diff options
Diffstat (limited to '2654-h')
| -rw-r--r-- | 2654-h/2654-h.htm | 11414 |
1 files changed, 11414 insertions, 0 deletions
diff --git a/2654-h/2654-h.htm b/2654-h/2654-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..91cf5f1 --- /dev/null +++ b/2654-h/2654-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,11414 @@ +<?xml version="1.0" encoding="us-ascii"?> + +<!DOCTYPE html + PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" + "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd" > + +<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" lang="en"> + <head> + <title> + The Papers and Writings of Abraham Lincoln, Volume Two + </title> + <style type="text/css" xml:space="preserve"> + + body { margin:5%; background:#faebd7; text-align:justify} + P { text-indent: 1em; margin-top: .25em; margin-bottom: .25em; } + H1,H2,H3,H4,H5,H6 { text-align: center; margin-left: 15%; margin-right: 15%; } + hr { width: 50%; text-align: center;} + .foot { margin-left: 20%; margin-right: 20%; text-align: justify; text-indent: -3em; font-size: 90%; } + blockquote {font-size: 97%; font-style: italic; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%;} + .mynote {background-color: #DDE; color: #000; padding: .5em; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-family: sans-serif; font-size: 95%;} + .toc { margin-left: 10%; margin-bottom: .75em;} + .toc2 { margin-left: 20%;} + div.fig { display:block; margin:0 auto; text-align:center; } + .figleft {float: left; margin-left: 0%; margin-right: 1%;} + .figright {float: right; margin-right: 0%; margin-left: 1%;} + pre { font-style: italic; font-size: 90%; margin-left: 10%;} + +</style> + </head> + <body> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Papers And Writings Of Abraham Lincoln, +Volume Two, by Abraham Lincoln + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Papers And Writings Of Abraham Lincoln, Volume Two + Constitutional Edition + +Author: Abraham Lincoln + +Commentator: Theodore Roosevelt, Carl Schurz, and Joseph Choate + +Editor: Arthur Brooks Lapsley + +Release Date: July 4, 2009 [EBook #2654] +Last Updated: October 29, 2012 + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LINCOLN'S PAPERS *** + + + + +Produced by David Widger + + + + + +</pre> + <p> + <br /><br /> + </p> + <h1> + THE PAPERS AND WRITINGS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN + </h1> + <h2> + VOLUME TWO + </h2> + <h3> + CONSTITUTIONAL EDITION + </h3> + <h4> + Edited by Arthur Brooks Lapsley + </h4> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <blockquote> + <p class="toc"> + <big><b>CONTENTS</b></big> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0001"> <big><b>VOLUME II., 1843-1858</b></big> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0002"> <b>1843</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0003"> FIRST CHILD </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0004"> <b>1844</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0005"> TO Gen. J. J. HARDIN. </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0006"> <b>1845</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0007"> SELECTION OF CONGRESSIONAL CANDIDATES </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0008"> TO ——— WILLIAMS, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0009"> ABOLITION MOVEMENT </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0010"> <b>1846</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0011"> REQUEST FOR POLITICAL SUPPORT </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0012"> TO JOHN BENNETT. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0013"> TO N. J. ROCKWELL. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0014"> TO JAMES BERDAN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0015"> TO JAMES BERDAN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0016"> VERSES WRITTEN BY LINCOLN AFTER A VISIT TO HIS + OLD HOME IN INDIANA </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0017"> SECOND CHILD </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0018"> TO MORRIS AND BROWN </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0019"> TO WILLIAM H. HERNDON </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0020"> TO WILLIAM H. HERNDON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0021"> RESOLUTIONS IN THE UNITED STATES HOUSE OF + REPRESENTATIVES, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0022"> REMARKS IN THE UNITED STATES HOUSE OF + REPRESENTATIVES, </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0023"> <b>1848</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0024"> DESIRE FOR SECOND TERM IN CONGRESS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0025"> SPEECH ON DECLARATION OF WAR ON MEXICO </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0026"> REPORT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, + JANUARY 19, 1848. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0027"> TO WILLIAM H. HERNDON—LEGAL WORK </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0028"> REGARDING SPEECH ON MEXICAN WAR </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0029"> TO WILLIAM H. HERNDON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0030"> ON THE MEXICAN WAR </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0031"> REPORT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0032"> REPORT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0033"> REMARKS IN THE UNITED STATES HOUSE OF + REPRESENTATIVES, MARCH 29, 1848. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0034"> TO ARCHIBALD WILLIAMS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0035"> REMARKS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0036"> ON TAYLOR'S NOMINATION </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0037"> DEFENSE OF MEXICAN WAR POSITION </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0038"> ON ZACHARY TAYLOR NOMINATION </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0039"> SPEECH IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0040"> OPPORTUNITIES FOR YOUNG POLITICIANS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0041"> SALARY OF JUDGE IN WESTERN VIRGINIA </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0042"> NATIONAL BANK </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0043"> YOUNG v.s. OLD—POLITICAL JEALOUSY </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0044"> GENERAL TAYLOR AND THE VETO </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0045"> SPEECH DELIVERED AT WORCESTER, MASS., ON SEPT. + 12, 1848. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0046"> HIS FATHER'S REQUEST FOR MONEY </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0047"> <b>1849</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0048"> BILL GRANTING LANDS TO THE STATES TO MAKE + RAILWAYS AND CANALS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0049"> ON FEDERAL POLITICAL APPOINTMENTS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0050"> MORE POLITICAL PATRONAGE REQUESTS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0051"> TO THE SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0052"> TO THE SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0053"> TO THE POSTMASTER-GENERAL. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0054"> TO THE SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0055"> TO THOMPSON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0056"> TO THE SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0057"> TO J. GILLESPIE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0058"> REQUEST FOR GENERAL LAND-OFFICE APPPOINTMENT + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0059"> REQUEST FOR A PATENT </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0060"> TO THE SECRETARY OF INTERIOR. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0061"> TO W. H. HERNDON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0062"> TO J. GILLESPIE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0063"> RESOLUTIONS OF SYMPATHY WITH THE CAUSE OF + HUNGARIAN FREEDOM, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0064"> TO Dr. WILLIAM FITHIAN. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0065"> SPRINGFIELD, Dec. 15, 1849. </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0066"> <b>1850</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0067"> RESOLUTIONS ON THE DEATH OF JUDGE NATHANIEL + POPE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_NOTE"> NOTES FOR LAW LECTURE </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0069"> <b>1851</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0070"> LETTERS TO FAMILY MEMBERS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0071"> TO JOHN D. JOHNSTON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0072"> TO C. HOYT. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0073"> TO JOHN D. JOHNSTON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0074"> PETITION ON BEHALF OF ONE JOSHUA GIPSON </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0075"> TO J. D. JOHNSTON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0076"> TO J. D. JOHNSTON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0077"> Nov. 4, 1851 </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0078"> TO JOHN D. JOHNSTON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0079"> TO JOHN D. JOHNSTON. </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0080"> <b>1852</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0081"> EULOGY ON HENRY CLAY, </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0082"> CHALLENGED VOTERS </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0083"> <b>1853</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0084"> LEGAL OFFICE WORK </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0085"> TO JOSHUA R. STANFORD. </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0086"> <b>1854</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0087"> NEBRASKA MEASURE </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0088"> TO A. B. MOREAU. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0089"> REPLY TO SENATOR DOUGLAS—PEORIA SPEECH + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0090"> REQUEST FOR SENATE SUPPORT </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0091"> TO T. J. HENDERSON. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0092"> TO J. GILLESPIE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0093"> POLITICAL REFERENCES </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0094"> TO T. J. HENDERSON. </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0095"> <b>1855</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0096"> LOSS OF PRIMARY FOR SENATOR </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0097"> RETURN TO LAW PROFESSION </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0098"> TO O. H. BROWNING. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0099"> TO H. C. WHITNEY. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0100"> RESPONSE TO A PRO-SLAVERY FRIEND </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0101"> <b>1856</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0102"> REQUEST FOR A RAILWAY PASS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0103"> SPEECH DELIVERED BEFORE THE FIRST REPUBLICAN + STATE CONVENTION </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0104"> POLITICAL CORRESPONDENCE </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0105"> ON OUT-OF-STATE CAMPAIGNERS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0106"> REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN SPEECH </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0107"> ON THE DANGER OF THIRD-PARTIES </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0108"> TO JESSE K. DUBOIS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0109"> TO HARRISON MALTBY. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0110"> TO Dr. R. BOAL. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0111"> TO HENRY O'CONNER, MUSCATINE, IOWA. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0112"> AFTER THE DEMOCRATIC VICTORY OF BUCHANAN </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0113"> TO Dr. R. BOAL. </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0114"> <b>1857</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0115"> RESPONSE TO A DOUGLAS SPEECH </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0116"> TO WILLIAM GRIMES. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0117"> ARGUMENT IN THE ROCK ISLAND BRIDGE CASE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0118"> TO JESSE K. DUBOIS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0119"> TO JOSEPH GILLESPIE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0120"> TO J. GILLESPIE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0121"> TO H. C. WHITNEY. </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0122"> <b>1858</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0123"> ANOTHER POLITICAL PATRONAGE REFERENCE </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0124"> POLITICAL COMMUNICATION </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0125"> BRIEF AUTOBIOGRAPHY, </a> + </p> + </blockquote> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> <a name="link2H_4_0001" id="link2H_4_0001"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h1> + VOLUME II., 1843-1858 + </h1> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0002" id="link2H_4_0002"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + 1843 + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0003" id="link2H_4_0003"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + FIRST CHILD + </h2> + <h3> + TO JOSHUA F. SPEED. SPRINGFIELD, May 18, 1843. + </h3> + <p> + DEAR SPEED:—Yours of the 9th instant is duly received, which I do + not meet as a "bore," but as a most welcome visitor. I will answer the + business part of it first. + </p> + <p> + In relation to our Congress matter here, you were right in supposing I + would support the nominee. Neither Baker nor I, however, is the man, but + Hardin, so far as I can judge from present appearances. We shall have no + split or trouble about the matter; all will be harmony. In relation to the + "coming events" about which Butler wrote you, I had not heard one word + before I got your letter; but I have so much confidence in the judgment of + Butler on such a subject that I incline to think there may be some reality + in it. What day does Butler appoint? By the way, how do "events" of the + same sort come on in your family? Are you possessing houses and lands, and + oxen and asses, and men-servants and maid-servants, and begetting sons and + daughters? We are not keeping house, but boarding at the Globe Tavern, + which is very well kept now by a widow lady of the name of Beck. Our room + (the same that Dr. Wallace occupied there) and boarding only costs us four + dollars a week. Ann Todd was married something more than a year since to a + fellow by the name of Campbell, and who, Mary says, is pretty much of a + "dunce," though he has a little money and property. They live in + Boonville, Missouri, and have not been heard from lately enough for me to + say anything about her health. I reckon it will scarcely be in our power + to visit Kentucky this year. Besides poverty and the necessity of + attending to business, those "coming events," I suspect, would be somewhat + in the way. I most heartily wish you and your Fanny would not fail to + come. Just let us know the time, and we will have a room provided for you + at our house, and all be merry together for a while. Be sure to give my + respects to your mother and family; assure her that if ever I come near + her, I will not fail to call and see her. Mary joins in sending love to + your Fanny and you. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0004" id="link2H_4_0004"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + 1844 + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0005" id="link2H_4_0005"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO Gen. J. J. HARDIN. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, May 21, 1844. + </h3> + <p> + DEAR HARDIN: Knowing that you have correspondents enough, I have forborne + to trouble you heretofore; and I now only do so to get you to set a matter + right which has got wrong with one of our best friends. It is old Uncle + Thomas Campbell of Spring Creek—(Berlin P.O.). He has received + several documents from you, and he says they are old newspapers and + documents, having no sort of interest in them. He is, therefore, getting a + strong impression that you treat him with disrespect. This, I know, is a + mistaken impression; and you must correct it. The way, I leave to + yourself. Rob't W. Canfield says he would like to have a document or two + from you. + </p> + <p> + The Locos (Democrats) here are in considerable trouble about Van Buren's + letter on Texas, and the Virginia electors. They are growing sick of the + Tariff question; and consequently are much confounded at V.B.'s cutting + them off from the new Texas question. Nearly half the leaders swear they + won't stand it. Of those are Ford, T. Campbell, Ewing, Calhoun and others. + They don't exactly say they won't vote for V.B., but they say he will not + be the candidate, and that they are for Texas anyhow. + </p> + <p> + As ever yours, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0006" id="link2H_4_0006"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + 1845 + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0007" id="link2H_4_0007"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SELECTION OF CONGRESSIONAL CANDIDATES + </h2> + <h3> + TO Gen. J. J. HARDIN, SPRINGFIELD, Jany. 19, 1845. + </h3> + <p> + DEAR GENERAL: + </p> + <p> + I do not wish to join in your proposal of a new plan for the selection of + a Whig candidate for Congress because: + </p> + <p> + 1st. I am entirely satisfied with the old system under which you and Baker + were successively nominated and elected to Congress; and because the Whigs + of the district are well acquainted with the system, and, so far as I know + or believe, are well satisfied with it. If the old system be thought to be + vague, as to all the delegates of the county voting the same way, or as to + instructions to them as to whom they are to vote for, or as to filling + vacancies, I am willing to join in a provision to make these matters + certain. + </p> + <p> + 2d. As to your proposals that a poll shall be opened in every precinct, + and that the whole shall take place on the same day, I do not personally + object. They seem to me to be not unfair; and I forbear to join in + proposing them only because I choose to leave the decision in each county + to the Whigs of the county, to be made as their own judgment and + convenience may dictate. + </p> + <p> + 3d. As to your proposed stipulation that all the candidates shall remain + in their own counties, and restrain their friends in the same it seems to + me that on reflection you will see the fact of your having been in + Congress has, in various ways, so spread your name in the district as to + give you a decided advantage in such a stipulation. I appreciate your + desire to keep down excitement; and I promise you to "keep cool" under all + circumstances. + </p> + <p> + 4th. I have already said I am satisfied with the old system under which + such good men have triumphed and that I desire no departure from its + principles. But if there must be a departure from it, I shall insist upon + a more accurate and just apportionment of delegates, or representative + votes, to the constituent body, than exists by the old, and which you + propose to retain in your new plan. If we take the entire population of + the counties as shown by the late census, we shall see by the old plan, + and by your proposed new plan, + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Morgan County, with a population 16,541, has but ....... 8 votes + While Sangamon with 18,697—2156 greater has but ....... 8 " + So Scott with 6553 has ................................. 4 " + While Tazewell with 7615 1062 greater has but .......... 4 " + So Mason with 3135 has ................................. 1 vote + While Logan with 3907, 772 greater, has but ............ 1 " +</pre> + <p> + And so on in a less degree the matter runs through all the counties, being + not only wrong in principle, but the advantage of it being all manifestly + in your favor with one slight exception, in the comparison of two counties + not here mentioned. + </p> + <p> + Again, if we take the Whig votes of the counties as shown by the late + Presidential election as a basis, the thing is still worse. + </p> + <p> + It seems to me most obvious that the old system needs adjustment in + nothing so much as in this; and still, by your proposal, no notice is + taken of it. I have always been in the habit of acceding to almost any + proposal that a friend would make and I am truly sorry that I cannot in + this. I perhaps ought to mention that some friends at different places are + endeavoring to secure the honor of the sitting of the convention at their + towns respectively, and I fear that they would not feel much complimented + if we shall make a bargain that it should sit nowhere. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0008" id="link2H_4_0008"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO ——— WILLIAMS, + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, March 1, 1845. + </h3> + <p> + FRIEND WILLIAMS: + </p> + <p> + The Supreme Court adjourned this morning for the term. Your cases of + Reinhardt vs. Schuyler, Bunce vs. Schuyler, Dickhut vs. Dunell, and + Sullivan vs. Andrews are continued. Hinman vs. Pope I wrote you concerning + some time ago. McNutt et al. vs. Bean and Thompson is reversed and + remanded. + </p> + <p> + Fitzpatrick vs. Brady et al. is reversed and remanded with leave to + complainant to amend his bill so as to show the real consideration given + for the land. + </p> + <p> + Bunce against Graves the court confirmed, wherefore, in accordance with + your directions, I moved to have the case remanded to enable you to take a + new trial in the court below. The court allowed the motion; of which I am + glad, and I guess you are. + </p> + <p> + This, I believe, is all as to court business. The canal men have got their + measure through the Legislature pretty much or quite in the shape they + desired. Nothing else now. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0009" id="link2H_4_0009"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ABOLITION MOVEMENT + </h2> + <h3> + TO WILLIAMSON DURLEY. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, October 3, 1845 + </p> + <p> + When I saw you at home, it was agreed that I should write to you and your + brother Madison. Until I then saw you I was not aware of your being what + is generally called an abolitionist, or, as you call yourself, a Liberty + man, though I well knew there were many such in your country. + </p> + <p> + I was glad to hear that you intended to attempt to bring about, at the + next election in Putnam, a Union of the Whigs proper and such of the + Liberty men as are Whigs in principle on all questions save only that of + slavery. So far as I can perceive, by such union neither party need yield + anything on the point in difference between them. If the Whig + abolitionists of New York had voted with us last fall, Mr. Clay would now + be President, Whig principles in the ascendant, and Texas not annexed; + whereas, by the division, all that either had at stake in the contest was + lost. And, indeed, it was extremely probable, beforehand, that such would + be the result. As I always understood, the Liberty men deprecated the + annexation of Texas extremely; and this being so, why they should refuse + to cast their votes [so] as to prevent it, even to me seemed wonderful. + What was their process of reasoning, I can only judge from what a single + one of them told me. It was this: "We are not to do evil that good may + come." This general proposition is doubtless correct; but did it apply? If + by your votes you could have prevented the extension, etc., of slavery + would it not have been good, and not evil, so to have used your votes, + even though it involved the casting of them for a slaveholder? By the + fruit the tree is to be known. An evil tree cannot bring forth good fruit. + If the fruit of electing Mr. Clay would have been to prevent the extension + of slavery, could the act of electing have been evil? + </p> + <p> + But I will not argue further. I perhaps ought to say that individually I + never was much interested in the Texas question. I never could see much + good to come of annexation, inasmuch as they were already a free + republican people on our own model. On the other hand, I never could very + clearly see how the annexation would augment the evil of slavery. It + always seemed to me that slaves would be taken there in about equal + numbers, with or without annexation. And if more were taken because of + annexation, still there would be just so many the fewer left where they + were taken from. It is possibly true, to some extent, that, with + annexation, some slaves may be sent to Texas and continued in slavery that + otherwise might have been liberated. To whatever extent this may be true, + I think annexation an evil. I hold it to be a paramount duty of us in the + free States, due to the Union of the States, and perhaps to liberty itself + (paradox though it may seem), to let the slavery of the other States + alone; while, on the other hand, I hold it to be equally clear that we + should never knowingly lend ourselves, directly or indirectly, to prevent + that slavery from dying a natural death—to find new places for it to + live in when it can no longer exist in the old. Of course I am not now + considering what would be our duty in cases of insurrection among the + slaves. To recur to the Texas question, I understand the Liberty men to + have viewed annexation as a much greater evil than ever I did; and I would + like to convince you, if I could, that they could have prevented it, if + they had chosen. I intend this letter for you and Madison together; and if + you and he or either shall think fit to drop me a line, I shall be + pleased. + </p> + <p> + Yours with respect, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0010" id="link2H_4_0010"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + 1846 + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0011" id="link2H_4_0011"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REQUEST FOR POLITICAL SUPPORT + </h2> + <h3> + TO Dr. ROBERT BOAL. SPRINGFIELD, January 7, 1846. + </h3> + <p> + Dr. ROBERT BOAL, Lacon, Ill. + </p> + <p> + DEAR DOCTOR:—Since I saw you last fall, I have often thought of + writing to you, as it was then understood I would, but, on reflection, I + have always found that I had nothing new to tell you. All has happened as + I then told you I expected it would—Baker's declining, Hardin's + taking the track, and so on. + </p> + <p> + If Hardin and I stood precisely equal, if neither of us had been to + Congress, or if we both had, it would only accord with what I have always + done, for the sake of peace, to give way to him; and I expect I should do + it. That I can voluntarily postpone my pretensions, when they are no more + than equal to those to which they are postponed, you have yourself seen. + But to yield to Hardin under present circumstances seems to me as nothing + else than yielding to one who would gladly sacrifice me altogether. This I + would rather not submit to. That Hardin is talented, energetic, usually + generous and magnanimous, I have before this affirmed to you and do not + deny. You know that my only argument is that "turn about is fair play." + This he, practically at least, denies. + </p> + <p> + If it would not be taxing you too much, I wish you would write me, telling + the aspect of things in your country, or rather your district; and also, + send the names of some of your Whig neighbors, to whom I might, with + propriety, write. Unless I can get some one to do this, Hardin, with his + old franking list, will have the advantage of me. My reliance for a fair + shake (and I want nothing more) in your country is chiefly on you, because + of your position and standing, and because I am acquainted with so few + others. Let me hear from you soon. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0012" id="link2H_4_0012"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO JOHN BENNETT. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, Jan. 15, 1846. + </h3> + <p> + JOHN BENNETT. FRIEND JOHN: + </p> + <p> + Nathan Dresser is here, and speaks as though the contest between Hardin + and me is to be doubtful in Menard County. I know he is candid and this + alarms me some. I asked him to tell me the names of the men that were + going strong for Hardin, he said Morris was about as strong as any-now + tell me, is Morris going it openly? You remember you wrote me that he + would be neutral. Nathan also said that some man, whom he could not + remember, had said lately that Menard County was going to decide the + contest and that made the contest very doubtful. Do you know who that was? + Don't fail to write me instantly on receiving this, telling me all—particularly + the names of those who are going strong against me. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0013" id="link2H_4_0013"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO N. J. ROCKWELL. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, January 21, 1846. + </h3> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—You perhaps know that General Hardin and I have a contest + for the Whig nomination for Congress for this district. + </p> + <p> + He has had a turn and my argument is "turn about is fair play." + </p> + <p> + I shall be pleased if this strikes you as a sufficient argument. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0014" id="link2H_4_0014"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO JAMES BERDAN. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, April 26, 1846. + </h3> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—I thank you for the promptness with which you answered my + letter from Bloomington. I also thank you for the frankness with which you + comment upon a certain part of my letter; because that comment affords me + an opportunity of trying to express myself better than I did before, + seeing, as I do, that in that part of my letter, you have not understood + me as I intended to be understood. + </p> + <p> + In speaking of the "dissatisfaction" of men who yet mean to do no wrong, + etc., I mean no special application of what I said to the Whigs of Morgan, + or of Morgan & Scott. I only had in my mind the fact that previous to + General Hardin's withdrawal some of his friends and some of mine had + become a little warm; and I felt, and meant to say, that for them now to + meet face to face and converse together was the best way to efface any + remnant of unpleasant feeling, if any such existed. + </p> + <p> + I did not suppose that General Hardin's friends were in any greater need + of having their feelings corrected than mine were. Since I saw you at + Jacksonville, I have had no more suspicion of the Whigs of Morgan than of + those of any other part of the district. I write this only to try to + remove any impression that I distrust you and the other Whigs of your + country. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0015" id="link2H_4_0015"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO JAMES BERDAN. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, May 7, 1866. + </h3> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—It is a matter of high moral obligation, if not of + necessity, for me to attend the Coles and Edwards courts. I have some + cases in both of them, in which the parties have my promise, and are + depending upon me. The court commences in Coles on the second Monday, and + in Edgar on the third. Your court in Morgan commences on the fourth + Monday; and it is my purpose to be with you then, and make a speech. I + mention the Coles and Edgar courts in order that if I should not reach + Jacksonville at the time named you may understand the reason why. I do + not, however, think there is much danger of my being detained; as I shall + go with a purpose not to be, and consequently shall engage in no new cases + that might delay me. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0016" id="link2H_4_0016"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + VERSES WRITTEN BY LINCOLN AFTER A VISIT TO HIS OLD HOME IN INDIANA + </h2> + <h3> + (A FRAGMENT). + </h3> + <p> + [In December, 1847, when Lincoln was stumping for Clay, he crossed into + Indiana and revisited his old home. He writes: "That part of the country + is within itself as unpoetical as any spot on earth; but still seeing it + and its objects and inhabitants aroused feelings in me which were + certainly poetry; though whether my expression of these feelings is + poetry, is quite another question."] + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Near twenty years have passed away + Since here I bid farewell + To woods and fields, and scenes of play, + And playmates loved so well. + + Where many were, but few remain + Of old familiar things; + But seeing them to mind again + The lost and absent brings. + + The friends I left that parting day, + How changed, as time has sped! + Young childhood grown, strong manhood gray, + And half of all are dead. + + I hear the loved survivors tell + How naught from death could save, + Till every sound appears a knell, + And every spot a grave. + + I range the fields with pensive tread, + And pace the hollow rooms, + And feel (companion of the dead) + I 'm living in the tombs. + + VERSES WRITTEN BY LINCOLN CONCERNING A SCHOOL-FELLOW + WHO BECAME INSANE—(A FRAGMENT). + + And when at length the drear and long + Time soothed thy fiercer woes, + How plaintively thy mournful song + Upon the still night rose + + I've heard it oft as if I dreamed, + Far distant, sweet and lone; + The funeral dirge it ever seemed + Of reason dead and gone. + + Air held her breath; trees with the spell + Seemed sorrowing angels round, + Whose swelling tears in dewdrops fell + Upon the listening ground. + + But this is past, and naught remains + That raised thee o'er the brute; + Thy piercing shrieks and soothing strains + Are like, forever mute. + + Now fare thee well! More thou the cause + Than subject now of woe. + All mental pangs by time's kind laws + Hast lost the power to know. + + O Death! thou awe-inspiring prince + That keepst the world in fear, + Why dost thou tear more blest ones hence, + And leave him lingering here? +</pre> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0017" id="link2H_4_0017"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SECOND CHILD + </h2> + <h3> + TO JOSHUA P. SPEED + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, October 22, 1846. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SPEED:—You, no doubt, assign the suspension of our + correspondence to the true philosophic cause; though it must be confessed + by both of us that this is rather a cold reason for allowing a friendship + such as ours to die out by degrees. I propose now that, upon receipt of + this, you shall be considered in my debt, and under obligations to pay + soon, and that neither shall remain long in arrears hereafter. Are you + agreed? + </p> + <p> + Being elected to Congress, though I am very grateful to our friends for + having done it, has not pleased me as much as I expected. + </p> + <p> + We have another boy, born the 10th of March. He is very much such a child + as Bob was at his age, rather of a longer order. Bob is "short and low," + and I expect always will be. He talks very plainly,—almost as + plainly as anybody. He is quite smart enough. I sometimes fear that he is + one of the little rare-ripe sort that are smarter at about five than ever + after. He has a great deal of that sort of mischief that is the offspring + of such animal spirits. Since I began this letter, a messenger came to + tell me Bob was lost; but by the time I reached the house his mother had + found him and had him whipped, and by now, very likely, he is run away + again. Mary has read your letter, and wishes to be remembered to Mrs. + Speed and you, in which I most sincerely join her. + </p> + <p> + As ever yours, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0018" id="link2H_4_0018"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO MORRIS AND BROWN + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, October 21, 1847. + </h3> + <p> + MESSRS. MORRIS AND BROWN. + </p> + <p> + GENTLEMEN:—Your second letter on the matter of Thornton and others, + came to hand this morning. I went at once to see Logan, and found that he + is not engaged against you, and that he has so sent you word by Mr. + Butterfield, as he says. He says that some time ago, a young man (who he + knows not) came to him, with a copy of the affidavit, to engage him to aid + in getting the Governor to grant the warrant; and that he, Logan, told the + man, that in his opinion, the affidavit was clearly insufficient, upon + which the young man left, without making any engagement with him. If the + Governor shall arrive before I leave, Logan and I will both attend to the + matter, and he will attend to it, if he does not come till after I leave; + all upon the condition that the Governor shall not have acted upon the + matter, before his arrival here. I mention this condition because, I + learned this morning from the Secretary of State, that he is forwarding to + the Governor, at Palestine, all papers he receives in the case, as fast as + he receives them. Among the papers forwarded will be your letter to the + Governor or Secretary of, I believe, the same date and about the same + contents of your last letter to me; so that the Governor will, at all + events have your points and authorities. The case is a clear one on our + side; but whether the Governor will view it so is another thing. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0019" id="link2H_4_0019"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO WILLIAM H. HERNDON + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, December 5, 1847. + </h3> + <p> + DEAR WILLIAM:—You may remember that about a year ago a man by the + name of Wilson (James Wilson, I think) paid us twenty dollars as an + advance fee to attend to a case in the Supreme Court for him, against a + Mr. Campbell, the record of which case was in the hands of Mr. Dixon of + St. Louis, who never furnished it to us. When I was at Bloomington last + fall I met a friend of Wilson, who mentioned the subject to me, and + induced me to write to Wilson, telling him I would leave the ten dollars + with you which had been left with me to pay for making abstracts in the + case, so that the case may go on this winter; but I came away, and forgot + to do it. What I want now is to send you the money, to be used + accordingly, if any one comes on to start the case, or to be retained by + you if no one does. + </p> + <p> + There is nothing of consequence new here. Congress is to organize + to-morrow. Last night we held a Whig caucus for the House, and nominated + Winthrop of Massachusetts for speaker, Sargent of Pennsylvania for + sergeant-at-arms, Homer of New Jersey door-keeper, and McCormick of + District of Columbia postmaster. The Whig majority in the House is so + small that, together with some little dissatisfaction, [it] leaves it + doubtful whether we will elect them all. + </p> + <p> + This paper is too thick to fold, which is the reason I send only a + half-sheet. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0020" id="link2H_4_0020"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO WILLIAM H. HERNDON. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, December 13, 1847 + </h3> + <p> + DEAR WILLIAM:—Your letter, advising me of the receipt of our fee in + the bank case, is just received, and I don't expect to hear another as + good a piece of news from Springfield while I am away. I am under no + obligations to the bank; and I therefore wish you to buy bank + certificates, and pay my debt there, so as to pay it with the least money + possible. I would as soon you should buy them of Mr. Ridgely, or any other + person at the bank, as of any one else, provided you can get them as + cheaply. I suppose, after the bank debt shall be paid, there will be some + money left, out of which I would like to have you pay Lavely and Stout + twenty dollars, and Priest and somebody (oil-makers) ten dollars, for + materials got for house-painting. If there shall still be any left, keep + it till you see or hear from me. + </p> + <p> + I shall begin sending documents so soon as I can get them. I wrote you + yesterday about a "Congressional Globe." As you are all so anxious for me + to distinguish myself, I have concluded to do so before long. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0021" id="link2H_4_0021"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + RESOLUTIONS IN THE UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, + </h2> + <h3> + DECEMBER 22, 1847 + </h3> + <p> + Whereas, The President of the United States, in his message of May 11, + 1846, has declared that "the Mexican Government not only refused to + receive him [the envoy of the United States], or to listen to his + propositions, but, after a long-continued series of menaces, has at last + invaded our territory and shed the blood of our fellow-citizens on our own + soil"; + </p> + <p> + And again, in his message of December 8, 1846, that "we had ample cause of + war against Mexico long before the breaking out of hostilities; but even + then we forbore to take redress into our own hands until Mexico herself + became the aggressor, by invading our soil in hostile array, and shedding + the blood of our citizens"; + </p> + <p> + And yet again, in his message of December 7, 1847, that "the Mexican + Government refused even to hear the terms of adjustment which he [our + minister of peace] was authorized to propose, and finally, under wholly + unjustifiable pretexts, involved the two countries in war, by invading the + territory of the State of Texas, striking the first blow, and shedding the + blood of our citizens on our own soil"; + </p> + <p> + And whereas, This House is desirous to obtain a full knowledge of all the + facts which go to establish whether the particular spot on which the blood + of our citizens was so shed was or was not at that time our own soil: + therefore, + </p> + <p> + Resolved, By the House of Representatives, that the President of the + United States be respectfully requested to inform this House: + </p> + <p> + First. Whether the spot on which the blood of our citizens was shed, as in + his message declared, was or was not within the territory of Spain, at + least after the treaty of 1819, until the Mexican revolution. + </p> + <p> + Second. Whether that spot is or is not within the territory which was + wrested from Spain by the revolutionary government of Mexico. + </p> + <p> + Third. Whether that spot is or is not within a settlement of people, which + settlement has existed ever since long before the Texas revolution, and + until its inhabitants fled before the approach of the United States army. + </p> + <p> + Fourth. Whether that settlement is or is not isolated from any and all + other settlements by the Gulf and the Rio Grande on the south and west, + and by wide uninhabited regions on the north and east. + </p> + <p> + Fifth. Whether the people of that settlement, or a majority of them, or + any of them, have ever submitted themselves to the government or laws of + Texas or of the United States, by consent or by compulsion, either by + accepting office, or voting at elections, or paying tax, or serving on + juries, or having process served upon them, or in any other way. + </p> + <p> + Sixth. Whether the people of that settlement did or did not flee from the + approach of the United States army, leaving unprotected their homes and + their growing crops, before the blood was shed, as in the message stated; + and whether the first blood, so shed, was or was not shed within the + inclosure of one of the people who had thus fled from it. + </p> + <p> + Seventh. Whether our citizens, whose blood was shed, as in his message + declared, were or were not, at that time, armed officers and soldiers, + sent into that settlement by the military order of the President, through + the Secretary of War. + </p> + <p> + Eighth. Whether the military force of the United States was or was not so + sent into that settlement after General Taylor had more than once + intimated to the War Department that, in his opinion, no such movement was + necessary to the defence or protection of Texas. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0022" id="link2H_4_0022"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REMARKS IN THE UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, + </h2> + <h3> + JANUARY 5, 1848. + </h3> + <p> + Mr. Lincoln said he had made an effort, some few days since, to obtain the + floor in relation to this measure [resolution to direct Postmaster-General + to make arrangements with railroad for carrying the mails—in + Committee of the Whole], but had failed. One of the objects he had then + had in view was now in a great measure superseded by what had fallen from + the gentleman from Virginia who had just taken his seat. He begged to + assure his friends on the other side of the House that no assault whatever + was meant upon the Postmaster-General, and he was glad that what the + gentleman had now said modified to a great extent the impression which + might have been created by the language he had used on a previous + occasion. He wanted to state to gentlemen who might have entertained such + impressions, that the Committee on the Post-office was composed of five + Whigs and four Democrats, and their report was understood as sustaining, + not impugning, the position taken by the Postmaster-General. That report + had met with the approbation of all the Whigs, and of all the Democrats + also, with the exception of one, and he wanted to go even further than + this. [Intimation was informally given Mr. Lincoln that it was not in + order to mention on the floor what had taken place in committee.] He then + observed that if he had been out of order in what he had said he took it + all back so far as he could. He had no desire, he could assure gentlemen, + ever to be out of order—though he never could keep long in order. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Lincoln went on to observe that he differed in opinion, in the present + case, from his honorable friend from Richmond [Mr. Botts]. That gentleman, + had begun his remarks by saying that if all prepossessions in this matter + could be removed out of the way, but little difficulty would be + experienced in coming to an agreement. Now, he could assure that gentleman + that he had himself begun the examination of the subject with + prepossessions all in his favor. He had long and often heard of him, and, + from what he had heard, was prepossessed in his favor. Of the + Postmaster-General he had also heard, but had no prepossessions in his + favor, though certainly none of an opposite kind. He differed, however, + with that gentleman in politics, while in this respect he agreed with the + gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Botts], whom he wished to oblige whenever it + was in his power. That gentleman had referred to the report made to the + House by the Postmaster-General, and had intimated an apprehension that + gentlemen would be disposed to rely, on that report alone, and derive + their views of the case from that document alone. Now it so happened that + a pamphlet had been slipped into his [Mr. Lincoln's] hand before he read + the report of the Postmaster-General; so that, even in this, he had begun + with prepossessions in favor of the gentleman from Virginia. + </p> + <p> + As to the report, he had but one remark to make: he had carefully examined + it, and he did not understand that there was any dispute as to the facts + therein stated the dispute, if he understood it, was confined altogether + to the inferences to be drawn from those facts. It was a difference not + about facts, but about conclusions. The facts were not disputed. If he was + right in this, he supposed the House might assume the facts to be as they + were stated, and thence proceed to draw their own conclusions. + </p> + <p> + The gentleman had said that the Postmaster-General had got into a personal + squabble with the railroad company. Of this Mr. Lincoln knew nothing, nor + did he need or desire to know anything, because it had nothing whatever to + do with a just conclusion from the premises. But the gentleman had gone on + to ask whether so great a grievance as the present detention of the + Southern mail ought not to be remedied. Mr. Lincoln would assure the + gentleman that if there was a proper way of doing it, no man was more + anxious than he that it should be done. The report made by the committee + had been intended to yield much for the sake of removing that grievance. + That the grievance was very great there was no dispute in any quarter. He + supposed that the statements made by the gentleman from Virginia to show + this were all entirely correct in point of fact. He did suppose that the + interruptions of regular intercourse, and all the other inconveniences + growing out of it, were all as that gentleman had stated them to be; and + certainly, if redress could be rendered, it was proper it should be + rendered as soon as possible. The gentleman said that in order to effect + this no new legislative action was needed; all that was necessary was that + the Postmaster-General should be required to do what the law, as it stood, + authorized and required him to do. + </p> + <p> + We come then, said Mr. Lincoln, to the law. Now the Postmaster-General + says he cannot give to this company more than two hundred and thirty-seven + dollars and fifty cents per railroad mile of transportation, and twelve + and a half per cent. less for transportation by steamboats. He considers + himself as restricted by law to this amount; and he says, further, that he + would not give more if he could, because in his apprehension it would not + be fair and just. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0023" id="link2H_4_0023"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + 1848 + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0024" id="link2H_4_0024"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + DESIRE FOR SECOND TERM IN CONGRESS + </h2> + <h3> + TO WILLIAM H. HERNDON. + </h3> + <p> + WASHINGTON, January 8, 1848. + </p> + <p> + DEAR WILLIAM:—Your letter of December 27 was received a day or two + ago. I am much obliged to you for the trouble you have taken, and promise + to take in my little business there. As to speech making, by way of + getting the hang of the House I made a little speech two or three days ago + on a post-office question of no general interest. I find speaking here and + elsewhere about the same thing. I was about as badly scared, and no worse + as I am when I speak in court. I expect to make one within a week or two, + in which I hope to succeed well enough to wish you to see it. + </p> + <p> + It is very pleasant to learn from you that there are some who desire that + I should be reelected. I most heartily thank them for their kind + partiality; and I can say, as Mr. Clay said of the annexation of Texas, + that "personally I would not object" to a reelection, although I thought + at the time, and still think, it would be quite as well for me to return + to the law at the end of a single term. I made the declaration that I + would not be a candidate again, more from a wish to deal fairly with + others, to keep peace among our friends, and to keep the district from + going to the enemy, than for any cause personal to myself; so that if it + should so happen that nobody else wishes to be elected, I could not refuse + the people the right of sending me again. But to enter myself as a + competitor of others, or to authorize any one so to enter me is what my + word and honor forbid. + </p> + <p> + I got some letters intimating a probability of so much difficulty amongst + our friends as to lose us the district; but I remember such letters were + written to Baker when my own case was under consideration, and I trust + there is no more ground for such apprehension now than there was then. + Remember I am always glad to receive a letter from you. + </p> + <p> + Most truly your friend, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0025" id="link2H_4_0025"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SPEECH ON DECLARATION OF WAR ON MEXICO + </h2> + <h3> + SPEECH IN THE UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, + </h3> + <p> + JANUARY 12, 1848. + </p> + <p> + MR CHAIRMAN:—Some if not all the gentlemen on the other side of the + House who have addressed the committee within the last two days have + spoken rather complainingly, if I have rightly understood them, of the + vote given a week or ten days ago declaring that the war with Mexico was + unnecessarily and unconstitutionally commenced by the President. I admit + that such a vote should not be given in mere party wantonness, and that + the one given is justly censurable if it have no other or better + foundation. I am one of those who joined in that vote; and I did so under + my best impression of the truth of the case. How I got this impression, + and how it may possibly be remedied, I will now try to show. When the war + began, it was my opinion that all those who because of knowing too little, + or because of knowing too much, could not conscientiously approve the + conduct of the President in the beginning of it should nevertheless, as + good citizens and patriots, remain silent on that point, at least till the + war should be ended. Some leading Democrats, including ex-President Van + Buren, have taken this same view, as I understand them; and I adhered to + it and acted upon it, until since I took my seat here; and I think I + should still adhere to it were it not that the President and his friends + will not allow it to be so. Besides the continual effort of the President + to argue every silent vote given for supplies into an indorsement of the + justice and wisdom of his conduct; besides that singularly candid + paragraph in his late message in which he tells us that Congress with + great unanimity had declared that "by the act of the Republic of Mexico, a + state of war exists between that government and the United States," when + the same journals that informed him of this also informed him that when + that declaration stood disconnected from the question of supplies + sixty-seven in the House, and not fourteen merely, voted against it; + besides this open attempt to prove by telling the truth what he could not + prove by telling the whole truth-demanding of all who will not submit to + be misrepresented, in justice to themselves, to speak out, besides all + this, one of my colleagues [Mr. Richardson] at a very early day in the + session brought in a set of resolutions expressly indorsing the original + justice of the war on the part of the President. Upon these resolutions + when they shall be put on their passage I shall be compelled to vote; so + that I cannot be silent if I would. Seeing this, I went about preparing + myself to give the vote understandingly when it should come. I carefully + examined the President's message, to ascertain what he himself had said + and proved upon the point. The result of this examination was to make the + impression that, taking for true all the President states as facts, he + falls far short of proving his justification; and that the President would + have gone further with his proof if it had not been for the small matter + that the truth would not permit him. Under the impression thus made I gave + the vote before mentioned. I propose now to give concisely the process of + the examination I made, and how I reached the conclusion I did. The + President, in his first war message of May, 1846, declares that the soil + was ours on which hostilities were commenced by Mexico, and he repeats + that declaration almost in the same language in each successive annual + message, thus showing that he deems that point a highly essential one. In + the importance of that point I entirely agree with the President. To my + judgment it is the very point upon which he should be justified, or + condemned. In his message of December, 1846, it seems to have occurred to + him, as is certainly true, that title-ownership-to soil or anything else + is not a simple fact, but is a conclusion following on one or more simple + facts; and that it was incumbent upon him to present the facts from which + he concluded the soil was ours on which the first blood of the war was + shed. + </p> + <p> + Accordingly, a little below the middle of page twelve in the message last + referred to, he enters upon that task; forming an issue and introducing + testimony, extending the whole to a little below the middle of page + fourteen. Now, I propose to try to show that the whole of this—issue + and evidence—is from beginning to end the sheerest deception. The + issue, as he presents it, is in these words: "But there are those who, + conceding all this to be true, assume the ground that the true western + boundary of Texas is the Nueces, instead of the Rio Grande; and that, + therefore, in marching our army to the east bank of the latter river, we + passed the Texas line and invaded the territory of Mexico." Now this issue + is made up of two affirmatives and no negative. The main deception of it + is that it assumes as true that one river or the other is necessarily the + boundary; and cheats the superficial thinker entirely out of the idea that + possibly the boundary is somewhere between the two, and not actually at + either. A further deception is that it will let in evidence which a true + issue would exclude. A true issue made by the President would be about as + follows: "I say the soil was ours, on which the first blood was shed; + there are those who say it was not." + </p> + <p> + I now proceed to examine the President's evidence as applicable to such an + issue. When that evidence is analyzed, it is all included in the following + propositions: + </p> + <p> + (1) That the Rio Grande was the western boundary of Louisiana as we + purchased it of France in 1803. + </p> + <p> + (2) That the Republic of Texas always claimed the Rio Grande as her + eastern boundary. + </p> + <p> + (3) That by various acts she had claimed it on paper. + </p> + <p> + (4) That Santa Anna in his treaty with Texas recognized the Rio Grande as + her boundary. + </p> + <p> + (5) That Texas before, and the United States after, annexation had + exercised jurisdiction beyond the Nueces—between the two rivers. + </p> + <p> + (6) That our Congress understood the boundary of Texas to extend beyond + the Nueces. + </p> + <p> + Now for each of these in its turn. His first item is that the Rio Grande + was the western boundary of Louisiana, as we purchased it of France in + 1803; and seeming to expect this to be disputed, he argues over the amount + of nearly a page to prove it true, at the end of which he lets us know + that by the treaty of 1803 we sold to Spain the whole country from the Rio + Grande eastward to the Sabine. Now, admitting for the present that the Rio + Grande was the boundary of Louisiana, what under heaven had that to do + with the present boundary between us and Mexico? How, Mr. Chairman, the + line that once divided your land from mine can still be the boundary + between us after I have sold my land to you is to me beyond all + comprehension. And how any man, with an honest purpose only of proving the + truth, could ever have thought of introducing such a fact to prove such an + issue is equally incomprehensible. His next piece of evidence is that "the + Republic of Texas always claimed this river [Rio Grande] as her western + boundary." That is not true, in fact. Texas has claimed it, but she has + not always claimed it. There is at least one distinguished exception. Her + State constitution the republic's most solemn and well-considered act, + that which may, without impropriety, be called her last will and + testament, revoking all others-makes no such claim. But suppose she had + always claimed it. Has not Mexico always claimed the contrary? So that + there is but claim against claim, leaving nothing proved until we get back + of the claims and find which has the better foundation. Though not in the + order in which the President presents his evidence, I now consider that + class of his statements which are in substance nothing more than that + Texas has, by various acts of her Convention and Congress, claimed the Rio + Grande as her boundary, on paper. I mean here what he says about the + fixing of the Rio Grande as her boundary in her old constitution (not her + State constitution), about forming Congressional districts, counties, etc. + Now all of this is but naked claim; and what I have already said about + claims is strictly applicable to this. If I should claim your land by word + of mouth, that certainly would not make it mine; and if I were to claim it + by a deed which I had made myself, and with which you had had nothing to + do, the claim would be quite the same in substance—or rather, in + utter nothingness. I next consider the President's statement that Santa + Anna in his treaty with Texas recognized the Rio Grande as the western + boundary of Texas. Besides the position so often taken, that Santa Anna + while a prisoner of war, a captive, could not bind Mexico by a treaty, + which I deem conclusive—besides this, I wish to say something in + relation to this treaty, so called by the President, with Santa Anna. If + any man would like to be amused by a sight of that little thing which the + President calls by that big name, he can have it by turning to Niles's + Register, vol. 1, p. 336. And if any one should suppose that Niles's + Register is a curious repository of so mighty a document as a solemn + treaty between nations, I can only say that I learned to a tolerable + degree of certainty, by inquiry at the State Department, that the + President himself never saw it anywhere else. By the way, I believe I + should not err if I were to declare that during the first ten years of the + existence of that document it was never by anybody called a treaty—that + it was never so called till the President, in his extremity, attempted by + so calling it to wring something from it in justification of himself in + connection with the Mexican War. It has none of the distinguishing + features of a treaty. It does not call itself a treaty. Santa Anna does + not therein assume to bind Mexico; he assumes only to act as the President—Commander-in-Chief + of the Mexican army and navy; stipulates that the then present hostilities + should cease, and that he would not himself take up arms, nor influence + the Mexican people to take up arms, against Texas during the existence of + the war of independence. He did not recognize the independence of Texas; + he did not assume to put an end to the war, but clearly indicated his + expectation of its continuance; he did not say one word about boundary, + and, most probably, never thought of it. It is stipulated therein that the + Mexican forces should evacuate the territory of Texas, passing to the + other side of the Rio Grande; and in another article it is stipulated + that, to prevent collisions between the armies, the Texas army should not + approach nearer than within five leagues—of what is not said, but + clearly, from the object stated, it is of the Rio Grande. Now, if this is + a treaty recognizing the Rio Grande as the boundary of Texas, it contains + the singular feature of stipulating that Texas shall not go within five + leagues of her own boundary. + </p> + <p> + Next comes the evidence of Texas before annexation, and the United States + afterwards, exercising jurisdiction beyond the Nueces and between the two + rivers. This actual exercise of jurisdiction is the very class or quality + of evidence we want. It is excellent so far as it goes; but does it go far + enough? He tells us it went beyond the Nueces, but he does not tell us it + went to the Rio Grande. He tells us jurisdiction was exercised between the + two rivers, but he does not tell us it was exercised over all the + territory between them. Some simple-minded people think it is possible to + cross one river and go beyond it without going all the way to the next, + that jurisdiction may be exercised between two rivers without covering all + the country between them. I know a man, not very unlike myself, who + exercises jurisdiction over a piece of land between the Wabash and the + Mississippi; and yet so far is this from being all there is between those + rivers that it is just one hundred and fifty-two feet long by fifty feet + wide, and no part of it much within a hundred miles of either. He has a + neighbor between him and the Mississippi—that is, just across the + street, in that direction—whom I am sure he could neither persuade + nor force to give up his habitation; but which nevertheless he could + certainly annex, if it were to be done by merely standing on his own side + of the street and claiming it, or even sitting down and writing a deed for + it. + </p> + <p> + But next the President tells us the Congress of the United States + understood the State of Texas they admitted into the Union to extend + beyond the Nueces. Well, I suppose they did. I certainly so understood it. + But how far beyond? That Congress did not understand it to extend clear to + the Rio Grande is quite certain, by the fact of their joint resolutions + for admission expressly leaving all questions of boundary to future + adjustment. And it may be added that Texas herself is proven to have had + the same understanding of it that our Congress had, by the fact of the + exact conformity of her new constitution to those resolutions. + </p> + <p> + I am now through the whole of the President's evidence; and it is a + singular fact that if any one should declare the President sent the army + into the midst of a settlement of Mexican people who had never submitted, + by consent or by force, to the authority of Texas or of the United States, + and that there and thereby the first blood of the war was shed, there is + not one word in all the which would either admit or deny the declaration. + This strange omission it does seem to me could not have occurred but by + design. My way of living leads me to be about the courts of justice; and + there I have sometimes seen a good lawyer, struggling for his client's + neck in a desperate case, employing every artifice to work round, befog, + and cover up with many words some point arising in the case which he dared + not admit and yet could not deny. Party bias may help to make it appear + so, but with all the allowance I can make for such bias, it still does + appear to me that just such, and from just such necessity, is the + President's struggle in this case. + </p> + <p> + Sometime after my colleague [Mr. Richardson] introduced the resolutions I + have mentioned, I introduced a preamble, resolution, and interrogations, + intended to draw the President out, if possible, on this hitherto + untrodden ground. To show their relevancy, I propose to state my + understanding of the true rule for ascertaining the boundary between Texas + and Mexico. It is that wherever Texas was exercising jurisdiction was + hers; and wherever Mexico was exercising jurisdiction was hers; and that + whatever separated the actual exercise of jurisdiction of the one from + that of the other was the true boundary between them. If, as is probably + true, Texas was exercising jurisdiction along the western bank of the + Nueces, and Mexico was exercising it along the eastern bank of the Rio + Grande, then neither river was the boundary: but the uninhabited country + between the two was. The extent of our territory in that region depended + not on any treaty-fixed boundary (for no treaty had attempted it), but on + revolution. Any people anywhere being inclined and having the power have + the right to rise up and shake off the existing government, and form a new + one that suits them better. This is a most valuable, a most sacred right—a + right which we hope and believe is to liberate the world. Nor is this + right confined to cases in which the whole people of an existing + government may choose to exercise it. Any portion of such people that can + may revolutionize and make their own of so much of the territory as they + inhabit. More than this, a majority of any portion of such people may + revolutionize, putting down a minority, intermingled with or near about + them, who may oppose this movement. Such minority was precisely the case + of the Tories of our own revolution. It is a quality of revolutions not to + go by old lines or old laws, but to break up both, and make new ones. + </p> + <p> + As to the country now in question, we bought it of France in 1803, and + sold it to Spain in 1819, according to the President's statements. After + this, all Mexico, including Texas, revolutionized against Spain; and still + later Texas revolutionized against Mexico. In my view, just so far as she + carried her resolution by obtaining the actual, willing or unwilling, + submission of the people, so far the country was hers, and no farther. + Now, sir, for the purpose of obtaining the very best evidence as to + whether Texas had actually carried her revolution to the place where the + hostilities of the present war commenced, let the President answer the + interrogatories I proposed, as before mentioned, or some other similar + ones. Let him answer fully, fairly, and candidly. Let him answer with + facts and not with arguments. Let him remember he sits where Washington + sat, and so remembering, let him answer as Washington would answer. As a + nation should not, and the Almighty will not, be evaded, so let him + attempt no evasion—no equivocation. And if, so answering, he can + show that the soil was ours where the first blood of the war was shed,—that + it was not within an inhabited country, or, if within such, that the + inhabitants had submitted themselves to the civil authority of Texas or of + the United States, and that the same is true of the site of Fort Brown, + then I am with him for his justification. In that case I shall be most + happy to reverse the vote I gave the other day. I have a selfish motive + for desiring that the President may do this—I expect to gain some + votes, in connection with the war, which, without his so doing, will be of + doubtful propriety in my own judgment, but which will be free from the + doubt if he does so. But if he can not or will not do this,—if on + any pretence or no pretence he shall refuse or omit it then I shall be + fully convinced of what I more than suspect already that he is deeply + conscious of being in the wrong; that he feels the blood of this war, like + the blood of Abel, is crying to heaven against him; that originally having + some strong motive—what, I will not stop now to give my opinion + concerning to involve the two countries in a war, and trusting to escape + scrutiny by fixing the public gaze upon the exceeding brightness of + military glory,—that attractive rainbow that rises in showers of + blood, that serpent's eye that charms to destroy,—he plunged into + it, and was swept on and on till, disappointed in his calculation of the + ease with which Mexico might be subdued, he now finds himself he knows not + where. How like the half insane mumbling of a fever dream is the whole war + part of his late message! At one time telling us that Mexico has nothing + whatever that we can get—but territory; at another showing us how we + can support the war by levying contributions on Mexico. At one time urging + the national honor, the security of the future, the prevention of foreign + interference, and even the good of Mexico herself as among the objects of + the war; at another telling us that "to reject indemnity, by refusing to + accept a cession of territory, would be to abandon all our just demands, + and to wage the war, bearing all its expenses, without a purpose or + definite object." So then this national honor, security of the future, and + everything but territorial indemnity may be considered the no-purposes and + indefinite objects of the war! But, having it now settled that territorial + indemnity is the only object, we are urged to seize, by legislation here, + all that he was content to take a few months ago, and the whole province + of Lower California to boot, and to still carry on the war to take all we + are fighting for, and still fight on. Again, the President is resolved + under all circumstances to have full territorial indemnity for the + expenses of the war; but he forgets to tell us how we are to get the + excess after those expenses shall have surpassed the value of the whole of + the Mexican territory. So again, he insists that the separate national + existence of Mexico shall be maintained; but he does not tell us how this + can be done, after we shall have taken all her territory. Lest the + questions I have suggested be considered speculative merely, let me be + indulged a moment in trying to show they are not. The war has gone on some + twenty months; for the expenses of which, together with an inconsiderable + old score, the President now claims about one half of the Mexican + territory, and that by far the better half, so far as concerns our ability + to make anything out of it. It is comparatively uninhabited; so that we + could establish land-offices in it, and raise some money in that way. But + the other half is already inhabited, as I understand it, tolerably densely + for the nature of the country, and all its lands, or all that are + valuable, already appropriated as private property. How then are we to + make anything out of these lands with this encumbrance on them? or how + remove the encumbrance? I suppose no one would say we should kill the + people, or drive them out, or make slaves of them, or confiscate their + property. How, then, can we make much out of this part of the territory? + If the prosecution of the war has in expenses already equalled the better + half of the country, how long its future prosecution will be in equalling + the less valuable half is not a speculative, but a practical, question, + pressing closely upon us. And yet it is a question which the President + seems never to have thought of. As to the mode of terminating the war and + securing peace, the President is equally wandering and indefinite. First, + it is to be done by a more vigorous prosecution of the war in the vital + parts of the enemy's country; and after apparently talking himself tired + on this point, the President drops down into a half-despairing tone, and + tells us that "with a people distracted and divided by contending + factions, and a government subject to constant changes by successive + revolutions, the continued success of our arms may fail to secure a + satisfactory peace." Then he suggests the propriety of wheedling the + Mexican people to desert the counsels of their own leaders, and, trusting + in our protestations, to set up a government from which we can secure a + satisfactory peace; telling us that "this may become the only mode of + obtaining such a peace." But soon he falls into doubt of this too; and + then drops back on to the already half-abandoned ground of "more vigorous + prosecution." All this shows that the President is in nowise satisfied + with his own positions. First he takes up one, and in attempting to argue + us into it he argues himself out of it, then seizes another and goes + through the same process, and then, confused at being able to think of + nothing new, he snatches up the old one again, which he has some time + before cast off. His mind, taxed beyond its power, is running hither and + thither, like some tortured creature on a burning surface, finding no + position on which it can settle down and be at ease. + </p> + <p> + Again, it is a singular omission in this message that it nowhere intimates + when the President expects the war to terminate. At its beginning, General + Scott was by this same President driven into disfavor if not disgrace, for + intimating that peace could not be conquered in less than three or four + months. But now, at the end of about twenty months, during which time our + arms have given us the most splendid successes, every department and every + part, land and water, officers and privates, regulars and volunteers, + doing all that men could do, and hundreds of things which it had ever + before been thought men could not do—after all this, this same + President gives a long message, without showing us that as to the end he + himself has even an imaginary conception. As I have before said, he knows + not where he is. He is a bewildered, confounded, and miserably perplexed + man. God grant he may be able to show there is not something about his + conscience more painful than his mental perplexity. + </p> + <p> + The following is a copy of the so-called "treaty" referred to in the + speech: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "Articles of Agreement entered into between his Excellency +David G. Burnet, President of the Republic of Texas, of the one part, +and his Excellency General Santa Anna, President-General-in-Chief of the +Mexican army, of the other part: + + "Article I. General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna agrees that +he will not take up arms, nor will he exercise his influence to cause +them to be taken up, against the people of Texas during the present war of +independence. + + "Article II. All hostilities between the Mexican and Texan +troops will cease immediately, both by land and water. + + "Article III. The Mexican troops will evacuate the territory +of Texas, passing to the other side of the Rio Grande Del Norte. + + "Article IV. The Mexican army, in its retreat, shall not +take the property of any person without his consent and just +indemnification, using only such articles as may be necessary for its +subsistence, in cases when the owner may not be present, and remitting +to the commander of the army of Texas, or to the commissioners to be +appointed for the adjustment of such matters, an account of the value of +the property consumed, the place where taken, and the name of the owner, +if it can be ascertained. + + "Article V. That all private property, including cattle, +horses, negro slaves, or indentured persons, of whatever denomination, +that may have been captured by any portion of the Mexican army, or may +have taken refuge in the said army, since the commencement of the late +invasion, shall be restored to the commander of the Texan army, or to such +other persons as may be appointed by the Government of Texas to receive +them. + + "Article VI. The troops of both armies will refrain from +coming in contact with each other; and to this end the commander of the +army of Texas will be careful not to approach within a shorter distance +than five leagues. + + "Article VII. The Mexican army shall not make any other +delay on its march than that which is necessary to take up their +hospitals, baggage, etc., and to cross the rivers; any delay not necessary +to these purposes to be considered an infraction of this agreement. + + "Article VIII. By an express, to be immediately despatched, +this agreement shall be sent to General Vincente Filisola and to General +T. J. Rusk, commander of the Texan army, in order that they may be +apprised of its stipulations; and to this end they will exchange +engagements to comply with the same. + + "Article IX. That all Texan prisoners now in the possession +of the Mexican army, or its authorities, be forthwith released, and +furnished with free passports to return to their homes; in consideration +of which a corresponding number of Mexican prisoners, rank and file, now +in possession of the Government of Texas shall be immediately released; +the remainder of the Mexican prisoners that continue in the possession +of the Government of Texas to be treated with due humanity,—any +extraordinary comforts that may be furnished them to be at the charge of +the Government of Mexico. + + "Article X. General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna will be sent +to Vera Cruz as soon as it shall be deemed proper. + + "The contracting parties sign this instrument for the abovementioned +purposes, in duplicate, at the port of Velasco, this fourteenth day of +May, 1836. + + "DAVID G. BURNET, President, + "JAS. COLLINGSWORTH, Secretary of State, + "ANTONIO LOPEZ DE SANTA ANNA, + "B. HARDIMAN, Secretary of the Treasury, + "P. W. GRAYSON, Attorney-General." +</pre> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0026" id="link2H_4_0026"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPORT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JANUARY 19, 1848. + </h2> + <p> + Mr. Lincoln, from the Committee on the Post-office and Post Roads, made + the following report: + </p> + <p> + The Committee on the Post-office and Post Roads, to whom was referred the + petition of Messrs. Saltmarsh and Fuller, report: That, as proved to their + satisfaction, the mail routes from Milledgeville to Athens, and from + Warrenton to Decatur, in the State of Georgia (numbered 2366 and 2380), + were let to Reeside and Avery at $1300 per annum for the former and $1500 + for the latter, for the term of four years, to commence on the first day + of January, 1835; that, previous to the time for commencing the service, + Reeside sold his interest therein to Avery; that on the 5th of May, 1835, + Avery sold the whole to these petitioners, Saltmarsh and Fuller, to take + effect from the beginning, January a 1835; that at this time, the + Assistant Postmaster-General, being called on for that purpose, consented + to the transfer of the contracts from Reeside and Avery to these + petitioners, and promised to have proper entries of the transfer made on + the books of the department, which, however, was neglected to be done; + that the petitioners, supposing all was right, in good faith commenced the + transportation of the mail on these routes, and after difficulty arose, + still trusting that all would be made right, continued the service till + December a 1837; that they performed the service to the entire + satisfaction of the department, and have never been paid anything for it + except $——; that the difficulty occurred as follows: + </p> + <p> + Mr. Barry was Postmaster-General at the times of making the contracts and + the attempted transfer of them; Mr. Kendall succeeded Mr. Barry, and + finding Reeside apparently in debt to the department, and these contracts + still standing in the names of Reeside and Avery, refused to pay for the + services under them, otherwise than by credits to Reeside; afterward, + however, he divided the compensation, still crediting one half to Reeside, + and directing the other to be paid to the order of Avery, who disclaimed + all right to it. After discontinuing the service, these petitioners, + supposing they might have legal redress against Avery, brought suit + against him in New Orleans; in which suit they failed, on the ground that + Avery had complied with his contract, having done so much toward the + transfer as they had accepted and been satisfied with. Still later the + department sued Reeside on his supposed indebtedness, and by a verdict of + the jury it was determined that the department was indebted to him in a + sum much beyond all the credits given him on the account above stated. + Under these circumstances, the committee consider the petitioners clearly + entitled to relief, and they report a bill accordingly; lest, however, + there should be some mistake as to the amount which they have already + received, we so frame it as that, by adjustment at the department, they + may be paid so much as remains unpaid for services actually performed by + them not charging them with the credits given to Reeside. The committee + think it not improbable that the petitioners purchased the right of Avery + to be paid for the service from the 1st of January, till their purchase on + May 11, 1835; but, the evidence on this point being very vague, they + forbear to report in favor of allowing it. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0027" id="link2H_4_0027"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO WILLIAM H. HERNDON—LEGAL WORK + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, January 19, 1848. + </h3> + <p> + DEAR WILLIAM:—Inclosed you find a letter of Louis W. Chandler. What + is wanted is that you shall ascertain whether the claim upon the note + described has received any dividend in the Probate Court of Christian + County, where the estate of Mr. Overbon Williams has been administered on. + If nothing is paid on it, withdraw the note and send it to me, so that + Chandler can see the indorser of it. At all events write me all about it, + till I can somehow get it off my hands. I have already been bored more + than enough about it; not the least of which annoyance is his cursed, + unreadable, and ungodly handwriting. + </p> + <p> + I have made a speech, a copy of which I will send you by next mail. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0028" id="link2H_4_0028"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REGARDING SPEECH ON MEXICAN WAR + </h2> + <h3> + TO WILLIAM H. HERNDON. + </h3> + <p> + WASHINGTON, February 1, 1848. + </p> + <p> + DEAR WILLIAM:—Your letter of the 19th ultimo was received last + night, and for which I am much obliged. The only thing in it that I wish + to talk to you at once about is that because of my vote for Ashmun's + amendment you fear that you and I disagree about the war. I regret this, + not because of any fear we shall remain disagreed after you have read this + letter, but because if you misunderstand I fear other good friends may + also. That vote affirms that the war was unnecessarily and + unconstitutionally commenced by the President; and I will stake my life + that if you had been in my place you would have voted just as I did. Would + you have voted what you felt and knew to be a lie? I know you would not. + Would you have gone out of the House—skulked the vote? I expect not. + If you had skulked one vote, you would have had to skulk many more before + the end of the session. Richardson's resolutions, introduced before I made + any move or gave any vote upon the subject, make the direct question of + the justice of the war; so that no man can be silent if he would. You are + compelled to speak; and your only alternative is to tell the truth or a + lie. I cannot doubt which you would do. + </p> + <p> + This vote has nothing to do in determining my votes on the questions of + supplies. I have always intended, and still intend, to vote supplies; + perhaps not in the precise form recommended by the President, but in a + better form for all purposes, except Locofoco party purposes. It is in + this particular you seem mistaken. The Locos are untiring in their efforts + to make the impression that all who vote supplies or take part in the war + do of necessity approve the President's conduct in the beginning of it; + but the Whigs have from the beginning made and kept the distinction + between the two. In the very first act nearly all the Whigs voted against + the preamble declaring that war existed by the act of Mexico; and yet + nearly all of them voted for the supplies. As to the Whig men who have + participated in the war, so far as they have spoken in my hearing they do + not hesitate to denounce as unjust the President's conduct in the + beginning of the war. They do not suppose that such denunciation is + directed by undying hatred to him, as The Register would have it believed. + There are two such Whigs on this floor (Colonel Haskell and Major James) + The former fought as a colonel by the side of Colonel Baker at Cerro + Gordo, and stands side by side with me in the vote that you seem + dissatisfied with. The latter, the history of whose capture with Cassius + Clay you well know, had not arrived here when that vote was given; but, as + I understand, he stands ready to give just such a vote whenever an + occasion shall present. Baker, too, who is now here, says the truth is + undoubtedly that way; and whenever he shall speak out, he will say so. + Colonel Doniphan, too, the favorite Whig of Missouri, and who overran all + Northern Mexico, on his return home in a public speech at St. Louis + condemned the administration in relation to the war. If I remember, G. T. + M. Davis, who has been through almost the whole war, declares in favor of + Mr. Clay; from which I infer that he adopts the sentiments of Mr. Clay, + generally at least. On the other hand, I have heard of but one Whig who + has been to the war attempting to justify the President's conduct. That + one was Captain Bishop, editor of the Charleston Courier, and a very + clever fellow. I do not mean this letter for the public, but for you. + Before it reaches you, you will have seen and read my pamphlet speech, and + perhaps been scared anew by it. After you get over your scare, read it + over again, sentence by sentence, and tell me honestly what you think of + it. I condensed all I could for fear of being cut off by the hour rule, + and when I got through I had spoken but forty-five minutes. + </p> + <p> + Yours forever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0029" id="link2H_4_0029"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO WILLIAM H. HERNDON. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, February 2, 1848 + </h3> + <p> + DEAR WILLIAM:—I just take my pen to say that Mr. Stephens, of + Georgia, a little, slim, pale-faced, consumptive man, with a voice like + Logan's, has just concluded the very best speech of an hour's length I + ever heard. My old withered dry eyes are full of tears yet. + </p> + <p> + If he writes it out anything like he delivered it, our people shall see a + good many copies of it. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0030" id="link2H_4_0030"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ON THE MEXICAN WAR + </h2> + <h3> + TO WILLIAM H. HERNDON. + </h3> + <p> + WASHINGTON, February 15, 1848. + </p> + <p> + DEAR WILLIAM:—Your letter of the 29th January was received last + night. Being exclusively a constitutional argument, I wish to submit some + reflections upon it in the same spirit of kindness that I know actuates + you. Let me first state what I understand to be your position. It is that + if it shall become necessary to repel invasion, the President may, without + violation of the Constitution, cross the line and invade the territory of + another country, and that whether such necessity exists in any given case + the President is the sole judge. + </p> + <p> + Before going further consider well whether this is or is not your + position. If it is, it is a position that neither the President himself, + nor any friend of his, so far as I know, has ever taken. Their only + positions are—first, that the soil was ours when the hostilities + commenced; and second, that whether it was rightfully ours or not, + Congress had annexed it, and the President for that reason was bound to + defend it; both of which are as clearly proved to be false in fact as you + can prove that your house is mine. The soil was not ours, and Congress did + not annex or attempt to annex it. But to return to your position. Allow + the President to invade a neighboring nation whenever he shall deem it + necessary to repel an invasion, and you allow him to do so whenever he may + choose to say he deems it necessary for such purpose, and you allow him to + make war at pleasure. Study to see if you can fix any limit to his power + in this respect, after having given him so much as you propose. If to-day + he should choose to say he thinks it necessary to invade Canada to prevent + the British from invading us, how could you stop him? You may say to him,—"I + see no probability of the British invading us"; but he will say to you, + "Be silent: I see it, if you don't." + </p> + <p> + The provision of the Constitution giving the war making power to Congress + was dictated, as I understand it, by the following reasons: kings had + always been involving and impoverishing their people in wars, pretending + generally, if not always, that the good of the people was the object. This + our convention understood to be the most oppressive of all kingly + oppressions, and they resolved to so frame the Constitution that no one + man should hold the power of bringing this oppression upon us. But your + view destroys the whole matter, and places our President where kings have + always stood. Write soon again. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0031" id="link2H_4_0031"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPORT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, + </h2> + <h3> + MARCH 9, 1848. + </h3> + <p> + Mr. Lincoln, from the Committee on the Postoffice and Post Roads, made the + following report: + </p> + <p> + The Committee on the Post-office and Post Roads, to whom was referred the + resolution of the House of Representatives entitled "An Act authorizing + postmasters at county seats of justice to receive subscriptions for + newspapers and periodicals, to be paid through the agency of the + Post-office Department, and for other purposes," beg leave to submit the + following report: + </p> + <p> + The committee have reason to believe that a general wish pervades the + community at large that some such facility as the proposed measure should + be granted by express law, for subscribing, through the agency of the + Post-office Department, to newspapers and periodicals which diffuse daily, + weekly, or monthly intelligence of passing events. Compliance with this + general wish is deemed to be in accordance with our republican + institutions, which can be best sustained by the diffusion of knowledge + and the due encouragement of a universal, national spirit of inquiry and + discussion of public events through the medium of the public press. The + committee, however, has not been insensible to its duty of guarding the + Post-office Department against injurious sacrifices for the accomplishment + of this object, whereby its ordinary efficacy might be impaired or + embarrassed. It has therefore been a subject of much consideration; but it + is now confidently hoped that the bill herewith submitted effectually + obviates all objections which might exist with regard to a less matured + proposition. + </p> + <p> + The committee learned, upon inquiry, that the Post-office Department, in + view of meeting the general wish on this subject, made the experiment + through one if its own internal regulations, when the new postage system + went into operation on the first of July, 1845, and that it was continued + until the thirtieth of September, 1847. But this experiment, for reasons + hereafter stated, proved unsatisfactory, and it was discontinued by order + of the Postmaster-General. As far as the committee can at present + ascertain, the following seem to have been the principal grounds of + dissatisfaction in this experiment: + </p> + <p> + (1) The legal responsibility of postmasters receiving newspaper + subscriptions, or of their sureties, was not defined. + </p> + <p> + (2) The authority was open to all postmasters instead of being limited to + those of specific offices. + </p> + <p> + (3) The consequence of this extension of authority was that, in + innumerable instances, the money, without the previous knowledge or + control of the officers of the department who are responsible for the good + management of its finances, was deposited in offices where it was improper + such funds should be placed; and the repayment was ordered, not by the + financial officers, but by the postmasters, at points where it was + inconvenient to the department so to disburse its funds. + </p> + <p> + (4) The inconvenience of accumulating uncertain and fluctuating sums at + small offices was felt seriously in consequent overpayments to contractors + on their quarterly collecting orders; and, in case of private mail routes, + in litigation concerning the misapplication of such funds to the special + service of supplying mails. + </p> + <p> + (5) The accumulation of such funds on draft offices could not be known to + the financial clerks of the department in time to control it, and too + often this rendered uncertain all their calculations of funds in hand. + </p> + <p> + (6) The orders of payment were for the most part issued upon the principal + offices, such as New York, Philadelphia, Boston, Baltimore, etc., where + the large offices of publishers are located, causing an illimitable and + uncontrollable drain of the department funds from those points where it + was essential to husband them for its own regular disbursements. In + Philadelphia alone this drain averaged $5000 per quarter; and in other + cities of the seaboard it was proportionate. + </p> + <p> + (7) The embarrassment of the department was increased by the illimitable, + uncontrollable, and irresponsible scattering of its funds from + concentrated points suitable for its distributions, to remote, unsafe, and + inconvenient offices, where they could not be again made available till + collected by special agents, or were transferred at considerable expense + into the principal disbursing offices again. + </p> + <p> + (8) There was a vast increase of duties thrown upon the limited force + before necessary to conduct the business of the department; and from the + delay of obtaining vouchers impediments arose to the speedy settlement of + accounts with present or retired post-masters, causing postponements which + endangered the liability of sureties under the act of limitations, and + causing much danger of an increase of such cases. + </p> + <p> + (9) The most responsible postmasters (at the large offices) were ordered + by the least responsible (at small offices) to make payments upon their + vouchers, without having the means of ascertaining whether these vouchers + were genuine or forged, or if genuine, whether the signers were in or out + of office, or solvent or defaulters. + </p> + <p> + (10) The transaction of this business for subscribers and publishers at + the public expense, an the embarrassment, inconvenience, and delay of the + department's own business occasioned by it, were not justified by any + sufficient remuneration of revenue to sustain the department, as required + in every other respect with regard to its agency. + </p> + <p> + The committee, in view of these objections, has been solicitous to frame a + bill which would not be obnoxious to them in principle or in practical + effect. + </p> + <p> + It is confidently believed that by limiting the offices for receiving + subscriptions to less than one tenth of the number authorized by the + experiment already tried, and designating the county seat in each county + for the purpose, the control of the department will be rendered + satisfactory; particularly as it will be in the power of the Auditor, who + is the officer required by law to check the accounts, to approve or + disapprove of the deposits, and to sanction not only the payments, but to + point out the place of payment. If these payments should cause a drain on + the principal offices of the seaboard, it will be compensated by the + accumulation of funds at county seats, where the contractors on those + routes can be paid to that extent by the department's drafts, with more + local convenience to themselves than by drafts on the seaboard offices. + </p> + <p> + The legal responsibility for these deposits is defined, and the + accumulation of funds at the point of deposit, and the repayment at points + drawn upon, being known to and controlled by the Auditor, will not + occasion any such embarrassments as were before felt; the record kept by + the Auditor on the passing of the certificates through his hands will + enable him to settle accounts without the delay occasioned by vouchers + being withheld; all doubt or uncertainty as to the genuineness of + certificates, or the propriety of their issue, will be removed by the + Auditor's examination and approval; and there can be no risk of loss of + funds by transmission, as the certificate will not be payable till + sanctioned by the Auditor, and after his sanction the payor need not pay + it unless it is presented by the publisher or his known clerk or agent. + </p> + <p> + The main principle of equivalent for the agency of the department is + secured by the postage required to be paid upon the transmission of the + certificates, augmenting adequately the post-office revenue. + </p> + <p> + The committee, conceiving that in this report all the difficulties of the + subject have been fully and fairly stated, and that these difficulties + have been obviated by the plan proposed in the accompanying bill, and + believing that the measure will satisfactorily meet the wants and wishes + of a very large portion of the community, beg leave to recommend its + adoption. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0032" id="link2H_4_0032"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPORT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, + </h2> + <h3> + MARCH 9, 1848. + </h3> + <p> + Mr. Lincoln, from the Committee on the Postoffice and Post Roads, made the + following report: + </p> + <p> + The Committee on the Post-office and Post Roads, to whom was referred the + petition of H. M. Barney, postmaster at Brimfield, Peoria County, + Illinois, report: That they have been satisfied by evidence, that on the + 15th of December, 1847, said petitioner had his store, with some fifteen + hundred dollars' worth of goods, together with all the papers of the + post-office, entirely destroyed by fire; and that the specie funds of the + office were melted down, partially lost and partially destroyed; that this + large individual loss entirely precludes the idea of embezzlement; that + the balances due the department of former quarters had been only about + twenty-five dollars; and that owing to the destruction of papers, the + exact amount due for the quarter ending December 31, 1847, cannot be + ascertained. They therefore report a joint resolution, releasing said + petitioner from paying anything for the quarter last mentioned. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0033" id="link2H_4_0033"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REMARKS IN THE UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, MARCH 29, 1848. + </h2> + <p> + The bill for raising additional military force for limited time, etc., was + reported from Committee on judiciary; similar bills had been reported from + Committee on, Public Lands and Military Committee. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Lincoln said if there was a general desire on the part of the House to + pass the bill now he should be glad to have it done—concurring, as + he did generally, with the gentleman from Arkansas [Mr. Johnson] that the + postponement might jeopard the safety of the proposition. If, however, a + reference was to be made, he wished to make a very few remarks in relation + to the several subjects desired by the gentlemen to be embraced in + amendments to the ninth section of the act of the last session of + Congress. The first amendment desired by members of this House had for its + only object to give bounty lands to such persons as had served for a time + as privates, but had never been discharged as such, because promoted to + office. That subject, and no other, was embraced in this bill. There were + some others who desired, while they were legislating on this subject, that + they should also give bounty lands to the volunteers of the War of 1812. + His friend from Maryland said there were no such men. He [Mr. L.] did not + say there were many, but he was very confident there were some. His friend + from Kentucky near him, [Mr. Gaines] told him he himself was one. + </p> + <p> + There was still another proposition touching this matter; that was, that + persons entitled to bounty lands should by law be entitled to locate these + lands in parcels, and not be required to locate them in one body, as was + provided by the existing law. + </p> + <p> + Now he had carefully drawn up a bill embracing these three separate + propositions, which he intended to propose as a substitute for all these + bills in the House, or in Committee of the Whole on the State of the + Union, at some suitable time. If there was a disposition on the part of + the House to act at once on this separate proposition, he repeated that, + with the gentlemen from Arkansas, he should prefer it lest they should + lose all. But if there was to be a reference, he desired to introduce his + bill embracing the three propositions, thus enabling the committee and the + House to act at the same time, whether favorably or unfavorably, upon all. + He inquired whether an amendment was now in order. + </p> + <p> + The Speaker replied in the negative. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0034" id="link2H_4_0034"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO ARCHIBALD WILLIAMS. + </h2> + <h3> + WASHINGTON, April 30, 1848. + </h3> + <p> + DEAR WILLIAMS:—I have not seen in the papers any evidence of a + movement to send a delegate from your circuit to the June convention. I + wish to say that I think it all-important that a delegate should be sent. + Mr. Clay's chance for an election is just no chance at all. He might get + New York, and that would have elected in 1844, but it will not now, + because he must now, at the least, lose Tennessee, which he had then, and + in addition the fifteen new votes of Florida, Texas, Iowa, and Wisconsin. + I know our good friend Browning is a great admirer of Mr. Clay, and I + therefore fear he is favoring his nomination. If he is, ask him to discard + feeling, and try if he can possibly, as a matter of judgment, count the + votes necessary to elect him. + </p> + <p> + In my judgment we can elect nobody but General Taylor; and we cannot elect + him without a nomination. Therefore don't fail to send a delegate. + </p> + <p> + Your friend as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0035" id="link2H_4_0035"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REMARKS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, + </h2> + <h3> + MAY 11, 1848. + </h3> + <p> + A bill for the admission of Wisconsin into the Union had been passed. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Lincoln moved to reconsider the vote by which the bill was passed. He + stated to the House that he had made this motion for the purpose of + obtaining an opportunity to say a few words in relation to a point raised + in the course of the debate on this bill, which he would now proceed to + make if in order. The point in the case to which he referred arose on the + amendment that was submitted by the gentleman from Vermont [Mr. Collamer] + in Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union, and which was + afterward renewed in the House, in relation to the question whether the + reserved sections, which, by some bills heretofore passed, by which an + appropriation of land had been made to Wisconsin, had been enhanced in + value, should be reduced to the minimum price of the public lands. The + question of the reduction in value of those sections was to him at this + time a matter very nearly of indifference. He was inclined to desire that + Wisconsin should be obliged by having it reduced. But the gentleman from + Indiana [Mr. C. B. Smith], the chairman of the Committee on Territories, + yesterday associated that question with the general question, which is now + to some extent agitated in Congress, of making appropriations of alternate + sections of land to aid the States in making internal improvements, and + enhancing the price of the sections reserved, and the gentleman from + Indiana took ground against that policy. He did not make any special + argument in favor of Wisconsin, but he took ground generally against the + policy of giving alternate sections of land, and enhancing the price of + the reserved sections. Now he [Mr. Lincoln] did not at this time take the + floor for the purpose of attempting to make an argument on the general + subject. He rose simply to protest against the doctrine which the + gentleman from Indiana had avowed in the course of what he [Mr. Lincoln] + could not but consider an unsound argument. + </p> + <p> + It might, however, be true, for anything he knew, that the gentleman from + Indiana might convince him that his argument was sound; but he [Mr. + Lincoln] feared that gentleman would not be able to convince a majority in + Congress that it was sound. It was true the question appeared in a + different aspect to persons in consequence of a difference in the point + from which they looked at it. It did not look to persons residing east of + the mountains as it did to those who lived among the public lands. But, + for his part, he would state that if Congress would make a donation of + alternate sections of public land for the purpose of internal improvements + in his State, and forbid the reserved sections being sold at $1.25, he + should be glad to see the appropriation made; though he should prefer it + if the reserved sections were not enhanced in price. He repeated, he + should be glad to have such appropriations made, even though the reserved + sections should be enhanced in price. He did not wish to be understood as + concurring in any intimation that they would refuse to receive such an + appropriation of alternate sections of land because a condition enhancing + the price of the reserved sections should be attached thereto. He believed + his position would now be understood: if not, he feared he should not be + able to make himself understood. + </p> + <p> + But, before he took his seat, he would remark that the Senate during the + present session had passed a bill making appropriations of land on that + principle for the benefit of the State in which he resided the State of + Illinois. The alternate sections were to be given for the purpose of + constructing roads, and the reserved sections were to be enhanced in value + in consequence. When that bill came here for the action of this House—it + had been received, and was now before the Committee on Public Lands—he + desired much to see it passed as it was, if it could be put in no more + favorable form for the State of Illinois. When it should be before this + House, if any member from a section of the Union in which these lands did + not lie, whose interest might be less than that which he felt, should + propose a reduction of the price of the reserved sections to $1.25, he + should be much obliged; but he did not think it would be well for those + who came from the section of the Union in which the lands lay to do so.—He + wished it, then, to be understood that he did not join in the warfare + against the principle which had engaged the minds of some members of + Congress who were favorable to the improvements in the western country. + There was a good deal of force, he admitted, in what fell from the + chairman of the Committee on Territories. It might be that there was no + precise justice in raising the price of the reserved sections to $2.50 per + acre. It might be proper that the price should be enhanced to some extent, + though not to double the usual price; but he should be glad to have such + an appropriation with the reserved sections at $2.50; he should be better + pleased to have the price of those sections at something less; and he + should be still better pleased to have them without any enhancement at + all. + </p> + <p> + There was one portion of the argument of the gentleman from Indiana, the + chairman of the Committee on Territories [Mr. Smith], which he wished to + take occasion to say that he did not view as unsound. He alluded to the + statement that the General Government was interested in these internal + improvements being made, inasmuch as they increased the value of the lands + that were unsold, and they enabled the government to sell the lands which + could not be sold without them. Thus, then, the government gained by + internal improvements as well as by the general good which the people + derived from them, and it might be, therefore, that the lands should not + be sold for more than $1.50 instead of the price being doubled. He, + however, merely mentioned this in passing, for he only rose to state, as + the principle of giving these lands for the purposes which he had + mentioned had been laid hold of and considered favorably, and as there + were some gentlemen who had constitutional scruples about giving money for + these purchases who would not hesitate to give land, that he was not + willing to have it understood that he was one of those who made war + against that principle. This was all he desired to say, and having + accomplished the object with which he rose, he withdrew his motion to + reconsider. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0036" id="link2H_4_0036"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ON TAYLOR'S NOMINATION + </h2> + <h3> + TO E. B. WASHBURNE. + </h3> + <p> + WASHINGTON, April 30,1848. + </p> + <p> + DEAR WASHBURNE: + </p> + <p> + I have this moment received your very short note asking me if old Taylor + is to be used up, and who will be the nominee. My hope of Taylor's + nomination is as high—a little higher than it was when you left. + Still, the case is by no means out of doubt. Mr. Clay's letter has not + advanced his interests any here. Several who were against Taylor, but not + for anybody particularly, before, are since taking ground, some for Scott + and some for McLean. Who will be nominated neither I nor any one else can + tell. Now, let me pray to you in turn. My prayer is that you let nothing + discourage or baffle you, but that, in spite of every difficulty, you send + us a good Taylor delegate from your circuit. Make Baker, who is now with + you, I suppose, help about it. He is a good hand to raise a breeze. + </p> + <p> + General Ashley, in the Senate from Arkansas, died yesterday. Nothing else + new beyond what you see in the papers. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN <a name="link2H_4_0037" id="link2H_4_0037"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + DEFENSE OF MEXICAN WAR POSITION + </h2> + <h3> + TO REV. J. M. PECK + </h3> + <p> + WASHINGTON, May 21, 1848. DEAR SIR: + </p> + <p> + ....Not in view of all the facts. There are facts which you have kept out + of view. It is a fact that the United States army in marching to the Rio + Grande marched into a peaceful Mexican settlement, and frightened the + inhabitants away from their homes and their growing crops. It is a fact + that Fort Brown, opposite Matamoras, was built by that army within a + Mexican cotton-field, on which at the time the army reached it a young + cotton crop was growing, and which crop was wholly destroyed and the field + itself greatly and permanently injured by ditches, embankments, and the + like. It is a fact that when the Mexicans captured Captain Thornton and + his command, they found and captured them within another Mexican field. + </p> + <p> + Now I wish to bring these facts to your notice, and to ascertain what is + the result of your reflections upon them. If you deny that they are facts, + I think I can furnish proofs which shall convince you that you are + mistaken. If you admit that they are facts, then I shall be obliged for a + reference to any law of language, law of States, law of nations, law of + morals, law of religions, any law, human or divine, in which an authority + can be found for saying those facts constitute "no aggression." + </p> + <p> + Possibly you consider those acts too small for notice. Would you venture + to so consider them had they been committed by any nation on earth against + the humblest of our people? I know you would not. Then I ask, is the + precept "Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to + them" obsolete? of no force? of no application? + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0038" id="link2H_4_0038"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ON ZACHARY TAYLOR NOMINATION + </h2> + <h3> + TO ARCHIBALD WILLIAMS. + </h3> + <p> + WASHINGTON, June 12, 1848. + </p> + <p> + DEAR WILLIAMS:—On my return from Philadelphia, where I had been + attending the nomination of "Old Rough," (Zachary Taylor) I found your + letter in a mass of others which had accumulated in my absence. By many, + and often, it had been said they would not abide the nomination of Taylor; + but since the deed has been done, they are fast falling in, and in my + opinion we shall have a most overwhelming, glorious triumph. One + unmistakable sign is that all the odds and ends are with us—Barnburners, + Native Americans, Tyler men, disappointed office-seeking Locofocos, and + the Lord knows what. This is important, if in nothing else, in showing + which way the wind blows. Some of the sanguine men have set down all the + States as certain for Taylor but Illinois, and it as doubtful. Cannot + something be done even in Illinois? Taylor's nomination takes the Locos on + the blind side. It turns the war thunder against them. The war is now to + them the gallows of Haman, which they built for us, and on which they are + doomed to be hanged themselves. + </p> + <p> + Excuse this short letter. I have so many to write that I cannot devote + much time to any one. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0039" id="link2H_4_0039"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SPEECH IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, + </h2> + <h3> + JUNE 20, 1848. + </h3> + <p> + In Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union, on the Civil and + Diplomatic Appropriation Bill: + </p> + <p> + Mr. CHAIRMAN:—I wish at all times in no way to practise any fraud + upon the House or the committee, and I also desire to do nothing which may + be very disagreeable to any of the members. I therefore state in advance + that my object in taking the floor is to make a speech on the general + subject of internal improvements; and if I am out of order in doing so, I + give the chair an opportunity of so deciding, and I will take my seat. + </p> + <p> + The Chair: I will not undertake to anticipate what the gentleman may say + on the subject of internal improvements. He will, therefore, proceed in + his remarks, and if any question of order shall be made, the chair will + then decide it. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Lincoln: At an early day of this session the President sent us what + may properly be called an internal improvement veto message. The late + Democratic convention, which sat at Baltimore, and which nominated General + Cass for the Presidency, adopted a set of resolutions, now called the + Democratic platform, among which is one in these words: + </p> + <p> + "That the Constitution does not confer upon the General Government the + power to commence and carry on a general system of internal improvements." + </p> + <p> + General Cass, in his letter accepting the nomination, holds this language: + </p> + <p> + "I have carefully read the resolutions of the Democratic national + convention, laying down the platform of our political faith, and I adhere + to them as firmly as I approve them cordially." + </p> + <p> + These things, taken together, show that the question of internal + improvements is now more distinctly made—has become more intense—than + at any former period. The veto message and the Baltimore resolution I + understand to be, in substance, the same thing; the latter being the more + general statement, of which the former is the amplification the bill of + particulars. While I know there are many Democrats, on this floor and + elsewhere, who disapprove that message, I understand that all who voted + for General Cass will thereafter be counted as having approved it, as + having indorsed all its doctrines. + </p> + <p> + I suppose all, or nearly all, the Democrats will vote for him. Many of + them will do so not because they like his position on this question, but + because they prefer him, being wrong on this, to another whom they + consider farther wrong on other questions. In this way the internal + improvement Democrats are to be, by a sort of forced consent, carried over + and arrayed against themselves on this measure of policy. General Cass, + once elected, will not trouble himself to make a constitutional argument, + or perhaps any argument at all, when he shall veto a river or harbor bill; + he will consider it a sufficient answer to all Democratic murmurs to point + to Mr. Polk's message, and to the Democratic platform. This being the + case, the question of improvements is verging to a final crisis; and the + friends of this policy must now battle, and battle manfully, or surrender + all. In this view, humble as I am, I wish to review, and contest as well + as I may, the general positions of this veto message. When I say general + positions, I mean to exclude from consideration so much as relates to the + present embarrassed state of the treasury in consequence of the Mexican + War. + </p> + <p> + Those general positions are: that internal improvements ought not to be + made by the General Government—First. Because they would overwhelm + the treasury Second. Because, while their burdens would be general, their + benefits would be local and partial, involving an obnoxious inequality; + and Third. Because they would be unconstitutional. Fourth. Because the + States may do enough by the levy and collection of tonnage duties; or if + not—Fifth. That the Constitution may be amended. "Do nothing at all, + lest you do something wrong," is the sum of these positions is the sum of + this message. And this, with the exception of what is said about + constitutionality, applying as forcibly to what is said about making + improvements by State authority as by the national authority; so that we + must abandon the improvements of the country altogether, by any and every + authority, or we must resist and repudiate the doctrines of this message. + Let us attempt the latter. + </p> + <p> + The first position is, that a system of internal improvements would + overwhelm the treasury. That in such a system there is a tendency to undue + expansion, is not to be denied. Such tendency is founded in the nature of + the subject. A member of Congress will prefer voting for a bill which + contains an appropriation for his district, to voting for one which does + not; and when a bill shall be expanded till every district shall be + provided for, that it will be too greatly expanded is obvious. But is this + any more true in Congress than in a State Legislature? If a member of + Congress must have an appropriation for his district, so a member of a + Legislature must have one for his county. And if one will overwhelm the + national treasury, so the other will overwhelm the State treasury. Go + where we will, the difficulty is the same. Allow it to drive us from the + halls of Congress, and it will, just as easily, drive us from the State + Legislatures. Let us, then, grapple with it, and test its strength. Let + us, judging of the future by the past, ascertain whether there may not be, + in the discretion of Congress, a sufficient power to limit and restrain + this expansive tendency within reasonable and proper bounds. The President + himself values the evidence of the past. He tells us that at a certain + point of our history more than two hundred millions of dollars had been + applied for to make improvements; and this he does to prove that the + treasury would be overwhelmed by such a system. Why did he not tell us how + much was granted? Would not that have been better evidence? Let us turn to + it, and see what it proves. In the message the President tells us that + "during the four succeeding years embraced by the administration of + President Adams, the power not only to appropriate money, but to apply it, + under the direction and authority of the General Government, as well to + the construction of roads as to the improvement of harbors and rivers, was + fully asserted and exercised." This, then, was the period of greatest + enormity. These, if any, must have been the days of the two hundred + millions. And how much do you suppose was really expended for improvements + during that four years? Two hundred millions? One hundred? Fifty? Ten? + Five? No, sir; less than two millions. As shown by authentic documents, + the expenditures on improvements during 1825, 1826, 1827, and 1828 + amounted to one million eight hundred and seventy-nine thousand six + hundred and twenty-seven dollars and one cent. These four years were the + period of Mr. Adams's administration, nearly and substantially. This fact + shows that when the power to make improvements "was fully asserted and + exercised," the Congress did keep within reasonable limits; and what has + been done, it seems to me, can be done again. + </p> + <p> + Now for the second portion of the message—namely, that the burdens + of improvements would be general, while their benefits would be local and + partial, involving an obnoxious inequality. That there is some degree of + truth in this position, I shall not deny. No commercial object of + government patronage can be so exclusively general as to not be of some + peculiar local advantage. The navy, as I understand it, was established, + and is maintained at a great annual expense, partly to be ready for war + when war shall come, and partly also, and perhaps chiefly, for the + protection of our commerce on the high seas. This latter object is, for + all I can see, in principle the same as internal improvements. The driving + a pirate from the track of commerce on the broad ocean, and the removing + of a snag from its more narrow path in the Mississippi River, cannot, I + think, be distinguished in principle. Each is done to save life and + property, and for nothing else. + </p> + <p> + The navy, then, is the most general in its benefits of all this class of + objects; and yet even the navy is of some peculiar advantage to + Charleston, Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, and Boston, beyond what it + is to the interior towns of Illinois. The next most general object I can + think of would be improvements on the Mississippi River and its + tributaries. They touch thirteen of our States-Pennsylvania, Virginia, + Kentucky, Tennessee, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, Missouri, Illinois, + Indiana, Ohio, Wisconsin, and Iowa. Now I suppose it will not be denied + that these thirteen States are a little more interested in improvements on + that great river than are the remaining seventeen. These instances of the + navy and the Mississippi River show clearly that there is something of + local advantage in the most general objects. But the converse is also + true. Nothing is so local as to not be of some general benefit. Take, for + instance, the Illinois and Michigan Canal. Considered apart from its + effects, it is perfectly local. Every inch of it is within the State of + Illinois. That canal was first opened for business last April. In a very + few days we were all gratified to learn, among other things, that sugar + had been carried from New Orleans through this canal to Buffalo in New + York. This sugar took this route, doubtless, because it was cheaper than + the old route. Supposing benefit of the reduction in the cost of carriage + to be shared between seller and the buyer, result is that the New Orleans + merchant sold his sugar a little dearer, and the people of Buffalo + sweetened their coffee a little cheaper, than before,—a benefit + resulting from the canal, not to Illinois, where the canal is, but to + Louisiana and New York, where it is not. In other transactions Illinois + will, of course, have her share, and perhaps the larger share too, of the + benefits of the canal; but this instance of the sugar clearly shows that + the benefits of an improvement are by no means confined to the particular + locality of the improvement itself. The just conclusion from all this is + that if the nation refuse to make improvements of the more general kind + because their benefits may be somewhat local, a State may for the same + reason refuse to make an improvement of a local kind because its benefits + may be somewhat general. A State may well say to the nation, "If you will + do nothing for me, I will do nothing for you." Thus it is seen that if + this argument of "inequality" is sufficient anywhere, it is sufficient + everywhere, and puts an end to improvements altogether. I hope and believe + that if both the nation and the States would, in good faith, in their + respective spheres do what they could in the way of improvements, what of + inequality might be produced in one place might be compensated in another, + and the sum of the whole might not be very unequal. + </p> + <p> + But suppose, after all, there should be some degree of inequality. + Inequality is certainly never to be embraced for its own sake; but is + every good thing to be discarded which may be inseparably connected with + some degree of it? If so, we must discard all government. This Capitol is + built at the public expense, for the public benefit; but does any one + doubt that it is of some peculiar local advantage to the property-holders + and business people of Washington? Shall we remove it for this reason? And + if so, where shall we set it down, and be free from the difficulty? To + make sure of our object, shall we locate it nowhere, and have Congress + hereafter to hold its sessions, as the loafer lodged, "in spots about"? I + make no allusion to the present President when I say there are few + stronger cases in this world of "burden to the many and benefit to the + few," of "inequality," than the Presidency itself is by some thought to + be. An honest laborer digs coal at about seventy cents a day, while the + President digs abstractions at about seventy dollars a day. The coal is + clearly worth more than the abstractions, and yet what a monstrous + inequality in the prices! Does the President, for this reason, propose to + abolish the Presidency? He does not, and he ought not. The true rule, in + determining to embrace or reject anything, is not whether it have any evil + in it, but whether it have more of evil than of good. There are few things + wholly evil or wholly good. Almost everything, especially of government + policy, is an inseparable compound of the two; so that our best judgment + of the preponderance between them is continually demanded. On this + principle the President, his friends, and the world generally act on most + subjects. Why not apply it, then, upon this question? Why, as to + improvements, magnify the evil, and stoutly refuse to see any good in + them? + </p> + <p> + Mr. Chairman, on the third position of the message the constitutional + question—I have not much to say. Being the man I am, and speaking, + where I do, I feel that in any attempt at an original constitutional + argument I should not be and ought not to be listened to patiently. The + ablest and the best of men have gone over the whole ground long ago. I + shall attempt but little more than a brief notice of what some of them + have said. In relation to Mr. Jefferson's views, I read from Mr. Polk's + veto message: + </p> + <p> + "President Jefferson, in his message to Congress in 1806, recommended an + amendment of the Constitution, with a view to apply an anticipated surplus + in the treasury 'to the great purposes of the public education, roads, + rivers, canals, and such other objects of public improvement as it may be + thought proper to add to the constitutional enumeration of the federal + powers'; and he adds: 'I suppose an amendment to the Constitution, by + consent of the States, necessary, because the objects now recommended are + not among those enumerated in the Constitution, and to which it permits + the public moneys to be applied.' In 1825, he repeated in his published + letters the opinion that no such power has been conferred upon Congress." + </p> + <p> + I introduce this not to controvert just now the constitutional opinion, + but to show that, on the question of expediency, Mr. Jefferson's opinion + was against the present President; that this opinion of Mr. Jefferson, in + one branch at least, is in the hands of Mr. Polk like McFingal's gun—"bears + wide and kicks the owner over." + </p> + <p> + But to the constitutional question. In 1826 Chancellor Kent first + published his Commentaries on American law. He devoted a portion of one of + the lectures to the question of the authority of Congress to appropriate + public moneys for internal improvements. He mentions that the subject had + never been brought under judicial consideration, and proceeds to give a + brief summary of the discussion it had undergone between the legislative + and executive branches of the government. He shows that the legislative + branch had usually been for, and the executive against, the power, till + the period of Mr. J.Q. Adams's administration, at which point he considers + the executive influence as withdrawn from opposition, and added to the + support of the power. In 1844 the chancellor published a new edition of + his Commentaries, in which he adds some notes of what had transpired on + the question since 1826. I have not time to read the original text on the + notes; but the whole may be found on page 267, and the two or three + following pages, of the first volume of the edition of 1844. As to what + Chancellor Kent seems to consider the sum of the whole, I read from one of + the notes: + </p> + <p> + "Mr. Justice Story, in his Commentaries on the Constitution of the United + States, Vol. II., pp. 429-440, and again pp. 519-538, has stated at large + the arguments for and against the proposition that Congress have a + constitutional authority to lay taxes and to apply the power to regulate + commerce as a means directly to encourage and protect domestic + manufactures; and without giving any opinion of his own on the contested + doctrine, he has left the reader to draw his own conclusions. I should + think, however, from the arguments as stated, that every mind which has + taken no part in the discussion, and felt no prejudice or territorial bias + on either side of the question, would deem the arguments in favor of the + Congressional power vastly superior." + </p> + <p> + It will be seen that in this extract the power to make improvements is not + directly mentioned; but by examining the context, both of Kent and Story, + it will be seen that the power mentioned in the extract and the power to + make improvements are regarded as identical. It is not to be denied that + many great and good men have been against the power; but it is insisted + that quite as many, as great and as good, have been for it; and it is + shown that, on a full survey of the whole, Chancellor Kent was of opinion + that the arguments of the latter were vastly superior. This is but the + opinion of a man; but who was that man? He was one of the ablest and most + learned lawyers of his age, or of any age. It is no disparagement to Mr. + Polk, nor indeed to any one who devotes much time to politics, to be + placed far behind Chancellor Kent as a lawyer. His attitude was most + favorable to correct conclusions. He wrote coolly, and in retirement. He + was struggling to rear a durable monument of fame; and he well knew that + truth and thoroughly sound reasoning were the only sure foundations. Can + the party opinion of a party President on a law question, as this purely + is, be at all compared or set in opposition to that of such a man, in such + an attitude, as Chancellor Kent? This constitutional question will + probably never be better settled than it is, until it shall pass under + judicial consideration; but I do think no man who is clear on the + questions of expediency need feel his conscience much pricked upon this. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Chairman, the President seems to think that enough may be done, in the + way of improvements, by means of tonnage duties under State authority, + with the consent of the General Government. Now I suppose this matter of + tonnage duties is well enough in its own sphere. I suppose it may be + efficient, and perhaps sufficient, to make slight improvements and repairs + in harbors already in use and not much out of repair. But if I have any + correct general idea of it, it must be wholly inefficient for any general + beneficent purposes of improvement. I know very little, or rather nothing + at all, of the practical matter of levying and collecting tonnage duties; + but I suppose one of its principles must be to lay a duty for the + improvement of any particular harbor upon the tonnage coming into that + harbor; to do otherwise—to collect money in one harbor, to be + expended on improvements in another—would be an extremely aggravated + form of that inequality which the President so much deprecates. If I be + right in this, how could we make any entirely new improvement by means of + tonnage duties? How make a road, a canal, or clear a greatly obstructed + river? The idea that we could involves the same absurdity as the Irish + bull about the new boots. "I shall niver git 'em on," says Patrick, "till + I wear 'em a day or two, and stretch 'em a little." We shall never make a + canal by tonnage duties until it shall already have been made awhile, so + the tonnage can get into it. + </p> + <p> + After all, the President concludes that possibly there may be some great + objects of improvement which cannot be effected by tonnage duties, and + which it therefore may be expedient for the General Government to take in + hand. Accordingly he suggests, in case any such be discovered, the + propriety of amending the Constitution. Amend it for what? If, like Mr. + Jefferson, the President thought improvements expedient, but not + constitutional, it would be natural enough for him to recommend such an + amendment. But hear what he says in this very message: + </p> + <p> + "In view of these portentous consequences, I cannot but think that this + course of legislation should be arrested, even were there nothing to + forbid it in the fundamental laws of our Union." + </p> + <p> + For what, then, would he have the Constitution amended? With him it is a + proposition to remove one impediment merely to be met by others which, in + his opinion, cannot be removed, to enable Congress to do what, in his + opinion, they ought not to do if they could. + </p> + <p> + Here Mr. Meade of Virginia inquired if Mr. Lincoln understood the + President to be opposed, on grounds of expediency, to any and every + improvement. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Lincoln answered: In the very part of his message of which I am + speaking, I understand him as giving some vague expression in favor of + some possible objects of improvement; but in doing so I understand him to + be directly on the teeth of his own arguments in other parts of it. + Neither the President nor any one can possibly specify an improvement + which shall not be clearly liable to one or another of the objections he + has urged on the score of expediency. I have shown, and might show again, + that no work—no object—can be so general as to dispense its + benefits with precise equality; and this inequality is chief among the + "portentous consequences" for which he declares that improvements should + be arrested. No, sir. When the President intimates that something in the + way of improvements may properly be done by the General Government, he is + shrinking from the conclusions to which his own arguments would force him. + He feels that the improvements of this broad and goodly land are a mighty + interest; and he is unwilling to confess to the people, or perhaps to + himself, that he has built an argument which, when pressed to its + conclusions, entirely annihilates this interest. + </p> + <p> + I have already said that no one who is satisfied of the expediency of + making improvements needs be much uneasy in his conscience about its + constitutionality. I wish now to submit a few remarks on the general + proposition of amending the Constitution. As a general rule, I think we + would much better let it alone. No slight occasion should tempt us to + touch it. Better not take the first step, which may lead to a habit of + altering it. Better, rather, habituate ourselves to think of it as + unalterable. It can scarcely be made better than it is. New provisions + would introduce new difficulties, and thus create and increase appetite + for further change. No, sir; let it stand as it is. New hands have never + touched it. The men who made it have done their work, and have passed + away. Who shall improve on what they did? + </p> + <p> + Mr. Chairman, for the purpose of reviewing this message in the least + possible time, as well as for the sake of distinctness, I have analyzed + its arguments as well as I could, and reduced them to the propositions I + have stated. I have now examined them in detail. I wish to detain the + committee only a little while longer with some general remarks upon the + subject of improvements. That the subject is a difficult one, cannot be + denied. Still it is no more difficult in Congress than in the State + Legislatures, in the counties, or in the smallest municipal districts + which anywhere exist. All can recur to instances of this difficulty in the + case of county roads, bridges, and the like. One man is offended because a + road passes over his land, and another is offended because it does not + pass over his; one is dissatisfied because the bridge for which he is + taxed crosses the river on a different road from that which leads from his + house to town; another cannot bear that the county should be got in debt + for these same roads and bridges; while not a few struggle hard to have + roads located over their lands, and then stoutly refuse to let them be + opened until they are first paid the damages. Even between the different + wards and streets of towns and cities we find this same wrangling and + difficulty. Now these are no other than the very difficulties against + which, and out of which, the President constructs his objections of + "inequality," "speculation," and "crushing the treasury." There is but a + single alternative about them: they are sufficient, or they are not. If + sufficient, they are sufficient out of Congress as well as in it, and + there is the end. We must reject them as insufficient, or lie down and do + nothing by any authority. Then, difficulty though there be, let us meet + and encounter it. "Attempt the end, and never stand to doubt; nothing so + hard, but search will find it out." Determine that the thing can and shall + be done, and then we shall find the way. The tendency to undue expansion + is unquestionably the chief difficulty. + </p> + <p> + How to do something, and still not do too much, is the desideratum. Let + each contribute his mite in the way of suggestion. The late Silas Wright, + in a letter to the Chicago convention, contributed his, which was worth + something; and I now contribute mine, which may be worth nothing. At all + events, it will mislead nobody, and therefore will do no harm. I would not + borrow money. I am against an overwhelming, crushing system. Suppose that, + at each session, Congress shall first determine how much money can, for + that year, be spared for improvements; then apportion that sum to the most + important objects. So far all is easy; but how shall we determine which + are the most important? On this question comes the collision of interests. + I shall be slow to acknowledge that your harbor or your river is more + important than mine, and vice versa. To clear this difficulty, let us have + that same statistical information which the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. + Vinton] suggested at the beginning of this session. In that information we + shall have a stern, unbending basis of facts—a basis in no wise + subject to whim, caprice, or local interest. The prelimited amount of + means will save us from doing too much, and the statistics will save us + from doing what we do in wrong places. Adopt and adhere to this course, + and, it seems to me, the difficulty is cleared. + </p> + <p> + One of the gentlemen from South Carolina [Mr. Rhett] very much deprecates + these statistics. He particularly objects, as I understand him, to + counting all the pigs and chickens in the land. I do not perceive much + force in the objection. It is true that if everything be enumerated, a + portion of such statistics may not be very useful to this object. Such + products of the country as are to be consumed where they are produced need + no roads or rivers, no means of transportation, and have no very proper + connection with this subject. The surplus—that which is produced in + one place to be consumed in another; the capacity of each locality for + producing a greater surplus; the natural means of transportation, and + their susceptibility of improvement; the hindrances, delays, and losses of + life and property during transportation, and the causes of each, would be + among the most valuable statistics in this connection. From these it would + readily appear where a given amount of expenditure would do the most good. + These statistics might be equally accessible, as they would be equally + useful, to both the nation and the States. In this way, and by these + means, let the nation take hold of the larger works, and the States the + smaller ones; and thus, working in a meeting direction, discreetly, but + steadily and firmly, what is made unequal in one place may be equalized in + another, extravagance avoided, and the whole country put on that career of + prosperity which shall correspond with its extent of territory, its + natural resources, and the intelligence and enterprise of its people. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0040" id="link2H_4_0040"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + OPPORTUNITIES FOR YOUNG POLITICIANS + </h2> + <h3> + TO WILLIAM H. HERNDON. + </h3> + <p> + WASHINGTON, June 22, 1848. + </p> + <p> + DEAR WILLIAM:—Last night I was attending a sort of caucus of the + Whig members, held in relation to the coming Presidential election. The + whole field of the nation was scanned, and all is high hope and + confidence. Illinois is expected to better her condition in this race. + Under these circumstances, judge how heartrending it was to come to my + room and find and read your discouraging letter of the 15th. We have made + no gains, but have lost "H. R. Robinson, Turner, Campbell, and four or + five more." Tell Arney to reconsider, if he would be saved. Baker and I + used to do something, but I think you attach more importance to our + absence than is just. There is another cause. In 1840, for instance, we + had two senators and five representatives in Sangamon; now we have part of + one senator and two representatives. With quite one third more people than + we had then, we have only half the sort of offices which are sought by men + of the speaking sort of talent. This, I think, is the chief cause. Now, as + to the young men. You must not wait to be brought forward by the older + men. For instance, do you suppose that I should ever have got into notice + if I had waited to be hunted up and pushed forward by older men? You young + men get together and form a "Rough and Ready Club," and have regular + meetings and speeches. Take in everybody you can get. Harrison Grimsley, + L. A. Enos, Lee Kimball, and C. W. Matheny will do to begin the thing; but + as you go along gather up all the shrewd, wild boys about town, whether + just of age, or a little under age, Chris. Logan, Reddick Ridgely, Lewis + Zwizler, and hundreds such. Let every one play the part he can play best,—some + speak, some sing, and all "holler." Your meetings will be of evenings; the + older men, and the women, will go to hear you; so that it will not only + contribute to the election of "Old Zach," but will be an interesting + pastime, and improving to the intellectual faculties of all engaged. Don't + fail to do this. + </p> + <p> + You ask me to send you all the speeches made about "Old Zach," the war, + etc. Now this makes me a little impatient. I have regularly sent you the + Congressional Globe and Appendix, and you cannot have examined them, or + you would have discovered that they contain every speech made by every man + in both houses of Congress, on every subject, during the session. Can I + send any more? Can I send speeches that nobody has made? Thinking it would + be most natural that the newspapers would feel interested to give at least + some of the speeches to their readers, I at the beginning of the session + made arrangements to have one copy of the Globe and Appendix regularly + sent to each Whig paper of the district. And yet, with the exception of my + own little speech, which was published in two only of the then five, now + four, Whig papers, I do not remember having seen a single speech, or even + extract from one, in any single one of those papers. With equal and full + means on both sides, I will venture that the State Register has thrown + before its readers more of Locofoco speeches in a month than all the Whig + papers of the district have done of Whig speeches during the session. + </p> + <p> + If you wish a full understanding of the war, I repeat what I believe I + said to you in a letter once before, that the whole, or nearly so, is to + be found in the speech of Dixon of Connecticut. This I sent you in + pamphlet as well as in the Globe. Examine and study every sentence of that + speech thoroughly, and you will understand the whole subject. You ask how + Congress came to declare that war had existed by the act of Mexico. Is it + possible you don't understand that yet? You have at least twenty speeches + in your possession that fully explain it. I will, however, try it once + more. The news reached Washington of the commencement of hostilities on + the Rio Grande, and of the great peril of General Taylor's army. + Everybody, Whigs and Democrats, was for sending them aid, in men and + money. It was necessary to pass a bill for this. The Locos had a majority + in both houses, and they brought in a bill with a preamble saying: + Whereas, War exists by the act of Mexico, therefore we send General Taylor + money. The Whigs moved to strike out the preamble, so that they could vote + to send the men and money, without saying anything about how the war + commenced; but being in the minority, they were voted down, and the + preamble was retained. Then, on the passage of the bill, the question came + upon them, Shall we vote for preamble and bill together, or against both + together? They did not want to vote against sending help to General + Taylor, and therefore they voted for both together. Is there any + difficulty in understanding this? Even my little speech shows how this + was; and if you will go to the library, you may get the Journal of + 1845-46, in which you will find the whole for yourself. + </p> + <p> + We have nothing published yet with special reference to the Taylor race; + but we soon will have, and then I will send them to everybody. I made an + internal-improvement speech day before yesterday, which I shall send home + as soon as I can get it written out and printed,—and which I suppose + nobody will read. + </p> + <p> + Your friend as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0041" id="link2H_4_0041"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SALARY OF JUDGE IN WESTERN VIRGINIA + </h2> + <h3> + REMARKS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JUNE 28, 1848. + </h3> + <p> + Discussion as to salary of judge of western Virginia:—Wishing to + increase it from $1800 to $2500. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Lincoln said he felt unwilling to be either unjust or ungenerous, and + he wanted to understand the real case of this judicial officer. The + gentleman from Virginia had stated that he had to hold eleven courts. Now + everybody knew that it was not the habit of the district judges of the + United States in other States to hold anything like that number of courts; + and he therefore took it for granted that this must happen under a + peculiar law which required that large number of courts to be holden every + year; and these laws, he further supposed, were passed at the request of + the people of that judicial district. It came, then, to this: that the + people in the western district of Virginia had got eleven courts to be + held among them in one year, for their own accommodation; and being thus + better accommodated than neighbors elsewhere, they wanted their judge to + be a little better paid. In Illinois there had been until the present + season but one district court held in the year. There were now to be two. + Could it be that the western district of Virginia furnished more business + for a judge than the whole State of Illinois? + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0042" id="link2H_4_0042"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + NATIONAL BANK + </h2> + <h3> + JULY, 1848, + </h3> + <p> + [FRAGMENT] + </p> + <p> + The question of a national bank is at rest. Were I President, I should not + urge its reagitation upon Congress; but should Congress see fit to pass an + act to establish such an institution, I should not arrest it by the veto, + unless I should consider it subject to some constitutional objection from + which I believe the two former banks to have been free. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0043" id="link2H_4_0043"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + YOUNG v.s. OLD—POLITICAL JEALOUSY + </h2> + <h3> + TO W. H. HERNDON. + </h3> + <p> + WASHINGTON, July 10, 1848. + </p> + <p> + DEAR WILLIAM: + </p> + <p> + Your letter covering the newspaper slips was received last night. The + subject of that letter is exceedingly painful to me, and I cannot but + think there is some mistake in your impression of the motives of the old + men. I suppose I am now one of the old men; and I declare on my veracity, + which I think is good with you, that nothing could afford me more + satisfaction than to learn that you and others of my young friends at home + were doing battle in the contest and endearing themselves to the people + and taking a stand far above any I have ever been able to reach in their + admiration. I cannot conceive that other men feel differently. Of course I + cannot demonstrate what I say; but I was young once, and I am sure I was + never ungenerously thrust back. I hardly know what to say. The way for a + young man to rise is to improve himself every way he can, never suspecting + that anybody wishes to hinder him. Allow me to assure you that suspicion + and jealousy never did help any man in any situation. There may sometimes + be ungenerous attempts to keep a young man down; and they will succeed, + too, if he allows his mind to be diverted from its true channel to brood + over the attempted injury. Cast about and see if this feeling has not + injured every person you have ever known to fall into it. + </p> + <p> + Now, in what I have said I am sure you will suspect nothing but sincere + friendship. I would save you from a fatal error. You have been a studious + young man. You are far better informed on almost all subjects than I ever + have been. You cannot fail in any laudable object unless you allow your + mind to be improperly directed. I have some the advantage of you in the + world's experience, merely by being older; and it is this that induces me + to advise. You still seem to be a little mistaken about the Congressional + Globe and Appendix. They contain all of the speeches that are published in + any way. My speech and Dayton's speech which you say you got in pamphlet + form are both word for word in the Appendix. I repeat again, all are + there. + </p> + <p> + Your friend, as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0044" id="link2H_4_0044"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + GENERAL TAYLOR AND THE VETO + </h2> + <h3> + SPEECH IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JULY 27, 1848. + </h3> + <p> + Mr. SPEAKER, our Democratic friends seem to be in a great distress because + they think our candidate for the Presidency don't suit us. Most of them + cannot find out that General Taylor has any principles at all; some, + however, have discovered that he has one, but that one is entirely wrong. + This one principle is his position on the veto power. The gentleman from + Tennessee [Mr. Stanton] who has just taken his seat, indeed, has said + there is very little, if any, difference on this question between General + Taylor and all the Presidents; and he seems to think it sufficient + detraction from General Taylor's position on it that it has nothing new in + it. But all others whom I have heard speak assail it furiously. A new + member from Kentucky [Mr. Clark], of very considerable ability, was in + particular concerned about it. He thought it altogether novel and + unprecedented for a President or a Presidential candidate to think of + approving bills whose constitutionality may not be entirely clear to his + own mind. He thinks the ark of our safety is gone unless Presidents shall + always veto such bills as in their judgment may be of doubtful + constitutionality. However clear Congress may be on their authority to + pass any particular act, the gentleman from Kentucky thinks the President + must veto it if he has doubts about it. Now I have neither time nor + inclination to argue with the gentleman on the veto power as an original + question; but I wish to show that General Taylor, and not he, agrees with + the earlier statesmen on this question. When the bill chartering the first + Bank of the United States passed Congress, its constitutionality was + questioned. Mr. Madison, then in the House of Representatives, as well as + others, had opposed it on that ground. General Washington, as President, + was called on to approve or reject it. He sought and obtained on the + constitutionality question the separate written opinions of Jefferson, + Hamilton, and Edmund Randolph,—they then being respectively + Secretary of State, Secretary of the Treasury, and Attorney general. + Hamilton's opinion was for the power; while Randolph's and Jefferson's + were both against it. Mr. Jefferson, after giving his opinion deciding + only against the constitutionality of the bill, closes his letter with the + paragraph which I now read: + </p> + <p> + "It must be admitted, however, that unless the President's mind, on a view + of everything which is urged for and against this bill, is tolerably clear + that it is unauthorized by the Constitution,—if the pro and con hang + so even as to balance his judgment, a just respect for the wisdom of the + legislature would naturally decide the balance in favor of their opinion. + It is chiefly for cases where they are clearly misled by error, ambition, + or interest, that the Constitution has placed a check in the negative of + the President. + </p> + <p> + "THOMAS JEFFERSON. + </p> + <p> + "February 15, 1791." + </p> + <p> + General Taylor's opinion, as expressed in his Allison letter, is as I now + read: + </p> + <p> + "The power given by the veto is a high conservative power; but, in my + opinion, should never be exercised except in cases of clear violation of + the Constitution, or manifest haste and want of consideration by + Congress." + </p> + <p> + It is here seen that, in Mr. Jefferson's opinion, if on the + constitutionality of any given bill the President doubts, he is not to + veto it, as the gentleman from Kentucky would have him do, but is to defer + to Congress and approve it. And if we compare the opinion of Jefferson and + Taylor, as expressed in these paragraphs, we shall find them more exactly + alike than we can often find any two expressions having any literal + difference. None but interested faultfinders, I think, can discover any + substantial variation. + </p> + <p> + But gentlemen on the other side are unanimously agreed that General Taylor + has no other principles. They are in utter darkness as to his opinions on + any of the questions of policy which occupy the public attention. But is + there any doubt as to what he will do on the prominent questions if + elected? Not the least. It is not possible to know what he will or would + do in every imaginable case, because many questions have passed away, and + others doubtless will arise which none of us have yet thought of; but on + the prominent questions of currency, tariff, internal improvements, and + Wilmot Proviso, General Taylor's course is at least as well defined as is + General Cass's. Why, in their eagerness to get at General Taylor, several + Democratic members here have desired to know whether, in case of his + election, a bankrupt law is to be established. Can they tell us General + Cass's opinion on this question? + </p> + <p> + [Some member answered, "He is against it."] + </p> + <p> + Aye, how do you know he is? There is nothing about it in the platform, nor + elsewhere, that I have seen. If the gentleman knows of anything which I do + not know he can show it. But to return. General Taylor, in his Allison + letter, says: + </p> + <p> + "Upon the subject of the tariff, the currency, the improvement of our + great highways, rivers, lakes, and harbors, the will of the people, as + expressed through their representatives in Congress, ought to be respected + and carried out by the executive." + </p> + <p> + Now this is the whole matter. In substance, it is this: The people say to + General Taylor, "If you are elected, shall we have a national bank?" He + answers, "Your will, gentlemen, not mine." "What about the tariff?" "Say + yourselves." "Shall our rivers and harbors be improved?" "Just as you + please. If you desire a bank, an alteration of the tariff, internal + improvements, any or all, I will not hinder you. If you do not desire + them, I will not attempt to force them on you. Send up your members of + Congress from the various districts, with opinions according to your own, + and if they are for these measures, or any of them, I shall have nothing + to oppose; if they are not for them, I shall not, by any appliances + whatever, attempt to dragoon them into their adoption." + </p> + <p> + Now can there be any difficulty in understanding this? To you Democrats it + may not seem like principle; but surely you cannot fail to perceive the + position plainly enough. The distinction between it and the position of + your candidate is broad and obvious, and I admit you have a clear right to + show it is wrong if you can; but you have no right to pretend you cannot + see it at all. We see it, and to us it appears like principle, and the + best sort of principle at that—the principle of allowing the people + to do as they please with their own business. My friend from Indiana (C. + B. Smith) has aptly asked, "Are you willing to trust the people?" Some of + you answered substantially, "We are willing to trust the people; but the + President is as much the representative of the people as Congress." In a + certain sense, and to a certain extent, he is the representative of the + people. He is elected by them, as well as Congress is; but can he, in the + nature of things know the wants of the people as well as three hundred + other men, coming from all the various localities of the nation? If so, + where is the propriety of having a Congress? That the Constitution gives + the President a negative on legislation, all know; but that this negative + should be so combined with platforms and other appliances as to enable + him, and in fact almost compel him, to take the whole of legislation into + his own hands, is what we object to, is what General Taylor objects to, + and is what constitutes the broad distinction between you and us. To thus + transfer legislation is clearly to take it from those who understand with + minuteness the interests of the people, and give it to one who does not + and cannot so well understand it. I understand your idea that if a + Presidential candidate avow his opinion upon a given question, or rather + upon all questions, and the people, with full knowledge of this, elect + him, they thereby distinctly approve all those opinions. By means of it, + measures are adopted or rejected contrary to the wishes of the whole of + one party, and often nearly half of the other. Three, four, or half a + dozen questions are prominent at a given time; the party selects its + candidate, and he takes his position on each of these questions. On all + but one his positions have already been indorsed at former elections, and + his party fully committed to them; but that one is new, and a large + portion of them are against it. But what are they to do? The whole was + strung together; and they must take all, or reject all. They cannot take + what they like, and leave the rest. What they are already committed to + being the majority, they shut their eyes, and gulp the whole. Next + election, still another is introduced in the same way. If we run our eyes + along the line of the past, we shall see that almost if not quite all the + articles of the present Democratic creed have been at first forced upon + the party in this very way. And just now, and just so, opposition to + internal improvements is to be established if General Cass shall be + elected. Almost half the Democrats here are for improvements; but they + will vote for Cass, and if he succeeds, their vote will have aided in + closing the doors against improvements. Now this is a process which we + think is wrong. We prefer a candidate who, like General Taylor, will allow + the people to have their own way, regardless of his private opinions; and + I should think the internal-improvement Democrats, at least, ought to + prefer such a candidate. He would force nothing on them which they don't + want, and he would allow them to have improvements which their own + candidate, if elected, will not. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Speaker, I have said General Taylor's position is as well defined as + is that of General Cass. In saying this, I admit I do not certainly know + what he would do on the Wilmot Proviso. I am a Northern man or rather a + Western Free-State man, with a constituency I believe to be, and with + personal feelings I know to be, against the extension of slavery. As such, + and with what information I have, I hope and believe General Taylor, if + elected, would not veto the proviso. But I do not know it. Yet if I knew + he would, I still would vote for him. I should do so because, in my + judgment, his election alone can defeat General Cass; and because, should + slavery thereby go to the territory we now have, just so much will + certainly happen by the election of Cass, and in addition a course of + policy leading to new wars, new acquisitions of territory and still + further extensions of slavery. One of the two is to be President. Which is + preferable? + </p> + <p> + But there is as much doubt of Cass on improvements as there is of Taylor + on the proviso. I have no doubt myself of General Cass on this question; + but I know the Democrats differ among themselves as to his position. My + internal-improvement colleague [Mr. Wentworth] stated on this floor the + other day that he was satisfied Cass was for improvements, because he had + voted for all the bills that he [Mr. Wentworth] had. So far so good. But + Mr. Polk vetoed some of these very bills. The Baltimore convention passed + a set of resolutions, among other things, approving these vetoes, and + General Cass declares, in his letter accepting the nomination, that he has + carefully read these resolutions, and that he adheres to them as firmly as + he approves them cordially. In other words, General Cass voted for the + bills, and thinks the President did right to veto them; and his friends + here are amiable enough to consider him as being on one side or the other, + just as one or the other may correspond with their own respective + inclinations. My colleague admits that the platform declares against the + constitutionality of a general system of improvements, and that General + Cass indorses the platform; but he still thinks General Cass is in favor + of some sort of improvements. Well, what are they? As he is against + general objects, those he is for must be particular and local. Now this is + taking the subject precisely by the wrong end. Particularity expending the + money of the whole people for an object which will benefit only a portion + of them—is the greatest real objection to improvements, and has been + so held by General Jackson, Mr. Polk, and all others, I believe, till now. + But now, behold, the objects most general—nearest free from this + objection—are to be rejected, while those most liable to it are to + be embraced. To return: I cannot help believing that General Cass, when he + wrote his letter of acceptance, well understood he was to be claimed by + the advocates of both sides of this question, and that he then closed the + door against all further expressions of opinion purposely to retain the + benefits of that double position. His subsequent equivocation at + Cleveland, to my mind, proves such to have been the case. + </p> + <p> + One word more, and I shall have done with this branch of the subject. You + Democrats, and your candidate, in the main are in favor of laying down in + advance a platform—a set of party positions—as a unit, and + then of forcing the people, by every sort of appliance, to ratify them, + however unpalatable some of them may be. We and our candidate are in favor + of making Presidential elections and the legislation of the country + distinct matters; so that the people can elect whom they please, and + afterward legislate just as they please, without any hindrance, save only + so much as may guard against infractions of the Constitution, undue haste, + and want of consideration. The difference between us is clear as noonday. + That we are right we cannot doubt. We hold the true Republican position. + In leaving the people's business in their hands, we cannot be wrong. We + are willing, and even anxious, to go to the people on this issue. + </p> + <p> + But I suppose I cannot reasonably hope to convince you that we have any + principles. The most I can expect is to assure you that we think we have + and are quite contented with them. The other day one of the gentlemen from + Georgia [Mr. Iverson], an eloquent man, and a man of learning, so far as I + can judge, not being learned myself, came down upon us astonishingly. He + spoke in what the 'Baltimore American' calls the "scathing and withering + style." At the end of his second severe flash I was struck blind, and + found myself feeling with my fingers for an assurance of my continued + existence. A little of the bone was left, and I gradually revived. He + eulogized Mr. Clay in high and beautiful terms, and then declared that we + had deserted all our principles, and had turned Henry Clay out, like an + old horse, to root. This is terribly severe. It cannot be answered by + argument—at least I cannot so answer it. I merely wish to ask the + gentleman if the Whigs are the only party he can think of who sometimes + turn old horses out to root. Is not a certain Martin Van Buren an old + horse which your own party have turned out to root? and is he not rooting + a little to your discomfort about now? But in not nominating Mr. Clay we + deserted our principles, you say. Ah! In what? Tell us, ye men of + principle, what principle we violated. We say you did violate principle in + discarding Van Buren, and we can tell you how. You violated the primary, + the cardinal, the one great living principle of all democratic + representative government—the principle that the representative is + bound to carry out the known will of his constituents. A large majority of + the Baltimore convention of 1844 were, by their constituents, instructed + to procure Van Buren 's nomination if they could. In violation—in + utter glaring contempt of this, you rejected him; rejected him, as the + gentleman from New York [Mr. Birdsall] the other day expressly admitted, + for availability—that same "general availability" which you charge + upon us, and daily chew over here, as something exceedingly odious and + unprincipled. But the gentleman from Georgia [Mr. Iverson] gave us a + second speech yesterday, all well considered and put down in writing, in + which Van Buren was scathed and withered a "few" for his present position + and movements. I cannot remember the gentleman's precise language; but I + do remember he put Van Buren down, down, till he got him where he was + finally to "stink" and "rot." + </p> + <p> + Mr. Speaker, it is no business or inclination of mine to defend Martin Van + Buren in the war of extermination now waging between him and his old + admirers. I say, "Devil take the hindmost"—and the foremost. But + there is no mistaking the origin of the breach; and if the curse of + "stinking" and "rotting" is to fall on the first and greatest violators of + principle in the matter, I disinterestedly suggest that the gentleman from + Georgia and his present co-workers are bound to take it upon themselves. + But the gentleman from Georgia further says we have deserted all our + principles, and taken shelter under General Taylor's military coat-tail, + and he seems to think this is exceedingly degrading. Well, as his faith + is, so be it unto him. But can he remember no other military coat-tail + under which a certain other party have been sheltering for near a quarter + of a century? Has he no acquaintance with the ample military coat tail of + General Jackson? Does he not know that his own party have run the five + last Presidential races under that coat-tail, and that they are now + running the sixth under the same cover? Yes, sir, that coat-tail was used + not only for General Jackson himself, but has been clung to, with the grip + of death, by every Democratic candidate since. You have never ventured, + and dare not now venture, from under it. Your campaign papers have + constantly been "Old Hickories," with rude likenesses of the old general + upon them; hickory poles and hickory brooms your never-ending emblems; Mr. + Polk himself was "Young Hickory," or something so; and even now your + campaign paper here is proclaiming that Cass and Butler are of the true + "Hickory stripe." Now, sir, you dare not give it up. Like a horde of + hungry ticks you have stuck to the tail of the Hermitage Lion to the end + of his life; and you are still sticking to it, and drawing a loathsome + sustenance from it, after he is dead. A fellow once advertised that he had + made a discovery by which he could make a new man out of an old one, and + have enough of the stuff left to make a little yellow dog. Just such a + discovery has General Jackson's popularity been to you. You not only twice + made President of him out of it, but you have had enough of the stuff left + to make Presidents of several comparatively small men since; and it is + your chief reliance now to make still another. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Speaker, old horses and military coat-tails, or tails of any sort, are + not figures of speech such as I would be the first to introduce into + discussions here; but as the gentleman from Georgia has thought fit to + introduce them, he and you are welcome to all you have made, or can make + by them. If you have any more old horses, trot them out; any more tails, + just cock them and come at us. I repeat, I would not introduce this mode + of discussion here; but I wish gentlemen on the other side to understand + that the use of degrading figures is a game at which they may not find + themselves able to take all the winnings. + </p> + <p> + ["We give it up!"] + </p> + <p> + Aye, you give it up, and well you may; but for a very different reason + from that which you would have us understand. The point—the power to + hurt—of all figures consists in the truthfulness of their + application; and, understanding this, you may well give it up. They are + weapons which hit you, but miss us. + </p> + <p> + But in my hurry I was very near closing this subject of military tails + before I was done with it. There is one entire article of the sort I have + not discussed yet,—I mean the military tail you Democrats are now + engaged in dovetailing into the great Michigander [Cass]. Yes, sir; all + his biographies (and they are legion) have him in hand, tying him to a + military tail, like so many mischievous boys tying a dog to a bladder of + beans. True, the material they have is very limited, but they drive at it + might and main. He invaded Canada without resistance, and he outvaded it + without pursuit. As he did both under orders, I suppose there was to him + neither credit nor discredit in them; but they constitute a large part of + the tail. He was not at Hull's surrender, but he was close by; he was + volunteer aid to General Harrison on the day of the battle of the Thames; + and as you said in 1840 Harrison was picking huckleberries two miles off + while the battle was fought, I suppose it is a just conclusion with you to + say Cass was aiding Harrison to pick huckleberries. This is about all, + except the mooted question of the broken sword. Some authors say he broke + it, some say he threw it away, and some others, who ought to know, say + nothing about it. Perhaps it would be a fair historical compromise to say, + if he did not break it, he did not do anything else with it. + </p> + <p> + By the way, Mr. Speaker, did you know I am a military hero? Yes, sir; in + the days of the Black Hawk war I fought, bled, and came away. Speaking of + General Cass's career reminds me of my own. I was not at Stiliman's + defeat, but I was about as near it as Cass was to Hull's surrender; and, + like him, I saw the place very soon afterward. It is quite certain I did + not break my sword, for I had none to break; but I bent a musket pretty + badly on one occasion. If Cass broke his sword, the idea is he broke it in + desperation; I bent the musket by accident. If General Cass went in + advance of me in picking huckleberries, I guess I surpassed him in charges + upon the wild onions. If he saw any live, fighting Indians, it was more + than I did; but I had a good many bloody struggles with the mosquitoes, + and although I never fainted from the loss of blood, I can truly say I was + often very hungry. Mr. Speaker, if I should ever conclude to doff whatever + our Democratic friends may suppose there is of black-cockade federalism + about me, and therefore they shall take me up as their candidate for the + Presidency, I protest they shall not make fun of me, as they have of + General Cass, by attempting to write me into a military hero. + </p> + <p> + While I have General Cass in hand, I wish to say a word about his + political principles. As a specimen, I take the record of his progress in + the Wilmot Proviso. In the Washington Union of March 2, 1847, there is a + report of a speech of General Cass, made the day before in the Senate, on + the Wilmot Proviso, during the delivery of which Mr. Miller of New Jersey + is reported to have interrupted him as follows, to wit: + </p> + <p> + "Mr. Miller expressed his great surprise at the change in the sentiments + of the Senator from Michigan, who had been regarded as the great champion + of freedom in the Northwest, of which he was a distinguished ornament. + Last year the Senator from Michigan was understood to be decidedly in + favor of the Wilmot Proviso; and as no reason had been stated for the + change, he [Mr. Miller] could not refrain from the expression of his + extreme surprise." + </p> + <p> + To this General Cass is reported to have replied as follows, to wit: + </p> + <p> + "Mr. Cass said that the course of the Senator from New Jersey was most + extraordinary. Last year he [Mr. Cass] should have voted for the + proposition, had it come up. But circumstances had altogether changed. The + honorable Senator then read several passages from the remarks, as given + above, which he had committed to writing, in order to refute such a charge + as that of the Senator from New Jersey." + </p> + <p> + In the "remarks above reduced to writing" is one numbered four, as + follows, to wit: + </p> + <p> + "Fourth. Legislation now would be wholly inoperative, because no territory + hereafter to be acquired can be governed without an act of Congress + providing for its government; and such an act, on its passage, would open + the whole subject, and leave the Congress called on to pass it free to + exercise its own discretion, entirely uncontrolled by any declaration + found on the statute-book." + </p> + <p> + In Niles's Register, vol. lxxiii., p. 293, there is a letter of General + Cass to ——— Nicholson, of Nashville, Tennessee, dated + December 24, 1847, from which the following are correct extracts: + </p> + <p> + "The Wilmot Proviso has been before the country some time. It has been + repeatedly discussed in Congress and by the public press. I am strongly + impressed with the opinion that a great change has been going on in the + public mind upon this subject,—in my own as well as others',—and + that doubts are resolving themselves into convictions that the principle + it involves should be kept out of the national legislature, and left to + the people of the confederacy in their respective local governments.... + Briefly, then, I am opposed to the exercise of any jurisdiction by + Congress over this matter; and I am in favor of leaving the people of any + territory which may be hereafter acquired the right to regulate it + themselves, under the general principles of the Constitution. Because—'First. + I do not see in the Constitution any grant of the requisite power to + Congress; and I am not disposed to extend a doubtful precedent beyond its + necessity,—the establishment of territorial governments when needed,—leaving + to the inhabitants all the right compatible with the relations they bear + to the confederation." + </p> + <p> + These extracts show that in 1846 General Cass was for the proviso at once; + that in March, 1847, he was still for it, but not just then; and that in + December, 1847, he was against it altogether. This is a true index to the + whole man. When the question was raised in 1846, he was in a blustering + hurry to take ground for it. He sought to be in advance, and to avoid the + uninteresting position of a mere follower; but soon he began to see + glimpses of the great Democratic ox-goad waving in his face, and to hear + indistinctly a voice saying, "Back! Back, sir! Back a little!" He shakes + his head, and bats his eyes, and blunders back to his position of March, + 1847; but still the goad waves, and the voice grows more distinct and + sharper still, "Back, sir! Back, I say! Further back!"—and back he + goes to the position of December, 1847, at which the goad is still, and + the voice soothingly says, "So! Stand at that!" + </p> + <p> + Have no fears, gentlemen, of your candidate. He exactly suits you, and we + congratulate you upon it. However much you may be distressed about our + candidate, you have all cause to be contented and happy with your own. If + elected, he may not maintain all or even any of his positions previously + taken; but he will be sure to do whatever the party exigency for the time + being may require; and that is precisely what you want. He and Van Buren + are the same "manner of men"; and, like Van Buren, he will never desert + you till you first desert him. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Speaker, I adopt the suggestion of a friend, that General Cass is a + general of splendidly successful charges—charges, to be sure, not + upon the public enemy, but upon the public treasury. He was Governor of + Michigan territory, and ex-officio Superintendent of Indian Affairs, from + the 9th of October, 1813, till the 31st of July, 1831—a period of + seventeen years, nine months, and twenty-two days. During this period he + received from the United States treasury, for personal services and + personal expenses, the aggregate sum of ninety-six thousand and twenty + eight dollars, being an average of fourteen dollars and seventy-nine cents + per day for every day of the time. This large sum was reached by assuming + that he was doing service at several different places, and in several + different capacities in the same place, all at the same time. By a correct + analysis of his accounts during that period, the following propositions + may be deduced: + </p> + <p> + First. He was paid in three different capacities during the whole of the + time: that is to say—(1) As governor a salary at the rate per year + of $2000. (2) As estimated for office rent, clerk hire, fuel, etc., in + superintendence of Indian affairs in Michigan, at the rate per year of + $1500. (3) As compensation and expenses for various miscellaneous items of + Indian service out of Michigan, an average per year of $625. + </p> + <p> + Second. During part of the time—that is, from the 9th of October, + 1813, to the 29th of May, 1822 he was paid in four different capacities; + that is to say, the three as above, and, in addition thereto, the + commutation of ten rations per day, amounting per year to $730. + </p> + <p> + Third. During another part of the time—that is, from the beginning + of 1822 to the 31st of July, '83 he was also paid in four different + capacities; that is to say, the first three, as above (the rations being + dropped after the 29th of May, 1822), and, in addition thereto, for + superintending Indian Agencies at Piqua, Ohio; Fort Wayne, Indiana; and + Chicago, Illinois, at the rate per year of $1500. It should be observed + here that the last item, commencing at the beginning of 1822, and the item + of rations, ending on the 29th of May, 1822, lap on each other during so + much of the time as lies between those two dates. + </p> + <p> + Fourth. Still another part of the time—that is, from the 31st of + October, 1821, to the 29th of May, 1822—he was paid in six different + capacities; that is to say, the three first, as above; the item of + rations, as above; and, in addition thereto, another item of ten rations + per day while at Washington settling his accounts, being at the rate per + year of $730; and also an allowance for expenses traveling to and from + Washington, and while there, of $1022, being at the rate per year of + $1793. + </p> + <p> + Fifth. And yet during the little portion of the time which lies between + the 1st of January, 1822, and the 29th of May, 1822, he was paid in seven + different capacities; that is to say, the six last mentioned, and also, at + the rate of $1500 per year, for the Piqua, Fort Wayne, and Chicago + service, as mentioned above. + </p> + <p> + These accounts have already been discussed some here; but when we are + amongst them, as when we are in the Patent Office, we must peep about a + good deal before we can see all the curiosities. I shall not be tedious + with them. As to the large item of $1500 per year—amounting in the + aggregate to $26,715 for office rent, clerk hire, fuel, etc., I barely + wish to remark that, so far as I can discover in the public documents, + there is no evidence, by word or inference, either from any disinterested + witness or of General Cass himself, that he ever rented or kept a separate + office, ever hired or kept a clerk, or even used any extra amount of fuel, + etc., in consequence of his Indian services. Indeed, General Cass's entire + silence in regard to these items, in his two long letters urging his + claims upon the government, is, to my mind, almost conclusive that no such + claims had any real existence. + </p> + <p> + But I have introduced General Cass's accounts here chiefly to show the + wonderful physical capacities of the man. They show that he not only did + the labor of several men at the same time, but that he often did it at + several places, many hundreds of miles apart, at the same time. And at + eating, too, his capacities are shown to be quite as wonderful. From + October, 1821, to May, 1822, he eat ten rations a day in Michigan, ten + rations a day here in Washington, and near five dollars' worth a day on + the road between the two places! And then there is an important discovery + in his example—the art of being paid for what one eats, instead of + having to pay for it. Hereafter if any nice young man should owe a bill + which he cannot pay in any other way, he can just board it out. Mr. + Speaker, we have all heard of the animal standing in doubt between two + stacks of hay and starving to death. The like of that would never happen + to General Cass. Place the stacks a thousand miles apart, he would stand + stock-still midway between them, and eat them both at once, and the green + grass along the line would be apt to suffer some, too, at the same time. + By all means make him President, gentlemen. He will feed you bounteously—if—if + there is any left after he shall have helped himself. + </p> + <p> + But, as General Taylor is, par excellence, the hero of the Mexican War, + and as you Democrats say we Whigs have always opposed the war, you think + it must be very awkward and embarrassing for us to go for General Taylor. + The declaration that we have always opposed the war is true or false, + according as one may understand the term "oppose the war." If to say "the + war was unnecessarily and unconstitutionally commenced by the President" + by opposing the war, then the Whigs have very generally opposed it. + Whenever they have spoken at all, they have said this; and they have said + it on what has appeared good reason to them. The marching an army into the + midst of a peaceful Mexican settlement, frightening the inhabitants away, + leaving their growing crops and other property to destruction, to you may + appear a perfectly amiable, peaceful, unprovoking procedure; but it does + not appear so to us. So to call such an act, to us appears no other than a + naked, impudent absurdity, and we speak of it accordingly. But if, when + the war had begun, and had become the cause of the country, the giving of + our money and our blood, in common with yours, was support of the war, + then it is not true that we have always opposed the war. With few + individual exceptions, you have constantly had our votes here for all the + necessary supplies. And, more than this, you have had the services, the + blood, and the lives of our political brethren in every trial and on every + field. The beardless boy and the mature man, the humble and the + distinguished—you have had them. Through suffering and death, by + disease and in battle they have endured and fought and fell with you. Clay + and Webster each gave a son, never to be returned. From the State of my + own residence, besides other worthy but less known Whig names, we sent + Marshall, Morrison, Baker, and Hardin; they all fought, and one fell, and + in the fall of that one we lost our best Whig man. Nor were the Whigs few + in number, or laggard in the day of danger. In that fearful, bloody, + breathless struggle at Buena Vista, where each man's hard task was to beat + back five foes or die himself, of the five high officers who perished, + four were Whigs. + </p> + <p> + In speaking of this, I mean no odious comparison between the lion-hearted + Whigs and the Democrats who fought there. On other occasions, and among + the lower officers and privates on that occasion, I doubt not the + proportion was different. I wish to do justice to all. I think of all + those brave men as Americans, in whose proud fame, as an American, I too + have a share. Many of them, Whigs and Democrats are my constituents and + personal friends; and I thank them,—more than thank them,—one + and all, for the high imperishable honor they have conferred on our common + State. + </p> + <p> + But the distinction between the cause of the President in beginning the + war, and the cause of the country after it was begun, is a distinction + which you cannot perceive. To you the President and the country seem to be + all one. You are interested to see no distinction between them; and I + venture to suggest that probably your interest blinds you a little. We see + the distinction, as we think, clearly enough; and our friends who have + fought in the war have no difficulty in seeing it also. What those who + have fallen would say, were they alive and here, of course we can never + know; but with those who have returned there is no difficulty. Colonel + Haskell and Major Gaines, members here, both fought in the war, and both + of them underwent extraordinary perils and hardships; still they, like all + other Whigs here, vote, on the record, that the war was unnecessarily and + unconstitutionally commenced by the President. And even General Taylor + himself, the noblest Roman of them all, has declared that as a citizen, + and particularly as a soldier, it is sufficient for him to know that his + country is at war with a foreign nation, to do all in his power to bring + it to a speedy and honorable termination by the most vigorous and + energetic operations, without inquiry about its justice, or anything else + connected with it. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Speaker, let our Democratic friends be comforted with the assurance + that we are content with our position, content with our company, and + content with our candidate; and that although they, in their generous + sympathy, think we ought to be miserable, we really are not, and that they + may dismiss the great anxiety they have on our account. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Speaker, I see I have but three minutes left, and this forces me to + throw out one whole branch of my subject. A single word on still another. + The Democrats are keen enough to frequently remind us that we have some + dissensions in our ranks. Our good friend from Baltimore immediately + before me [Mr. McLane] expressed some doubt the other day as to which + branch of our party General Taylor would ultimately fall into the hands + of. That was a new idea to me. I knew we had dissenters, but I did not + know they were trying to get our candidate away from us. I would like to + say a word to our dissenters, but I have not the time. Some such we + certainly have; have you none, gentlemen Democrats? Is it all union and + harmony in your ranks? no bickerings? no divisions? If there be doubt as + to which of our divisions will get our candidate, is there no doubt as to + which of your candidates will get your party? I have heard some things + from New York; and if they are true, one might well say of your party + there, as a drunken fellow once said when he heard the reading of an + indictment for hog-stealing. The clerk read on till he got to and through + the words, "did steal, take, and carry away ten boars, ten sows, ten + shoats, and ten pigs," at which he exclaimed, "Well, by golly, that is the + most equally divided gang of hogs I ever did hear of!" If there is any + other gang of hogs more equally divided than the Democrats of New York are + about this time, I have not heard of it. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0045" id="link2H_4_0045"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SPEECH DELIVERED AT WORCESTER, MASS., ON SEPT. 12, 1848. + </h2> + <h3> + (From the Boston Advertiser.) + </h3> + <p> + Mr. Kellogg then introduced to the meeting the Hon. Abram Lincoln, Whig + member of Congress from Illinois, a representative of free soil. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Lincoln has a very tall and thin figure, with an intellectual face, + showing a searching mind, and a cool judgment. He spoke in a clear and + cool and very eloquent manner, for an hour and a half, carrying the + audience with him in his able arguments and brilliant illustrations—only + interrupted by warm and frequent applause. He began by expressing a real + feeling of modesty in addressing an audience "this side of the mountains," + a part of the country where, in the opinion of the people of his section, + everybody was supposed to be instructed and wise. But he had devoted his + attention to the question of the coming Presidential election, and was not + unwilling to exchange with all whom he might the ideas to which he had + arrived. He then began to show the fallacy of some of the arguments + against Gen. Taylor, making his chief theme the fashionable statement of + all those who oppose him ("the old Locofocos as well as the new") that he + has no principles, and that the Whig party have abandoned their principles + by adopting him as their candidate. He maintained that Gen. Taylor + occupied a high and unexceptionable Whig ground, and took for his first + instance and proof of this the statement in the Allison letter—with + regard to the bank, tariff, rivers and harbors, etc.—that the will + of the people should produce its own results, without executive influence. + The principle that the people should do what—under the Constitution—as + they please, is a Whig principle. All that Gen. Taylor is not only to + consent to, but appeal to the people to judge and act for themselves. And + this was no new doctrine for Whigs. It was the "platform" on which they + had fought all their battles, the resistance of executive influence, and + the principle of enabling the people to frame the government according to + their will. Gen. Taylor consents to be the candidate, and to assist the + people to do what they think to be their duty, and think to be best in + their national affairs, but because he don't want to tell what we ought to + do, he is accused of having no principles. The Whigs here maintained for + years that neither the influence, the duress, or the prohibition of the + executive should control the legitimately expressed will of the people; + and now that, on that very ground, Gen. Taylor says that he should use the + power given him by the people to do, to the best of his judgment, the will + of the people, he is accused of want of principle, and of inconsistency in + position. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Lincoln proceeded to examine the absurdity of an attempt to make a + platform or creed for a national party, to all parts of which all must + consent and agree, when it was clearly the intention and the true + philosophy of our government, that in Congress all opinions and principles + should be represented, and that when the wisdom of all had been compared + and united, the will of the majority should be carried out. On this ground + he conceived (and the audience seemed to go with him) that Gen. Taylor + held correct, sound republican principles. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Lincoln then passed to the subject of slavery in the States, saying + that the people of Illinois agreed entirely with the people of + Massachusetts on this subject, except perhaps that they did not keep so + constantly thinking about it. All agreed that slavery was an evil, but + that we were not responsible for it and cannot affect it in States of this + Union where we do not live. But the question of the extension of slavery + to new territories of this country is a part of our responsibility and + care, and is under our control. In opposition to this Mr. L. believed that + the self-named "Free Soil" party was far behind the Whigs. Both parties + opposed the extension. As he understood it the new party had no principle + except this opposition. If their platform held any other, it was in such a + general way that it was like the pair of pantaloons the Yankee pedlar + offered for sale, "large enough for any man, small enough for any boy." + They therefore had taken a position calculated to break down their single + important declared object. They were working for the election of either + Gen. Cass or Gen. Taylor. The speaker then went on to show, clearly and + eloquently, the danger of extension of slavery, likely to result from the + election of Gen. Cass. To unite with those who annexed the new territory + to prevent the extension of slavery in that territory seemed to him to be + in the highest degree absurd and ridiculous. Suppose these gentlemen + succeed in electing Mr. Van Buren, they had no specific means to prevent + the extension of slavery to New Mexico and California, and Gen. Taylor, he + confidently believed, would not encourage it, and would not prohibit its + restriction. But if Gen. Cass was elected, he felt certain that the plans + of farther extension of territory would be encouraged, and those of the + extension of slavery would meet no check. The "Free Soil" mart in claiming + that name indirectly attempts a deception, by implying that Whigs were not + Free Soil men. Declaring that they would "do their duty and leave the + consequences to God" merely gave an excuse for taking a course they were + not able to maintain by a fair and full argument. To make this declaration + did not show what their duty was. If it did we should have no use for + judgment, we might as well be made without intellect; and when divine or + human law does not clearly point out what is our duty, we have no means of + finding out what it is but by using our most intelligent judgment of the + consequences. If there were divine law or human law for voting for Martin + Van Buren, or if a fair examination of the consequences and just reasoning + would show that voting for him would bring about the ends they pretended + to wish—then he would give up the argument. But since there was no + fixed law on the subject, and since the whole probable result of their + action would be an assistance in electing Gen. Cass, he must say that they + were behind the Whigs in their advocacy of the freedom of the soil. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Lincoln proceeded to rally the Buffalo convention for forbearing to + say anything—after all the previous declarations of those members + who were formerly Whigs—on the subject of the Mexican War, because + the Van Burens had been known to have supported it. He declared that of + all the parties asking the confidence of the country, this new one had + less of principle than any other. + </p> + <p> + He wondered whether it was still the opinion of these Free Soil gentlemen, + as declared in the "whereas" at Buffalo, that the Whig and Democratic + parties were both entirely dissolved and absorbed into their own body. Had + the Vermont election given them any light? They had calculated on making + as great an impression in that State as in any part of the Union, and + there their attempts had been wholly ineffectual. Their failure was a + greater success than they would find in any other part of the Union. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Lincoln went on to say that he honestly believed that all those who + wished to keep up the character of the Union; who did not believe in + enlarging our field, but in keeping our fences where they are and + cultivating our present possessions, making it a garden, improving the + morals and education of the people, devoting the administrations to this + purpose; all real Whigs, friends of good honest government—the race + was ours. He had opportunities of hearing from almost every part of the + Union from reliable sources and had not heard of a county in which we had + not received accessions from other parties. If the true Whigs come forward + and join these new friends, they need not have a doubt. We had a candidate + whose personal character and principles he had already described, whom he + could not eulogize if he would. Gen. Taylor had been constantly, + perseveringly, quietly standing up, doing his duty and asking no praise or + reward for it. He was and must be just the man to whom the interests, + principles, and prosperity of the country might be safely intrusted. He + had never failed in anything he had undertaken, although many of his + duties had been considered almost impossible. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Lincoln then went into a terse though rapid review of the origin of + the Mexican War and the connection of the administration and General + Taylor with it, from which he deduced a strong appeal to the Whigs present + to do their duty in the support of General Taylor, and closed with the + warmest aspirations for and confidence in a deserved success. + </p> + <p> + At the close of his truly masterly and convincing speech, the audience + gave three enthusiastic cheers for Illinois, and three more for the + eloquent Whig member from the State. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0046" id="link2H_4_0046"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + HIS FATHER'S REQUEST FOR MONEY + </h2> + <h3> + TO THOMAS LINCOLN + </h3> + <p> + WASHINGTON, Dec. 24, 1848. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR FATHER:—Your letter of the 7th was received night before + last. I very cheerfully send you the twenty dollars, which sum you say is + necessary to save your land from sale. It is singular that you should have + forgotten a judgment against you; and it is more singular that the + plaintiff should have let you forget it so long; particularly as I suppose + you always had property enough to satisfy a judgment of that amount. + Before you pay it, it would be well to be sure you have not paid, or at + least, that you cannot prove you have paid it. + </p> + <p> + Give my love to mother and all the connections. Affectionately your son, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0047" id="link2H_4_0047"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + 1849 + </h2> + <h3> + BILL TO ABOLISH SLAVERY IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA + </h3> + <p> + Resolved, That the Committee on the District of Columbia be instructed to + report a bill in substance as follows: + </p> + <p> + Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the + United States, in Congress assembled, That no person not now within the + District of Columbia, nor now owned by any person or persons now resident + within it, nor hereafter born within it, shall ever be held in slavery + within said District. + </p> + <p> + Sec. 2. That no person now within said District, or now owned by any + person or persons now resident within the same, or hereafter born within + it, shall ever be held in slavery without the limits of said District: + Provided, That officers of the Government of the United States, being + citizens of the slaveholding States, coming into said District on public + business, and remaining only so long as may be reasonably necessary for + that object, may be attended into and out of said District, and while + there, by the necessary servants of themselves and their families, without + their right to hold such servants in service being thereby impaired. + </p> + <p> + Sec. 3. That all children born of slave mothers within said District, on + or after the first day of January, in the year of our Lord eighteen + hundred and fifty, shall be free; but shall be reasonably supported and + educated by the respective owners of their mothers, or by their heirs or + representatives, and shall owe reasonable service as apprentices to such + owners, heirs, or representatives, until they respectively arrive at the + age of __ years, when they shall be entirely free; and the municipal + authorities of Washington and Georgetown, within their respective + jurisdictional limits, are hereby empowered and required to make all + suitable and necessary provision for enforcing obedience to this section, + on the part of both masters and apprentices. + </p> + <p> + Sec. 4. That all persons now within this District, lawfully held as + slaves, or now owned by any person or persons now resident within said + District, shall remain such at the will of their respective owners, their + heirs, and legal representatives: Provided, That such owner, or his legal + representative, may at any time receive from the Treasury of the United + States the full value of his or her slave, of the class in this section + mentioned, upon which such slave shall be forthwith and forever free: And + provided further, That the President of the United States, the Secretary + of State, and the Secretary of the Treasury shall be a board for + determining the value of such slaves as their owners may desire to + emancipate under this section, and whose duty it shall be to hold a + session for the purpose on the first Monday of each calendar month, to + receive all applications, and, on satisfactory evidence in each case that + the person presented for valuation is a slave, and of the class in this + section mentioned, and is owned by the applicant, shall value such slave + at his or her full cash value, and give to the applicant an order on the + Treasury for the amount, and also to such slave a certificate of freedom. + </p> + <p> + Sec. 5. That the municipal authorities of Washington and Georgetown, + within their respective jurisdictional limits, are hereby empowered and + required to provide active and efficient means to arrest and deliver up to + their owners all fugitive slaves escaping into said District. + </p> + <p> + Sec. 6. That the election officers within said District of Columbia are + hereby empowered and required to open polls, at all the usual places of + holding elections, on the first Monday of April next, and receive the vote + of every free white male citizen above the age of twenty-one years, having + resided within said District for the period of one year or more next + preceding the time of such voting for or against this act, to proceed in + taking said votes, in all respects not herein specified, as at elections + under the municipal laws, and with as little delay as possible to transmit + correct statements of the votes so cast to the President of the United + States; and it shall be the duty of the President to canvass said votes + immediately, and if a majority of them be found to be for this act, to + forthwith issue his proclamation giving notice of the fact; and this act + shall only be in full force and effect on and after the day of such + proclamation. + </p> + <p> + Sec. 7. That involuntary servitude for the punishment of crime, whereof + the party shall have been duly convicted, shall in no wise be prohibited + by this act. + </p> + <p> + Sec. 8. That for all the purposes of this act, the jurisdictional limits + of Washington are extended to all parts of the District of Columbia not + now included within the present limits of Georgetown. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0048" id="link2H_4_0048"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + BILL GRANTING LANDS TO THE STATES TO MAKE RAILWAYS AND CANALS + </h2> + <h3> + REMARKS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, FEBRUARY 13, 1849. + </h3> + <p> + Mr. Lincoln said he had not risen for the purpose of making a speech, but + only for the purpose of meeting some of the objections to the bill. If he + understood those objections, the first was that if the bill were to become + a law, it would be used to lock large portions of the public lands from + sale, without at last effecting the ostensible object of the bill—the + construction of railroads in the new States; and secondly, that Congress + would be forced to the abandonment of large portions of the public lands + to the States for which they might be reserved, without their paying for + them. This he understood to be the substance of the objections of the + gentleman from Ohio to the passage of the bill. + </p> + <p> + If he could get the attention of the House for a few minutes, he would ask + gentlemen to tell us what motive could induce any State Legislature, or + individual, or company of individuals, of the new States, to expend money + in surveying roads which they might know they could not make. + </p> + <p> + (A voice: They are not required to make the road.) + </p> + <p> + Mr. Lincoln continued: That was not the case he was making. What motive + would tempt any set of men to go into an extensive survey of a railroad + which they did not intend to make? What good would it do? Did men act + without motive? Did business men commonly go into an expenditure of money + which could be of no account to them? He generally found that men who have + money were disposed to hold on to it, unless they could see something to + be made by its investment. He could not see what motive of advantage to + the new States could be subserved by merely keeping the public lands out + of market, and preventing their settlement. As far as he could see, the + new States were wholly without any motive to do such a thing. This, then, + he took to be a good answer to the first objection. + </p> + <p> + In relation to the fact assumed, that after a while, the new States having + got hold of the public lands to a certain extent, they would turn round + and compel Congress to relinquish all claim to them, he had a word to say, + by way of recurring to the history of the past. When was the time to come + (he asked) when the States in which the public lands were situated would + compose a majority of the representation in Congress, or anything like it? + A majority of Representatives would very soon reside west of the + mountains, he admitted; but would they all come from States in which the + public lands were situated? They certainly would not; for, as these + Western States grew strong in Congress, the public lands passed away from + them, and they got on the other side of the question; and the gentleman + from Ohio [Mr. Vinton] was an example attesting that fact. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Vinton interrupted here to say that he had stood on this question just + where he was now, for five and twenty years. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Lincoln was not making an argument for the purpose of convicting the + gentleman of any impropriety at all. He was speaking of a fact in history, + of which his State was an example. He was referring to a plain principle + in the nature of things. The State of Ohio had now grown to be a giant. + She had a large delegation on that floor; but was she now in favor of + granting lands to the new States, as she used to be? The New England + States, New York, and the Old Thirteen were all rather quiet upon the + subject; and it was seen just now that a member from one of the new States + was the first man to rise up in opposition. And such would be with the + history of this question for the future. There never would come a time + when the people residing in the States embracing the public lands would + have the entire control of this subject; and so it was a matter of + certainty that Congress would never do more in this respect than what + would be dictated by a just liberality. The apprehension, therefore, that + the public lands were in danger of being wrested from the General + Government by the strength of the delegation in Congress from the new + States, was utterly futile. There never could be such a thing. If we take + these lands (said he) it will not be without your consent. We can never + outnumber you. The result is that all fear of the new States turning + against the right of Congress to the public domain must be effectually + quelled, as those who are opposed to that interest must always hold a vast + majority here, and they will never surrender the whole or any part of the + public lands unless they themselves choose to do so. That was all he + desired to say. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0049" id="link2H_4_0049"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ON FEDERAL POLITICAL APPOINTMENTS + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. + </h3> + <p> + WASHINGTON, March 9, 1849. + </p> + <p> + HON. SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR: Colonel R. D. Baker and myself are the only Whig members of + Congress from Illinois of the Thirtieth, and he of the Thirty-first. We + have reason to think the Whigs of that State hold us responsible, to some + extent, for the appointments which may be made of our citizens. We do not + know you personally, and our efforts to you have so far been unavailing. I + therefore hope I am not obtrusive in saying in this way, for him and + myself, that when a citizen of Illinois is to be appointed in your + department, to an office either in or out of the State, we most + respectfully ask to be heard. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0050" id="link2H_4_0050"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + MORE POLITICAL PATRONAGE REQUESTS + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. + </h3> + <p> + WASHINGTON, March 10, 1849. + </p> + <p> + HON. SECRETARY OF STATE. + </p> + <p> + SIR:—There are several applicants for the office of United States + Marshal for the District of Illinois. Among the most prominent of them are + Benjamin Bond, Esq., of Carlyle, and Thomas, Esq., of Galena. Mr. Bond I + know to be personally every way worthy of the office; and he is very + numerously and most respectably recommended. His papers I send to you; and + I solicit for his claims a full and fair consideration. + </p> + <p> + Having said this much, I add that in my individual judgment the + appointment of Mr. Thomas would be the better. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + (Indorsed on Mr. Bond's papers.) + </p> + <p> + In this and the accompanying envelope are the recommendations of about two + hundred good citizens of all parts of Illinois, that Benjamin Bond be + appointed marshal for that district. They include the names of nearly all + our Whigs who now are, or have ever been, members of the State + Legislature, besides forty-six of the Democratic members of the present + Legislature, and many other good citizens. I add that from personal + knowledge I consider Mr. Bond every way worthy of the office, and + qualified to fill it. Holding the individual opinion that the appointment + of a different gentleman would be better, I ask especial attention and + consideration for his claims, and for the opinions expressed in his favor + by those over whom I can claim no superiority. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0051" id="link2H_4_0051"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, April 7, 1849 + </h3> + <p> + HON. SECRETARY OF THE HOME DEPARTMENT. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—I recommend that Walter Davis be appointed receiver of the + land-office at this place, whenever there shall be a vacancy. I cannot say + that Mr. Herndon, the present incumbent, has failed in the proper + discharge of any of the duties of the office. He is a very warm partisan, + and openly and actively opposed to the election of General Taylor. I also + understand that since General Taylor's election he has received a + reappointment from Mr. Polk, his old commission not having expired. + Whether this is true the records of the department will show. I may add + that the Whigs here almost universally desire his removal. + </p> + <p> + I give no opinion of my own, but state the facts, and express the hope + that the department will act in this as in all other cases on some proper + general rule. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + P. S.—The land district to which this office belongs is very nearly + if not entirely within my district; so that Colonel Baker, the other Whig + representative, claims no voice in the appointment. A. L. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0052" id="link2H_4_0052"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, April 7, 1849. + </h3> + <p> + HON. SECRETARY OF THE HOME DEPARTMENT. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—I recommend that Turner R. King, now of Pekin, Illinois, + be appointed register of the land-office at this place whenever there + shall be a vacancy. + </p> + <p> + I do not know that Mr. Barret, the present incumbent, has failed in the + proper discharge of any of his duties in the office. He is a decided + partisan, and openly and actively opposed the election of General Taylor. + I understand, too, that since the election of General Taylor, Mr. Barret + has received a reappointment from Mr. Polk, his old commission not having + expired. Whether this be true, the records of the department will show. + </p> + <p> + Whether he should be removed I give no opinion, but merely express the + wish that the department may act upon some proper general rule, and that + Mr. Barret's case may not be made an exception to it. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + P. S.-The land district to which this office belongs is very nearly if not + entirely within my district; so that Colonel Baker, the other Whig + representative, claims no voice in the appointment. A. L. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0053" id="link2H_4_0053"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE POSTMASTER-GENERAL. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, April 7,1849. + </h3> + <p> + HON. POSTMASTER-GENERAL. + </p> + <p> + DEAR Sir:—I recommend that Abner Y. Ellis be appointed postmaster at + this place, whenever there shall be a vacancy. J. R. Diller, the present + incumbent, I cannot say has failed in the proper discharge of any of the + duties of the office. He, however, has been an active partisan in + opposition to us. + </p> + <p> + Located at the seat of government of the State, he has been, for part if + not the whole of the time he has held the office, a member of the + Democratic State Central Committee, signing his name to their addresses + and manifestoes; and has been, as I understand, reappointed by Mr. Polk + since General Taylor's election. These are the facts of the case as I + understand them, and I give no opinion of mine as to whether he should or + should not be removed. My wish is that the department may adopt some + proper general rule for such cases, and that Mr. Diller may not be made an + exception to it, one way or the other. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + P. S.—This office, with its delivery, is entirely within my + district; so that Colonel Baker, the other Whig representative, claims no + voice in the appointment.L. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0054" id="link2H_4_0054"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, April 7, 1849. + </h3> + <p> + HON. SECRETARY OF THE HOME DEPARTMENT. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—I recommend that William Butler be appointed pension agent + for the Illinois agency, when the place shall be vacant. Mr. Hurst, the + present incumbent, I believe has performed the duties very well. He is a + decided partisan, and I believe expects to be removed. Whether he shall, I + submit to the department. This office is not confined to my district, but + pertains to the whole State; so that Colonel Baker has an equal right with + myself to be heard concerning it. However, the office is located here; and + I think it is not probable that any one would desire to remove from a + distance to take it. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0055" id="link2H_4_0055"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THOMPSON. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, April 25, 1849. + </h3> + <p> + DEAR THOMPSON: A tirade is still kept up against me here for recommending + T. R. King. This morning it is openly avowed that my supposed influence at + Washington shall be broken down generally, and King's prospects defeated + in particular. Now, what I have done in this matter I have done at the + request of you and some other friends in Tazewell; and I therefore ask you + to either admit it is wrong or come forward and sustain me. If the truth + will permit, I propose that you sustain me in the following manner: copy + the inclosed scrap in your own handwriting and get everybody (not three or + four, but three or four hundred) to sign it, and then send it to me. Also, + have six, eight or ten of our best known Whig friends there write to me + individual letters, stating the truth in this matter as they understand + it. Don't neglect or delay in the matter. I understand information of an + indictment having been found against him about three years ago, for gaming + or keeping a gaming house, has been sent to the department. I shall try to + take care of it at the department till your action can be had and + forwarded on. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0056" id="link2H_4_0056"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD ILLINOIS. May 10, 1849. + </h3> + <p> + HON. SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—I regret troubling you so often in relation to the + land-offices here, but I hope you will perceive the necessity of it, and + excuse me. On the 7th of April I wrote you recommending Turner R. King for + register, and Walter Davis for receiver. Subsequently I wrote you that, + for a private reason, I had concluded to transpose them. That private + reason was the request of an old personal friend who himself desired to be + receiver, but whom I felt it my duty to refuse a recommendation. He said + if I would transpose King and Davis he would be satisfied. I thought it a + whim, but, anxious to oblige him, I consented. Immediately he commenced an + assault upon King's character, intending, as I suppose, to defeat his + appointment, and thereby secure another chance for himself. This double + offence of bad faith to me and slander upon a good man is so totally + outrageous that I now ask to have King and Davis placed as I originally + recommended,—that is, King for register and Davis for receiver. + </p> + <p> + An effort is being made now to have Mr. Barret, the present register, + retained. I have already said he has done the duties of the office well, + and I now add he is a gentleman in the true sense. Still, he submits to be + the instrument of his party to injure us. His high character enables him + to do it more effectually. Last year he presided at the convention which + nominated the Democratic candidate for Congress in this district, and + afterward ran for the State Senate himself, not desiring the seat, but + avowedly to aid and strengthen his party. He made speech after speech with + a degree of fierceness and coarseness against General Taylor not quite + consistent with his habitually gentlemanly deportment. At least one (and I + think more) of those who are now trying to have him retained was himself + an applicant for this very office, and, failing to get my recommendation, + now takes this turn. + </p> + <p> + In writing you a third time in relation to these offices, I stated that I + supposed charges had been forwarded to you against King, and that I would + inquire into the truth of them. I now send you herewith what I suppose + will be an ample defense against any such charges. I ask attention to all + the papers, but particularly to the letters of Mr. David Mack, and the + paper with the long list of names. There is no mistake about King's being + a good man. After the unjust assault upon him, and considering the just + claims of Tazewell County, as indicated in the letters I inclose you, it + would in my opinion be injustice, and withal a blunder, not to appoint + him, at least as soon as any one is appointed to either of the offices + here. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0057" id="link2H_4_0057"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO J. GILLESPIE. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., May 19, 1849. + </h3> + <p> + DEAR GILLESPIE: + </p> + <p> + Butterfield will be commissioner of the Gen'l Land Office, unless + prevented by strong and speedy efforts. Ewing is for him, and he is only + not appointed yet because Old Zach. hangs fire. + </p> + <p> + I have reliable information of this. Now, if you agree with me that this + appointment would dissatisfy rather than gratify the Whigs of this State, + that it would slacken their energies in future contests, that his + appointment in '41 is an old sore with them which they will not patiently + have reopened,—in a word that his appointment now would be a fatal + blunder to the administration and our political men here in Illinois, + write Crittenden to that effect. He can control the matter. Were you to + write Ewing I fear the President would never hear of your letter. This may + be mere suspicion. You might write directly to Old Zach. You will be the + best judge of the propriety of that. Not a moment's time is to be lost. + </p> + <p> + Let this be confidential except with Mr. Edwards and a few others whom you + know I would trust just as I do you. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0058" id="link2H_4_0058"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REQUEST FOR GENERAL LAND-OFFICE APPPOINTMENT + </h2> + <h3> + TO E. EMBREE. + </h3> + <p> + [Confidential] + </p> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, May 25, 1849. + </p> + <p> + HON. E. EMBREE + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—I am about to ask a favor of you, one which I hope will + not cost you much. I understand the General Land-Office is about to be + given to Illinois, and that Mr. Ewing desires Justin Butterfield, of + Chicago, to be the man. I give you my word, the appointment of Mr. + Butterfield will be an egregious political blunder. It will give offence + to the whole Whig party here, and be worse than a dead loss to the + administration of so much of its patronage. Now, if you can + conscientiously do so, I wish you to write General Taylor at once, saying + that either I or the man I recommend should in your opinion be appointed + to that office, if any one from Illinois shall be. I restrict my request + to Illinois because you may have a man from your own State, and I do not + ask to interfere with that. + </p> + <p> + Your friend as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0059" id="link2H_4_0059"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REQUEST FOR A PATENT + </h2> + <h3> + IMPROVED METHOD OF LIFTING VESSELS OVER SHOALS. + </h3> + <p> + Application for Patent: + </p> + <p> + What I claim as my invention, and desire to secure by letters patent, is + the combination of expansible buoyant chambers placed at the sides of a + vessel with the main shaft or shafts by means of the sliding spars, which + pass down through the buoyant chambers and are made fast to their bottoms + and the series of ropes and pulleys or their equivalents in such a manner + that by turning the main shaft or shafts in one direction the buoyant + chambers will be forced downward into the water, and at the same time + expanded and filled with air for buoying up the vessel by the displacement + of water, and by turning the shafts in an opposite direction the buoyant + chambers will be contracted into a small space and secured against injury. + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0060" id="link2H_4_0060"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO THE SECRETARY OF INTERIOR. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., June 3, 1849 + </h3> + <p> + HON. SECRETARY OF INTERIOR. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Vandalia, the receiver's office at which place is the + subject of the within, is not in my district; and I have been much + perplexed to express any preference between Dr. Stapp and Mr. Remann. If + any one man is better qualified for such an office than all others, Dr. + Stapp is that man; still, I believe a large majority of the Whigs of the + district prefer Mr. Remann, who also is a good man. Perhaps the papers on + file will enable you to judge better than I can. The writers of the within + are good men, residing within the land district. + </p> + <p> + Your obt. servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0061" id="link2H_4_0061"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO W. H. HERNDON. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, June 5, 1849. + </h3> + <p> + DEAR WILLIAM:—Your two letters were received last night. I have a + great many letters to write, and so cannot write very long ones. There + must be some mistake about Walter Davis saying I promised him the + post-office. I did not so promise him. I did tell him that if the + distribution of the offices should fall into my hands, he should have + something; and if I shall be convinced he has said any more than this, I + shall be disappointed. I said this much to him because, as I understand, + he is of good character, is one of the young men, is of the mechanics, and + always faithful and never troublesome; a Whig, and is poor, with the + support of a widow mother thrown almost exclusively on him by the death of + his brother. If these are wrong reasons, then I have been wrong; but I + have certainly not been selfish in it, because in my greatest need of + friends he was against me, and for Baker. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + P. S. Let the above be confidential. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0062" id="link2H_4_0062"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO J. GILLESPIE. + </h2> + <h3> + DEAR GILLESPIE: + </h3> + <p> + Mr. Edwards is unquestionably offended with me in connection with the + matter of the General Land-Office. He wrote a letter against me which was + filed at the department. + </p> + <p> + The better part of one's life consists of his friendships; and, of them, + mine with Mr. Edwards was one of the most cherished. I have not been false + to it. At a word I could have had the office any time before the + department was committed to Mr. Butterfield, at least Mr. Ewing and the + President say as much. That word I forbore to speak, partly for other + reasons, but chiefly for Mr. Edwards' sake, losing the office (that he + might gain it) I was always for; but to lose his friendship, by the effort + for him, would oppress me very much, were I not sustained by the utmost + consciousness of rectitude. I first determined to be an applicant, + unconditionally, on the 2nd of June; and I did so then upon being informed + by a telegraphic despatch that the question was narrowed down to Mr. B and + myself, and that the Cabinet had postponed the appointment three weeks, + for my benefit. Not doubting that Mr. Edwards was wholly out of the + question I, nevertheless, would not then have become an applicant had I + supposed he would thereby be brought to suspect me of treachery to him. + Two or three days afterwards a conversation with Levi Davis convinced me + Mr. Edwards was dissatisfied; but I was then too far in to get out. His + own letter, written on the 25th of April, after I had fully informed him + of all that had passed, up to within a few days of that time, gave + assurance I had that entire confidence from him which I felt my uniform + and strong friendship for him entitled me to. Among other things it says, + "Whatever course your judgment may dictate as proper to be pursued, shall + never be excepted to by me." I also had had a letter from Washington, + saying Chambers, of the Republic, had brought a rumor then, that Mr. E had + declined in my favor, which rumor I judged came from Mr. E himself, as I + had not then breathed of his letter to any living creature. In saying I + had never, before the 2nd of June, determined to be an applicant, + unconditionally, I mean to admit that, before then, I had said + substantially I would take the office rather than it should be lost to the + State, or given to one in the State whom the Whigs did not want; but I + aver that in every instance in which I spoke of myself, I intended to + keep, and now believe I did keep, Mr. E above myself. Mr. Edwards' first + suspicion was that I had allowed Baker to overreach me, as his friend, in + behalf of Don Morrison. I knew this was a mistake; and the result has + proved it. I understand his view now is, that if I had gone to open war + with Baker I could have ridden him down, and had the thing all my own way. + I believe no such thing. With Baker and some strong man from the Military + tract & elsewhere for Morrison, and we and some strong man from the + Wabash & elsewhere for Mr. E, it was not possible for either to + succeed. I believed this in March, and I know it now. The only thing which + gave either any chance was the very thing Baker & I proposed,—an + adjustment with themselves. + </p> + <p> + You may wish to know how Butterfield finally beat me. I can not tell you + particulars now, but will when I see you. In the meantime let it be + understood I am not greatly dissatisfied,—I wish the offer had been + so bestowed as to encourage our friends in future contests, and I regret + exceedingly Mr. Edwards' feelings towards me. These two things away, I + should have no regrets,—at least I think I would not. + </p> + <p> + Write me soon. + </p> + <p> + Your friend, as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0063" id="link2H_4_0063"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + RESOLUTIONS OF SYMPATHY WITH THE CAUSE OF HUNGARIAN FREEDOM, + </h2> + <h3> + SEPTEMBER [1??], 1849. + </h3> + <p> + At a meeting to express sympathy with the cause of Hungarian freedom, Dr. + Todd, Thos. Lewis, Hon. A. Lincoln, and Wm. Carpenter were appointed a + committee to present appropriate resolutions, which reported through Hon. + A. Lincoln the following: + </p> + <p> + Resolved, That, in their present glorious struggle for liberty, the + Hungarians command our highest admiration and have our warmest sympathy. + </p> + <p> + Resolved, That they have our most ardent prayers for their speedy triumph + and final success. + </p> + <p> + Resolved, That the Government of the United States should acknowledge the + independence of Hungary as a nation of freemen at the very earliest moment + consistent with our amicable relations with the government against which + they are contending. + </p> + <p> + Resolved, That, in the opinion of this meeting, the immediate + acknowledgment of the independence of Hungary by our government is due + from American freemen to their struggling brethren, to the general cause + of republican liberty, and not violative of the just rights of any nation + or people. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0064" id="link2H_4_0064"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO Dr. WILLIAM FITHIAN. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, Sept. 14, 1849. + </h3> + <p> + Dr. WILLIAM FITHIAN, Danville, Ill. + </p> + <p> + DEAR DOCTOR:—Your letter of the 9th was received a day or two ago. + The notes and mortgages you enclosed me were duly received. I also got the + original Blanchard mortgage from Antrim Campbell, with whom Blanchard had + left it for you. I got a decree of foreclosure on the whole; but, owing to + there being no redemption on the sale to be under the Blanchard mortgage, + the court allowed Mobley till the first of March to pay the money, before + advertising for sale. Stuart was empowered by Mobley to appear for him, + and I had to take such decree as he would consent to, or none at all. I + cast the matter about in my mind and concluded that as I could not get a + decree we would put the accrued interest at interest, and thereby more + than match the fact of throwing the Blanchard debt back from twelve to six + per cent., it was better to do it. This is the present state of the case. + </p> + <p> + I can well enough understand and appreciate your suggestions about the + Land-Office at Danville; but in my present condition, I can do nothing. + </p> + <p> + Yours, as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0065" id="link2H_4_0065"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SPRINGFIELD, Dec. 15, 1849. + </h2> + <h3> + ——— ESQ. + </h3> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—On my return from Kentucky I found your letter of the 7th + of November, and have delayed answering it till now for the reason I now + briefly state. From the beginning of our acquaintance I had felt the + greatest kindness for you and had supposed it was reciprocated on your + part. Last summer, under circumstances which I mentioned to you, I was + painfully constrained to withhold a recommendation which you desired, and + shortly afterwards I learned, in such a way as to believe it, that you + were indulging in open abuse of me. Of course my feelings were wounded. On + receiving your last letter the question occurred whether you were + attempting to use me at the same time you would injure me, or whether you + might not have been misrepresented to me. If the former, I ought not to + answer you; if the latter, I ought, and so I have remained in suspense. I + now enclose you the letter, which you may use if you see fit. + </p> + <p> + Yours, etc., + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0066" id="link2H_4_0066"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + 1850 + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0067" id="link2H_4_0067"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + RESOLUTIONS ON THE DEATH OF JUDGE NATHANIEL POPE. + </h2> + <p> + Circuit and District Court of the U. S. in and for the State and District + of Illinois. Monday, June 3, 1850. + </p> + <p> + On the opening of the Court this morning, the Hon. A. Lincoln, a member of + the Bar of this Court, suggested the death of the Hon. Nathaniel Pope, + late a judge of this Court, since the adjournment of the last term; + whereupon, in token of respect for the memory of the deceased, it is + ordered that the Court do now adjourn until to-morrow morning at ten + o'clock. + </p> + <p> + The Hon. Stephen T. Logan, the Hon. Norman H. Purple, the Hon. David L. + Gregg, the Hon. A. Lincoln, and George W. Meeker, Esq., were appointed a + Committee to prepare resolutions. + </p> + <p> + Whereupon, the Hon. Stephen T. Logan, in behalf of the Committee, + presented the following preamble and resolutions: + </p> + <p> + Whereas The Hon. Nathaniel Pope, District Judge of the United States Court + for the District of Illinois, having departed this life during the last + vacation of said Court, and the members of the Bar of said Court, + entertaining the highest veneration for his memory, a profound respect for + his ability, great experience, and learning as a judge, and cherishing for + his many virtues, public and private, his earnest simplicity of character + and unostentatious deportment, both in his public and private relations, + the most lively and affectionate recollections, have + </p> + <p> + Resolved, That, as a manifestation of their deep sense of the loss which + has been sustained in his death, they will wear the usual badge of + mourning during the residue of the term. + </p> + <p> + Resolved, That the Chairman communicate to the family of the deceased a + copy of these proceedings, with an assurance of our sincere condolence on + account of their heavy bereavement. + </p> + <p> + Resolved, That the Hon. A. Williams, District Attorney of this Court, be + requested in behalf of the meeting to present these proceedings to the + Circuit Court, and respectfully to ask that they may be entered on the + records. + </p> + <p> + E. N. POWELL, Sec'y. SAMUEL H. TREAT, Ch'n. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_NOTE" id="link2H_NOTE"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + NOTES FOR LAW LECTURE + </h2> + <h3> + (fragments) + </h3> + <p> + JULY 1, 1850 + </p> + <p> + DISCOURAGE LITIGATION. Persuade your neighbors to compromise whenever you + can. Point out to them how the nominal winner is often a real loser—in + fees, expenses, and waste of time. As a peace-maker the lawyer has a + superior opportunity of being a good man. There will still be business + enough. + </p> + <p> + Never stir up litigation. A worse man can scarcely be found than one who + does this. Who can be more nearly a fiend than he who habitually + over-hauls the register of deeds in search of defects in titles, whereon + to stir up strife, and put money in his pocket? A moral tone ought to be + infused into the profession which should drive such men out of it. + </p> + <p> + The matter of fees is important, far beyond the mere question of bread and + butter involved. Properly attended to, fuller justice is done to both + lawyer and client. An exorbitant fee should never be claimed. As a general + rule never take your whole fee in advance, nor any more than a small + retainer. When fully paid beforehand, you are more than a common mortal if + you can feel the same interest in the case as if something was still in + prospect for you, as well as for your client. And when you lack interest + in the case the job will very likely lack skill and diligence in the + performance. Settle the amount of fee and take a note in advance. Then you + will feel that you are working for something, and you are sure to do your + work faithfully and well. Never sell a fee note—at least not before + the consideration service is performed. It leads to negligence and + dishonesty—negligence by losing interest in the case, and dishonesty + in refusing to refund when you have allowed the consideration to fail. + </p> + <p> + This idea of a refund or reduction of charges from the lawyer in a failed + case is a new one to me—but not a bad one. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0069" id="link2H_4_0069"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + 1851 + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0070" id="link2H_4_0070"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LETTERS TO FAMILY MEMBERS + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0071" id="link2H_4_0071"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO JOHN D. JOHNSTON. + </h2> + <h3> + January 2, 1851 + </h3> + <p> + DEAR JOHNSTON:—Your request for eighty dollars I do not think it + best to comply with now. At the various times when I have helped you a + little you have said to me, "We can get along very well now"; but in a + very short time I find you in the same difficulty again. Now, this can + only happen by some defect in your conduct. What that defect is, I think I + know. You are not lazy, and still you are an idler. I doubt whether, since + I saw you, you have done a good whole day's work in any one day. You do + not very much dislike to work, and still you do not work much merely + because it does not seem to you that you could get much for it. This habit + of uselessly wasting time is the whole difficulty; it is vastly important + to you, and still more so to your children, that you should break the + habit. It is more important to them, because they have longer to live, and + can keep out of an idle habit before they are in it, easier than they can + get out after they are in. + </p> + <p> + You are now in need of some money; and what I propose is, that you shall + go to work, "tooth and nail," for somebody who will give you money for it. + Let father and your boys take charge of your things at home, prepare for a + crop, and make the crop, and you go to work for the best money wages, or + in discharge of any debt you owe, that you can get; and, to secure you a + fair reward for your labor, I now promise you, that for every dollar you + will, between this and the first of May, get for your own labor, either in + money or as your own indebtedness, I will then give you one other dollar. + By this, if you hire yourself at ten dollars a month, from me you will get + ten more, making twenty dollars a month for your work. In this I do not + mean you shall go off to St. Louis, or the lead mines, or the gold mines + in California, but I mean for you to go at it for the best wages you can + get close to home in Coles County. Now, if you will do this, you will be + soon out of debt, and, what is better, you will have a habit that will + keep you from getting in debt again. But, if I should now clear you out of + debt, next year you would be just as deep in as ever. You say you would + almost give your place in heaven for seventy or eighty dollars. Then you + value your place in heaven very cheap, for I am sure you can, with the + offer I make, get the seventy or eighty dollars for four or five months' + work. You say if I will furnish you the money you will deed me the land, + and, if you don't pay the money back, you will deliver possession. + Nonsense! If you can't now live with the land, how will you then live + without it? You have always been kind to me, and I do not mean to be + unkind to you. On the contrary, if you will but follow my advice, you will + find it worth more than eighty times eighty dollars to you. + </p> + <p> + Affectionately your brother, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0072" id="link2H_4_0072"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO C. HOYT. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, Jan. 11, 1851. + </h3> + <p> + C. HOYT, ESQ. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Our case is decided against us. The decision was + announced this morning. Very sorry, but there is no help. The history of + the case since it came here is this. On Friday morning last, Mr. Joy filed + his papers, and entered his motion for a mandamus, and urged me to take up + the motion as soon as possible. I already had the points and authority + sent me by you and by Mr. Goodrich, but had not studied them. I began + preparing as fast as possible. + </p> + <p> + The evening of the same day I was again urged to take up the case. I + refused on the ground that I was not ready, and on which plea I also got + off over Saturday. But on Monday (the 14th) I had to go into it. We + occupied the whole day, I using the large part. I made every point and + used every authority sent me by yourself and by Mr. Goodrich; and in + addition all the points I could think of and all the authorities I could + find myself. When I closed the argument on my part, a large package was + handed me, which proved to be the plat you sent me. + </p> + <p> + The court received it of me, but it was not different from the plat + already on the record. I do not think I could ever have argued the case + better than I did. I did nothing else, but prepare to argue and argue this + case, from Friday morning till Monday evening. Very sorry for the result; + but I do not think it could have been prevented. + </p> + <p> + Your friend, as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0073" id="link2H_4_0073"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO JOHN D. JOHNSTON. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, January 12, 1851 + </h3> + <p> + DEAR BROTHER:—On the day before yesterday I received a letter from + Harriet, written at Greenup. She says she has just returned from your + house, and that father is very low and will hardly recover. She also says + you have written me two letters, and that, although you do not expect me + to come now, you wonder that I do not write. + </p> + <p> + I received both your letters, and although I have not answered them it is + not because I have forgotten them, or been uninterested about them, but + because it appeared to me that I could write nothing which would do any + good. You already know I desire that neither father nor mother shall be in + want of any comfort, either in health or sickness, while they live; and I + feel sure you have not failed to use my name, if necessary, to procure a + doctor, or anything else for father in his present sickness. My business + is such that I could hardly leave home now, if it was not as it is, that + my own wife is sick abed. (It is a case of baby-sickness, and I suppose is + not dangerous.) I sincerely hope father may recover his health, but at all + events, tell him to remember to call upon and confide in our great and + good and merciful Maker, who will not turn away from him in any extremity. + He notes the fall of a sparrow, and numbers the hairs of our heads, and He + will not forget the dying man who puts his trust in Him. Say to him that + if we could meet now it is doubtful whether it would not be more painful + than pleasant, but that if it be his lot to go now, he will soon have a + joyous meeting with many loved ones gone before, and where the rest of us, + through the help of God, hope ere long to join them. + </p> + <p> + Write to me again when you receive this. + </p> + <p> + Affectionately, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0074" id="link2H_4_0074"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PETITION ON BEHALF OF ONE JOSHUA GIPSON + </h2> + <h3> + TO THE JUDGE OF THE SANGAMON COUNTY COURT, + </h3> + <p> + MAY 13, 1851. TO THE HONORABLE, THE JUDGE OF THE COUNTY COURT IN AND FOR + THE COUNTY OF SANGAMON AND STATE OF ILLINOIS: + </p> + <p> + Your Petitioner, Joshua Gipson, respectfully represents that on or about + the 21st day of December, 1850, a judgment was rendered against your + Petitioner for costs, by J. C. Spugg, one of the Justices of the Peace in + and for said County of Sangamon, in a suit wherein your Petitioner was + plaintiff and James L. and C. B. Gerard were defendants; that said + judgment was not the result of negligence on the part of your Petitioner; + that said judgment, in his opinion, is unjust and erroneous in this, that + the defendants were at that time and are indebted to this Petitioner in + the full amount of the principal and interest of the note sued on, the + principal being, as affiant remembers and believes, thirty-one dollars and + eighty two cents; and that, as affiant is informed and believes, the + defendants succeeded in the trial of said cause by proving old claims + against your petitioner, in set-off against said note, which claims had + been settled, adjusted and paid before said note was executed. Your + Petitioner further states that the reasons of his not being present at + said trial, as he was not, and of its not being in his power to take an + appeal in the ordinary way, as it was not, were that your Petitioner then + resided in Edgar County about one hundred and twenty miles from where + defendants resided; that a very short time before the suit was commenced + your Petitioner was in Sangamon County for the purpose of collecting debts + due him, and with the rest, the note in question, which note had then been + given more than a year, that your Petitioner then saw the defendant J. L. + Gerard who is the principal in said note, and solicited payment of the + same; that said defendant then made no pretense that he did not owe the + same, but on the contrary expressly promised that he would come into + Springfield, in a very few days and either pay the money, or give a new + note, payable by the then next Christmas; that your Petitioner accordingly + left said note with said J. C. Spugg, with directions to give defendant + full time to pay the money or give the new note as above, and if he did + neither to sue; and then affiant came home to Edgar County, not having the + slightest suspicion that if suit should be brought, the defendants would + make any defense whatever; and your Petitioner never did in any way learn + that said suit had been commenced until more than twenty days after it had + been decided against him. He therefore prays for a writ of Certiorari. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + HIS + JOSHUA x GIPSON + MARK +</pre> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0075" id="link2H_4_0075"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO J. D. JOHNSTON. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 31, 1851 + </h3> + <p> + DEAR BROTHER: Inclosed is the deed for the land. We are all well, and have + nothing in the way of news. We have had no Cholera here for about two + weeks. + </p> + <p> + Give my love to all, and especially to Mother. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0076" id="link2H_4_0076"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO J. D. JOHNSTON. + </h2> + <h3> + SHELBYVILLE, Nov. 4, 1851 + </h3> + <p> + DEAR BROTHER: + </p> + <p> + When I came into Charleston day before yesterday I learned that you are + anxious to sell the land where you live, and move to Missouri. I have been + thinking of this ever since, and cannot but think such a notion is utterly + foolish. What can you do in Missouri better than here? Is the land richer? + Can you there, any more than here, raise corn and wheat and oats without + work? Will anybody there, any more than here, do your work for you? If you + intend to go to work, there is no better place than right where you are; + if you do not intend to go to work you cannot get along anywhere. + Squirming and crawling about from place to place can do no good. You have + raised no crop this year, and what you really want is to sell the land, + get the money and spend it. Part with the land you have, and, my life upon + it, you will never after own a spot big enough to bury you in. Half you + will get for the land you spend in moving to Missouri, and the other half + you will eat and drink and wear out, and no foot of land will be bought. + Now I feel it is my duty to have no hand in such a piece of foolery. I + feel that it is so even on your own account, and particularly on Mother's + account. The eastern forty acres I intend to keep for Mother while she + lives; if you will not cultivate it, it will rent for enough to support + her; at least it will rent for something. Her dower in the other two + forties she can let you have, and no thanks to me. + </p> + <p> + Now do not misunderstand this letter. I do not write it in any unkindness. + I write it in order, if possible, to get you to face the truth, which + truth is, you are destitute because you have idled away all your time. + Your thousand pretenses for not getting along better are all nonsense; + they deceive nobody but yourself. Go to work is the only cure for your + case. + </p> + <p> + A word for Mother: Chapman tells me he wants you to go and live with him. + If I were you I would try it awhile. If you get tired of it (as I think + you will not) you can return to your own home. Chapman feels very kindly + to you; and I have no doubt he will make your situation very pleasant. + </p> + <p> + Sincerely yours, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0077" id="link2H_4_0077"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Nov. 4, 1851 + </h2> + <h3> + DEAR MOTHER: + </h3> + <p> + Chapman tells me he wants you to go and live with him. If I were you I + would try it awhile. If you get tired of it (as I think you will not) you + can return to your own home. Chapman feels very kindly to you; and I have + no doubt he will make your situation very pleasant. + </p> + <p> + Sincerely your son, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0078" id="link2H_4_0078"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO JOHN D. JOHNSTON. + </h2> + <h3> + SHELBYVILLE, November 9, 1851 + </h3> + <p> + DEAR BROTHER:—When I wrote you before, I had not received your + letter. I still think as I did, but if the land can be sold so that I get + three hundred dollars to put to interest for Mother, I will not object, if + she does not. But before I will make a deed, the money must be had, or + secured beyond all doubt, at ten per cent. + </p> + <p> + As to Abram, I do not want him, on my own account; but I understand he + wants to live with me, so that he can go to school and get a fair start in + the world, which I very much wish him to have. When I reach home, if I can + make it convenient to take, I will take him, provided there is no mistake + between us as to the object and terms of my taking him. In haste, as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0079" id="link2H_4_0079"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO JOHN D. JOHNSTON. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, November 25, 1851. + </h3> + <p> + DEAR BROTHER:—Your letter of the 22d is just received. Your proposal + about selling the east forty acres of land is all that I want or could + claim for myself; but I am not satisfied with it on Mother's account—I + want her to have her living, and I feel that it is my duty, to some + extent, to see that she is not wronged. She had a right of dower (that is, + the use of one-third for life) in the other two forties; but, it seems, + she has already let you take that, hook and line. She now has the use of + the whole of the east forty, as long as she lives; and if it be sold, of + course she is entitled to the interest on all the money it brings, as long + as she lives; but you propose to sell it for three hundred dollars, take + one hundred away with you, and leave her two hundred at 8 per cent., + making her the enormous sum of 16 dollars a year. Now, if you are + satisfied with treating her in that way, I am not. It is true that you are + to have that forty for two hundred dollars, at Mother's death, but you are + not to have it before. I am confident that land can be made to produce for + Mother at least $30 a year, and I can not, to oblige any living person, + consent that she shall be put on an allowance of sixteen dollars a year. + </p> + <p> + Yours, etc., + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0080" id="link2H_4_0080"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + 1852 + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0081" id="link2H_4_0081"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + EULOGY ON HENRY CLAY, + </h2> + <h3> + DELIVERED IN THE STATE HOUSE AT SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, JULY 16, 1852. + </h3> + <p> + On the fourth day of July, 1776, the people of a few feeble and oppressed + colonies of Great Britain, inhabiting a portion of the Atlantic coast of + North America, publicly declared their national independence, and made + their appeal to the justice of their cause and to the God of battles for + the maintenance of that declaration. That people were few in number and + without resources, save only their wise heads and stout hearts. Within the + first year of that declared independence, and while its maintenance was + yet problematical, while the bloody struggle between those resolute rebels + and their haughty would-be masters was still waging,—of + undistinguished parents and in an obscure district of one of those + colonies Henry Clay was born. The infant nation and the infant child began + the race of life together. For three quarters of a century they have + travelled hand in hand. They have been companions ever. The nation has + passed its perils, and it is free, prosperous, and powerful. The child has + reached his manhood, his middle age, his old age, and is dead. In all that + has concerned the nation the man ever sympathized; and now the nation + mourns the man. + </p> + <p> + The day after his death one of the public journals, opposed to him + politically, held the following pathetic and beautiful language, which I + adopt partly because such high and exclusive eulogy, originating with a + political friend, might offend good taste, but chiefly because I could not + in any language of my own so well express my thoughts: + </p> + <p> + "Alas, who can realize that Henry Clay is dead! Who can realize that never + again that majestic form shall rise in the council-chambers of his country + to beat back the storms of anarchy which may threaten, or pour the oil of + peace upon the troubled billows as they rage and menace around! Who can + realize that the workings of that mighty mind have ceased, that the + throbbings of that gallant heart are stilled, that the mighty sweep of + that graceful arm will be felt no more, and the magic of that eloquent + tongue, which spake as spake no other tongue besides, is hushed hushed for + ever! Who can realize that freedom's champion, the champion of a civilized + world and of all tongues and kindreds of people, has indeed fallen! Alas, + in those dark hours of peril and dread which our land has experienced, and + which she may be called to experience again, to whom now may her people + look up for that counsel and advice which only wisdom and experience and + patriotism can give, and which only the undoubting confidence of a nation + will receive? Perchance in the whole circle of the great and gifted of our + land there remains but one on whose shoulders the mighty mantle of the + departed statesman may fall; one who while we now write is doubtless + pouring his tears over the bier of his brother and friend brother, friend, + ever, yet in political sentiment as far apart as party could make them. + Ah, it is at times like these that the petty distinctions of mere party + disappear. We see only the great, the grand, the noble features of the + departed statesman; and we do not even beg permission to bow at his feet + and mingle our tears with those who have ever been his political adherents—we + do [not] beg this permission, we claim it as a right, though we feel it as + a privilege. Henry Clay belonged to his country—to the world; mere + party cannot claim men like him. His career has been national, his fame + has filled the earth, his memory will endure to the last syllable of + recorded time. + </p> + <p> + "Henry Clay is dead! He breathed his last on yesterday, at twenty minutes + after eleven, in his chamber at Washington. To those who followed his lead + in public affairs, it more appropriately belongs to pronounce his eulogy + and pay specific honors to the memory of the illustrious dead. But all + Americans may show the grief which his death inspires, for his character + and fame are national property. As on a question of liberty he knew no + North, no South, no East, no West, but only the Union which held them all + in its sacred circle, so now his countrymen will know no grief that is not + as wide-spread as the bounds of the confederacy. The career of Henry Clay + was a public career. From his youth he has been devoted to the public + service, at a period, too, in the world's history justly regarded as a + remarkable era in human affairs. He witnessed in the beginning the throes + of the French Revolution. He saw the rise and fall of Napoleon. He was + called upon to legislate for America and direct her policy when all Europe + was the battlefield of contending dynasties, and when the struggle for + supremacy imperilled the rights of all neutral nations. His voice spoke + war and peace in the contest with Great Britain. + </p> + <p> + "When Greece rose against the Turks and struck for liberty, his name was + mingled with the battle-cry of freedom. When South America threw off the + thraldom of Spain, his speeches were read at the head of her armies by + Bolivar. His name has been, and will continue to be, hallowed in two + hemispheres, for it is + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "'One of the few, the immortal names + That were not born to die!' +</pre> + <p> + "To the ardent patriot and profound statesman he added a quality possessed + by few of the gifted on earth. His eloquence has not been surpassed. In + the effective power to move the heart of man, Clay was without an equal, + and the heaven-born endowment, in the spirit of its origin, has been most + conspicuously exhibited against intestine feud. On at least three + important occasions he has quelled our civil commotions by a power and + influence which belonged to no other statesman of his age and times. And + in our last internal discord, when this Union trembled to its centre, in + old age he left the shades of private life, and gave the death-blow to + fraternal strife, with the vigor of his earlier years, in a series of + senatorial efforts which in themselves would bring immortality by + challenging comparison with the efforts of any statesman in any age. He + exorcised the demon which possessed the body politic, and gave peace to a + distracted land. Alas! the achievement cost him his life. He sank day by + day to the tomb his pale but noble brow bound with a triple wreath, put + there by a grateful country. May his ashes rest in peace, while his spirit + goes to take its station among the great and good men who preceded him." + </p> + <p> + While it is customary and proper upon occasions like the present to give a + brief sketch of the life of the deceased, in the case of Mr. Clay it is + less necessary than most others; for his biography has been written and + rewritten and read and reread for the last twenty-five years; so that, + with the exception of a few of the latest incidents of his life, all is as + well known as it can be. The short sketch which I give is, therefore, + merely to maintain the connection of this discourse. + </p> + <p> + Henry Clay was born on the twelfth day of April, 1777, in Hanover County, + Virginia. Of his father, who died in the fourth or fifth year of Henry's + age, little seems to be known, except that he was a respectable man and a + preacher of the Baptist persuasion. Mr. Clay's education to the end of + life was comparatively limited. I say "to the end of life," because I have + understood that from time to time he added something to his education + during the greater part of his whole life. Mr. Clay's lack of a more + perfect early education, however it may be regretted generally, teaches at + least one profitable lesson: it teaches that in this country one can + scarcely be so poor but that, if he will, he can acquire sufficient + education to get through the world respectably. In his twenty-third year + Mr. Clay was licensed to practise law, and emigrated to Lexington, + Kentucky. Here he commenced and continued the practice till the year 1803, + when he was first elected to the Kentucky Legislature. By successive + elections he was continued in the Legislature till the latter part of + 1806, when he was elected to fill a vacancy of a single session in the + United States Senate. In 1807 he was again elected to the Kentucky House + of Representatives, and by that body chosen Speaker. In 1808 he was + re-elected to the same body. In 1809 he was again chosen to fill a vacancy + of two years in the United States Senate. In 1811 he was elected to the + United States House of Representatives, and on the first day of taking his + seat in that body he was chosen its Speaker. In 1813 he was again elected + Speaker. Early in 1814, being the period of our last British war, Mr. Clay + was sent as commissioner, with others, to negotiate a treaty of peace, + which treaty was concluded in the latter part of the same year. On his + return from Europe he was again elected to the lower branch of Congress, + and on taking his seat in December, 1815, was called to his old post-the + Speaker's chair, a position in which he was retained by successive + elections, with one brief intermission, till the inauguration of John + Quincy Adams, in March, 1825. He was then appointed Secretary of State, + and occupied that important station till the inauguration of General + Jackson, in March, 1829. After this he returned to Kentucky, resumed the + practice of law, and continued it till the autumn of 1831, when he was by + the Legislature of Kentucky again placed in the United States Senate. By a + reelection he was continued in the Senate till he resigned his seat and + retired, in March, 1848. In December, 1849, he again took his seat in the + Senate, which he again resigned only a few months before his death. + </p> + <p> + By the foregoing it is perceived that the period from the beginning of Mr. + Clay's official life in 1803 to the end of 1852 is but one year short of + half a century, and that the sum of all the intervals in it will not + amount to ten years. But mere duration of time in office constitutes the + smallest part of Mr. Clay's history. Throughout that long period he has + constantly been the most loved and most implicitly followed by friends, + and the most dreaded by opponents, of all living American politicians. In + all the great questions which have agitated the country, and particularly + in those fearful crises, the Missouri question, the nullification + question, and the late slavery question, as connected with the newly + acquired territory, involving and endangering the stability of the Union, + his has been the leading and most conspicuous part. In 1824 he was first a + candidate for the Presidency, and was defeated; and, although he was + successively defeated for the same office in 1832 and in 1844, there has + never been a moment since 1824 till after 1848 when a very large portion + of the American people did not cling to him with an enthusiastic hope and + purpose of still elevating him to the Presidency. With other men, to be + defeated was to be forgotten; but with him defeat was but a trifling + incident, neither changing him nor the world's estimate of him. Even those + of both political parties who have been preferred to him for the highest + office have run far briefer courses than he, and left him still shining + high in the heavens of the political world. Jackson, Van Buren, Harnson, + Polk, and Taylor all rose after, and set long before him. The spell—the + long-enduring spell—with which the souls of men were bound to him is + a miracle. Who can compass it? It is probably true he owed his + pre-eminence to no one quality, but to a fortunate combination of several. + He was surpassingly eloquent; but many eloquent men fail utterly, and they + are not, as a class, generally successful. His judgment was excellent; but + many men of good judgment live and die unnoticed. His will was + indomitable; but this quality often secures to its owner nothing better + than a character for useless obstinacy. These, then, were Mr. Clay's + leading qualities. No one of them is very uncommon; but all together are + rarely combined in a single individual, and this is probably the reason + why such men as Henry Clay are so rare in the world. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Clay's eloquence did not consist, as many fine specimens of eloquence + do, of types and figures, of antithesis and elegant arrangement of words + and sentences, but rather of that deeply earnest and impassioned tone and + manner which can proceed only from great sincerity, and a thorough + conviction in the speaker of the justice and importance of his cause. This + it is that truly touches the chords of sympathy; and those who heard Mr. + Clay never failed to be moved by it, or ever afterward forgot the + impression. All his efforts were made for practical effect. He never spoke + merely to be heard. He never delivered a Fourth of July oration, or a + eulogy on an occasion like this. As a politician or statesman, no one was + so habitually careful to avoid all sectional ground. Whatever he did he + did for the whole country. In the construction of his measures, he ever + carefully surveyed every part of the field, and duly weighed every + conflicting interest. Feeling as he did, and as the truth surely is, that + the world's best hope depended on the continued union of these States, he + was ever jealous of and watchful for whatever might have the slightest + tendency to separate them. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Clay's predominant sentiment, from first to last, was a deep devotion + to the cause of human liberty—a strong sympathy with the oppressed + everywhere, and an ardent wish for their elevation. With him this was a + primary and all-controlling passion. Subsidiary to this was the conduct of + his whole life. He loved his country partly because it was his own + country, and mostly because it was a free country; and he burned with a + zeal for its advancement, prosperity, and glory, because he saw in such + the advancement, prosperity, and glory of human liberty, human right, and + human nature. He desired the prosperity of his countrymen, partly because + they were his countrymen, but chiefly to show to the world that free men + could be prosperous. + </p> + <p> + That his views and measures were always the wisest needs not to be + affirmed; nor should it be on this occasion, where so many thinking + differently join in doing honor to his memory. A free people in times of + peace and quiet when pressed by no common danger-naturally divide into + parties. At such times the man who is of neither party is not, cannot be, + of any consequence. Mr. Clay therefore was of a party. Taking a prominent + part, as he did, in all the great political questions of his country for + the last half century, the wisdom of his course on many is doubted and + denied by a large portion of his countrymen; and of such it is not now + proper to speak particularly. But there are many others, about his course + upon which there is little or no disagreement amongst intelligent and + patriotic Americans. Of these last are the War of 1812, the Missouri + question, nullification, and the now recent compromise measures. In 1812 + Mr. Clay, though not unknown, was still a young man. Whether we should go + to war with Great Britain being the question of the day, a minority + opposed the declaration of war by Congress, while the majority, though + apparently inclined to war, had for years wavered, and hesitated to act + decisively. Meanwhile British aggressions multiplied, and grew more daring + and aggravated. By Mr. Clay more than any other man the struggle was + brought to a decision in Congress. The question, being now fully before + Congress, came up in a variety of ways in rapid succession, on most of + which occasions Mr. Clay spoke. Adding to all the logic of which the + subject was susceptible that noble inspiration which came to him as it + came to no other, he aroused and nerved and inspired his friends, and + confounded and bore down all opposition. Several of his speeches on these + occasions were reported and are still extant, but the best of them all + never was. During its delivery the reporters forgot their vocation, + dropped their pens, and sat enchanted from near the beginning to quite the + close. The speech now lives only in the memory of a few old men, and the + enthusiasm with which they cherish their recollection of it is absolutely + astonishing. The precise language of this speech we shall never know; but + we do know we cannot help knowing—that with deep pathos it pleaded + the cause of the injured sailor, that it invoked the genius of the + Revolution, that it apostrophized the names of Otis, of Henry, and of + Washington, that it appealed to the interests, the pride, the honor, and + the glory of the nation, that it shamed and taunted the timidity of + friends, that it scorned and scouted and withered the temerity of domestic + foes, that it bearded and defied the British lion, and, rising and + swelling and maddening in its course, it sounded the onset, till the + charge, the shock, the steady struggle, and the glorious victory all + passed in vivid review before the entranced hearers. + </p> + <p> + Important and exciting as was the war question of 1812, it never so + alarmed the sagacious statesmen of the country for the safety of the + Republic as afterward did the Missouri question. This sprang from that + unfortunate source of discord—negro slavery. When our Federal + Constitution was adopted, we owned no territory beyond the limits or + ownership of the States, except the territory northwest of the River Ohio + and east of the Mississippi. What has since been formed into the States of + Maine, Kentucky and Tennessee, was, I believe, within the limits of or + owned by Massachusetts, Virginia, and North Carolina. As to the + Northwestern Territory, provision had been made even before the adoption + of the Constitution that slavery should never go there. On the admission + of States into the Union, carved from the territory we owned before the + Constitution, no question, or at most no considerable question, arose + about slavery—those which were within the limits of or owned by the + old States following respectively the condition of the parent State, and + those within the Northwest Territory following the previously made + provision. But in 1803 we purchased Louisiana of the French, and it + included with much more what has since been formed into the State of + Missouri. With regard to it, nothing had been done to forestall the + question of slavery. When, therefore, in 1819, Missouri, having formed a + State constitution without excluding slavery, and with slavery already + actually existing within its limits, knocked at the door of the Union for + admission, almost the entire representation of the non-slaveholding States + objected. A fearful and angry struggle instantly followed. This alarmed + thinking men more than any previous question, because, unlike all the + former, it divided the country by geographical lines. Other questions had + their opposing partisans in all localities of the country and in almost + every family, so that no division of the Union could follow such without a + separation of friends to quite as great an extent as that of opponents. + Not so with the Missouri question. On this a geographical line could be + traced, which in the main would separate opponents only. This was the + danger. Mr. Jefferson, then in retirement, wrote: + </p> + <p> + "I had for a long time ceased to read newspapers or to pay any attention + to public affairs, confident they were in good hands and content to be a + passenger in our bark to the shore from which I am not distant. But this + momentous question, like a firebell in the night, awakened and filled me + with terror. I considered it at once as the knell of the Union. It is + hushed, indeed, for the moment. But this is a reprieve only, not a final + sentence. A geographical line coinciding with a marked principle, moral + and political, once conceived and held up to the angry passions of men, + will never be obliterated, and every irritation will mark it deeper and + deeper. I can say with conscious truth that there is not a man on earth + who would sacrifice more than I would to relieve us from this heavy + reproach in any practicable way. + </p> + <p> + "The cession of that kind of property—for it is so misnamed—is + a bagatelle which would not cost me a second thought if in that way a + general emancipation and expatriation could be effected, and gradually and + with due sacrifices I think it might be. But as it is, we have the wolf by + the ears, and we can neither hold him nor safely let him go. Justice is in + one scale, and self-preservation in the other." + </p> + <p> + Mr. Clay was in Congress, and, perceiving the danger, at once engaged his + whole energies to avert it. It began, as I have said, in 1819; and it did + not terminate till 1821. Missouri would not yield the point; and Congress + that is, a majority in Congress—by repeated votes showed a + determination not to admit the State unless it should yield. After several + failures, and great labor on the part of Mr. Clay to so present the + question that a majority could consent to the admission, it was by a vote + rejected, and, as all seemed to think, finally. A sullen gloom hung over + the nation. All felt that the rejection of Missouri was equivalent to a + dissolution of the Union, because those States which already had what + Missouri was rejected for refusing to relinquish would go with Missouri. + All deprecated and deplored this, but none saw how to avert it. For the + judgment of members to be convinced of the necessity of yielding was not + the whole difficulty; each had a constituency to meet and to answer to. + Mr. Clay, though worn down and exhausted, was appealed to by members to + renew his efforts at compromise. He did so, and by some judicious + modifications of his plan, coupled with laborious efforts with individual + members and his own overmastering eloquence upon that floor, he finally + secured the admission of the State. Brightly and captivating as it had + previously shown, it was now perceived that his great eloquence was a mere + embellishment, or at most but a helping hand to his inventive genius and + his devotion to his country in the day of her extreme peril. + </p> + <p> + After the settlement of the Missouri question, although a portion of the + American people have differed with Mr. Clay, and a majority even appear + generally to have been opposed to him on questions of ordinary + administration, he seems constantly to have been regarded by all as the + man for the crisis. Accordingly, in the days of nullification, and more + recently in the reappearance of the slavery question connected with our + territory newly acquired of Mexico, the task of devising a mode of + adjustment seems to have been cast upon Mr. Clay by common consent—and + his performance of the task in each case was little else than a literal + fulfilment of the public expectation. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Clay's efforts in behalf of the South Americans, and afterward in + behalf of the Greeks, in the times of their respective struggles for civil + liberty, are among the finest on record, upon the noblest of all themes, + and bear ample corroboration of what I have said was his ruling passion—a + love of liberty and right, unselfishly, and for their own sakes. + </p> + <p> + Having been led to allude to domestic slavery so frequently already, I am + unwilling to close without referring more particularly to Mr. Clay's views + and conduct in regard to it. He ever was on principle and in feeling + opposed to slavery. The very earliest, and one of the latest, public + efforts of his life, separated by a period of more than fifty years, were + both made in favor of gradual emancipation. He did not perceive that on a + question of human right the negroes were to be excepted from the human + race. And yet Mr. Clay was the owner of slaves. Cast into life when + slavery was already widely spread and deeply seated, he did not perceive, + as I think no wise man has perceived, how it could be at once eradicated + without producing a greater evil even to the cause of human liberty + itself. His feeling and his judgment, therefore, ever led him to oppose + both extremes of opinion on the subject. Those who would shiver into + fragments the Union of these States, tear to tatters its now venerated + Constitution, and even burn the last copy of the Bible, rather than + slavery should continue a single hour, together with all their more + halting sympathizers, have received, and are receiving, their just + execration; and the name and opinions and influence of Mr. Clay are fully + and, as I trust, effectually and enduringly arrayed against them. But I + would also, if I could, array his name, opinions, and influence against + the opposite extreme—against a few but an increasing number of men + who, for the sake of perpetuating slavery, are beginning to assail and to + ridicule the white man's charter of freedom, the declaration that "all men + are created free and equal." So far as I have learned, the first American + of any note to do or attempt this was the late John C. Calhoun; and if I + mistake not, it soon after found its way into some of the messages of the + Governor of South Carolina. We, however, look for and are not much shocked + by political eccentricities and heresies in South Carolina. But only last + year I saw with astonishment what purported to be a letter of a very + distinguished and influential clergyman of Virginia, copied, with apparent + approbation, into a St. Louis newspaper, containing the following to me + very unsatisfactory language: + </p> + <p> + "I am fully aware that there is a text in some Bibles that is not in mine. + Professional abolitionists have made more use of it than of any passage in + the Bible. It came, however, as I trace it, from Saint Voltaire, and was + baptized by Thomas Jefferson, and since almost universally regarded as + canonical authority`All men are born free and equal.' + </p> + <p> + "This is a genuine coin in the political currency of our generation. I am + sorry to say that I have never seen two men of whom it is true. But I must + admit I never saw the Siamese Twins, and therefore will not dogmatically + say that no man ever saw a proof of this sage aphorism." + </p> + <p> + This sounds strangely in republican America. The like was not heard in the + fresher days of the republic. Let us contrast with it the language of that + truly national man whose life and death we now commemorate and lament: I + quote from a speech of Mr. Clay delivered before the American Colonization + Society in 1827: + </p> + <p> + "We are reproached with doing mischief by the agitation of this question. + The society goes into no household to disturb its domestic tranquillity. + It addresses itself to no slaves to weaken their obligations of obedience. + It seeks to affect no man's property. It neither has the power nor the + will to affect the property of any one contrary to his consent. The + execution of its scheme would augment instead of diminishing the value of + property left behind. The society, composed of free men, conceals itself + only with the free. Collateral consequences we are not responsible for. It + is not this society which has produced the great moral revolution which + the age exhibits. What would they who thus reproach us have done? If they + would repress all tendencies toward liberty and ultimate emancipation, + they must do more than put down the benevolent efforts of this society. + They must go back to the era of our liberty and independence, and muzzle + the cannon which thunders its annual joyous return. They must renew the + slave trade, with all its train of atrocities. They must suppress the + workings of British philanthropy, seeking to meliorate the condition of + the unfortunate West Indian slave. They must arrest the career of South + American deliverance from thraldom. They must blow out the moral lights + around us and extinguish that greatest torch of all which America presents + to a benighted world—pointing the way to their rights, their + liberties, and their happiness. And when they have achieved all those + purposes their work will be yet incomplete. They must penetrate the human + soul, and eradicate the light of reason and the love of liberty. Then, and + not till then, when universal darkness and despair prevail, can you + perpetuate slavery and repress all sympathy and all humane and benevolent + efforts among free men in behalf of the unhappy portion of our race doomed + to bondage." + </p> + <p> + The American Colonization Society was organized in 1816. Mr. Clay, though + not its projector, was one of its earliest members; and he died, as for + many preceding years he had been, its president. It was one of the most + cherished objects of his direct care and consideration, and the + association of his name with it has probably been its very greatest + collateral support. He considered it no demerit in the society that it + tended to relieve the slave-holders from the troublesome presence of the + free negroes; but this was far from being its whole merit in his + estimation. In the same speech from which we have quoted he says: + </p> + <p> + "There is a moral fitness in the idea of returning to Africa her children, + whose ancestors have been torn from her by the ruthless hand of fraud and + violence. Transplanted in a foreign land, they will carry back to their + native soil the rich fruits of religion, civilization, law, and liberty. + May it not be one of the great designs of the Ruler of the universe, whose + ways are often inscrutable by short-sighted mortals, thus to transform an + original crime into a signal blessing to that most unfortunate portion of + the globe?" + </p> + <p> + This suggestion of the possible ultimate redemption of the African race + and African continent was made twenty-five years ago. Every succeeding + year has added strength to the hope of its realization. May it indeed be + realized. Pharaoh's country was cursed with plagues, and his hosts were + lost in the Red Sea, for striving to retain a captive people who had + already served them more than four hundred years. May like disasters never + befall us! If, as the friends of colonization hope, the present and coming + generations of our countrymen shall by any means succeed in freeing our + land from the dangerous presence of slavery, and at the same time in + restoring a captive people to their long-lost fatherland with bright + prospects for the future, and this too so gradually that neither races nor + individuals shall have suffered by the change, it will indeed be a + glorious consummation. And if to such a consummation the efforts of Mr. + Clay shall have contributed, it will be what he most ardently wished, and + none of his labors will have been more valuable to his country and his + kind. + </p> + <p> + But Henry Clay is dead. His long and eventful life is closed. Our country + is prosperous and powerful; but could it have been quite all it has been, + and is, and is to be, without Henry Clay? Such a man the times have + demanded, and such in the providence of God was given us. But he is gone. + Let us strive to deserve, as far as mortals may, the continued care of + Divine Providence, trusting that in future national emergencies He will + not fail to provide us the instruments of safety and security. + </p> + <p> + NOTE. We are indebted for a copy of this speech to the courtesy of Major + Wm. H. Bailhache, formerly one of the proprietors of the Illinois State + Journal. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0082" id="link2H_4_0082"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHALLENGED VOTERS + </h2> + <h3> + OPINION ON THE ILLINOIS ELECTION LAW. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, November 1, 1852 + </p> + <p> + A leading article in the Daily Register of this morning has induced some + of our friends to request our opinion on the election laws as applicable + to challenged voters. We have examined the present constitution of the + State, the election law of 1849, and the unrepealed parts of the election + law in the revised code of 1845; and we are of the opinion that any person + taking the oath prescribed in the act of 1849 is entitled to vote unless + counter-proof be made satisfactory to a majority of the judges that such + oath is untrue; and that for the purpose of obtaining such counter-proof, + the proposed voter may be asked questions in the way of cross-examination, + and other independent testimony may be received. We base our opinion as to + receiving counter-proof upon the unrepealed Section nineteen of the + election law in the revised code. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + A. LINCOLN, + B. S. EDWARDS + S. T. LOGAN. + S. H. TREAT +</pre> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0083" id="link2H_4_0083"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + 1853 + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0084" id="link2H_4_0084"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LEGAL OFFICE WORK + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0085" id="link2H_4_0085"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO JOSHUA R. STANFORD. + </h2> + <h3> + PEKIN, MAY 12, 1853 + </h3> + <p> + Mr. JOSHUA R. STANFORD. + </p> + <p> + SIR:—I hope the subject-matter of this letter will appear a + sufficient apology to you for the liberty I, a total stranger, take in + addressing you. The persons here holding two lots under a conveyance made + by you, as the attorney of Daniel M. Baily, now nearly twenty-two years + ago, are in great danger of losing the lots, and very much, perhaps all, + is to depend on the testimony you give as to whether you did or did not + account to Baily for the proceeds received by you on this sale of the + lots. I, therefore, as one of the counsel, beg of you to fully refresh + your recollection by any means in your power before the time you may be + called on to testify. If persons should come about you, and show a + disposition to pump you on the subject, it may be no more than prudent to + remember that it may be possible they design to misrepresent you and + embarrass the real testimony you may ultimately give. It may be six months + or a year before you are called on to testify. + </p> + <p> + Respectfully, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0086" id="link2H_4_0086"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + 1854 + </h2> + <h3> + TO O. L. DAVIS. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, June 22, 1854. + </p> + <p> + O. L. DAVIS, ESQ. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—You, no doubt, remember the enclosed memorandum being + handed me in your office. I have just made the desired search, and find + that no such deed has ever been here. Campbell, the auditor, says that if + it were here, it would be in his office, and that he has hunted for it a + dozen times, and could never find it. He says that one time and another, + he has heard much about the matter, that it was not a deed for Right of + Way, but a deed, outright, for Depot-ground—at least, a sale for + Depot-ground, and there may never have been a deed. He says, if there is a + deed, it is most probable General Alexander, of Paris, has it. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0087" id="link2H_4_0087"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + NEBRASKA MEASURE + </h2> + <h3> + TO J. M. PALMER + </h3> + <p> + [Confidential] + </p> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, Sept. 7, 1854. + </p> + <p> + HON. J. M. PALMER. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—You know how anxious I am that this Nebraska measure shall + be rebuked and condemned everywhere. Of course I hope something from your + position; yet I do not expect you to do anything which may be wrong in + your own judgment; nor would I have you do anything personally injurious + to yourself. You are, and always have been, honestly and sincerely a + Democrat; and I know how painful it must be to an honest, sincere man to + be urged by his party to the support of a measure which in his conscience + he believes to be wrong. You have had a severe struggle with yourself, and + you have determined not to swallow the wrong. Is it not just to yourself + that you should, in a few public speeches, state your reasons, and thus + justify yourself? I wish you would; and yet I say, don't do it, if you + think it will injure you. You may have given your word to vote for Major + Harris; and if so, of course you will stick to it. But allow me to suggest + that you should avoid speaking of this; for it probably would induce some + of your friends in like manner to cast their votes. You understand. And + now let me beg your pardon for obtruding this letter upon you, to whom I + have ever been opposed in politics. Had your party omitted to make + Nebraska a test of party fidelity, you probably would have been the + Democratic candidate for Congress in the district. You deserved it, and I + believe it would have been given you. In that case I should have been + quite happy that Nebraska was to be rebuked at all events. I still should + have voted for the Whig candidate; but I should have made no speeches, + written no letters; and you would have been elected by at least a thousand + majority. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0088" id="link2H_4_0088"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO A. B. MOREAU. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, September 7, 1854 + </h3> + <p> + A. B. MOREAU, ESQ. + </p> + <p> + SIR:—Stranger though I am, personally, being a brother in the faith, + I venture to write you. Yates can not come to your court next week. He is + obliged to be at Pike court where he has a case, with a fee of five + hundred dollars, two hundred dollars already paid. To neglect it would be + unjust to himself, and dishonest to his client. Harris will be with you, + head up and tail up, for Nebraska. You must have some one to make an + anti-Nebraska speech. Palmer is the best, if you can get him, I think. Jo. + Gillespie, if you can not get Palmer, and somebody anyhow, if you can get + neither. But press Palmer hard. It is in his Senatorial district, I + believe. + </p> + <p> + Yours etc., + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0089" id="link2H_4_0089"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPLY TO SENATOR DOUGLAS—PEORIA SPEECH + </h2> + <h3> + SPEECH AT PEORIA, ILLINOIS, IN REPLY TO SENATOR DOUGLAS, + </h3> + <p> + OCTOBER 16, 1854. + </p> + <p> + I do not rise to speak now, if I can stipulate with the audience to meet + me here at half-past six or at seven o'clock. It is now several minutes + past five, and Judge Douglas has spoken over three hours. If you hear me + at all, I wish you to hear me through. It will take me as long as it has + taken him. That will carry us beyond eight o'clock at night. Now, every + one of you who can remain that long can just as well get his supper, meet + me at seven, and remain an hour or two later. The Judge has already + informed you that he is to have an hour to reply to me. I doubt not but + you have been a little surprised to learn that I have consented to give + one of his high reputation and known ability this advantage of me. Indeed, + my consenting to it, though reluctant, was not wholly unselfish, for I + suspected, if it were understood that the Judge was entirely done, you + Democrats would leave and not hear me; but by giving him the close, I felt + confident you would stay for the fun of hearing him skin me. + </p> + <p> + The audience signified their assent to the arrangement, and adjourned to + seven o'clock P.M., at which time they reassembled, and Mr. Lincoln spoke + substantially as follows: + </p> + <p> + The repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and the propriety of its + restoration, constitute the subject of what I am about to say. As I desire + to present my own connected view of this subject, my remarks will not be + specifically an answer to Judge Douglas; yet, as I proceed, the main + points he has presented will arise, and will receive such respectful + attention as I may be able to give them. I wish further to say that I do + not propose to question the patriotism or to assail the motives of any man + or class of men, but rather to confine myself strictly to the naked merits + of the question. I also wish to be no less than national in all the + positions I may take, and whenever I take ground which others have + thought, or may think, narrow, sectional, and dangerous to the Union, I + hope to give a reason which will appear sufficient, at least to some, why + I think differently. + </p> + <p> + And as this subject is no other than part and parcel of the larger general + question of domestic slavery, I wish to make and to keep the distinction + between the existing institution and the extension of it so broad and so + clear that no honest man can misunderstand me, and no dishonest one + successfully misrepresent me. + </p> + <p> + In order to a clear understanding of what the Missouri Compromise is, a + short history of the preceding kindred subjects will perhaps be proper. + </p> + <p> + When we established our independence, we did not own or claim the country + to which this compromise applies. Indeed, strictly speaking, the + Confederacy then owned no country at all; the States respectively owned + the country within their limits, and some of them owned territory beyond + their strict State limits. Virginia thus owned the Northwestern Territory—the + country out of which the principal part of Ohio, all Indiana, all + Illinois, all Michigan, and all Wisconsin have since been formed. She also + owned (perhaps within her then limits) what has since been formed into the + State of Kentucky. North Carolina thus owned what is now the State of + Tennessee; and South Carolina and Georgia owned, in separate parts, what + are now Mississippi and Alabama. Connecticut, I think, owned the little + remaining part of Ohio, being the same where they now send Giddings to + Congress and beat all creation in making cheese. + </p> + <p> + These territories, together with the States themselves, constitute all the + country over which the Confederacy then claimed any sort of jurisdiction. + We were then living under the Articles of Confederation, which were + superseded by the Constitution several years afterward. The question of + ceding the territories to the General Government was set on foot. Mr. + Jefferson,—the author of the Declaration of Independence, and + otherwise a chief actor in the Revolution; then a delegate in Congress; + afterward, twice President; who was, is, and perhaps will continue to be, + the most distinguished politician of our history; a Virginian by birth and + continued residence, and withal a slaveholder,—conceived the idea of + taking that occasion to prevent slavery ever going into the Northwestern + Territory. He prevailed on the Virginia Legislature to adopt his views, + and to cede the Territory, making the prohibition of slavery therein a + condition of the deed. (Jefferson got only an understanding, not a + condition of the deed to this wish.) Congress accepted the cession with + the condition; and the first ordinance (which the acts of Congress were + then called) for the government of the Territory provided that slavery + should never be permitted therein. This is the famed "Ordinance of '87," + so often spoken of. + </p> + <p> + Thenceforward for sixty-one years, and until, in 1848, the last scrap of + this Territory came into the Union as the State of Wisconsin, all parties + acted in quiet obedience to this ordinance. It is now what Jefferson + foresaw and intended—the happy home of teeming millions of free, + white, prosperous people, and no slave among them. + </p> + <p> + Thus, with the author of the Declaration of Independence, the policy of + prohibiting slavery in new territory originated. Thus, away back to the + Constitution, in the pure, fresh, free breath of the Revolution, the State + of Virginia and the national Congress put that policy into practice. Thus, + through more than sixty of the best years of the republic, did that policy + steadily work to its great and beneficent end. And thus, in those five + States, and in five millions of free, enterprising people, we have before + us the rich fruits of this policy. + </p> + <p> + But now new light breaks upon us. Now Congress declares this ought never + to have been, and the like of it must never be again. The sacred right of + self-government is grossly violated by it. We even find some men who drew + their first breath—and every other breath of their lives—under + this very restriction, now live in dread of absolute suffocation if they + should be restricted in the "sacred right" of taking slaves to Nebraska. + That perfect liberty they sigh for—the liberty of making slaves of + other people, Jefferson never thought of, their own fathers never thought + of, they never thought of themselves, a year ago. How fortunate for them + they did not sooner become sensible of their great misery! Oh, how + difficult it is to treat with respect such assaults upon all we have ever + really held sacred! + </p> + <p> + But to return to history. In 1803 we purchased what was then called + Louisiana, of France. It included the present States of Louisiana, + Arkansas, Missouri, and Iowa; also the Territory of Minnesota, and the + present bone of contention, Kansas and Nebraska. Slavery already existed + among the French at New Orleans, and to some extent at St. Louis. In 1812 + Louisiana came into the Union as a slave State, without controversy. In + 1818 or '19, Missouri showed signs of a wish to come in with slavery. This + was resisted by Northern members of Congress; and thus began the first + great slavery agitation in the nation. This controversy lasted several + months, and became very angry and exciting—the House of + Representatives voting steadily for the prohibition of slavery in + Missouri, and the Senate voting as steadily against it. Threats of the + breaking up of the Union were freely made, and the ablest public men of + the day became seriously alarmed. At length a compromise was made, in + which, as in all compromises, both sides yielded something. It was a law, + passed on the 6th of March, 1820, providing that Missouri might come into + the Union with slavery, but that in all the remaining part of the + territory purchased of France which lies north of thirty-six degrees and + thirty minutes north latitude, slavery should never be permitted. This + provision of law is the "Missouri Compromise." In excluding slavery north + of the line, the same language is employed as in the Ordinance of 1787. It + directly applied to Iowa, Minnesota, and to the present bone of + contention, Kansas and Nebraska. Whether there should or should not be + slavery south of that line, nothing was said in the law. But Arkansas + constituted the principal remaining part south of the line; and it has + since been admitted as a slave State, without serious controversy. More + recently, Iowa, north of the line, came in as a free State without + controversy. Still later, Minnesota, north of the line, had a territorial + organization without controversy. Texas, principally south of the line, + and west of Arkansas, though originally within the purchase from France, + had, in 1819, been traded off to Spain in our treaty for the acquisition + of Florida. It had thus become a part of Mexico. Mexico revolutionized and + became independent of Spain. American citizens began settling rapidly with + their slaves in the southern part of Texas. Soon they revolutionized + against Mexico, and established an independent government of their own, + adopting a constitution with slavery, strongly resembling the + constitutions of our slave States. By still another rapid move, Texas, + claiming a boundary much farther west than when we parted with her in + 1819, was brought back to the United States, and admitted into the Union + as a slave State. Then there was little or no settlement in the northern + part of Texas, a considerable portion of which lay north of the Missouri + line; and in the resolutions admitting her into the Union, the Missouri + restriction was expressly extended westward across her territory. This was + in 1845, only nine years ago. + </p> + <p> + Thus originated the Missouri Compromise; and thus has it been respected + down to 1845. And even four years later, in 1849, our distinguished + Senator, in a public address, held the following language in relation to + it: + </p> + <p> + "The Missouri Compromise has been in practical operation for about a + quarter of a century, and has received the sanction and approbation of men + of all parties in every section of the Union. It has allayed all sectional + jealousies and irritations growing out of this vexed question, and + harmonized and tranquillized the whole country. It has given to Henry + Clay, as its prominent champion, the proud sobriquet of the 'Great + Pacificator,' and by that title, and for that service, his political + friends had repeatedly appealed to the people to rally under his standard + as a Presidential candidate, as the man who had exhibited the patriotism + and power to suppress an unholy and treasonable agitation, and preserve + the Union. He was not aware that any man or any party, from any section of + the Union, had ever urged as an objection to Mr. Clay that he was the + great champion of the Missouri Compromise. On the contrary, the effort was + made by the opponents of Mr. Clay to prove that he was not entitled to the + exclusive merit of that great patriotic measure, and that the honor was + equally due to others, as well as to him, for securing its adoption; that + it had its origin in the hearts of all patriotic men, who desired to + preserve and perpetuate the blessings of our glorious Union—an + origin akin to that of the Constitution of the United States, conceived in + the same spirit of fraternal affection, and calculated to remove forever + the only danger which seemed to threaten, at some distant day, to sever + the social bond of union. All the evidences of public opinion at that day + seemed to indicate that this compromise had been canonized in the hearts + of the American people, as a sacred thing which no ruthless hand would + ever be reckless enough to disturb." + </p> + <p> + I do not read this extract to involve Judge Douglas in an inconsistency. + If he afterward thought he had been wrong, it was right for him to change. + I bring this forward merely to show the high estimate placed on the + Missouri Compromise by all parties up to so late as the year 1849. + </p> + <p> + But going back a little in point of time. Our war with Mexico broke out in + 1846. When Congress was about adjourning that session, President Polk + asked them to place two millions of dollars under his control, to be used + by him in the recess, if found practicable and expedient, in negotiating a + treaty of peace with Mexico, and acquiring some part of her territory. A + bill was duly gotten up for the purpose, and was progressing swimmingly in + the House of Representatives, when a member by the name of David Wilmot, a + Democrat from Pennsylvania, moved as an amendment, "Provided, that in any + territory thus acquired there never shall be slavery." + </p> + <p> + This is the origin of the far-famed Wilmot Proviso. It created a great + flutter; but it stuck like wax, was voted into the bill, and the bill + passed with it through the House. The Senate, however, adjourned without + final action on it, and so both appropriation and proviso were lost for + the time. The war continued, and at the next session the President renewed + his request for the appropriation, enlarging the amount, I think, to three + millions. Again came the proviso, and defeated the measure. Congress + adjourned again, and the war went on. In December, 1847, the new Congress + assembled. I was in the lower House that term. The Wilmot Proviso, or the + principle of it, was constantly coming up in some shape or other, and I + think I may venture to say I voted for it at least forty times during the + short time I was there. The Senate, however, held it in check, and it + never became a law. In the spring of 1848 a treaty of peace was made with + Mexico, by which we obtained that portion of her country which now + constitutes the Territories of New Mexico and Utah and the present State + of California. By this treaty the Wilmot Proviso was defeated, in so far + as it was intended to be a condition of the acquisition of territory. Its + friends, however, were still determined to find some way to restrain + slavery from getting into the new country. This new acquisition lay + directly west of our old purchase from France, and extended west to the + Pacific Ocean, and was so situated that if the Missouri line should be + extended straight west, the new country would be divided by such extended + line, leaving some north and some south of it. On Judge Douglas's motion, + a bill, or provision of a bill, passed the Senate to so extend the + Missouri line. The proviso men in the House, including myself, voted it + down, because, by implication, it gave up the southern part to slavery, + while we were bent on having it all free. + </p> + <p> + In the fall of 1848 the gold-mines were discovered in California. This + attracted people to it with unprecedented rapidity, so that on, or soon + after, the meeting of the new Congress in December, 1849, she already had + a population of nearly a hundred thousand, had called a convention, formed + a State constitution excluding slavery, and was knocking for admission + into the Union. The proviso men, of course, were for letting her in, but + the Senate, always true to the other side, would not consent to her + admission, and there California stood, kept out of the Union because she + would not let slavery into her borders. Under all the circumstances, + perhaps, this was not wrong. There were other points of dispute connected + with the general question of Slavery, which equally needed adjustment. The + South clamored for a more efficient fugitive slave law. The North clamored + for the abolition of a peculiar species of slave trade in the District of + Columbia, in connection with which, in view from the windows of the + Capitol, a sort of negro livery-stable, where droves of negroes were + collected, temporarily kept, and finally taken to Southern markets, + precisely like droves of horses, had been openly maintained for fifty + years. Utah and New Mexico needed territorial governments; and whether + slavery should or should not be prohibited within them was another + question. The indefinite western boundary of Texas was to be settled. She + was a slave State, and consequently the farther west the slavery men could + push her boundary, the more slave country they secured; and the farther + east the slavery opponents could thrust the boundary back, the less slave + ground was secured. Thus this was just as clearly a slavery question as + any of the others. + </p> + <p> + These points all needed adjustment, and they were held up, perhaps wisely, + to make them help adjust one another. The Union now, as in 1820, was + thought to be in danger, and devotion to the Union rightfully inclined men + to yield somewhat in points where nothing else could have so inclined + them. A compromise was finally effected. The South got their new fugitive + slave law, and the North got California, (by far the best part of our + acquisition from Mexico) as a free State. The South got a provision that + New Mexico and Utah, when admitted as States, may come in with or without + slavery as they may then choose; and the North got the slave trade + abolished in the District of Columbia.. The North got the western boundary + of Texas thrown farther back eastward than the South desired; but, in + turn, they gave Texas ten millions of dollars with which to pay her old + debts. This is the Compromise of 1850. + </p> + <p> + Preceding the Presidential election of 1852, each of the great political + parties, Democrats and Whigs, met in convention and adopted resolutions + indorsing the Compromise of '50, as a "finality," a final settlement, so + far as these parties could make it so, of all slavery agitation. Previous + to this, in 1851, the Illinois Legislature had indorsed it. + </p> + <p> + During this long period of time, Nebraska (the Nebraska Territory, not the + State of as we know it now) had remained substantially an uninhabited + country, but now emigration to and settlement within it began to take + place. It is about one third as large as the present United States, and + its importance, so long overlooked, begins to come into view. The + restriction of slavery by the Missouri Compromise directly applies to it—in + fact was first made, and has since been maintained expressly for it. In + 1853, a bill to give it a territorial government passed the House of + Representatives, and, in the hands of Judge Douglas, failed of passing + only for want of time. This bill contained no repeal of the Missouri + Compromise. Indeed, when it was assailed because it did not contain such + repeal, Judge Douglas defended it in its existing form. On January 4, + 1854, Judge Douglas introduces a new bill to give Nebraska territorial + government. He accompanies this bill with a report, in which last he + expressly recommends that the Missouri Compromise shall neither be + affirmed nor repealed. Before long the bill is so modified as to make two + territories instead of one, calling the southern one Kansas. + </p> + <p> + Also, about a month after the introduction of the bill, on the Judge's own + motion it is so amended as to declare the Missouri Compromise inoperative + and void; and, substantially, that the people who go and settle there may + establish slavery, or exclude it, as they may see fit. In this shape the + bill passed both branches of Congress and became a law. + </p> + <p> + This is the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. The foregoing history may + not be precisely accurate in every particular, but I am sure it is + sufficiently so for all the use I shall attempt to make of it, and in it + we have before us the chief material enabling us to judge correctly + whether the repeal of the Missouri Compromise is right or wrong. I think, + and shall try to show, that it is wrong—wrong in its direct effect, + letting slavery into Kansas and Nebraska, and wrong in its prospective + principle, allowing it to spread to every other part of the wide world + where men can be found inclined to take it. + </p> + <p> + This declared indifference, but, as I must think, covert real zeal, for + the spread of slavery, I cannot but hate. I hate it because of the + monstrous injustice of slavery itself. I hate it because it deprives our + republican example of its just influence in the world; enables the enemies + of free institutions with plausibility to taunt us as hypocrites; causes + the real friends of freedom to doubt our sincerity; and especially because + it forces so many good men among ourselves into an open war with the very + fundamental principles of civil liberty, criticizing the Declaration of + Independence, and insisting that there is no right principle of action but + self-interest. + </p> + <p> + Before proceeding let me say that I think I have no prejudice against the + Southern people. They are just what we would be in their situation. If + slavery did not now exist among them, they would not introduce it. If it + did now exist among us, we should not instantly give it up. This I believe + of the masses North and South. Doubtless there are individuals on both + sides who would not hold slaves under any circumstances, and others who + would gladly introduce slavery anew if it were out of existence. We know + that some Southern men do free their slaves, go North and become tip-top + abolitionists, while some Northern ones go South and become most cruel + slave masters. + </p> + <p> + When Southern people tell us that they are no more responsible for the + origin of slavery than we are, I acknowledge the fact. When it is said + that the institution exists, and that it is very difficult to get rid of + it in any satisfactory way, I can understand and appreciate the saying. I + surely will not blame them for not doing what I should not know how to do + myself. If all earthly power were given me, I should not know what to do + as to the existing institution. My first impulse would be to free all the + slaves, and send them to Liberia, to their own native land. But a moment's + reflection would convince me that whatever of high hope (as I think there + is) there may be in this in the long run, its sudden execution is + impossible. If they were all landed there in a day, they would all perish + in the next ten days; and there are not surplus shipping and surplus money + enough to carry them there in many times ten days. What then? Free them + all, and keep them among us as underlings? Is it quite certain that this + betters their condition? I think I would not hold one in slavery at any + rate, yet the point is not clear enough for me to denounce people upon. + What next? Free them, and make them politically and socially our equals? + My own feelings will not admit of this, and if mine would, we well know + that those of the great mass of whites will not. Whether this feeling + accords with justice and sound judgment is not the sole question, if + indeed it is any part of it. A universal feeling, whether well or ill + founded, cannot be safely disregarded. We cannot then make them equals. It + does seem to me that systems of gradual emancipation might be adopted, but + for their tardiness in this I will not undertake to judge our brethren of + the South. + </p> + <p> + When they remind us of their constitutional rights, I acknowledge them—not + grudgingly, but fully and fairly; and I would give them any legislation + for the reclaiming of their fugitives which should not in its stringency + be more likely to carry a free man into slavery than our ordinary criminal + laws are to hang an innocent one. + </p> + <p> + But all this, to my judgment, furnishes no more excuse for permitting + slavery to go into our own free territory than it would for reviving the + African slave trade by law. The law which forbids the bringing of slaves + from Africa, and that which has so long forbidden the taking of them into + Nebraska, can hardy be distinguished on any moral principle, and the + repeal of the former could find quite as plausible excuses as that of the + latter. + </p> + <p> + The arguments by which the repeal of the Missouri Compromise is sought to + be justified are these: + </p> + <p> + First. That the Nebraska country needed a territorial government. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> +Second. That in various ways the public had repudiated that compromise and +demanded the repeal, and therefore should not now complain of it. + + And, lastly, That the repeal establishes a principle which is +intrinsically right. +</pre> + <p> + I will attempt an answer to each of them in its turn. + </p> + <p> + First, then: If that country was in need of a territorial organization, + could it not have had it as well without as with a repeal? Iowa and + Minnesota, to both of which the Missouri restriction applied, had, without + its repeal, each in succession, territorial organizations. And even the + year before, a bill for Nebraska itself was within an ace of passing + without the repealing clause, and this in the hands of the same men who + are now the champions of repeal. Why no necessity then for repeal? But + still later, when this very bill was first brought in, it contained no + repeal. But, say they, because the people had demanded, or rather + commanded, the repeal, the repeal was to accompany the organization + whenever that should occur. + </p> + <p> + Now, I deny that the public ever demanded any such thing—ever + repudiated the Missouri Compromise, ever commanded its repeal. I deny it, + and call for the proof. It is not contended, I believe, that any such + command has ever been given in express terms. It is only said that it was + done in principle. The support of the Wilmot Proviso is the first fact + mentioned to prove that the Missouri restriction was repudiated in + principle, and the second is the refusal to extend the Missouri line over + the country acquired from Mexico. These are near enough alike to be + treated together. The one was to exclude the chances of slavery from the + whole new acquisition by the lump, and the other was to reject a division + of it, by which one half was to be given up to those chances. Now, whether + this was a repudiation of the Missouri line in principle depends upon + whether the Missouri law contained any principle requiring the line to be + extended over the country acquired from Mexico. I contend it did not. I + insist that it contained no general principle, but that it was, in every + sense, specific. That its terms limit it to the country purchased from + France is undenied and undeniable. It could have no principle beyond the + intention of those who made it. They did not intend to extend the line to + country which they did not own. If they intended to extend it in the event + of acquiring additional territory, why did they not say so? It was just as + easy to say that "in all the country west of the Mississippi which we now + own, or may hereafter acquire, there shall never be slavery," as to say + what they did say; and they would have said it if they had meant it. An + intention to extend the law is not only not mentioned in the law, but is + not mentioned in any contemporaneous history. Both the law itself, and the + history of the times, are a blank as to any principle of extension; and by + neither the known rules of construing statutes and contracts, nor by + common sense, can any such principle be inferred. + </p> + <p> + Another fact showing the specific character of the Missouri law—showing + that it intended no more than it expressed, showing that the line was not + intended as a universal dividing line between Free and Slave territory, + present and prospective, north of which slavery could never go—is + the fact that by that very law Missouri came in as a slave State, north of + the line. If that law contained any prospective principle, the whole law + must be looked to in order to ascertain what the principle was. And by + this rule the South could fairly contend that, inasmuch as they got one + slave State north of the line at the inception of the law, they have the + right to have another given them north of it occasionally, now and then, + in the indefinite westward extension of the line. This demonstrates the + absurdity of attempting to deduce a prospective principle from the + Missouri Compromise line. + </p> + <p> + When we voted for the Wilmot Proviso we were voting to keep slavery out of + the whole Mexican acquisition, and little did we think we were thereby + voting to let it into Nebraska lying several hundred miles distant. When + we voted against extending the Missouri line, little did we think we were + voting to destroy the old line, then of near thirty years' standing. + </p> + <p> + To argue that we thus repudiated the Missouri Compromise is no less absurd + than it would be to argue that because we have so far forborne to acquire + Cuba, we have thereby, in principle, repudiated our former acquisitions + and determined to throw them out of the Union. No less absurd than it + would be to say that because I may have refused to build an addition to my + house, I thereby have decided to destroy the existing house! And if I + catch you setting fire to my house, you will turn upon me and say I + instructed you to do it! + </p> + <p> + The most conclusive argument, however, that while for the Wilmot Proviso, + and while voting against the extension of the Missouri line, we never + thought of disturbing the original Missouri Compromise, is found in the + fact that there was then, and still is, an unorganized tract of fine + country, nearly as large as the State of Missouri, lying immediately west + of Arkansas and south of the Missouri Compromise line, and that we never + attempted to prohibit slavery as to it. I wish particular attention to + this. It adjoins the original Missouri Compromise line by its northern + boundary, and consequently is part of the country into which by + implication slavery was permitted to go by that compromise. There it has + lain open ever s, and there it still lies, and yet no effort has been made + at any time to wrest it from the South. In all our struggles to prohibit + slavery within our Mexican acquisitions, we never so much as lifted a + finger to prohibit it as to this tract. Is not this entirely conclusive + that at all times we have held the Missouri Compromise as a sacred thing, + even when against ourselves as well as when for us? + </p> + <p> + Senator Douglas sometimes says the Missouri line itself was in principle + only an extension of the line of the Ordinance of '87—that is to + say, an extension of the Ohio River. I think this is weak enough on its + face. I will remark, however, that, as a glance at the map will show, the + Missouri line is a long way farther south than the Ohio, and that if our + Senator in proposing his extension had stuck to the principle of jogging + southward, perhaps it might not have been voted down so readily. + </p> + <p> + But next it is said that the compromises of '50, and the ratification of + them by both political parties in '52, established a new principle which + required the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. This again I deny. I deny + it, and demand the proof. I have already stated fully what the compromises + of '50 are. That particular part of those measures from which the virtual + repeal of the Missouri Compromise is sought to be inferred (for it is + admitted they contain nothing about it in express terms) is the provision + in the Utah and New Mexico laws which permits them when they seek + admission into the Union as States to come in with or without slavery, as + they shall then see fit. Now I insist this provision was made for Utah and + New Mexico, and for no other place whatever. It had no more direct + reference to Nebraska than it had to the territories of the moon. But, say + they, it had reference to Nebraska in principle. Let us see. The North + consented to this provision, not because they considered it right in + itself, but because they were compensated—paid for it. + </p> + <p> + They at the same time got California into the Union as a free State. This + was far the best part of all they had struggled for by the Wilmot Proviso. + They also got the area of slavery somewhat narrowed in the settlement of + the boundary of Texas. Also they got the slave trade abolished in the + District of Columbia. + </p> + <p> + For all these desirable objects the North could afford to yield something; + and they did yield to the South the Utah and New Mexico provision. I do + not mean that the whole North, or even a majority, yielded, when the law + passed; but enough yielded—when added to the vote of the South, to + carry the measure. Nor can it be pretended that the principle of this + arrangement requires us to permit the same provision to be applied to + Nebraska, without any equivalent at all. Give us another free State; press + the boundary of Texas still farther back; give us another step toward the + destruction of slavery in the District, and you present us a similar case. + But ask us not to repeat, for nothing, what you paid for in the first + instance. If you wish the thing again, pay again. That is the principle of + the compromises of '50, if, indeed, they had any principles beyond their + specific terms—it was the system of equivalents. + </p> + <p> + Again, if Congress, at that time, intended that all future Territories + should, when admitted as States, come in with or without slavery at their + own option, why did it not say so? With such a universal provision, all + know the bills could not have passed. Did they, then—could + they-establish a principle contrary to their own intention? Still further, + if they intended to establish the principle that, whenever Congress had + control, it should be left to the people to do as they thought fit with + slavery, why did they not authorize the people of the District of + Columbia, at their option, to abolish slavery within their limits? + </p> + <p> + I personally know that this has not been left undone because it was + unthought of. It was frequently spoken of by members of Congress, and by + citizens of Washington, six years ago; and I heard no one express a doubt + that a system of gradual emancipation, with compensation to owners, would + meet the approbation of a large majority of the white people of the + District. But without the action of Congress they could say nothing; and + Congress said "No." In the measures of 1850, Congress had the subject of + slavery in the District expressly on hand. If they were then establishing + the principle of allowing the people to do as they please with slavery, + why did they not apply the principle to that people? + </p> + <p> + Again it is claimed that by the resolutions of the Illinois Legislature, + passed in 1851, the repeal of the Missouri Compromise was demanded. This I + deny also. Whatever may be worked out by a criticism of the language of + those resolutions, the people have never understood them as being any more + than an indorsement of the compromises of 1850, and a release of our + senators from voting for the Wilmot Proviso. The whole people are living + witnesses that this only was their view. Finally, it is asked, "If we did + not mean to apply the Utah and New Mexico provision to all future + territories, what did we mean when we, in 1852, indorsed the compromises + of 1850?" + </p> + <p> + For myself I can answer this question most easily. I meant not to ask a + repeal or modification of the Fugitive Slave law. I meant not to ask for + the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. I meant not to + resist the admission of Utah and New Mexico, even should they ask to come + in as slave States. I meant nothing about additional Territories, because, + as I understood, we then had no Territory whose character as to slavery + was not already settled. As to Nebraska, I regarded its character as being + fixed by the Missouri Compromise for thirty years—as unalterably + fixed as that of my own home in Illinois. As to new acquisitions, I said, + "Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof." When we make new + acquisitions, we will, as heretofore, try to manage them somehow. That is + my answer; that is what I meant and said; and I appeal to the people to + say each for himself whether that is not also the universal meaning of the + free States. + </p> + <p> + And now, in turn, let me ask a few questions. If, by any or all these + matters, the repeal of the Missouri Compromise was commanded, why was not + the command sooner obeyed? Why was the repeal omitted in the Nebraska Bill + of 1853? Why was it omitted in the original bill of 1854? Why in the + accompanying report was such a repeal characterized as a departure from + the course pursued in 1850 and its continued omission recommended? + </p> + <p> + I am aware Judge Douglas now argues that the subsequent express repeal is + no substantial alteration of the bill. This argument seems wonderful to + me. It is as if one should argue that white and black are not different. + He admits, however, that there is a literal change in the bill, and that + he made the change in deference to other senators who would not support + the bill without. This proves that those other senators thought the change + a substantial one, and that the Judge thought their opinions worth + deferring to. His own opinions, therefore, seem not to rest on a very firm + basis, even in his own mind; and I suppose the world believes, and will + continue to believe, that precisely on the substance of that change this + whole agitation has arisen. + </p> + <p> + I conclude, then, that the public never demanded the repeal of the + Missouri Compromise. + </p> + <p> + I now come to consider whether the appeal with its avowed principles, is + intrinsically right. I insist that it is not. Take the particular case. A + controversy had arisen between the advocates and opponents of slavery, in + relation to its establishment within the country we had purchased of + France. The southern, and then best, part of the purchase was already in + as a slave State. The controversy was settled by also letting Missouri in + as a slave State; but with the agreement that within all the remaining + part of the purchase, north of a certain line, there should never be + slavery. As to what was to be done with the remaining part, south of the + line, nothing was said; but perhaps the fair implication was, it should + come in with slavery if it should so choose. The southern part, except a + portion heretofore mentioned, afterward did come in with slavery, as the + State of Arkansas. All these many years, since 1820, the northern part had + remained a wilderness. At length settlements began in it also. In due + course Iowa came in as a free State, and Minnesota was given a territorial + government, without removing the slavery restriction. Finally, the sole + remaining part north of the line—Kansas and Nebraska—was to be + organized; and it is proposed, and carried, to blot out the old dividing + line of thirty-four years' standing, and to open the whole of that country + to the introduction of slavery. Now this, to my mind, is manifestly + unjust. After an angry and dangerous controversy, the parties made friends + by dividing the bone of contention. The one party first appropriates her + own share, beyond all power to be disturbed in the possession of it, and + then seizes the share of the other party. It is as if two starving men had + divided their only loaf, the one had hastily swallowed his half, and then + grabbed the other's half just as he was putting it to his mouth. + </p> + <p> + Let me here drop the main argument, to notice what I consider rather an + inferior matter. It is argued that slavery will not go to Kansas and + Nebraska, in any event. This is a palliation, a lullaby. I have some hope + that it will not; but let us not be too confident. As to climate, a glance + at the map shows that there are five slave States—Delaware, + Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri, and also the District of + Columbia, all north of the Missouri Compromise line. The census returns of + 1850 show that within these there are eight hundred and sixty-seven + thousand two hundred and seventy-six slaves, being more than one fourth of + all the slaves in the nation. + </p> + <p> + It is not climate, then, that will keep slavery out of these Territories. + Is there anything in the peculiar nature of the country? Missouri adjoins + these Territories by her entire western boundary, and slavery is already + within every one of her western counties. I have even heard it said that + there are more slaves in proportion to whites in the northwestern county + of Missouri than within any other county in the State. Slavery pressed + entirely up to the old western boundary of the State, and when rather + recently a part of that boundary at the northwest was moved out a little + farther west, slavery followed on quite up to the new line. Now, when the + restriction is removed, what is to prevent it from going still farther? + Climate will not, no peculiarity of the country will, nothing in nature + will. Will the disposition of the people prevent it? Those nearest the + scene are all in favor of the extension. The Yankees who are opposed to it + may be most flumerous; but, in military phrase, the battlefield is too far + from their base of operations. + </p> + <p> + But it is said there now is no law in Nebraska on the subject of slavery, + and that, in such case, taking a slave there operates his freedom. That is + good book-law, but it is not the rule of actual practice. Wherever slavery + is it has been first introduced without law. The oldest laws we find + concerning it are not laws introducing it, but regulating it as an already + existing thing. A white man takes his slave to Nebraska now. Who will + inform the negro that he is free? Who will take him before court to test + the question of his freedom? In ignorance of his legal emancipation he is + kept chopping, splitting, and plowing. Others are brought, and move on in + the same track. At last, if ever the time for voting comes on the question + of slavery the institution already, in fact, exists in the country, and + cannot well be removed. The fact of its presence, and the difficulty of + its removal, will carry the vote in its favor. Keep it out until a vote is + taken, and a vote in favor of it cannot be got in any population of forty + thousand on earth, who have been drawn together by the ordinary motives of + emigration and settlement. To get slaves into the Territory simultaneously + with the whites in the incipient stages of settlement is the precise stake + played for and won in this Nebraska measure. + </p> + <p> + The question is asked us: "If slaves will go in notwithstanding the + general principle of law liberates them, why would they not equally go in + against positive statute law—go in, even if the Missouri restriction + were maintained!" I answer, because it takes a much bolder man to venture + in with his property in the latter case than in the former; because the + positive Congressional enactment is known to and respected by all, or + nearly all, whereas the negative principle that no law is free law is not + much known except among lawyers. We have some experience of this practical + difference. In spite of the Ordinance of '87, a few negroes were brought + into Illinois, and held in a state of quasi-slavery, not enough, however, + to carry a vote of the people in favor of the institution when they came + to form a constitution. But into the adjoining Missouri country, where + there was no Ordinance of '87,—was no restriction,—they were + carried ten times, nay, a hundred times, as fast, and actually made a + slave State. This is fact-naked fact. + </p> + <p> + Another lullaby argument is that taking slaves to new countries does not + increase their number, does not make any one slave who would otherwise be + free. There is some truth in this, and I am glad of it; but it is not + wholly true. The African slave trade is not yet effectually suppressed; + and, if we make a reasonable deduction for the white people among us who + are foreigners and the descendants of foreigners arriving here since 1808, + we shall find the increase of the black population outrunning that of the + white to an extent unaccountable, except by supposing that some of them, + too, have been coming from Africa. If this be so, the opening of new + countries to the institution increases the demand for and augments the + price of slaves, and so does, in fact, make slaves of freemen, by causing + them to be brought from Africa and sold into bondage. + </p> + <p> + But however this may be, we know the opening of new countries to slavery + tends to the perpetuation of the institution, and so does keep men in + slavery who would otherwise be free. This result we do not feel like + favoring, and we are under no legal obligation to suppress our feelings in + this respect. + </p> + <p> + Equal justice to the South, it is said, requires us to consent to the + extension of slavery to new countries. That is to say, inasmuch as you do + not object to my taking my hog to Nebraska, therefore I must not object to + your taking your slave. Now, I admit that this is perfectly logical if + there is no difference between hogs and negroes. But while you thus + require me to deny the humanity of the negro, I wish to ask whether you of + the South, yourselves, have ever been willing to do as much? It is kindly + provided that of all those who come into the world only a small percentage + are natural tyrants. That percentage is no larger in the slave States than + in the free. The great majority South, as well as North, have human + sympathies, of which they can no more divest themselves than they can of + their sensibility to physical pain. These sympathies in the bosoms of the + Southern people manifest, in many ways, their sense of the wrong of + slavery, and their consciousness that, after all, there is humanity in the + negro. If they deny this, let me address them a few plain questions. In + 1820 you (the South) joined the North, almost unanimously, in declaring + the African slave trade piracy, and in annexing to it the punishment of + death. Why did you do this? If you did not feel that it was wrong, why did + you join in providing that men should be hung for it? The practice was no + more than bringing wild negroes from Africa to such as would buy them. But + you never thought of hanging men for catching and selling wild horses, + wild buffaloes, or wild bears. + </p> + <p> + Again, you have among you a sneaking individual of the class of native + tyrants known as the "slavedealer." He watches your necessities, and + crawls up to buy your slave, at a speculating price. If you cannot help + it, you sell to him; but if you can help it, you drive him from your door. + You despise him utterly. You do not recognize him as a friend, or even as + an honest man. Your children must not play with his; they may rollick + freely with the little negroes, but not with the slave-dealer's children. + If you are obliged to deal with him, you try to get through the job + without so much as touching him. It is common with you to join hands with + the men you meet, but with the slave-dealer you avoid the ceremony—instinctively + shrinking from the snaky contact. If he grows rich and retires from + business, you still remember him, and still keep up the ban of + non-intercourse upon him and his family. Now, why is this? You do not so + treat the man who deals in corn, cotton, or tobacco. + </p> + <p> + And yet again: There are in the United States and Territories, including + the District of Columbia, 433,643 free blacks. At five hundred dollars per + head they are worth over two hundred millions of dollars. How comes this + vast amount of property to be running about without owners? We do not see + free horses or free cattle running at large. How is this? All these free + blacks are the descendants of slaves, or have been slaves themselves; and + they would be slaves now but for something which has operated on their + white owners, inducing them at vast pecuniary sacrifice to liberate them. + What is that something? Is there any mistaking it? In all these cases it + is your sense of justice and human sympathy continually telling you that + the poor negro has some natural right to himself—that those who deny + it and make mere merchandise of him deserve kickings, contempt, and death. + </p> + <p> + And now why will you ask us to deny the humanity of the slave, and + estimate him as only the equal of the hog? Why ask us to do what you will + not do yourselves? Why ask us to do for nothing what two hundred millions + of dollars could not induce you to do? + </p> + <p> + But one great argument in support of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise + is still to come. That argument is "the sacred right of self-government." + It seems our distinguished Senator has found great difficulty in getting + his antagonists, even in the Senate, to meet him fairly on this argument. + Some poet has said: + </p> + <p> + "Fools rush in where angels fear to tread." + </p> + <p> + At the hazard of being thought one of the fools of this quotation, I meet + that argument—I rush in—I take that bull by the horns. I trust + I understand and truly estimate the right of self-government. My faith in + the proposition that each man should do precisely as he pleases with all + which is exclusively his own lies at the foundation of the sense of + justice there is in me. I extend the principle to communities of men as + well as to individuals. I so extend it because it is politically wise, as + well as naturally just; politically wise in saving us from broils about + matters which do not concern us. Here, or at Washington, I would not + trouble myself with the oyster laws of Virginia, or the cranberry laws of + Indiana. The doctrine of self-government is right,—absolutely and + eternally right,—but it has no just application as here attempted. + Or perhaps I should rather say that whether it has such application + depends upon whether a negro is or is not a man. If he is not a man, in + that case he who is a man may as a matter of self-government do just what + he pleases with him. But if the negro is a man, is it not to that extent a + total destruction of self-government to say that he too shall not govern + himself? When the white man governs himself, that is self-government; but + when he governs himself and also governs another man, that is more than + self-government—that is despotism. If the negro is a man, why, then, + my ancient faith teaches me that "all men are created equal," and that + there can be no moral right in connection with one man's making a slave of + another. + </p> + <p> + Judge Douglas frequently, with bitter irony and sarcasm, paraphrases our + argument by saying: "The white people of Nebraska are good enough to + govern themselves, but they are not good enough to govern a few miserable + negroes!" + </p> + <p> + Well, I doubt not that the people of Nebraska are and will continue to be + as good as the average of people elsewhere. I do not say the contrary. + What I do say is that no man is good enough to govern another man without + that other's consent. I say this is the leading principle, the + sheet-anchor of American republicanism. Our Declaration of Independence + says: + </p> + <p> + "We hold these truths to be self-evident: That all men are created equal; + that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; + that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to + secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, DERIVING THEIR + JUST POWERS PROM THE CONSENT OF THE GOVERNED." + </p> + <p> + I have quoted so much at this time merely to show that, according to our + ancient faith, the just powers of government are derived from the consent + of the governed. Now the relation of master and slave is pro tanto a total + violation of this principle. The master not only governs the slave without + his consent, but he governs him by a set of rules altogether different + from those which he prescribes for himself. Allow all the governed an + equal voice in the government, and that, and that only, is + self-government. + </p> + <p> + Let it not be said that I am contending for the establishment of political + and social equality between the whites and blacks. I have already said the + contrary. I am not combating the argument of necessity, arising from the + fact that the blacks are already among us; but I am combating what is set + up as moral argument for allowing them to be taken where they have never + yet been—arguing against the extension of a bad thing, which, where + it already exists, we must of necessity manage as we best can. + </p> + <p> + In support of his application of the doctrine of self-government, Senator + Douglas has sought to bring to his aid the opinions and examples of our + Revolutionary fathers. I am glad he has done this. I love the sentiments + of those old-time men, and shall be most happy to abide by their opinions. + He shows us that when it was in contemplation for the colonies to break + off from Great Britain, and set up a new government for themselves, + several of the States instructed their delegates to go for the measure, + provided each State should be allowed to regulate its domestic concerns in + its own way. I do not quote; but this in substance. This was right; I see + nothing objectionable in it. I also think it probable that it had some + reference to the existence of slavery among them. I will not deny that it + had. But had it any reference to the carrying of slavery into new + countries? That is the question, and we will let the fathers themselves + answer it. + </p> + <p> + This same generation of men, and mostly the same individuals of the + generation who declared this principle, who declared independence, who + fought the war of the Revolution through, who afterward made the + Constitution under which we still live—these same men passed the + Ordinance of '87, declaring that slavery should never go to the Northwest + Territory. + </p> + <p> + I have no doubt Judge Douglas thinks they were very inconsistent in this. + It is a question of discrimination between them and him. But there is not + an inch of ground left for his claiming that their opinions, their + example, their authority, are on his side in the controversy. + </p> + <p> + Again, is not Nebraska, while a Territory, a part of us? Do we not own the + country? And if we surrender the control of it, do we not surrender the + right of self-government? It is part of ourselves. If you say we shall not + control it, because it is only part, the same is true of every other part; + and when all the parts are gone, what has become of the whole? What is + then left of us? What use for the General Government, when there is + nothing left for it to govern? + </p> + <p> + But you say this question should be left to the people of Nebraska, + because they are more particularly interested. If this be the rule, you + must leave it to each individual to say for himself whether he will have + slaves. What better moral right have thirty-one citizens of Nebraska to + say that the thirty-second shall not hold slaves than the people of the + thirty-one States have to say that slavery shall not go into the + thirty-second State at all? + </p> + <p> + But if it is a sacred right for the people of Nebraska to take and hold + slaves there, it is equally their sacred right to buy them where they can + buy them cheapest; and that, undoubtedly, will be on the coast of Africa, + provided you will consent not to hang them for going there to buy them. + You must remove this restriction, too, from the sacred right of + self-government. I am aware you say that taking slaves from the States to + Nebraska does not make slaves of freemen; but the African slave-trader can + say just as much. He does not catch free negroes and bring them here. He + finds them already slaves in the hands of their black captors, and he + honestly buys them at the rate of a red cotton handkerchief a head. This + is very cheap, and it is a great abridgment of the sacred right of + self-government to hang men for engaging in this profitable trade. + </p> + <p> + Another important objection to this application of the right of + self-government is that it enables the first few to deprive the succeeding + many of a free exercise of the right of self-government. The first few may + get slavery in, and the subsequent many cannot easily get it out. How + common is the remark now in the slave States, "If we were only clear of + our slaves, how much better it would be for us." They are actually + deprived of the privilege of governing themselves as they would, by the + action of a very few in the beginning. The same thing was true of the + whole nation at the time our Constitution was formed. + </p> + <p> + Whether slavery shall go into Nebraska, or other new Territories, is not a + matter of exclusive concern to the people who may go there. The whole + nation is interested that the best use shall be made of these Territories. + We want them for homes of free white people. This they cannot be, to any + considerable extent, if slavery shall be planted within them. Slave States + are places for poor white people to remove from, not to remove to. New + free States are the places for poor people to go to, and better their + condition. For this use the nation needs these Territories. + </p> + <p> + Still further: there are constitutional relations between the slave and + free States which are degrading to the latter. We are under legal + obligations to catch and return their runaway slaves to them: a sort of + dirty, disagreeable job, which, I believe, as a general rule, the + slaveholders will not perform for one another. Then again, in the control + of the government—the management of the partnership affairs—they + have greatly the advantage of us. By the Constitution each State has two + senators, each has a number of representatives in proportion to the number + of its people, and each has a number of Presidential electors equal to the + whole number of its senators and representatives together. But in + ascertaining the number of the people for this purpose, five slaves are + counted as being equal to three whites. The slaves do not vote; they are + only counted and so used as to swell the influence of the white people's + votes. The practical effect of this is more aptly shown by a comparison of + the States of South Carolina and Maine. South Carolina has six + representatives, and so has Maine; South Carolina has eight Presidential + electors, and so has Maine. This is precise equality so far; and of course + they are equal in senators, each having two. Thus in the control of the + government the two States are equals precisely. But how are they in the + number of their white people? Maine has 581,813, while South Carolina has + 274,567; Maine has twice as many as South Carolina, and 32,679 over. Thus, + each white man in South Carolina is more than the double of any man in + Maine. This is all because South Carolina, besides her free people, has + 384,984 slaves. The South Carolinian has precisely the same advantage over + the white man in every other free State as well as in Maine. He is more + than the double of any one of us in this crowd. The same advantage, but + not to the same extent, is held by all the citizens of the slave States + over those of the free; and it is an absolute truth, without an exception, + that there is no voter in any slave State but who has more legal power in + the government than any voter in any free State. There is no instance of + exact equality; and the disadvantage is against us the whole chapter + through. This principle, in the aggregate, gives the slave States in the + present Congress twenty additional representatives, being seven more than + the whole majority by which they passed the Nebraska Bill. + </p> + <p> + Now all this is manifestly unfair; yet I do not mention it to complain of + it, in so far as it is already settled. It is in the Constitution, and I + do not for that cause, or any other cause, propose to destroy, or alter, + or disregard the Constitution. I stand to it, fairly, fully, and firmly. + </p> + <p> + But when I am told I must leave it altogether to other people to say + whether new partners are to be bred up and brought into the firm, on the + same degrading terms against me, I respectfully demur. I insist that + whether I shall be a whole man or only the half of one, in comparison with + others is a question in which I am somewhat concerned, and one which no + other man can have a sacred right of deciding for me. If I am wrong in + this, if it really be a sacred right of self-government in the man who + shall go to Nebraska to decide whether he will be the equal of me or the + double of me, then, after he shall have exercised that right, and thereby + shall have reduced me to a still smaller fraction of a man than I already + am, I should like for some gentleman, deeply skilled in the mysteries of + sacred rights, to provide himself with a microscope, and peep about, and + find out, if he can, what has become of my sacred rights. They will surely + be too small for detection with the naked eye. + </p> + <p> + Finally, I insist that if there is anything which it is the duty of the + whole people to never intrust to any hands but their own, that thing is + the preservation and perpetuity of their own liberties and institutions. + And if they shall think as I do, that the extension of slavery endangers + them more than any or all other causes, how recreant to themselves if they + submit The question, and with it the fate of their country, to a mere + handful of men bent only on seif-interest. If this question of slavery + extension were an insignificant one, one having no power to do harm—it + might be shuffled aside in this way; and being, as it is, the great + Behemoth of danger, shall the strong grip of the nation be loosened upon + him, to intrust him to the hands of such feeble keepers? + </p> + <p> + I have done with this mighty argument of self-government. Go, sacred + thing! Go in peace. + </p> + <p> + But Nebraska is urged as a great Union-saving measure. Well, I too go for + saving the Union. Much as I hate slavery, I would consent to the extension + of it rather than see the Union dissolved, just as I would consent to any + great evil to avoid a greater one. But when I go to Union-saving, I must + believe, at least, that the means I employ have some adaptation to the + end. To my mind, Nebraska has no such adaptation. + </p> + <p> + "It hath no relish of salvation in it." + </p> + <p> + It is an aggravation, rather, of the only one thing which ever endangers + the Union. When it came upon us, all was peace and quiet. The nation was + looking to the forming of new bends of union, and a long course of peace + and prosperity seemed to lie before us. In the whole range of possibility, + there scarcely appears to me to have been anything out of which the + slavery agitation could have been revived, except the very project of + repealing the Missouri Compromise. Every inch of territory we owned + already had a definite settlement of the slavery question, by which all + parties were pledged to abide. Indeed, there was no uninhabited country on + the continent which we could acquire, if we except some extreme northern + regions which are wholly out of the question. + </p> + <p> + In this state of affairs the Genius of Discord himself could scarcely have + invented a way of again setting us by the ears but by turning back and + destroying the peace measures of the past. The counsels of that Genius + seem to have prevailed. The Missouri Compromise was repealed; and here we + are in the midst of a new slavery agitation, such, I think, as we have + never seen before. Who is responsible for this? Is it those who resist the + measure, or those who causelessly brought it forward, and pressed it + through, having reason to know, and in fact knowing, it must and would be + so resisted? It could not but be expected by its author that it would be + looked upon as a measure for the extension of slavery, aggravated by a + gross breach of faith. + </p> + <p> + Argue as you will and long as you will, this is the naked front and aspect + of the measure. And in this aspect it could not but produce agitation. + Slavery is founded in the selfishness of man's nature—opposition to + it in his love of justice. These principles are at eternal antagonism, and + when brought into collision so fiercely as slavery extension brings them, + shocks and throes and convulsions must ceaselessly follow. Repeal the + Missouri Compromise, repeal all compromises, repeal the Declaration of + Independence, repeal all past history, you still cannot repeal human + nature. It still will be the abundance of man's heart that slavery + extension is wrong, and out of the abundance of his heart his mouth will + continue to speak. + </p> + <p> + The structure, too, of the Nebraska Bill is very peculiar. The people are + to decide the question of slavery for themselves; but when they are to + decide, or how they are to decide, or whether, when the question is once + decided, it is to remain so or is to be subject to an indefinite + succession of new trials, the law does not say. Is it to be decided by the + first dozen settlers who arrive there, or is it to await the arrival of a + hundred? Is it to be decided by a vote of the people or a vote of the + Legislature, or, indeed, by a vote of any sort? To these questions the law + gives no answer. There is a mystery about this; for when a member proposed + to give the Legislature express authority to exclude slavery, it was + hooted down by the friends of the bill. This fact is worth remembering. + Some Yankees in the East are sending emigrants to Nebraska to exclude + slavery from it; and, so far as I can judge, they expect the question to + be decided by voting in some way or other. But the Missourians are awake, + too. They are within a stone's-throw of the contested ground. They hold + meetings and pass resolutions, in which not the slightest allusion to + voting is made. They resolve that slavery already exists in the Territory; + that more shall go there; that they, remaining in Missouri, will protect + it, and that abolitionists shall be hung or driven away. Through all this + bowie knives and six-shooters are seen plainly enough, but never a glimpse + of the ballot-box. + </p> + <p> + And, really, what is the result of all this? Each party within having + numerous and determined backers without, is it not probable that the + contest will come to blows and bloodshed? Could there be a more apt + invention to bring about collision and violence on the slavery question + than this Nebraska project is? I do not charge or believe that such was + intended by Congress; but if they had literally formed a ring and placed + champions within it to fight out the controversy, the fight could be no + more likely to come off than it is. And if this fight should begin, is it + likely to take a very peaceful, Union-saving turn? Will not the first drop + of blood so shed be the real knell of the Union? + </p> + <p> + The Missouri Compromise ought to be restored. For the sake of the Union, + it ought to be restored. We ought to elect a House of Representatives + which will vote its restoration. If by any means we omit to do this, what + follows? Slavery may or may not be established in Nebraska. But whether it + be or not, we shall have repudiated—discarded from the councils of + the nation—the spirit of compromise; for who, after this, will ever + trust in a national compromise? The spirit of mutual concession—that + spirit which first gave us the Constitution, and which has thrice saved + the Union—we shall have strangled and cast from us forever. And what + shall we have in lieu of it? The South flushed with triumph and tempted to + excess; the North, betrayed as they believe, brooding on wrong and burning + for revenge. One side will provoke, the other resent. The one will taunt, + the other defy; one aggresses, the other retaliates. Already a few in the + North defy all constitutional restraints, resist the execution of the + Fugitive Slave law, and even menace the institution of slavery in the + States where it exists. Already a few in the South claim the + constitutional right to take and to hold slaves in the free States, demand + the revival of the slave trade, and demand a treaty with Great Britain by + which fugitive slaves may be reclaimed from Canada. As yet they are but + few on either side. It is a grave question for lovers of the union whether + the final destruction of the Missouri Compromise, and with it the spirit + of all compromise, will or will not embolden and embitter each of these, + and fatally increase the number of both. + </p> + <p> + But restore the compromise, and what then? We thereby restore the national + faith, the national confidence, the national feeling of brotherhood. We + thereby reinstate the spirit of concession and compromise, that spirit + which has never failed us in past perils, and which may be safely trusted + for all the future. The South ought to join in doing this. The peace of + the nation is as dear to them as to us. In memories of the past and hopes + of the future, they share as largely as we. It would be on their part a + great act—great in its spirit, and great in its effect. It would be + worth to the nation a hundred years purchase of peace and prosperity. And + what of sacrifice would they make? They only surrender to us what they + gave us for a consideration long, long ago; what they have not now asked + for, struggled or cared for; what has been thrust upon them, not less to + their astonishment than to ours. + </p> + <p> + But it is said we cannot restore it; that though we elect every member of + the lower House, the Senate is still against us. It is quite true that of + the senators who passed the Nebraska Bill a majority of the whole Senate + will retain their seats in spite of the elections of this and the next + year. But if at these elections their several constituencies shall clearly + express their will against Nebraska, will these senators disregard their + will? Will they neither obey nor make room for those who will? + </p> + <p> + But even if we fail to technically restore the compromise, it is still a + great point to carry a popular vote in favor of the restoration. The moral + weight of such a vote cannot be estimated too highly. The authors of + Nebraska are not at all satisfied with the destruction of the compromise—an + indorsement of this principle they proclaim to be the great object. With + them, Nebraska alone is a small matter—to establish a principle for + future use is what they particularly desire. + </p> + <p> + The future use is to be the planting of slavery wherever in the wide world + local and unorganized opposition cannot prevent it. Now, if you wish to + give them this indorsement, if you wish to establish this principle, do + so. I shall regret it, but it is your right. On the contrary, if you are + opposed to the principle,—intend to give it no such indorsement, let + no wheedling, no sophistry, divert you from throwing a direct vote against + it. + </p> + <p> + Some men, mostly Whigs, who condemn the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, + nevertheless hesitate to go for its restoration, lest they be thrown in + company with the abolitionists. Will they allow me, as an old Whig, to + tell them, good-humoredly, that I think this is very silly? Stand with + anybody that stands right. Stand with him while he is right, and part with + him when he goes wrong. Stand with the abolitionist in restoring the + Missouri Compromise, and stand against him when he attempts to repeal the + Fugitive Slave law. In the latter case you stand with the Southern + disunionist. What of that? You are still right. In both cases you are + right. In both cases you oppose the dangerous extremes. In both you stand + on middle ground, and hold the ship level and steady. In both you are + national, and nothing less than national. This is the good old Whig + ground. To desert such ground because of any company is to be less than a + Whig—less than a man—less than an American. + </p> + <p> + I particularly object to the new position which the avowed principle of + this Nebraska law gives to slavery in the body politic. I object to it + because it assumes that there can be moral right in the enslaving of one + man by another. I object to it as a dangerous dalliance for a free people—a + sad evidence that, feeling prosperity, we forget right; that liberty, as a + principle, we have ceased to revere. I object to it because the fathers of + the republic eschewed and rejected it. The argument of "necessity" was the + only argument they ever admitted in favor of slavery; and so far, and so + far only, as it carried them did they ever go. They found the institution + existing among us, which they could not help, and they cast blame upon the + British king for having permitted its introduction. + </p> + <p> + The royally appointed Governor of Georgia in the early 1700's was + threatened by the King with removal if he continued to oppose slavery in + his colony—at that time the King of England made a small profit on + every slave imported to the colonies. The later British criticism of the + United States for not eradicating slavery in the early 1800's, combined + with their tacit support of the 'Confederacy' during the Civil War is a + prime example of the irony and hypocrisy of politics: that self-interest + will ever overpower right. + </p> + <p> + Before the Constitution they prohibited its introduction into the + Northwestern Territory, the only country we owned then free from it. At + the framing and adoption of the Constitution, they forbore to so much as + mention the word "slave" or "slavery" in the whole instrument. In the + provision for the recovery of fugitives, the slave is spoken of as a + "person held to service or labor." In that prohibiting the abolition of + the African slave trade for twenty years, that trade is spoken of as "the + migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing + shall think proper to admit," etc. These are the only provisions alluding + to slavery. Thus the thing is hid away in the Constitution, just as an + afflicted man hides away a wen or cancer which he dares not cut out at + once, lest he bleed to death,—with the promise, nevertheless, that + the cutting may begin at a certain time. Less than this our fathers could + not do, and more they would not do. Necessity drove them so far, and + farther they would not go. But this is not all. The earliest Congress + under the Constitution took the same view of slavery. They hedged and + hemmed it in to the narrowest limits of necessity. + </p> + <p> + In 1794 they prohibited an outgoing slave trade—that is, the taking + of slaves from the United States to sell. In 1798 they prohibited the + bringing of slaves from Africa into the Mississippi Territory, this + Territory then comprising what are now the States of Mississippi and + Alabama. This was ten years before they had the authority to do the same + thing as to the States existing at the adoption of the Constitution. In + 1800 they prohibited American citizens from trading in slaves between + foreign countries, as, for instance, from Africa to Brazil. In 1803 they + passed a law in aid of one or two slave-State laws in restraint of the + internal slave trade. In 1807, in apparent hot haste, they passed the law, + nearly a year in advance,—to take effect the first day of 1808, the + very first day the Constitution would permit, prohibiting the African + slave trade by heavy pecuniary and corporal penalties. In 1820, finding + these provisions ineffectual, they declared the slave trade piracy, and + annexed to it the extreme penalty of death. While all this was passing in + the General Government, five or six of the original slave States had + adopted systems of gradual emancipation, by which the institution was + rapidly becoming extinct within their limits. Thus we see that the plain, + unmistakable spirit of that age toward slavery was hostility to the + principle and toleration only by necessity. + </p> + <p> + But now it is to be transformed into a "sacred right." Nebraska brings it + forth, places it on the highroad to extension and perpetuity, and with a + pat on its back says to it, "Go, and God speed you." Henceforth it is to + be the chief jewel of the nation the very figure-head of the ship of + state. Little by little, but steadily as man's march to the grave, we have + been giving up the old for the new faith. Near eighty years ago we began + by declaring that all men are created equal; but now from that beginning + we have run down to the other declaration, that for some men to enslave + others is a "sacred right of self-government." These principles cannot + stand together. They are as opposite as God and Mammon; and who ever holds + to the one must despise the other. When Pettit, in connection with his + support of the Nebraska Bill, called the Declaration of Independence "a + self-evident lie," he only did what consistency and candor require all + other Nebraska men to do. Of the forty-odd Nebraska senators who sat + present and heard him, no one rebuked him. Nor am I apprised that any + Nebraska newspaper, or any Nebraska orator, in the whole nation has ever + yet rebuked him. If this had been said among Marion's men, Southerners + though they were, what would have become of the man who said it? If this + had been said to the men who captured Andre, the man who said it would + probably have been hung sooner than Andre was. If it had been said in old + Independence Hall seventy-eight years ago, the very doorkeeper would have + throttled the man and thrust him into the street. Let no one be deceived. + The spirit of seventy-six and the spirit of Nebraska are utter + antagonisms; and the former is being rapidly displaced by the latter. + </p> + <p> + Fellow-countrymen, Americans, South as well as North, shall we make no + effort to arrest this? Already the liberal party throughout the world + express the apprehension that "the one retrograde institution in America + is undermining the principles of progress, and fatally violating the + noblest political system the world ever saw." This is not the taunt of + enemies, but the warning of friends. Is it quite safe to disregard it—to + despise it? Is there no danger to liberty itself in discarding the + earliest practice and first precept of our ancient faith? In our greedy + chase to make profit of the negro, let us beware lest we "cancel and tear + in pieces" even the white man's charter of freedom. + </p> + <p> + Our republican robe is soiled and trailed in the dust. Let us repurify it. + Let us turn and wash it white in the spirit, if not the blood, of the + Revolution. Let us turn slavery from its claims of "moral right," back + upon its existing legal rights and its arguments of "necessity." Let us + return it to the position our fathers gave it, and there let it rest in + peace. Let us readopt the Declaration of Independence, and with it the + practices and policy which harmonize with it. Let North and South, let all + Americans—let all lovers of liberty everywhere join in the great and + good work. If we do this, we shall not only have saved the Union, but we + shall have so saved it as to make and to keep it forever worthy of the + saving. We shall have so saved it that the succeeding millions of free + happy people the world over shall rise up and call us blessed to the + latest generations. + </p> + <p> + At Springfield, twelve days ago, where I had spoken substantially as I + have here, Judge Douglas replied to me; and as he is to reply to me here, + I shall attempt to anticipate him by noticing some of the points he made + there. He commenced by stating I had assumed all the way through that the + principle of the Nebraska Bill would have the effect of extending slavery. + He denied that this was intended or that this effect would follow. + </p> + <p> + I will not reopen the argument upon this point. That such was the + intention the world believed at the start, and will continue to believe. + This was the countenance of the thing, and both friends and enemies + instantly recognized it as such. That countenance cannot now be changed by + argument. You can as easily argue the color out of the negro's skin. Like + the "bloody hand," you may wash it and wash it, the red witness of guilt + still sticks and stares horribly at you. + </p> + <p> + Next he says that Congressional intervention never prevented slavery + anywhere; that it did not prevent it in the Northwestern Territory, nor in + Illinois; that, in fact, Illinois came into the Union as a slave State; + that the principle of the Nebraska Bill expelled it from Illinois, from + several old States, from everywhere. + </p> + <p> + Now this is mere quibbling all the way through. If the Ordinance of '87 + did not keep slavery out of the Northwest Territory, how happens it that + the northwest shore of the Ohio River is entirely free from it, while the + southeast shore, less than a mile distant, along nearly the whole length + of the river, is entirely covered with it? + </p> + <p> + If that ordinance did not keep it out of Illinois, what was it that made + the difference between Illinois and Missouri? They lie side by side, the + Mississippi River only dividing them, while their early settlements were + within the same latitude. Between 1810 and 1820 the number of slaves in + Missouri increased 7211, while in Illinois in the same ten years they + decreased 51. This appears by the census returns. During nearly all of + that ten years both were Territories, not States. During this time the + ordinance forbade slavery to go into Illinois, and nothing forbade it to + go into Missouri. It did go into Missouri, and did not go into Illinois. + That is the fact. Can any one doubt as to the reason of it? But he says + Illinois came into the Union as a slave State. Silence, perhaps, would be + the best answer to this flat contradiction of the known history of the + country. What are the facts upon which this bold assertion is based? When + we first acquired the country, as far back as 1787, there were some slaves + within it held by the French inhabitants of Kaskaskia. The territorial + legislation admitted a few negroes from the slave States as indentured + servants. One year after the adoption of the first State constitution, the + whole number of them was—what do you think? Just one hundred and + seventeen, while the aggregate free population was 55,094,—about + four hundred and seventy to one. Upon this state of facts the people + framed their constitution prohibiting the further introduction of slavery, + with a sort of guaranty to the owners of the few indentured servants, + giving freedom to their children to be born thereafter, and making no + mention whatever of any supposed slave for life. Out of this small matter + the Judge manufactures his argument that Illinois came into the Union as a + slave State. Let the facts be the answer to the argument. + </p> + <p> + The principles of the Nebraska Bill, he says, expelled slavery from + Illinois. The principle of that bill first planted it here—that is, + it first came because there was no law to prevent it, first came before we + owned the country; and finding it here, and having the Ordinance of '87 to + prevent its increasing, our people struggled along, and finally got rid of + it as best they could. + </p> + <p> + But the principle of the Nebraska Bill abolished slavery in several of the + old States. Well, it is true that several of the old States, in the last + quarter of the last century, did adopt systems of gradual emancipation by + which the institution has finally become extinct within their limits; but + it may or may not be true that the principle of the Nebraska Bill was the + cause that led to the adoption of these measures. It is now more than + fifty years since the last of these States adopted its system of + emancipation. + </p> + <p> + If the Nebraska Bill is the real author of the benevolent works, it is + rather deplorable that it has for so long a time ceased working + altogether. Is there not some reason to suspect that it was the principle + of the Revolution, and not the principle of the Nebraska Bill, that led to + emancipation in these old States? Leave it to the people of these old + emancipating States, and I am quite certain they will decide that neither + that nor any other good thing ever did or ever will come of the Nebraska + Bill. + </p> + <p> + In the course of my main argument, Judge Douglas interrupted me to say + that the principle of the Nebraska Bill was very old; that it originated + when God made man, and placed good and evil before him, allowing him to + choose for himself, being responsible for the choice he should make. At + the time I thought this was merely playful, and I answered it accordingly. + But in his reply to me he renewed it as a serious argument. In + seriousness, then, the facts of this proposition are not true as stated. + God did not place good and evil before man, telling him to make his + choice. On the contrary, he did tell him there was one tree of the fruit + of which he should not eat, upon pain of certain death. I should scarcely + wish so strong a prohibition against slavery in Nebraska. + </p> + <p> + But this argument strikes me as not a little remarkable in another + particular—in its strong resemblance to the old argument for the + "divine right of kings." By the latter, the king is to do just as he + pleases with his white subjects, being responsible to God alone. By the + former, the white man is to do just as he pleases with his black slaves, + being responsible to God alone. The two things are precisely alike, and it + is but natural that they should find similar arguments to sustain them. + </p> + <p> + I had argued that the application of the principle of self-government, as + contended for, would require the revival of the African slave trade; that + no argument could be made in favor of a man's right to take slaves to + Nebraska which could not be equally well made in favor of his right to + bring them from the coast of Africa. The Judge replied that the + Constitution requires the suppression of the foreign slave trade, but does + not require the prohibition of slavery in the Territories. That is a + mistake in point of fact. The Constitution does not require the action of + Congress in either case, and it does authorize it in both. And so there is + still no difference between the cases. + </p> + <p> + In regard to what I have said of the advantage the slave States have over + the free in the matter of representation, the Judge replied that we in the + free States count five free negroes as five white people, while in the + slave States they count five slaves as three whites only; and that the + advantage, at last, was on the side of the free States. + </p> + <p> + Now, in the slave States they count free negroes just as we do; and it so + happens that, besides their slaves, they have as many free negroes as we + have, and thirty thousand over. Thus, their free negroes more than balance + ours; and their advantage over us, in consequence of their slaves, still + remains as I stated it. + </p> + <p> + In reply to my argument that the compromise measures of 1850 were a system + of equivalents, and that the provisions of no one of them could fairly be + carried to other subjects without its corresponding equivalent being + carried with it, the Judge denied outright that these measures had any + connection with or dependence upon each other. This is mere desperation. + If they had no connection, why are they always spoken of in connection? + Why has he so spoken of them a thousand times? Why has he constantly + called them a series of measures? Why does everybody call them a + compromise? Why was California kept out of the Union six or seven months, + if it was not because of its connection with the other measures? Webster's + leading definition of the verb "to compromise" is "to adjust and settle a + difference, by mutual agreement, with concessions of claims by the + parties." This conveys precisely the popular understanding of the word + "compromise." + </p> + <p> + We knew, before the Judge told us, that these measures passed separately, + and in distinct bills, and that no two of them were passed by the votes of + precisely the same members. But we also know, and so does he know, that no + one of them could have passed both branches of Congress but for the + understanding that the others were to pass also. Upon this understanding, + each got votes which it could have got in no other way. It is this fact + which gives to the measures their true character; and it is the universal + knowledge of this fact that has given them the name of "compromises," so + expressive of that true character. + </p> + <p> + I had asked: "If, in carrying the Utah and New Mexico laws to Nebraska, + you could clear away other objection, how could you leave Nebraska + 'perfectly free' to introduce slavery before she forms a constitution, + during her territorial government, while the Utah and New Mexico laws only + authorize it when they form constitutions and are admitted into the + Union?" To this Judge Douglas answered that the Utah and New Mexico laws + also authorized it before; and to prove this he read from one of their + laws, as follows: "That the legislative power of said Territory shall + extend to all rightful subjects of legislation, consistent with the + Constitution of the United States and the provisions of this act." + </p> + <p> + Now it is perceived from the reading of this that there is nothing express + upon the subject, but that the authority is sought to be implied merely + for the general provision of "all rightful subjects of legislation." In + reply to this I insist, as a legal rule of construction, as well as the + plain, popular view of the matter, that the express provision for Utah and + New Mexico coming in with slavery, if they choose, when they shall form + constitutions, is an exclusion of all implied authority on the same + subject; that Congress having the subject distinctly in their minds when + they made the express provision, they therein expressed their whole + meaning on that subject. + </p> + <p> + The Judge rather insinuated that I had found it convenient to forget the + Washington territorial law passed in 1853. This was a division of Oregon, + organizing the northern part as the Territory of Washington. He asserted + that by this act the Ordinance of '87, theretofore existing in Oregon, was + repealed; that nearly all the members of Congress voted for it, beginning + in the House of Representatives with Charles Allen of Massachusetts, and + ending with Richard Yates of Illinois; and that he could not understand + how those who now opposed the Nebraska Bill so voted there, unless it was + because it was then too soon after both the great political parties had + ratified the compromises of 1850, and the ratification therefore was too + fresh to be then repudiated. + </p> + <p> + Now I had seen the Washington act before, and I have carefully examined it + since; and I aver that there is no repeal of the Ordinance of '87, or of + any prohibition of slavery, in it. In express terms, there is absolutely + nothing in the whole law upon the subject—in fact, nothing to lead a + reader to think of the subject. To my judgment it is equally free from + everything from which repeal can be legally implied; but, however this may + be, are men now to be entrapped by a legal implication, extracted from + covert language, introduced perhaps for the very purpose of entrapping + them? I sincerely wish every man could read this law quite through, + carefully watching every sentence and every line for a repeal of the + Ordinance of '87, or anything equivalent to it. + </p> + <p> + Another point on the Washington act: If it was intended to be modeled + after the Utah and New Mexico acts, as Judge Douglas insists, why was it + not inserted in it, as in them, that Washington was to come in with or + without slavery as she may choose at the adoption of her constitution? It + has no such provision in it; and I defy the ingenuity of man to give a + reason for the omission, other than that it was not intended to follow the + Utah and New Mexico laws in regard to the question of slavery. + </p> + <p> + The Washington act not only differs vitally from the Utah and New Mexico + acts, but the Nebraska act differs vitally from both. By the latter act + the people are left "perfectly free" to regulate their own domestic + concerns, etc.; but in all the former, all their laws are to be submitted + to Congress, and if disapproved are to be null. The Washington act goes + even further; it absolutely prohibits the territorial Legislature, by very + strong and guarded language, from establishing banks or borrowing money on + the faith of the Territory. Is this the sacred right of self-government we + hear vaunted so much? No, sir; the Nebraska Bill finds no model in the + acts of '50 or the Washington act. It finds no model in any law from Adam + till to-day. As Phillips says of Napoleon, the Nebraska act is grand, + gloomy and peculiar, wrapped in the solitude of its own originality, + without a model and without a shadow upon the earth. + </p> + <p> + In the course of his reply Senator Douglas remarked in substance that he + had always considered this government was made for the white people and + not for the negroes. Why, in point of mere fact, I think so too. But in + this remark of the Judge there is a significance which I think is the key + to the great mistake (if there is any such mistake) which he has made in + this Nebraska measure. It shows that the Judge has no very vivid + impression that the negro is human, and consequently has no idea that + there can be any moral question in legislating about him. In his view the + question of whether a new country shall be slave or free is a matter of as + utter indifference as it is whether his neighbor shall plant his farm with + tobacco or stock it with horned cattle. Now, whether this view is right or + wrong, it is very certain that the great mass of mankind take a totally + different view. They consider slavery a great moral wrong, and their + feeling against it is not evanescent, but eternal. It lies at the very + foundation of their sense of justice, and it cannot be trifled with. It is + a great and durable element of popular action, and I think no statesman + can safely disregard it. + </p> + <p> + Our Senator also objects that those who oppose him in this matter do not + entirely agree with one another. He reminds me that in my firm adherence + to the constitutional rights of the slave States I differ widely from + others who are cooperating with me in opposing the Nebraska Bill, and he + says it is not quite fair to oppose him in this variety of ways. He should + remember that he took us by surprise—astounded us by this measure. + We were thunderstruck and stunned, and we reeled and fell in utter + confusion. But we rose, each fighting, grasping whatever he could first + reach—a scythe, a pitchfork, a chopping-ax, or a butcher's cleaver. + We struck in the direction of the sound, and we were rapidly closing in + upon him. He must not think to divert us from our purpose by showing us + that our drill, our dress, and our weapons are not entirely perfect and + uniform. When the storm shall be past he shall find us still Americans, no + less devoted to the continued union and prosperity of the country than + heretofore. + </p> + <p> + Finally, the Judge invokes against me the memory of Clay and Webster, They + were great men, and men of great deeds. But where have I assailed them? + For what is it that their lifelong enemy shall now make profit by assuming + to defend them against me, their lifelong friend? I go against the repeal + of the Missouri Compromise; did they ever go for it? They went for the + Compromise of 1850; did I ever go against them? They were greatly devoted + to the Union; to the small measure of my ability was I ever less so? Clay + and Webster were dead before this question arose; by what authority shall + our Senator say they would espouse his side of it if alive? Mr. Clay was + the leading spirit in making the Missouri Compromise; is it very credible + that if now alive he would take the lead in the breaking of it? The truth + is that some support from Whigs is now a necessity with the Judge, and for + this it is that the names of Clay and Webster are invoked. His old friends + have deserted him in such numbers as to leave too few to live by. He came + to his own, and his own received him not; and lo! he turns unto the + Gentiles. + </p> + <p> + A word now as to the Judge's desperate assumption that the compromises of + 1850 had no connection with one another; that Illinois came into the Union + as a slave State, and some other similar ones. This is no other than a + bold denial of the history of the country. If we do not know that the + compromises of 1850 were dependent on each other; if we do not know that + Illinois came into the Union as a free State,—we do not know + anything. If we do not know these things, we do not know that we ever had + a Revolutionary War or such a chief as Washington. To deny these things is + to deny our national axioms,—or dogmas, at least,—and it puts + an end to all argument. If a man will stand up and assert, and repeat and + reassert, that two and two do not make four, I know nothing in the power + of argument that can stop him. I think I can answer the Judge so long as + he sticks to the premises; but when he flies from them, I cannot work any + argument into the consistency of a mental gag and actually close his mouth + with it. In such a case I can only commend him to the seventy thousand + answers just in from Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0090" id="link2H_4_0090"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REQUEST FOR SENATE SUPPORT + </h2> + <h3> + TO CHARLES HOYT + </h3> + <p> + CLINTON, De WITT Co., Nov. 10, 1854 + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—You used to express a good deal of partiality for me, and + if you are still so, now is the time. Some friends here are really for me + for the U.S. Senate, and I should be very grateful if you could make a + mark for me among your members. Please write me at all events, giving me + the names, post-offices, and "political position" of members round about + you. Direct to Springfield. + </p> + <p> + Let this be confidential. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0091" id="link2H_4_0091"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO T. J. HENDERSON. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, + </h3> + <p> + November 27, 1854 T. J. HENDERSON, ESQ. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—It has come round that a whig may, by possibility, be + elected to the United States Senate, and I want the chance of being the + man. You are a member of the Legislature, and have a vote to give. Think + it over, and see whether you can do better than to go for me. + </p> + <p> + Write me, at all events; and let this be confidential. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0092" id="link2H_4_0092"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO J. GILLESPIE. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, Dec. 1, 1854. + </h3> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—I have really got it into my head to try to be United + States Senator, and, if I could have your support, my chances would be + reasonably good. But I know, and acknowledge, that you have as just claims + to the place as I have; and therefore I cannot ask you to yield to me, if + you are thinking of becoming a candidate, yourself. If, however, you are + not, then I should like to be remembered affectionately by you; and also + to have you make a mark for me with the Anti-Nebraska members down your + way. + </p> + <p> + If you know, and have no objection to tell, let me know whether Trumbull + intends to make a push. If he does, I suppose the two men in St. Clair, + and one, or both, in Madison, will be for him. We have the Legislature, + clearly enough, on joint ballot, but the Senate is very close, and Cullom + told me to-day that the Nebraska men will stave off the election, if they + can. Even if we get into joint vote, we shall have difficulty to unite our + forces. Please write me, and let this be confidential. + </p> + <p> + Your friend, as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0093" id="link2H_4_0093"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + POLITICAL REFERENCES + </h2> + <h3> + TO JUSTICE MCLEAN. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., December 6, 1854. + </p> + <p> + SIR:—I understand it is in contemplation to displace the present + clerk and appoint a new one for the Circuit and District Courts of + Illinois. I am very friendly to the present incumbent, and, both for his + own sake and that of his family, I wish him to be retained so long as it + is possible for the court to do so. + </p> + <p> + In the contingency of his removal, however, I have recommended William + Butler as his successor, and I do not wish what I write now to be taken as + any abatement of that recommendation. + </p> + <p> + William J. Black is also an applicant for the appointment, and I write + this at the solicitation of his friends to say that he is every way worthy + of the office, and that I doubt not the conferring it upon him will give + great satisfaction. + </p> + <p> + Your ob't servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0094" id="link2H_4_0094"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO T. J. HENDERSON. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, December 15. 1854 + </h3> + <p> + HON. T. J. HENDERSON. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 11th was received last night, and for which I + thank you. Of course I prefer myself to all others; yet it is neither in + my heart nor my conscience to say I am any better man than Mr. Williams. + We shall have a terrible struggle with our adversaries. They are desperate + and bent on desperate deeds. I accidentally learned of one of the leaders + here writing to a member south of here, in about the following language: + </p> + <p> + We are beaten. They have a clean majority of at least nine, on joint + ballot. They outnumber us, but we must outmanage them. Douglas must be + sustained. We must elect the Speaker; and we must elect a Nebraska United + States Senator, or "elect none at all." Similar letters, no doubt, are + written to every Nebraska member. Be considering how we can best meet, and + foil, and beat them. I send you, by mail, a copy of my Peoria speech. You + may have seen it before, or you may not think it worth seeing now. + </p> + <p> + Do not speak of the Nebraska letter mentioned above; I do not wish it to + become public, that I received such information. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0095" id="link2H_4_0095"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + 1855 + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0096" id="link2H_4_0096"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + LOSS OF PRIMARY FOR SENATOR + </h2> + <h3> + TO E. B. WASHBURNE. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, February 9, 1855 MY DEAR SIR: + </p> + <p> + I began with 44 votes, Shields 41, and Trumbull 5,—yet Trumbull was + elected. In fact 47 different members voted for me,—getting three + new ones on the second ballot, and losing four old ones. How came my 47 to + yield to Trumbull's 5? It was Governor Matteson's work. He has been + secretly a candidate ever since (before, even) the fall election. + </p> + <p> + All the members round about the canal were Anti-Nebraska, but were + nevertheless nearly all Democrats and old personal friends of his. His + plan was to privately impress them with the belief that he was as good + Anti-Nebraska as any one else—at least could be secured to be so by + instructions, which could be easily passed. + </p> + <p> + The Nebraska men, of course, were not for Matteson; but when they found + they could elect no avowed Nebraska man, they tardily determined to let + him get whomever of our men he could, by whatever means he could, and ask + him no questions. + </p> + <p> + The Nebraska men were very confident of the election of Matteson, though + denying that he was a candidate, and we very much believing also that they + would elect him. But they wanted first to make a show of good faith to + Shields by voting for him a few times, and our secret Matteson men also + wanted to make a show of good faith by voting with us a few times. So we + led off. On the seventh ballot, I think, the signal was given to the + Nebraska men to turn to Matteson, which they acted on to a man, with one + exception. . . Next ballot the remaining Nebraska man and one pretended + Anti went over to him, giving him 46. The next still another, giving him + 47, wanting only three of an election. In the meantime our friends, with a + view of detaining our expected bolters, had been turning from me to + Trumbull till he had risen to 35 and I had been reduced to 15. These would + never desert me except by my direction; but I became satisfied that if we + could prevent Matteson's election one or two ballots more, we could not + possibly do so a single ballot after my friends should begin to return to + me from Trumbull. So I determined to strike at once, and accordingly + advised my remaining friends to go for him, which they did and elected him + on the tenth ballot. + </p> + <p> + Such is the way the thing was done. I think you would have done the same + under the circumstances. + </p> + <p> + I could have headed off every combination and been elected, had it not + been for Matteson's double game—and his defeat now gives me more + pleasure than my own gives me pain. On the whole, it is perhaps as well + for our general cause that Trumbull is elected. The Nebraska men confess + that they hate it worse than anything that could have happened. It is a + great consolation to see them worse whipped than I am. + </p> + <p> + Yours forever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0097" id="link2H_4_0097"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + RETURN TO LAW PROFESSION + </h2> + <h3> + TO SANFORD, PORTER, AND STRIKER, NEW YORK. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, MARCH 10, 1855 + </p> + <p> + GENTLEMEN:—Yours of the 5th is received, as also was that of 15th + Dec, last, inclosing bond of Clift to Pray. When I received the bond I was + dabbling in politics, and of course neglecting business. Having since been + beaten out I have gone to work again. + </p> + <p> + As I do not practice in Rushville, I to-day open a correspondence with + Henry E. Dummer, Esq., of Beardstown, Ill., with the view of getting the + job into his hands. He is a good man if he will undertake it. + </p> + <p> + Write me whether I shall do this or return the bond to you. + </p> + <p> + Yours respectfully, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0098" id="link2H_4_0098"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO O. H. BROWNING. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, March 23, 1855. + </h3> + <p> + HON. O. H. BROWNING. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Your letter to Judge Logan has been shown to us by him; + and, with his consent, we answer it. When it became probable that there + would be a vacancy on the Supreme Bench, public opinion, on this side of + the river, seemed to be universally directed to Logan as the proper man to + fill it. I mean public opinion on our side in politics, with very small + manifestation in any different direction by the other side. The result is, + that he has been a good deal pressed to allow his name to be used, and he + has consented to it, provided it can be done with perfect cordiality and + good feeling on the part of all our own friends. We, the undersigned, are + very anxious for it; and the more so now that he has been urged, until his + mind is turned upon the matter. We, therefore are very glad of your + letter, with the information it brings us, mixed only with a regret that + we can not elect Logan and Walker both. We shall be glad, if you will + hoist Logan's name, in your Quincy papers. + </p> + <p> + Very truly your friends, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN, B. S. EWARDS, JOHN T. STUART. <a name="link2H_4_0099" + id="link2H_4_0099"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO H. C. WHITNEY. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, June 7, 1855. + </h3> + <p> + H. C. WHITNEY, ESQ. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Your note containing election news is received; and for + which I thank you. It is all of no use, however. Logan is worse beaten + than any other man ever was since elections were invented—beaten + more than twelve hundred in this county. It is conceded on all hands that + the Prohibitory law is also beaten. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0100" id="link2H_4_0100"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + RESPONSE TO A PRO-SLAVERY FRIEND + </h2> + <h3> + TO JOSHUA. F. SPEED. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, August 24, 1855 + </p> + <p> + DEAR SPEED:—You know what a poor correspondent I am. Ever since I + received your very agreeable letter of the 22d of May, I have been + intending to write you an answer to it. You suggest that in political + action, now, you and I would differ. I suppose we would; not quite as + much, however, as you may think. You know I dislike slavery, and you fully + admit the abstract wrong of it. So far there is no cause of difference. + But you say that sooner than yield your legal right to the slave, + especially at the bidding of those who are not themselves interested, you + would see the Union dissolved. I am not aware that any one is bidding you + yield that right; very certainly I am not. I leave that matter entirely to + yourself. I also acknowledge your rights and my obligations under the + Constitution in regard to your slaves. I confess I hate to see the poor + creatures hunted down and caught and carried back to their stripes and + unrequited toil; but I bite my lips and keep quiet. In 1841 you and I had + together a tedious low-water trip on a steamboat from Louisville to St. + Louis. You may remember, as I well do, that from Louisville to the mouth + of the Ohio there were on board ten or a dozen slaves shackled together + with irons. That sight was a continued torment to me, and I see something + like it every time I touch the Ohio or any other slave border. It is not + fair for you to assume that I have no interest in a thing which has, and + continually exercises, the power of making me miserable. You ought rather + to appreciate how much the great body of the Northern people do crucify + their feelings, in order to maintain their loyalty to the Constitution and + the Union. I do oppose the extension of slavery because my judgment and + feeling so prompt me, and I am under no obligations to the contrary. If + for this you and I must differ, differ we must. You say, if you were + President, you would send an army and hang the leaders of the Missouri + outrages upon the Kansas elections; still, if Kansas fairly votes herself + a slave State she must be admitted or the Union must be dissolved. But how + if she votes herself a slave State unfairly, that is, by the very means + for which you say you would hang men? Must she still be admitted, or the + Union dissolved? That will be the phase of the question when it first + becomes a practical one. In your assumption that there may be a fair + decision of the slavery question in Kansas, I plainly see you and I would + differ about the Nebraska law. I look upon that enactment not as a law, + but as a violence from the beginning. It was conceived in violence, is + maintained in violence, and is being executed in violence. I say it was + conceived in violence, because the destruction of the Missouri Compromise, + under the circumstances, was nothing less than violence. It was passed in + violence because it could not have passed at all but for the votes of many + members in violence of the known will of their constituents. It is + maintained in violence, because the elections since clearly demand its + repeal; and the demand is openly disregarded. + </p> + <p> + You say men ought to be hung for the way they are executing the law; I say + the way it is being executed is quite as good as any of its antecedents. + It is being executed in the precise way which was intended from the first, + else why does no Nebraska man express astonishment or condemnation? Poor + Reeder is the only public man who has been silly enough to believe that + anything like fairness was ever intended, and he has been bravely + undeceived. + </p> + <p> + That Kansas will form a slave constitution, and with it will ask to be + admitted into the Union, I take to be already a settled question, and so + settled by the very means you so pointedly condemn. By every principle of + law ever held by any court North or South, every negro taken to Kansas is + free; yet, in utter disregard of this,—in the spirit of violence + merely,—that beautiful Legislature gravely passes a law to hang any + man who shall venture to inform a negro of his legal rights. This is the + subject and real object of the law. If, like Haman, they should hang upon + the gallows of their own building, I shall not be among the mourners for + their fate. In my humble sphere, I shall advocate the restoration of the + Missouri Compromise so long as Kansas remains a Territory, and when, by + all these foul means, it seeks to come into the Union as a slave State, I + shall oppose it. I am very loath in any case to withhold my assent to the + enjoyment of property acquired or located in good faith; but I do not + admit that good faith in taking a negro to Kansas to be held in slavery is + a probability with any man. Any man who has sense enough to be the + controller of his own property has too much sense to misunderstand the + outrageous character of the whole Nebraska business. But I digress. In my + opposition to the admission of Kansas I shall have some company, but we + may be beaten. If we are, I shall not on that account attempt to dissolve + the Union. I think it probable, however, we shall be beaten. Standing as a + unit among yourselves, You can, directly and indirectly, bribe enough of + our men to carry the day, as you could on the open proposition to + establish a monarchy. Get hold of some man in the North whose position and + ability is such that he can make the support of your measure, whatever it + may be, a Democratic party necessity, and the thing is done. Apropos of + this, let me tell you an anecdote. Douglas introduced the Nebraska Bill in + January. In February afterward there was a called session of the Illinois + Legislature. Of the one hundred members composing the two branches of that + body, about seventy were Democrats. These latter held a caucus in which + the Nebraska Bill was talked of, if not formally discussed. It was thereby + discovered that just three, and no more, were in favor of the measure. In + a day or two Douglas's orders came on to have resolutions passed approving + the bill; and they were passed by large majorities!!!! The truth of this + is vouched for by a bolting Democratic member. The masses, too, Democratic + as well as Whig, were even nearer unanimous against it; but, as soon as + the party necessity of supporting it became apparent, the way the + Democrats began to see the wisdom and justice of it was perfectly + astonishing. + </p> + <p> + You say that if Kansas fairly votes herself a free State, as a Christian + you will rejoice at it. All decent slaveholders talk that way, and I do + not doubt their candor. But they never vote that way. Although in a + private letter or conversation you will express your preference that + Kansas shall be free, you would vote for no man for Congress who would say + the same thing publicly. No such man could be elected from any district in + a slave State. You think Stringfellow and company ought to be hung; and + yet at the next Presidential election you will vote for the exact type and + representative of Stringfellow. The slave-breeders and slave-traders are a + small, odious, and detested class among you; and yet in politics they + dictate the course of all of you, and are as completely your masters as + you are the master of your own negroes. You inquire where I now stand. + That is a disputed point. I think I am a Whig; but others say there are no + Whigs, and that I am an Abolitionist. When I was at Washington, I voted + for the Wilmot Proviso as good as forty times; and I never heard of any + one attempting to un-Whig me for that. I now do no more than oppose the + extension of slavery. I am not a Know-Nothing; that is certain. How could + I be? How can any one who abhors the oppression of negroes be in favor of + degrading classes of white people? Our progress in degeneracy appears to + me to be pretty rapid. As a nation we began by declaring that "all men are + created equal." We now practically read it "all men are created equal, + except negroes." When the Know-Nothings get control, it will read "all men + are created equal, except negroes and foreigners and Catholics." When it + comes to this, I shall prefer emigrating to some country where they make + no pretense of loving liberty,—to Russia, for instance, where + despotism can be taken pure, and without the base alloy of hypocrisy. + </p> + <p> + Mary will probably pass a day or two in Louisville in October. My kindest + regards to Mrs. Speed. On the leading subject of this letter I have more + of her sympathy than I have of yours; and yet let me say I am, + </p> + <p> + Your friend forever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0101" id="link2H_4_0101"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + 1856 + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0102" id="link2H_4_0102"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REQUEST FOR A RAILWAY PASS + </h2> + <h3> + TO R. P. MORGAN + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, February 13, 1856. + </p> + <p> + R. P. MORGAN, ESQ.: + </p> + <p> + Says Tom to John, "Here's your old rotten wheelbarrow. I've broke it usin' + on it. I wish you would mend it, 'case I shall want to borrow it this + arternoon." Acting on this as a precedent, I say, "Here's your old + 'chalked hat,—I wish you would take it and send me a new one, 'case + I shall want to use it the first of March." + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. + </p> + <p> + (A 'chalked hat' was the common term, at that time, for a railroad pass.) + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0103" id="link2H_4_0103"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + SPEECH DELIVERED BEFORE THE FIRST REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTION + </h2> + <h3> + OF ILLINOIS, HELD AT BLOOMINGTON, ON MAY 29, 1856. + </h3> + <p> + [From the Report by William C. Whitney.] + </p> + <p> + (Mr. Whitney's notes were made at the time, but not written out until + 1896. He does not claim that the speech, as here reported, is literally + correct only that he has followed the argument, and that in many cases the + sentences are as Mr. Lincoln spoke them.) + </p> + <p> + Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN: I was over at [Cries of "Platform!" "Take the + platform!"]—I say, that while I was at Danville Court, some of our + friends of Anti-Nebraska got together in Springfield and elected me as one + delegate to represent old Sangamon with them in this convention, and I am + here certainly as a sympathizer in this movement and by virtue of that + meeting and selection. But we can hardly be called delegates strictly, + inasmuch as, properly speaking, we represent nobody but ourselves. I think + it altogether fair to say that we have no Anti-Nebraska party in Sangamon, + although there is a good deal of Anti-Nebraska feeling there; but I say + for myself, and I think I may speak also for my colleagues, that we who + are here fully approve of the platform and of all that has been done [A + voice, "Yes!"], and even if we are not regularly delegates, it will be + right for me to answer your call to speak. I suppose we truly stand for + the public sentiment of Sangamon on the great question of the repeal, + although we do not yet represent many numbers who have taken a distinct + position on the question. + </p> + <p> + We are in a trying time—it ranges above mere party—and this movement + to call a halt and turn our steps backward needs all the help and good + counsels it can get; for unless popular opinion makes itself very strongly + felt, and a change is made in our present course, blood will flow on + account of Nebraska, and brother's hands will be raised against brother! + </p> + <p> + [The last sentence was uttered in such an earnest, impressive, if not, + indeed, tragic, manner, as to make a cold chill creep over me. Others gave + a similar experience.] + </p> + <p> + I have listened with great interest to the earnest appeal made to Illinois + men by the gentleman from Lawrence [James S. Emery] who has just addressed + us so eloquently and forcibly. I was deeply moved by his statement of the + wrongs done to free-State men out there. I think it just to say that all + true men North should sympathize with them, and ought to be willing to do + any possible and needful thing to right their wrongs. But we must not + promise what we ought not, lest we be called on to perform what we cannot; + we must be calm and moderate, and consider the whole difficulty, and + determine what is possible and just. We must not be led by excitement and + passion to do that which our sober judgments would not approve in our + cooler moments. We have higher aims; we will have more serious business + than to dally with temporary measures. + </p> + <p> + We are here to stand firmly for a principle—to stand firmly for a + right. We know that great political and moral wrongs are done, and + outrages committed, and we denounce those wrongs and outrages, although we + cannot, at present, do much more. But we desire to reach out beyond those + personal outrages and establish a rule that will apply to all, and so + prevent any future outrages. + </p> + <p> + We have seen to-day that every shade of popular opinion is represented + here, with Freedom, or rather Free Soil, as the basis. We have come + together as in some sort representatives of popular opinion against the + extension of slavery into territory now free in fact as well as by law, + and the pledged word of the statesmen of the nation who are now no more. + We come—we are here assembled together—to protest as well as + we can against a great wrong, and to take measures, as well as we now can, + to make that wrong right; to place the nation, as far as it may be + possible now, as it was before the repeal of the Missouri Compromise; and + the plain way to do this is to restore the Compromise, and to demand and + determine that Kansas shall be free! [Immense applause.] While we affirm, + and reaffirm, if necessary, our devotion to the principles of the + Declaration of Independence, let our practical work here be limited to the + above. We know that there is not a perfect agreement of sentiment here on + the public questions which might be rightfully considered in this + convention, and that the indignation which we all must feel cannot be + helped; but all of us must give up something for the good of the cause. + There is one desire which is uppermost in the mind, one wish common to us + all, to which no dissent will be made; and I counsel you earnestly to bury + all resentment, to sink all personal feeling, make all things work to a + common purpose in which we are united and agreed about, and which all + present will agree is absolutely necessary—which must be done by any + rightful mode if there be such: Slavery must be kept out of Kansas! + [Applause.] The test—the pinch—is right there. If we lose + Kansas to freedom, an example will be set which will prove fatal to + freedom in the end. We, therefore, in the language of the Bible, must "lay + the axe to the root of the tree." Temporizing will not do longer; now is + the time for decision—for firm, persistent, resolute action. + [Applause.] + </p> + <p> + The Nebraska Bill, or rather Nebraska law, is not one of wholesome + legislation, but was and is an act of legislative usurpation, whose + result, if not indeed intention, is to make slavery national; and unless + headed off in some effective way, we are in a fair way to see this land of + boasted freedom converted into a land of slavery in fact. [Sensation.] + Just open your two eyes, and see if this be not so. I need do no more than + state, to command universal approval, that almost the entire North, as + well as a large following in the border States, is radically opposed to + the planting of slavery in free territory. Probably in a popular vote + throughout the nation nine tenths of the voters in the free States, and at + least one-half in the border States, if they could express their + sentiments freely, would vote NO on such an issue; and it is safe to say + that two thirds of the votes of the entire nation would be opposed to it. + And yet, in spite of this overbalancing of sentiment in this free country, + we are in a fair way to see Kansas present itself for admission as a slave + State. Indeed, it is a felony, by the local law of Kansas, to deny that + slavery exists there even now. By every principle of law, a negro in + Kansas is free; yet the bogus Legislature makes it an infamous crime to + tell him that he is free! + </p> + <p> + Statutes of Kansas, 1555, chapter 151, Sec. 12: If any free person, by + speaking or by writing, assert or maintain that persons have not the right + to hold slaves in this Territory, or shall introduce into this Territory, + print, publish, write, circulate . . . any book, paper, magazine, + pamphlet, or circular containing any denial of the right of persons to + hold slaves in this Territory such person shall be deemed guilty of + felony, and punished by imprisonment at hard labor for a term of not less + than two years. Sec. 13. No person who is conscientiously opposed to + holding slaves, or who does not admit the right to hold slaves in this + Territory, shall sit as a juror on the trial of any prosecution for any + violation of any Sections of this Act. + </p> + <p> + The party lash and the fear of ridicule will overawe justice and liberty; + for it is a singular fact, but none the less a fact, and well known by the + most common experience, that men will do things under the terror of the + party lash that they would not on any account or for any consideration do + otherwise; while men who will march up to the mouth of a loaded cannon + without shrinking will run from the terrible name of "Abolitionist," even + when pronounced by a worthless creature whom they, with good reason, + despise. For instance—to press this point a little—Judge + Douglas introduced his Nebraska Bill in January; and we had an extra + session of our Legislature in the succeeding February, in which were + seventy-five Democrats; and at a party caucus, fully attended, there were + just three votes, out of the whole seventy-five, for the measure. But in a + few days orders came on from Washington, commanding them to approve the + measure; the party lash was applied, and it was brought up again in + caucus, and passed by a large majority. The masses were against it, but + party necessity carried it; and it was passed through the lower house of + Congress against the will of the people, for the same reason. Here is + where the greatest danger lies that, while we profess to be a government + of law and reason, law will give way to violence on demand of this awful + and crushing power. Like the great Juggernaut—I think that is the + name—the great idol, it crushes everything that comes in its way, + and makes a [?]—or, as I read once, in a blackletter law book, "a + slave is a human being who is legally not a person but a thing." And if + the safeguards to liberty are broken down, as is now attempted, when they + have made things of all the free negroes, how long, think you, before they + will begin to make things of poor white men? [Applause.] Be not deceived. + Revolutions do not go backward. The founder of the Democratic party + declared that all men were created equal. His successor in the leadership + has written the word "white" before men, making it read "all white men are + created equal." Pray, will or may not the Know-Nothings, if they should + get in power, add the word "Protestant," making it read "all Protestant + white men...?" + </p> + <p> + Meanwhile the hapless negro is the fruitful subject of reprisals in other + quarters. John Pettit, whom Tom Benton paid his respects to, you will + recollect, calls the immortal Declaration "a self-evident lie"; while at + the birthplace of freedom—in the shadow of Bunker Hill and of the + "cradle of liberty," at the home of the Adamses and Warren and Otis—Choate, + from our side of the house, dares to fritter away the birthday promise of + liberty by proclaiming the Declaration to be "a string of glittering + generalities"; and the Southern Whigs, working hand in hand with + proslavery Democrats, are making Choate's theories practical. Thomas + Jefferson, a slaveholder, mindful of the moral element in slavery, + solemnly declared that he trembled for his country when he remembered that + God is just; while Judge Douglas, with an insignificant wave of the hand, + "don't care whether slavery is voted up or voted down." Now, if slavery is + right, or even negative, he has a right to treat it in this trifling + manner. But if it is a moral and political wrong, as all Christendom + considers it to be, how can he answer to God for this attempt to spread + and fortify it? [Applause.] + </p> + <p> + But no man, and Judge Douglas no more than any other, can maintain a + negative, or merely neutral, position on this question; and, accordingly, + he avows that the Union was made by white men and for white men and their + descendants. As matter of fact, the first branch of the proposition is + historically true; the government was made by white men, and they were and + are the superior race. This I admit. But the corner-stone of the + government, so to speak, was the declaration that "all men are created + equal," and all entitled to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." + [Applause.] + </p> + <p> + And not only so, but the framers of the Constitution were particular to + keep out of that instrument the word "slave," the reason being that + slavery would ultimately come to an end, and they did not wish to have any + reminder that in this free country human beings were ever prostituted to + slavery. [Applause.] Nor is it any argument that we are superior and the + negro inferior—that he has but one talent while we have ten. Let the + negro possess the little he has in independence; if he has but one talent, + he should be permitted to keep the little he has. [Applause:] But slavery + will endure no test of reason or logic; and yet its advocates, like + Douglas, use a sort of bastard logic, or noisy assumption it might better + be termed, like the above, in order to prepare the mind for the gradual, + but none the less certain, encroachments of the Moloch of slavery upon the + fair domain of freedom. But however much you may argue upon it, or smother + it in soft phrase, slavery can only be maintained by force—by + violence. The repeal of the Missouri Compromise was by violence. It was a + violation of both law and the sacred obligations of honor, to overthrow + and trample under foot a solemn compromise, obtained by the fearful loss + to freedom of one of the fairest of our Western domains. Congress violated + the will and confidence of its constituents in voting for the bill; and + while public sentiment, as shown by the elections of 1854, demanded the + restoration of this compromise, Congress violated its trust by refusing + simply because it had the force of numbers to hold on to it. And murderous + violence is being used now, in order to force slavery on to Kansas; for it + cannot be done in any other way. [Sensation.] + </p> + <p> + The necessary result was to establish the rule of violence—force, + instead of the rule of law and reason; to perpetuate and spread slavery, + and in time to make it general. We see it at both ends of the line. In + Washington, on the very spot where the outrage was started, the fearless + Sumner is beaten to insensibility, and is now slowly dying; while senators + who claim to be gentlemen and Christians stood by, countenancing the act, + and even applauding it afterward in their places in the Senate. Even + Douglas, our man, saw it all and was within helping distance, yet let the + murderous blows fall unopposed. Then, at the other end of the line, at the + very time Sumner was being murdered, Lawrence was being destroyed for the + crime of freedom. It was the most prominent stronghold of liberty in + Kansas, and must give way to the all-dominating power of slavery. Only two + days ago, Judge Trumbull found it necessary to propose a bill in the + Senate to prevent a general civil war and to restore peace in Kansas. + </p> + <p> + We live in the midst of alarms; anxiety beclouds the future; we expect + some new disaster with each newspaper we read. Are we in a healthful + political state? Are not the tendencies plain? Do not the signs of the + times point plainly the way in which we are going? [Sensation.] + </p> + <p> + In the early days of the Constitution slavery was recognized, by South and + North alike, as an evil, and the division of sentiment about it was not + controlled by geographical lines or considerations of climate, but by + moral and philanthropic views. Petitions for the abolition of slavery were + presented to the very first Congress by Virginia and Massachusetts alike. + To show the harmony which prevailed, I will state that a fugitive slave + law was passed in 1793, with no dissenting voice in the Senate, and but + seven dissenting votes in the House. It was, however, a wise law, + moderate, and, under the Constitution, a just one. Twenty-five years + later, a more stringent law was proposed and defeated; and thirty-five + years after that, the present law, drafted by Mason of Virginia, was + passed by Northern votes. I am not, just now, complaining of this law, but + I am trying to show how the current sets; for the proposed law of 1817 was + far less offensive than the present one. In 1774 the Continental Congress + pledged itself, without a dissenting vote, to wholly discontinue the slave + trade, and to neither purchase nor import any slave; and less than three + months before the passage of the Declaration of Independence, the same + Congress which adopted that declaration unanimously resolved "that no + slave be imported into any of the thirteen United Colonies." [Great + applause.] + </p> + <p> + On the second day of July, 1776, the draft of a Declaration of + Independence was reported to Congress by the committee, and in it the + slave trade was characterized as "an execrable commerce," as "a piratical + warfare," as the "opprobrium of infidel powers," and as "a cruel war + against human nature." [Applause.] All agreed on this except South + Carolina and Georgia, and in order to preserve harmony, and from the + necessity of the case, these expressions were omitted. Indeed, abolition + societies existed as far south as Virginia; and it is a well-known fact + that Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Lee, Henry, Mason, and Pendleton were + qualified abolitionists, and much more radical on that subject than we of + the Whig and Democratic parties claim to be to-day. On March 1, 1784, + Virginia ceded to the confederation all its lands lying northwest of the + Ohio River. Jefferson, Chase of Maryland, and Howell of Rhode Island, as a + committee on that and territory thereafter to be ceded, reported that no + slavery should exist after the year 1800. Had this report been adopted, + not only the Northwest, but Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, and Mississippi + also would have been free; but it required the assent of nine States to + ratify it. North Carolina was divided, and thus its vote was lost; and + Delaware, Georgia, and New Jersey refused to vote. In point of fact, as it + was, it was assented to by six States. Three years later on a square vote + to exclude slavery from the Northwest, only one vote, and that from New + York, was against it. And yet, thirty-seven years later, five thousand + citizens of Illinois, out of a voting mass of less than twelve thousand, + deliberately, after a long and heated contest, voted to introduce slavery + in Illinois; and, to-day, a large party in the free State of Illinois are + willing to vote to fasten the shackles of slavery on the fair domain of + Kansas, notwithstanding it received the dowry of freedom long before its + birth as a political community. I repeat, therefore, the question: Is it + not plain in what direction we are tending? [Sensation.] In the colonial + time, Mason, Pendleton, and Jefferson were as hostile to slavery in + Virginia as Otis, Ames, and the Adamses were in Massachusetts; and + Virginia made as earnest an effort to get rid of it as old Massachusetts + did. But circumstances were against them and they failed; but not that the + good will of its leading men was lacking. Yet within less than fifty years + Virginia changed its tune, and made negro-breeding for the cotton and + sugar States one of its leading industries. [Laughter and applause.] + </p> + <p> + In the Constitutional Convention, George Mason of Virginia made a more + violent abolition speech than my friends Lovejoy or Codding would desire + to make here to-day—a speech which could not be safely repeated + anywhere on Southern soil in this enlightened year. But, while there were + some differences of opinion on this subject even then, discussion was + allowed; but as you see by the Kansas slave code, which, as you know, is + the Missouri slave code, merely ferried across the river, it is a felony + to even express an opinion hostile to that foul blot in the land of + Washington and the Declaration of Independence. [Sensation.] + </p> + <p> + In Kentucky—my State—in 1849, on a test vote, the mighty + influence of Henry Clay and many other good then there could not get a + symptom of expression in favor of gradual emancipation on a plain issue of + marching toward the light of civilization with Ohio and Illinois; but the + State of Boone and Hardin and Henry Clay, with a nigger under each arm, + took the black trail toward the deadly swamps of barbarism. Is there—can + there be—any doubt about this thing? And is there any doubt that we + must all lay aside our prejudices and march, shoulder to shoulder, in the + great army of Freedom? [Applause.] + </p> + <p> + Every Fourth of July our young orators all proclaim this to be "the land + of the free and the home of the brave!" Well, now, when you orators get + that off next year, and, may be, this very year, how would you like some + old grizzled farmer to get up in the grove and deny it? [Laughter.] How + would you like that? But suppose Kansas comes in as a slave State, and all + the "border ruffians" have barbecues about it, and free-State men come + trailing back to the dishonored North, like whipped dogs with their tails + between their legs, it is—ain't it?—evident that this is no + more the "land of the free"; and if we let it go so, we won't dare to say + "home of the brave" out loud. [Sensation and confusion.] + </p> + <p> + Can any man doubt that, even in spite of the people's will, slavery will + triumph through violence, unless that will be made manifest and enforced? + Even Governor Reeder claimed at the outset that the contest in Kansas was + to be fair, but he got his eyes open at last; and I believe that, as a + result of this moral and physical violence, Kansas will soon apply for + admission as a slave State. And yet we can't mistake that the people don't + want it so, and that it is a land which is free both by natural and + political law. No law, is free law! Such is the understanding of all + Christendom. In the Somerset case, decided nearly a century ago, the great + Lord Mansfield held that slavery was of such a nature that it must take + its rise in positive (as distinguished from natural) law; and that in no + country or age could it be traced back to any other source. Will some one + please tell me where is the positive law that establishes slavery in + Kansas? [A voice: "The bogus laws."] Aye, the bogus laws! And, on the same + principle, a gang of Missouri horse-thieves could come into Illinois and + declare horse-stealing to be legal [Laughter], and it would be just as + legal as slavery is in Kansas. But by express statute, in the land of + Washington and Jefferson, we may soon be brought face to face with the + discreditable fact of showing to the world by our acts that we prefer + slavery to freedom—darkness to light! [Sensation.] + </p> + <p> + It is, I believe, a principle in law that when one party to a contract + violates it so grossly as to chiefly destroy the object for which it is + made, the other party may rescind it. I will ask Browning if that ain't + good law. [Voices: "Yes!"] Well, now if that be right, I go for rescinding + the whole, entire Missouri Compromise and thus turning Missouri into a + free State; and I should like to know the difference—should like for + any one to point out the difference—between our making a free State + of Missouri and their making a slave State of Kansas. [Great applause.] + There ain't one bit of difference, except that our way would be a great + mercy to humanity. But I have never said, and the Whig party has never + said, and those who oppose the Nebraska Bill do not as a body say, that + they have any intention of interfering with slavery in the slave States. + Our platform says just the contrary. We allow slavery to exist in the + slave States, not because slavery is right or good, but from the + necessities of our Union. We grant a fugitive slave law because it is so + "nominated in the bond"; because our fathers so stipulated—had to—and + we are bound to carry out this agreement. But they did not agree to + introduce slavery in regions where it did not previously exist. On the + contrary, they said by their example and teachings that they did not deem + it expedient—did n't consider it right—to do so; and it is + wise and right to do just as they did about it. [Voices: "Good!"] And that + it what we propose—not to interfere with slavery where it exists (we + have never tried to do it), and to give them a reasonable and efficient + fugitive slave law. [A voice: "No!"] I say YES! [Applause.] It was part of + the bargain, and I 'm for living up to it; but I go no further; I'm not + bound to do more, and I won't agree any further. [Great applause.] + </p> + <p> + We, here in Illinois, should feel especially proud of the provision of the + Missouri Compromise excluding slavery from what is now Kansas; for an + Illinois man, Jesse B. Thomas, was its father. Henry Clay, who is credited + with the authorship of the Compromise in general terms, did not even vote + for that provision, but only advocated the ultimate admission by a second + compromise; and Thomas was, beyond all controversy, the real author of the + "slavery restriction" branch of the Compromise. To show the generosity of + the Northern members toward the Southern side: on a test vote to exclude + slavery from Missouri, ninety voted not to exclude, and eighty-seven to + exclude, every vote from the slave States being ranged with the former and + fourteen votes from the free States, of whom seven were from New England + alone; while on a vote to exclude slavery from what is now Kansas, the + vote was one hundred and thirty-four for, to forty-two against. The + scheme, as a whole, was, of course, a Southern triumph. It is idle to + contend otherwise, as is now being done by the Nebraskites; it was so + shown by the votes and quite as emphatically by the expressions of + representative men. Mr. Lowndes of South Carolina was never known to + commit a political mistake; his was the great judgment of that section; + and he declared that this measure "would restore tranquillity to the + country—a result demanded by every consideration of discretion, of + moderation, of wisdom, and of virtue." When the measure came before + President Monroe for his approval, he put to each member of his cabinet + this question: "Has Congress the constitutional power to prohibit slavery + in a Territory?" And John C. Calhoun and William H. Crawford from the + South, equally with John Quincy Adams, Benjamin Rush, and Smith Thompson + from the North, alike answered, "Yes!" without qualification or + equivocation; and this measure, of so great consequence to the South, was + passed; and Missouri was, by means of it, finally enabled to knock at the + door of the Republic for an open passage to its brood of slaves. And, in + spite of this, Freedom's share is about to be taken by violence—by + the force of misrepresentative votes, not called for by the popular will. + What name can I, in common decency, give to this wicked transaction? + [Sensation.] + </p> + <p> + But even then the contest was not over; for when the Missouri constitution + came before Congress for its approval, it forbade any free negro or + mulatto from entering the State. In short, our Illinois "black laws" were + hidden away in their constitution [Laughter], and the controversy was thus + revived. Then it was that Mr. Clay's talents shone out conspicuously, and + the controversy that shook the union to its foundation was finally settled + to the satisfaction of the conservative parties on both sides of the line, + though not to the extremists on either, and Missouri was admitted by the + small majority of six in the lower House. How great a majority, do you + think, would have been given had Kansas also been secured for slavery? [A + voice: "A majority the other way."] "A majority the other way," is + answered. Do you think it would have been safe for a Northern man to have + confronted his constituents after having voted to consign both Missouri + and Kansas to hopeless slavery? And yet this man Douglas, who + misrepresents his constituents and who has exerted his highest talents in + that direction, will be carried in triumph through the State and hailed + with honor while applauding that act. [Three groans for "Dug!"] And this + shows whither we are tending. This thing of slavery is more powerful than + its supporters—even than the high priests that minister at its + altar. It debauches even our greatest men. It gathers strength, like a + rolling snowball, by its own infamy. Monstrous crimes are committed in its + name by persons collectively which they would not dare to commit as + individuals. Its aggressions and encroachments almost surpass belief. In a + despotism, one might not wonder to see slavery advance steadily and + remorselessly into new dominions; but is it not wonderful, is it not even + alarming, to see its steady advance in a land dedicated to the proposition + that "all men are created equal"? [Sensation.] + </p> + <p> + It yields nothing itself; it keeps all it has, and gets all it can + besides. It really came dangerously near securing Illinois in 1824; it did + get Missouri in 1821. The first proposition was to admit what is now + Arkansas and Missouri as one slave State. But the territory was divided + and Arkansas came in, without serious question, as a slave State; and + afterwards Missouri, not, as a sort of equality, free, but also as a slave + State. Then we had Florida and Texas; and now Kansas is about to be forced + into the dismal procession. [Sensation.] And so it is wherever you look. + We have not forgotten—it is but six years since—how + dangerously near California came to being a slave State. Texas is a slave + State, and four other slave States may be carved from its vast domain. And + yet, in the year 1829, slavery was abolished throughout that vast region + by a royal decree of the then sovereign of Mexico. Will you please tell me + by what right slavery exists in Texas to-day? By the same right as, and no + higher or greater than, slavery is seeking dominion in Kansas: by + political force—peaceful, if that will suffice; by the torch (as in + Kansas) and the bludgeon (as in the Senate chamber), if required. And so + history repeats itself; and even as slavery has kept its course by craft, + intimidation, and violence in the past, so it will persist, in my + judgment, until met and dominated by the will of a people bent on its + restriction. + </p> + <p> + We have, this very afternoon, heard bitter denunciations of Brooks in + Washington, and Titus, Stringfellow, Atchison, Jones, and Shannon in + Kansas—the battle-ground of slavery. I certainly am not going to + advocate or shield them; but they and their acts are but the necessary + outcome of the Nebraska law. We should reserve our highest censure for the + authors of the mischief, and not for the catspaws which they use. I + believe it was Shakespeare who said, "Where the offence lies, there let + the axe fall"; and, in my opinion, this man Douglas and the Northern men + in Congress who advocate "Nebraska" are more guilty than a thousand + Joneses and Stringfellows, with all their murderous practices, can be. + [Applause.] + </p> + <p> + We have made a good beginning here to-day. As our Methodist friends would + say, "I feel it is good to be here." While extremists may find some fault + with the moderation of our platform, they should recollect that "the + battle is not always to the strong, nor the race to the swift." In grave + emergencies, moderation is generally safer than radicalism; and as this + struggle is likely to be long and earnest, we must not, by our action, + repel any who are in sympathy with us in the main, but rather win all that + we can to our standard. We must not belittle nor overlook the facts of our + condition—that we are new and comparatively weak, while our enemies + are entrenched and relatively strong. They have the administration and the + political power; and, right or wrong, at present they have the numbers. + Our friends who urge an appeal to arms with so much force and eloquence + should recollect that the government is arrayed against us, and that the + numbers are now arrayed against us as well; or, to state it nearer to the + truth, they are not yet expressly and affirmatively for us; and we should + repel friends rather than gain them by anything savoring of revolutionary + methods. As it now stands, we must appeal to the sober sense and + patriotism of the people. We will make converts day by day; we will grow + strong by calmness and moderation; we will grow strong by the violence and + injustice of our adversaries. And, unless truth be a mockery and justice a + hollow lie, we will be in the majority after a while, and then the + revolution which we will accomplish will be none the less radical from + being the result of pacific measures. The battle of freedom is to be + fought out on principle. Slavery is a violation of the eternal right. We + have temporized with it from the necessities of our condition; but as sure + as God reigns and school children read, THAT BLACK FOUL LIE CAN NEVER BE + CONSECRATED INTO GOD'S HALLOWED TRUTH! [Immense applause lasting some + time.] + </p> + <p> + One of our greatest difficulties is, that men who know that slavery is a + detestable crime and ruinous to the nation are compelled, by our peculiar + condition and other circumstances, to advocate it concretely, though + damning it in the raw. Henry Clay was a brilliant example of this + tendency; others of our purest statesmen are compelled to do so; and thus + slavery secures actual support from those who detest it at heart. Yet + Henry Clay perfected and forced through the compromise which secured to + slavery a great State as well as a political advantage. Not that he hated + slavery less, but that he loved the whole Union more. As long as slavery + profited by his great compromise, the hosts of proslavery could not + sufficiently cover him with praise; but now that this compromise stands in + their way— + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "....they never mention him, + His name is never heard: + Their lips are now forbid to speak + That once familiar word." +</pre> + <p> + They have slaughtered one of his most cherished measures, and his ghost + would arise to rebuke them. [Great applause.] + </p> + <p> + Now, let us harmonize, my friends, and appeal to the moderation and + patriotism of the people: to the sober second thought; to the awakened + public conscience. The repeal of the sacred Missouri Compromise has + installed the weapons of violence: the bludgeon, the incendiary torch, the + death-dealing rifle, the bristling cannon—the weapons of kingcraft, + of the inquisition, of ignorance, of barbarism, of oppression. We see its + fruits in the dying bed of the heroic Sumner; in the ruins of the "Free + State" hotel; in the smoking embers of the Herald of Freedom; in the + free-State Governor of Kansas chained to a stake on freedom's soil like a + horse-thief, for the crime of freedom. [Applause.] We see it in Christian + statesmen, and Christian newspapers, and Christian pulpits applauding the + cowardly act of a low bully, WHO CRAWLED UPON HIS VICTIM BEHIND HIS BACK + AND DEALT THE DEADLY BLOW. [Sensation and applause.] We note our political + demoralization in the catch-words that are coming into such common use; on + the one hand, "freedom-shriekers," and sometimes "freedom-screechers" + [Laughter], and, on the other hand, "border-ruffians," and that fully + deserved. And the significance of catch-words cannot pass unheeded, for + they constitute a sign of the times. Everything in this world "jibes" in + with everything else, and all the fruits of this Nebraska Bill are like + the poisoned source from which they come. I will not say that we may not + sooner or later be compelled to meet force by force; but the time has not + yet come, and, if we are true to ourselves, may never come. Do not mistake + that the ballot is stronger than the bullet. Therefore let the legions of + slavery use bullets; but let us wait patiently till November and fire + ballots at them in return; and by that peaceful policy I believe we shall + ultimately win. [Applause.] + </p> + <p> + It was by that policy that here in Illinois the early fathers fought the + good fight and gained the victory. In 1824 the free men of our State, led + by Governor Coles (who was a native of Maryland and President Madison's + private secretary), determined that those beautiful groves should never + re-echo the dirge of one who has no title to himself. By their resolute + determination, the winds that sweep across our broad prairies shall never + cool the parched brow, nor shall the unfettered streams that bring joy and + gladness to our free soil water the tired feet, of a slave; but so long as + those heavenly breezes and sparkling streams bless the land, or the groves + and their fragrance or memory remain, the humanity to which they minister + SHALL BE FOREVER FREE! [Great applause] Palmer, Yates, Williams, Browning, + and some more in this convention came from Kentucky to Illinois (instead + of going to Missouri), not only to better their conditions, but also to + get away from slavery. They have said so to me, and it is understood among + us Kentuckians that we don't like it one bit. Now, can we, mindful of the + blessings of liberty which the early men of Illinois left to us, refuse a + like privilege to the free men who seek to plant Freedom's banner on our + Western outposts? ["No!" "No!"] Should we not stand by our neighbors who + seek to better their conditions in Kansas and Nebraska? ["Yes!" "Yes!"] + Can we as Christian men, and strong and free ourselves, wield the sledge + or hold the iron which is to manacle anew an already oppressed race? + ["No!" "No!"] "Woe unto them," it is written, "that decree unrighteous + decrees and that write grievousness which they have prescribed." Can we + afford to sin any more deeply against human liberty? ["No!" "No!"] + </p> + <p> + One great trouble in the matter is, that slavery is an insidious and + crafty power, and gains equally by open violence of the brutal as well as + by sly management of the peaceful. Even after the Ordinance of 1787, the + settlers in Indiana and Illinois (it was all one government then) tried to + get Congress to allow slavery temporarily, and petitions to that end were + sent from Kaskaskia, and General Harrison, the Governor, urged it from + Vincennes, the capital. If that had succeeded, good-bye to liberty here. + But John Randolph of Virginia made a vigorous report against it; and + although they persevered so well as to get three favorable reports for it, + yet the United States Senate, with the aid of some slave States, finally + squelched if for good. [Applause.] And that is why this hall is to-day a + temple for free men instead of a negro livery-stable. [Great applause and + laughter.] Once let slavery get planted in a locality, by ever so weak or + doubtful a title, and in ever so small numbers, and it is like the Canada + thistle or Bermuda grass—you can't root it out. You yourself may + detest slavery; but your neighbor has five or six slaves, and he is an + excellent neighbor, or your son has married his daughter, and they beg you + to help save their property, and you vote against your interests and + principle to accommodate a neighbor, hoping that your vote will be on the + losing side. And others do the same; and in those ways slavery gets a sure + foothold. And when that is done the whole mighty Union—the force of + the nation—is committed to its support. And that very process is + working in Kansas to-day. And you must recollect that the slave property + is worth a billion of dollars; while free-State men must work for + sentiment alone. Then there are "blue lodges"—as they call them—everywhere + doing their secret and deadly work. + </p> + <p> + It is a very strange thing, and not solvable by any moral law that I know + of, that if a man loses his horse, the whole country will turn out to help + hang the thief; but if a man but a shade or two darker than I am is + himself stolen, the same crowd will hang one who aids in restoring him to + liberty. Such are the inconsistencies of slavery, where a horse is more + sacred than a man; and the essence of squatter or popular sovereignty—I + don't care how you call it—is that if one man chooses to make a + slave of another, no third man shall be allowed to object. And if you can + do this in free Kansas, and it is allowed to stand, the next thing you + will see is shiploads of negroes from Africa at the wharf at Charleston, + for one thing is as truly lawful as the other; and these are the bastard + notions we have got to stamp out, else they will stamp us out. [Sensation + and applause.] + </p> + <p> + Two years ago, at Springfield, Judge Douglas avowed that Illinois came + into the Union as a slave State, and that slavery was weeded out by the + operation of his great, patent, everlasting principle of "popular + sovereignty." [Laughter.] Well, now, that argument must be answered, for + it has a little grain of truth at the bottom. I do not mean that it is + true in essence, as he would have us believe. It could not be essentially + true if the Ordinance of '87 was valid. But, in point of fact, there were + some degraded beings called slaves in Kaskaskia and the other French + settlements when our first State constitution was adopted; that is a fact, + and I don't deny it. Slaves were brought here as early as 1720, and were + kept here in spite of the Ordinance of 1787 against it. But slavery did + not thrive here. On the contrary, under the influence of the ordinance the + number decreased fifty-one from 1810 to 1820; while under the influence of + squatter sovereignty, right across the river in Missouri, they increased + seven thousand two hundred and eleven in the same time; and slavery + finally faded out in Illinois, under the influence of the law of freedom, + while it grew stronger and stronger in Missouri, under the law or practice + of "popular sovereignty." In point of fact there were but one hundred and + seventeen slaves in Illinois one year after its admission, or one to every + four hundred and seventy of its population; or, to state it in another + way, if Illinois was a slave State in 1820, so were New York and New + Jersey much greater slave States from having had greater numbers, slavery + having been established there in very early times. But there is this vital + difference between all these States and the Judge's Kansas experiment: + that they sought to disestablish slavery which had been already + established, while the Judge seeks, so far as he can, to disestablish + freedom, which had been established there by the Missouri Compromise. + [Voices: "Good!"] + </p> + <p> + The Union is under-going a fearful strain; but it is a stout old ship, and + has weathered many a hard blow, and "the stars in their courses," aye, an + invisible Power, greater than the puny efforts of men, will fight for us. + But we ourselves must not decline the burden of responsibility, nor take + counsel of unworthy passions. Whatever duty urges us to do or to omit must + be done or omitted; and the recklessness with which our adversaries break + the laws, or counsel their violation, should afford no example for us. + Therefore, let us revere the Declaration of Independence; let us continue + to obey the Constitution and the laws; let us keep step to the music of + the Union. Let us draw a cordon, so to speak, around the slave States, and + the hateful institution, like a reptile poisoning itself, will perish by + its own infamy. [Applause.] + </p> + <p> + But we cannot be free men if this is, by our national choice, to be a land + of slavery. Those who deny freedom to others deserve it not for + themselves; and, under the rule of a just God, cannot long retain it.