leaves are said to grow +together again when torn-- Cacalia atriplicifolia-- Tassel Flower: +Held in great repute as a poultice for cuts, bruises, and cancer, to +draw out the blood or poisonous matter. The bruised leaf is bound over +the spot and frequently removed. The dry powdered leaf was formerly +used to sprinkle over food like salt. Dispensatory: Not named. + +14. A´TALĬ KÛLĬ´ = “it climbs the mountain.”-- Aralia quinquefolia-- +Ginseng or “Sang:” Decoction of root drunk for headache, cramps, etc., +and for female troubles; chewed root blown on spot for pains in the +side. The Cherokees sell large quantities of sang to the traders for +50 cents per pound, nearly equivalent there to two days’ wages, a fact +which has doubtless increased their idea of its importance. +Dispensatory: “The extraordinary medical virtues formerly ascribed to +ginseng had no other existence than in the imagination of the Chinese. +It is little more than a demulcent, and in this country is not +employed as a medicine.” The Chinese name, ginseng, is said to refer +to the fancied resemblance of the root to a human figure, while in the +Cherokee formulas it is addressed as the “great man” or “little man,” +and this resemblance no doubt has much to do with the estimation in +which it is held by both peoples. + +15. Û´TSATĬ UWADSĬSKA = “fish scales,” from shape of leaves-- +Thalictrum anemonoides-- Meadow Rue: Decoction of root drunk for +diarrhea with vomiting. Dispensatory: Not named. + +16. K´KWĔ ULASU´LA = “partridge moccasin”-- Cypripedium parviflorum-- +Lady-slipper: Decoction of root used for worms in children. In the +liquid are placed some stalks of the common chickweed or purslane +(Cerastium vulgatum) which, from the appearance of its red fleshy +stalks, is supposed to have some connection with worms. Dispensatory: +Described as “a gentle nervous stimulant” useful in diseases in which +the nerves are especially affected. The other herb is not named. + +17. A´HAWĬ´ AKĂ´TĂ´ = “deer eye,” from the appearance of the flower-- +Rudbeckia fulgida-- Cone Flower: Decoction of root drunk for flux and +for some private diseases; also used as a wash for snake bites and +swellings caused by (mythic) tsgâya or worms; also dropped into weak +or inflamed eyes. This last is probably from the supposed connection +between the eye and the flower resembling the eye. Dispensatory: Not +named. + +18. UTĬSTUGĬ´ = Polygonatum multiflorum latifolium-- Solomon’s Seal: +Root heated and bruised and applied as a poultice to remove an +ulcerating swelling called tu´stĭ´, resembling a boil or carbuncle. +Dispensatory: “This species acts like P. uniflorum, which is said to +be emetic. In former times it was used externally in bruises, +especially those about the eyes, in tumors, wounds, and cutaneous +eruptions and was highly esteemed as a cosmetic. At present it is not +employed, though recommended by Hermann as a good remedy in gout and +rheumatism.” This species in decoction has been found to produce +“nausea, a cathartic effect and either diaphoresis or diuresis,” and +is useful “as an internal remedy in piles, and externally in the form +of decoction, in the affection of the skin resulting from the +poisonous exhalations of certain plants.” + +19. ĂMĂDITA‛TÌ = “water dipper,” because water can be sucked up +through its hollow stalk-- Eupatorium purpureum-- Queen of the Meadow, +Gravel Root: Root used in decoction with a somewhat similar plant +called Ămăditá´tĭ û´tanu, or “large water dipper” (not identified) for +difficult urination. Dispensatory: “Said to operate as a diuretic. Its +vulgar name of gravel root indicates the popular estimation of its +virtues.” The genus is described as tonic, diaphoretic, and in large +doses emetic and aperient. + +20. YÂNA UTSĔSTA = “the bear lies on it”-- Aspidium acrostichoides-- +Shield Fern: Root decoction drunk to produce vomiting, and also used +to rub on the skin, after scratching, for rheumatism--in both cases +some other plant is added to the decoction; the warm decoction is also +held in the mouth to relieve toothache. Dispensatory: Not named. + +The results obtained from a careful study of this list may be +summarized as follows: Of the twenty plants described as used by the +Cherokees, seven (Nos. 2, 4, 5, 13, 15, 17, and 20) are not noticed +in the Dispensatory even in the list of plants sometimes used although +regarded as not officinal. It is possible that one or two of these +seven plants have medical properties, but this can hardly be true of +a larger number unless we are disposed to believe that the Indians are +better informed in this regard than the best educated white physicians +in the country. Two of these seven plants, however (Nos. 2 and 4), +belong to genera which seem to have some of the properties ascribed +by the Indians to the species. Five others of the list (Nos. 8, 9, +11, 14, and 16) are used for entirely wrong purposes, taking the +Dispensatory as authority, and three of these are evidently used on +account of some fancied connection between the plant and the disease, +according to the doctrine of signatures. Three of the remainder (Nos. +1, 3, and 6) may be classed as uncertain in their properties, that is, +while the plants themselves seem to possess some medical value, the +Indian mode of application is so far at variance with recognized +methods, or their own statements are so vague and conflicting, that +it is doubtful whether any good can result from the use of the herbs. +Thus the Unaste´tstiyû, or Virginia Snakeroot, is stated by the +Dispensatory to have several uses, and among other things is said to +have been highly recommended in intermittent fevers, although alone +it is “generally inadequate to the cure.” Though not expressly stated, +the natural inference is that it must be applied internally, but the +Cherokee doctor, while he also uses it for fever, takes the decoction +in his mouth and blows it over the head and shoulders of the patient. +Another of these, the Distai´yĭ, or Turkey Pea, is described in the +Dispensatory as having roots tonic and aperient. The Cherokees drink +a decoction of the roots for a feeling of weakness and languor, from +which it might be supposed that they understood the tonic properties +of the plant had not the same decoction been used by the women as a +hair wash, and by the ball players to bathe their limbs, under the +impression that the toughness of the roots would thus be communicated +to the hair or muscles. From this fact and from the name of the plant, +which means at once hard, tough, or strong, it is quite probable that +its roots are believed to give strength to the patient solely because +they themselves are so strong and not because they have been proved +to be really efficacious. The remaining five plants have generally +pronounced medicinal qualities, and are used by the Cherokees for +the very purposes for which, according to the Dispensatory, they are +best adapted; so that we must admit that so much of their practice +is correct, however false the reasoning by which they have arrived at +this result. + + +MEDICAL PRACTICE. + +Taking the Dispensatory as the standard, and assuming that this list +is a fair epitome of what the Cherokees know concerning the medical +properties of plants, we find that five plants, or 25 per cent of +the whole number, are correctly used; twelve, or 60 per cent, are +presumably either worthless or incorrectly used, and three plants, or +15 per cent, are so used that it is difficult to say whether they are +of any benefit or not. Granting that two of these three produce good +results as used by the Indians, we should have 35 per cent, or about +one-third of the whole, as the proportion actually possessing medical +virtues, while the remaining two-thirds are inert, if not positively +injurious. It is not probable that a larger number of examples would +change the proportion to any appreciable extent. A number of herbs +used in connection with these principal plants may probably be set +down as worthless, inasmuch as they are not named in the Dispensatory. + +The results here arrived at will doubtless be a surprise to those +persons who hold that an Indian must necessarily be a good doctor, +and that the medicine man or conjurer, with his theories of ghosts, +witches, and revengeful animals, knows more about the properties +of plants and the cure of disease than does the trained botanist +or physician who has devoted a lifetime of study to the patient +investigation of his specialty, with all the accumulated information +contained in the works of his predecessors to build upon, and with +all the light thrown upon his pathway by the discoveries of modern +science. It is absurd to suppose that the savage, a child in +intellect, has reached a higher development in any branch of science +than has been attained by the civilized man, the product of long ages +of intellectual growth. It would be as unreasonable to suppose that +the Indian could be entirely ignorant of the medicinal properties +of plants, living as he did in the open air in close communion with +nature; but neither in accuracy nor extent can his knowledge be +compared for a moment with that of the trained student working upon +scientific principles. + +Cherokee medicine is an empiric development of the fetich idea. For +a disease caused by the rabbit the antidote must be a plant called +“rabbit’s food,” “rabbit’s ear,” or “rabbit’s tail;” for snake dreams +the plant used is “snake’s tooth;” for worms a plant resembling a worm +in appearance, and for inflamed eyes a flower having the appearance +and name of “deer’s eye.” A yellow root must be good when the patient +vomits yellow bile, and a black one when dark circles come about his +eyes, and in each case the disease and the plant alike are named from +the color. A decoction of burs must be a cure for forgetfulness, for +there is nothing else that will stick like a bur; and a decoction of +the wiry roots of the “devil’s shoestrings” must be an efficacious +wash to toughen the ballplayer’s muscles, for they are almost strong +enough to stop the plowshare in the furrow. It must be evident that +under such a system the failures must far outnumber the cures, yet it +is not so long since half our own medical practice was based upon the +same idea of correspondences, for the mediæval physicians taught that +_similia similibus curantur_, and have we not all heard that “the hair +of the dog will cure the bite?” + +Their ignorance of the true medical principles involved is shown by +the regulations prescribed for the patient. With the exception of the +fasting, no sanitary precautions are taken to aid in the recovery of +the sick man or to contribute to his comfort. Even the fasting is as +much religious as sanative, for in most cases where it is prescribed +the doctor also must abstain from food until sunset, just as in the +Catholic church both priest and communicants remain fasting from +midnight until after the celebration of the divine mysteries. As the +Indian cuisine is extremely limited, no delicate or appetizing dishes +are prepared for the patient, who partakes of the same heavy, sodden +cornmeal dumplings and bean bread which form his principal food in +health. In most cases certain kinds of food are prohibited, such as +squirrel meat, fish, turkey, etc.; but the reason is not that such +food is considered deleterious to health, as we understand it, but +because of some fanciful connection with the disease spirit. Thus if +squirrels have caused the illness the patient must not eat squirrel +meat. If the disease be rheumatism, he must not eat the leg of any +animal, because the limbs are generally the seat of this malady. Lye, +salt, and hot food are always forbidden when there is any prohibition +at all; but here again, in nine cases out of ten, the regulation, +instead of being beneficial, serves only to add to his discomfort. +Lye enters into almost all the food preparations of the Cherokees, the +alkaline potash taking the place of salt, which is seldom used among +them, having been introduced by the whites. Their bean and chestnut +bread, cornmeal dumplings, hominy, and gruel are all boiled in a pot, +all contain lye, and are all, excepting the last, served up hot from +the fire. When cold their bread is about as hard and tasteless as a +lump of yesterday’s dough, and to condemn a sick man to a diet of such +dyspeptic food, eaten cold without even a pinch of salt to give it a +relish, would seem to be sufficient to kill him without any further +aid from the doctor. The salt or lye so strictly prohibited is really +a tonic and appetizer, and in many diseases acts with curative effect. +So much for the health regimen. + +In serious cases the patient is secluded and no strangers are allowed +to enter the house. On first thought this would appear to be a genuine +sanitary precaution for the purpose of securing rest and quiet to the +sick man. Such, however, is not the case. The necessity for quiet has +probably never occurred to the Cherokee doctor, and this regulation is +intended simply to prevent any direct or indirect contact with a woman +in a pregnant or menstrual condition. Among all primitive nations, +including the ancient Hebrews, we find an elaborate code of rules +in regard to the conduct and treatment of women on arriving at the +age of puberty, during pregnancy and the menstrual periods, and at +childbirth. Among the Cherokees the presence of a woman under any of +these conditions, or even the presence of any one who has come from +a house where such a woman resides, is considered to neutralize all +the effects of the doctor’s treatment. For this reason all women, +excepting those of the household, are excluded. A man is forbidden to +enter, because he may have had intercourse with a tabued woman, or may +have come in contact with her in some other way; and children also +are shut out, because they may have come from a cabin where dwells a +woman subject to exclusion. What is supposed to be the effect of the +presence of a menstrual woman in the family of the patient is not +clear; but judging from analogous customs in other tribes and from +rules still enforced among the Cherokees, notwithstanding their long +contact with the whites, it seems probable that in former times the +patient was removed to a smaller house or temporary bark lodge built +for his accommodation whenever the tabu as to women was prescribed +by the doctor. Some of the old men assert that in former times sick +persons were removed to the public townhouse, where they remained +under the care of the doctors until they either recovered or died. +A curious instance of this prohibition is given in the second +Didûⁿlĕ´skĭ (rheumatism) formula from the Gahuni manuscript (see +page 350), where the patient is required to abstain from touching a +squirrel, a dog, a cat, a mountain trout, or a woman, and must also +have a chair appropriated to his use alone during the four days that +he is under treatment. + +In cases of the children’s disease known as Gûⁿwani´gista´ĭ (see +formulas) it is forbidden to carry the child outdoors, but this is not +to procure rest for the little one, or to guard against exposure to +cold air, but because the birds send this disease, and should a bird +chance to be flying by overhead at the moment the napping of its wings +would _fan the disease back_ into the body of the patient. + + +ILLUSTRATION OF THE TABU. + +On a second visit to the reservation the writer once had a practical +illustration of the gaktû´ⁿta or tabu, which may be of interest as +showing how little sanitary ideas have to do with these precautions. +Having received several urgent invitations from Tsiskwa (Bird), an old +shaman of considerable repute, who was anxious to talk, but confined +to his bed by sickness, it was determined to visit him at his house, +several miles distant. On arriving we found another doctor named +Sû´ⁿkĭ (The Mink) in charge of the patient and were told that he +had just that morning begun a four days’ gaktû´ⁿta which, among +other provisions, excluded all visitors. It was of no use to argue +that we had come by the express request of Tsiskwa. The laws of the +gaktû´ⁿta were as immutable as those of the Medes and Persians, +and neither doctor nor patient could hope for favorable results from +the treatment unless the regulations were enforced to the letter. +But although we might not enter the house, there was no reason why we +should not talk to the old man, so seats were placed for us outside +the door, while Tsiskwa lay stretched out on the bed just inside and +The Mink perched himself on the fence a few yards distant to keep an +eye on the proceedings. As there was a possibility that a white man +might unconsciously affect the operation of the Indian medicine, +the writer deemed it advisable to keep out of sight altogether, and +accordingly took up a position just around the corner of the house, +but within easy hearing distance, while the interpreter sat facing +the doorway within a few feet of the sick man inside. Then began an +animated conversation, Tsiskwa inquiring, through the interpreter, +as to the purpose of the Government in gathering such information, +wanting to know how we had succeeded with other shamans and asking +various questions in regard to other tribes and their customs. The +replies were given in the same manner, an attempt being also made +to draw him out as to the extent of his own knowledge. Thus we +talked until the old man grew weary, but throughout the whole of +this singular interview neither party saw the other, nor was the +gaktû´ⁿta violated by entering the house. From this example it +must be sufficiently evident that the tabu as to visitors is not a +hygienic precaution for securing greater quiet to the patient, or to +prevent the spread of contagion, but that it is simply a religious +observance of the tribe, exactly parallel to many of the regulations +among the ancient Jews, as laid down in the book of Leviticus. + + +NEGLECT OF SANITARY REGULATIONS. + +No rules are ever formulated as to fresh air or exercise, for the +sufficient reason that the door of the Cherokee log cabin is always +open, excepting at night and on the coldest days in winter, while +the Indian is seldom in the house during his waking hours unless when +necessity compels him. As most of their cabins are still built in the +old Indian style, without windows, the open door furnishes the only +means by which light is admitted to the interior, although when closed +the fire on the hearth helps to make amends for the deficiency. On the +other hand, no precautions are taken to guard against cold, dampness, +or sudden drafts. During the greater part of the year whole families +sleep outside upon the ground, rolled up in an old blanket. The +Cherokee is careless of exposure and utterly indifferent to the +simplest rules of hygiene. He will walk all day in a pouring rain +clad only in a thin shirt and a pair of pants. He goes barefoot and +frequently bareheaded nearly the entire year, and even on a frosty +morning in late November, when the streams are of almost icy coldness, +men and women will deliberately ford the river where the water is +waist deep in preference to going a few hundred yards to a foot-log. +At their dances in the open air men, women, and children, with bare +feet and thinly clad, dance upon the damp ground from darkness until +daylight, sometimes enveloped in a thick mountain fog which makes +even the neighboring treetops invisible, while the mothers have their +infants laid away under the bushes with only a shawl between them and +the cold ground. In their ball plays also each young man, before going +into the game, is subjected to an ordeal of dancing, bleeding, and +cold plunge baths, without food or sleep, which must unquestionably +waste his physical energy. + +In the old days when the Cherokee was the lord of the whole country +from the Savannah to the Ohio, well fed and warmly clad and leading +an active life in the open air, he was able to maintain a condition of +robust health notwithstanding the incorrectness of his medical ideas +and his general disregard of sanitary regulations. But with the advent +of the white man and the destruction of the game all this was changed. +The East Cherokee of to-day is a dejected being; poorly fed, and worse +clothed, rarely tasting meat, cut off from the old free life, and +with no incentive to a better, and constantly bowed down by a sense of +helpless degradation in the presence of his conqueror. Considering all +the circumstances, it may seem a matter of surprise that any of them +are still in existence. As a matter of fact, the best information that +could be obtained in the absence of any official statistics indicated +a slow but steady decrease during the last five years. Only the +constitutional vigor, inherited from their warrior ancestors, has +enabled them to sustain the shock of the changed conditions of the +last half century. The uniform good health of the children in the +training school shows that the case is not hopeless, however, and that +under favorable conditions, with a proper food supply and a regular +mode of living, the Cherokee can hold his own with the white man. + + +THE SWEAT BATH--BLEEDING--RUBBING--BATHING. + +In addition to their herb treatment the Cherokees frequently resort +to sweat baths, bleeding, rubbing, and cold baths in the running +stream, to say nothing of the beads and other conjuring paraphernalia +generally used in connection with the ceremony. The sweat bath was in +common use among almost all the tribes north of Mexico excepting the +central and eastern Eskimo, and was considered the great cure-all in +sickness and invigorant in health. Among many tribes it appears to +have been regarded as a ceremonial observance, but the Cherokees seem +to have looked upon it simply as a medical application, while the +ceremonial part was confined to the use of the plunge bath. The person +wishing to make trial of the virtues of the sweat bath entered the +â´sĭ, a small earth-covered log house only high enough to allow +of sitting down. After divesting himself of his clothing, some large +bowlders, previously heated in a fire, were placed near him, and over +them was poured a decoction of the beaten roots of the wild parsnip. +The door was closed so that no air could enter from the outside, and +the patient sat in the sweltering steam until he was in a profuse +perspiration and nearly choked by the pungent fumes of the decoction. +In accordance with general Indian practice it may be that he plunged +into the river before resuming his clothing; but in modern times +this part of the operation is omitted and the patient is drenched +with cold water instead. Since the âsĭ has gone out of general use +the sweating takes place in the ordinary dwelling, the steam being +confined under a blanket wrapped around the patient. During the +prevalence of the smallpox epidemic among the Cherokees at the close +of the late war the sweat bath was universally called into requisition +to stay the progress of the disease, and as the result about three +hundred of the band died, while many of the survivors will carry +the marks of the visitation to the grave. The sweat bath, with the +accompanying cold water application, being regarded as the great +panacea, seems to have been resorted to by the Indians in all parts of +the country whenever visited by smallpox--originally introduced by the +whites--and in consequence of this mistaken treatment they have died, +in the language of an old writer, “like rotten sheep” and at times +whole tribes have been almost swept away. Many of the Cherokees tried +to ward off the disease by eating the flesh of the buzzard, which +they believe to enjoy entire immunity from sickness, owing to its foul +smell, which keeps the disease spirits at a distance. + +Bleeding is resorted to in a number of cases, especially in rheumatism +and in preparing for the ball play. There are two methods of +performing the operation, bleeding proper and scratching, the latter +being preparatory to rubbing on the medicine, which is thus brought +into more direct contact with the blood. The bleeding is performed +with a small cupping horn, to which suction is applied in the ordinary +manner, after scarification with a flint or piece of broken glass. In +the blood thus drawn out the shaman claims sometimes to find a minute +pebble, a sharpened stick or something of the kind, which he asserts +to be the cause of the trouble and to have been conveyed into the +body of the patient through the evil spells of an enemy. He frequently +pretends to suck out such an object by the application of the lips +alone, without any scarification whatever. Scratching is a painful +process and is performed with a brier, a flint arrowhead, a +rattlesnake’s tooth, or even with a piece of glass, according to the +nature of the ailment, while in preparing the young men for the ball +play the shaman uses an instrument somewhat resembling a comb, having +seven teeth made from the sharpened splinters of the leg bone of +a turkey. The scratching is usually done according to a particular +pattern, the regular method for the ball play being to draw the +scratcher four times down the upper part of each arm, thus making +twenty-eight scratches each about 6 inches in length, repeating the +operation on each arm below the elbow and on each leg above and below +the knee. Finally, the instrument is drawn across the breast from the +two shoulders so as to form a cross; another curving stroke is made +to connect the two upper ends of the cross, and the same pattern is +repeated on the back, so that the body is thus gashed in nearly three +hundred places. Although very painful for a while, as may well +be supposed, the scratches do not penetrate deep enough to result +seriously, excepting in some cases where erysipelas sets in. While +the blood is still flowing freely the medicine, which in this case +is intended to toughen, the muscles of the player, is rubbed into the +wounds after which the sufferer plunges into the stream and washes +off the blood. In order that the blood may flow the longer without +clotting it is frequently scraped off with a small switch as it flows. +In rheumatism and other local diseases the scratching is confined to +the part affected. The instrument used is selected in accordance with +the mythologic theory, excepting in the case of the piece of glass, +which is merely a modern makeshift for the flint arrowhead. + +Rubbing, used commonly for pains and swellings of the abdomen, is a +very simple operation performed with the tip of the finger or the palm +of the hand, and can not be dignified with the name of massage. In +one of the Gahuni formulas for treating snake bites (page 351) the +operator is told to rub in a direction contrary to that in which the +snake coils itself, because “this is just the same as uncoiling it.” +Blowing upon the part affected, as well as upon the head, hands, +and other parts of the body, is also an important feature of the +ceremonial performance. In one of the formulas it is specified that +the doctor must blow first upon the right hand of the patient, then +upon the left foot, then upon the left hand, and finally upon the +right foot, thus making an imaginary cross. + +Bathing in the running stream, or “going to water,” as it is called, +is one of their most frequent medico-religious ceremonies, and is +performed on a great variety of occasions, such as at each new +moon, before eating the new food at the green corn dance, before the +medicine dance and other ceremonial dances before and after the ball +play, in connection with the prayers for long life, to counteract the +effects of bad dreams or the evil spells of an enemy, and as a part of +the regular treatment in various diseases. The details of the ceremony +are very elaborate and vary according to the purpose for which it is +performed, but in all cases both shaman and client are fasting from +the previous evening, the ceremony being generally performed just at +daybreak. The bather usually dips completely under the water four or +seven times, but in some cases it is sufficient to pour the water from +the hand upon the head and breast. In the ball play the ball sticks +are dipped into the water at the same time. While the bather is in the +water the shaman is going through with his part of the performance +on the bank and draws omens from the motion of the beads between his +thumb and finger, or of the fishes in the water. Although the old +customs are fast dying out this ceremony is never neglected at the +ball play, and is also strictly observed by many families on occasion +of eating the new corn, at each new moon, and on other special +occasions, even when it is necessary to break the ice in the stream +for the purpose, and to the neglect of this rite the older people +attribute many of the evils which have come upon the tribe in later +days. The latter part of autumn is deemed the most suitable season of +the year for this ceremony, as the leaves which then cover the surface +of the stream are supposed to impart their medicinal virtues to the +water. + + +SHAMANS AND WHITE PHYSICIANS. + +Of late years, especially since the establishment of schools among +them, the Cherokees are gradually beginning to lose confidence in +the abilities of their own doctors and are becoming more disposed +to accept treatment from white physicians. The shamans are naturally +jealous of this infringement upon their authority and endeavor to +prevent the spread of the heresy by asserting the convenient doctrine +that the white man’s medicine is inevitably fatal to an Indian unless +eradicated from the system by a continuous course of treatment for +four years under the hands of a skillful shaman. The officers of the +training school established by the Government a few years ago met with +considerable difficulty on this account for some time, as the parents +insisted on removing the children at the first appearance of illness +in order that they might be treated by the shamans, until convinced by +experience that the children received better attention at the school +than could possibly be had in their own homes. In one instance, where +a woman was attacked by a pulmonary complaint akin to consumption, her +husband, a man of rather more than the usual amount of intelligence, +was persuaded to call in the services of a competent white physician, +who diagnosed the case and left a prescription. On a second visit, a +few days later, he found that the family, dreading the consequences of +this departure from old customs, had employed a shaman, who asserted +that the trouble was caused by a sharpened stick which some enemy +had caused to be imbedded in the woman’s side. He accordingly began a +series of conjurations for the removal of the stick, while the white +physician and his medicine were disregarded, and in due time the