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diff --git a/26544-8.txt b/26544-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..fd99919 --- /dev/null +++ b/26544-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,1622 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Dance Festivals of the Alaskan Eskimo, by +Ernest William Hawkes + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Dance Festivals of the Alaskan Eskimo + +Author: Ernest William Hawkes + +Release Date: September 6, 2008 [EBook #26544] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DANCE FESTIVALS--ALASKAN ESKIMO *** + + + + +Produced by Anne Storer and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was +produced from images generously made available by The +Internet Archive/American Libraries.) + + + + + + + Transcriber's Notes: + 1) There are a number of words in the native language that appear to mean + the same thing, but have different accents. It is unknown if this is + intentional or a printing error - these have been left as printed. eg: + Nuleága / núleaga ... Takináka / takínaka / Takinaka ... Wáhok / wahok + 2) Characters with diacritical marks are noted as follows: + Acute ['x] macron [=x] combined ['=x] + Macron (below) [x=] + Dot above [.x] + Breve [)x] + + + * * * * * + + + + + UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA + THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM + ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS + VOL. VI No. 2 + ____________________________ + + + THE DANCE FESTIVALS OF THE + ALASKAN ESKIMO + + BY + E. W. HAWKES + + + PHILADELPHIA + PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM + 1914 + + + + +CONTENTS + + + PAGE + INTRODUCTION 5 + PHONETIC KEY 7 + THE DANCE IN GENERAL 9 + THE CHORUS 10 + PARTICIPATION OF THE SEXES 11 + THE KÁSGI OR DANCE HOUSE 13 + PARAPHERNALIA 15 + THE DANCE FESTIVALS 19 + THE ASKING FESTIVAL 22 + THE BLADDER FEAST 26 + THE FEASTS TO THE DEAD 29 + THE ANNUAL FEAST, AIL['=I]GI 31 + THE GREAT FEAST, AÍTHUK['=A]TUKHTUK 33 + THE FEAST GIVERS 34 + THE RITUAL 35 + THE CLOTHING OF THE NAMESAKES 38 + THE INVITING-IN FESTIVAL 40 + + + + +INTRODUCTION + + +This account of the Dance Festivals of the Alaskan Eskimo was written +from material gathered in the Bering Strait District during three +years' residence: two on the Diomede Islands, and one at St. Michael +at the mouth of the Yukon River. This paper is based on my +observations of the ceremonial dances of the Eskimo of these two +localities. + + + + +PHONETIC KEY + + + [=a], [=e], [=i], [=o], [=u], long vowels. + + a, e, i, o, u, short vowels. + + ä, as in hat. + + â, as in law. + + ai, as in aisle. + + au, as ow in how. + + h, w, y, semivowels. + + c, as sh in should. + + f, a bilabial surd. + + g, as in get. + + ['g], a post-palatal sonant. + + k, as in pick. + + l, as in lull. + + m, as in mum. + + n, as in nun. + + ng, as ng in sing. + + p, as in pipe. + + q, a post-palatal surd. + + [.r], a uvular sonant spirant. + + s, as in sauce. + + t, an alveolar stop. + + tc, as ch in chapter. + + v, a bilabial sonant. + + z, as in zone. + + + * * * * * + + + + +THE DANCE FESTIVALS OF THE ALASKAN ESKIMO + +THE DANCE IN GENERAL + + +The ceremonial dance of the Alaskan Eskimo is a rhythmic +pantomime--the story in gesture and song of the lives of the various +Arctic animals on which they subsist and from whom they believe their +ancient clans are sprung. The dances vary in complexity from the +ordinary social dance, in which all share promiscuously and in which +individual action is subordinated to rhythm, to the pantomime totem +dances performed by especially trained actors who hold their positions +from year to year according to artistic merit.[1] Yet even in the +totem dances the pantomime is subordinate to the rhythm, or rather +superimposed upon it, so that never a gesture or step of the +characteristic native time is lost. + +This is a primitive 2-4 beat based on the double roll of the chorus of +drums. Time is kept, in the men's dances, by stamping the foot and +jerking the arm in unison, twice on the right, then twice on the left +side, and so on, alternately. Vigorous dancers vary the program by +leaping and jumping at intervals, and the shamans are noted for the +dizzy circles which they run round the púgyarok, the entrance hole of +the dance hall. The women's dance has the same measure and can be +performed separately or in conjunction with the men's dance, but has a +different and distinctly feminine movement. The feet are kept on the +ground, while the body sways back and forth in graceful undulations to +the music and the hands with outspread palms part the air with the +graceful stroke of a flying gull. Some of their dances are performed +seated. Then they strip to the waist and form one long line of waving +arms and swaying shoulders, all moving in perfect unison. + + [1] This characterization applies to the Alaskan Eskimo only; so far + as is now known the other Eskimo branches do not have totemic dances. + + +THE CHORUS + +The chorus which furnishes the music, is composed of from six to ten +men. They sit on the in['g]lak, a raised shelf extending around the +dance hall about five feet from the floor, and sing their dance songs +keeping time on their drums. They usually sit in the rear of the room, +which is the post of honor. Among the island tribes of Bering Strait +this position is reversed and they occupy the front of the room. Some +old man, the keeper of tribal tradition and song, acts as the leader, +calling out the words of the dance songs a line ahead. He begins the +proceedings by striking up a low chant, an invitation to the people +assembled to dance. The chorus accompany him lightly on their drums. +Then at the proper place, he strikes a crashing double beat; the drums +boom out in answer; the song arises high and shrill; the dancers leap +into their places, and the dance begins. + +The first dances are usually simple exercises calculated to warm the +blood and stretch stiffened muscles. They begin with leaping around +the pú['g]yarok, jumping into the air with both feet in the Eskimo +high kick, settling down into the conventional movements of the men's +dance.[2] + + [2] While the northern and southern tribes have the same general + movements for their ordinary dances, they give a very different + presentation of the festival dance-songs. The northerners leap and + stamp about the kásgi until overcome with exhaustion; while in the + south the performers sit or kneel on the floor, adorned with an + abundance of streaming furs and feathers, sweep their hands through + the air in graceful unison. It is a difference between rude vigor + and dramatic art. + +Quite often a woman steps into the center of the circle, and goes +through her own dance, while the men leap and dance around her. This +act has been specialized in the Reindeer and Wolf Pack Dance of the +Aithúkaguk, the Inviting-In Festival, where the woman wearing a +reindeer crest and belt is surrounded by the men dancers, girt in +armlets and fillets of wolf skin. They imitate the pack pulling down a +deer, and the din caused by their jumping and howling around her +shrinking form is terrific. + + +PARTICIPATION OF THE SEXES + +There appears to be no restriction against the women taking part in +the men's dances. They also act as assistants to the chief actors in +the Totem Dances, three particularly expert and richly dressed women +dancers ranging themselves behind the mask dancer as a pleasing +background of streaming furs and glistening feathers. The only time +they are forbidden to enter the kásgi is when the shaman is performing +certain secret rites. They also have secret meetings of their own when +all men are banished.[3] I happened to stumble on to one of these one +time when they were performing certain rites over a pregnant woman, +but being a white man, and therefore unaccountable, I was greeted with +a good-natured laugh and sent about my business. + + [3] This custom appears to be widespread. Low writes of the Hudson Bay + Eskimo: "During the absence of the men on hunting expeditions, the + women sometimes amuse themselves by a sort of female "angekoking." + This amusement is accompanied by a number of very obscene rites...." + Low, The Cruise of the Neptune, p. 177. + +On the other hand, men are never allowed to take part in the strictly +women's dances, although nothing pleases an Eskimo crowd more than an +exaggerated imitation by one of their clowns of the movements of the +women's dance. The women's dances are practiced during the early +winter and given at the Aiyáguk, or Asking Festival, when the men are +invited to attend as spectators. They result in offers of temporary +marriage to the unmarried women, which is obviously the reason for +this rite. Such dances, confined to the women, have not been observed +in Alaska outside the islands of Bering Sea, and I have reason to +believe are peculiar to this district, which, on account of its +isolation, retains the old forms which have died out or been modified +on the mainland. But throughout Alaska the women are allowed the +utmost freedom in participating in the festivals, either as naskuks[4] +or feast givers, as participants or as spectators. + + [4] Literally "Heads" or directors of the feasts. + +In fact, the social position of the Eskimo woman has been +misrepresented and misunderstood. At first sight she appears to be the +slave of her husband, but a better acquaintance will reveal the fact +that she is the manager of the household and the children, the +business partner in all his trades, and often the "oomíalik," or +captain of the concern as well. Her husband is forbidden by tribal +custom to maltreat her, and if she owns the house, she can order him +out at any time. I have never known a woman being head of a tribe, but +sometimes a woman is the most influential member of a tribe. + + + + +THE KÁSGI OR DANCE HOUSE + + +With few exceptions, all dances take place in the village kásgi or +dance hall. This is the public meeting place where the old men gather +to sit and smoke while they discuss the village welfare, where the +married men bring their work and take their sweat baths, and where +the bachelors and young men, termed kásgimiut, have their sleeping +quarters. The kásgi is built and maintained at public expense, each +villager considering it an honor to contribute something. Any tools or +furnishings brought into the kásgi are considered public property, and +used as such. + +When a kásgi is to be built, announcement is made through messengers +to neighboring villages, and all gather to assist in the building and +to help celebrate the event. First a trench several feet deep is dug +in which to plant the timbers forming the sides. These are usually of +driftwood, which is brought by the ocean currents from the Yukon. The +ice breaks up first at the head of that great stream, and the débris +dams up the river, which overflows its banks, tearing down trees, +buildings and whatever borders its course as it breaks its way out to +the sea. The wreckage is scattered along the coast for over a hundred +miles, and the islands of Bering Sea get a small share. The islanders +are constantly on the lookout for the drifting timber, and put out to +sea in the stormiest weather for a distant piece, be it large or +small. They also patrol the coast after a high tide for stray bits of +wood. When one considers the toil and pain with which material is +gathered, the building of a kásgi becomes an important matter. + +After the timbers have been rough hewn with the adze (úlimon) they are +set upright in the trench to a height of seven to eight feet and +firmly bedded with rock. This is to prevent the fierce Polar winds +which prevail in midwinter from tearing the houses to pieces. In the +older buildings a protecting stone wall was built on the sides. Most +of the houses are set in a side hill, or partly underground, for +additional security, as well as for warmth. The roof is laid on top of +the uprights, the logs being drawn in gradually in pyramid shape to a +flat top. In the middle of the top is the [.r]álok or smoke hole, an +opening about two feet square. In a kásgi thirty feet square the rálok +is twenty feet above the floor. It is covered with a translucent +curtain of walrus gut. The dead are always taken out through this +opening, and never by the entrance. The most important feature of the +room is the in['g]lak, a wide shelf supported by posts at intervals. +It stands about five feet high extending around the room. This serves +the double purpose of a seat and bed for the inmates of the kásgi. The +rear, the káan, is the most desirable position, being the warmest, and +is given to headmen and honored guests.[5] The side portions, káaklim, +are given to the lesser lights and the women and children; and the +front, the óaklim, being nearest the entrance and therefore cold and +uncomfortable is left for the orphans and worthless men. + + [5] The order of the seating on the in['g]lak of invited guests is a + matter of great concern to the Eskimo, as it is an indication of + worth. + + Children purchase their right to a seat in the kásgi by making + presents, through their parents, to all the inmates, kásgimiut. + + Until they do so they have no right to enter. For the same reason + strangers on entering the kásgi offer a small present to the headman, + who divides it among the people. + +The floor of the kásgi is made of rough planking, and the boards in +the center are left loose so that they may be easily removed. These +cover the k[=e]néthluk or fireplace, an excavation four feet square, +and four feet deep, used in the sweat baths. It is thought to be +the place where the spirits sit, when they visit the kásgi, during +festivals held in their honor. Offerings are poured to them through +the cracks in the planks. In the center of the floor is a round hole +about two feet in diameter, called the entrance hole or púgyarok. This +connects with a long tunnel, the a['g]veak, which leads outside. The +tunnel is usually so low that it is necessary to enter in a stooping +position, which the Eskimo does by placing both hands on the sides of +the púgyarok, and drawing himself through. Some dance-houses have +another entrance directly into the room on a level with the ground, +the underground passage being used only in winter. The diagram (Plate +XI) gives an idea of this arrangement. + + +PARAPHERNALIA + +The drum (saúyit)[6] is the only instrument employed in the dances. It +is made of a circular hoop about eighteen inches in width over which +is stretched a resonant covering made from the bladder of the walrus +or seal. It is held in place by a cord of rawhide (o['k]linok)[7] +which fits into a groove on the outer rim. The cover can therefore be +tightened at will. It is customary during the intermissions between +the dances for the drummers to rub a handful of snow over the skins to +prevent them from cracking under the heavy blows. The drum is held +aloft and struck with a thin stick (múmwa).