woman +died. Two children soon followed her to the grave, from the contagion +or the inherited seeds of the same disease, but here also the +sharpened sticks were held responsible, and, notwithstanding the three +deaths under such treatment, the husband and father, who was at one +time a preacher, still has faith in the assertions of the shaman. The +appointment of a competent physician to look after the health of the +Indians would go far to eradicate these false ideas and prevent +much sickness and suffering; but, as the Government has made no such +provision, the Indians, both on and off the reservation, excepting the +children in the home school, are entirely without medical care. + + +MEDICINE DANCES. + +The Cherokees have a dance known as the Medicine Dance, which is +generally performed in connection with other dances when a number of +people assemble for a night of enjoyment. It possesses no features +of special interest and differs in no essential respect from a dozen +other of the lesser dances. Besides this, however, there was another, +known as the Medicine Boiling Dance, which, for importance and solemn +ceremonial, was second only to the great Green Corn Dance. It has +now been discontinued on the reservation for about twenty years. It +took place in the fall, probably preceding the Green Corn Dance, and +continued four days. The principal ceremony in connection with it was +the drinking of a strong decoction of various herbs, which acted as +a violent emetic and purgative. The usual fasting and going to water +accompanied the dancing and medicine-drinking. + + +DESCRIPTION OF SYMPTOMS. + +It is exceedingly difficult to obtain from the doctors any accurate +statement of the nature of a malady, owing to the fact that their +description of the symptoms is always of the vaguest character, while +in general the name given to the disease by the shaman expresses only +his opinion as to the occult cause of the trouble. Thus they have +definite names for rheumatism, toothache, boils, and a few other +ailments of like positive character, but beyond this their description +of symptoms generally resolves itself into a statement that the +patient has bad dreams, looks black around the eyes, or feels tired, +while the disease is assigned such names as “when they dream of +snakes,” “when they dream of fish,” “when ghosts trouble them,” “when +something is making something else eat them,” or “when the food is +changed,” i.e., when a witch causes it to sprout and grow in the body +of the patient or transforms it into a lizard, frog, or sharpened +stick. + + +THE PAY OF THE SHAMAN. + +The consideration which the doctor receives for his services is called +ugista´‛tĭ, a word of doubtful etymology, but probably derived from +the verb tsĭ´giû, “I take” or “I eat.” In former times this was +generally a deer-skin or a pair of moccasins, but is now a certain +quantity of cloth, a garment, or a handkerchief. The shamans disclaim +the idea that the ugistâ´‛tĭ is pay, in our sense of the word, but +assert that it is one of the agencies in the removal and banishment +of the disease spirit. Their explanation is somewhat obscure, but +the cloth seems to be intended either as an offering to the disease +spirit, as a ransom to procure the release of his intended victim, or +as a covering to protect the hand of a shaman while engaged in pulling +the disease from the body of the patient. The first theory, which +includes also the idea of vicarious atonement, is common to many +primitive peoples. Whichever may be the true explanation, the evil +influence of the disease is believed to enter into the cloth, which +must therefore be sold or given away by the doctor, as otherwise +it will cause his death when the pile thus accumulating reaches the +height of his head. No evil results seem to follow its transfer from +the shaman to a third party. The doctor can not bestow anything thus +received upon a member of his own family unless that individual gives +him something in return. If the consideration thus received, however, +be anything eatable, the doctor may partake along with the rest of the +family. As a general rule the doctor makes no charge for his services, +and the consideration is regarded as a free-will offering. This remark +applies only to the medical practice, as the shaman always demands +and receives a fixed remuneration for performing love charms, hunting +ceremonials, and other conjurations of a miscellaneous character. +Moreover, whenever the beads are used the patient must furnish a +certain quantity of new cloth upon which to place them, and at the +close of the ceremony the doctor rolls up the cloth, beads and all, +and takes them away with him. The cloth thus received by the doctor +for working with the beads must not be used by him, but must be sold. +In one instance a doctor kept a handkerchief which he received for his +services, but instead sold a better one of his own. Additional cloth +is thus given each time the ceremony is repeated, each time a second +four days’ course of treatment is begun, and as often as the doctor +sees fit to change his method of procedure. Thus, when he begins +to treat a sick man for a disease caused by rabbits, he expects to +receive a certain ugista´‛tĭ; but, should he decide after a time +that the terrapin or the red bird is responsible for the trouble, he +adopts a different course of treatment, for which another ugista´‛tĭ +is necessary. Should the sickness not yield readily to his efforts, it +is because the disease animal requires a greater ugista´‛tĭ, and the +quantity of cloth must be doubled, so that on the whole the doctrine +is a very convenient one for the shaman. In many of the formulas +explicit directions are given as to the pay which the shaman is +to receive for performing the ceremony. In one of the Gatigwanasti +formulas, after specifying the amount of cloth to be paid, the writer +of it makes the additional proviso that it must be “pretty good cloth, +too,” asserting as a clincher that “this is what the old folks said a +long time ago.” + +The ugista´‛tĭ can not be paid by either one of a married couple to +the other, and, as it is considered a necessary accompaniment of the +application, it follows that a shaman can not treat his own wife in +sickness, and vice versa. Neither can the husband or wife of the sick +person send for the doctor, but the call must come from some one +of the blood relatives of the patient. In one instance within the +writer’s knowledge a woman complained that her husband was very sick +and needed a doctor’s attention, but his relatives were taking no +steps in the matter and it was not permissible for her to do so. + + +CEREMONIES FOR GATHERING PLANTS AND PREPARING MEDICINE. + +There are a number of ceremonies and regulations observed in +connection with the gathering of the herbs, roots, and barks, which +can not be given in detail within the limits of this paper. In +searching for his medicinal plants the shaman goes provided with a +number of white and red beads, and approaches the plant from a certain +direction, going round it from right to left one or four times, +reciting certain prayers the while. He then pulls up the plant by the +roots and drops one of the beads into the hole and covers it up with +the loose earth. In one of the formulas for hunting ginseng the hunter +addresses the mountain as the “Great Man” and assures it that he comes +only to take a small piece of flesh (the ginseng) from its side, so +that it seems probable that the bead is intended as a compensation to +the earth for the plant thus torn from her bosom. In some cases the +doctor must pass by the first three plants met until he comes to the +fourth, which he takes and may then return for the others. The bark +is always taken from the east side of the tree, and when the root or +branch is used it must also be one which runs out toward the east, the +reason given being that these have imbibed more medical potency from +the rays of the sun. + +When the roots, herbs, and barks which enter into the prescription +have been thus gathered the doctor ties them up into a convenient +package, which he takes to a running stream and casts into the water +with appropriate prayers. Should the package float, as it generally +does, he accepts the fact as an omen that his treatment will be +successful. On the other hand, should it sink, he concludes that some +part of the preceding ceremony has been improperly carried out and +at once sets about procuring a new package, going over the whole +performance from the beginning. Herb-gathering by moonlight, so +important a feature in European folk medicine, seems to be no part +of Cherokee ceremonial. There are fixed regulations in regard to +the preparing of the decoction, the care of the medicine during +the continuance of the treatment, and the disposal of what remains +after the treatment is at an end. In the arrangement of details the +shaman frequently employs the services of a lay assistant. In these +degenerate days a number of upstart pretenders to the healing art have +arisen in the tribe and endeavor to impose upon the ignorance of their +fellows by posing as doctors, although knowing next to nothing of the +prayers and ceremonies, without which there can be no virtue in the +application. These impostors are sternly frowned down and regarded +with the utmost contempt by the real professors, both men and women, +who have been initiated into the sacred mysteries and proudly look +upon themselves as conservators of the ancient ritual of the past. + + +THE CHEROKEE GODS AND THEIR ABIDING PLACES. + +After what has been said in elucidation of the theories involved in +the medical formulas, the most important and numerous of the series, +but little remains to be added in regard to the others, beyond what +is contained in the explanation accompanying each one. A few points, +however, may be briefly noted. + +The religion of the Cherokees, like that of most of our North American +tribes, is zootheism or animal worship, with the survival of that +earlier stage designated by Powell as hecastotheism, or the worship +of all things tangible, and the beginnings of a higher system in +which the elements and the great powers of nature are deified. Their +pantheon includes gods in the heaven above, on the earth beneath, and +in the waters under the earth, but of these the animal gods constitute +by far the most numerous class, although the elemental gods are +more important. Among the animal gods insects and fishes occupy a +subordinate place, while quadrupeds, birds, and reptiles are invoked +almost constantly. The uktena (a mythic great horned serpent), the +rattlesnake, and the terrapin, the various species of hawk, and the +rabbit, the squirrel, and the dog are the principal animal gods. The +importance of the god bears no relation to the size of the animal, +and in fact the larger animals are but seldom invoked. The spider also +occupies a prominent place in the love and life-destroying formulas, +his duty being to entangle the soul of his victim in the meshes of his +web or to pluck it from the body of the doomed man and drag it way to +the black coffin in the Darkening Land. + +Among what may be classed as elemental gods the principal are fire, +water, and the sun, all of which are addressed under figurative +names. The sun is called Une´‛lanû´hĭ, “the apportioner,” just as our +word moon means originally “the measurer.” Indians and Aryans alike, +having noticed how these great luminaries divide and measure day and +night, summer and winter, with never-varying regularity, have given to +each a name which should indicate these characteristics, thus showing +how the human mind constantly moves on along the same channels. +Missionaries have naturally, but incorrectly, assumed this apportioner +of all things to be the suppositional “Great Spirit” of the Cherokees, +and hence the word is used in the Bible translation as synonymous +with God. In ordinary conversation and in the lesser myths +the sun is called Nû´ⁿtâ. The sun is invoked chiefly by the +ball-player, while the hunter prays to the fire; but every important +ceremony--whether connected with medicine, love, hunting, or the ball +play--contains a prayer to the “Long Person,” the formulistic name for +water, or, more strictly speaking, for the river. The wind, the storm, +the cloud, and the frost are also invoked in different formulas. + +But few inanimate gods are included in the category, the principal +being the Stone, to which the shaman prays while endeavoring to find a +lost article by means of a swinging pebble suspended by a string; the +Flint, invoked when the shaman is about to scarify the patient with +a flint arrow-head before rubbing on the medicine; and the Mountain, +which is addressed in one or two of the formulas thus far translated. +Plant gods do not appear prominently, the chief one seeming to be the +ginseng, addressed in the formulas as the “Great Man” or “Little Man,” +although its proper Cherokee name signifies the “Mountain Climber.” + +A number of personal deities are also invoked, the principal being +the Red Man. He is one of the greatest of the gods, being repeatedly +called upon in formulas of all kinds, and is hardly subordinate to the +Fire, the Water, or the Sun. His identity is as yet uncertain, but he +seems to be intimately connected with the Thunder family. In a curious +marginal note in one of the Gahuni formulas (page 350), it is stated +that when the patient is a woman the doctor must pray to the Red +Man, but when treating a man he must pray to the Red Woman, so that +this personage seems to have dual sex characteristics. Another god +invoked in the hunting songs is Tsu´l’kalû´, or “Slanting Eyes” +(see Cherokee Myths), a giant hunter who lives in one of the great +mountains of the Blue Ridge and owns all the game. Others are the +Little Men, probably the two Thunder boys; the Little People, the +fairies who live in the rock cliffs; and even the De´tsata, a +diminutive sprite who holds the place of our Puck. One unwritten +formula, which could not be obtained correctly by dictation, was +addressed to the “Red-Headed Woman, whose hair hangs down to the +ground.” + +The personage invoked is always selected in accordance with the theory +of the formula and the duty to be performed. Thus, when a sickness is +caused by a fish, the Fish-hawk, the Heron, or some other fish-eating +bird is implored to come and seize the intruder and destroy it, so +that the patient may find relief. When the trouble is caused by a +worm or an insect, some insectivorous bird is called in for the same +purpose. When a flock of redbirds is pecking at the vitals of the sick +man the Sparrow-hawk is brought down to scatter them, and when the +rabbit, the great mischief-maker, is the evil genius, he is driven +out by the Rabbit-hawk. Sometimes after the intruder has been thus +expelled “a small portion still remains,” in the words of the formula, +and accordingly the Whirlwind is called down from the treetops to +carry the remnant to the uplands and there scatter it so that it shall +never reappear. The hunter prays to the fire, from which he draws his +omens; to the reed, from which he makes his arrows; to Tsu´l’kalû, +the great lord of the game, and finally addresses in songs the very +animals which he intends to kill. The lover prays to the Spider to +hold fast the affections of his beloved one in the meshes of his web, +or to the Moon, which looks down upon him in the dance. The warrior +prays to the Red War-club, and the man about to set out on a dangerous +expedition prays to the Cloud to envelop him and conceal him from his +enemies. + +Each spirit of good or evil has its distinct and appropriate place +of residence. The Rabbit is declared to live in the broomsage on the +hillside, the Fish dwells in a bend of the river under the pendant +hemlock branches, the Terrapin lives in the great pond in the West, +and the Whirlwind abides in the leafy treetops. Each disease animal, +when driven away from his prey by some more powerful animal, endeavors +to find shelter in his accustomed haunt. It must be stated here +that the animals of the formulas are not the ordinary, everyday +animals, but their great progenitors, who live in the upper world +(galû´ⁿlati) above the arch of the firmament. + + +COLOR SYMBOLISM. + +Color symbolism plays an important part in the shamanistic system +of the Cherokees, no less than in that of other tribes. Each one of +the cardinal points has its corresponding color and each color its +symbolic meaning, so that each spirit invoked corresponds in color +and local habitation with the characteristics imputed to him, and is +connected with other spirits of the same name, but of other colors, +living in other parts of the upper world and differing widely in their +characteristics. Thus the Red Man, living in the east, is the spirit +of power, triumph, and success, but the Black Man, in the West, is +the spirit of death. The shaman therefore invokes the Red Man to +the assistance of his client and consigns his enemy to the fatal +influences of the Black Man. + +The symbolic color system of the Cherokees, which will be explained +more fully in connection with the formulas, is as follows: + + East red success; triumph. + North blue defeat; trouble. + West black death. + South white peace; happiness. + Above? brown unascertained, but propitious. + ------ yellow about the same as blue. + +There is a great diversity in the color systems of the various tribes, +both as to the location and significance of the colors, but for +obvious reasons black was generally taken as the symbol of death; +while white and red signified, respectively, peace and war. It is +somewhat remarkable that red was the emblem of power and triumph +among the ancient Oriental nations no less than among the modern +Cherokees.[9] + + [Footnote 9: For more in regard to color symbolism, see Mallery’s + Pictographs of the North American Indians in Fourth Report of the + Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 53-37, Washington, 1886; Gatschet’s Creek + Migration Legend, vol. 3, pp. 31-41, St. Louis, 1888; Brinton’s + Kiche Myths in Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, + vol. 19, pp. 646-647, Philadelphia, 1882.] + + +IMPORTANCE ATTACHED TO NAMES. + +In many of the formulas, especially those relating to love and to +life-destroying, the shaman mentions the name and clan of his client, +of the intended victim, or of the girl whose affections it is desired +to win. The Indian regards his name, not as a mere label, but as a +distinct part of his personality, just as much as are his eyes or +his teeth, and believes that injury will result as surely from the +malicious handling of his name as from a wound inflicted on any part +of his physical organism. This belief was found among the various +tribes from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and has occasioned a number +of curious regulations in regard to the concealment and change of +names. It may be on this account that both Powhatan and Pocahontas are +known in history under assumed appellations, their true names having +been concealed from the whites until the pseudonyms were too firmly +established to be supplanted. Should his prayers have no apparent +effect when treating a patient for some serious illness, the shaman +sometimes concludes that the name is affected, and accordingly goes +to water, with appropriate ceremonies, and christens the patient with +a new name, by which he is henceforth to be known. He then begins +afresh, repeating the formulas with the new name selected for the +patient, in the confident hope that his efforts will be crowned with +success. + + +LANGUAGE OF THE FORMULAS. + +A few words remain to be said in regard to the language of the +formulas. They are full of archaic and figurative expressions, many of +which are unintelligible to the common people, and some of which even +the shamans themselves are now unable to explain. These archaic forms, +like the old words used by our poets, lend a peculiar beauty which can +hardly be rendered in a translation. They frequently throw light on +the dialectic evolution of the language, as many words found now only +in the nearly extinct Lower Cherokee dialect occur in formulas which +in other respects are written in the Middle or Upper dialect. The +R sound, the chief distinguishing characteristic of the old Lower +dialect, of course does not occur, as there are no means of indicating +it in the Cherokee syllabary. Those who are accustomed to look to the +Bible for all beauty in sacred expression will be surprised to find +that these formulas abound in the loftiest nights of poetic imagery. +This is especially true of the prayers used to win the love of a woman +or to destroy the life of an enemy, in which we find such expressions +as--“Now your soul fades away--your spirit shall grow less and +dwindle away, never to reappear;” “Let her be completely veiled in +loneliness--O Black Spider, may you hold her soul in your web, so that +it may never get through the meshes;” and the final declaration of the +lover, “Your soul has come into the very center of my soul, never to +turn away.” + +In the translation it has been found advisable to retain as technical +terms a few words which could not well be rendered literally, such +as ada´wĕhĭ and ugistā´‛tĭ. These words will be found explained +in the proper place. Transliterations of the Cherokee text of the +formulas are given, but it must be distinctly understood that the +translations are intended only as free renderings of the spirit of +the originals, exact translations with grammatic and glossarial notes +being deferred until a more extended study of the language has been +made, when it is hoped to present with more exactness of detail the +whole body of the formulas, of which the specimens here given are but +a small portion. + +The facsimile formulas are copies from the manuscripts now in +possession of the Bureau of Ethnology, and the portraits are from +photographs taken by the author in the field. + + +SPECIMEN FORMULAS. + +NOTE ON THE ORTHOGRAPHY AND TRANSLATION. + +In the Cherokee text both _d_ and _g_ have a medial sound, +approximating the sounds of _t_ and _k_ respectively. The other +letters are pronounced in regular accordance with the alphabet of +the Bureau of Ethnology. The language abounds in nasal and aspirate +sounds, the most difficult of the latter being the aspirate _‛l_, +which to one familiar only with English sounds like _tl_. + +A few words whose meaning could not be satisfactorily ascertained have +been distinctively indicated in the Cherokee text by means of italics. +In the translation the corresponding expression has been queried, or +the space left entirely blank. On examining the text the student can +not fail to be struck by the great number of verbs ending in _iga_. +This is a peculiar form hardly ever used excepting in these formulas, +where almost every paragraph contains one or more such verbs. It +implies that the subject has just come and is now performing the +action, and that he came for that purpose. In addition to this, many +of these verbs may be either assertive or imperative (expressing +entreaty), according to the accent. Thus _hatû´ⁿgani´ga_ means +“you have just come and are listening and it is for that purpose you +came.” By slightly accenting the final syllable it becomes “come at +once to listen.” It will thus be seen that the great majority of the +formulas are declarative rather than petitional in form--laudatory +rhapsodies instead of prayers, in the ordinary sense of the word. + + +MEDICINE. + +DIDÛⁿLĔ´SKĬ ADANÛⁿ´WÂTĬ KANÂHĔ´SKĬ. + +Sgĕ! Ha-Nûⁿdâgû´ⁿyĭ tsûl‛dâ´histĭ, Gi´‛lĭ Gigage´ĭ, +hanâ´gwa hatû´ⁿgani´ga usĭnuli´yu. Hida´wĕhi-gâgû´, +gahu´stĭ tsan´ultĭ nige´sûⁿna. Ha-diskwûlti´yû +tĭ´nanugagĭ´, ase´gwû nige´sûⁿna tsagista´‛tĭ +adûⁿni´ga. Ulsg´eta hûⁿhihyû´ⁿstani´ga. +Ha-usdig´iyu-gwû ha-e´lawastû´ⁿ iytû´ⁿta +dûhilâ´hĭstani´ga. + +Sgĕ! Ha-Uhûⁿtsâ´yĭ tsûl‛dâ´histĭ Gi´‛lĭ Sa‛ka´nĭ, +hanâ´gwa hatû´ⁿgani´ga usĭnuli´yu. Hida´wĕhi-gâgû´, +gahu´stĭ tsanu´ltĭ nige´sûⁿna. Diskwûlti´yû ti´nanugai´, +ase´gwû nige´sûⁿna tsagista´‛tĭ adûⁿni´ga. Ulsge´ta +hûⁿhihyûⁿstani´ga. Ha-usdigi´yu-gwû ha-e´lawastû´ⁿ +iyû´ta dûhitâ´hĭstani´ga. + +Sgĕ! (Ha)-Usûhi´(-yĭ) tsûl‛dâ´histĭ, Gi‛l´ĭ Gûⁿnage´ĭ, +hanâ´gwa hatû´ⁿgani´ga usĭnuli´yû. Hida´wĕhi-gâgû´, +gahu´sti tsanu´ltĭ nige´sû´ⁿna. Diskwûlti´yû tinanugagĭ´, +ase´gwû nige´sûⁿna tsagista´‛tĭ adûⁿni´ga. Ulsg´eta +hûⁿhihyûⁿstani´ga. Ha-usdigi´yu-gwû ha-e´lawastû´ⁿ +iyû´ⁿta dûhitâ´hĭstani´ga. + +Sgĕ! Wa´hală´ tsûl‛dâ´histĭ, Gi´‛lĭ Tsûne´ga, hanâ´gwa +hatû´ⁿgani´ga usĭnuli´yu. Hida´wĕhi-gâgû´, gahu´stĭ +tsanu´ltĭ nige´sûⁿna. Diskwûlti´yû ti´nanugagĭ´, +ase´gwû nige´sûⁿna tsagista´‛tĭ adûⁿni´ga. Ha-ulsge´ta +hûⁿhihyû´ⁿstani´ga. Ha-usdigi´yu-gwû e´lawastû´ⁿ +iyû´ⁿta dûhitâ´hĭstani´ga. + +Sgĕ! Wa´hală tsûl‛dâ´histĭ Tû´ksĭ Tsûne´ga, hanâ´gwa +hatû´ⁿgani´ga usĭnuli´yu. Hida´wĕhi-gâgû´, +gahu´stĭ tsanu´ltĭ nige´sûⁿna. Ha-kâ´lû _gayûske´ta_ +tsatûⁿ´neli´ga. Utsĭna´wa nu´tatănû´ⁿta. + +(Degâsisisgû´ⁿĭ.)--Tûksĭ uhya´ska gûnsta‛tĭ´ na´skĭ +igahi´ta gunstâ´ĭ hĭ´skĭ iyuntale´gĭ tsûntûngi´ya. +Ûⁿskwû´ta kĭlû´ atsâ´tastĭ sâ´gwa iyûtsâ´tastĭ, +nû´‛kĭ igû´ⁿkta‛tĭ, naski-gwû´ diûⁿlĕ´nĭskâhĭ´ +igûⁿyi´yĭ tsale´nihû. Nû´‛kine ûⁿskwû´ta kĭlû´ +nû´‛kĭ iyatsâ´tastĭ. Uhyaskâ´hi-‛nû ade´la degû‛la´ĭ +tă´lĭ unine´ga-gwû´ nû´ⁿwâti-‛nû´ higûnehâ´ĭ +uhyaskâ´hĭ usdi´a-gwû. Une´lagi-‛nû sâĭ´ agadâ´ĭ +agadi´dĭ û´ⁿti-gwû´ yĭkĭ´ âsi´yu-gwû na´ski-‛nû +aganûⁿli´eskâ´ĭ da´gûnstanehû´ⁿĭ ŭ‛taâ´ta. +Hiă‛-nû´ nû´ⁿwâtĭ: Yâ´na-Unatsĕsdâ´gĭ tsana´sehâ´ĭ +sâ´i-‛nû Kâ´ga-Asgû´ⁿtagĕ tsana´sehâ´ĭ, sâi-‛nû´ +_Egû´ⁿli_-gwû, sâi-nû´ (U)wa´sgilĭ tsĭgĭ´ +Egû´ⁿlĭ Usdi´a tsĭgĭ´, nûⁿyâ´hi-‛nû tsuyĕ‛dâ´ĭ +Yâ´na-Utsĕsdâgĭ naskiyû´ tsĭgĭ´, usdi´-gwû tsĭgĭ´. +Egû´ⁿlĭ (u)wa´sgilĭ tsĭgĭ´; sâ´ĭ Wâ´tige Unas(te´)tsa +tsĭgĭ´, sâ´i-‛nû Û´ⁿage Tsunaste´tsa, Niga´ta unaste´tsa +gesâ´ĭ. + +Sunale´-gwû ale´ndĭ adanû´ⁿwâtĭ; tă´line e´ladĭ +tsitkala´ĭ; tsâ´ine u´lsaladĭ´‛satû´; nû´‛kine igû´ +ts´kalâ´ĭ. Yeli´gwû´ igesâ´ĭ. Nû´lstâiyanû´na gesâ´ĭ +akanûⁿwi´skĭ, nasgwû´ nulstaiyanû´na. + + +_Translation._ + +FORMULA FOR TREATING THE CRIPPLER (RHEUMATISM). + +Listen! Ha! In the Sun Land you repose, O Red Dog, O now you have +swiftly drawn near to hearken. O great ada´wĕhĭ[10], you never +fail in anything. O, appear and draw near running, for your prey never +escapes. You are now come to remove the intruder. Ha! You have settled +a very small part of it far off there at the end of the earth. + +Listen! Ha! In the Frigid Land you repose, O Blue Dog. O now you have +swiftly drawn near to hearken, O great ada´wĕhĭ, you never fail +in anything. O, appear and draw near running, for your prey never +escapes. You are now come to remove the intruder. Ha! You have settled +a very small part of it far off there at the end of the earth. + +Listen! Ha! In the darkening land you repose, O Black Dog. O, now you +have swiftly drawn near to hearken. O great ada´wĕhĭ, you never +fail in anything. O, appear and draw near running, for your prey never +escapes. You are now come to remove the intruder. Ha! You have settled +a very small part of it far off there at the end of the earth. + +Listen! On Wa´hală you repose. O White Dog. Oh, now you have +swiftly drawn near to hearken. O great ada´wĕhĭ, you never fail +in anything. Oh, appear and draw near running, for your prey never +escapes. You are now come to remove the intruder. Ha! You have settled +a very small part of it far off there at the end of the earth. + +Listen! On Wa´hală, you repose, O White Terrapin. O, now you have +swiftly drawn near to hearken. O great ada´wĕhĭ, you never fail in +anything. Ha! It is for you to loosen its hold on the bone. Belief is +accomplished. + +(Prescription.)