[8] It gives a deep boom in +answer. The shaman uses a smaller baton with which he beats a +continuous tattoo as an accompaniment to his songs. The northerners +strike the back of the rim with their sticks, while the Yukon people +belabor the face of the drum. + + [6] Tcáuyak, Yukon dialect. + + [7] Lóftak, Yukon dialect. + + [8] Múmra, Yukon dialect. + +The leader of the chorus frequently flourishes a baton, made from a +fox tail or the skin of the ermine which is mounted on a stick. With +this he marks the time of the dance. In Plate XIV, the white blur is +the ermine at the end of his stick. It is very difficult to obtain a +good picture in the ill lighted kásgi, and not often that the natives +will allow one taken there. + +One indispensable part of a male dancer's outfit is his gloves. I have +never seen a man dancing without them. These are usually of wolverine, +or of reindeer with elaborate trimmings, but on ordinary occasions any +kind will do. The women do not share this peculiarity. In place of +gloves they wear handlets of grass decorated with feathers of duck or +of ptarmigan. The men in the Totem Dances also wear handlets which are +carved and painted to represent the particular totem they seek to +honor. These too are fantastically decorated with feathers, usually of +the loon. The central feather is stripped, and crowned with a tuft of +white down. Both men and women wear armlets and fillets of skin or +feathers according to the animal character they represent. When in the +full swing of the dance with fur and feathers streaming they present a +pleasing spectacle, a picture full of the same wild grace and poetic +motion which characterizes the animal forbears from which they claim +descent. + +The chief characters in the Totem and Comic Dances wear masks and +carry staves decorated with feathers. Occasionally the women +assistants carry feathered wands (Kelízruk). + +Of the masks there is a great variety ranging from the plain wooden +masks to those of such great size that they are suspended from the +ceiling of the kásgi by a cord while the dancer performs behind them. + +The Cape Prince of Wales (Kinígumiut) Eskimo construct complete +figures of their totems. These are worked by means of concealed +strings by the performers, a climax of art which is supposed to be +particularly pleasing to the spirits addressed. Then the shaman +(Túngalik)[9] has his own set of masks, hideous enough to strike +terror to even the initiated. Each one of these represents a familiar +spirit (túnghat)[10] which assists him in his operations. + + [9] Tungrálik, Yukon dialect. + + [10] Tungrániyak, Yukon dialect. + +Ordinary dance masks may be made by anyone, but the masks for the +ceremonial dances are made by some renowned shaman, engaged for the +occasion. These masks are burned at the close of the festival, but may +be sold by the actors if they supply an equal amount of wood for the +sacrificial fire. + +Many of the masks are very complicated, having appendages of wood, fur +and feathers. They are all fashioned with an idea of representing some +feature in the mythology of the spirit (Inua) or animal shade +(Tunghat) which they represent. In the latter case they are nearly +always made double, the mythical beings who inhabited the early world +being regarded as able to change from animal to human shape, by merely +pushing up or pulling down the upper part of the face as a mask. Such +masks are often hinged to complete the illusion, the actor changing +the face at will. + +It might be mentioned here that when the actor puts on the mask he is +supposed to become imbued with the spirit of the being represented. +This accounts, to the native mind, for the very lifelike imitation +which he gives. + +The masks are painted along conventional lines; the favorite colors +for the inua masks are red (Karékteoak),[11] black (Auktoak), green +(Cúngokyoak), white (Katéktoak), and blue (Taúkrektoak), in the order +named. These colors[12] may hold a sacred or symbolic significance. +The inua masks are decorated with some regard to the natural colors of +the human face, but in the masks of the túnghat the imagination of the +artist runs riot. The same is true of the comic masks, which are +rendered as grotesque and horrible as possible. A mask with distorted +features, a pale green complexion, surrounded by a bristling mass of +hair, amuses them greatly. The Eskimo also caricature their neighbors, +the Dčnč, in this same manner, representing them by masks with very +large noses and sullen features. + + [11] These are the northern names. In the southern or Yukon dialect + black is Túnguli; white Katughúli; red, Kauigúli; green, Tcunungúli. + + The endings and pronunciation of similar Eskimo words are somewhat + different in Arctic Alaska and on the Yukon River; sufficiently so as + to produce two distinct dialects. For this reason I have given the + forms from both sections. + + [12] Red is obtained from red ochre; white from white clay; black from + soot or ashes; green from oxide of copper. + + + + +THE DANCE FESTIVALS + + +The Dance Festivals of the Alaskan Eskimo are held during that cold, +stormy period of the winter when the work of the year is over and +hunting is temporarily at an end. At this season the people gather in +the kásgi to celebrate the local rites, and at certain intervals +invite neighboring tribes to join in the great inter-tribal festivals. +This season of mirth and song is termed "Tcauyávik" the drum dance +season, from "Tcaúyak" meaning drum. It lasts from November to March, +and is a continuous succession of feasts and dances, which makes glad +the heart of the Eskimo and serves to lighten the natural depression +caused by day after day of interminable wind and darkness. A brisk +exchange of presents at the local festivals promotes good feeling, and +an interchange of commodities between the tribes at the great feasts +stimulates trade and results in each being supplied with the +necessities of life. For instance, northern tribes visiting the south +bring presents of reindeer skins or múkluk to eke out the scanty +supply of the south, while the latter in return give their visitors +loads of dried salmon which the northerners feed to their dogs. + +The festivals also serve to keep alive the religious feeling of the +people, as evidenced in the Dance to the Dead, which allows free play +to the nobler sentiments of filial faith and paternal love. The +recital of the deeds of ancient heroes preserves the best traditions +of the race and inspires the younger generation. To my mind, there is +nothing which civilization can supply which can take the place of the +healthy exercise, social enjoyment, commercial advantages, and +spiritual uplift of these dances. Where missionary sentiment is +overwhelming they are gradually being abandoned; where there is a +mistaken opinion in regard to their use, they have been given up +altogether; but the tenacity with which the Eskimo clings to these +ancient observances, even in places where they have been nominal +christians for years, is an evidence of the vitality of these ancient +rites and their adaptation to the native mind. + +The festivals vary considerably according to locality, but their +essential features are the same. Taken in order of celebration they +are as follows + +Local Festivals. + + 1. The Aiyáguk or Asking Festival. + 2. The Tcaúiyuk or Bladder Feast. + 3. The Ail['=i]gi or Annual Feast to the Dead. + +Inter-tribal Festivals. + + 4. The Aíthuk['=a]tukhtuk or Great Feast to the Dead. + 5. The Aithúkaguk or Inviting-In Feast. + +The Asking Festival, which begins the round of feasting and dancing, +takes place during the November moon. It is a local ceremony in which +gifts are exchanged between the men and women of the village, which +result in offers of temporary marriage. It takes its name from the +Aiyáguk or Asking Stick,[13] which is the wand of office of the +messenger or go-between. The Annual Feast to the Dead is held during +the December moon, and may be repeated again in spring after the +Bladder Feast, if a large number of Eskimos have died in the interim. +It consists of songs and dances accompanied by offerings of food and +drink to the dead. It is a temporary arrangement for keeping the dead +supplied with sustenance (they are thought to imbibe the spiritual +essence of the offerings) until the great Feast to the Dead takes +place. + + [13] The Asking Stick is also used in the Inviting-In Feast + (Aithúkaguk). + +This is held whenever the relatives of the deceased have accumulated +sufficient food, skins and other goods to entertain the countryside +and are able to properly honor the deceased. At the same time the +namesakes of the dead are richly clothed from head to foot and +showered with presents. As this prodigal generosity entails the +savings of years on the part of the feast givers (náskut), the feast +occurs only at irregular intervals of several years. It has been +termed the Ten Year Feast by the traders (Kágruska), but so far as I +have been able to inquire, it has no fixed date among the Eskimo. It +is by far the most important event in the life of the Alaskan native. +By it he discharges all debts of honor to the dead, past, present and +future. He is not obliged to take part in another festival of the kind +unless another near relative dies. He pays off all old scores of +hospitality and lays his friends under future obligations by his +presents. He is often beggared by this prodigality, but he can be sure +of welcome and entertainment wherever he goes, for he is a man who has +discharged all his debts to society and is therefore deserving of +honor for the rest of his days. + +In the Bladder Feast which takes place in January, the bladders of the +animals slain during the past season, in which the spirits of the +animals are supposed to reside, are returned to the sea, after +appropriate ceremonies in the kásgi. There they are thought to attract +others of their kind and bring an increase to the village. This is +essentially a coast festival. Among the tribes of the islands of +Bering Sea and the Siberian Coast this festival is repeated in March, +in conjunction with a whaling ceremony performed at the taking down +of the [=u]miaks. + +The dance contests in the Inviting-In Feast resemble the nith songs +of Greenland. They are Comic and Totem Dances in which the best +performers of several tribes contest singly or in groups for +supremacy. The costumes worn are remarkably fine and the acting very +realistic. This is essentially a southern festival for it gives an +opportunity to the Eskimo living near the rivers to display their +ingenious talent for mimicry and for the arrangement of feathers. + +There are a few purely local ceremonies, the outgrowth of practices of +local shamans. An example of this is the Aitekátah or Doll Festival of +the Igomiut, which has also spread to the neighboring Dčnč. Such local +outgrowths, however, do not appear to spread among the conservative +Eskimo, who resent the least infringement of the ancient practices +handed down from dim ancestors of the race. + +It is not often that they will allow a white man to witness the +festival dances, but, owing to the friendliness of the chief of the +Diomede tribes, who always reserved a seat for me next to him in the +kásgi, I had the opportunity of seeing the local rites and the Great +Dance to the Dead. The same favor continuing with the chief of the +Unalit, during my residence on the Yukon, I witnessed the Inviting-In +Feast as celebrated by the southern tribes. Having described the +dances in general, I will proceed to a detailed account of each. + + +THE ASKING FESTIVAL + +The Aiyáguk or Asking Festival is the first of the local feasts. It +occurs about the middle of November when the Eskimo have all returned +from their summer travels and made their iglus secure against the +storms of the coming winter. So, with caches full of fish, and houses +packed with trade goods after a successful season at the southern +camps, they must wait until the shifting ice pack settles and the +winter hunting begins. Such enforced inaction is irksome to the +Eskimo, who does not partake of the stolidity of the Indian, but like +a nervous child must be continually employed or amused. So this +festival, which is of a purely social character, has grown up. + +My first intimation that there was a celebration taking place was +being attracted by a tremendous uproar in the native village just as +darkness had fallen. Suspecting that the Eskimo were making merry over +a native brew, called "hoosch,"[14] I slipped down to the village to +see what was the matter. I was met by the queerest procession I have +ever seen. A long line of men and boys, entirely naked and daubed over +with dots and figures of mingled oil and charcoal,[15] were proceeding +from house to house with bowls in their hands. At each entrance they +filed in, howling, stamping and grunting, holding out their dishes +until they were filled by the women of the house. + +All this time they were careful to keep their faces averted so that +they would not be recognized. This is termed the "Tutúuk" or "going +around." Returning to the kásgi they washed off their marks with +urine, and sat down to feast on their plunder. + + [14] This is a liquor distilled from flour and molasses. In the + operation an old cask and a gun barrel are used. The liquid is + fermented with sour dough and allowed to distill through the barrel. + The Eskimo had no liquor prior to the advent of the whalers, who + supplied them with the materials and probably taught them the art of + distilling. The U. S. Revenue Cutter "Bear" has been active in + breaking up the practice. In 1909, six illicit stills were seized on + the Diomede Islands. + + [15] The first night of the feast the men and older boys meet in the + kásgi, and two boys named the Raven (Tulukaúguk) and the Hawk + (Teibúriak) mix the paint and assist the men in ornamenting + themselves. + +The next day the men gathered again in the kásgi and the Aiyáguk or +Asking Stick was constructed. It was made by a man especially chosen +for the purpose. It was a slender wand about three feet long with +three globes made of thin strips of wood hanging by a strip of +o['k]linok from the smaller end. It was carried by the messenger +between the men and women during the feast, and was the visible sign +of his authority. It was treated with scrupulous respect by the Eskimo +and to disregard the wishes conveyed by means of it during the feast +would have been considered a lasting disgrace. When not in use it was +hung over the entrance to the kásgi. + +The wand maker, having finished the Asking Stick, took his stand in +the center of the room, and swaying the globes, to and fro, asked the +men to state their wishes. Then any man present had the privilege of +telling him of an article he wished and the name of the woman from +whom he wished it. (Among the southern tribes the men made small +wooden models of the objects they wished which were hung on the end of +the Asking Stick.) The messenger then proceeded to the house of the +woman in question, swinging the globes in front of her, repeated the +wish and stood waiting for her answer. She in turn recollected +something that she desired and told it to the messenger. Thereupon he +returned to the kásgi, and standing in front of the first party, swung +the globes, and told him what was desired in return. In this way he +made the round of the village. The men then returned to their homes +for the article desired, while the messenger blackened his face with +charcoal and donned a costume betoking humility. This was considered +the only proper attitude in presenting gifts. The costume consisted of +wornout clothing, of which a disreputable raincoat (Kamleíka) and a +dogskin belt with the tail behind were indispensable parts. + +Then the men and women gathered in the kásgi where the exchanges were +made through the messenger. If anyone did not have the gift requested +he was in honor bound to secure it as soon as possible and present it +to his partner. Those exchanging gifts entered a relationship termed +o[=i]ló['g]uk, and among the northern tribes where the ancient forms +persevere, they continued to exchange presents throughout succeeding +festivals. + +After this exchange, a dance was performed by the women. They stripped +to the waist, and taking their places on the i['n]glak, went through a +series of motions in unison. These varied considerably in time and +movement from the conventional women's dance. + +According to custom at the conclusion of the dance any man has the +privilege of asking any unmarried woman through the messenger, if he +might share her bed that night. If favorably inclined, she replies +that he must bring a deerskin for bedding. He procures the deerskin, +and presents it to her, and after the feast is over remains with her +for the night. + +Whether these temporary unions lead to permanent marriage I was unable +to find out. The gift of reindeer skin is very like the suit of +clothing given in betrothal and would furnish material for the parka +which the husband presents to his bride. The fact that the privilege +is limited to unmarried women might be also urged in turn. As the +system of exchanging wives was formerly common among the Alaskan +Eskimo, and as they distribute their favors at will, it is rather +remarkable that the married women are not included, as in the +licentious feasts recorded of the Greenlanders.[16] From talks with +some of the older Eskimo I am led to regard this as a relic of an +ancient custom similar to those which have been observed among many +nations of antiquity, in which a woman is open to violation at certain +feasts. This privilege is taken advantage of, and may become a +preliminary to marriage. + + [16] See Hans Egede, Det Gamle Grönlands Nye Perlustration, p. 78. + + +THE BLADDER FEAST + +The Bladder Feast (Tcaúiyuk) is held in December at the full of the +moon. The object of this feast is the propitiation of the inua of the +animals slain during the season past. These are believed to reside in +the bladders, which the Eskimo carefully preserve. The ceremony +consists in the purification of the bladders by the flame of the wild +parsnip (Aíkituk). The hunters are also required to pass through the +flame. They return the bladders then to the sea, where entering the +bodies of their kind, they are reborn and return again, bringing +continued success to the hunter. + +The first three days are spent in preparation. They thoroughly clean +the kásgi, particularly the kenéthluk or fireplace, the recognized +abode of all spirits visiting the kásgi. Then the men bring in their +harvest of bladders.[17] They tie them by the necks in bunches of +eight to the end of their spears. These they thrust into the walls at +the rear of the room leaving ample room for the dancers to pass under +the swaying bladders in the rites of purification. Offerings of food +and water are made to the inua, and they are constantly attended. One +old man told me that they would be offended and take their departure +if left alone for a moment. Dogs, being unclean, are not allowed to +enter the kásgi. Neither is anyone permitted to do any work during the +ceremony. + + [17] The mothers also preserve with greatest care the bladders of the + mice, ground squirrels, and other small animals killed by the + children. These are purified at the same time. + +Meanwhile four men,[18] especially chosen for the purpose, scour the +adjoining country for parsnip stalks. They bind these into small +bundles, and place them on top of the látorak, the outer vestibule to +the entrance of the kásgi. In the evening they take these into the +kásgi, open the bundles and spread out the stalks on the floor. Then +each hunter takes a stalk, and they unite in a song to the parsnip, +the burden of which is a request that the stalks may become dry and +useful for purification. The heat of the seal oil lamps soon dries +them, and they are tied into one large bundle. The third day the sheaf +is opened, and two bundles made. The larger one is for the use of the +dancers; the smaller is placed on a spear and stuck in front of the +bladders. + +The fourth day the bladders are taken down and painted. A grayish +mixture is used which is obtained by burning a few parsnip stalks and +mixing the ashes with oil. The designs are the series of bands and +dots grouped to represent the totems of the hunters. When the paint is +dry the bladders are returned to their places. + +In the evening the men gather again in the kásgi, and the dancers +proceed to strip off every vestige of clothing. Snatching a handful of +stalks at the common pile they light them at the lamps, and join in a +wild dance about the room. The resinous stalks shoot into flame with a +frightful glare, lighting up the naked bodies of the dancers, and +dusky interior of the kásgi. Waving the flaming torches over their +heads, leaping, jumping, and screaming like madmen they rush around +the room, thrusting the flame among the bladders and then into the +faces of the hunters. When the mad scene is at its height, they seize +one another, and struggle toward the púgyarok (entrance hole). Here +each is thrust down in succession until all the dancers have