--Lay a terrapin shell upon (the spot) and keep it +there while the five kinds (of spirits) listen. On finishing, then +blow once. Repeat four times, beginning each time from the start. On +finishing the fourth time, then blow four times. Have two white beads +lying in the shell, together with a little of the medicine. Don’t +interfere with it, but have a good deal boiling in another vessel--a +bowl will do very well--and rub it on warm while treating by applying +the hands. And this is the medicine: What is called Yâ´na-Utsĕ´sta +(“bear’s bed,” the Aspidium acrostichoides or Christmas fern); and the +other is called Kâ´ga-Asgû´ⁿtagĭ (“crow’s shin,” the Adianthum +pedatum or Maidenhair fern); and the other is the common Egû´ⁿlĭ +(another fern); and the other is the Little Soft (-leaved) +Egû´ⁿlĭ (Osmunda Cinnamonea or cinnamon fern), which grows in the +rocks and resembles Yâna-Utsĕ´sta and is a small and soft (-leaved) +Egû´ⁿlĭ. Another has brown roots and another has black roots. The +roots of all should be (used). + +Begin doctoring early in the morning; let the second (application) be +while the sun is still near the horizon; the third when it has risen +to a considerable height (10 a.m.); the fourth when it is above at +noon. This is sufficient. (The doctor) must not eat, and the patient +also must be fasting. + + [Footnote 10: _Ada´wĕhĭ_ is a word used to designate one supposed + to have supernatural powers, and is applied alike to human beings + and to the spirits invoked in the formulas. Some of the mythic + heroes famous for their magic deeds are spoken of as _ada´wĕhĭ_ + (plural _anida´wĕhĭ_ or _anida´we_), but in its application to + mortals the term is used only of the very greatest shamans. None of + those now belonging to the band are considered worthy of being thus + called, although the term was sometimes applied to one, Usawĭ, who + died some years ago. In speaking of himself as an ada´wĕhĭ, ase + occurs in som of the formulas, the shaman arrogates to himself the + same powers that belong to the gods. Our nearest equivalent is the + word magician, but this falls far short of the idea conveyed by the + Cherokee word. In the bible translation the word is used as the + equivalent of angel or spirit.] + + +_Explanation._ + +As this formula is taken from the manuscript of Gahuni, who died +nearly thirty years ago, no definite statement of the theory of the +disease, or its treatment, can be given, beyond what is contained in +the formula itself, which, fortunately, is particularly explicit; +most doctors contenting themselves with giving only the words of the +prayer, without noting the ceremonies or even the medicine used. There +are various theories as to the cause of each disease, the most common +idea in regard to rheumatism being that it is caused by the spirits of +the slain animals, generally the deer, thirsting for vengeance on the +hunter, as has been already explained in the myth of the origin of +disease and medicine. + +The measuring-worm (Catharis) is also held to cause rheumatism, from +the resemblance of its motions to those of a rheumatic patient, and +the name of the worm _wahhĭlĭ´_ is frequently applied also to the +disease. + +There are formulas to propitiate the slain animals, but these are a +part of the hunting code and can only be noticed here, although it may +be mentioned in passing that the hunter, when about to return to the +settlement, builds a fire in the path behind him, in order that the +deer chief may not be able to follow him to his home. + +The disease, figuratively called the intruder (ulsgéta), is regarded +as a living being, and the verbs used in speaking of it show that it +is considered to be long, like a snake or fish. It is brought by the +deer chief and put into the body, generally the limbs, of the hunter, +who at once begins to suffer intense pain. It can be driven out only +by some more powerful animal spirit which is the natural enemy of the +deer, usually the dog or the Wolf. These animal gods live up above +beyond the seventh heaven and are the great prototypes of which the +earthly animals are only diminutive copies. They are commonly located +at the four cardinal points, each of which has a peculiar formulistic +name and a special color which applies to everything in the same +connection. Thus the east, north, west, and south are respectively the +Sun Land, the Frigid Land, the Darkening Land, and Wă´hală´, while +their respective mythologic colors are Red, Blue, Black, and White. +Wáhală is said to be a mountain far to the south. The white or red +spirits are generally invoked for peace, health, and other blessings, +the red alone for the success of an undertaking, the blue spirits to +defeat the schemes of an enemy or bring down troubles upon him, and +the black to compass his death. The white and red spirits are regarded +as the most powerful, and one of these two is generally called upon to +accomplish the final result. + +In this case the doctor first invokes the Red Dog in the Sun Land, +calling him a great adáwehi, to whom nothing is impossible and who +never fails to accomplish his purpose. He is addressed as if out of +sight in the distance and is implored to appear running swiftly to the +help of the sick man. Then the supplication changes to an assertion +and the doctor declares that the Red Dog has already arrived to take +the disease and has borne away a small portion of it to the uttermost +ends of the earth. In the second, third, and fourth paragraphs the +Blue Dog of the Frigid Land, the Black Dog of the Darkening Land, and +the White Dog of Wáhală are successively invoked in the same terms +and each bears away a portion of the disease and disposes of it in +the same way. Finally, in the fifth paragraph, the White Terrapin of +Wáhălă is invoked. He bears off the remainder of the disease and +the doctor declares that relief is accomplished. The connection of the +terrapin in this formula is not evident, beyond the fact that he is +regarded as having great influence in disease, and in this case the +beads and a portion of the medicine are kept in a terrapin shell +placed upon the diseased part while the prayer is being recited. + +The formulas generally consist of four paragraphs, corresponding to +four steps in the medical ceremony. In this case there are five, the +last being addressed to the terrapin instead of to a dog. The prayers +are recited in an undertone hardly audible at the distance of a few +feet, with the exception of the frequent _ha_, which seems to be used +as an interjection to attract attention and is always uttered in a +louder tone. The beads--which are here white, symbolic of relief--are +of common use in connection with these formulas, and are held between +the thumb and finger, placed upon a cloth on the ground, or, as in +this case, put into a terrapin shell along with a small portion of the +medicine. According to directions, the shell has no other part in the +ceremony. + +The blowing is also a regular part of the treatment, the doctor either +holding the medicine in his mouth and blowing it upon the patient, or, +as it seems to be the case here, applying the medicine by rubbing, +and blowing his breath upon the spot afterwards. In some formulas the +simple blowing of the breath constitutes the whole application. In +this instance the doctor probably rubs the medicine upon the affected +part while reciting the first paragraph in a whisper, after which he +blows once upon the spot. The other paragraphs are recited in the +same manner, blowing once after each. In this way the whole formula +is repeated four times, with four blows at the end of the final +repetition. The directions imply that the doctor blows only at the end +of the whole formula, but this is not in accord with the regular mode +of procedure and seems to be a mistake. + +The medicine consists of a warm decoction of the roots of four +varieties of fern, rubbed on with the hand. The awkward description +of the species shows how limited is the Indian’s power of botanic +classification. The application is repeated four times during the same +morning, beginning just at daybreak and ending at noon. Four is the +sacred number running through every detail of these formulas, there +being commonly four spirits invoked in four paragraphs, four blowings +with four final blows, four herbs in the decoction, four applications, +and frequently four days’ gaktuⁿ´ta or tabu. In this case no tabu +is specified beyond the fact that both doctor and patient must be +fasting. The tabu generally extends to salt or lye, hot food and +women, while in rheumatism some doctors forbid the patient to eat the +foot or leg of any animal, the reason given being that the limbs are +generally the seat of the disease. For a similar reason the patient is +also forbidden to eat or even to touch a squirrel, a buffalo, a cat, +or any animal which “humps” itself. In the same way a scrofulous +patient must not eat turkey, as that bird seems to have a scrofulous +eruption on its head, while ball players must abstain from eating +frogs, because the bones of that animal are brittle and easily broken. + + +HIĂ‛-NÛ´ NASGWÛ´ DIDÛⁿLĔ´SKĬ ADĂNÛ´ⁿWÂTĬ. + + Asga´ya yûkanû´ⁿwĭ | Yû! Higĕ´‛ya Gigage´ĭ tsûdante´lûhĭ + _Agĕ´‛ya Giagage´ĭ_ atătĭ´; | gese´ĭ. Ulsge´ta hi´tsanu´y’tani´leĭ´. + agĕ´‛ya-nû yûkanû´ⁿwĭ | Ha-Nûⁿdâgû´ⁿyĭ Ulsge´ta + _Asga´ya Gigage´ĭ_ atătĭ´. | hi´tsanu´y’tani´leĭ´. + | Ha-Nûⁿdâgû´ⁿyĭ nûnta´tsûdălenû´hĭ + | gese´ĭ. Gasgilâ´ gigage´ĭ tsusdi´ga + | tetsadĭ´ilĕ´ detsala´siditĕ-gĕ´ĭ. + | Hanâ´gwa usĭnuli´yu detsaldisi´yûĭ. + +Utsĭ(nă´)wa nu´tatanû´ⁿta. Usû´hita nutanû´na. +Utsĭnă´wa-gwû nigûⁿtisge´stĭ. + +(Degâ´sisisgû´ⁿĭ)--Hiă-gwû´ nigaû´ kanâhe´ta. Nû´‛kiba +nagû´nkw’tisga´ dagû´ⁿstiskû´ĭ. Sâ´gwa nûⁿskwû´ta +gûnstû´ⁿĭ agûnstagi´s-kâĭ hûⁿtsatasgâ´ĭ +nû´‛kine-‛nû ûⁿskwû´ta nû´‛kĭ nûⁿtsâtasgâ´ĭ. +Hiă-‛nû´ nû´ⁿwâtĭ: Egû´ⁿlĭ, Yâ´na-‛nû Utsĕsdâ´gĭ, +(U)wa´sgilĭ tsĭgĭ´ Egû´ⁿlĭ, tă´lĭ tsinu´dalĕ´ha, +Kâ´ga-‛nû Asgû´ⁿtagĕ tsiûⁿnâ´sehâ´ĭ, Da´yĭ-‛nû +Uwâ´yĭ tsiûⁿnâ´sehâ´ĭ. Su´talĭ iyutale´gĭ unaste´tsa +agâ´tĭ, uga´nawû‛nû´ dagûnsta´‛tisgâ´ĭ nû´ⁿwâtĭ +asûⁿga‛la´ĭ. Usû´hĭ adanû´ⁿwâtĭ, nu´‛kĭ tsusû´hita +dulsi´nisû´ⁿ adanû´ⁿwâti. Ă‛nawa´gi-‛nû dilasula´gĭ +gesû´ⁿĭ ûlĕ´ tsĭkani´kaga´ĭ gûw’sdi´-gwû utsawa´ta +ă‛nawa´-gwû-nû´. + +Hiă-nû´ gaktû´ⁿta gûlkwâ´gĭ tsusû´hita. +Gû´ⁿwădana´datlahistĭ´ nige´sûⁿna--Salâ´lĭ, +gi´‛li-‛nû, wĕ´sa-‛nû, ă´tatsû-nû´, a´mă-‛nû´, +anigĕ´‛ya-nû. Uda‛lĭ´ ya´kanûⁿwi´ya nû´‛kiha tsusû´hita +unădană´lâtsi´-tastĭ nige´sûⁿna. Gasgilâ´gi-‛nû +uwă´suⁿ-gwû´ u´skĭladi´stĭ uwă´sû nû´‛kĭ +tsusû´hită´. Disâ´i-‛nû dega´sgilâ û´ⁿtsa nû‛nă´ +uwa´‛tĭ yigesûĭ nû´‛kĭ tsusû´hita. + + +_Translation._ + +AND THIS ALSO IS FOR TREATING THE CRIPPLER. + +Yû! O Red Woman, you have caused it. You have put the intruder under +him. Ha! now you have come from the Sun Land. You have brought the +small red seats, with your feet resting upon them. Ha! now they have +swiftly moved away from you. Relief is accomplished. Let it not be for +one night alone. Let the relief come at once. + +(Prescription)--(_corner note at top_.) If treating a man one must say +_Red Woman_, and if treating a woman one must say _Red Man_. + +This is just all of the prayer. Repeat it four times while laying on +the hands. After saying it over once, with the hands on (the body +of the patient), take off the hands and blow once, and at the fourth +repetition blow four times. And this is the medicine. Egû´ⁿlĭ +(a species of fern). Yâ´-na-Utsĕ´sta (“bear’s bed,” the +Aspidium acrostichoides or Christmas fern), _two_ varieties of the +soft-(leaved) Egû´ⁿlĭ (one, the small variety, is the Cinnamon +fern, Osmunda cinnamonea), and what is called Kâ´ga Asgû´ⁿtagĕ +(“crow’s shin,” the Adiantum pedatum or Maidenhair fern) and what is +called Da´yĭ-Uwâ´yĭ (“beaver’s paw”--not identified). Boil the +roots of the six varieties together and apply the hands warm with the +medicine upon them. Doctor in the evening. Doctor four consecutive +nights. (The pay) is cloth and moccasins; or, if one does not have +them, just a little dressed deerskin and some cloth. + +And this is the tabu for seven nights. One must not touch a squirrel, +a dog, a cat, the mountain trout, or women. If one is treating a +married man they (_sic_) must not touch his wife for four nights. And +he must sit on a seat by himself for four nights, and must not sit on +the other seats for four nights. + + +_Explanation._ + +The treatment and medicine in this formula are nearly the same as in +that just given, which is also for rheumatism, both being written +by Gahuni. The prayer differs in several respects from any other +obtained, but as the doctor has been dead for years it is impossible +to give a full explanation of all the points. This is probably the +only formula in the collection in which the spirit invoked is the “Red +Woman,” but, as explained in the corner note at the top, this is only +the form used instead of “Red Man,” when the patient is a man. The Red +Man, who is considered perhaps the most powerful god in the Cherokee +pantheon, is in some way connected with the thunder, and is invoked +in a large number of formulas. The change in the formula, according +to the sex of the patient, brings to mind a belief in Irish folk +medicine, that in applying certain remedies the doctor and patient +must be of opposite sexes. The Red Man lives in the east, in +accordance with the regular mythologic color theory, as already +explained. The seats also are red, and the form of the verb indicates +that the Red Woman is either standing upon them (plural) or sitting +with her feet resting upon the rounds. These seats or chairs are +frequently mentioned in the formulas, and always correspond in color +with the spirit invoked. It is not clear why the Red Woman is held +responsible for the disease, which is generally attributed to the +revengeful efforts of the game, as already explained. In agreement +with the regular form, the disease is said to be put under (not into) +the patient. The assertion that the chairs “have swiftly moved away” +would seem from analogy to mean that the disease has been placed upon +the seats and thus borne away. The verb implies that the seats move +by their own volition. Immediately afterward it is declared that +relief is accomplished. The expression “usû´hita nutanû´na” occurs +frequently in these formulas, and may mean either “let it not be for +one night alone,” or “let it not stay a single night,” according to +the context. + +The directions specify not only the medicine and the treatment, but +also the doctor’s fee. From the form of the verb the tabu, except as +regards the seat to be used by the sick person, seems to apply to +both doctor and patient. It is not evident why the mountain trout +is prohibited, but the dog, squirrel, and cat are tabued, as already +explained, from the fact that these animals frequently assume +positions resembling the cramped attitude common to persons afflicted +by rheumatism. The cat is considered especially uncanny, as coming +from the whites. Seven, as well as four, is a sacred number with the +tribe, being also the number of their gentes. It will be noted that +time is counted by nights instead of by days. + + +HI´ I´NATÛ YUNISKÛ´LTSA ADANÛ´NWÂTĬ. + + 1. _Dûnu´wa_, dûnu´wa, dûnu´wa, dûnu´wa, dûnu´wa, dûnu´wa (_song_). + Sgĕ! Ha-Walâ´sĭ-gwû tsûⁿlû´ⁿtani´ga. + 2. _Dayuha_, dayuha, dayuha, dayuha dayuha (_song_). + Sgĕ! Ha-_Usugĭ_-gwû tsûⁿ-lûⁿ´-tani´ga. + +(Degâ´sisisgû´ⁿĭ).--Kanâgi´ta nâyâ´ga hiă´ +dilentisg´ûⁿĭ. Tă´lĭ igû´nkw’ta‛tĭ, ûlĕ´ talinĕ´ +tsutanû´ⁿna nasgwû´ tâ´lĭ igû´nkw’ta‛tĭ´. Tsâ´la +aganû´ⁿlieskâĭ´ tsâ´la yikani´gûⁿgû´âĭ´ +watsi´la-gwû ganûⁿli´yĕtĭ uniskûl‛tsû´ⁿĭ. Nû´‛kĭ +nagade´stisgâĭ´ aganûⁿli´esgûⁿĭ. Akskû´nĭ +gadest´a‛tĭ, nûû‛kĭ nagade´ sta hûⁿtsatasgâ´ĭ. +Hiă-‛nû´ i´natû akti´sĭ udestâ´ĭ yigû´n‛ka, naski-‛nû´ +tsagadû´lăgisgâ´ĭ iyu´stĭ gatgû´ⁿĭ. + + +_Translation._ + +THIS IS TO TREAT THEM IF THEY ARE BITTEN BY A SNAKE. + + 1. Dûnu´wa, dûnu´wa, dûnu´wa, dûnu´wa, dûnu´wa, dûnu´wa. + Listen! Ha! It is only a common frog which has passed by and put + it (the intruder) into you. + 2. Dayuha, dayuha, dayuha, dayuha, dayuha. + Listen! Ha! It is only an _Usu´‛gĭ_ which has passed by and + put it into you. + +(Prescription.)--Now this at the beginning is a song. One should say +it twice and also say the second line twice. Rub tobacco (juice) on +the bite for some time, or if there be no tobacco just rub on saliva +once. In rubbing it on, one must go around four times. Go around +toward the left and blow four times in a circle. This is because in +lying down the snake always coils to the right and this is just the +same (_lit._ “means like”) as uncoiling it. + + +_Explanation._ + +This is also from the manuscript book of Gahuni, deceased, so that no +explanation could be obtained from the writer. The formula consists of +a song of two verses, each followed by a short recitation. The whole +is repeated, according to the directions, so as to make four verses +or songs; four, as already stated, being the sacred number running +through most of these formulas. Four blowings and four circuits in the +rubbing are also specified. The words used in the songs are sometimes +composed of unmeaning syllables, but in this case dûnuwa and dayuha +seem to have a meaning, although neither the interpreter nor the +shaman consulted could explain them, which may be because the words +have become altered in the song, as frequently happens. Dûnu´wa +appears to be an old verb, meaning “it has penetrated,” probably +referring to the tooth of the reptile. These medicine songs are always +sung in a low plaintive tone, somewhat resembling a lullaby. Usu´‛gĭ +also is without explanation, but is probably the name of some small +reptile or batrachian. + +As in this case the cause of the trouble is evident, the Indians have +no theory to account for it. It may be remarked, however, that when +one dreams of being bitten, the same treatment and ceremonies must +be used as for the actual bite; otherwise, although perhaps years +afterward, a similar inflammation will appear on the spot indicated +in the dream, and will be followed by the same fatal consequences. The +rattlesnake is regarded as a supernatural being or ada´wehi, whose +favor must be propitiated, and great pains are taken not to offend +him. In consonance with this idea it is never said among the people +that a person has been bitten by a snake, but that he has been +“scratched by a brier.” In the same way, when an eagle has been shot +for a ceremonial dance, it is announced that “a snowbird has been +killed,” the purpose being to deceive the rattlesnake or eagle spirits +which might be listening. + +The assertion that it is “only a common frog” or “only an Usu´‛gĭ” +brings out another characteristic idea of these formulas. Whenever the +ailment is of a serious character, or, according to the Indian theory, +whenever it is due to the influence of some powerful disease spirit +the doctor always endeavors to throw contempt upon the intruder, and +convince it of his own superior power by asserting the sickness to +be the work of some inferior being, just as a white physician might +encourage a patient far gone with consumption by telling him that the +illness was only a slight cold. Sometimes there is a regular scale of +depreciation, the doctor first ascribing the disease to a rabbit or +groundhog or some other weak animal, then in succeeding paragraphs +mentioning other still less important animals and finally declaring it +to be the work of a mouse, a small fish, or some other insignificant +creature. In this instance an ailment caused by the rattlesnake, the +most dreaded of the animal spirits, is ascribed to a frog, one of the +least importance. + +In applying the remedy the song is probably sung while rubbing the +tobacco juice around the wound. Then the short recitation is repeated +and the doctor blows four times in a circle about the spot. The whole +ceremony is repeated four times. The curious directions for uncoiling +the snake have parallels in European folk medicine. + + +GÛⁿWĂNI´GIST´Ĭ ADANU´ⁿWÂTĬ. + +Sgĕ! Ha-tsida´wĕiyu, gahus´tĭ aginúl‛tĭ nige´sûⁿna. +Gûⁿgwădag´anad‛diyû´ tsida´wĕi´yu. Ha-Wăhuhu´-gwû +hitagu´sgastanĕ‛hĕĭ. Ha-nâ´gwa hŭ‛kikahûⁿû´ +ha-dusŭ´‛gahĭ digesû´ⁿĭ, iyû´ⁿta +wûⁿ‛kidâ´hĭstani´ga. + +Sgĕ! Ha-tsida´wĕi´yu, gahu´stĭ aginu´l‛tĭ nige´sûⁿna. +Gûⁿgwădaga´nad’diyû´ tsida´wĕi´yu. Ha-Uguku´-gwû +hitagu´sgastanĕ´heĭ´ udâhi´yu tag´u´sgastanĕ´hĕĭ´. +Ha-na´gwadi´na hûⁿkikahûⁿnû´. Ha-nânâ´hĭ digesŭ´ⁿĭ +iyû´ⁿta wûⁿ‛kidâ´hĭstani´ga. + +Sgĕ! Ha-tsida´wĕi´yu, gahu´stĭ aginu´l‛tĭ nige´sûⁿna. +Gûⁿgwădaga´nad’diyû´ tsida´wĕi´yu. Ha-Tsistu-gwû +hitagu´sgastanĕ´he´ĭudâhi´yu tag´usgastanĕ´hĕĭ´. +Ha-nâ´gwadi´na hû´ⁿkikahû´ⁿnû. Ha-sunûⁿda´sĭ +iyû´ⁿta kane´skawâ´dihĭ digesû´ⁿĭ, +wûⁿ‛kidâ´hĭstani´ga. + +Sgĕ! Ha-tsida´wĕi´yu, gahu´stĭ aginu´l‛tĭ nige´sûⁿna. +Gûⁿgwădaga´nad’di´yû tsida´wĕi´yu. Ha-De´tsata´-gwû +(hi)tagu´sgastanĕ´hĕĭ udâhi´yu tagu´sgastanĕ´hĕĭ. +Ha-nâ´gwadi´na hûⁿkikahû´ⁿa. Ha-udâ´tale´ta +digesû´ⁿĭ, iyû´ⁿta wûⁿ‛kidâ´hĭstani´ga. + +(Degâ´sisisgû´ⁿĭ)--Hiă´-skĭnĭ´ unsdi´ya +dĭkanû´ⁿwâtĭ tsa‛natsa´yihâ´ĭ tsaniska´iha´ĭ; +gûⁿwani´gista´ĭ hi´anûdĭ´sgaĭ´. Ămă´ +dûtsati´stĭsgâ´ĭ nû´‛kĭ tsusû´hita dĭkanû´ⁿwâtĭ +Ulsinide´na dakanû´ⁿwisgâ´ĭ. Ŭ´ⁿtsa iyû´ⁿta +witunini´dastĭ yigesâ´ĭ. + + +_Translation._ + +TO TREAT THEM WHEN SOMETHING IS CAUSING SOMETHING TO EAT THEM. + +Listen! Ha! I am a great ada´wehi, I never fail in anything. I +surpass all others--I am a great ada´wehi. Ha! It is a mere screech +owl that has frightened him. Ha! now I have put it away in the laurel +thickets. There I compel it to remain. + +Listen! Ha! I am a great ada´wehi, I never fail in anything. I +surpass all others--I am a great ada´wehi. Ha! It is a mere hooting +owl that has frightened him. Undoubtedly that has frightened him. Ha! +At once I have put it away in the spruce thickets. Ha! There I compel +it to remain. + +Listen! Ha! I am a great ada´wehi, I never fail in anything. I +surpass all others--I am a great ada´wehi. Ha! It is only a rabbit +that has frightened him. Undoubtedly that has frightened him. Ha! +Instantly I have put it away on the mountain ridge. Ha! There in the +broom sage I compel it to remain. + +Listen! Ha! I am a great ada´wehi, I never fail in anything. I +surpass all others--I am a great ada´wehi. Ha! It is only a mountain +sprite that has frightened him. Undoubtedly that has frightened him. +Ha! Instantly I have put it away on the bluff. Ha! There I compel it +to remain. + +(Prescription)--Now this is to treat infants if they are affected by +crying and nervous fright. (Then) it is said that something is causing +something to eat them. To treat them one may blow water on them for +four nights. Doctor them just before dark. Be sure not to carry them +about outside the house. + + +_Explanation._ + +The Cherokee name for this disease is Guⁿwani´gistâĭ´, which +signifies that “something is causing something to eat,” or gnaw the +vitals of the patient. The disease attacks only infants of tender age +and the symptoms are nervousness and troubled sleep, from which the +child wakes suddenly crying as if frightened. The civilized doctor +would regard these as symptoms of the presence of worms, but although +the Cherokee name might seem to indicate the same belief, the real +theory is very different. + +Cherokee mothers sometimes hush crying children, by telling them that +the screech owl is listening out in the woods or that the De´tsata--a +malicious little dwarf who lives in caves in the river bluffs--will +come and get them. This quiets the child for the time and is so far +successful, but the animals, or the De´tsata, take offense at being +spoken of in this way, and visit their displeasure upon the _children +born to the mother afterward_. This they do by sending an animal into +the body of the child to gnaw its vitals. The disease is very common +and there are several specialists who devote their attention to +it, using various formulas and prescriptions. It is also called +ătawi´nĕhĭ, signifying that it is caused by the “dwellers in the +forest,” i.e., the wild game and birds, and some doctors declare that +it is caused by the revengeful comrades of the animals, especially +birds, killed by the father of the child, the animals tracking the +slayer to his home by the blood drops on the leaves. The next formula +will throw more light upon this theory. + +In this formula the doctor, who is certainly not overburdened with +modesty, starts out by asserting that he is a great ada´wehi, who +never fails and who surpasses all others. He then declares that the +disease is caused by a mere screech owl, which he at once banishes +to the laurel thicket. In the succeeding paragraphs he reiterates his +former boasting, but asserts in turn that the trouble is caused by a +mere hooting owl, a rabbit, or even by the De´tsata, whose greatest +exploit is hiding the arrows of the boys, for which the youthful +hunters do not hesitate to rate him soundly. These various +mischief-makers the doctor banishes to their proper haunts, the +hooting owl to the spruce thicket, the rabbit to the broom sage on the +mountain side, and the De´tsata to the bluffs along the river bank. + +Some doctors use herb decoctions, which are blown upon the body of the +child, but in this formula the only remedy prescribed is water, which +must be blown upon the body of the little sufferer just before dark +for four nights. The regular method is to blow once each at the end of +the first, second, and third paragraphs and four times at the end of +the fourth or last. In diseases of this kind, which are not supposed +to be of a local character, the doctor blows first upon the back of +the head, then upon the left shoulder, next upon the right shoulder, +and finally upon the breast, the patient being generally sitting, or +propped up in bed, facing the east. The child must not be taken out +of doors during the four days, because should a bird chance to fly +overhead so that its shadow would fall upon the infant, it would _fan +the disease back_ into the body of the little one. + + +GÛⁿWANI´GISTÛ´ⁿĬ DITANÛⁿWÂTI´YĬ + +Yû! Sgĕ! Usĭnu´lĭ hatû´ⁿgani´ga, Giya´giya´ Sa‛ka´nĭ, +ew’satâ´gĭ tsûl‛da´histĭ. Usĭnu´lĭ hatlasi´ga. +Tsis´kwa-gwû´ ulsge´ta uwu´tlani‛lĕĭ´. Usĭnuli´yu +atsahilu´gĭsi´ga. Utsĭnă´wa nu´tatanû´ⁿta. Yû! + +Yû! Sgĕ! Usĭnu´lĭ hatû´ⁿgani´ga, Diga´tiskĭ Wâtige´ĭ, +galû´ⁿlatĭ iyû´ⁿta ditsûl‛dâ´histĭ. Ha-nâ´gwa +usĭnu´lĭ hatlasi´ga. Tsi´skwa-gwû dĭtu´nila´w’itsû´hĭ +higese´ĭ. Usĭnûlĭ kĕ‛tati´gû‛lahi´ga. Utsĭnă´wa +adûⁿni´ga. Yû! + + +_Translation._ + +TO TREAT GÛⁿWANI´GISTÛ´ⁿĬ--(SECOND). + +Yû! Listen! Quickly you have drawn near to hearken, O Blue +Sparrow-Hawk; in the spreading tree tops you are at rest. Quickly you +have come down. The intruder is only a bird which has overshadowed +him. Swiftly you have swooped down upon it. Relief is accomplished. +Yû! + +Yû! Listen! Quickly you have drawn near to hearken, O Brown +Rabbit-Hawk; you are at rest there above. Ha! Swiftly now you have +come down. It is only the birds which have come together for +a council. Quickly you have come and scattered them. Relief is +accomplished. Yû! + + +_Explanation._ + +This formula, also for Gûⁿwani´gistû´ⁿĭ or Atawinĕ´hĭ, was +obtained from A‛wan´ita (Young Deer), who wrote down only the prayer +and explained the treatment orally. He coincides in the opinion that +this disease in children is caused by the birds, but says that it +originates from the shadow of a bird flying overhead having fallen +upon the pregnant mother. He says further that the disease is easily +recognized in children, but that it sometimes does not develop until +the child has attained maturity, when it is more difficult to discern +the cause of the trouble, although in the latter case dark circles +around the eyes are unfailing symptoms. + +The prayer--like several others from the same source--seems +incomplete, and judging from analogy is evidently incorrect in some +respects, but yet exemplifies the disease theory in a striking manner. +The disease is declared to have been caused by the birds, it being +asserted in the first paragraph that a bird has cast its shadow +upon the sufferer, while in the second it is declared that they +have gathered in council (in his body). This latter is a favorite +expression in these formulas to indicate the great number of the +disease animals. Another expression of frequent occurrence is to +the effect that the disease animals have formed a settlement or +established a townhouse in the patient’s body. The disease animal, +being a bird or birds, must be dislodged by something which preys upon +birds, and accordingly the Blue Sparrow-Hawk from the tree tops and +the Brown Rabbit-Hawk (Diga´tiskĭ--“One who snatches up”), from +above are invoked to drive out the intruders. The former is then said +to have swooped down upon them as a hawk darts upon its prey, while +the latter is declared to have scattered the birds which were +holding a council. This being done, relief is accomplished. Yû! is +a meaningless interjection frequently used to introduce or close +paragraphs or songs. + +The medicine used is a warm decoction of the bark of Kûnstû´tsĭ +(Sassafras--Sassafras officinale), Kanûⁿsi´ta (Flowering +Dogwood--Cornus florida), Udâ´lana (Service tree--Amelanchier +Canadensis), and Uni´kwa (Black Gum--Nyssa multiflora), with the +roots of two species (large and small) of Da´yakalĭ´skĭ (Wild +Rose--Rosa lucida). The bark in every case is taken from the east side +of the tree, and the roots selected are also generally, if not always, +those growing toward the east. In this case the roots and barks are +not bruised, but are simply steeped in warm water for four days. The +child is then stripped and bathed all over with the decoction morning +and night for four days, no formula being used during the bathing. It +is then made to hold up its hands in front of its face with the palms +turned out toward the doctor, who takes some of the medicine in his +mouth and repeats the prayer mentally, blowing the medicine upon the +head and hands of the patient at the final _Yû!_ of each paragraph. +It is probable that the prayer originally consisted of four +paragraphs, or else that these two paragraphs were repeated. The child +drinks a little of the medicine at the end of each treatment. + +The use of salt is prohibited during the four days of the treatment, +the word (amă´) being understood to include lye, which enters +largely into Cherokee food preparations. No chicken or other feathered +animal is allowed to enter the house during the same period, for +obvious reasons, and strangers are excluded for reasons already +explained. + + +HIA´ DU´NIYUKWATISGÛ´ⁿÍ KANA´HÈHÛ. + +Sgĕ! Nûⁿdâgû´ⁿyĭ tsûl‛dâ´histĭ, Kanani´skĭ +Gigage. Usĭnu´lĭ nû´ⁿnâ gi´gage hĭnûⁿni´ga. +Hida´wĕhi-gâgû´, astĭ´ digi´gage usĭnû´lĭ +dehĭkssa´ûⁿtani´ga. Ulsge´ta kane´ge kayu´‛ga gesû´ⁿ, +tsgâ´ya-gwû higese´ĭ. Ehĭstĭ´ hituwa´saniy’teĭ´. +Usĭnu´lĭ astĭ´ digi´gage dehada´ûⁿtani´ga, adi´na +tsûlstai-yû´‛ti-gwû higese´ĭ. Nâ´gwa gânagi´ta +da´tsatane´lĭ. Utsĭnă´wa nu´tatanû´ⁿta nûⁿtûneli´ga. +Yû! + +Hĭgayû´ⁿlĭ Tsûne´ga hatû´ⁿgani´ga. “A´ya-gâgû´ +gatû´ⁿgisge´stĭ tsûngili´sĭ deagwûlstawĭ´stitege´stĭ,” +tsadûnû´hĭ. Na´ski-gâgû´ itsa´wesû´hĭ nâ´gwa usĭnu´lĭ +hatu´ⁿgani´ga. Utsĭnă´wa nútatanû´ta nûⁿtû´neli´ga. +Yû! + +Sgĕ! Uhyûⁿtlâ´yĭ tsûl‛dâ´histi Kanani´skĭ +Sa‛ka´nĭ. Usĭnu´lĭ nû´ⁿnâ sa‛ka´nĭ hĭnûⁿni´ga. +Hida´wĕhi-gâgû´, astĭ´ (di)sa‛ka´nĭ usĭnu´lĭ +dehĭksa´ûⁿtani´ga. Ulsge´ta kane´ge kayu´‛ga gesû´ⁿ, +tsgâ´ya-gwû higese´ĭ. Ehĭstĭ´ hituwa´saniy‛te(ĭ´). +Usĭnu´lĭ astĭ´ disa‛ka´nige dehada´ûⁿtaniga, adi´na +tsûlstai-yû´‛ti-gwû higese´ĭ. Nâ´gwa tsgâ´ya gûnagi´ta +tsûtûneli´ga. Utsĭnă´wa nu´tatanû´ⁿta nûⁿtûneli´ga. +Yû! + +Hĭgayû´ⁿlĭ Tsûne´ga hatûⁿgani´ga. “A´ya-gâgû´ +gatû´ⁿgisge´stĭ tsûngili´sĭ deagwûlstawĭ´stitege´stĭ,” +tsadûnû´hĭ. Nas´kigâgû´ itsawesû´hĭ nâ´gwa usĭnu´lĭ +hatû´ⁿgani´ga. Utsĭnă´wa nutatanû´ⁿta nûⁿtûneli´ga. +Yû! + +Sgĕ! Usûhi´yĭ tsûl‛dâ´histĭ Kanani´skĭ Û´ⁿnage. +Usĭnu´lĭ nû´ⁿnâ û´ⁿnage hĭnûⁿni´ga. +Hida´wĕhi-gâgû´, astĭ´ digû´ⁿnage usĭnu´lĭ +dehĭksa´ûⁿtani´ga. Ulsge´ta kane´ge kayu´‛ga gesû´ⁿ, +tsgâ´ya-gwû higese´ĭ. Ehĭstĭ´ hituwa´saniy‛teĭ´. +Usĭnu´lĭ astĭ´ digû´ⁿnage dehada´ûⁿtani´ga, adi´na +tsûlstai-yû´‛ti-gwû higese´ĭ. Nâ´gwa tsgâ´ya gûnagi´ta +tsûtûneli´ga. Utsĭnă´wa nutatanû´ⁿta nûⁿtûneli´ga. Yû! + +Hĭgayû´ⁿlĭ Tsûne´ga hatûⁿgani´ga. “A´ya-gâgû´ +gatû´ⁿgisge´stĭ tsûngili´sĭ deagwûlstawĭ´stitege´stĭ,” +tsadûnû´hĭ. Na´skigâgû´ itsawesû´hĭ nâ´gwa usĭnu´lĭ +hatû´ⁿgani´ga. Utsĭnă´wa nutatanû´ⁿta nûⁿtûneli´ga. +Yû! + +Sgĕ! Galû´ⁿlatĭ tsûl‛dâ´histĭ, Kanani´skĭ Tsûne´ga. +Usĭnu´lĭ nû´ⁿnâ une´ga hĭnûⁿni´ga. Hida´wĕhi-gâgû´, +astĭ´ tsune´ga usĭnu´lĭ dehĭksa´ûⁿ tani´ga. Ulsge´ta +kane´ge kayu´‛ga gesû´ⁿ, tsgâ´ya-gwû higese´ĭ. +Ehĭstĭ´ hituwa´săniy’teĭ´. Usĭnu´lĭ astĭ´ tsune´ga +dehada´ûⁿtani´ga, adi´na tsûlstai-yû´‛ti-gwû higese´ĭ. +Nâ´gwa tsgâ´ya gûnagi´ta tsûtûneli´ga. Utsĭnă´wa +nu´tatanû´ⁿta, nûⁿtûneli´ga. Yû! + +Hĭgayû´ⁿlĭ Tsûne´ga hatû´ⁿgani´ga. “A´ya-gâgû´ +gatû´ⁿgisge´stĭ tsûngili´sĭ deagwûlstawĭ´stitege´stĭ,” +tsadûnû´hĭ. Naski-gâgû´ itsawesû´hĭ nâ´gwa usĭnu´lĭ +hatûⁿgani´ga. U´tsĭna´wa nutatanû´ⁿta nûⁿtûneli´ga. +Yû! + +(Degasi´sisgû´ⁿĭ)--Hiă´ duniyukwa´tisgû´ⁿĭ +dĭkanû´ⁿwâtĭ ătanû´ⁿsida´hĭ yĭ´gĭ. Na´skĭ +digû´nstanĕ´‛ti-gwû ûlĕ´ tsĭtsâtû´ yie´lisû. +Nigûⁿ´-gwû usû´na [_for_ usûnda´na?] gû´ⁿtatĭ +nayâ´ga nû´ⁿwatĭ unanû´ⁿskă‛la´ĭ. Kane´ska dalâ´nige +unaste´tla tsĭ´gĭ. Se´lu dĭgahû‛nû´hĭ tsuni´yahĭstĭ´ +nû´‛kĭ tsusû´hita, kanâhe´na-‛nû naskĭ´ iga´ĭ udanû´stĭ +hi´gĭ nayâ´ga. + + +_Translation._ + +THIS TELLS ABOUT MOVING PAINS IN THE TEETH (NEURALGIA?). + +Listen! In the Sunland you repose, O Red Spider. Quickly you have +brought and laid down the red path. O great ada´wehi, quickly you +have brought down the red threads from above. The intruder in the +tooth has spoken and it is only a worm. The tormentor has wrapped +itself around the root of the tooth. Quickly you have dropped down the +red threads, for it is just what you eat. Now it is for you to pick it +up. The relief has been caused to come. Yû! + +O Ancient White, you have drawn near to hearken, for you have said, +“When I shall hear my grandchildren, I shall hold up their heads.” +Because you have said it, now therefore you have drawn near to listen. +The relief has been caused to come. Yû! + +Listen! In the Frigid Land you repose, O Blue Spider. Quickly you have +brought and laid down the blue path. O great ada´wehi, quickly you +have brought down the blue threads from above. The intruder in the +tooth has spoken and it is only a worm. The tormentor has wrapped +itself around the root of the tooth. Quickly you have dropped down the +blue threads, for it is just what you eat. Now it is for you to pick +it up. The relief has been caused to come. Yû! + +O Ancient White, you have drawn near to hearken, for you have said, +“When I shall hear my grandchildren, I shall hold up their heads.” +Because you have said it, now therefore you have drawn near to listen. +The relief has been caused to come. Yû! + +Listen! In the Darkening Land you repose, O Black Spider. Quickly you +have brought and laid down the black path. O great ada´wehi, quickly +you have brought down the black threads from above. The intruder in +the tooth has spoken and it is only a worm. The tormentor has wrapped +itself around the root of the tooth. Quickly you have dropped down the +black threads, for it is just what you eat. Now it is for you to pick +it up. The relief has been caused to come. Yû! + +O Ancient White, you have drawn near to hearken, for you have said, +“When I shall hear my grandchildren, I shall hold up their heads.” +Because you have said it, now therefore you have drawn near to listen. +The relief has been caused to come. Yû! + +Listen! You repose on high, O White Spider. Quickly you have brought +and laid down the white path. O great ada´wehi, quickly you have +brought down the white threads from above. The intruder in the tooth +has spoken and it is only a worm. The tormentor has wrapped itself +around the root of the tooth. Quickly you have dropped down the white +threads, for it is just what you eat. Now it is for you to pick it up. +The relief has been caused to come. Yû! + +O Ancient White, you have drawn near to hearken, for you have said, +“When I shall hear my grandchildren, I shall hold up their heads.” +Because you have said it, now therefore you have drawn near to listen. +The relief has been caused to come. Yû! + +(Prescription)--This is to treat them if there are pains moving about +in the teeth. It is only (necessary) to lay on the hands, or to blow, +if one should prefer. One may use any kind of a tube, but usually they +have the medicine in the mouth. It is the Yellow-rooted Grass (kane´ +ska dalâ´nige unaste´tla; not identified.) One must abstain four +nights from cooked corn (hominy), and kanâhe´na (fermented corn +gruel) is especially forbidden during the same period. + + +_Explanation._ + +This formula is taken from the manuscript book of Gatigwanasti, +now dead, and must therefore be explained from general analogy. The +ailment is described as “pains moving about in the teeth”--that is, +affecting several teeth simultaneously--and appears to be neuralgia. +The disease spirit is called “the intruder” and “the tormentor” and +is declared to be a mere worm (tsgâ´ya), which has wrapped itself +around the base of the tooth. This is the regular toothache theory. +The doctor then calls upon the Red Spider of the Sunland to let down +the red threads from above, along the red path, and to take up the +intruder, which is just what the spider eats. The same prayer is +addressed in turn to the Blue Spider in the north, the Black Spider in +the west and the White Spider above (galûⁿ´lati). It may be stated +here that all these spirits are supposed to dwell above, but when no +point of the compass is assigned, galûⁿ´lati is understood to mean +directly overhead, but far above everything of earth. The dweller in +this overhead galûⁿ´lati may be red, white, or brown in color. In +this formula it is white, the ordinary color assigned spirits dwelling +in the south. In another toothache formula the Squirrel is implored +to take the worm and put it between the forking limbs of a tree on the +north side of the mountain. + +Following each supplication to the spider is another addressed to the +Ancient White, the formulistic name for fire. The name refers to its +antiquity and light-giving properties and perhaps also to the fact +that when dead it is covered with a coat of white ashes. In those +formulas in which the hunter draws omens from the live coals it is +frequently addressed as the Ancient Red. + +The directions are not explicit and must be interpreted from analogy. +“Laying on the hands” refers to pressing the thumb against the jaw +over the aching tooth, the hand having been previously warmed over +the fire, this being a common method of treating toothache. The other +method suggested is to blow upon the spot (tooth or outside of jaw?) a +decoction of an herb described rather vaguely as “yellow-rooted grass” +either through a tube or from the mouth of the operator. Igawĭ´, a +toothache specialist, treats this ailment either by pressure with the +warm thumb, or by blowing tobacco smoke from a pipe placed directly +against the tooth. Hominy and fermented corn gruel (kanâhe´na) +are prohibited for the regular term of four nights, or, as we are +accustomed to say, four days, and special emphasis is laid upon the +gruel tabu. + +The prayer to the Spider is probably repeated while the doctor is +warming his hands over the fire, and the following paragraph to the +Ancient White (the Fire) while holding the warm thumb upon the aching +spot. This reverses the usual order, which is to address the fire +while warming the hands. In this connection it must be noted that the +fire used by the doctor is never the ordinary fire on the hearth, but +comes from four burning chips taken from the hearth fire and generally +placed in an earthen vessel by the side of the patient. In some cases +the decoction is heated by putting into it seven live coals taken from +the fire on the hearth. + + +UNAWA STÎ EGWA (ADANÛⁿWÂTÏ). + + (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) +Sgĕ! Galû´ⁿlatĭ´ hinehi´ hinehi´yû hinida´we, utsinâ´wa adûⁿniga + 12 12 22 34 33 566--Hayĭ´! + + (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) +Sgĕ! Uⁿwadâ´hi hinehi´, hinehi´yû hinida´we, utsinâ´wa adûⁿni´ga + 12 12 22 34 33 566--Hayĭ´! + + (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) +Sgĕ! Nâtsihi´ hinehi´ hinehi´yû hinida´we utsinâ´wa adûⁿni´ga + 12 12 22 34 33 566--Hayĭ´! + + (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) +Sgĕ! Amâyi´ hinehi´, hinehi´yû hinida´we utsinâ´wa adûⁿni´ga + 12 12 22 33 33 566--Hayĭ´! + +Sgĕ! Ha-nâ´gwa hatû´ⁿngani´ga, Agalu´ga Tsûsdi´ga, +hida´wĕhĭ, â´tali tsusdiga´hĭ duda´w‛satû´ⁿ +ditsûldâ´histĭ. (Hida´wĕhĭ, gahu´stĭ +tsanu´lûⁿhûⁿsgĭ´ nige´sûⁿna.) Ha-nâ´gwa +da´tûlehûⁿgû´. Usdi´gi(yu) utiya´stanûⁿ´(hĭ) +(higese´i). (Hûⁿ)hiyala´gistani´ga igâ´tĭ +usdigâ´hĭ usa´hĭlagĭ´ Igâtu´ltĭ nûⁿnâ´hĭ +wĭte´tsatănûⁿ´ûⁿsĭ´. A´ne´tsâge´ta _getsatûnĕhĭ_ +nûⁿgûlstani´ga igûⁿ´wûlstanita´sti-gwû. Ati´gale´yata +tsûtû´neli´ga. Utsĭnâ´wa[11] nigûⁿtisge´stĭ. + +Sgĕ! Ha-nâ´gwa hûⁿhatû´ⁿgani´ga, Agalu´ga Hegwahigwû´. +´talĭ tsegwâ´hĭ duda´w‛satûⁿ iyûⁿta ditsûldâ´histĭ. +Agalu´ga He´gwa, hausĭnu´lĭ da´tûlehûⁿgû. +Usdi´giyu utiya´stanû´ⁿhĭ. Hiyala´gistani´ga ulsge´ta +igâ´t-egwâ´hĭ) usa´hĭlagĭ´. (Igat-(egwâ´hĭ iyûⁿ´ta +nûⁿnâ´hĭ wĭtetsatanû´ⁿûⁿsĭ´. A´ne´tsâge´ta +_getsatûne´litise´sti_ igûⁿ´wûlstanita´sti-gwû. +Utsĭnâ´wa-gwû nutatanûⁿta. Nigagĭ´ Yû! + +(Degâsi´sisgû´ⁿĭ)--Unawa´stĭ e´gwa u´nitlûⁿgâ´ĭ. +Ta´ya gû´ⁿtatĭ, ditsa´tista´‛ti. Tsâ´l-agayû´ⁿlĭ +yă´hă ulû´ⁿkwati-gwû nasgwû´. + + [Footnote 11: So written and pronounced by A‛yûⁿ´ini instead of + utsĭnă´wa.] + + +_Translation._ + +TO TREAT THE GREAT CHILL. + +Listen! On high you dwell, On high you dwell--you dwell, you dwell. +Forever you dwell, you anida´we, forever you dwell, forever you +dwell. Relief has come--has come. Hayĭ! + +Listen! On Ûⁿwadâ´hĭ you dwell, On Ûⁿwadâhĭ you dwell--you +dwell, you dwell. Forever you dwell, you anida´we, forever you dwell, +forever you dwell. Relief has come--has come. Hayĭ! + +Listen! In the pines you dwell, In the pines you dwell--you dwell, you +dwell. Forever you dwell, you anida´we, forever you dwell, forever +you dwell. Relief has come--has come. Hayĭ! + +Listen! In the water you dwell, In the water you dwell, you dwell, you +dwell. Forever you dwell, you anida´we, forever you dwell, forever +you dwell. Relief has come--has come. Hayiĭ! + +Listen! O now you have drawn near to hearken, O Little Whirlwind, +O ada´wehi, in the leafy shelter of the lower mountain, there you +repose. O ada´wehi, you can never fail in anything. Ha! Now rise up. +A very small portion [of the disease] remains. You have come to sweep +it away into the small swamp on the upland. You have laid down your +paths near the swamp. It is ordained that you shall scatter it as in +play, so that it shall utterly disappear. By you it must be scattered. +So shall there be relief. + +Listen! O now again you have drawn near to hearken, O Whirlwind, +surpassingly great. In the leafy shelter of the great mountain there +you repose. O Great Whirlwind, arise quickly. A very small part [of +the disease] remains. You have come to sweep the intruder into the +great swamp on the upland. You have laid down your paths toward the +great swamp. You shall scatter it as in play so that it shall utterly +disappear. And now relief has come. All is done. Yû! + +(Prescription.)--(This is to use) when they are sick with the great +chill. Take a decoction of wild cherry to blow upon them. If you have +Tsâ´l-agayû´ⁿlĭ (“old tobacco”--_Nicotiana rustica_) it also is +very effective. + + +_Explanation._ + +Unawa´stĭ, “that which chills one,” is a generic name for +intermittent fever, otherwise known as fever and ague. It is much +dreaded by the Indian doctors, who recognize several varieties of +the disease, and have various theories to account for them. The above +formula was obtained from A‛yû´ⁿni (Swimmer), who described the +symptoms of this variety, the “Great Chill,” as blackness in the face, +with alternate high fever and shaking chills. The disease generally +appeared in spring or summer, and might return year after year. In the +first stages the chill usually came on early in the morning, but came +on later in the day as the disease progressed. There might be more +than one chill during the day. There was no rule as to appetite, but +the fever always produced an excessive thirst. In one instance the +patient fainted from the heat and would even lie down in a stream to +cool himself. The doctor believed the disease was caused by malicious +tsgâ´ya, a general name for all small insects and worms, excepting +intestinal worms. These tsgâ´ya--that is, the disease tsgâ´ya, not +the real insects and worms--are held responsible for a large number +of diseases, and in fact the tsgâ´ya doctrine is to the Cherokee +practitioner what the microbe theory is to some modern scientists. The +tsgâ´ya live in the earth, in the water, in the air, in the foliage +of trees, in decaying wood, or wherever else insects lodge, and as +they are constantly being crushed, burned or otherwise destroyed +through the unthinking carelessness of the human race, they are +continually actuated by a spirit of revenge. To accomplish their +vengeance, according to the doctors, they “establish towns” under the +skin of their victims, thus producing an irritation which results in +fevers, boils, scrofula and other diseases. + +The formula begins with a song of four verses, in which the doctor +invokes in succession the spirits of the air, of the mountain, of +the forest, and of the water. Galûⁿlatĭ, the word used in the +first verse, signifies, as has been already explained, “on high” or +“above everything,” and has been used by translators to mean heaven. +Ûⁿwadâ´hĭ in the second verse is the name of a bald mountain +east of Webster, North Carolina, and is used figuratively to denote +any mountains of bold outline. The Cherokees have a tradition +to account for the name, which is derived from Ûⁿwadâ´lĭ, +“provision house.” Nâ´tsihĭ´ in the third verse signifies +“pinery,” from nâ´‛tsĭ, “pine,” but is figuratively used to denote +a forest of any kind. + +In the recitation which follows the song, but is used only in serious +cases, the doctor prays to the whirlwind, which is considered to +dwell among the trees on the mountain side, where the trembling of the +leaves always gives the first intimation of its presence. He declares +that a small portion of the disease still remains, the spirits +invoked in the song having already taken the rest, and calls upon the +whirlwind to lay down a path for it and sweep it away into the swamp +on the upland, referring to grassy marshes common in the small coves +of the higher mountains, which, being remote from the settlements, are +convenient places to which to banish the disease. Not satisfied with +this, he goes on to direct the whirlwind to scatter the disease as it +scatters the leaves of the forest, so that it shall utterly disappear. +In the Cherokee formula the verb a‛ne´tsâge´ta means literally +“to play,” and is generally understood to refer to the ball play, +a´ne´tsâ, so that to a Cherokee the expression conveys the idea of +catching up the disease and driving it onward as a player seizes +the ball and sends it spinning through the air from between his ball +sticks. Niga´gĭ is a solemn expression about equivalent to the Latin +consummatum est. + +The doctor beats up some bark from the trunk of the wild cherry and +puts it into water together with seven coals of fire, the latter +being intended to warm the decoction. The leaves of Tsâl-agayû´ⁿli +(Indian tobacco--Nicotiana rustica) are sometimes used in place of the +wild cherry bark. The patient is placed facing the sunrise, and the +doctor, taking the medicine in his mouth, blows it over the body of +the sick man. First, standing between the patient and the sunrise and +holding the medicine cup in his hand, he sings the first verse in a +low tone. Then, taking some of the liquid in his mouth, he advances +and blows it successively upon the top of the head, the right +shoulder, left shoulder, and breast or back of the patient, making +four blowings in all. He repeats the same ceremony with the second, +third, and fourth verse, returning each time to his original position. +The ceremony takes place in the morning, and if necessary is repeated +in the evening. It is sometimes necessary also to repeat the treatment +for several--generally four--consecutive days. + +The recitation is not used excepting in the most serious cases, when, +according to the formula, “a very small portion” of the disease +still lingers. It is accompanied by blowing _of the breath alone_, +without medicine, probably in this case typical of the action of the +whirlwind. After repeating the whole ceremony accompanying the song, +as above described, the doctor returns to his position in front of +the patient and recites in a whisper the first paragraph to the Little +Whirlwind, after which he advances and blows his breath upon the +patient four times as he has already blown the medicine upon him. Then +going around to the north he recites the second paragraph to the Great +Whirlwind, and at its conclusion blows in the same manner. Then moving +around to the west--behind the patient--he again prays to the Little +Whirlwind with the same ceremonies, and finally moving around to the +south side he closes with the prayer to the Great Whirlwind, blowing +four times at its conclusion. The medicine must be prepared anew by +the doctor at the house of the patient at each application morning +or evening. Only as much as will be needed is made at a time, and the +patient always drinks what remains after the blowing. Connected with +the preparation and care of the medicine are a number of ceremonies +which need not be detailed here. The wild cherry bark must always be +procured fresh; but the Tsâl-agayû´ⁿlĭ (“Old Tobacco”) leaves +may be dry. When the latter plant is used four leaves are taken and +steeped in warm water with the fire coals, as above described. + + +HIĂ´ TSUNSDI´GA DIL‛TADI´NATANTI´YĬ. I. + +Sgĕ! Hĭsga´ya Ts‛sdi´ga ha-nâ´gwa da´tûlehûⁿgû´ +kĭlû-gwû´. Iyû´ⁿta agayû´ⁿlinasĭ´ taya´ĭ. Eska´niyŭ +unayĕ´histĭ´ nûⁿta-yu´tanatĭ´. Sgĕ´! tinû´lĭtgĭ´! +Tleki´yu tsûtsestâ´gĭ hwĭnagĭ´. Yû! + +Sgĕ! Hige´cya ts‛sdi´ga ha-nâ´gwa da´tûlehûⁿgû´ +kĭlû-gwû´. Iyûⁿ´ta tsûtu´tunasĭ´ tăya´ĭ. Eska´niyŭ +unayĕ´histĭ nûⁿtayu´tanatĭ´. Sgĕ! tinû´lĭtgĭ´! +Tleki´yu tsûtsestâ´ hwĭnagĭ´. Yû! + + +_Translation._ + +THIS IS TO MAKE CHILDREN JUMP DOWN. + +Listen! You little man, get up now at once. There comes an old woman. +The horrible [old thing] is coming, only a little way off. Listen! +Quick! Get your bed and let us run away. Yû! + +Listen! You little woman, get up now at once. There comes your +grandfather. The horrible old fellow is coming only a little way off. +Listen! Quick! Get your bed and let us run away. Yû! + + +_Explanation._ + +In this formula for childbirth the idea is to frighten the child and +coax it to come, by telling it, if a boy, that an ugly old woman is +coming, or if a girl, that her grandfather is coming only a short +distance away. The reason of this lies in the fact that an old woman +is the terror of all the little boys of the neighborhood, constantly +teasing and frightening them by declaring that she means to live +until they grow up and then compel one of them to marry her, old and +shriveled as she is. For the same reason the maternal grandfather, who +is always a privileged character in the family, is especially dreaded +by the little girls, and nothing will send a group of children +running into the house more quickly than the announcement that an old +“granny,” of either sex is in sight. + +As the sex is an uncertain quantity, the possible boy is always first +addressed in the formulas, and if no result seems to follow, the +doctor then concludes that the child is a girl and addresses her in +similar tones. In some cases an additional formula with the beads +is used to determine whether the child will be born alive or dead. +In most instances the formulas were formerly repeated with the +appropriate ceremonies by some old female relative of the mother, +but they are now the property of the ordinary doctors, men as well as +women. + +This formula was obtained from the manuscript book of A‛yû´ⁿinĭ, +who stated that the medicine used was a warm decoction of a plant +called Dalâ´nige Unaste´tsĭ (“yellow root”--not identified), which +was blown successively upon the top of the mother’s head, upon the +breast, and upon the palm of each hand. The doctor stands beside the +woman, who is propped up in a sitting position, while repeating the +first paragraph and then blows. If this produces no result he then +recites the paragraph addressed to the girl and again blows. A part of +the liquid is also given to the woman to drink. A‛yû´ⁿinĭ claimed +this was always effectual. + + +(HIĂ´ TSUNSDI´GA DIL‛TADI´NATANTI´YI. II.) + +Hitsutsa, hitsu´tsa, tleki´yu, tleki´yu, ĕ´hinugâ´ĭ, +ĕ´hinugâ´ĭ! Hi´tsu´tsa, tleki´yu, gûltsû´tĭ, +gûltsû´tĭ, tinagâ´na, tinagâ´na! + +Higĕ‛yu´tsa, higĕ‛yu´tsa, tleki´yu, tleki´yu, ĕ´hinugâ´ĭ, +ĕ´hinugâ´ĭ! Higĕ‛yu´tsa, tleki´yu, gûⁿgu´stĭ, +gûⁿgu´stĭ, tinagâ´na, tinagâ´na! + + +_Translation._ + +THIS IS TO MAKE CHILDREN JUMP DOWN. + +Little boy, little boy, hurry, hurry, come out, come out! Little boy, +hurry; a bow, a bow; let’s see who’ll get it, let’s see who’ll get it! + +Little girl, little girl, hurry, hurry, come out, come out. Little +girl, hurry; a sifter, a sifter; let’s see who’ll get it, let’s see +who’ll get it! + + +_Explanation._ + +This formula was obtained from Takwati´hĭ, as given to him by +a specialist in this line. Takwatihi himself knew nothing of the +treatment involved, but a decoction is probably blown upon the patient +as described in the preceding formula. In many cases the medicine used +is simply cold water, the idea being to cause a sudden muscular action +by the chilling contact. In this formula the possible boy or girl is +coaxed out by the promise of a bow or a meal-sifter to the one who can +get it first. Among the Cherokees it is common, in asking about the +sex of a new arrival, to inquire, “Is it a bow or a sifter?” or “Is it +ball sticks or bread?” + + +DAL´NI ÛⁿNĂGE´Ĭ ADANÛ´ⁿWÂTĬ. + + Yuha´ahi´, (yuha´ahi´, yuha´ahi´, yuha´ahi´,) + Yuha´ahi´, (yuha´ahi´, yuha´ahi´), Yû! + +Sgĕ! Ûⁿtal-e´gwâhĭ´ didultâ´hĭstĭ ulsge´ta. Usĭnu´lĭ +dâtitu´lene´ĭ. Usĭnu´lĭ dunu´y‛tani´leĭ´. + +Sgĕ! Ha-nâ´gwa statû´ⁿgani´ga, nûⁿdâ´yĭ +distul‛tâ´histĭ, Stisga´ya Dĭst‛sdi´ga, stida´wehi-gâgû. +Ûⁿtal-e´gwa dâtitulene´(ĭ) ulsge´ta. Usĭnu´lĭ +detĭstû´l‛tani´ga ulsge´ta. Ditu´talenû´ⁿitsa nûⁿna´hĭ +ʷi´de´tutanû´ⁿtasĭ´, nûⁿtadu´ktahû´ⁿstĭ +nige´sûⁿna. Nû´‛gĭ iyayû´ⁿlatăgĭ´ ayâwe´sâlû´ⁿta +de´dudûneli´sestĭ´, Gû´ⁿtsatâtagi´yû +tistadi´gûlahi´sestĭ. Tiduda´le‛nû´(ĭ) û´ⁿtale´gwâ +ʷⁱtĭ´stûl‛tati´nûⁿtani´ga. Na´‛nă +witûl‛tâ´hĭstani´ga, tadu´ktahû´ⁿstĭ nige´sûⁿna. +Ha-na´‛nă ʷⁱd´ultâhiste´stĭ. (Yû!) + +(Degasisisgû´ⁿĭ)--Hiă´ anine´tsĭ ga´‛tiskĭ +adanû´ⁿwâtĭ. Ŭ´ⁿtla atsi´la tĭ´‛tĭ yĭ´gĭ. + + +_Translation._ + +TO TREAT THE BLACK YELLOWNESS. + + Yuha´ahi´, yuha´ahi´, yuha´ahi´, yuha´ahi´, + Yuha´ahi´, yuha´ahi´, yuha´ahi´ Yû! + +Listen! In the great lake the intruder reposes. Quickly he has risen +up there. Swiftly he has come and stealthily put himself (under the +sick man). + +Listen! Ha! Now you two have drawn near to hearken, there in the Sun +Land you repose, O Little Men, O great anida´wehi! The intruder has +risen up there in the great lake. Quickly you two have lifted up the +intruder. His paths have laid themselves down toward the direction +whence he came. Let him never look back (toward us). When he stops +to rest at the four gaps you will drive him roughly along. Now he has +plunged into the great lake from which he came. There he is compelled +to remain, never to look back. Ha! there let him rest. (Yû!) + +(Directions.)--This is to treat them when their breast swells. Fire +(coals) is not put down. + + +_Explanation._ + +This formula, from A‛yûⁿinĭ’s manuscript, is used in treating +a disease known as Dalâni, literally, “yellow.” From the vague +description of symptoms given by the doctors, it appears to be an +aggravated form of biliousness, probably induced by late suppers and +bad food. According to the Indian theory it is caused by revengeful +animals, especially by the terrapin and its cousin, the turtle. + +The doctors recognize several forms of the disease, this variety +being distinguished as the “black dalâni” (Dalâni Ûⁿnage´ĭ) and +considered the most dangerous. In this form of dalânĭ, according to +their account, the navel and abdomen of the patient swell, the ends of +his fingers become black, dark circles appear about his eyes, and the +throat contracts spasmodically and causes him to fall down suddenly +insensible. A‛yûⁿinĭ’s method of treatment is to rub the breast +and abdomen of the patient with the hands, which have been previously +rubbed together in the warm infusion of wild cherry (ta´ya) bark. The +song is sung while rubbing the hands together in the liquid, and the +prayer is repeated while rubbing the swollen abdomen of the patient. +The operation may be repeated several times on successive days. + +The song at the beginning has no meaning and is sung in a low +plaintive lullaby tone, ending with a sharp _Yu!_ The prayer possesses +a special interest, as it brings out several new points in the +Cherokee mythologic theory of medicine. The “intruder,” which is held +to be some amphibious animal--as a terrapin, turtle, or snake--is +declared to have risen up from his dwelling place in the great lake, +situated toward the sunset, and to have come by stealth under the +sick man. The verb implies that the disease spirit _creeps under_ as a +snake might crawl under the coverlet of a bed. + +The two Little Men in the Sun Land are now invoked to drive out the +disease. Who these Little Men are is not clear, although they are +regarded as most powerful spirits and are frequently invoked in the +formulas. They are probably the two Thunder Boys, sons of Kanati. + +The Little Men come instantly when summoned by the shaman, pull out +the intruder from the body of the patient, turn his face toward the +sunset, and begin to drive him on by threats and blows (expressed in +the word gû´ⁿtsatatagi´yû) to the great lake from which he came. +On the road there are four gaps in the mountains, at each of which +the disease spirit halts to rest, but is continually forced onward by +his two pursuers, who finally drive him into the lake, where he is +compelled to remain, without being permitted even to look back again. +The four gaps are mentioned also in other formulas for medicine and +the ball play and sometimes correspond with the four stages of the +treatment. The direction “No fire (coals) is put down” indicates that +no live coals are put into the decoction, the doctor probably using +water warmed in the ordinary manner. + +Takwati´hĭ uses for this disease a decoction of four herbs applied +in the same manner. He agrees with A‛yûⁿinĭ in regard to the +general theory and says also that the disease may be contracted by +neglecting to wash the hands after handling terrapin shells, as, for +instance, the shell rattles used by women in the dance. The turtle or +water tortoise (seligu´gĭ) is considered as an inferior being, with +but little capacity for mischief, and is feared chiefly on account of +its relationship to the dreaded terrapin or land tortoise (tûksĭ´). +In Takwatihĭ’s formula he prays to the Ancient White (the fire), of +which these cold-blooded animals are supposed to be afraid, to put the +fish into the water, the turtle into the mud, and to send the terrapin +and snake to the hillside. + + +TSUNDAYE´LIGAKTANÛ´HĬ ADANÛ´ⁿWÂTĬ. + +Sgĕ! Hanâ´gwa hatû´ⁿganiga, galû´ⁿlatĭ hetsadâ´histĭ, +Kâ´lanû Û´ⁿnage, gahu´stĭ tsanu´lahû´ⁿsgĭ +nige´sûⁿna. Ha-nâ´gwa (hetsatsa´ûⁿtani´ga. +Hanigû´ⁿwatûⁿnigwălâe´stigwû tsalâsû´ⁿĭ. +Asgin-u´danû higes´eĭ. Sanigala´gĭ gesû´ⁿĭ +hastigû´‛lani´ga, duwâlu´wa´tû´tĭ nige´sûⁿna, +nitû´neli´ga. Ha-Usûhi´yĭ wititâ´hĭstani´ga. +Dadu´satahû´ⁿstĭ nige´sûⁿna nitû´neli´ga. Utsĭnă´wa +nu´tatanû´ⁿta. + +Sgĕ! Ha-nâ´gwa hatû´ⁿgani´ga, Kâ´lanû Gĭgage´ĭ, +hidawĕhi´yu. Ha-gahu´stĭ tsanu´lahû´ⁿsgĭ nige´sûⁿna, +etsanetse´lûhĭ, Ha-galûⁿlati´tsa hetsatâ´histĭ. Nâ´gwa +hetsatsâ´ûⁿtani´ga. Nigû´ⁿwatû´ⁿnigwalâe´sti-gwû +tsalâsû´ⁿĭ. Asgin-udanû´hi-gwû higese´ĭ. Ha-Sanigalâgĭ +gesû´ⁿ hâstigû´‛lani´ga ulsge´ta, ha-utsĭnă´wa-gwû´ +nigû´ⁿtisge´stĭ. Usûhi´yĭ wĭntûnĕ´dû. Usûhi´yĭ +wĭtitâ´hĭstani´ga. Utsĭnă´wa adûⁿni´ga. + +Sgĕ! Ha-nâ´gwa hatû´ⁿgani´ga, Kâ´lanû Sa´ka´ni; +galû´latĭ hetsadâ´histĭ, hida´wĕhĭ. Gahu´stĭ +tsanu´lahû´ⁿsgĭ nige´sûⁿna, etsanetse´lûhĭ. Ha-nâ´gwa +hetsatsâ´ûⁿtani´ga. Nigû´ⁿwatû´ⁿnigwalâe´sti-gwû +tsalâsû´ⁿĭ. Sanigalâ´gĭ gesu´ⁿ hastigû´‛lani´ga +ulsge´ta. Duwâlu´watû´tĭ nige´sûⁿna, nitû´neli´ga. +Usûhi´yĭ wĭtitâ´hĭstani´ga, dadu´satahû´ⁿstĭ +nige´sûⁿna nitû´neli´ga. Utsĭnă´wa adûⁿni´ga. + +Sgĕ! Ha-nâ´gwa hatû´ⁿgani´ga, Wa´hĭlĭ galûⁿlti´tsa +hetsadâ´histĭ, Kâ´lanû Tsûne´ga, hida´wĕhĭ. Gahu´stĭ +tsanu´l‛tĭ nige´sûⁿna. Hanâ´gwa hetsatsâ´ûⁿtani´ga. +Nigû´ⁿwatû´ⁿnigwalâe´sti-gwû tsalâsû´ⁿĭ. Ha-nâ´gwa +detal‛tani´ga. Sanigalâ´gĭ gesû´ⁿ hastig´û‛lani´ga +ulsge´ta, duwâlu´watû´‛tĭ nige´sûⁿna nitû´neli´ga. +Usûhi´yĭ wĭtitâ´hĭstani´ga. Dadu´satahû´ⁿstĭ +nige´sûⁿna nitû´neli´ga. Utsĭnă´wa adûⁿni´ga. + +(Dega´sisisgû´ⁿĭ)--Hiă´agi‛li´ya unitlûⁿgû´ⁿĭ +adanû´wâtĭ. Askwanu´tsastĭ´. Tsâ´l(a) +Agayû´ⁿlĭunitsi´lûⁿnû´hĭgû´ⁿtatĭ, +anû´ⁿsga‛lâ´-gwû; Kanasâ´la-‛nû unali´gâhû, +ade´la´-‛nû nû´‛gi-gwû ani´gage´ĭ dahâ´ĭ, +Tsâliyu´stĭ-‛nû Usdi´ga. Gahu´sti-´‛nu yuta´suyû´ⁿna +sâwatu´hi-gwû atĭ´ dawâ´hila-gwû iyû´ⁿta. + + +_Translation._ + +TO TREAT FOR ORDEAL DISEASES. + +Listen! Ha! Now you have drawn near to hearken and are resting +directly overhead. O Black Raven, you never fail in anything. Ha! Now +you are brought down. Ha! There shall be left no more than a trace +upon the ground where you have been. It is an evolute ghost. You have +now put it into a crevice in Sanigalagi, that it may never find the +way back. You have put it to rest in the Darkening Land, so that it +may never return. Let relief come. + +Listen! Ha! Now you have drawn near to hearken, O Red Raven, most +powerful ada´wehi. Ha! You never fail in anything, for so it was +ordained of you. Ha! You are resting directly overhead. Ha! Now you +are brought down. There shall remain but a trace upon the ground where +you have been. It is an evolute ghost. Ha! You have put the Intruder +into a crevice of Sanigalagi and now the relief shall come. It (the +Intruder) is sent to the Darkening Land. You have put it to rest in +the Darkening Land. Let the relief come. + +Listen! Ha! Now you have drawn near to hearken, O Blue Raven; you are +resting directly overhead, ada´wehi. You never fail in anything, for +so it was ordained of you. Ha! Now you are brought down. There shall +be left but a trace upon the ground where you have been. You have put +the Intruder into a crevice in Sanigalagi, that it may never find the +way back. You have put it to rest in the Darkening Land, so that it +may never return. Let the relief come. + +Listen! Ha! Now you have drawn near to hearken; you repose on high on +Wa´hĭlĭ, O White Raven, ada´wehi. You never fail in anything. Ha! +Now you are brought down. There shall be left but a trace upon the +ground where you have been. Ha! Now you have taken it up. You have put +the Intruder into a crevice in Sanigalagi, that it may never find +the way back. You have put it to rest in the Darkening Land, never to +return. Let the relief come. + +(Directions)--This is to treat them for a painful sickness. One must +suck. Use Tsâ´lagayûⁿ´-li (“Old Tobacco”--Nicotiana rustica), +blossoms, and just have them in the mouth, and Kanasâ´la (Wild +Parsnip), goes with it, and four red beads also must lie there, +and Tsâliyu´sti Usdi´ga (“Little (plant) Like Tobacco”--Indian +Tobacco--Lobelia inflata.) And if there should be anything mixed with +it (i.e., after sucking the place), just put it about a hand’s-length +into the mud. + + +_Explanation._ + +The Cherokee name for this disease gives no idea whatever of its +serious nature. The technical term, Tsundaye´liga´ktanû´hĭ, +really refers to the enthusiastic outburst of sociability that ensues +when two old friends meet. In this instance it might be rendered +“an ordeal.” The application of such a name to what is considered a +serious illness is in accordance with the regular formulistic practice +of making light of a dangerous malady in order to convey to the +disease spirit the impression that the shaman is not afraid of him. +A‛yûⁿinĭ, from whom the formula was obtained, states also that the +disease is sometimes sent to a man by a friend or even by his parents, +in