passed +through. I am informed that this is a pantomime enactment, an +indication to the inua it is time for them to depart. + + [18] The number four appears to have a sacred significance among the + Alaskan Eskimo. The Raven Father (Tulukaúguk) waves his wings four + times over the objects of his creation; the heroes of ancient legends + take four steps and are transported great distances; and important + events occur on the fourth night. I understand that the four men who + gather the wild parsnips represent the four clans of the tribe. + +The next day a hole is made in the ice near the kásgi, and each hunter +dips his spear in the water, and, running back to the kásgi, stirs up +the bladders with it. The presence of the sea water reminds the inua +of their former home, and they make ready to depart. The bladders are +then tied into one large bundle, and the people await the full moon. + +At sunrise the morning after the full moon each hunter takes his load +of bladders, and filing out of the kásgi starts for the hole in the +ice on a dead run. Arriving there, he tears off the bladders one by +one, and thrusts them under the water. This signifies the return of +the inua to the sea. + +As the bladders float or sink success is prophesied for the hunter by +the shaman in attendance. + +In the meantime the old men build a fire of driftwood on the ice in +front of the kásgi. The small bundle of parsnip stalks which stood in +front of the bladders is brought out and thrown on the fire, and as +the stalks kindle to the flame, each hunter utters a shout, takes a +short run, and leaps through in turn. This performance purifies the +hunter of any matter offensive to the inua, and concludes the +ceremony. + +During the Bladder Feast all intercourse between the married men and +their wives is tabooed. They are required to sleep in the kásgi with +the bachelors. Neither is any girl who has attained puberty +(Wingiktóak) allowed near the bladders. She is unclean (Wáhok). + + +THE FEASTS TO THE DEAD + +The Eskimo idea of the life after death and the rationale for their +most important ritual, the Feast to the Dead, is nowhere better +illustrated than in a quaint tale current along the Yukon, in which +the heroine, prematurely buried during a trancelike sleep, visited the +Land of the Dead. She was rudely awakened from her deathlike slumber +by the spirit of her grandmother shaking her and exclaiming, "Wake up. +Do not sleep the hours away. You are dead!" Arising from her grave +box, the maiden was conducted by her guide to the world beneath, where +the dead had their dwellings in large villages grouped according to +the localities from which they came. Even the animal shades were not +forgotten, but inhabited separate communities in human shape.[19] +After some travel the girl found the village allotted to her tribe, +and was reclaimed by her departed relatives. She was recognized by the +totem marks on her clothing, which in ancient times the Eskimo always +wore. She found the inmates of this region leading a pleasant but +somewhat monotonous life, free from hardships and from the sleet and +cold of their earthly existence. They returned to the upper world +during the feasts to the dead, when they received the spiritual +essence of the food and clothing offered to their namesakes[20] by +relatives. According to the generosity or stinginess of the feast +givers there was a feast or a famine in spirit land, and those who +were so unfortunate as to have no namesake, either through their own +carelessness[21] or the neglect of the community,[22] went hungry and +naked. This was the worst calamity that could befall an Eskimo, hence +the necessity of providing a namesake and of regularly feeding and +clothing the same, in the interest of the beloved dead. + + [19] The shapes of animals are thought by the Alaskan Eskimo to be + like those of men, and in ancient times animals possessed the power of + changing their forms at will. This was effected by pulling the muzzle + up over the head to become people or of pulling it down again to + regain their original form. + + [20] The first child born in the village after his death becomes the + deceased's namesake. However, if born in camp, its mother gives it the + name of the first natural object to catch her eye. + + [21] Childless people provide for this contingency by adoption. + + [22] One who has made himself odious to his fellow villagers is + purposely neglected in the feasts to the dead. + + + + +THE ANNUAL FEAST, AIL['=I]GI + + +The Annual Feast to the Dead is a temporary arrangement, whereby the +shades of those recently departed are sustained until the advent of +the Great Feast to the Dead. The essence of the offerings of food and +drink are supposed to satisfy the wants of the dead until they can be +properly honored in the Great Festival. In the latter event the +relative discharges all his social obligations to the dead, and the +ghost is furnished with such an abundance that it can never want in +the world below. + +The makers of the feast (n['ä]skut) are the nearest relatives of those +who have died during the past year, together with those villagers who +have not yet given the greater festival. The day before the festival +the male mourners go to the village burial ground and plant a newly +made stake before the grave of their relative. The stake is surmounted +by a wooden model of a spear, if the deceased be a man; or a wooden +dish, if it be a woman. The totem mark of the deceased is carved upon +it. In the north simple models of kayak paddles suffice. The sticks +are a notification to the spirits in the land of the dead that the +time for the festival is at hand. Accordingly they journey to the +grave boxes, where they wait, ready to enter the kásgi at the song of +invocation. To light their way from the other world lamps are brought +into the kásgi and set before their accustomed places. When the +invitation song arises they leave their graves and take their places +in the fireplace (Kenéthluk), where they enjoy the songs and dances, +and receive the offerings of their relatives. + +The Annual Feast is celebrated after the Bladder Feast during the +December moon. By the Yukon tribes it is repeated just before the +opening of spring. During the day of the festival a taboo is placed on +all work in the village, particularly that done with any sharp pointed +tool which might wound some wandering ghost and bring retribution on +the people. + +At midday the whole village gathers in the kásgi, and the ceremony +begins. Soon the mourners enter bearing great bowls of food and drink +which they deposit in the doorway. Then the chorus leader arises and +begins the song of invitation accompanied by the relatives of the +dead. It is a long minor chant, a constant reiteration of a few well +worn phrases. + + "Tukomalra-[=a]-, tung lík-a, tis-ká-a a-a-yung-a-a-yung-a, etc. + Dead ones, next of kin, come hither, + + Túntum komúga thetámtatuk, móqkapik thetámtatuk moqsúlthka. + Reindeer meat we bring you, water we bring you for your thirst." + +When the song is completed the mourners arise, and going to the food +in the doorway set it on the planks over the fireplace, after which +they take a ladleful from each dish pouring it through the cracks in +the floor, and