order to test his endurance and knowledge of counter spells. + +As with most diseases, the name simply indicates the shaman’s theory +of the occult cause of the trouble, and is no clue to the symptoms, +which may be those usually attendant upon fevers, indigestion, or +almost any other ailment. + +In some cases the disease is caused by the conjurations of an enemy, +through which the patient becomes subject to an inordinate appetite, +causing him to eat until his abdomen is unnaturally distended. By the +same magic spells tobacco may be conveyed into the man’s body, causing +him to be affected by faintness and languor. The enemy, if bitterly +revengeful, may even put into the body of his victim a worm or insect +(tsgâya), or a sharpened stick of black locust or “fat” pine, which +will result in death if not removed by a good doctor. Sometimes a weed +stalk is in some occult manner conveyed into the patient’s stomach, +where it is transformed into a worm. As this disease is very common, +owing to constant quarrels and rival jealousies, there are a number of +specialists who devote their attention to it. + +The prayer is addressed to the Black, Red, Blue, and White Ravens, +their location at the four cardinal points not being specified, +excepting in the case of the white raven of Wa´hilĭ, which, as +already stated, is said to be a mountain in the south, and hence +is used figuratively to mean the south. The ravens are each in turn +declared to have put the disease into a crevice in Sanigala´gi--the +Cherokee name of Whiteside Mountain, at the head of Tuckasegee River, +in North Carolina, and used figuratively for any high precipitous +mountain--and to have left no more than a trace upon the ground where +it has been. The adjective translated “evolute” (udanûhĭ) is of +frequent occurrence in the formulas, but has no exact equivalent in +English. It signifies springing into being or life from an embryonic +condition. In this instance it would imply that whatever object the +enemy has put into the body of the sick man has there developed into a +ghost to trouble him. + +The directions are expressed in a rather vague manner, as is the +case with most of A‛yûⁿini’s attempts at original composition. The +disease is here called by another name, agi‛li´ya unitlûⁿgû´ⁿĭ, +signifying “when they are painfully sick.” The treatment consists in +sucking the part most affected, the doctor having in his mouth during +the operation the blossoms of Tsâ´l-agayû´ⁿlĭ (Nicotiana rustica), +Kanasâ´la (wild parsnip,) and Tsâliyusti Usdiga (Lobelia inflata.) The +first and last of these names signify “tobacco” and “tobacco-like,” +while the other seems to contain the same word, tsâ´la, and the +original idea may have been to counteract the witchcraft by the use of +the various species of “tobacco,” the herb commonly used to drive away +a witch or wizard. During the sucking process four red beads lie near +upon a piece of (white) cloth, which afterward becomes the perquisite +of the doctor. Though not explicitly stated, it is probable that the +doctor holds in his mouth a decoction of the blossoms named, rather +than the blossoms themselves. On withdrawing his mouth from the spot +and ejecting the liquid into a bowl, it is expected that there will be +found “mixed” with it a small stick, a pebble, an insect, or something +of the kind, and this the shaman then holds up to view as the +cause of the disease. It is afterward buried a “hand’s length” +(awâ´hilû)[12] deep in the mud. No directions were given as to diet +or tabu. + + [Footnote 12: This word, like the expression “seven days,” + frequently has a figurative meaning. Thus the sun is said to be + seven awâ´hilû above the earth.] + + +HUNTING. + +GÛN´HILÛ´ⁿTA UGÛ´ⁿWA‛LĬ. + +Una´lelŭ´ eskiska´l‛tasĭ´. Iskwa´lelŭ eskiska´l‛tasĭ´. +Yû! Ela-Kana´tĭ tsûlda´hĭstû´ⁿ, tsûwatsi´la astû´ⁿ +detsatasi´ga. Ts’skwâ´lĭ uda´nisă´‛testĭ, ugwala´ga +udu´yaheti´dege´stĭ. Sunûsi´ya-gwû udanisă´‛testĭ, +ts’su´lti-gwû nige´sûⁿna. + +Hĭkayû´ⁿlĭ Gi´gage-gâgû´, tsine´tsĭ gesû´ⁿ +aw’stitege´stĭ. _Tsăstû´ utatiyĭ_, nâ´gwa _tsăs‛tû +gasû‛hisă‛tĭ atisge´stĭ_. Ha-nâ´gwa nûⁿnâ tsusdi´ +tutana´wa-tegû´ _digana´watû´ⁿta_ atisge´stĭ. +Utalĭ´ udanû´hĭ ugwala´ga gûⁿwatuy´ahĭti´tege´stĭ, +hĭlahiyû´ⁿta-gwû ʷustû´‛stĭ nige´sûⁿna. D’stiskwâ´lĭ +deudû´nisă‛te´stĭ. Yû! + + +_Translation._ + +CONCERNING HUNTING. + +Give me the wind. Give me the breeze. Yû! O Great Terrestrial Hunter, +I come to the edge of your spittle where you repose. Let your stomach +cover itself; let it be covered with leaves. Let it cover itself at a +single bend, and may you never be satisfied. + +And you, O Ancient Red, may you hover above my breast while I sleep. +Now let good (dreams?) develop; let my experiences be propitious. +Ha! Now let my little trails be directed, as they lie down in various +directions(?). Let the leaves be covered with the clotted blood, and +may it never cease to be so. You two (the Water and the Fire) shall +bury it in your stomachs. Yû! + + +_Explanation._ + +This is a hunting formula, addressed to the two great gods of the +hunter, Fire and Water. The evening before starting the hunter “goes +to water,” as already explained, and recites the appropriate formula. +In the morning he sets out, while still fasting, and travels without +eating or drinking until nightfall. At sunset he again goes to water, +reciting this formula during the ceremony, after which he builds his +camp fire, eats his supper and lies down for the night, first rubbing +his breast with ashes from the fire. In the morning he starts out to +look for game. + +“Give me the wind,” is a prayer that the wind may be in his favor, +so that the game may not scent him. The word rendered here “Great +Terrestrial Hunter,” is in the original “Ela-Kana´tĭ.” In this +_e´la_ is the earth and _kana´tĭ_ is a term applied to a successful +hunter. The great Kanatĭ, who, according to the myth, formerly kept +all the game shut up in his underground caverns, now dwells above +the sky, and is frequently invoked by hunters. The raven also is +often addressed as Kanatĭ in these hunting formulas. Ela-Kana´tĭ, +the Great Terrestrial Hunter--as distinguished from the other +two--signifies the river, the name referring to the way in which the +tiny streams and rivulets search out and bring down to the great +river the leaves and débris of the mountain forests. In formulas for +medicine, love, the ball play, etc., the river is always addressed +as the Long Person (Yû´ⁿwĭ Gûnahi´ta). The “spittle” referred to +is the foam at the edge of the water. “Let your stomach be covered +with leaves” means, let the blood-stained leaves where the stricken +game shall fall be so numerous as to cover the surface of the water. +The hunter prays also that sufficient game may be found in a single +bend of the river to accomplish this result without the necessity of +searching through the whole forest, and to that end he further prays +that the river may never be satisfied, but continually longing for +more. The same idea is repeated in the second paragraph. The hunter +is supposed to feed the river with blood washed from the game. In like +manner he feeds the fire, addressed in the second paragraph as the +“Ancient Red,” with a piece of meat cut from the tongue of the deer. +The prayer that the fire may hover above his breast while he sleeps +and brings him favorable dreams, refers to his rubbing his breast with +ashes from his camp fire before lying down to sleep, in order that the +fire may bring him dream omens of success for the morrow. The Fire is +addressed either as the Ancient White or the Ancient Red, the allusion +in the first case being to the light or the ashes of the fire; in the +other case, to the color of the burning coals. “You two shall bury it +in your stomachs” refers to the blood-stained leaves and the piece +of meat which are cast respectively into the river and the fire. The +formula was obtained from A‛yûⁿinĭ, who explained it in detail. + + +HIĂ´ TSI´SKWA GANÂHILIDASTI YĬ. + +Tsĭgĕ´! Hĭkayû´ⁿl-Une´ga, tsûltâ´histû´ⁿ +gûlitâ´hĭstani´ga. Nâ´gwa tsûda´ntâ talehĭ´sani´ga. +Sâ´gwa igûnsi´ya ts’skwâlĭ´ udû´nisate´stĭ, ts’su´ltĭ +nige´sûⁿna. Wane´(ĭ) tigi´gage(ĭ) tali´kanĕli´ga. +ᵁ´ⁿtalĭ udanû´hĭ tsăgista´‛tĭ. + +Hĭkayû´ⁿl-Une´ga, _anu´ya uwâtatâ´gĭ agi´stĭ +tătsiskâ´ltane´lûhĭ_. ᵁ´ⁿtalĭ u´danû´ +_te´tûlskew´si´ga_. + +Hĭkayû´ⁿl-Une´ga, nûⁿna´(hĭ) kana´tĭ +skwatetâ´stani´ga. Unigwalû´ⁿgĭ te´gatûⁿtsi´ga. +Nûⁿâ´(hĭ) kana´tĭ tati´kiyû´ⁿgwita´watise´stĭ. +Unigwalû´ⁿgĭ tigû´ⁿwatû´tsanû´hĭ. + +Hĭkayû´ⁿl-Une´ga, Kana´tĭ, sk´salatâ´titege´stĭ, +sa‛ka´ni ginu´t’tĭ nige´sûⁿna. Sgĕ! + + +_Translation._ + +THIS IS FOR HUNTING BIRDS. + +Listen! O Ancient White, where you dwell in peace I have come to rest. +Now let your spirit arise. Let it (the game brought down) be buried +in your stomach, and may your appetite never be satisfied. The red +hickories have tied themselves together. The clotted blood is your +recompense. + +O Ancient White, * * * Accept the clotted blood (?) + +O Ancient White, put me in the successful hunting trail. Hang the +mangled things upon me. Let me come along the successful trail with +them doubled up (under my belt). It (the road) is clothed with the +mangled things. + +O Ancient White, O Kanati, support me continually, that I may never +become blue. Listen! + + +_Explanation._ + +This formula, from A‛yûⁿinĭ’s manuscript, is recited by the +bird-hunter in the morning while standing over the fire at his hunting +camp before starting out for the day’s hunt. A‛yûⁿinĭ stated that +seven blowgun arrows are first prepared, including a small one only a +“hand-length” (awâ´hilû) long. On rising in the morning the hunter, +standing over the fire, addresses it as the “Ancient White.” rubbing +his hands together while repeating the prayer. He then sets out for +the hunting ground, where he expects to spend the day, and on reaching +it he shoots away the short arrow at random, without attempting to +trace its flight. There is of course some significance attached +to this action and perhaps an accompanying prayer, but no further +information upon this point was obtainable. Having shot away the magic +arrow, the hunter utters a peculiar hissing sound, intended to call +up the birds, and then goes to work with his remaining arrows. On all +hunting expeditions it is the regular practice, religiously enforced, +to abstain from food until sunset. + +A favorite method with the bird-hunter during the summer season is +to climb a gum tree, which is much frequented by the smaller birds on +account of its berries, where, taking up a convenient position amid +the branches with his noiseless blowgun and arrows, he deliberately +shoots down one bird after another until his shafts are exhausted, +when he climbs down, draws out the arrows from the bodies of the birds +killed, and climbs up again to repeat the operation. As the light +darts used make no sound, the birds seldom take the alarm, and are too +busily engaged with the berries to notice their comrades dropping to +the ground from time to time, and pay but slight attention even to the +movements of the hunter. + +The prayer is addressed to the Ancient White (the Fire), the spirit +most frequently invoked by the hunter, who, as before stated, rubs +his hands together over the fire while repeating the words. The +expressions used are obscure when taken alone, but are full of meaning +when explained in the light of the hunting customs. The “clotted +blood” refers to the bloodstained leaves upon which the fallen game +has lain. The expression occurs constantly in the hunting formulas. +The hunter gathers up these bloody leaves and casts them upon the +fire, in order to draw omens for the morrow from the manner in which +they burn. A part of the tongue, or some other portion of the animal, +is usually cast upon the coals also for the same purpose. This +subject will be treated at length in a future account of the hunting +ceremonies. + +“Let it be buried in your stomach” refers also to the offering made +the fire. By the red hickories are meant the strings of hickory +bark which the bird hunter twists about his waist for a belt. The +dead birds are carried by inserting their heads under this belt. +Red is, of course, symbolic of his success. “The mangled things” +(unigwalû´ⁿgĭ) are the wounded birds. Kana´tĭ is here used +to designate the fire, on account of its connection with the hunting +ceremonies. + + +INAGĔ´HĬ AYÂSTIⁿYĬ. + +Usĭnuli´yu Selagwû´tsĭ Gigage´ĭ getsû´ⁿneliga +tsûdandâgi´hĭ aye‛li´yu, usĭnuli´yu. Yû! + + +_Translation._ + +TO SHOOT DWELLERS IN THE WILDERNESS. + +Instantly the Red Selagwû´tsĭ strike you in the very center of your +soul--instantly. Yû! + + +_Explanation._ + +This short formula, obtained from Â‛wani´ta, is recited by the +hunter while taking aim. The bowstring is let go--or, rather, the +trigger is pulled--at the final _Yû!_ He was unable to explain the +meaning of the word selagwû´tsĭ further than that it referred to +the bullet. Later investigation, however, revealed the fact that +this is the Cherokee name of a reed of the genus Erianthus, and the +inference follows that the stalk of the plant was formerly used for +arrow shafts. Red implies that the arrow is always successful in +reaching the mark aimed at, and in this instance may refer also to its +being bloody when withdrawn from the body of the animal. Inagĕ´hĭ, +“dwellers in the wilderness,” is the generic term for game, including +birds, but A‛wani´ta has another formula intended especially for +deer. + + +(Y´NA TĬ´KANÂGI´TA.) + + He+! Hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´, + hayuya´haniwă´. + Tsistuyi´ nehandu´yanû, Tsistuyi´ nehandu´yanû--Yoho´+! + He+! Hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´, + hayuya´haniwă´. + Kuwâhi´ nehandu´yanû´, Kuwâhi´ nehandu´yanû--Yoho´+! + He+! Hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´, + hayuya´haniwă´. + Uyâ‛ye´ nehandu´yanû´, Uya´ye´ nehahdu´yanû´--Yoho´+! + He+! Hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´, + hayuya´haniwă´. + Gâtekwâ´(hĭ) nehandu´yanû´, Gâtekwâ´(hĭ) + nehandu´yanû´--Yoho´+! + Ûlĕ-‛nû´ asĕhĭ´ tadeya´statakûhĭ´ gû´ⁿnage astû´tsĭkĭ´. + + +_Translation._ + +BEAR SONG. + + He! Hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´, + hayuya´haniwă´. + In Rabbit Place you were conceived (repeat)--Yoho´+! + He! Hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´, + hayuya´haniwă´. + In Mulberry Place you were conceived (repeat)--Yoho´+! + He! Hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´, + hayuya´haniwă´. + In Uyâ´‛yĕ you were conceived (repeat)--Yoho´+! + He! Hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´, hayuya´haniwă´, + hayuya´haniwă´. + In the Great Swamp (?) you were conceived (repeat)--Yoho´+! + And now surely we and the good black things, the best of all, + shall see each other. + + +_Explanation._ + +This song, obtained from A‛yû´ⁿinĭ in connection with the story +of the Origin of the Bear, as already mentioned, is sung by the bear +hunter, in order to attract the bears, while on his way from the camp +to the place where he expects to hunt during the day. It is one of +those taught the Cherokees by the Ani-Tsâ´kahĭ before they lost +their human shape and were transformed into bears. The melody is +simple and plaintive. + +The song consists of four verses followed by a short recitation. Each +verse begins with a loud prolonged _He+!_ and ends with _Yoho´+!_ +uttered in the same manner. Hayuya´haniwă´ has no meaning. +Tsistu´yĭ, Kuwâ´hĭ, Uyâ´‛yĕ, and Gâte´kwâhĭ are four mountains, in +each of which the bears have a townhouse and hold a dance before +going into their dens for the winter. The first three named are high +peaks in the Smoky Mountains, on the Tennessee line, in the +neighborhood of Clingman’s Dome and Mount Guyot. The fourth is +southeast of Franklin, North Carolina, toward the South Carolina line, +and may be identical with Fodderstack Mountain. In Kuwahi dwells the +great bear chief and doctor, in whose magic bath the wounded bears are +restored to health. They are said to originate or be conceived in the +mountains named, because these are their headquarters. The “good black +things” referred to in the recitation are the bears. + + +HIĂ´ ATSÛ‛TI´YĬ TSUN´TANÛ. + +Sgĕ! Nâ´gwa hitsatû´ⁿgani´ga hitsiga´tugĭ´. +Titsila´wisû´ⁿhĭ ᵘwâgi´‛lĭ tege´tsûts‛gû´‛lawĭstĭ´. +Tsuli´stana´lû ûlĕ´ waktûĭ, agi´stĭ une´ka +itsû´ⁿyatanilû´ĭstani´ga. Gûⁿwatu´hwĭtû´ nûⁿnâ´hĭ +degûndâltsi´dâhe´stĭ. ᵘWâ´hisâ´nahĭ tigiwatsi´la. +Tutsegû´‛lawistĭ´tege´stĭ. Ûⁿtalĭ´ degû´ⁿwatanûhĭ, +uhisa´‛tĭ nige´sûⁿna. Tsuwatsi´la dadâl‛tsi´ga. A‛yû +A‛yû´ⁿinĭ tigwadâ´ita. Yû! + + +_Translation._ + +THIS IS FOR CATCHING LARGE FISH. + +Listen! Now you settlements have drawn near to hearken. Where you have +gathered in the foam you are moving about as one. You Blue Cat and the +others, I have come to offer you freely the white food. Let the paths +from every direction recognize each other. Our spittle shall be in +agreement. Let them (your and my spittle) be together as we go about. +They (the fish) have become a prey and there shall be no loneliness. +Your spittle has become agreeable. I am called Swimmer. Yû! + + +_Explanation._ + +This formula, from A‛yûⁿinĭ´s’ book, is for the purpose of +catching large fish. According to his instructions, the fisherman +must first chew a small piece of Yugwilû´ (Venus’ Flytrap--Dionæa +muscipula) and spit it upon the bait and also upon the hook. Then, +standing facing the stream, he recites the formula and puts the bait +upon the hook. He will be able to pull out a fish at once, or if the +fish are not about at the moment they will come in a very short time. + +The Yugwilû´ is put upon the bait from the idea that it will enable +the hook to attract and hold the fish as the plant itself seizes and +holds insects in its cup. The root is much prized by the Cherokees +for this purpose, and those in the West, where the plant is not found, +frequently send requests for it to their friends in Carolina. + +The prayer is addressed directly to the fish, who are represented +as living in settlements. The same expression as has already been +mentioned is sometimes used by the doctors in speaking of the +_tsgâ´ya_ or worms which are supposed to cause sickness by getting +under the skin of the patient. The Blue Cat (_Amiurus, genus_) is +addressed as the principal fish and the bait is spoken of as the +“white food,” an expression used also of the viands prepared at the +feast of the green corn dance, to indicate their wholesome character. +“Let the paths from every direction recognize each other,” means let +the fishes, which are supposed to have regular trails through the +water, assemble together at the place where the speaker takes his +station, as friends recognizing each other at a distance approach +to greet each other, ᵘWâhisâ´nahĭ tigiwatsi´la, rendered “our +spittle shall be in agreement,” is a peculiar archaic expression that +can not be literally translated. It implies that there shall be such +close sympathy between the fisher and the fish that their spittle +shall be as the spittle of one individual. As before stated, the +spittle is believed to exert an important influence upon the whole +physical and mental being. The expression “your spittle has become +agreeable” is explained by A‛yûⁿinĭ as an assertion or wish that +the fish may prove palatable, while the words rendered “there shall be +no loneliness” imply that there shall be an abundant catch. + + +LOVE. + +(YÛⁿWĔ´HĬ UGÛ´ⁿWA‛LĬ I.) + +Ku! Sgĕ! _Alahi´yĭ_ tsûl‛dâ´histĭ, Higĕ´‛ya tsûl‛di´yĭ, +hatû´ⁿgani´ga. _Elahi´yĭ_ iyû´ⁿta ditsûl‛da´histĭ, +Higĕ´‛ya Tsûne´ga. Tsisa´‛tĭ nige´sûⁿna. Tsâduhi´yĭ. +Nâ´gwa-skĭn´ĭ usĭnuli´yu hûⁿskwane´‛lûⁿgû´ tsisga´ya +agine´ga. Agisa´‛tĭ nige´sûⁿna. Nâ´gwa nû´ⁿnâ, une´ga +hûⁿskwanûⁿneli´ga. Uhisa´‛tĭ nige´sûⁿna. Nâ´gwa +skwade´tastani´ga. Sa‛ka´ni u´tatĭ nige´sûⁿna. Nûⁿnâ +une´ga skiksa´‛ûⁿtaneli´ga. Elaye´‛lĭ iyû´ⁿta +skwalewistă´‛tani´ga E´latĭ gesû´ⁿ tsĭtage´stĭ. +Agisa´‛tĭ nige´sûⁿna. Agwâ´duhi´yu. Kûltsâ´te +une´ga skiga´‛tani´ga. Uhisa´‛tĭ nige´sûⁿna, +gûⁿkwatsâti´tege´stĭ. Tsi-sa‛ka´ni agwă´tatĭ +nige´sûⁿna. Usĭnuli´yu hûⁿskwane´‛lûⁿgû´. + +Ha-nâ´gwûlĕ _Elahi´yĭ_ iyû´ⁿtă dûhiyane´‛lûⁿgû´ +a‛gĕ´‛ya sa‛ka´ni. Nâ´gwa nûⁿnâ´hĭ sa‛ka´ni +hûⁿtane´‛laneli´ga. Uhisa´‛tĭ-gwû u´danû dudusa´gĭ +tanela´sĭ. Nûⁿnâ´hĭ sa‛ka´ni tade´tâstani´ga. Nâgwûlĕ´ +hûⁿhiyatsâ´ûⁿtaniga. E´latĭ gesû´ⁿ tû´l‛taniga. +Dedu´laskû´ⁿ-gwû igû´ⁿwa‛lawĭ´stĭ uhi´sa‛ti´yĭ +widaye´la‛ni´ga. Dedulaskû´ⁿ-gwû igû´ⁿwa‛lawĭ´stĭ +uhi´sa‛ti´yĭ nitû´ⁿneli´ga. + +Ha-sâgwahi´yu itsilasta´lagĭ + + uwă´sahi´yu, +etsane´‛laneli´ga. Agisa´‛tĭ nige´sûⁿna. Agwâ´duhĭ. +A´yû agwadantâ´gĭ aye‛li´yu d’ka´‛lani´lĭ duda´ntâ, +uktahû´ⁿstĭ nige´sûⁿna. Yû´ⁿwĭ tsu´tsatûⁿ +widudante´‛tĭ nige´sûⁿna, nitû´ⁿneli´ga. Sâ´gwahĭ +itsilasta´lagĭ, etsane´‛laneli´ga kûlkwâ´gi-nasĭ´ +igûlstû´‛lĭ gegane´‛lanû´ⁿ. + +Anisga´ya anewadi´sûⁿ unihisa‛ti´yĭ. Tsu´nada´neilti´yĭ. +Dĭ´la-gwû degû´ⁿwănatsegû´‛lawi´sdidegû´. +Ayâ´ise´ta-gwû u´danû. Tsunada´neilti´yĭ. Utse´tsti-gwû +degû´ⁿwănatsegû´‛lawis´didegû´. Tsunada´neilti´yĭ. +Ka´ga-gwû degû´ⁿwănatsegû´‛awisdidegû´. +Tsunada´neilti´yĭ. Da´l‛ka-gwû +degû´ⁿwănatsegû´‛lawisdidegû´. + +Kûlkwâ´gĭ igûlsta´lagĭ unihisa‛ti´yu. +Ige´ski-gwû nige´sûⁿna. Ayâ´ise´ta-gwû +u´danû degû´ⁿwănatsûn‛ti-degû´. K’si-gwû +degû´ⁿwănatsûn‛ti-degû´. A´yagâgû´ tsisga´ya +agine´ga ûⁿgwane´‛lanû´hĭ + + Nûⁿdâgû´ⁿyĭ +iti´tsa ditsidâ´ga. Agisa´‛tĭ nige´sûⁿna. Agwâduhi´yu. +Tsi-sa‛ka´nĭ agwă´tatĭ nige´sûⁿna. Kûltsâ´te une´ga +ûⁿni´tagâgû´ gûkwatsâ´nti-degû´. Agisă´‛tĭ +nige´sûⁿna. A´yû agwadantâ´gĭ aye‛li´yu gûlasi´ga +tsûda´ntâ, uktahû´ⁿstĭ nige´sûⁿna. A´yû tsĭ´gĭ +tsûda´nta 0 0. Sgĕ! + + +_Translation._ + +CONCERNING LIVING HUMANITY (LOVE). + +Kû! Listen! In Alahi´yĭ you repose, O Terrible Woman, O you have +drawn near to hearken. There in Elahiyĭ you are at rest, O White +Woman. No one is ever lonely when with you. You are most beautiful. +Instantly and at once you have rendered me a white man. No one is ever +lonely when with me. Now you have made the path white for me. It shall +never be dreary. Now you have put me into it. It shall never become +blue. You have brought down to me from above the white road. There in +mid-earth (mid-surface) you have placed me. I shall stand erect upon +the earth. No one is ever lonely when with me. I am very handsome. You +have put me into the white house. I shall be in it as it moves about +and no one with me shall ever be lonely. Verily, I shall never become +blue. Instantly you have caused it to be so with me. + +And now there in Elahiyĭ you have rendered the woman blue. Now you +have made the path blue for her. Let her be completely veiled in +loneliness. Put her into the blue road. And now bring her down. Place +her standing upon the earth. Where her feet are now and wherever she +may go, let loneliness leave its mark upon her. Let her be marked out +for loneliness where she stands. + +Ha! I belong to the (Wolf) ( + + ) clan, that one alone which was +allotted into for you. No one is ever lonely with me. I am handsome. +Let her put her soul the very center of my soul, never to turn away. +Grant that in the midst of men she shall never think of them. I belong +to the one clan alone which was allotted for you when the seven clans +were established. + +Where (other) men live it is lonely. They are very loathsome. The +common polecat has made them so like himself that they are fit +only for his company. They have became mere refuse. They are very +loathsome. The common opossum has made them so like himself that they +are fit only to be with him. They are very loathsome. Even the crow +has made them so like himself that they are fit only for his company. +They are very loathsome. The miserable rain-crow has made them so like +himself that they are fit only to be with him. + +The seven clans all alike make one feel very lonely in their company. +They are not even good looking. They go about clothed with mere +refuse. They even go about covered with dung. But I--I was ordained +to be a white man. I stand with my face toward the Sun Land. No one +is ever lonely with me. I am very handsome. I shall certainly never +become blue. I am covered by the everlasting white house wherever I +go. No one is ever lonely with me. Your soul has come into the very +center of my soul, never to turn away. I--(Gatigwanasti,) (0 0)--I +take your soul. Sgĕ! + + +_Explanation._ + +This unique formula is from one of the loose manuscript sheets +of Gatigwanasti, now dead, and belongs to the class known +as Yûⁿwĕ´hĭ or love charms (literally, concerning “living +humanity”), including all those referring in any way to the marital +or sexual relation. No explanation accompanies the formula, which must +therefore be interpreted from analogy. It appears to be recited by +the lover himself--not by a hired shaman--perhaps while painting and +adorning himself for the dance. (_See next two formulas._) + +The formula contains several obscure expressions which require further +investigation. Elahiyĭ or Alahiyĭ, for it is written both ways in +the manuscript, does not occur in any other formula met with thus +far, and could not be explained by any of the shamans to whom it was +submitted. The nominative form may be Elahĭ, perhaps from _ela_, “the +earth,” and it may be connected with Wa´hĭlĭ, the formulistic name +for the south. The spirit invoked is the White Woman, white being the +color denoting the south. + +Uhisa´‛tĭ, rendered here “lonely,” is a very expressive word to a +Cherokee and is of constant recurrence in the love formulas. It refers +to that intangible something characteristic of certain persons which +inevitably chills and depresses the spirits of all who may be +so unfortunate as to come within its influence. Agisa´‛tĭ +nige´sûⁿna, “I never render any one lonely,” is an intensified +equivalent for, “I am the best company in the world,” and to tell a +girl that a rival lover is uhisa´‛tĭ is to hold out to her the sum +of all dreary prospects should she cast in her lot with him. + +The speaker, who evidently has an exalted opinion of himself, invokes +the aid of the White Woman, who is most beautiful and is never +uhisa´‛tĭ. She at once responds by making him a white--that is, +a happy--man, and placing him in the white road of happiness, which +shall never become blue with grief or despondency. She then places him +standing in the middle of the earth, that he may be seen and admired +by the whole world, especially by the female portion. She finally puts +him into the white house, where happiness abides forever. The verb +implies that the house shelters him like a cloak and goes about with +him wherever he may go. + +There is something comical in the extreme self-complacency with which +he asserts that he is very handsome and will never become blue and no +one with him is ever lonely. As before stated, white signifies peace +and happiness, while blue is the emblem of sorrow and disappointment. + +Having thus rendered himself attractive to womankind, he turns his +attention to the girl whom he particularly desires to win. He begins +by filling her soul with a sense of desolation and loneliness. In the +beautiful language of the formula, her path becomes blue and she is +veiled in loneliness. He then asserts, and reiterates, that he is of +the one only clan which was allotted for her when the seven clans were +established. + +He next pays his respects to his rivals and advances some very +forcible arguments to show that she could never be happy with any of +them. He says that they are all “lonesome” and utterly loathsome--the +word implies that they are mutually loathsome--and that they are +the veriest trash and refuse. He compares them to so many polecats, +opossums, and crows, and finally likens them to the rain-crow (cuckoo; +_Coccygus_), which is regarded with disfavor on account of its +disagreeable note. He grows more bitter in his denunciations as he +proceeds and finally disposes of the matter by saying that all the +seven clans alike are uhisa´‛tĭ and are covered with filth. Then +follows another glowing panegyric of himself, closing with the +beautiful expression, “your soul has come into the very center of +mine, never to turn away,” which reminds one forcibly of the sentiment +in the German love song, “Du liegst mir im Herzen.” The final +expression, “I take your soul,” implies that the formula has now +accomplished its purpose in fixing her thoughts upon himself. + +When successful, a ceremony of this kind has the effect of rendering +the victim so “blue” or lovesick that her life is in danger until +another formula is repeated to make her soul “white” or happy again. +Where the name of the individual or clan is mentioned in these +formulas the blank is indicated in the manuscript by crosses + + or +ciphers 0 0 or by the word iyu´stĭ, “like.” + + +HĬ´Ă ĂMA´YĬ Ă´TAWASTI´YĬ KAN´HEHÛ. + +Sgĕ! Ha-nâ´gwa usĭnuli´yu hatû´ⁿgani´ga _Higĕ´‛yagu´ga_, +tsûwatsi´la gi´gage tsiye´la skĭna´dû‛lani´ga. 0 0 +digwadâ´ita. Sa‛ka´nĭ tûgwadûne´lûhĭ. Atsanû´ⁿgĭ +gi´gage skwâsû´hisa‛tani´ga. + + kûlstă´lagĭ + sa‛ka´nĭ +nu´tatanû´ⁿta. Ditu´nûⁿnâ´gĭ dagwû´laskû´ⁿ-gwû +deganu´y’tasi´ga. Galâ´nûⁿtse´ta-gwû +dagwadûne´lidise´stĭ. Sgĕ! + + +_Translation._ + +THIS TELLS ABOUT GOING INTO THE WATER. + +Listen! O, now instantly, you have drawn near to hearken, O +Agĕ´‛yagu´ga. You have come to put your red spittle upon my body. +My name is (Gatigwanasti.) The blue had affected me. You have come and +clothed me with a red dress. She is of the (Deer) clan. She has become +blue. You have directed her paths straight to where I have my feet, +and I shall feel exultant. Listen! + + +_Explanation._ + +This formula, from Gatigwanasti’s book, is also of the Yûⁿwĕ´hĭ +class, and is repeated by the lover when about to bathe in the stream +preparatory to painting himself for the dance. The services of a +shaman are not required, neither is any special ceremony observed. +The technical word used in the heading, ă´tawasti´yĭ, signifies +plunging or going entirely into a liquid. The expression used for the +ordinary “going to water,” where the water is simply dipped up with +the hand, is ămâ´yĭ dita‛ti´yĭ, “taking them to water.” + +The prayer is addressed to Agĕ´‛yaguga, a formulistic name for the +moon, which is supposed to exert a great influence in love affairs, +because the dances, which give such opportunities for love making, +always take place at night. The shamans can not explain the meaning +of the term, which plainly contains the word agĕ´‛ya, “woman,” and +may refer to the moon’s supposed influence over women. In Cherokee +mythology the moon is a man. The ordinary name is nû´ⁿdâ, or more +fully, nû´ⁿdâ sûⁿnâyĕ´hĭ, “the sun living in the night,” +while the sun itself is designated as nû´ⁿdâ igĕ´hĭ, “the sun +living in the day.” + +By the red spittle of Agĕ´‛yagu´ga and the red dress with which the +lover is clothed are meant the red paint which he puts upon himself. +This in former days was procured from a deep red clay known as +ela-wâ´tĭ, or “reddish brown clay.” The word red as used in the +formula is emblematic of success in attaining his object, besides +being the actual color of the paint. Red, in connection with dress +or ornamentation, has always been a favorite color with Indians +throughout America, and there is some evidence that among the +Cherokees it was regarded also as having a mysterious protective +power. In all these formulas the lover renders the woman blue or +disconsolate and uneasy in mind as a preliminary to fixing her +thoughts upon himself. (_See next formula._) + + +(YÛ´ⁿWĔ´HĬ UGÛ´ⁿWA‛LĬ II.) + + Yû´ⁿwĕhĭ, yû´ⁿwĕhĭ, yû´ⁿwĕhĭ, yû´ⁿwĕhĭ. + Galû´ⁿlatĭ, datsila´ĭ--Yû´ⁿwĕhĭ, yû´ⁿwĕhĭ, + yû´ⁿwĕhĭ, yû´ⁿwĕhĭ. + Nûⁿdâgû´ⁿyĭ gatla´ahĭ--Yû´ⁿwĕhĭ. + Ge‛yagu´ga Gi´gage, tsûwatsi´la gi´gage tsiye´la + skĭna´dû‛lani´ga-- + Yû´ⁿwĕhĭ, yû´ⁿwĕhĭ, yû´ⁿwĕhĭ. + Hiă-‛nû´ atawe´ladi´yĭ kanâ´hĕhû galûⁿlti´tla. + + +_Translation._ + +SONG FOR PAINTING. + + _Yû´ⁿwĕhĭ, yû´ⁿwĕhĭ, yû´ⁿwĕhĭ, yû´ⁿwĕhĭ._ + I am come from above--_Yû´ⁿwĕhĭ, yû´ⁿwĕhĭ, + yû´ⁿwĕhĭ, yû´ⁿwĕhĭ._ + I am come down from the Sun Land--_Yû´ⁿwĕhĭ._ + O Red Agĕ‛yagu´ga, you have come and put your red spittle upon + my body--Yû´ⁿwĕhĭ, yû´ⁿwĕhĭ, yû´ⁿwĕhĭ. + +And this above is to recite while one is painting himself. + + +_Explanation._ + +This formula, from Gatigwanasti, immediately follows the one last +given, in the manuscript book, and evidently comes immediately after +it also in practical use. The expressions used have been already +explained. The one using the formula first bathes in the running +stream, reciting at the same time the previous formula “Amâ´yĭ +Ă´tawasti´yĭ.” He then repairs to some convenient spot with his +paint, beads, and other paraphernalia and proceeds to adorn himself +for the dance, which usually begins about an hour after dark, but +is not fairly under way until nearly midnight. The refrain, +yû´ⁿwĕhĭ, is probably _sung_ while mixing the paint, and the +other portion is recited while applying the pigment, or vice versa. +Although these formula are still in use, the painting is now obsolete, +beyond an occasional daubing of the face, without any plan or pattern, +on the occasion of a dance or ball play. + + +ADALANI´STA‛TI´YĬ. Ĭ. + + Sgĕ! Ha-nâ´gwa hatû´ⁿgani´ga nihĭ´-- + --Tsa´watsi´lû tsĭkĭ´ tsĭkû´ ayû´. + --Hiyelû´ tsĭkĭ´ tsĭkû´ ayû´. + --Tsăwiyû´ tsĭkĭ´ tsĭkû´ ayû´. + --Tsûnahu´ tsĭkĭ´ tsĭkû´ ayû´. + +Sgĕ! Nâ´gwa hatû´ⁿgani´ga, Hĭkayû´ⁿlige. Hiă´ asga´ya +uda´ntâ tsa‛ta´hisi´ga [Hĭkayû´ⁿlige] hiye´lastûⁿ. +Tsaskûlâ´hĭsti-gwû´ nige´sûⁿna. Dĭkana´watû´ⁿta-gwû +tsûtû´neli´ga. Hĭlû dudantĕ´‛tĭ nige´sûⁿna. +Duda´ntâ dûskalûⁿ´tseli´ga. Astĭ´ digû´ⁿnage +tagu´talûⁿtani´ga. + + +_Translation._ + +TO ATTRACT AND FIX THE AFFECTIONS. + + Listen! O, now you have drawn near to hearken-- + --Your spittle, I take it, I eat it. } + --Your body, I take it, I eat it, } + --Your flesh, I take it, I eat it, } Each sung four times. + --Your heart, I take it, I eat it. } + +Listen! O, now you have drawn near to hearken, O, Ancient One. This +man’s (woman’s) soul has come to rest at the edge of your body. You +are never to let go your hold upon it. It is ordained that you shall +do just as you are requested to do. Let her never think upon any +other place. Her soul has faded within her. She is bound by the black +threads. + + +_Explanation._ + +This formula is said by the young husband, who has just married an +especially engaging wife, who is liable to be attracted by other men. +The same formula may also be used by the woman to fix her husband’s +affections. On the first night that they are together the husband +watches until his wife is asleep, when, sitting up by her side, he +recites the first words: Sgĕ! Ha-nâ´gwa hatû´ⁿgani´ga nihĭ´, +and then sings the next four words: Tsawatsi´lû tsĭkĭ´ tsĭkû´ +ayû´, “Your spittle, I take it, I eat it,” repeating the words four +times. While singing he moistens his fingers with spittle, which +he rubs upon the breast of the woman. The next night he repeats the +operation, this time singing the words, “I take your body.” The third +night, in the same way, he sings, “I take your flesh,” and the fourth +and last night, he sings “I take your heart,” after which he repeats +the prayer addressed to the Ancient One, by which is probably meant +the Fire (the Ancient White). A‛yû´ⁿinĭ states that the final +sentences should be masculine, i.e., His soul has faded, etc., and +refer to any would-be seducer. There is no gender distinction in +the third person in Cherokee. He claimed that this ceremony was so +effective that no husband need have any fears for his wife after +performing it. + + +ADAYE´LIGA´GTA‛TĬ´. + +Yû! Galû´ⁿlatĭ tsûl‛da´histĭ, Giya´giya´ Sa‛ka´ni, +nâ´gwa nûⁿtalûⁿ i´yû´ⁿta. Tsâ´la Sa‛ka´ni +tsûgistâ´‛tĭ adûⁿni´ga. Nâ´gwa nidâtsu´l‛tanû´ⁿta, +nû´ⁿtātagû´ hisa´hasi´ga. Tani´dâgûⁿ´ +aye´‛lĭ dehidâ´siga. Unada´ndâ dehiyâ´staneli´ga. +Nidugale´ntanû´ⁿta nidûhûⁿneli´ga. + +Tsisga´ya agine´ga, nûⁿdâgû´ⁿyĭ ditsidâ´‛stĭ. Gû´nĭ +âstû´ uhisa´‛tĭ nige´sûⁿna. Agĕ´‛ya une´ga hi´ă +iyu´stĭ gûlstû´‛lĭ, iyu´stĭ tsûdâ´ita. Uda´ndâ +usĭnu´lĭ dâdatinilû´gûⁿelĭ´. Nûⁿdâgû´ⁿyitsû´ +dâdatinilugûstanelĭ. Tsisga´ya agine´ga, ditsidâstû´ⁿĭ +nû‛nû´ kana´tlani´ga. Tsûnkta´ tegă‛la´watege´stĭ. +Tsiye´lûⁿ gesû´ⁿĭ uhisa´‛tĭ nige´sûⁿna. + + +_Translation._ + +FOR SEPARATION (OF LOVERS). + +Yû! On high you repose, O Blue Hawk, there at the far distant lake. +The blue tobacco has come to be your recompense. Now you have arisen +at once and come down. You have alighted midway between them where +they two are standing. You have spoiled their souls immediately. They +have at once become separated. + +I am a white man; I stand at the sunrise. The good sperm shall never +allow any feeling of loneliness. This white woman is of the Paint +(iyustĭ) clan; she is called (iyustĭ) Wâyĭ´. We shall instantly +turn her soul over. We shall turn it over as we go toward the Sun +Land. I am a white man. Here where I stand it (her soul) has attached +itself to (literally, “come against”) mine. Let her eyes in their +sockets be forever watching (for me). There is no loneliness where my +body is. + + +_Explanation._ + +This formula, from A‛yûⁿinĭ’s book, is used to separate two lovers +or even a husband and wife, if the jealous rival so desires. In the +latter case the preceding formula, from the same source, would be used +to forestall this spell. No explanation of the ceremony is given, but +the reference to tobacco may indicate that tobacco is smoked or thrown +into the fire during the recitation. The particular hawk invoked +(giya´giya´) is a large species found in the coast region but seldom +met with in the mountains. Blue indicates that it brings trouble with +it, while white in the second paragraph indicates that the man is +happy and attractive in manner. + +In the first part of the formula the speaker calls upon the Blue +Hawk to separate the lovers and spoil their souls, i.e., change their +feeling toward each other. In the second paragraph he endeavors +to attract the attention of the woman by eulogizing himself. The +expression, “we shall turn her soul over,” seems here to refer to +turning her affections, but as generally used, to turn one’s soul is +equivalent to killing him. + + +(ADALANĬ´STĂ‛TI´YĬ II.) + +Yû! Ha-nâ´gwa ada´ntĭ dătsâsi´ga, * * hĭlû(stû´‛lĭ), +(* *) ditsa(dâ´ita). A´yû 0 0 tsila(stû´‛lĭ). Hiye´la +tsĭkĭ´ tsĭkû´. (Yû!) + +Yû! Ha-nâ´gwa ada´ntĭ dătsâsi´ga. * * hĭlû(stû´‛lĭ), +* * ditsa(dâ´íta). A´yû 0 0 tsûwi´ya tsĭkĭ´ tsĭkû´. +Yû! + +Yû! Ha-nâ´gwa ada´ntĭ dătsâsi´ga. * * hĭlû(stû´‛lĭ) +* * ditsa(dâ´íta). A´yû 0 0 tsûwatsi´la tsĭkĭ´ tsĭkû´ +a´yû. Yû! + +Yû! Ha-nâ´gwa ada´ntĭ dătsâsi´ga. * * hĭlû(stû´‛lĭ), +* * ditsadâ´(ita). A´yû 0 0 tsûnahŭ´ tsĭkĭ´ tsĭkû´. +Yû! + +Sgĕ! “Ha-nâ´gwa ada´ntĭ dutsase´, tsugale´ntĭ nige´sûⁿna,” +tsûdûneĭ, Hĭkayû´ⁿlige galû´ⁿlatĭ. Kananĕ´skĭ +Û´ⁿnage galû´ⁿlatĭ (h)etsatsâ´ûⁿtănile´ĭ. +Tsănilta´gĭ tsûksâ´ûⁿtanile´ĭ. * * gûla(stû´‛lĭ), +* * ditsadâ´(ita). Dudantâ´gĭ uhani´latâ +tĭkwenû´ⁿtani´ga. Kûlkwâ´gĭ igûlsta´lagĭ iyû´ⁿta +yû´ⁿwĭ adayû´ⁿlatawă´ dudûne´lida´lûⁿ uhisa´‛tĭ +nige´sûⁿna. + +Sgĕ! Ha-nâ´gwatĭ uhisa´‛tĭ dutlû´ⁿtani´ga. Tsû´nkta +daskâ´lûⁿtsi´ga. Sâ´gwahĭ di´kta de´gayelûⁿtsi´ga. +Ga´tsa igûnû´nugâ´ĭstû uda´ntâ? Usû´hita nudanû´ⁿna +ûltûⁿge´ta gûⁿwadûneli´dege´stĭ. Igûⁿwûlsta´‛ti-gwû +duwâlu´wa‛tûⁿtĭ nige´sûⁿna. Kananĕ´skĭ Ûⁿnage´ĭ +tsanildew’se´stĭ ada´ntâ uktûⁿlesi´dastĭ nige´sûna. +Gadâyu´stĭ tsûdâ´ita ada´ntĭ tside´atsasi´ga. A´ya +a´kwatseli´ga. + +Sgĕ! Ha-nâ´gwûlĕ´ hûⁿhatûⁿga´ga, Hĭkayû´ⁿlĭ +Gi´gage. Tsetsûli´sĭ hiye´lastûⁿ a‛ta´hisi´ga. Ada´ntâ +hasû‛gû´‛lawĭ´stani´ga, tsa´skaláhĭstĭ nige´sûⁿna. +Hĭkayû´ⁿlige denătsegû‛la´wĭstani´ga. Agĕ´‛ya +gĭ´nsûⁿgû‛lawĭs´tani´ga uda´ntâ _uwahisĭ´sata_. +Dĭgĭnaskûlâ´hĭstĭ nige´sûⁿna. Yû! + +Hi´ănasgwû´ u‛tlâ´yi-gwû dĭgalû´ⁿwistan´tĭ +snûⁿâ´yĭ hani´‛lihûⁿ gûnasgi´stĭ. Gane´tsĭ +aye´‛lĭ asi´tadis´tĭ watsi´la, ganûⁿli´yetĭ aguwaye´nĭ +andisgâ´ĭ. Sâi´yĭ tsika´nâhe itsu´laha´gwû. + + +_Translation._ + +TO FIX THE AFFECTIONS. + +Yû! Ha! Now the souls have come together. You are of the Deer (x x) +clan. Your name is (x x) Ayâsta, I am of the Wolf (o-o) clan. Your +body, I take it, I eat it. Yû! Ha! Now the souls have come together. +You are of the Deer clan. Your name is Ayâsta. I am of the Wolf clan. +Your flesh I take, I eat. Yû! + +Yû! Ha! Now the souls have come together. You are of the Deer clan. +Your name is Ayâsta. I am of the Wolf clan. Your spittle I take, I +eat. I! Yû! + +Yû! Ha! Now the souls have come together. You are of the Deer clan. +Your name is Ayâsta. I am of the Wolf clan. Your heart I take, I eat. +Yû! + +Listen! “Ha! Now the souls have met, never to part,” you have said, O +Ancient One above. O Black Spider, you have been brought down from on +high. You have let down your web. She is of the Deer clan; her name is +Ayâsta. Her soul you have wrapped up in (your) web. There where the +people of the seven clans are continually coming in sight and again +disappearing (i.e. moving about, coming and going), there was never +any feeling of loneliness. + +Listen! Ha! But now you have covered her over with loneliness. Her +eyes have faded. Her eyes have come to fasten themselves on one alone. +Whither can her soul escape? Let her be sorrowing as she goes along, +and not for one night alone. Let her become an aimless wanderer, whose +trail may never be followed. O Black Spider, may you hold her soul in +your web so that it shall never get through the meshes. What is the +name of the soul? They two have come together. It is mine! + +Listen! Ha! And now you have hearkened, O Ancient Red. Your +grandchildren have come to the edge of your body. You hold them yet +more firmly in your grasp, never to let go your hold. O Ancient One, +we have become as one. The woman has put her (x x x) soul into our +hands. We shall never let it go! Yû! + +(Directions.)--And this also is for just the same purpose (the +preceding formula in the manuscript book is also a love charm). It +must be done by stealth at night when they are asleep. One must put +the hand on the middle of the breast and rub on spittle with the hand, +they say. The other formula is equally good. + + +_Explanation._ + +This formula to fix the affections of a young wife is taken from the +manuscript sheets of the late Gatigwanasti. It very much resembles the +other formula for the same purpose, obtained from. A‛yû´ⁿinĭ, +and the brief directions show that the ceremony is alike in both. The +first four paragraphs are probably sung, as in the other formula, on +four successive nights, and, as explained in the directions and as +stated verbally by A‛yû´ⁿinĭ, this must be done stealthily at +night while the woman is asleep, the husband rubbing his spittle on +her breast with his hand while chanting the song in a low tone, hardly +above a whisper. The prayer to the Ancient One, or Ancient Red (Fire), +in both formulas, and the expression, “I come to the edge of your +body,” indicate that the hands are first warmed over the fire, in +accordance with the general practice when laying on the hands. The +prayer to the Black Spider is a beautiful specimen of poetic imagery, +and hardly requires an explanation. The final paragraph indicates +the successful accomplishment of his purpose. “Your grandchildren” +(tsetsûli´sĭ) is an expression frequently used in addressing the +more important deities. + + +MISCELLANEOUS FORMULAS. + +SÛⁿN´YĬ ED´HĬ E´SGA ASTÛⁿTI´YĬ. + +Sgĕ! Uhyûⁿtsâ´yĭ galûⁿlti´tla tsûltâ´histĭ, Hĭsgaya +Gigage´ĭ, usĭnu´lĭ di´tsakûnĭ´ denatlûⁿhi´sani´ga +Uy-igawa´stĭ duda´ntĭ. Nûⁿnâ´hĭ tatuna´watĭ. Usĭnu´lĭ +duda´ntâ dani´yûⁿstanilĭ´. + +Sgĕ! Uhyûⁿtlâ´yĭ galûⁿlti´tla tsûltâ´histĭ, Hĭsga´ya +Tĕ´halu, _hinaw’sŭ´’ki_. Ha-usĭnu´lĭ nâ´gwa di´tsakûnĭ´ +denatlûⁿhisani´ga uy-igawa´stĭ duda´ntĭ. Nûⁿnâ´hĭ +tătuna´wătĭ. Usĭnu´lĭ duda´ntâ dani´galĭstanĭ´. + + +_Translation._ + +TO SHORTEN A NIGHT-GOER ON THIS SIDE. + +Listen! In the Frigid Land above you repose, O Red Man, quickly we two +have prepared your arrows for the soul of the Imprecator. He has +them lying along the path. Quickly we two will take his soul as we go +along. + +Listen! In the Frigid Land above you repose, O Purple Man, * * * *. +Ha! Quickly now we two have prepared your arrows for the soul of the +Imprecator. He has them lying along the path. Quickly we two will cut +his soul in two. + + +_Explanation._ + +This formula, from A‛yû´ⁿinĭs’ book, is for the purpose of +driving away a witch from the house of a sick person, and opens up a +most interesting chapter of Cherokee beliefs. The witch is supposed +to go about chiefly under cover of darkness, and hence is called +sûⁿnâ´yĭ edâ´hĭ, “the night goer.” This is the term in common +use; but there are a number of formulistic expressions to designate +a witch, one of which, u´ya igawa´stĭ, occurs in the body of the +formula and may be rendered “the imprecator,” i.e., the sayer of +evil things or curses. As the counteracting of a deadly spell always +results in the death of its author, the formula is stated to be not +merely to drive away the wizard, but to kill him, or, according to the +formulistic expression, “to shorten him (his life) on this side.” + +When it becomes known that a man is dangerously sick the witches from +far and near gather invisibly about his house after nightfall to worry +him and even force their way in to his bedside unless prevented by the +presence of a more powerful shaman within the house. They annoy the +sick man and thus hasten his death by stamping upon the roof and +beating upon the sides of the house; and if they can manage to get +inside they raise up the dying sufferer from the bed and let him fall +again or even drag him out upon the floor. The object of the witch in +doing this is to prolong his term of years by adding to his own life +as much as he can take from that of the sick man. Thus it is that +a witch who is successful in these practices lives to be very old. +Without going into extended details, it may be sufficient to state +that the one most dreaded, alike by the friends of the sick man and by +the lesser witches, is the Kâ´lana-ayeli´skĭ or Raven Mocker, so +called because he flies through the air at night in a shape of fire, +uttering sounds like the harsh croak of a raven. + +The formula here given is short and simple as compared with some +others. There is evidently a mistake in regard to the Red Man, who is +here placed in the north, instead of in the east, as it should be. +The reference to the arrows will be explained further on. Purple, +mentioned in the second paragraph, has nearly the same symbolic +meaning as blue, viz: Trouble, vexation and defeat; hence the Purple +Man is called upon to frustrate the designs of the witch. + +To drive away the witch the shaman first prepares four sharpened +sticks, which he drives down into the ground outside the house at each +of the four corners, leaving the pointed ends projecting upward and +outward. Then, about noontime he gets ready the Tsâlagayû´ⁿlĭ +or “Old Tobacco” (_Nicotiana rustica_), with which he fills his pipe, +repeating this formula during the operation, after which he wraps the +pipe thus filled in a black cloth. This sacred tobacco is smoked only +for this purpose. He then goes out into the forest, and returns just +before dark, about which time the witch may be expected to put in +an appearance. Lighting his pipe, he goes slowly around the house, +puffing the smoke in the direction of every trail by which the witch +might be able to approach, and probably repeating the same or another +formula the while. He then goes into the house and awaits results. +When the witch approaches under cover of the darkness, whether in his +own proper shape or in the form of some animal, the sharpened stick on +that side of the house shoots up into the air and comes down like an +arrow upon his head, inflicting such a wound as proves fatal within +seven days. This explains the words of the formula, “We have prepared +your arrows for the soul of the Imprecator. He has them lying along +the path”. A‛yû´ⁿinĭ said nothing about the use of the sharpened +sticks in this connection, mentioning only the tobacco, but the +ceremony, as here described, is the one ordinarily used. When wounded +the witch utters a groan which is heard by those listening inside the +house, even at the distance of half a mile. No one knows certainly who +the witch is until a day or two afterward, when some old man or woman, +perhaps in a remote settlement, is suddenly seized with a mysterious +illness and before seven days elapse is dead. + + +GAHU´STĬ A´GIYAHU´SA. + +Sgĕ! Ha-nâ´gwa hatû´ⁿgani´ga Nû´ⁿya Wâtige´ĭ, +gahu´stĭ tsûtska´dĭ nige´sûⁿna. Ha-nâ´gwa +dû´ⁿgihya´lĭ. Agiyahu´sa sĭ´kwa, haga´ tsûⁿ-nû´ +iyû´ⁿta dătsi´waktû´hĭ. Tla-‛ke´ a´ya a´kwatseli´ga. 0 0 +digwadâi´ta. + + +_Translation._ + +I HAVE LOST SOMETHING. + +Listen! Ha! Now you have drawn near to hearken, O Brown Rock; you +never lie about anything. Ha! Now I am about to seek for it. I have +lost a hog and now tell me about where I shall find it. For is it not +mine? My name is ----. + + +_Explanation._ + +This formula, for finding anything lost, is so simple as to need but +little explanation. Brown in this instance has probably no mythologic +significance, but refers to the color of the stone used in the +ceremony. This is a small rounded water-worn pebble, in substance +resembling quartz and of a reddish-brown color. It is suspended by a +string held between the thumb and finger of the shaman, who is guided +in his search by the swinging of the pebble, which, according to their +theory, will swing farther in the direction of the lost article than +in the contrary direction! The shaman, who is always fasting, repeats +the formula, while closely watching the motions of the swinging +pebble. He usually begins early in the morning, making the first +trial at the house of the owner of the lost article. After noting the +general direction toward which it seems to lean he goes a considerable +distance in that direction, perhaps half a mile or more, and makes +a second trial. This time the pebble may swing off at an angle in +another direction. He follows up in the direction indicated for +perhaps another half mile, when on a third trial the stone may veer +around toward the starting point, and a fourth attempt may complete +the circuit. Having thus arrived at the conclusion that the missing +article is somewhere within a certain circumscribed area, he advances +to the center of this space and marks out upon the ground a small +circle inclosing a cross with arms pointing toward the four cardinal +points. Holding the stone over the center of the cross he again +repeats the formula and notes the direction in which the pebble +swings. This is the final trial and he now goes slowly and carefully +over the whole surface in that direction, between the center of the +circle and the limit of the circumscribed area until in theory, at +least, the article is found. Should he fail, he is never at a loss for +excuses, but the specialists in this line are generally very shrewd +guessers well versed in the doctrine of probabilities. + +There are many formulas for this purpose, some of them being long and +elaborate. When there is reason to believe that the missing article +has been stolen, the specialist first determines the clan or +settlement to which the thief belongs and afterward the name of the +individual. Straws, bread balls, and stones of various kinds are used +in the different formulas, the ceremony differing according to the +medium employed. The stones are generally pointed crystals or antique +arrowheads, and are suspended as already described, the point being +supposed to turn finally in the direction of the missing object. +Several of these stones have been obtained on the reservation and are +now deposited in the National Museum. It need excite no surprise +to find the hog mentioned in the formula, as this animal has been +domesticated among the Cherokees for more than a century, although +most of them are strongly prejudiced against it. + + +HIA´ UNÁLE (ATESTI´YĬ). + + Yuhahi´, yuhahi´, yuhahi´, yuhahi´, yuhahi´, + Yuhahi´, yuhahi´, yuhahi´, yuhahi´, yuhahi´--Yû! + +Sgĕ! Ha-nâ´gwa hĭnahûⁿ´ski tayĭ´. Ha-tâ´sti-gwû +gûⁿska´ihû. Tsûtali´i-gwati´na halu´‛nĭ. Kû´nigwati´na +dula´ska galû´ⁿlati-gwû witu´ktĭ. Wigûⁿyasĕ´hĭsĭ. +´talĭ tsugû´ⁿyĭ wite´tsatanû´ⁿûⁿsĭ´ nûⁿnâhĭ +tsane´lagĭ de´gatsana´wadise´stĭ. Kûnstû´ dutsasû´ⁿĭ +atû´ⁿwasûtĕ´hahĭ´ tsûtûneli´sestĭ. Sgĕ! + + +_Translation._ + +THIS IS TO FRIGHTEN A STORM. + + Yuhahi´, yuhahi´, yuhahi´, yuhahi´, yuhahi´, + Yuhahi´, yuhahi´, yuhahi´, yuhahi´, yuhahi´--Yû! + +Listen! O now you are coming in rut. Ha! I am exceedingly afraid of +you. But yet you are only tracking your wife. Her footprints can be +seen there directed upward toward the heavens. I have pointed them +out for you. Let your paths stretch out along the tree tops (?) on +the lofty mountains (and) you shall have them (the paths) lying down +without being disturbed, Let (your path) as you go along be where the +waving branches meet. Listen! + + +_Explanation._ + +This formula, from A‛yû´ⁿinĭ’s book, is for driving away, or +“frightening” a storm, which threatens to injure the growing corn. The +first part is a meaningless song, which is sung in a low tone in the +peculiar style of most of the sacred songs. The storm, which is not +directly named, is then addressed and declared to be coming on in a +fearful manner on the track of his wife, like an animal in the rutting +season. The shaman points out her tracks directed toward the upper +regions and begs the storm spirit to follow her along the waving tree +tops of the lofty mountains, where he shall be undisturbed. + +The shaman stands facing the approaching storm with one hand stretched +out toward it. After repeating the song and prayer he gently blows in +the direction toward which he wishes it to go, waving his hand in the +same direction as though pushing away the storm. A part of the storm +is usually sent into the upper regions of the atmosphere. If standing +at the edge of the field, he holds a blade of corn in one hand while +repeating the ceremony. + + +DANAWÛ´ TSUNEDÂLÛ´HĬ NUNATÛ´NELI´TALÛ´ⁿHĬ +U´NALSTELTA´‛TANÛ´HĬ. + +Hayĭ! Yû! Sgĕ! Nâ´gwa usĭnuli´yu A´tasu Gi´gage´ĭ +hinisa´latani´ga. Usĭnu´lĭ duda´ntâ u´nanugâ´tsidastĭ´ +nige´sûⁿna. Duda´ntâ e‛lawi´nĭ iyû´ⁿta ă´tasû +digûⁿnage´ĭ degûⁿlskwĭ´tahise´stĭ, anetsâge´ta +unanugâ´istĭ nige´sûⁿna, nitinû´ⁿneli´ga. Ă´tasû +dusa´ladanû´ⁿstĭ nige´sûⁿna, nitinû´ⁿneli´ga. +E‛lawi´nĭ iyû´ⁿta ă´tasû ûⁿnage´ ugûⁿ´hatû +ûⁿnage´ sâ´gwa da‛liyĕ´kû‛lani´ga _unadutlâ´gĭ_. +Unanugâ´tsida´stĭ nige´sûⁿna, nûⁿeli´ga. + +Usĭnuli´yu tsunada´ntâ kul‛kwâ´gine tigalû´ⁿltiyû´ⁿĭ +iyû´ⁿta ada´ntâ tega´yĕ‛ti´tege´stĭ. Tsunada´ntâ +tsuligalĭ´stĭ nige´sûⁿna dudûni´tege´stĭ. +Usĭnu´lĭ deniû´ⁿeli´ga galû´ⁿlatĭ iyû´ⁿta +widu´l‛tâhĭsti´tege´stĭ. Ă´tasû gigage´ĭ +dĕhatagû´ⁿyastani´ga. Tsunada´ntâ tsudastû´nilida´stĭ +nige´sûⁿna nûⁿeli´ga. Tsunada´ntâ galû´ⁿlatĭ +iyû´ⁿta witĕ´‛titege´stĭ. Tsunada´ntâ anigwalu´gĭ +une´ga gûⁿwa´nadagû´ⁿyastitege´stĭ. Sa‛ka´nĭ udûnu´hĭ +nige´sûⁿna usĭnuli´yu. Yû! + + +_Translation._ + +WHAT THOSE WHO HAVE BEEN TO WAR DID TO HELP THEMSELVES. + +Hayĭ! Yû! Listen! Now instantly we have lifted up the red war club. +Quickly his soul shall be without motion. There under the earth, where +the black war clubs shall be moving about like ball sticks in the +game, there his soul shall be, never to reappear. We cause it to be +so. He shall never go and lift up the war club. We cause it to be so. +There under the earth the black war club (and) the black fog have come +together as one for their covering. It shall never move about (i.e., +the black fog shall never be lifted from them). We cause it to be so. + +Instantly shall their souls be moving about there in the seventh +heaven. Their souls shall never break in two. So shall it be. Quickly +we have moved them (their souls) on high for them, where they shall +be going about in peace. You (?) have shielded yourselves (?) with the +red war club. Their souls shall never be knocked about. Cause it to +be so. There on high their souls shall be going about. Let them shield +themselves with the white war whoop. Instantly (grant that) they shall +never become blue. Yû! + + +_Explanation._ + +This formula, obtained from A‛wani´ta, may be repeated by the doctor +for as many as eight men at once when about to go to war. It is +recited for four consecutive nights, immediately before setting out. +There is no tabu enjoined and no beads are used, but the warriors “go +to water” in the regular way, that is, they stand at the edge of the +stream, facing the east and looking down upon the water, while the +shaman, standing behind them, repeats the formula. On the fourth night +the shaman gives to each man a small charmed root which has the power +to confer invulnerability. On the eve of battle the warrior after +bathing in the running stream chews a portion of this and spits the +juice upon his body in order that the bullets of the enemy may pass +him by or slide off from his skin like drops of water. Almost every +man of the three hundred East Cherokees who served in the rebellion +had this or a similar ceremony performed before setting out--many of +them also consulting the oracular ulûⁿsû´tĭ stone at the same +time--and it is but fair to state that not more than two or three of +the entire number were wounded in actual battle. + +In the formula the shaman identifies himself with the warriors, +asserting that “_we_” have lifted up the red war club, red being the +color symbolic of success and having no reference to blood, as might +be supposed from the connection. In the first paragraph he invokes +curses upon the enemy, the future tense verb _It shall be_, etc., +having throughout the force of _let it be_. He puts the souls of +the doomed enemy in the lower regions, where the black war clubs are +constantly waving about, and envelops them in a black fog, which shall +never be lifted and out of which they shall never reappear. From +the expression in the second paragraph, “their souls shall never be +knocked about,” the reference to the black war clubs moving about like +ball sticks in the game would seem to imply that they are continually +buffeting the doomed souls under the earth. The spirit land of the +Cherokees is in the west, but in these formulas of malediction or +blessing the soul of the doomed man is generally consigned to the +underground region, while that of the victor is raised by antithesis +to the seventh heaven. + +Having disposed of the enemy, the shaman in the second paragraph turns +his attention to his friends and at once raises their souls to the +seventh heaven, where they shall go about in peace, shielded by +(literally, “covered with”) the red war club of success, and never to +be knocked about by the blows of the enemy. “Breaking the soul in two” +is equivalent to snapping the thread of life, the soul being regarded +as an intangible something having length, like a rod or a string. This +formula, like others written down by the same shaman, contains several +evident inconsistencies both as to grammar and mythology, due to the +fact that A‛wanita is extremely careless with regard to details and +that this particular formula has probably not been used for the last +quarter of a century. The warriors are also made to shield themselves +with the white war whoop, which should undoubtedly be the red war +whoop, consistent with the red war club, white being the color +emblematic of peace, which is evidently an incongruity. The war whoop +is believed to have a positive magic power for the protection of the +warrior, as well as for terrifying the foe. + +The mythologic significance of the different colors is well shown in +this formula. Red, symbolic of success, is the color of the war club +with which the warrior is to strike the enemy and also of the other +one with which he is to shield or “cover” himself. There is no doubt +that the war whoop also should be represented as red. In conjuring +with the beads for long life, for recovery from sickness, or for +success in love, the ball play, or any other undertaking, the red +beads represent the party for whose benefit the magic spell is +wrought, and he is figuratively clothed in red and made to stand upon +a red cloth or placed upon a red seat. The red spirits invoked always +live in the east and everything pertaining to them is of the same +color. + +Black is always typical of death, and in this formula the soul of the +enemy is continually beaten about by black war clubs and enveloped in +a black fog. In conjuring to destroy an enemy the shaman uses +black beads and invokes the black spirits--which always live in the +west--bidding them tear out the man’s soul, carry it to the west, +and put it into the black coffin deep in the black mud, with a black +serpent coiled above it. + +Blue is emblematic of failure, disappointment, or unsatisfied desire. +“They shall never become blue” means that they shall never fail in +anything they undertake. In love charms the lover figuratively covers +himself with red and prays that his rival shall become entirely blue +and walk in a blue path. The formulistic expression, “He is entirely +blue,” closely approximates in meaning the common English phrase, “He +feels blue.” The blue spirits live in the north. + +White--which occurs in this formula only by an evident error--denotes +peace and happiness. In ceremonial addresses, as at the green corn +dance and ball play, the people figuratively partake of white food +and after the dance or the game return along the white trail to their +white houses. In love charms the man, in order to induce the woman to +cast her lot with his, boasts “I am a white man,” implying that all is +happiness where he is. White beads have the same meaning in the bead +conjuring and white was the color of the stone pipe anciently used +in ratifying peace