the essence of this offering supplies the shades below +with food until the next festival. The remainder of the food is +distributed among those present. When the feast is over, the balance +of the day is given over to songs and dances. Then the spirits are +sent back to their homes by the simple expedient of stamping on the +floor. + + + + +THE GREAT FEAST, AÍTHUK['=A]TUKHTUK + + +After making offerings to his relative at the annual feast the chief +mourner begins saving up his skins, frozen meat, and other delicacies +prized by the Eskimo, until, in the course of years, he has +accumulated an enormous amount of food and clothing. Then he is +prepared to give the great feast in honor of his kinsman. Others in +the village, who are bereaved, have been doing the same thing. They +meet and agree on a certain time to celebrate the feast together +during the ensuing year. The time chosen is usually in January after +the local feasts are over, and visitors from neighboring tribes are +free to attend. There are no set intervals between these feasts as has +been generally supposed. They are celebrated at irregular intervals +according to the convenience of the givers. + +At the minor festival preceding the Great Feast, the usual invitation +stakes planted before the dead are supplemented by others placed +before the graves of those in whose honor the festival is to be given. +On these is a painted model of the totemic animals of the deceased. +The feast giver sings an especial song of invitation, requesting the +dead kinsman to be present at the approaching feast. + +On the first day of the Great Feast the villagers welcome the guests. +Early in the morning they begin to arrive. The messenger goes out on +the ice and leads them into the village, showing each where to tie his +team. During the first day the guests are fed in the kásgi. They have +the privilege of demanding any delicacy they wish. After this they are +quartered on various homes in the village. Salmon or meat must also +be provided for their dogs. This is no small item, and often taxes the +resources of a village to the utmost. I have known of a village so +poor after a period of prolonged hospitality that it was reduced to +starvation rations for the rest of the winter. + +Immediately on tying up their dogs, the guests go to the kásgi. On +entering each one cries in set phraseology, "Ah-ka-ká- Píatin, +Pikeyútum." "Oh, ho! Look here! A trifling present." He throws his +present on a common pile in front of the headman, who distributes them +among the villagers. It is customary to make the presents appear as +large as possible. One fellow has a bolt of calico which he unwinds +through the entrance hole, making a great display. It may be thirty +yards long. Sometimes they accompany the gift with a short dance. It +is considered bad form for one coming from a distance[23] not to make +the usual present, as in this way he purchases the right to join in +the festival dances. + + [23] During the inter-tribal festivals, guests are given seats of + honor next to the headman of the village according to the distance + from which they have come. The back of the room (káan), the place of + honor, is reserved for this purpose. + +As soon as all are gathered in the kásgi, a feast is brought in for +the tired travelers. Kantags of sealmeat, the blackskin of the +bowhead, salmon berries swimming in oil, greens from the hillsides, +and pot after pot of tea take off the edge of hunger. After gorging +themselves, the guests seem incapable of further exertion, and the +remainder of the day is spent in visiting. + + +THE FEAST GIVERS + +The feast givers or n['ä]skut assemble in the kásgi the second day, +and the ceremony proper begins. They range themselves around the +púgyarok or entrance, the chorus and guests occupying the back of the +room and the spectators packing themselves against the walls. + +Each feast giver is garbed according to the sex of his dead relative, +not his own, so that some men wear women's clothes and vice versa. +Each bears in his right hand a wand about two feet long +(Kelézruk).[24] This is a small stick of wood surmounted with tufts of +down from ptarmigan (Okozregéwik). All are dressed to represent the +totem to which the deceased belongs. One wears a fillet and armlet of +wolfskin (Egóalik); others wear armlets of ermine (Táreak); still +others are crowned with feathers of the raven (Tulúa) or the hawk +(Tciakaúret).[25] After a short dance they withdraw and the day's +ceremony is finished. + + [24] The same arrangement characterizes the finger masks of the + Inviting-In Dance. (Kiggilúnok), meaning wand, in southern dialect. + + [25] Southern dialect. Akkizhzhígik, Ptarmigan. Teibúviak, hawk; + Tulukaúguk, meaning raven. + +The following day the n['ä]skut assemble again, but they have doffed +their fine feathers, and are dressed in their oldest clothes. The +suits of the day before they carry in a grass sack. They wear +raincoats of sealgut tied about the waist with a belt of dogskin, and +enter the kásgi with eyes cast on the floor. Even in the dances they +keep their faces from the audience. + +This attitude of humility is in accord with Eskimo ethics. They say +that if they adopt a boastful air and fail to give as many presents as +the other n['ä]skut they will be ashamed. So they safeguard themselves +in advance. + + +THE RITUAL + +Advancing with downcast eyes, the n['ä]skut creep softly across the +kásgi and take their places before the funeral lamps. Then taking out +their festival garments, they slip them on. Immediately the drummers +start tapping lightly on their drums, and at a signal from their +leader the song of invitation begins. Each n['ä]skuk advances in turn, +invoking the presence of his dead in a sad minor strain. + + Toakóra ílyuga takína + Dead brother, come hither + A-yunga-ayunga-a-yunga. + +Or: + + Nuleága awúnga toakóra + Sister mine, dead one, + Takína, núleaga, takína, + Come hither, sister, come hither. + +Or: + + Akága awúnga takína + Mother mine, come hither. + Nanáktuk, takína, + We wait for you, come hither. + +To which the chorus answer: + + Ilyúga awúnga takína, + Our brother, come hither, + Takináka, ilyúga, takínaka, + Return, dead brother, return. + +The women advance in line, holding their wands in the right hand, and +singing in unison; then the men advance in their turn, then both +n['ä]skut and chorus sing together: + + Takinaka, awúnga, tungalika, + Return to us, our dead kinsmen, + Nanakátuk, kineáktuk tungal[í=]ka + We wait your home coming, our dead kinsmen. + +Suddenly the drummers cease and rap sharply on the in['g]lak with +their drumsticks. The dancers stop in the midst of their movements and +stamp on the floor, first with one foot then with the other, placing +their hands on their shoulders, bringing them down over their bodies +as though wiping off some unseen thing. Then they slap their thighs +and sit down. I am informed that this is to "wipe off" any uncleanness +(wahok) that might offend the shades of the dead. + +Then the namesakes of the dead troop into the kásgi, and take their +places in the center of the room between the two lines. To each, the +n['ä]skuk hands a bowl of water and a kantag of frozen reindeer meat +cut into small pieces. The namesakes drop a small