treaties. The white spirits live in the south +(Wa´hală). + +Two other colors, brown and yellow, are also mentioned in the +formulas. Wâtige´ĭ, “brown,” is the term used to include brown, +bay, dun, and similar colors, especially as applied to animals. It +seldom occurs in the formulas and its mythologic significance is as +yet undetermined. Yellow is of more frequent occurrence and is typical +of trouble and all manner of vexation, the yellow spirits being +generally invoked when the shaman wishes to bring down calamities upon +the head of his victim, without actually destroying him. So far as +present knowledge goes, neither brown nor yellow can be assigned to +any particular point of the compass. + +Usĭnuli´yu, rendered “instantly,” is the intensive form of +usĭnu´lĭ “quickly,” both of which words recur constantly in the +formulas, in some entering into almost every sentence. This frequently +gives the translation an awkward appearance. Thus the final sentence +above, which means literally “they shall never become blue instantly,” +signifies “Grant that they shall never become blue”, i.e., shall never +fail in their purpose, _and grant our petition instantly_. + + +DIDA´LATLI´‛TĬ. + +Sgĕ! Nâ´gwa tsûdantâ´gĭ tegû´ⁿyatawâ´ilateli´ga. Iyustĭ +(0 0) tsilastû´‛lĭ Iyu´stĭ (0 0) ditsadâ´ita. Tsûwatsi´la +elawi´nĭ tsidâ´hĭstani´ga. Tsûdantâgĭ +elawi´nĭ tsidâ´hĭstani´ga. Nû´ⁿya gû´ⁿnage +gûⁿyu´tlûⁿtani´ga. Ă‛nûwa´gĭ gû´ⁿnage´ +gûⁿyu´tlûⁿtani´ga. Sûⁿtalu´ga gû´ⁿnage +degû´ⁿyanu´galû´ⁿtani´ga, tsû´nanugâ´istĭ +nige´sûⁿna. Usûhi´yĭ nûⁿnâ´hĭ wite´tsatanû´ⁿûⁿsĭ +gûne´sâ gû´ⁿnage asahalagĭ´. Tsûtû´neli´ga. Elawâ´tĭ +asa´halagĭ´a´dûⁿni´ga. Usĭnuli´yu Usûhi´yĭ gûltsâ´tĕ +digû´ⁿnagesta´yĭ, elawâ´ti gû´ⁿnage tidâ´hĭstĭ +wa‛yanu´galûⁿtsi´ga. Gûne´sa gû´ⁿage sûⁿtalu´ga +gû´ⁿnage gayu´tlûⁿtani´ga. Tsûdantâ´gĭ +ûska´lûⁿtsi´ga. Sa‛ka´nĭ adûⁿni´ga. Usû´hita +atanis´se´tĭ, ayâ´lâtsi´sestĭ tsûdantâ´gĭ, +tsû´nanugâ´istĭ nige´sûⁿna. Sgĕ! + + +_Translation._ + +TO DESTROY LIFE. + +Listen! Now I have come to step over your soul. You are of the (wolf) +clan. Your name is (A‛yû´ⁿinĭ). Your spittle I have put at rest +under the earth. Your soul I have put at rest under the earth. I have +come to cover you over with the black rock. I have come to cover you +over with the black cloth. I have come to cover you with the black +slabs, never to reappear. Toward the black coffin of the upland in the +Darkening Land your paths shall stretch out. So shall it be for you. +The clay of the upland has come (to cover you. (?)) Instantly the +black clay has lodged there where it is at rest at the black houses in +the Darkening Land. With the black coffin and with the black slabs I +have come to cover you. Now your soul has faded away. It has become +blue. When darkness comes your spirit shall grow less and dwindle +away, never to reappear. Listen! + + +_Explanation._ + +This formula is from the manuscript book of A‛yû´ⁿinĭ, who explained +the whole ceremony. The language needs but little explanation. A blank +is left for the name and clan of the victim, and is filled in by the +shaman. As the purpose of the ceremony is to bring about the death +of the victim, everything spoken of is symbolically colored black, +according to the significance of the colors as already explained. The +declaration near the end, “It has become blue,” indicates that the +victim now begins to feel in himself the effects of the incantation, +and that as darkness comes on his spirit will shrink and gradually +become less until it dwindles away to nothingness. + +When the shaman wishes to destroy the life of another, either for his +own purposes or for hire, he conceals himself near the trail along +which the victim is likely to pass. When the doomed man appears the +shaman waits until he has gone by and then follows him secretly until +he chances to spit upon the ground. On coming up to the spot the +shaman collects upon the end of a stick a little of the dust thus +moistened with the victim’s spittle. The possession of the man’s +spittle gives him power over the life of the man himself. Many +ailments are said by the doctors to be due to the fact that some enemy +has by this means “changed the spittle” of the patient and caused it +to breed animals or sprout corn in the sick man’s body. In the love +charms also the lover always figuratively “takes the spittle” of the +girl in order to fix her affections upon himself. The same idea in +regard to spittle is found in European folk medicine. + +The shaman then puts the clay thus moistened into a tube consisting +of a joint of the Kanesâ´la or wild parsnip, a poisonous plant of +considerable importance in life-conjuring ceremonies. He also puts +into the tube seven earthworms beaten into a paste, and several +splinters from a tree which has been struck by lightning. The idea in +regard to the worms is not quite clear, but it may be that they are +expected to devour the soul of the victim as earthworms are supposed +to feed upon dead bodies, or perhaps it is thought that from their +burrowing habits they may serve to hollow out a grave for the soul +under the earth, the quarter to which the shaman consigns it. In other +similar ceremonies the dirt-dauber wasp or the stinging ant is buried +in the same manner in order that it may kill the soul, as these are +said to kill other more powerful insects by their poisonous sting or +bite. The wood of a tree struck by lightning is also a potent spell +for both good and evil and is used in many formulas of various kinds. + +Having prepared the tube, the shaman goes into the forest to a tree +which has been struck by lightning. At its base he digs a hole, in the +bottom of which he puts a large yellow stone slab. He then puts in +the tube, together with seven yellow pebbles, fills in the earth, and +finally builds a fire over the spot to destroy all traces of his work. +The yellow stones are probably chosen as the next best substitute for +black stones, which are not always easy to find. The formula mentions +“black rock,” black being the emblem of death, while yellow typifies +trouble. The shaman and his employer fast until after the ceremony. + +If the ceremony has been properly carried out, the victim becomes +blue, that is, he feels the effects in himself at once, and, unless +he employs the countercharms of some more powerful shaman, his soul +begins to shrivel up and dwindle, and within seven days he is dead. +When it is found that the spell has no effect upon the intended victim +it is believed that he has discovered the plot and has taken measures +for his own protection, or that, having suspected a design against +him--as, for instance, after having won a girl’s affections from +a rival or overcoming him in the ball play--he has already secured +himself from all attempts by counterspells. It then becomes a serious +matter, as, should he succeed in turning the curse aside from himself, +it will return upon the heads of his enemies. + +The shaman and his employer then retire to a lonely spot in the +mountains, in the vicinity of a small stream, and begin a new series +of conjurations with the beads. After constructing a temporary shelter +of bark laid over poles, the two go down to the water, the shaman +taking with him two pieces of cloth, a yard or two yards in length, +one white, the other black, together with seven red and seven +black beads. The cloth is the shaman’s pay for his services, and is +furnished by his employer, who sometimes also supplies the beads. +There are many formulas for conjuring with the beads, which are used +on almost all important occasions, and differences also in the details +of the ceremony, but the general practice is the same in all cases. +The shaman selects a bend in the river where his client can look +toward the east while facing up stream. The man then takes up his +position on the bank or wades into the stream a short distance, +where--in the ceremonial language--the water is a “hand length” +(_awâ´hilû_) in depth and stands silently with his eyes fixed upon +the water and his back to the shaman on the bank. The shaman then lays +upon the ground the two pieces of cloth, folded into convenient size, +and places the red beads--typical of success and his client upon +the white cloth, while the black beads--emblematic of death and the +intended victim--are laid upon the black cloth. It is probable that +the first cloth should properly be red instead of white, but as it is +difficult to get red cloth, except in the shape of handkerchiefs, a +substitution has been made, the two colors having a close mythologic +relation. In former days a piece of buckskin and the small glossy, +seeds of the Viper’s Bugloss (_Echium vulgare_) were used instead +of the cloth and beads. The formulistic name for the bead is +_sû´nĭkta_, which the priests are unable to analyze, the ordinary +word for beads or coin being _adélâ_. + +The shaman now takes a red bead, representing his client, between +the thumb and index finger of his right hand, and a black bead, +representing the victim, in like manner, in his left hand. Standing +a few feet behind his client he turns toward the east, fixes his eyes +upon the bead between the thumb and finger of his right hand, and +addresses it as the Sû´nĭkta Gigăge´ĭ, the Red Bead, invoking +blessings upon his client and clothing him with the red garments of +success. The formula is repeated in a low chant or intonation, the +voice rising at intervals, after the manner of a revival speaker. Then +turning to the black bead in his left hand he addresses it in similar +manner, calling down the most withering curses upon the head of the +victim. Finally looking up he addresses the stream, under the name of +Yû´ⁿwĭ Gûnahi´ta, the “Long Person,” imploring it to protect +his client and raise him to the seventh heaven, where he will be +secure from all his enemies. The other, then stooping down, dips up +water in his hand seven times and pours it upon his head, rubbing it +upon his shoulders and breast at the same time. In some cases he dips +completely under seven times, being stripped, of course, even when the +water is of almost icy coldness. The shaman, then stooping down, makes +a small hole in the ground with his finger, drops into it the fatal +black bead, and buries it out of sight with a stamp of his foot. This +ends the ceremony, which is called “taking to water.” + +While addressing the beads the shaman attentively observes them as +they are held between the thumb and finger of his outstretched hands. +In a short time they begin to move, slowly and but a short distance at +first, then faster and farther, often coming down as far as the first +joint of the finger or even below, with an irregular serpentine motion +from side to side, returning in the same manner. Should the red bead +be more lively in its movements and come down lower on the finger +than the black bead, he confidently predicts for the client the speedy +accomplishment of his desire. On the other hand, should the black bead +surpass the red in activity, the spells of the shaman employed by the +intended victim are too strong, and the whole ceremony must be gone +over again with an additional and larger quantity of cloth. This must +be kept up until the movements of the red beads give token of success +or until they show by their sluggish motions or their failure to move +down along the finger that the opposing shaman can not be overcome. In +the latter case the discouraged plotter gives up all hope, considering +himself as cursed by every imprecation which he has unsuccessfully +invoked upon his enemy, goes home and--theoretically--lies down and +dies. As a matter of fact, however, the shaman is always ready with +other formulas by means of which he can ward off such fatal results, +in consideration, of a sufficient quantity of cloth. + +Should the first trial, which takes place at daybreak, prove +unsuccessful, the shaman and his client fast until just before sunset. +They then eat and remain awake until midnight, when the ceremony is +repeated, and if still unsuccessful it may be repeated four times +before daybreak (or the following noon?), both men remaining awake and +fasting throughout the night. If still unsuccessful, they continue to +fast all day until just before sundown. Then they eat again and again +remain awake until midnight, when the previous night’s programme +is repeated. It has now become a trial of endurance between the +revengeful client and his shaman on the one side and the intended +victim and his shaman on the other, the latter being supposed to be +industriously working countercharms all the while, as each party must +subsist upon one meal per day and abstain entirely from sleep until +the result has been decided one way or the other. Failure to endure +this severe strain, even so much as closing the eyes in sleep for +a few moments or partaking of the least nourishment excepting just +before sunset, neutralizes all the previous work and places the +unfortunate offender at the mercy of his more watchful enemy. If +the shaman be still unsuccessful on the fourth day, he acknowledges +himself defeated and gives up the contest. Should his spells prove the +stronger, his victim will die within seven days, or, as the Cherokees +say, seven nights. These “seven nights,” however, are frequently +interpreted, figuratively, to mean _seven years_, a rendering which +often serves to relieve the shaman from a very embarrassing position. + +With regard to the oracle of the whole proceeding, the beads do move; +but the explanation is simple, although the Indians account for it +by saying that the beads become alive by the recitation of the sacred +formula. The shaman is laboring under strong, though suppressed, +emotion. He stands with his hands stretched out in a constrained +position, every muscle tense, his breast heaving and voice trembling +from the effort, and the natural result is that before he is done +praying his fingers begin to twitch involuntarily and thus cause the +beads to move. As before stated, their motion is irregular; but the +peculiar delicacy of touch acquired by long practice probably imparts +more directness to their movements than would at first seem possible. + + +HIĂ´ A´NE´TS UGÛ´ⁿWA´LĬ AM´YĬ DITSÛ´ⁿSTA´TĬ. + +Sgĕ! Ha-nâgwa ă´stĭ une´ga aksâ´ûⁿtanû´ⁿ usĭnu´lĭ +a‛ne´tsâ unatsâ´nûⁿtse´lahĭ akta´‛tĭ adûⁿni´ga. + +Iyu´stĭ utadâ´ta, iyu´stĭ tsunadâ´ita. Nûⁿnâ´hĭ +anite´lahĕhû´ ige´skĭ nige´sûⁿna. Dû´ksi-gwu´ +dedu´natsgû‛la´wate´gû. Da´‛sûⁿ unilâtsi´satû. Sa‛ka´ni +unati´satû´. + +Nûⁿnâ´hĭ dâ´tadu´nina´watĭ´ a´yû-‛nû´ digwatseli´ga +a‛ne´tsâ unatsâ´nûⁿtse´lahĭ. Tla´mehû Gigage´ĭ sâ´gwa +danûtsgû´‛lani´ga. Igû´ⁿyĭ galû´ⁿlâ ge´sûⁿ i´yûⁿ +kanû´ⁿlagĭ ᵘwâhâ´hĭstâ´gĭ. Ta´line galû´ⁿlâ +ge´suⁿ i´yûⁿ kanû´ⁿlagĭ ᵘwâhâ´hĭstâ´gĭ. +He´nilû danûtsgû´‛lani´ga. Tla´ma ûⁿni´ta a´nigwalu´gĭ +gûⁿtla´‛tisge´stĭ, ase´gwû nige´sûⁿna. + +Du´talĕ a‛ne´tsâ unatsâ´nûⁿtse´lahĭ saligu´gi-gwû +dedu´natsgû´‛lawĭsti´tegû´. Elawi´nĭ da´‛sûⁿ +unilâtsi´satû. + +Tsâ´ine digalû´ⁿlatiyu´ⁿ Să´niwă Gi´gageĭ sâ´gwa +danûtsgû´‛lani´ga, asĕ‛gâ´gĭ nige´sûⁿna. Kanû´ⁿlagĭ +ᵘwâhâ´hĭstâ´gĭ nû´‛gine digalû´ⁿlatiyû´ⁿ. +Gulĭ´sgulĭ´ Sa‛ka´ni sâ´gwa danûtsgû´‛lani´ga, +asĕ‛gâ´gĭ nige´sûⁿna. Kanû´ⁿlagĭ ᵘwâhâ´hĭstâgĭ +hĭ´skine digalû´ⁿlatiyû´ⁿ. Tsŭtsŭ´ Sa‛ka´ni sâ´gwa +danûtsgû´‛lani´ga, asĕ‛gâ´gĭ nige´sûⁿna. + +Du´talĕ a‛ne´tsâ utsâ´nûⁿtse´lahĭ Tĭne´gwa Sa‛ka´ni +sâ´gwa danûtsgû´‛lani´ga, ige´skĭ nige´sûⁿna. Da´‛sûⁿ +unilâtsi´satû. Kanû´ⁿlagĭ ᵘwâhâ´hĭstâ´gĭ +sutali´ne digalû´ⁿlatiyû´ⁿ. A´nigâsta´ya sâ´gwa +danûtsgu´‛lani´ga, asĕ‛gâ´gĭ nige´suⁿna. Kanû´ⁿlagĭ +ᵘwâhâ´hĭstâ´gĭ kûl‛kwâgine digalû´ⁿlatiyû´ⁿ. +Wâtatû´ga Sa‛ka´ni sâ´gwa danûtsgû´‛lani´ga, asĕ‛gâ´gĭ +nige´sûⁿna. + +Du´talĕ a‛ne´tsâ unatsâ´nûⁿtse´lahĭ, Yâ´na +dedu´natsgû´‛lawĭstani´ga, ige´skĭ nige´sûⁿna. Da‛sûⁿ +du´nilâtsi´satû. Kanû´ⁿlagĭ de´tagaskalâ´ûⁿtanû´ⁿ, +igûⁿ´wûlstanûhi-gwûdi´na tsuye´listi gesû´ⁿĭ. Akta´‛tĭ +adûⁿni´ga. + +Sgĕ! Nâ´gwa t’skĭ´nâne´lĭ ta´lădŭ´ iyû´ⁿta +a´gwatseli´ga, Wătatu´ga Tsûne´ga. Tsuye´listĭ gesû´ⁿĭ +skĭ´nâhûⁿsĭ´ a´gwatseli´ga--kanû´ⁿlagĭ a´gwatseli´ga. +Nă´‛nâ utadâ´ta kanû´ⁿlagĭ dedu´skalâ´asi´ga. + +Dedû´ndagû´ⁿyastani´ga, gûⁿwâ´hisâ´nûhĭ. Yû! + + +_Translation._ + +THIS CONCERNS THE BALL PLAY--TO TAKE THEM TO WATER WITH IT. + +Listen! Ha! Now where the white thread has been let down, quickly we +are about to examine into (the fate of) the admirers of the ball play. + +They are of--such a (iyu´stĭ) descent. They are called--so and so +(iyu´stĭ). They are shaking the road which shall never be joyful. +The miserable Terrapin has come and fastened himself upon them as they +go about. They have lost all strength. They have become entirely blue. + +But now my admirers of the ball play have their roads lying along in +this direction. The Red Bat has come and made himself one of them. +There in the first heaven are the pleasing stakes. There in the second +heaven are the pleasing stakes. The Pewee has come and joined them. +The immortal ball stick shall place itself upon the whoop, never to be +defeated. + +As for the lovers of the ball play on the other side, the common +Turtle has come and fastened himself upon them as they go about. Under +the earth they have lost all strength. + +The pleasing stakes are in the third heaven. The Red Tlăniwă has +come and made himself one of them, that they may never be defeated. +The pleasing stakes are in the fourth heaven. The Blue Fly-catcher +has made himself one of them, that they may never be defeated. The +pleasing stakes are in the fifth heaven. The Blue Martin has made +himself one of them, that they may never be defeated. + +The other lovers of the ball play, the Blue Mole has come and fastened +upon them, that they may never be joyous. They have lost all strength. + +The pleasing stakes are there in the sixth heaven. The Chimney Swift +has made himself one of them, that they may never be defeated. The +pleasing stakes are in the seventh heaven. The Blue Dragon-fly has +made himself one of them, that they may never be defeated. + +As for the other admirers of the ball play, the Bear has just come and +fastened him upon them, that they may never be happy. They have lost +all strength. He has let the stakes slip from his grasp and there +shall be nothing left for their share. + +The examination is ended. + +Listen! Now let me know that the twelve are mine, O White Dragon-fly. +Tell me that the share is to be mine--that the stakes are mine. As for +the player there on the other side, he has been forced to let go his +hold upon the stakes. + +Now they are become exultant and happy. Yû! + + +_Explanation._ + +This formula, from the A‛yûⁿinĭ manuscript is one of those used +by the shaman in taking the ball players to water before the game. +The ceremony is performed in connection with red and black beads, +as described in the formula just given for destroying life. The +formulistic name given to the ball players signifies literally, +“admirers of the ball play.” The Tlă´niwă (să´niwă in the Middle +dialect) is the mythic great hawk, as large and powerful as the roc of +Arabian tales. The shaman begins by declaring that it is his purpose +to examine or inquire into the fate of the ball players, and then +gives his attention by turns to his friends and their opponents, +fixing his eyes upon the red bead while praying for his clients, and +upon the black bead while speaking of their rivals. His friends he +raises gradually to the seventh or highest _galû´ⁿlatĭ_. This +word literally signifies height, and is the name given to the abode +of the gods dwelling above the earth, and is also used to mean heaven +in the Cherokee bible translation. The opposing players, on the other +hand, are put down under the earth, and are made to resemble animals +slow and clumsy of movement, while on behalf of his friends the +shaman invokes the aid of swift-flying birds, which, according to +the Indian belief, never by any chance fail to secure their prey. +The birds invoked are the He´nilû or wood pewee (_Contopus virens_), +the Tlăniwă or mythic hawk, the Gulĭ´sgulĭ´ or great crested +flycatcher (_Myiarchus crinitus_), the Tsûtsû or martin (_Progne +subis_), and the A´nigâsta´ya or chimney swift (_Chætura +pelasgia_). In the idiom of the formulas it is said that these “have +just come and are sticking to them” (the players), the same word +(_danûtsgû´lani’ga_) being used to express the devoted attention of +a lover to his mistress. The Watatuga, a small species of dragon-fly, +is also invoked, together with the bat, which, according to a Cherokee +myth, once took sides with the birds in a great ball contest with the +four-footed animals, and won the victory for the birds by reason of +his superior skill in dodging. This myth explains also why birds, and +no quadrupeds, are invoked by the shaman to the aid of his friends. +In accordance with the regular color symbolism the flycatcher, martin, +and dragon-fly, like the bat and the tlă´niwă, should be red, the +color of success, instead of blue, evidently so written by mistake. +The white thread is frequently mentioned in the formulas, but in this +instance the reference is not clear. The twelve refers to the number +of runs made in the game. + + * * * * * + * * * * + +Errata for Sacred Formulas: + + Missing or superfluous quotation marks have been silently corrected. + + ... while closely watching the motions ... + [_original has “the / the” at line break_] + formulas obtained from Tsiskwa, A´wanita, and / Takwtihi + [_error for Takwati´hĭ?_] + Sgĕ! Ha-nâ´gwa hûⁿhatû´ⁿgani´ga + [_all parentheses in this paragraph shown as printed_] + (hetsatsa´ûⁿtani´ga + [_mismatched parenthesis in original_] + + + * * * * * + * * * * + * * * * * + + +INDEX. + Page. + A. + + Abnaki, population 48 + Achastlians, Lamanon’s vocabulary of the 75 + Acoma, a Keresan dialect 83 + population 83 + Adair, James, quoted on Choctaw villages 40 + Adaizan family 45-48 + Adaizan and Caddoan languages compared 46 + Adam, Lucien, on the Taensa language 96 + Agriculture, effect of, on Indian population 38 + region to which limited 41 + extent of practice of, by Indian tribes 42 + Aht division of Wakashan family 129, 130 + Ahtena tribe of Copper River 53 + population 55 + Ai-yan, population 55 + Akansa, or Quapaw tribe 113 + Akoklako, or Lower Cootenai 85 + Aleutian Islanders belong to Eskimauan family 73 + population 75 + Algonquian family 47-51 + list of tribes 48 + population 48 + habitat of certain western tribes of 113 + Alibamu, habitat and population 95 + Alsea, habitat 134 + Al-ta-tin, population 55 + Angel de la Guardia Island, occupied by Yuman tribes 138 + Apache, habitat 54 + population 56 + Apalaches, supposed by Gallatin to be the Yuchi 126 + Apalachi tribe 95 + Arapaho, habitat 48, 109 + population 48 + Arikara, habitat 60 + population 62 + Arizona, work in XVIII, XXV-XXVIII + Assinaboin, habitat 115 + population 117 + Atfalati, population 82 + Athapascan family 51-56 + Atnah tribe, considered distinct from Salish by Gallatin 103 + Attacapan family 56-57 + Attakapa language reputed to be spoken by the Karankawa 82 + Auk, population 87 + A‛wanita, or Young Deer, Cherokee formulas furnished by 316 + Ayasta, Cherokee manuscript obtained from 313 + A‛yûⁿ´inĭ, or Swimmer, Cherokee manuscripts + obtained from 310-312 + + + B. + + Baffin Land, Eskimo population 75 + Bancroft, George, linguistic literature 13 + cited on Cherokee habitat 78, 79 + Bancroft, Hubert H., linguistic literature 24 + Bandelier, A. F., on the Keres 83 + Bannock, former habitat 108 + population 110 + Bartlett, John R., cited on Lipan and Apache habitat 54 + the Pima described by 98 + Barton, B. S., comparison of Iroquois and Cheroki 77 + Bathing in medical practice of Cherokees, 333-334, 335-336 + Batts on Tutelo habitat in 1671 114 + Bellacoola, population 105, 131 + Bellomont, Earl of, cited on the Tutelo 114 + Beothukan family 57-58 + Berghaus, Heinrich, linguistic literature 16 + Bessels, Emil, acknowledgments 73 + Biloxi, a Siouan tribe 112 + early habitat 114 + present habitat 116 + population 118 + Birch-bark records and songs of the Midē´wiwin 286-289 + Bleeding, practice of among the Cherokees 334-335 + Blount, on Cherokee and Chickasaw habitat 79 + Boas, Franz, cited on Chimakum habitat 62 + on population of Chimmesyan tribes 64 + on the middle group of Eskimo 73 + on population of Baffin Land Eskimo 75 + Salishan researches 104 + Haida researches 120 + Wakashan researches 129 + on the habitat of the Haeltzuk 130 + Boundaries of Indian tribal lands, + difficulty of fixing 43-44 + Bourgemont on the habitat of the Comanche 109 + Brinton, D. G., cited on Haumonté’s Taensa grammar 96 + cited on relations of the Pima language 99 + cited on linguistic value of Indian records 318 + Buschmann, Johann C. E., linguistic literature 18, 19 + on the Kiowa language 84 + on the Pima language 99 + on Shoshonean families 109 + regards Shoshonean and Nahuatlan families as one 140 + + + C. + + Cabeça de Vaca, mention of Atayos by 46 + Caddoan and Adaizan languages compared 46 + Caddoan family 58-62 + Caddoan. See Southern Caddoan. + Calapooya, population 82 + California, aboriginal game laws in 42 + Calispel population 105 + Calumet, ceremonial use of, among Algonkian tribes 153 + “Carankouas,” a part of Attacapan family 57 + Carib, affinities of Timuquana with 123 + Carmel language of Mofras 102 + Cartier, Jacques, aborigines met by 58, 77-78 + Catawba, habitat 112, 114, 116 + population 118 + Catawba Killer, Cherokee formulas furnished by 316 + Cathlascon tribes, Scouler on 81 + Caughnawaga, population 80 + Cayuga, population 80 + Cayuse, habitat and population 127, 128 + Central Eskimo, population 75 + Champlain, S. de, cited 78 + Charlevoix on the derivation of “Iroquois” 77 + Chehalis, population 105 + Chemehuevi, habitat and population 110 + Cherokees, habitat and population 78-80 + paper on Sacred Formulas of, by James Mooney 301-397 + bathing, rubbing, and bleeding in medical + practice of 333-336 + manuscripts of, containing sacred, medical, + and other formulas, character and age of 307-318 + medical practice of, list of plants used in 324-327 + medicine dance of 337 + color symbolism of 342-343 + gods of, and their abiding places 340-342 + religion of 319 + Cherokee Sacred Formulas, notice of paper on XXXIX-XL + language of 343-344 + specimens of 344-397 + for rheumatism 345-351 + for snake bite 351-353 + for worms 353-356 + for neuralgia 356-359 + for fever and ague 359-363 + for child birth 363-364 + for biliousness 365-366 + for ordeal diseases 367-369 + for hunting and fishing 369-375 + for love 375-384 + to kill a witch 384-386 + to find something 386-387 + to prevent a storm 387-388 + for going to war 388-391 + for destroying an enemy 391-395 + for ball play 395-397 + Cheyenne tribe, habitat 48, 109 + population 49 + treaty cited 114 + Chicasa, population 95 + join the Na’htchi 96 + Chilcat, population 87 + Chillúla tribe 132 + Chimakuan family 62, 63 + Chimakum, habitat and population 62 + Chimarikan family 63 + Chimmesyan family 63-65 + Chinookan family 65-86 + Chippewyan, population 55 + Chitimacuan family, possibly allied to the Attacapan 57 + Chitimachan family 66-67 + Choctaw Muskhogee family of Gallatin 94 + Choctaw, population 95 + Choctaw towns described by Adair 40 + Chocuyem, a Moquelumnan dialect 92 + Cholovone division of the Mariposan 90 + Chopunnish, population 107 + Chowanoc, perhaps a Tuscarora tribe 79 + Chukchi of Asia 74 + Chumashan family 67, 68 + Chumashan languages, Salinan languages held to be + dialects of 101 + Clackama, population 66 + Clallam language distinct from Chimakum 62 + Clallam, population 105 + Classification of linguistic families, rules for 8, 12 + Classification of Indian languages, + literature relating to 12-25 + Clavering, Captain, Greenland Eskimo, researches of 72 + Cliff dwellings examined XVIII-XXIV + Coahuiltecan family 68, 69 + Cochitemi, a Keresan dialect 83 + Cochiti, population of 83 + Coconoon tribe 90 + Cœur d’Alene tribe, population of 105 + Cofitachiqui, a supposed Yuchi town 126 + Cognation of languages 11, 12 + Color symbolism of the Cherokees 342, 343 + Colorado, work in XXI-XXIV + Columbia River, improvidence of tribes on 37, 38 + Colville tribe, population 105 + Comanche, association of the Kiowa with 84 + habitat 109 + population 110 + Comecrudo, vocabulary of, collected by Gatschet 68 + Communism among North American Indians 34, 35 + Conestoga, former habitat of the 78 + Cook, Capt. James, names Waukash tribe 129 + Cookkoo-oose tribe of Lewis and Clarke 89 + Cootenai tribe 85 + Copehan family 69-70 + Corbusier, Wm. H., on Crow occupancy of Black Hills 114 + Corn, large quantities of, raised by certain tribes 41 + Cortez, José, cited 54 + Costano dialects, Latham’s opinion concerning 92 + Costanoan family 70, 71 + Cotoname vocabulary, collected by Gatschet 68 + Coulter, Dr., Pima vocabulary of 98 + Coyotero Apache, population 56 + Cree, population 49 + Creeks, habitat and population 95 + Cross, use of, in Indian ceremonials 155 + Crows, habitat 114, 116 + population 118 + Cuchan population 188 + Curtin, Jeremiah, work of XXX + Chimarikan researches of 63 + Costanoan researches of 70 + Moquelumnan researches of 93 + Yanan researches of 135 + acknowledgments to 142 + Cushing, Frank H., work of XXXI + on the derivation of “Zuñi” 138 + Cushna tribe 99 + + + D. + + Dahcota. See Dakota. + Dahcotas, habitat of the divisions of 111 + Dakota, tribal and family sense of name 112 + divisions of the 114 + population and divisions of the 116 + Dall, W. H., linguistic literature 21, 22, 24 + cited on Eskimo habitat 53 + Eskimo researches of 73 + on Asiatic Eskimo 74 + on population of Alaskan Eskimo 75 + Dana on the divisions of the Sacramento tribes 99 + Dawson, George M., cited on Indian land tenure 40 + assigns the Tagisch to the Koluschan family 87 + Salishan researches 104 + De Bry, Timuquanan names on map of 124 + Delaware, population 49 + habitat 79 + De L’Isle cited 60 + De Soto, Ferdinand, on early habitat of the Kaskaskias 113 + supposed to have visited the Yuchi 126 + Timuquanan towns encountered by 124 + D’Iberville, names of Taensa towns given by 96 + Diegueño, population 138 + Differentiation of languages within single stock, + to what due 141 + Digger Indian tongue compared by Powers with the + Pit River dialects 98 + Disease, Indian belief concerning 39 + Cherokee theory of 322-324 + Disease and medicine, Cherokee tradition of origin of 319-322 + Dobbs, Arthur, cited on Eskimo habitat 73 + Dog Rib, population of 55 + Dorsey, J. O., work of XXXIV, XXXV + cited on Pacific coast tribes 54 + cited on Omaha-Arikara alliance 60 + Catawba studies 112 + on Crow habitat 114 + Takilman researches 121 + Yakonan researches 134 + acknowledgments to 142 + Dress and ornaments used in Ojibwa dances 298, 299 + Drew, E. P., on Siuslaw habitat 134 + Duflot de Mofras, E. de, cited 92 + Soledad, language of 102 + Dunbar, John B., quoted on Pawnee habitat 60 + Duncan, William, settlement of Chimmesyan tribes by 65 + Duponceau collection, Salishan vocabulary of the 103 + Du Pratz, Le Page, cited on Caddoan habitat 61 + on certain southern tribes 66 + on the Na’htchi language 96 + Dzhe Manido, the guardian spirit of the Midewiwin 163, 166 + Dzhibai midewigân or “Ghost Lodge” 278-281 + + + E. + + Eaton, Captain, Zuñi vocabulary of 139 + Ecclemachs. See Esselenian family. + Eells, Myron, linguistic literature 24 + on the Chimakuan language and habitat 62, 63 + Emmert, John W., work of XVII + E-nagh-magh language of Lane 122 + Emory, W. H., visit of, to the Pima 98 + Environment as affecting language 141 + Eskimauan family 71-75 + Eslen nation of Galiano 75 + Esselenian family 75, 76 + Etah Eskimo, habitat of 72, 73 + É-ukshikni or Klamath 90 + Everette on the derivation of “Yakona” 134 + Explorations in stone villages XVIII-XXVIII + + + F. + + “Family,” linguistic, defined 11 + Field work XVI-XXX + Filson, John, on Yuchi habitat 127 + Financial statement XLI + Flatbow. See Kitunahan family. + Flathead Cootenai 85 + Flathead family, Salish or 102 + Fontanedo, Timuquanan, local names of 124 + Food distribution among North American Indians 34 + Friendly Village, dialect of 104 + + + G. + + Gahuni manuscript of Cherokee formulas 313, 314 + Galiano, D. A., on the Eslen and Runsien 75, 76 + Gallatin, Albert, founder of systematic American + philology 9, 10 + linguistic literature 12, 15, 16, 17 + Attacapan researches 57 + on the Caddo and Pawnee 59 + Chimmesyan researches 64 + on the Chitimachan family 66 + on the Muskhogean family 94 + on Eskimauan boundaries 72 + comparison of Iroquois and Cheroki 77 + on the Kiowa language 84 + on the Koluschan family 86 + on Na’htchi habitat 96 + Salishan researches 102, 103 + reference to “Sahaptin” family 107 + on the Shoshonean family 108 + on the Siouan family 111 + Skittagetan researches 119, 120 + on Tonika language 135 + on the habitat of the Yuchi 126 + linguistic map 142 + Game laws of California tribes 42 + Garcia, Bartolomé, cited 68 + Gatigwanasti manuscript of Cherokee formulas 312, 313 + Gatschet, A. S., work of 7, XXXIV + linguistic literature 23, 24 + comparison of Caddoan and Adaizan languages by 46 + on Pacific Coast tribes 54 + Attacapan researches 57 + Beothukan researches 57 + Chimakuan researches 62 + on the derivation of “Chitimacha” 66 + Chitimachan researches 67 + Coahuiltecan researches 68 + Mutson investigations 70 + Tonkawe vocabulary collected by 82 + on the Kitunahan family 85 + distinguishes the Kusan as a distinct stock 89 + on the habitat of the Yamasi 95 + on the Taensa language 96 + on the derivation of “Palaihnih” 97 + on the Pima language 99 + discovered radical affinity between Wakashan and + Salishan families 104 + Catawba studies 112 + surviving Biloxi found by 114 + Takilman researches 121 + on the derivation of “Taño” 122 + classes Tonkawan as a distinct stock 125 + Tonikan researches 125 + on early Yuchi habitat 127 + on the derivation of Waiilatpu 127 + Washoan language separated by 131 + Wishoskan researches 133 + on the Sayúsklan language 134 + acknowledgments to 143 + Gens du Lac, habitat 111 + Georgia, work in XVIII + Ghost Lodge ceremonies 278-281 + Gibbs, George, linguistic literature 17, 22 + on the Chimakum language 62 + on the Kulanapan family 87 + the Eh-nek family of 100 + on the Weitspekan language 131 + Wishoskan researches 133 + Yuki vocabulary cited 136 + Ginseng, Mide tradition relating to origin of 241, 242 + Gioloco language 108 + Gods of the Cherokees and their abiding places 340-342 + Gosiute, population 110 + Grammatic elements of language 141 + Grammatic structure in classification of + Indian languages 11 + Grand Medicine Society. See Midewiwin. + Gravier, Father, on the Na’htchi and Taensa 97 + Greely, A. W., on Eskimo of Grinnell Land 73 + Greenland, Eskimo of 73, 75 + Grinnell Land, Eskimo of 73 + Gros Ventres, habitat 116 + Guiloco language 92 + + + H. + + Haeltzuk, habitat 129, 130 + principal tribes 131 + population 131 + Haida, divisions of 120 + population 121 + language, related to Koluschan 120 + method of land tenure 40 + Hailtzuk, population 105 + Hale, Horatio, linguistic literature 14, 25 + discovery of branches of Athapascan family in + Oregon by 52 + on the affinity of Cheroki to Iroquois 77 + on the derivation of “Iroquois” 77 + on the “Kaus or Kwokwoos” 89 + on the Talatui 92 + on the Palaihnihan 97 + on certain Pujunan tribes 99, 100 + Salishan researches 104 + on the Sastean family 106 + Tutelo researches 114 + classification and habitat of Waiilatpuan tribes 127 + on the Yakonan family 134 + Hamilton manuscript cited 54 + Hanega, population 87 + Hano pueblo, Tusayan 123 + population 123 + Hare tribe, population 55 + Harrison, on early Tutelo habitat 114 + Haumonté, J. D., on the Taensa 96 + Havasupai habitat and population 138 + Hawk-leg fetish, description and figure 220, 221 + Hayden, Ferdinand V., linguistic literature 20 + Haynarger vocabulary cited 54 + Haywood, John, cited on witchcraft beliefs among + the Cherokees 322 + Hennepin, Louis + cited on practices of Algonkian medicine men 152, 154 + cited on ceremonial use of Calumet by + Algonkian tribes 153 + Henshaw, H. W., work of XXXIV, XXXV, XXXVI + Chumashan researches of 68 + Costanoan researches of 70 + Esselenian investigations of 76 + Moquelumnan researches of 93 + Salinan researches of 101 + on Salinan population 102 + on population of Cayuse 128 + acknowledgments to 142 + synonomy of tribes by 142 + Heshotatsína, a Zuñi village 139 + Hewitt, J. N. B., work of XXXI + on the derivation of “Iroquois” 77 + Hidatsa population 118 + Hoffman, W. J., paper on Midewiwin or + Grand Medicine Society of 143-300 + work of XXXVI + Hoh, population and habitat 63 + Holm, G., Greenland Eskimo 72 + on East Greenland Eskimo population 75 + Holmes, W. H., work of XXXII + Hoodsunu, population 87 + Hoquiam, population 105 + Hospitality of American Indians, source of 34 + Howe, George, on early habitat of the Cherokee 78 + Hudson Bay, Eskimo of 73 + Humptulip, population 105 + Hunah, population 87 + “Hunter’s medicine” of Midewiwin 221-223 + Hunting claims 42, 43 + Hunting, Mide “medicine” practiced in 221-223 + Hupa, population of 56 + + + I. + + Iakon, see Yakwina 134 + Illinois, work in XVII + Improvidence of Indians 34, 37 + Inali manuscript of Cherokee formulas 314-316 + Indian languages, principles of classification of 8-12 + literature relating to classification of 12-25 + at time of European discovery 44 + Indian linguistic families, paper by J. W. Powell on 1-142 + work on classification of 25, 26 + Indian tribes, work on synonymy of XXXIV-XXXVI + Industry of Indians 36 + Innuit population 75 + Iowa, habitat and population 116, 118 + Iroquoian family 76-81 + Isleta, New Mexico, population 123 + Isleta, Texas, population 123 + Ives, J. C., on the habitat of the Chemehuevi 110 + + + J. + + Jargon, establishment of, between tribes 7 + Jemez, population of 123 + Jessakid class of Shamans, relative importance of 156 + practices of 157-158, 251-255 + Jewett’s Wakash vocabulary referred to 129 + Jicarilla Apache, population 56 + Johnson, Sir William, treaty with Cherokees 78 + Johnston, A. R., visit of, to the Pima 98 + Jones, Peter, cited on medicine men of the Ojibwa 162 + cited on witchcraft beliefs of Ojibwa Indians 237 + cited on Ojibwa love charm or powder 258 + Joutel on the location of certain Quapaw villages 113 + Jugglery among Ojibwa Indians 276-277 + + + K. + + Kaigani, divisions of the 121 + Kaiowe, habitat 109 + Kaiowe. See Kiowan family. + Kai Pomo, habitat 88 + Kai-yuh-kho-tána, etc., population 56 + Kalapooian family 81-82 + Kane, Paul, linguistic literature 19 + Kansa or Kaw tribe 113 + population 118 + Karankawan family 82-83 + Kaskaskias, early habitat 113 + Kastel Pomo, habitat 88 + Kat-la-wot-sett bands 134 + Kato Pomo, habitat 88 + Kaus or Kwokwoos tribe of Hale 89 + Kaw, habitat 116 + Kaw. See Kansa. + Keam, Thomas V., aid by XXIX + Keane, Augustus H., linguistic literature 23 + on the “Tegua or Taywaugh” 122 + Kek, population 87 + Kenesti, habitat 54 + Keresan family 83 + K’iapkwainakwin, a Zuñi village 139 + Kichai habitat and population 61, 62 + Kickapoo, population 49 + Kinai language asserted to bear analogies to + the Mexican 86 + Kiowan family 84 + Kitshi Manido, the principal Ojibwa deity 163 + Kitunahan family 85 + Kivas of Moki Indians, study of XXVI-XXVII + Kiwomi, a Keresan dialect 83 + Klamath, habitat and population 90 + Klanoh-Klatklam tribe 85 + Klikitat, population 107 + K’nai-khotana tribe of Cook’s Inlet 53 + K’naia-khotána, population 56 + Koasáti, population 95 + Koluschan family 85-87 + Ku-itc villages, location of 134 + Kulanapan and Chimarikan verbal correspondences 63 + Kulanapan family 87-89 + Kusan family 89 + Kutchin, population 56 + Kutenay. See Kitunahan family. + Kwaiantikwoket, habitat 110 + Kwakiutl tribe 129 + + + L. + + Labrador, Eskimo of 73 + Labrador, Eskimo population 75 + Laguna, population 83 + La Harpe cited 61 + La Hontan, A. L. de D., cited on practices of + Algonkian medicine men 151-152 + Lake tribe, Washington, population 105 + Lákmiut population 82 + Lamanon on the Eeclemachs 75, 76 + Land, Indian ownership of 40 + amount devoted to Indian agriculture 42 + Lane, William C., linguistic literature 17 + on Pueblo languages 122 + Languages, cognate 11, 12 + Latham, R. G., linguistic literature 14, 15, 16, 17, + 18, 20 + cited on Beothukan language 57 + Chumashan researches 67 + proposes name for Copehan family 69 + Costanoan researches 70 + Salinas family of 75 + mention of the Kaus tribe 89 + on the Tonika language 125 + on the Weitspekan language 132 + Wishoskan researches 133 + on the Sayúsklan language 134 + Yuman researches 137 + Pueblo researches 139 + classification of the Mariposan family 90 + on the Moquelumnan family 92 + on the Piman family 98 + on the Pujunan family 99 + on the Ehnik family of 100 + on the Salinan family 102 + Lawson, John, on Tutelo migration in 1671 114 + Leech Lake record, how obtained 171 + Lewis and Clarke cited on improvidence of Indians + of the Northwest 37 + on Pacific coast tribes 53 + on Arikari habitat 60 + authorities on Chinookan habitat 65 + on the habitat of Kalapooian tribes 82 + on the Kusan tribe 89 + Salishan tribes met by 104 + on habit of Shoshonean tribes 109 + on Crow habitat 114 + on the Yakwina 134 + Lexical elements considered in classification + of Indian languages 11, 141 + Linguistic classification, rules for 8-12 + Linguistic families of North America, facts + brought to view by work on XXXVII-XXXVIII + paper by J. W. Powell on 1-142 + nomenclature of 7-12 + work on classification of 25, 26 + number of 45 + Linguistic “family” defined 11 + Linguistic map, preparation of 142 + notes concerning 25, 45 + Lipan, habitat 54 + population 56 + Literature relating to classification of + Indian languages 12-25 + Long, W. W, collection of Cherokee formulas and songs + prepared by 317 + Loucheux classed as Athapascan 52 + Love powder of Ojibwa Indians 258 + Lower California, native population of, unknown 138 + Lower Spokane, population 105 + Lower Umpqua villages, location of 134 + Lummi, population 105 + Lutuamian family 89-90 + + + M. + + Madison tribe, population 105 + Magical practices of Midewiwin 205-206 + Mahican, population 51 + Makah tribe 129 + habitat 130 + population 130 + Mallery, Garrick, work of XXXIV, XXXV + cited on early Indian population 33 + acknowledgments to 142 + cited on Schoolcraft’s account of the Ojibwa + hieroglyphs 156 + cited on Indian jugglery 276-277 + cited on character and use of Algonkian + pictographs 287-288 + Malthusian law, not applicable to American Indians 33-34 + Mandan habitat 116 + population 118 + Map showing Indian linguistic families, explanation of 26, 45 + Marchand on the Tshinkitani 86 + Margry on early habitat of the Biloxi 114 + Maricopa population 138 + Mariposan family 90-91 + Marquette, Jaques, cited on practices of Algonkian + medicine men 152-153 + cited on use of the cross in Indian ceremonials 155 + Marquette’s map, location of the Quapaw on 113 + Marriage among Indians 35 + Marys River tribe, population 82 + Maskegon, population 49 + Matthews, Washington, work of XXXII + Mdewakantonwan, population 116 + Medical practice of Cherokees, plants used 322-331 + Medical prescriptions of the Midewiwin 197-201, 226, + 241-242 + Medicine Creek treaty 84 + Medicine dance of Cherokees 337 + Medicine men, practices of, among Algonkian tribes 151, 152, + 154, 159 + Medicine practice of the Indians, evils of 39 + Meherrin, joined by the Tutelo 114 + Mendewahkantoan, habitat 111 + Menomīnee, population 49 + Mescalero Apache, population 56 + Mexican language, Kinai bears analogies to the 86 + Miami, population 49 + Micmac, population 49 + western Newfoundland colonized by 58 + Middleton, James D., work of XVII, XVIII + Midē class of Shamans, relative importance of 156 + how elected 160, 163-164 + charts of, described 165, 174-183, + 185-187 + therapeutics of 197-202 + Midē Society. See Midewiwin. + Midewigân, or Grand Medicine Lodge, described 187-189, 224, + 240, 255-257 + Midewiwin or Grand Medicine Society of the Ojibwa, + notice of paper on XXXIX-XL + paper by W. J. Hoffman on 143-300 + purposes of 151 + origin of 160 + degrees in 164 + records of 164-165 + ceremonies of first degree 189-224 + songs of 193-196, 202-203, 207-214, 216, + 218-219, 227-230, 232-233, + 239-240, 243-244, 246-251, + 253-254, 259-261, 263-264, + 266-273, 282-286, 289-297 + ceremony of initiation into 187-196, 202-286 + magical practices of 204-206 + ceremonies of second degree 224-240 + payments made to priests of 225 + use of tobacco in ceremonials of 231, 248-249 + drums used in ceremonies of 238 + ceremonies of third degree 240-255 + ceremonies of fourth degree 255-278 + initiation into, by substitution 281-286 + pictography of 286-289 + dress and ornaments used in dances of 298-299 + future of 299-300 + Migis (Indian charm or token), + forms and uses of 191, 192, 215, 217-218, + 220, 236, 251, 265 + Migration of Siouan tribes westward 112 + Migration, effect of, upon language 141 + Milhau on the derivation of “Coos” 89 + Minabozho, an Ojibwa deity 166 + Mindeleff, Cosmos, work of XXV-XXVIII, XXXIII + Mindeleff, Victor, work of XXV-XXVIII, XXXII-XXXIII + Misisauga, population 49 + Missouri tribe, habitat 116 + Miwok division of Moqueluman family, tribes of 93 + “Mobilian trade Jargon” 96 + Modoc, habitat and population 90 + Módokni, or Modoc 90 + Mohave, population 138 + Mohawk, population 80 + Moki Indians, study of snake dance of XXVI, XXIX + Moki pueblos, Arizona, work among XXIX + Moki tribes, studies among XXIV-XXV + Moki ruins explored XXV-XXVII + Moki. See Tusayan. + Molále, habitat and population 127, 128 + Monsoni, population 49 + Montagnais, population 49 + Monterey, Cal., natives of 71 + Montesano, population 105 + Montigny, M. de, on the Na’htchi and Taensa 96, 97 + Mooney, James, work of XXXIV, XXXV + acknowledgments to 142 + paper on sacred formulas of the Cherokees, by 301-397 + Moquelumnan family 92-93 + Mound explorations XVI-XVIII + Muekleshoot, population 105 + Mummy cave ruins, exploration of XXVII + Murdoch, John, Eskimo researches of 73 + Music of Midewiwin described 289-290 + Muskhogean family 94-95 + + + N. + + Nahanie, population 56 + Na’htchi, Taensa and Chitimacha, supposed by Du Pratz + to be kindred tribes 65-66 + Na’htchi, habitat and population 96-97 + Nahuatl, Pima a branch of the 99 + Shoshonean regarded by Buschmann as a branch of 109 + Na-isha Apache, population 56 + Nambé, population 123 + Names, importance attached to, in Cherokee sacred + formulas 343 + population 56 + Nascapee, population 49 + Nascapi joined by the Beothuk 58 + Natchesan family 95 + Navajo, habitat 54 + Navajo medicine dance, studies of XXV + Nelson, E. W., work of XXVIII, XXIX, XXXIII + cited on Athapascan habitat 53 + Eskimo researches of 73 + Nespilem, population 105 + Nestucca, habitat 104 + Newfoundland, aborigines of 57 + New Metlakahtla, a Chimmesyan settlement 65 + New Mexico, work in XVIII + Nisqually language distinct from Chimakum 62 + Nisqually, population 105 + Noje. See Nozi. 135 + Nomenclature of linguistic families, + paper by J. W. Powell on 1-142 + Nootka-Columbian family of Scouler 129, 130 + Northwestern Innuit population 75 + Notaway tribe 79 + Notaway joined by the Tutelo 114 + Nozi tribe 135 + + + O. + + Office work XXX-XXXIV + Ojibwa, population 50 + paper on Midewiwin or Grand Medicine Society of 143-300 + area inhabited by 149-150 + belief of, respecting spirits 163 + mythology of 163 + Okinagan, population 105 + Olamentke dialect of Kostromitonov 92 + Olamentke division of Moquelumnan family, tribes of 93 + Omaha, habitat 115 + population 117 + Oneida, population 80 + Onondaga, population 80 + Orozco y Berra, Manuel, linguistic literature 20 + cited 54 + on the Coahuiltecan family 68 + Osage, early occupancy ot Arkansas by the 113 + Osage, habitat and population 116, 118 + Oto and Missouri, population 118 + Otoe, habitat 116 + Ottawa, population 50 + Oyhut, population 105 + + + P. + + Packard, A. S., on Labrador Eskimo population 75 + Pai Ute, population 110 + Pakawá tribe, habitat 68 + Palaihnihan family 97, 98 + Paloos, population 107 + Papago, a division of the Piman family 98 + population 99 + Pareja, Padre, Timuquana vocabulary of 123 + Parisot, J., et al., on the Taensa language 96 + Parry, C. C., Pima vocabulary of 98 + Patriotism of the Indian 36 + Paviotso, population 110 + Pawnee, divisions of, and habitat 60, 61, 113 + population 62 + Peet, S. D., work of XVII, XVIII + Pennsylvania, work in XVIII + Peoria, population of the 50 + Petroff, Ivan, Eskimo researches of 73 + on population of the Koluschan tribes 87 + Pictography of Midewiwin 286-289 + Picuris, population 123 + Pike, Z., on the Kiowa language 84 + on the habitat of the Comanche 106 + Pilling, James C., work of XXX, XXXI, XXXVI, 142 + acknowledgments to 142 + Pit River dialects 97 + Pima alta, a division of the Piman family 98 + Piman family 98 + Pima, population 99 + Pimentel, Francisco, linguistic literature 21 + on the Yuman language 137 + Pinto tribe, habitat 68 + Plants used for medical purposes by the + Midewiwin 197-201, 226, + 241, 242 + Plants used by Cherokees for medical purposes 322-331 + ceremonies for gathering 339 + Point Barrow Eskimo, habitat 73 + Pojoaque, population 123 + Ponca, habitat 113, 115 + population 117 + Pope on the Kiowa habitat 84 + Population of Indian tribes discussed 33-40 + Pottawatomie, population of the 50 + Powell, J. W., work of XVIII-XXIV + paper of, on Indian linguistic families 1-142 + linguistic literature 22, 23, 24 + Mutsun researches 70 + Wishoskan researches 133 + Noje vocabulary of 135 + separates the Yuki language 136 + Powers, Stephen, linguistic literature 22 + cited on artificial boundaries of Indian hunting + and fishing claims 42 + cited on Pacific coast tribes 54 + on the Chimarikan family 63 + on the Meewok name of the Moquelumne River 92 + on the Pit River dialects 97 + Cahroc, tribe of 100 + Pujunan researches 100 + on Shoshonean of California 110 + Washoan vocabularies of 131 + on habitat of Weitspekan tribes 132 + on the Nozi tribe 135 + Pownall map, location of Totteroy River on 114 + Prairie du Chien, treaty of 112 + Prichard, James C., linguistic literature 14 + Priestly, Thomas, on Chinook population 66 + Pueblo languages, see Keresan, Tañoan, Zuñian. + Pujunan family 99, 100 + Pujuni tribe 99 + Purísima, inhabitants of 67 + Puyallup, population 105 + + + Q. + + Quaitso, population 105 + Quapaw, a southern Siouan tribe 113 + early habitat 113 + present habitat 116 + population 118 + Quarrelers classed as Athapascan 52 + “Queen Charlotte’s Islands,” language of, Gallatin 119 + Queniut, population 105 + Quile-ute, population and habitat 63 + Quinaielt, population 105 + Quoratean family 100, 101 + + + R. + + Ramsey, J. G. M., on Cherokee habitat 78 + Rechahecrian. See Rickohockan. + Red Lake Midē Chart described 165 + Religion of the Cherokees, character of 319 + Religion of the Cherokees, gods of 340-342 + Reynolds, H. L., work of XVII + Rickohockan Indians of Virginia 79 + Riggs, A. L., on Crow habitat 114 + Riggs, S. R., Salishan researches 104 + Rink, H. J., on population of Labrador Eskimo 75 + Rogan, John P., work of XVII, XVIII + Rogue River Indians 121 + population 56 + Ross, Alexander, cited on improvidence of Indians + of Northwest 38 + Ross, Sir John, acknowledgments to 73 + Royce, Charles C., work of XXXII + map of, cited on Cherokee lands 78 + Runsien nation of Galiano 75 + Ruslen language of Mofras 102 + + + S. + + Sac and Fox, population of the 50 + Sacramento tribes, Sutter and Dana on the division of 99 + Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees, notice of paper on XXXIX-XL + paper by James Mooney on 301-397 + Saiaz, habitat 54 + Saidyuka, population 110 + Saint Regis, population 81 + Salinan family 101 + Salishan family 102-105 + Salish, population 105 + Salish of Puget Sound 130 + San Antonio language 75 + San Antonio Mission, Cal. 101, 102 + San Buenaventura Indians 67, 68 + San Carlos Apache population 56 + Sandia, population 123 + San Felipe, population 83 + San Francisco Mountain, exploration of ruins near XVIII-XXI + San Ildefonso, population 123 + Sanitary regulations among the Cherokee Indians, + neglect of 332, 333 + San Juan, population 123 + San Luis Obispo, natives of 67 + San Luis Rey Mission, Cal. 138 + San Miguel language 75 + San Miguel Mission, Cal. 101, 102 + Sans Puell, population 105 + Santa Ana, population 83 + Santa Barbara applied as family name 67 + Santa Barbara language, Cal. 101 + Santa Clara, Cal., language 92 + Santa Clara, population 123 + Santa Clara, Colorado, exploration of ruins near XXI-XXIV + Santa Cruz Islands, natives of 67 + Santa Cruz, Cal., natives of 71 + Santa Inez Indians 67 + Santa Rosa Islanders 67 + Santee population 116 + Santiam, population 83 + Santo Domingo, population 83 + Sastean family 105 + Satsup, population 105 + Say, Dr., vocabularies of Kiowa by 84 + Say’s vocabulary of Shoshoni referred to 109 + Sayúsklan language 134 + Schermerhorn, cited on Kädo hadatco 61 + on the Kiowa habitat 84 + Schoolcraft, H. R., on the Cherokee bounds in Virginia 79 + on the Tuolumne dialect 92 + on the Cushna tribe 99 + cited on Wabeno 156 + initiation into Midēwiwin 161 + Scouler, John, linguistic literature 13-14 + on the Kalapooian family 81 + Skittagetan researches 119 + Shahaptan family of 107 + “Nootka-Columbian,” family of 139 + Secumne tribe 99 + Sedentary tribes 30-33 + Seminole, population 95 + Seneca, population 80 + Senecú, population 123 + Shahaptian family 106 + Shamans, classes of 156-159 + decline of power of among Cherokees 336 + mode of payment of among Cherokees 337-339 + Shasta, habitat 106 + Shateras, supposed to be Tutelos 114 + Shawnee, population 50 + habitat 79 + Shea, J. G., on early habitat of the Kaskaskias 113 + Sheepeaters. See Tukuarika. + Shiwokugmiut Eskimo, population 75 + Shoshonean family 108-110 + regarded by Buschmann as identical with Nahuatlan 140 + Shoshoni, population 110 + Sia, population 83 + Sibley, John, cited on language of Adaizan family + of Indians 46-47 + Attacapan researches 57 + cited on Caddo habitat 61 + on the habitat of the Karankawa 82 + states distinctness of Tonika language 125 + Sikassige (Ojibwa Indian) furnishes account of + origin of the Indians 172-173 + Sikassige’s explanation of Mille Lacs chart 174-181 + Siksika, population 50 + Simpson, James H., Zuñi vocabulary 139 + Siouan family 111-118 + Sioux, use of the term 112 + Sisitoans, habitat 111 + Sisseton, population 116 + Sitka tribe, population 87 + Siuslaw tribe 134 + Six Nations joined by the Tutelo 114 + Skittagetan family 118 + Skokomish, population 105 + Slave, and other tribes, population 56 + Smith, Buckingham, on the Timuquana language 123 + Smith, Charles M., work of XVII, XVIII + Smith, Erminnie A., work of XXXI + Snake dance of Moki Indians, study of XXVI, XXIX + Snohomish, population 105 + Sobaipuri, a division of the Piman family 98 + Soke tribe occupying Sooke Inlet 130 + Soledad language of Mofras 102 + Songs used in ceremonies of the + Midewiwin 193-196, 203-203, 207-214, + 216, 218-219, 227-230, 232-233, + 239-240, 243-244, 246-251, + 253-254, 259-261, 263-264, + 266-273, 282-286, 289-297 + mode of writing 286-289 + mode of singing described 289-290 + Sorcerers, practice of, among Algonkian tribes 151, 152, 154 + Sorcery, a common cause of death among Indians 39 + Southern Caddoan group 113 + Southern Killamuks. See Yakwina 134 + Sproat, G. M., suggests Aht as name of Wakashan family 130 + Squaxon, population 105 + Stahkin, population 87 + Stephen, A. M., aid by XXIX + Stevens, I. I., on the habitat of the Bannock 109 + Stevenson, James, work of XVIII, XXI, XXIII, + XXIV-XXV + Stevenson, Mrs. M. C., work of XXV + “Stock,” linguistic, defined 11 + Stockbridge, population 51 + Stone villages, explorations in XVIII-XXVIII + Stoney, Lieut., investigations of Athapascan habitat 53 + Supai Indians, work among XXI + Superstition the most common source of death + among Indians 39 + Sutter, Capt., on the divisions of the Sacramento tribes 99 + Sweat bath, use of, among Cherokees 333-334 + Sweat lodge of Midewiwin, use of 204, 258 + Swimmer manuscript of Cherokee formulas 310, 312 + Swinomish, population 105 + Synonymy of Indian tribes, work in XXXIV-XXXVI + + + T. + + Tabu among Cherokees, illustrations of 331-332 + Taensa, regarded by Du Pratz as kindred to the Na’htchi 66 + tribe and language 96 + habitat 97 + Tâiakwin, a Zuñi village 139 + Takilman family 121 + Takilma, habitat and population 121 + Taku, population 87 + Takwatihi, or Catawba-Killer, Cherokee formulas + furnished by 316 + Tañoan stock, one Tusayan pueblo belonging to 110 + Tañoan family 121-123 + Taos language shows Shoshonean affinities 122 + population 123 + Taylor, Alexander S., on the Esselen vocabulary 75, 76 + Taywaugh language of Lane 122 + Teaching among Indians 35 + Tegua or Taywaugh language 122 + Tenaino, population 107 + Tenán Kutchin, population 56 + Tennessee, work in XVII + Tesuque, population 123 + Teton, habitat 111 + population 117 + Tiburon Island occupied by Yuman tribes 138 + Tillamook, habitat 104 + population 105 + Timuquanan tribes, probable early habitat of 95 + family 123-125 + Therapeutics of the Midéwiwin 197-201, 226, 241-242 + Thomas, Cyrus, work of XVI-XVIII, XXX-XXXI + Thomas, Mrs. L. V., work of XXXI + Tobacco, use of, in ceremonies of the Midéwiwin 231, 260, 262 + Tobacco Plains Cootenai 85 + Tobikhar, population 110 + Tolmie, W. F., Chimmesyan vocabulary cited 64 + Salishan researches 104 + Shahaptian vocabularies of 107 + Tolmie and Dawson, linguistic literature 25 + map cited 53, 64 + on boundaries of the Haeltzuk 130 + Tongas, population 87 + Tonikan family 125 + Tonkawan family 125-126 + Tonkawe vocabulary collected by Gatschet 82 + Tonti, cited 61 + Toteros. See Tutelo 114 + Totteroy River, location of, by Pownall 114 + Towakarehu, population 62 + Treaties, difficulties, and defects in, regarding + definition of tribal boundaries 43-44 + Treaty of Prairie du Chien 112 + Tribal land classified 40 + Trumbull, J. H., on the derivation of Caddo 59 + on the derivation of “Sioux” 111 + Tsamak tribe 99 + Tshinkitani or Koluschan tribe 86 + Tukuarika, habitat 109 + population 110 + Turner, William W., linguistic literature 18 + discovery of branches of Athapascan family in Oregon by 52 + Eskimo researches of 73 + on the Keresan language 83 + on the Kiowan family 84 + on the Piman family 98 + Yuman researches 137 + Zuñian researches 138 + Tusayan, Arizona, work in XXIV, XXV + Tusayan, habitat and population 110 + Tewan pueblo of 122 + a Shoshonean tongue 139 + Tuscarora, an Iroquoian tribe 79 + population 81 + Tuski of Asia 74 + Tutelo, a Siouan tribe 112 + habitat in 1671 114 + present habitat 116 + population 118 + Tyigh, population 107 + + + U. + + Uchean family 126-127 + Umatilla, population 107 + Umpqua, population 56 + Scouler on the 81 + Unungun, population 75 + Upper Creek join the Na’htchi 96 + Upper Spokane, population 105 + Upper Umpqua villages, location of 134 + Uta, population 110 + Utah, work in XXIV-XXX + Ute, habitat of the 109 + + + V. + + Valle de los Tulares language 92 + Villages of Indians 40 + + + W. + + Wabeno class of Shamans, relative importance of 156 + practices of 156-157 + Waco, population 62 + Wahkpakotoan, habitat 111 + Waiilatpuan family 127-128 + Wailakki, habitat 54 + relationship of to Kulanapan tribes 88 + Wakashan family 128-131 + Wakash, habitat 129 + Walapai, population 138 + Walla Walla, population 107 + Wars, effect of, in reducing Indian population 38 + Warren, W. W., cited on Society of the Midē 160-161, 162 + cited on Indian traditions 183-184 + Wasco, population 66 + Washaki, habitat 109 + Washoan family 131 + Wateree, habitat and probable linguistic connection 114 + Watlala, population 66 + Wayne, Maumee valley settlements described by 41 + Weather imploration of Midewiwin 207-209 + Weitspekan family 131 + Western Innuit population 75 + Whipple, A. W., Kiowan researches 84 + Pima vocabulary of 98 + on the derivation of “Yuma” 137 + Zuñi vocabulary 139 + White Mountain Apache population 56 + Wichita, population 62 + Will West, collection of Cherokee formulas and songs + prepared by 317 + Winnebago, former habitat 111, 112 + Winnebago, present habitat 116 + Winnebago, population 118 + Wisconsin work in XVII + Wishoskan family 132-133 + Witchcraft beliefs among Indians 39 + Woccon, an extinct Siouan tribe 112, 116 + Woccon, former habitat 114 + Wyandot, former habitat 78 + population 81 + + + Y. + + Yaketahnoklatakmakanay tribe 85 + Yakonan family 133 + Yakutat population 87 + Yakut or Mariposan family 90 + Yakwina tribe 134 + Yamasi, believed to be extinct 95 + habitat 95 + Yámil, population 82 + Yamkallie, Scouler on 81 + Yanan family 135 + Yanktoanans, habitat 111 + Yankton, habitat 111 + population 116 + Yanktonnais, population 117 + Yarrow, H. C., work of XXVIII-XXX, XXXII + Yonkalla, population 82 + Youikcones or Youkone of Lewis and Clarke 134 + Youkiousme, a Moquelumnan dialect 92 + Young, William, aid by XXX + Young Deer, Cherokee formulas furnished by 316 + Ysleta, Texas, population 123 + Yuchi, habitat and population 126, 127 + Yuchi. See Uchean family. + Yuit Eskimo of Asia 74 + Yukian family 135-136 + Yuman family 136-138 + Yurok, Karok name for the Weitspekan tribes 132 + + + Z. + + Zuñian family 138-139 + Zuñi ruins explored XXVII-XXVIII + + + * * * * * + * * * * + +Errata for Index: + + Lexical elements considered in classification ... + [_original has “classifica-/cation” at line break_] + Office work XXX-XXXIV [XXX-XXIV] + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Seventh Annual Report, by Various + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT *** + +***** This file should be named 26568-0.txt or 26568-0.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/2/6/5/6/26568/ + +Produced by Carlo Traverso, William Flis, C. J. 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