portion of the meat +on the floor. The essence is evidently thought to pass below to the +waiting inua. Then they finish the remainder. At the same time a large +amount of frozen meat and fish is brought in and distributed among the +guests. This is done at the end of each day. + +The fourth day the chorus leader mounts the top of the kásgi and +begins again the invitation song. The people scatter to the burying +ground or to the ice along the shore according to the spot where they +have lain their dead. They dance among the grave boxes so that the +shades who have returned to them, when not in the kásgi, may see that +they are doing them honor. + +During the dancing the children of the village gather in the kásgi, +carrying little kantags and sealskin sacks. The women on returning +bring great bags of frozen blueberries and reindeer fat, commonly +called "Eskimo Ice Cream," with which they fill the bowls of the +children, but the young rogues immediately slip their portions into +their sacks (póksrut) and hold out their dishes for more, crying in a +deafening chorus, "Wunga-T['=u]k" (Me too). This part of the festival +is thoroughly enjoyed by the Eskimo, who idolize their children. + +At the conclusion of the day's feast many presents are given away by +the n['ä]skut, the husbands of the female feast givers distributing +them for the ladies, who assume a bashful air. During the distribution +the n['ä]skut maintain their deprecatory attitude and pass disparaging +remarks on their gifts. Sometimes the presents are attached to a long +line of óklinok (seal thong) which the n['ä]skut haul down through the +smokehole, making the line appear as long as possible. At the same +time they sing in a mournful key bewailing their relative: + + Ah-ka- ilyúga toakóra, tákin, + Oh! oh! dead brother, return, + Utiktutátuk, ilyúga awúnga, + Return to us, our brother, + Illearúqtutuk, ilyúga, + We miss you, dear brother, + Pikeyútum, kokítutuk, + A trifling present we bring you. + + +THE CLOTHING OF THE NAMESAKES + +The following day occurs the clothing of the namesakes. This is +symbolical of clothing the dead, who ascend into the bodies of their +namesakes during the ceremony and take on the spiritual counterpart of +the clothing. + +After a grand distribution of presents by the n['ä]skut, bags of fine +clothing are lowered to the feast givers and the namesakes take the +center of the floor, in front of their relatives, the feast givers. +Then each n['ä]skuk calls out to the particular namesake of his dead +kinsman: "[=I]takín, illorahug-náka," "Come hither, my beloved," and +proceeds to remove the clothing of the namesake and put on an entirely +new suit of mukluks, trousers, and parka, made of the finest furs. +Then the feast giver gathers up the discarded clothing, and stamps +vigorously on the floor, bidding the ghost begone to its resting +place. It goes, well satisfied, and the dancers disperse until another +great festival. Until the feast is concluded no one can leave the +village. + + + + +THE INVITING-IN FESTIVAL + + +The Inviting-In Festival (Aithúkaguk) is a great inter-tribal feast, +second in importance to the Great Feast to the Dead. It is a +celebration on invitation from one tribe to her neighbors when +sufficient provisions have been collected. It takes place late in the +season, after the other festivals are over. Neighboring tribes act as +hosts in rotation, each striving to outdo the other in the quality and +quantity of entertainment offered. During this festival the dramatic +pantomime dances for which the Alaskan Eskimo are justly famous, are +performed by especially trained actors. For several days the dances +continue, each side paying the forfeit as they lose in the dancing +contests. In this respect the representations are somewhat similar to +the nith contests of the Greenlanders. As I have noticed the dances at +length elsewhere,[26] I shall only give a brief survey here, +sufficient to show their place in the Eskimo festival dances. + + [26] Canadian Geological Survey. Memoir 45. The "Inviting-In" Feast + of the Alaskan Eskimo. + +The main dances of the Inviting-In Festival are totemic in character, +performed by trained actors to appease the totems of the hunters, and +insure success for the coming season. These are danced in pantomime +and depict the life of arctic animals, the walrus, raven, bear, +ptarmigan, and others. Then there are group dances which illustrate +hunting scenes, like the Reindeer and Wolf Pack dance already +described, also dances of a purely comic character, designed for the +entertainment of the guests. During the latter performances the side +which laughs has to pay a forfeit. + +Elaborate masks are worn in all of the dances. The full paraphernalia, +masks, handmasks, fillets, and armlets, are worn by the chief actors. +They are supported by richly garbed assistants. An old shaman acts as +master of ceremonies. There is an interchange of presents between the +tribes during the intervals but not between individuals, as in the +Asking Festival. At the close of the festival the masks are burned. + + + + +KEY TO PLATE XI + + A--Outer Vestibule. (L[=a]´tor[)a]k.) + B--Summer Entrance. (Am[=e]k´.) + C--Front Platform. (['=O]aklim.) Seat of Orphans and Worthless. + D--Plank Floor. (N[=a]´t[=u]k.) + E--Rear Platform. (K[=a]´an.) Seat of Honored Guests. + F--Smoke Hole. ([.R]a´l[)o]k.) Entrance for Gift-lines. + G--Entrance Hole. (Pug´y[)a]r[)a]k.) + H--Fireplace. (K[=e]ne´thluk.) Seat of Spirit-Guests. + I--Underground Tunnel. (Ag´v[=e]ak.) + J--Side Platforms. (K['=a]aklim.) Seats for Spectators. + K--Chorus of Drummers. + L--Feast Givers. (Nä´skut.) + M--Namesakes of Dead. + + [Illustration: ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM VOL. VI PLATE XI + Arrangement of Kásgi during the Great Feast to the Dead. + THE KÁSGI OR DANCE HOUSE.] + + + + +KEY TO PLATE XII + + A--First Movement. The Chief's Son, Okvaíok is dancing. + + B--Second Movement. + + [Illustration: ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM VOL. VI PLATE XII + A + B + MEN'S DANCE] + + + + +KEY TO PLATE XIII + + C--Third Movement. + + D--Fourth Movement. + + [Illustration: ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM VOL. VI PLATE XIII + C + D + MEN'S DANCE] + + + + +KEY TO PLATE XIV + + Children's Dance. + + The Chorus. Leader in Center Beating Time With an Ermine Stick. + + [Illustration: ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM VOL. VI PLATE XIV + CHILDREN'S DANCE + THE CHORUS] + + + + +KEY TO PLATE XV + + Women's Dance. + + [Illustration: ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM VOL. VI PLATE XV + WOMEN'S DANCE] + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Dance Festivals of the Alaskan +Eskimo, by Ernest William Hawkes + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DANCE FESTIVALS--ALASKAN ESKIMO *** + +***** This file should be named 26544-8.txt or 26544-8.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/2/6/5/4/26544/ + +Produced by Anne Storer and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was +produced from images generously made available by The +Internet Archive/American Libraries.) + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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