[Loud + applause.] + </p> + <p> + Did you ever, my friends, seriously reflect upon the speed with which we + are tending downwards? Within the memory of men now present the leading + statesman of Virginia could make genuine, red-hot abolitionist speeches in + old Virginia! and, as I have said, now even in "free Kansas" it is a crime + to declare that it is "free Kansas." The very sentiments that I and others + have just uttered would entitle us, and each of us, to the ignominy and + seclusion of a dungeon; and yet I suppose that, like Paul, we were "free + born." But if this thing is allowed to continue, it will be but one step + further to impress the same rule in Illinois. [Sensation.] + </p> + <p> + The conclusion of all is, that we must restore the Missouri Compromise. We + must highly resolve that Kansas must be free! [Great applause.] We must + reinstate the birthday promise of the Republic; we must reaffirm the + Declaration of Independence; we must make good in essence as well as in + form Madison's avowal that "the word slave ought not to appear in the + Constitution"; and we must even go further, and decree that only local + law, and not that time-honored instrument, shall shelter a slaveholder. We + must make this a land of liberty in fact, as it is in name. But in seeking + to attain these results—so indispensable if the liberty which is our + pride and boast shall endure—we will be loyal to the Constitution + and to the "flag of our Union," and no matter what our grievance—even + though Kansas shall come in as a slave State; and no matter what theirs—even + if we shall restore the compromise—WE WILL SAY TO THE SOUTHERN + DISUNIONISTS, WE WON'T GO OUT OF THE UNION, AND YOU SHAN'T! + </p> + <p> + [This was the climax; the audience rose to its feet en masse, applauded, + stamped, waved handkerchiefs, threw hats in the air, and ran riot for + several minutes. The arch-enchanter who wrought this transformation + looked, meanwhile, like the personification of political justice.] + </p> + <p> + But let us, meanwhile, appeal to the sense and patriotism of the people, + and not to their prejudices; let us spread the floods of enthusiasm here + aroused all over these vast prairies, so suggestive of freedom. Let us + commence by electing the gallant soldier Governor (Colonel) Bissell who + stood for the honor of our State alike on the plains and amidst the + chaparral of Mexico and on the floor of Congress, while he defied the + Southern Hotspur; and that will have a greater moral effect than all the + border ruffians can accomplish in all their raids on Kansas. There is both + a power and a magic in popular opinion. To that let us now appeal; and + while, in all probability, no resort to force will be needed, our + moderation and forbearance will stand US in good stead when, if ever, WE + MUST MAKE AN APPEAL TO BATTLE AND TO THE GOD OF HOSTS! [Immense applause + and a rush for the orator.] + </p> + <p> + One can realize with this ability to move people's minds that the Southern + Conspiracy were right to hate this man. He, better than any at the time + was able to uncover their stratagems and tear down their sophisms and + contradictions. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0104" id="link2H_4_0104"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + POLITICAL CORRESPONDENCE + </h2> + <h3> + TO W. C. WHITNEY. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, July 9, 1856. + </p> + <p> + DEAR WHITNEY:—I now expect to go to Chicago on the 15th, and I + probably shall remain there or thereabouts for about two weeks. + </p> + <p> + It turned me blind when I first heard Swett was beaten and Lovejoy + nominated; but, after much reflection, I really believe it is best to let + it stand. This, of course, I wish to be confidential. + </p> + <p> + Lamon did get your deeds. I went with him to the office, got them, and put + them in his hands myself. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0105" id="link2H_4_0105"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ON OUT-OF-STATE CAMPAIGNERS + </h2> + <h3> + TO WILLIAM GRIMES. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, July 12, 1856 + </p> + <p> + Your's of the 29th of June was duly received. I did not answer it because + it plagued me. This morning I received another from Judd and Peck, written + by consultation with you. Now let me tell you why I am plagued: + </p> + <p> + 1. I can hardly spare the time. + </p> + <p> + 2. I am superstitious. I have scarcely known a party preceding an election + to call in help from the neighboring States but they lost the State. Last + fall, our friends had Wade, of Ohio, and others, in Maine; and they lost + the State. Last spring our adversaries had New Hampshire full of South + Carolinians, and they lost the State. And so, generally, it seems to stir + up more enemies than friends. + </p> + <p> + Have the enemy called in any foreign help? If they have a foreign champion + there I should have no objection to drive a nail in his track. I shall + reach Chicago on the night of the 15th, to attend to a little business in + court. Consider the things I have suggested, and write me at Chicago. + Especially write me whether Browning consents to visit you. + </p> + <p> + Your obedient servant, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0106" id="link2H_4_0106"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN SPEECH + </h2> + <h3> + FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT GALENA, ILLINOIS, IN THE FREMONT CAMPAIGN, + </h3> + <p> + AUGUST 1, 1856. + </p> + <p> + You further charge us with being disunionists. If you mean that it is our + aim to dissolve the Union, I for myself answer that it is untrue; for + those who act with me I answer that it is untrue. Have you heard us assert + that as our aim? Do you really believe that such is our aim? Do you find + it in our platform, our speeches, our conventions, or anywhere? If not, + withdraw the charge. + </p> + <p> + But you may say that, though it is not our aim, it will be the result if + we succeed, and that we are therefore disunionists in fact. This is a + grave charge you make against us, and we certainly have a right to demand + that you specify in what way we are to dissolve the Union. How are we to + effect this? + </p> + <p> + The only specification offered is volunteered by Mr. Fillmore in his + Albany speech. His charge is that if we elect a President and + Vice-President both from the free States, it will dissolve the Union. This + is open folly. The Constitution provides that the President and + Vice-President of the United States shall be of different States, but says + nothing as to the latitude and longitude of those States. In 1828 Andrew + Jackson, of Tennessee, and John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, were + elected President and Vice-President, both from slave States; but no one + thought of dissolving the Union then on that account. In 1840 Harrison, of + Ohio, and Tyler, of Virginia, were elected. In 1841 Harrison died and John + Tyler succeeded to the Presidency, and William R. King, of Alabama, was + elected acting Vice-President by the Senate; but no one supposed that the + Union was in danger. In fact, at the very time Mr. Fillmore uttered this + idle charge, the state of things in the United States disproved it. Mr. + Pierce, of New Hampshire, and Mr. Bright, of Indiana, both from free + States, are President and Vice-President, and the Union stands and will + stand. You do not pretend that it ought to dissolve the Union, and the + facts show that it won't; therefore the charge may be dismissed without + further consideration. + </p> + <p> + No other specification is made, and the only one that could be made is + that the restoration of the restriction of 1820, making the United States + territory free territory, would dissolve the Union. Gentlemen, it will + require a decided majority to pass such an act. We, the majority, being + able constitutionally to do all that we purpose, would have no desire to + dissolve the Union. Do you say that such restriction of slavery would be + unconstitutional, and that some of the States would not submit to its + enforcement? I grant you that an unconstitutional act is not a law; but I + do not ask and will not take your construction of the Constitution. The + Supreme Court of the United States is the tribunal to decide such a + question, and we will submit to its decisions; and if you do also, there + will be an end of the matter. Will you? If not, who are the disunionists—you + or we? We, the majority, would not strive to dissolve the Union; and if + any attempt is made, it must be by you, who so loudly stigmatize us as + disunionists. But the Union, in any event, will not be dissolved. We don't + want to dissolve it, and if you attempt it we won't let you. With the + purse and sword, the army and navy and treasury, in our hands and at our + command, you could not do it. This government would be very weak indeed if + a majority with a disciplined army and navy and a well-filled treasury + could not preserve itself when attacked by an unarmed, undisciplined, + unorganized minority. All this talk about the dissolution of the Union is + humbug, nothing but folly. We do not want to dissolve the Union; you shall + not. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0107" id="link2H_4_0107"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ON THE DANGER OF THIRD-PARTIES + </h2> + <h3> + TO JOHN BENNETT. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, AUG. 4, 1856 + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—I understand you are a Fillmore man. If, as between + Fremont and Buchanan, you really prefer the election of Buchanan, then + burn this without reading a line further. But if you would like to defeat + Buchanan and his gang, allow me a word with you: Does any one pretend that + Fillmore can carry the vote of this State? I have not heard a single man + pretend so. Every vote taken from Fremont and given to Fillmore is just so + much in favor of Buchanan. The Buchanan men see this; and hence their + great anxiety in favor of the Fillmore movement. They know where the shoe + pinches. They now greatly prefer having a man of your character go for + Fillmore than for Buchanan because they expect several to go with you, who + would go for Fremont if you were to go directly for Buchanan. + </p> + <p> + I think I now understand the relative strength of the three parties in + this State as well as any one man does, and my opinion is that to-day + Buchanan has alone 85,000, Fremont 78,000, and Fillmore 21,000. + </p> + <p> + This gives B. the State by 7000 and leaves him in the minority of the + whole 14,000. + </p> + <p> + Fremont and Fillmore men being united on Bissell, as they already are, he + cannot be beaten. This is not a long letter, but it contains the whole + story. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0108" id="link2H_4_0108"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO JESSE K. DUBOIS. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 19, 1856. + </h3> + <p> + DEAR DUBOIS: Your letter on the same sheet with Mr. Miller's is just + received. I have been absent four days. I do not know when your court + sits. + </p> + <p> + Trumbull has written the committee here to have a set of appointments made + for him commencing here in Springfield, on the 11th of Sept., and to + extend throughout the south half of the State. When he goes to + Lawrenceville, as he will, I will strain every nerve to be with you and + him. More than that I cannot promise now. + </p> + <p> + Yours as truly as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0109" id="link2H_4_0109"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO HARRISON MALTBY. + </h2> + <h3> + [Confidential] + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, September 8, 1856. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—I understand you are a Fillmore man. Let me prove to you + that every vote withheld from Fremont and given to Fillmore in this State + actually lessens Fillmore's chance of being President. Suppose Buchanan + gets all the slave States and Pennsylvania, and any other one State + besides; then he is elected, no matter who gets all the rest. But suppose + Fillmore gets the two slave States of Maryland and Kentucky; then Buchanan + is not elected; Fillmore goes into the House of Representatives, and may + be made President by a compromise. But suppose, again, Fillmore's friends + throw away a few thousand votes on him in Indiana and Illinois; it will + inevitably give these States to Buchanan, which will more than compensate + him for the loss of Maryland and Kentucky, will elect him, and leave + Fillmore no chance in the House of Representatives or out of it. + </p> + <p> + This is as plain as adding up the weight of three small hogs. As Mr. + Fillmore has no possible chance to carry Illinois for himself, it is + plainly to his interest to let Fremont take it, and thus keep it out of + the hands of Buchanan. Be not deceived. Buchanan is the hard horse to beat + in this race. Let him have Illinois, and nothing can beat him; and he will + get Illinois if men persist in throwing away votes upon Mr. Fillmore. Does + some one persuade you that Mr. Fillmore can carry Illinois? Nonsense! + There are over seventy newspapers in Illinois opposing Buchanan, only + three or four of which support Mr. Fillmore, all the rest going for + Fremont. Are not these newspapers a fair index of the proportion of the + votes? If not, tell me why. + </p> + <p> + Again, of these three or four Fillmore newspapers, two, at least, are + supported in part by the Buchanan men, as I understand. Do not they know + where the shoe pinches? They know the Fillmore movement helps them, and + therefore they help it. Do think these things over, and then act according + to your judgment. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0110" id="link2H_4_0110"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO Dr. R. BOAL. + </h2> + <h3> + Sept. 14, 1856. + </h3> + <p> + Dr. R. BOAL, Lacon, Ill. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 8th inviting me to be with [you] at Lacon + on the 30th is received. I feel that I owe you and our friends of Marshall + a good deal, and I will come if I can; and if I do not get there, it will + be because I shall think my efforts are now needed farther south. + </p> + <p> + Present my regards to Mrs. Boal, and believe [me], as ever, + </p> + <p> + Your friend, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0111" id="link2H_4_0111"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO HENRY O'CONNER, MUSCATINE, IOWA. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, Sept. 14, 1856. + </h3> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Yours, inviting me to attend a mass-meeting on the 23d + inst., is received. It would be very pleasant to strike hands with the + Fremonters of Iowa, who have led the van so splendidly, in this grand + charge which we hope and believe will end in a most glorious victory. All + thanks, all honor to Iowa! But Iowa is out of all danger, and it is no + time for us, when the battle still rages, to pay holiday visits to Iowa. I + am sure you will excuse me for remaining in Illinois, where much hard work + is still to be done. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0112" id="link2H_4_0112"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + AFTER THE DEMOCRATIC VICTORY OF BUCHANAN + </h2> + <h3> + FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT A REPUBLICAN BANQUET IN CHICAGO, DECEMBER 10, 1856. + </h3> + <p> + We have another annual Presidential message. Like a rejected lover making + merry at the wedding of his rival, the President felicitates himself + hugely over the late Presidential election. He considers the result a + signal triumph of good principles and good men, and a very pointed rebuke + of bad ones. He says the people did it. He forgets that the "people," as + he complacently calls only those who voted for Buchanan, are in a minority + of the whole people by about four hundred thousand votes—one full + tenth of all the votes. Remembering this, he might perceive that the + "rebuke" may not be quite as durable as he seems to think—that the + majority may not choose to remain permanently rebuked by that minority. + </p> + <p> + The President thinks the great body of us Fremonters, being ardently + attached to liberty, in the abstract, were duped by a few wicked and + designing men. There is a slight difference of opinion on this. We think + he, being ardently attached to the hope of a second term, in the concrete, + was duped by men who had liberty every way. He is the cat's-paw. By much + dragging of chestnuts from the fire for others to eat, his claws are burnt + off to the gristle, and he is thrown aside as unfit for further use. As + the fool said of King Lear, when his daughters had turned him out of + doors, "He 's a shelled peascod" ("That 's a sheal'd peascod"). + </p> + <p> + So far as the President charges us "with a desire to change the domestic + institutions of existing States," and of "doing everything in our power to + deprive the Constitution and the laws of moral authority," for the whole + party on belief, and for myself on knowledge, I pronounce the charge an + unmixed and unmitigated falsehood. + </p> + <p> + Our government rests in public opinion. Whoever can change public opinion + can change the government practically just so much. Public opinion, on any + subject, always has a "central idea," from which all its minor thoughts + radiate. That "central idea" in our political public opinion at the + beginning was, and until recently has continued to be, "the equality of + men." And although it has always submitted patiently to whatever of + inequality there seemed to be as matter of actual necessity, its constant + working has been a steady progress toward the practical equality of all + men. The late Presidential election was a struggle by one party to discard + that central idea and to substitute for it the opposite idea that slavery + is right in the abstract, the workings of which as a central idea may be + the perpetuity of human slavery and its extension to all countries and + colors. Less than a year ago the Richmond Enquirer, an avowed advocate of + slavery, regardless of color, in order to favor his views, invented the + phrase "State equality," and now the President, in his message, adopts the + Enquirer's catch-phrase, telling us the people "have asserted the + constitutional equality of each and all of the States of the Union as + States." The President flatters himself that the new central idea is + completely inaugurated; and so indeed it is, so far as the mere fact of a + Presidential election can inaugurate it. To us it is left to know that the + majority of the people have not yet declared for it, and to hope that they + never will. + </p> + <p> + All of us who did not vote for Mr. Buchanan, taken together, are a + majority of four hundred thousand. But in the late contest we were divided + between Fremont and Fillmore. Can we not come together for the future? Let + every one who really believes and is resolved that free society is not and + shall not be a failure, and who can conscientiously declare that in the + last contest he has done only what he thought best—let every such + one have charity to believe that every other one can say as much. Thus let + bygones be bygones; let past differences as nothing be; and with steady + eye on the real issue let us reinaugurate the good old "central idea" of + the republic. We can do it. The human heart is with us; God is with us. We + shall again be able, not to declare that "all States as States are equal," + nor yet that "all citizens as citizens are equal," but to renew the + broader, better declaration, including both these and much more, that "all + men are created equal." + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0113" id="link2H_4_0113"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO Dr. R. BOAL. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, Dec. 25, 1856. + </h3> + <p> + DEAR SIR:-When I was at Chicago two weeks ago I saw Mr. Arnold, and from a + remark of his I inferred he was thinking of the speakership, though I + think he was not anxious about it. He seemed most anxious for harmony + generally, and particularly that the contested seats from Peoria and + McDonough might be rightly determined. Since I came home I had a talk with + Cullom, one of our American representatives here, and he says he is for + you for Speaker and also that he thinks all the Americans will be for you, + unless it be Gorin, of Macon, of whom he cannot speak. If you would like + to be Speaker go right up and see Arnold. He is talented, a practised + debater, and, I think, would do himself more credit on the floor than in + the Speaker's seat. Go and see him; and if you think fit, show him this + letter. + </p> + <p> + Your friend as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0114" id="link2H_4_0114"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + 1857 + </h2> + <h3> + TO JOHN E. ROSETTE. Private. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, ILL., February 10, 1857. + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Your note about the little paragraph in the Republican was + received yesterday, since which time I have been too unwell to notice it. + I had not supposed you wrote or approved it. The whole originated in + mistake. You know by the conversation with me that I thought the + establishment of the paper unfortunate, but I always expected to throw no + obstacle in its way, and to patronize it to the extent of taking and + paying for one copy. When the paper was brought to my house, my wife said + to me, "Now are you going to take another worthless little paper?" I said + to her evasively, "I have not directed the paper to be left." From this, + in my absence, she sent the message to the carrier. This is the whole + story. + </p> + <p> + Yours truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0115" id="link2H_4_0115"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + RESPONSE TO A DOUGLAS SPEECH + </h2> + <h3> + SPEECH IN SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, JUNE 26, 1857. + </h3> + <p> + FELLOW-CITIZENS:—I am here to-night partly by the invitation of some + of you, and partly by my own inclination. Two weeks ago Judge Douglas + spoke here on the several subjects of Kansas, the Dred Scott decision, and + Utah. I listened to the speech at the time, and have the report of it + since. It was intended to controvert opinions which I think just, and to + assail (politically, not personally) those men who, in common with me, + entertain those opinions. For this reason I wished then, and still wish, + to make some answer to it, which I now take the opportunity of doing. + </p> + <p> + I begin with Utah. If it prove to be true, as is probable, that the people + of Utah are in open rebellion to the United States, then Judge Douglas is + in favor of repealing their territorial organization, and attaching them + to the adjoining States for judicial purposes. I say, too, if they are in + rebellion, they ought to be somehow coerced to obedience; and I am not now + prepared to admit or deny that the Judge's mode of coercing them is not as + good as any. The Republicans can fall in with it without taking back + anything they have ever said. To be sure, it would be a considerable + backing down by Judge Douglas from his much-vaunted doctrine of + self-government for the Territories; but this is only additional proof of + what was very plain from the beginning, that that doctrine was a mere + deceitful pretense for the benefit of slavery. Those who could not see + that much in the Nebraska act itself, which forced governors, and + secretaries, and judges on the people of the Territories without their + choice or consent, could not be made to see, though one should rise from + the dead. + </p> + <p> + But in all this it is very plain the Judge evades the only question the + Republicans have ever pressed upon the Democracy in regard to Utah. That + question the Judge well knew to be this: "If the people of Utah peacefully + form a State constitution tolerating polygamy, will the Democracy admit + them into the Union?" There is nothing in the United States Constitution + or law against polygamy; and why is it not a part of the Judge's "sacred + right of self-government" for the people to have it, or rather to keep it, + if they choose? These questions, so far as I know, the Judge never + answers. It might involve the Democracy to answer them either way, and + they go unanswered. + </p> + <p> + As to Kansas. The substance of the Judge's speech on Kansas is an effort + to put the free-State men in the wrong for not voting at the election of + delegates to the constitutional convention. He says: + </p> + <p> + "There is every reason to hope and believe that the law will be fairly + interpreted and impartially executed, so as to insure to every bona fide + inhabitant the free and quiet exercise of the elective franchise." + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> +It appears extraordinary that Judge Douglas should make such a statement. +He knows that, by the law, no one can vote who has not been registered; +and he knows that the free-State men place their refusal to vote on the +ground that but few of them have been registered. It is possible that this +is not true, but Judge Douglas knows it is asserted to be true in letters, +newspapers, and public speeches, and borne by every mail and blown by +every breeze to the eyes and ears of the world. He knows it is boldly +declared that the people of many whole counties, and many whole +neighborhoods in others, are left unregistered; yet he does not venture +to contradict the declaration, or to point out how they can vote without +being registered; but he just slips along, not seeming to know there is +any such question of fact, and complacently declares: + + "There is every reason to hope and believe that the law will be +fairly and impartially executed, so as to insure to every bona fide +inhabitant the free and quiet exercise of the elective franchise." +</pre> + <p> + I readily agree that if all had a chance to vote they ought to have voted. + If, on the contrary, as they allege, and Judge Douglas ventures not to + particularly contradict, few only of the free-State men had a chance to + vote, they were perfectly right in staying from the polls in a body. + </p> + <p> + By the way, since the Judge spoke, the Kansas election has come off. The + Judge expressed his confidence that all the Democrats in Kansas would do + their duty-including "free-State Democrats," of course. The returns + received here as yet are very incomplete; but so far as they go, they + indicate that only about one sixth of the registered voters have really + voted; and this, too, when not more, perhaps, than one half of the + rightful voters have been registered, thus showing the thing to have been + altogether the most exquisite farce ever enacted. I am watching with + considerable interest to ascertain what figure "the free-State Democrats" + cut in the concern. Of course they voted,—all Democrats do their + duty,—and of course they did not vote for slave-State candidates. We + soon shall know how many delegates they elected, how many candidates they + had pledged to a free State, and how many votes were cast for them. + </p> + <p> + Allow me to barely whisper my suspicion that there were no such things in + Kansas as "free-State Democrats"—that they were altogether mythical, + good only to figure in newspapers and speeches in the free States. If + there should prove to be one real living free-State Democrat in Kansas, I + suggest that it might be well to catch him, and stuff and preserve his + skin as an interesting specimen of that soon-to-be extinct variety of the + genus Democrat. + </p> + <p> + And now as to the Dred Scott decision. That decision declares two + propositions—first, that a negro cannot sue in the United States + courts; and secondly, that Congress cannot prohibit slavery in the + Territories. It was made by a divided court dividing differently on the + different points. Judge Douglas does not discuss the merits of the + decision, and in that respect I shall follow his example, believing I + could no more improve on McLean and Curtis than he could on Taney. + </p> + <p> + He denounces all who question the correctness of that decision, as + offering violent resistance to it. But who resists it? Who has, in spite + of the decision, declared Dred Scott free, and resisted the authority of + his master over him? + </p> + <p> + Judicial decisions have two uses—first, to absolutely determine the + case decided, and secondly, to indicate to the public how other similar + cases will be decided when they arise. For the latter use, they are called + "precedents" and "authorities." + </p> + <p> + We believe as much as Judge Douglas (perhaps more) in obedience to, and + respect for, the judicial department of government. We think its decisions + on constitutional questions, when fully settled, should control not only + the particular cases decided, but the general policy of the country, + subject to be disturbed only by amendments of the Constitution as provided + in that instrument itself. More than this would be revolution. But we + think the Dred Scott decision is erroneous. We know the court that made it + has often overruled its own decisions, and we shall do what we can to have + it to overrule this. We offer no resistance to it. + </p> + <p> + Judicial decisions are of greater or less authority as precedents + according to circumstances. That this should be so accords both with + common sense and the customary understanding of the legal profession. + </p> + <p> + If this important decision had been made by the unanimous concurrence of + the judges, and without any apparent partisan bias, and in accordance with + legal public expectation and with the steady practice of the departments + throughout our history, and had been in no part based on assumed + historical facts which are not really true; or, if wanting in some of + these, it had been before the court more than once, and had there been + affirmed and reaffirmed through a course of years, it then might be, + perhaps would be, factious, nay, even revolutionary, not to acquiesce in + it as a precedent. + </p> + <p> + But when, as is true, we find it wanting in all these claims to the public + confidence, it is not resistance, it is not factious, it is not even + disrespectful, to treat it as not having yet quite established a settled + doctrine for the country. But Judge Douglas considers this view awful. + Hear him: + </p> + <p> + "The courts are the tribunals prescribed by the Constitution and created + by the authority of the people to determine, expound, and enforce the law. + Hence, whoever resists the final decision of the highest judicial tribunal + aims a deadly blow at our whole republican system of government—a + blow which, if successful, would place all our rights and liberties at the + mercy of passion, anarchy, and violence. I repeat, therefore, that if + resistance to the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States, in + a matter like the points decided in the Dred Scott case, clearly within + their jurisdiction as defined by the Constitution, shall be forced upon + the country as a political issue, it will become a distinct and naked + issue between the friends and enemies of the Constitution—the + friends and the enemies of the supremacy of the laws." + </p> + <p> + Why, this same Supreme Court once decided a national bank to be + constitutional; but General Jackson, as President of the United States, + disregarded the decision, and vetoed a bill for a recharter, partly on + constitutional ground, declaring that each public functionary must support + the Constitution "as he understands it." But hear the General's own words. + Here they are, taken from his veto message: + </p> + <p> + "It is maintained by the advocates of the bank that its constitutionality, + in all its features, ought to be considered as settled by precedent, and + by the decision of the Supreme Court. To this conclusion I cannot assent. + Mere precedent is a dangerous source of authority, and should not be + regarded as deciding questions of constitutional power, except where the + acquiescence of the people and the States can be considered as well + settled. So far from this being the case on this subject, an argument + against the bank might be based on precedent. One Congress, in 1791, + decided in favor of a bank; another, in 1811, decided against it. One + Congress, in 1815, decided against a bank; another, in 1816, decided in + its favor. Prior to the present Congress, therefore, the precedents drawn + from that course were equal. If we resort to the States, the expressions + of legislative, judicial, and executive opinions against the bank have + been probably to those in its favor as four to one. There is nothing in + precedent, therefore, which, if its authority were admitted, ought to + weigh in favor of the act before me." + </p> + <p> + I drop the quotations merely to remark that all there ever was in the way + of precedent up to the Dred Scott decision, on the points therein decided, + had been against that decision. But hear General Jackson further: + </p> + <p> + "If the opinion of the Supreme Court covered the whole ground of this act, + it ought not to control the coordinate authorities of this government. The + Congress, the executive, and the courts must, each for itself, be guided + by its own opinion of the Constitution. Each public officer who takes an + oath to support the Constitution swears that he will support it as he + understands it, and not as it is understood by others." + </p> + <p> + Again and again have I heard Judge Douglas denounce that bank decision and + applaud General Jackson for disregarding it. It would be interesting for + him to look over his recent speech, and see how exactly his fierce + philippics against us for resisting Supreme Court decisions fall upon his + own head. It will call to mind a long and fierce political war in this + country, upon an issue which, in his own language, and, of course, in his + own changeless estimation, "was a distinct issue between the friends and + the enemies of the Constitution," and in which war he fought in the ranks + of the enemies of the Constitution. + </p> + <p> + I have said, in substance, that the Dred Scott decision was in part based + on assumed historical facts which were not really true, and I ought not to + leave the subject without giving some reasons for saying this; I therefore + give an instance or two, which I think fully sustain me. Chief Justice + Taney, in delivering the opinion of the majority of the court, insists at + great length that negroes were no part of the people who made, or for whom + was made, the Declaration of Independence, or the Constitution of the + United States. + </p> + <p> + On the contrary, Judge Curtis, in his dissenting opinion, shows that in + five of the then thirteen States—to wit, New Hampshire, + Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey, and North Carolina—free negroes + were voters, and in proportion to their numbers had the same part in + making the Constitution that the white people had. He shows this with so + much particularity as to leave no doubt of its truth; and as a sort of + conclusion on that point, holds the following language: + </p> + <p> + "The Constitution was ordained and established by the people of the United + States, through the action, in each State, of those persons who were + qualified by its laws to act thereon in behalf of themselves and all other + citizens of the State. In some of the States, as we have seen, colored + persons were among those qualified by law to act on the subject. These + colored persons were not only included in the body of 'the people of the + United States' by whom the Constitution was ordained and established; but + in at least five of the States they had the power to act, and doubtless + did act, by their suffrages, upon the question of its adoption." + </p> + <p> + Again, Chief Justice Taney says: + </p> + <p> + "It is difficult at this day to realize the state of public opinion, in + relation to that unfortunate race, which prevailed in the civilized and + enlightened portions of the world at the time of the Declaration of + Independence, and when the Constitution of the United States was framed + and adopted." + </p> + <p> + And again, after quoting from the Declaration, he says: + </p> + <p> + "The general words above quoted would seem to include the whole human + family, and if they were used in a similar instrument at this day, would + be so understood." + </p> + <p> + In these the Chief Justice does not directly assert, but plainly assumes + as a fact, that the public estimate of the black man is more favorable now + than it was in the days of the Revolution. This assumption is a mistake. + In some trifling particulars the condition of that race has been + ameliorated; but as a whole, in this country, the change between then and + now is decidedly the other way, and their ultimate destiny has never + appeared so hopeless as in the last three or four years. In two of the + five States—New Jersey and North Carolina—that then gave the + free negro the right of voting, the right has since been taken away, and + in a third—New York—it has been greatly abridged; while it has + not been extended, so far as I know, to a single additional State, though + the number of the States has more than doubled. In those days, as I + understand, masters could, at their own pleasure, emancipate their slaves; + but since then such legal restraints have been made upon emancipation as + to amount almost to prohibition. In those days Legislatures held the + unquestioned power to abolish slavery in their respective States, but now + it is becoming quite fashionable for State constitutions to withhold that + power from the Legislatures. In those days, by common consent, the spread + of the black man's bondage to the new countries was prohibited, but now + Congress decides that it will not continue the prohibition, and the + Supreme Court decides that it could not if it would. In those days our + Declaration of Independence was held sacred by all, and thought to include + all; but now, to aid in making the bondage of the negro universal and + eternal, it is assailed and sneered at and construed and hawked at and + torn, till, if its framers could rise from their graves, they could not at + all recognize it. All the powers of earth seem rapidly combining against + him. Mammon is after him, ambition follows, philosophy follows, and the + theology of the day fast joining the cry. They have him in his prison + house; they have searched his person, and left no prying instrument with + him. One after another they have closed the heavy iron doors upon him; and + now they have him, as it were, bolted in with a lock of hundred keys, + which can never be unlocked without the concurrence of every key—the + keys in the hands of a hundred different men, and they scattered to + hundred different and distant places; and they stand musing as to what + invention, in all the dominions of mind and matter, can be produced to + make the impossibility of his escape more complete than it is. + </p> + <p> + It is grossly incorrect to say or assume that the public estimate of the + negro is more favorable now than it was at the origin of the government. + </p> + <p> + Three years and a half ago, Judge Douglas brought forward his famous + Nebraska Bill. The country was at once in a blaze. He scorned all + opposition, and carried it through Congress. Since then he has seen + himself superseded in a Presidential nomination by one indorsing the + general doctrine of his measure, but at the same time standing clear of + the odium of its untimely agitation and its gross breach of national + faith; and he has seen that successful rival constitutionally elected, not + by the strength of friends, but by the division of adversaries, being in a + popular minority of nearly four hundred thousand votes. He has seen his + chief aids in his own State, Shields and Richardson, politically speaking, + successively tried, convicted, and executed for an offence not their own + but his. And now he sees his own case standing next on the docket for + trial. + </p> + <p> + There is a natural disgust in the minds of nearly all white people at the + idea of an indiscriminate amalgamation of the white and black races; and + Judge Douglas evidently is basing his chief hope upon the chances of his + being able to appropriate the benefit of this disgust to himself. If he + can, by much drumming and repeating, fasten the odium of that idea upon + his adversaries, he thinks he can struggle through the storm. He therefore + clings to this hope, as a drowning man to the last plank. He makes an + occasion for lugging it in from the opposition to the Dred Scott decision. + He finds the Republicans insisting that the Declaration of Independence + includes all men, black as well as white, and forthwith he boldly denies + that it includes negroes at all, and proceeds to argue gravely that all + who contend it does, do so only because they want to vote, and eat, and + sleep, and marry with negroes. He will have it that they cannot be + consistent else. Now I protest against the counterfeit logic which + concludes that, because I do not want a black woman for a slave I must + necessarily want her for a wife. I need not have her for either. I can + just leave her alone. In some respects she certainly is not my equal; but + in her natural right to eat the bread she earns with her own hands, + without asking leave of any one else, she is my equal and the equal of all + others. + </p> + <p> + Chief Justice Taney, in his opinion in the Dred Scott case, admits that + the language of the Declaration is broad enough to include the whole human + family, but he and Judge Douglas argue that the authors of that instrument + did not intend to include negroes, by the fact that they did not at once + actually place them on an equality with the whites. Now this grave + argument comes to just nothing at all, by the other fact that they did not + at once, or ever afterward, actually place all white people on an equality + with one another. And this is the staple argument of both the Chief + Justice and the Senator for doing this obvious violence to the plain, + unmistakable language of the Declaration. + </p> + <p> + I think the authors of that notable instrument intended to include all + men, but they did not intend to declare all men equal in all respects. + They did not mean to say all were equal in color, size, intellect, moral + developments, or social capacity. They defined with tolerable distinctness + in what respects they did consider all men created equal—equal with + "certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the + pursuit of happiness." This they said, and this they meant. They did not + mean to assert the obvious untruth that all were then actually enjoying + that equality, nor yet that they were about to confer it immediately upon + them. In fact, they had no power to confer such a boon. They meant simply + to declare the right, so that enforcement of it might follow as fast as + circumstances should permit. + </p> + <p> + They meant to set up a standard maxim for free society, which should be + familiar to all, and revered by all; constantly looked to, constantly + labored for, and, even though never perfectly attained, constantly + approximated, and thereby constantly spreading and deepening its influence + and augmenting the happiness and value of life to all people of all colors + everywhere. The assertion that "all men are created equal" was of no + practical use in effecting our separation from Great Britain; and it was + placed in the Declaration not for that, but for future use. Its authors + meant it to be—as thank God, it is now proving itself—stumbling-block + to all those who in after times might seek to turn a free people back into + the hateful paths of despotism. They knew the proneness of prosperity to + breed tyrants, and they meant when such should reappear in this fair land + and commence their vocation, they should find left for them at least one + hard nut to crack. + </p> + <p> + I have now briefly expressed my view of the meaning and object of that + part of the Declaration of Independence which declares that "all men are + created equal." + </p> + <p> + Now let us hear Judge Douglas's view of the same subject, as I find it in + the printed report of his late speech. Here it is: + </p> + <p> + "No man can vindicate the character, motives, and conduct of the signers + of the Declaration of Independence, except upon the hypothesis that they + referred to the white race alone, and not to the African, when they + declared all men to have been created equal; that they were speaking of + British subjects on this continent being equal to British subjects born + and residing in Great Britain; that they were entitled to the same + inalienable rights, and among them were enumerated life, liberty, and the + pursuit of happiness. The Declaration was adopted for the purpose of + justifying the colonists in the eyes of the civilized world in withdrawing + their allegiance from the British crown, and dissolving their connection + with the mother country." + </p> + <p> + My good friends, read that carefully over some leisure hour, and ponder + well upon it; see what a mere wreck—mangled ruin—it makes of + our once glorious Declaration. + </p> + <p> + "They were speaking of British subjects on this continent being equal to + British subjects born and residing in Great Britain"! Why, according to + this, not only negroes but white people outside of Great Britain and + America were not spoken of in that instrument. The English, Irish, and + Scotch, along with white Americans, were included, to be sure, but the + French, Germans, and other white people of the world are all gone to pot + along with the Judge's inferior races! + </p> + <p> + I had thought the Declaration promised something better than the condition + of British subjects; but no, it only meant that we should be equal to them + in their own oppressed and unequal condition. According to that, it gave + no promise that, having kicked off the king and lords of Great Britain, we + should not at once be saddled with a king and lords of our own. + </p> + <p> + I had thought the Declaration contemplated the progressive improvement in + the condition of all men everywhere; but no, it merely "was adopted for + the purpose of justifying the colonists in the eyes of the civilized world + in withdrawing their allegiance from the British crown, and dissolving + their connection with the mother country." Why, that object having been + effected some eighty years ago, the Declaration is of no practical use now—mere + rubbish—old wadding left to rot on the battlefield after the victory + is won. + </p> + <p> + I understand you are preparing to celebrate the "Fourth," to-morrow week. + What for? The doings of that day had no reference to the present; and + quite half of you are not even descendants of those who were referred to + at that day. But I suppose you will celebrate, and will even go so far as + to read the Declaration. Suppose, after you read it once in the + old-fashioned way, you read it once more with Judge Douglas's version. It + will then run thus: + </p> + <p> + "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all British subjects who + were on this continent eighty-one years ago were created equal to all + British subjects born and then residing in Great Britain." + </p> + <p> + And now I appeal to all—to Democrats as well as others—are you + really willing that the Declaration shall thus be frittered away?—thus + left no more, at most, than an interesting memorial of the dead past?—thus + shorn of its vitality and practical value, and left without the germ or + even the suggestion of the individual rights of man in it? + </p> + <p> + But Judge Douglas is especially horrified at the thought of the mixing of + blood by the white and black races. Agreed for once—a thousand times + agreed. There are white men enough to marry all the white women and black + men enough to many all the black women; and so let them be married. On + this point we fully agree with the Judge, and when he shall show that his + policy is better adapted to prevent amalgamation than ours, we shall drop + ours and adopt his. Let us see. In 1850 there were in the United States + 405,751 mulattoes. Very few of these are the offspring of whites and free + blacks; nearly all have sprung from black slaves and white masters. A + separation of the races is the only perfect preventive of amalgamation; + but as an immediate separation is impossible, the next best thing is to + keep them apart where they are not already together. If white and black + people never get together in Kansas, they will never mix blood in Kansas. + That is at least one self-evident truth. A few free colored persons may + get into the free States, in any event; but their number is too + insignificant to amount to much in the way of mixing blood. In 1850 there + were in the free States 56,649 mulattoes; but for the most part they were + not born there—they came from the slave States, ready made up. In + the same year the slave States had 348,874 mulattoes, all of home + production. The proportion of free mulattoes to free blacks—the only + colored classes in the free States is much greater in the slave than in + the free States. It is worthy of note, too, that among the free States + those which make the colored man the nearest equal to the white have + proportionably the fewest mulattoes, the least of amalgamation. In New + Hampshire, the State which goes farthest toward equality between the + races, there are just 184 mulattoes, while there are in Virginia—how + many do you think?—79,775, being 23,126 more than in all the free + States together. + </p> + <p> + These statistics show that slavery is the greatest source of amalgamation, + and next to it, not the elevation, but the degradation of the free blacks. + Yet Judge Douglas dreads the slightest restraints on the spread of + slavery, and the slightest human recognition of the negro, as tending + horribly to amalgamation! + </p> + <p> + The very Dred Scott case affords a strong test as to which party most + favors amalgamation, the Republicans or the dear Union-saving Democracy. + Dred Scott, his wife, and two daughters were all involved in the suit. We + desired the court to have held that they were citizens so far at least as + to entitle them to a hearing as to whether they were free or not; and + then, also, that they were in fact and in law really free. Could we have + had our way, the chances of these black girls ever mixing their blood with + that of white people would have been diminished at least to the extent + that it could not have been without their consent. But Judge Douglas is + delighted to have them decided to be slaves, and not human enough to have + a hearing, even if they were free, and thus left subject to the forced + concubinage of their masters, and liable to become the mothers of + mulattoes in spite of themselves: the very state of case that produces + nine tenths of all the mulattoes all the mixing of blood in the nation. + </p> + <p> + Of course, I state this case as an illustration only, not meaning to say + or intimate that the master of Dred Scott and his family, or any more than + a percentage of masters generally, are inclined to exercise this + particular power which they hold over their female slaves. + </p> + <p> + I have said that the separation of the races is the only perfect + preventive of amalgamation. I have no right to say all the members of the + Republican party are in favor of this, nor to say that as a party they are + in favor of it. There is nothing in their platform directly on the + subject. But I can say a very large proportion of its members are for it, + and that the chief plank in their platform—opposition to the spread + of slavery—is most favorable to that separation. + </p> + <p> + Such separation, if ever effected at all, must be effected by + colonization; and no political party, as such, is now doing anything + directly for colonization. Party operations at present only favor or + retard colonization incidentally. The enterprise is a difficult one; but + "where there is a will there is a way," and what colonization needs most + is a hearty will. Will springs from the two elements of moral sense and + self-interest. Let us be brought to believe it is morally right, and at + the same time favorable to, or at least not against, our interest to + transfer the African to his native clime, and we shall find a way to do + it, however great the task may be. The children of Israel, to such numbers + as to include four hundred thousand fighting men, went out of Egyptian + bondage in a body. + </p> + <p> + How differently the respective courses of the Democratic and Republican + parties incidentally, bear on the question of forming a will—a + public sentiment—for colonization, is easy to see. The Republicans + inculcate, with whatever of ability they can, that the negro is a man, + that his bondage is cruelly wrong, and that the field of his oppression + ought not to be enlarged. The Democrats deny his manhood; deny, or dwarf + to insignificance, the wrong of his bondage; so far as possible crush all + sympathy for him, and cultivate and excite hatred and disgust against him; + compliment themselves as Union-savers for doing so; and call the + indefinite outspreading of his bondage "a sacred right of + self-government." + </p> + <p> + The plainest print cannot be read through a gold eagle; and it will be + ever hard to find many men who will send a slave to Liberia, and pay his + passage, while they can send him to a new country—Kansas, for + instance—and sell him for fifteen hundred dollars, and the rise. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0116" id="link2H_4_0116"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO WILLIAM GRIMES. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, August, 1857 + </h3> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 14th is received, and I am much obliged for + the legal information you give. + </p> + <p> + You can scarcely be more anxious than I that the next election in Iowa + should result in favor of the Republicans. I lost nearly all the working + part of last year, giving my time to the canvass; and I am altogether too + poor to lose two years together. I am engaged in a suit in the United + States Court at Chicago, in which the Rock Island Bridge Company is a + party. The trial is to commence on the 8th of September, and probably will + last two or three weeks. During the trial it is not improbable that all + hands may come over and take a look at the bridge, and, if it were + possible to make it hit right, I could then speak at Davenport. My courts + go right on without cessation till late in November. Write me again, + pointing out the more striking points of difference between your old and + new constitutions, and also whether Democratic and Republican party lines + were drawn in the adoption of it, and which were for and which were + against it. If, by possibility, I could get over among you it might be of + some advantage to know these things in advance. + </p> + <p> + Yours very truly, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0117" id="link2H_4_0117"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ARGUMENT IN THE ROCK ISLAND BRIDGE CASE. + </h2> + <h3> + (From the Daily Press of Chicago, Sept. 24, 1857.) + </h3> + <p> + Hurd et al. vs Railroad Bridge Co. + </p> + <p> + United States Circuit Court, Hon. John McLean, Presiding Judge. + </p> + <p> + 13th day, Tuesday, Sept. 22, 1857. + </p> + <p> + Mr. A. Lincoln addressed the jury. He said he did not purpose to assail + anybody, that he expected to grow earnest as he proceeded but not + ill-natured. "There is some conflict of testimony in the case," he said, + "but one quarter of such a number of witnesses seldom agree, and even if + all were on one side some discrepancy might be expected. We are to try and + reconcile them, and to believe that they are not intentionally erroneous + as long as we can." He had no prejudice, he said, against steamboats or + steamboat men nor any against St. Louis, for he supposed they went about + this matter as other people would do in their situation. "St. Louis," he + continued, "as a commercial place may desire that this bridge should not + stand, as it is adverse to her commerce, diverting a portion of it from + the river; and it may be that she supposes that the additional cost of + railroad transportation upon the productions of Iowa will force them to go + to St. Louis if this bridge is removed. The meetings in St. Louis are + connected with this case only as some witnesses are in it, and thus has + some prejudice added color to their testimony." The last thing that would + be pleasing to him, Mr. Lincoln said, would be to have one of these great + channels, extending almost from where it never freezes to where it never + thaws, blocked up, but there is a travel from east to west whose demands + are not less important than those of the river. It is growing larger and + larger, building up new countries with a rapidity never before seen in the + history of the world. He alluded to the astonishing growth of Illinois, + having grown within his memory to a population of a million and a half; to + Iowa and the other young rising communities of the Northwest. + </p> + <p> + "This current of travel," said he, "has its rights as well as that of + north and south. If the river had not the advantage in priority and + legislation we could enter into free competition with it and we could + surpass it. This particular railroad line has a great importance and the + statement of its business during a little less than a year shows this + importance. It is in evidence that from September 8, 1856, to August 8, + 1857, 12,586 freight cars and 74,179 passengers passed over this bridge. + Navigation was closed four days short of four months last year, and during + this time while the river was of no use this road and bridge were + valuable. There is, too, a considerable portion of time when floating or + thin ice makes the river useless while the bridge is as useful as ever. + This shows that this bridge must be treated with respect in this court and + is not to be kicked about with contempt. The other day Judge Wead alluded + to the strike of the contending interest and even a dissolution of the + Union. The proper mode for all parties in this affair is to 'live and let + live,' and then we will find a cessation of this trouble about the bridge. + What mood were the steamboat men in when this bridge was burned? Why, + there was a shouting and ringing of bells and whistling on all the boats + as it fell. It was a jubilee, a greater celebration than follows an + excited election. The first thing I will proceed to is the record of Mr. + Gurney and the complaint of Judge Wead that the record did not extend back + over all the time from the completion of the bridge. The principal part of + the navigation after the bridge was burned passed through the span. When + the bridge was repaired and the boats were a second time confined to the + draw it was provided that this record should be kept. That is the simple + history of that book. + </p> + <p> + "From April 19th, 1856, to May 6th—seventeen days—there were + twenty accidents and all the time since then there have been but twenty + hits, including seven accidents, so that the dangers of this place are + tapering off and as the boatmen get cool the accidents get less. We may + soon expect if this ratio is kept up that there will be no accidents at + all. + </p> + <p> + "Judge Wead said, while admitting that the floats went straight through, + there was a difference between a float and a boat, but I do not remember + that he indulged us with an argument in support of this statement. Is it + because there is a difference in size? Will not a small body and a large + one float the same way under the same influence? True a flatboat will + float faster than an egg shell and the egg shell might be blown away by + the wind, but if under the same influence they would go the same way. + Logs, floats, boards, various things the witnesses say all show the same + current. Then is not this test reliable? At all depths too the direction + of the current is the same. A series of these floats would make a line as + long as a boat and would show any influence upon any part and all parts of + the boat. + </p> + <p> + "I will now speak of the angular position of the piers. What is the amount + of the angle? The course of the river is a curve and the pier is straight. + If a line is produced from the upper end of the long pier straight with + the pier to a distance of 350 feet, and a line is drawn from a point in + the channel opposite this point to the head of the pier, Colonel Nason + says they will form an angle of twenty degrees. But the angle if measured + at the pier is seven degrees; that is, we would have to move the pier + seven degrees to make it exactly straight with the current. Would that + make the navigation better or worse? The witnesses of the plaintiff seem + to think it was only necessary to say that the pier formed an angle with + the current and that settled the matter. Our more careful and accurate + witnesses say that, though they had been accustomed to seeing the piers + placed straight with the current, yet they could see that here the current + had been made straight by us in having made this slight angle; that the + water now runs just right, that it is straight and cannot be improved. + They think that if the pier was changed the eddy would be divided and the + navigation improved. + </p> + <p> + "I am not now going to discuss the question what is a material + obstruction. We do not greatly differ about the law. The cases produced + here are, I suppose, proper to be taken into consideration by the court in + instructing a jury. Some of them I think are not exactly in point, but I + am still willing to trust his honor, Judge McLean, and take his + instructions as law. What is reasonable skill and care? This is a thing of + which the jury are to judge. I differ from the other side when it says + that they are bound to exercise no more care than was taken before the + building of the bridge. If we are allowed by the Legislature to build the + bridge which will require them to do more than before, when a pilot comes + along, it is unreasonable for him to dash on heedless of this structure + which has been legally put there. The Afton came there on the 5th and lay + at Rock Island until next morning. When a boat lies up the pilot has a + holiday, and would not any of these jurors have then gone around to the + bridge and gotten acquainted with the place? Pilot Parker has shown here + that he does not understand the draw. I heard him say that the fall from + the head to the foot of the pier was four feet; he needs information. He + could have gone there that day and seen there was no such fall. He should + have discarded passion and the chances are that he would have had no + disaster at all. He was bound to make himself acquainted with the place. + </p> + <p> + "McCammon says that the current and the swell coming from the long pier + drove her against the long pier. In other words drove her toward the very + pier from which the current came! It is an absurdity, an impossibility. + The only recollection I can find for this contradiction is in a current + which White says strikes out from the long pier and then like a ram's horn + turns back, and this might have acted somehow in this manner. + </p> + <p> + "It is agreed by all that the plaintiff's boat was destroyed and that it + was destroyed upon the head of the short pier; that she moved from the + channel where she was with her bow above the head of the long pier, till + she struck the short one, swung around under the bridge and there was + crowded and destroyed. + </p> + <p> + "I shall try to prove that the average velocity of the current through the + draw with the boat in it should be five and a half miles an hour; that it + is slowest at the head of the pier and swiftest at the foot of the pier. + Their lowest estimate in evidence is six miles an hour, their highest + twelve miles. This was the testimony of men who had made no experiment, + only conjecture. We have adopted the most exact means. The water runs + swiftest in high water and we have taken the point of nine feet above low + water. The water when the Afton was lost was seven feet above low water, + or at least a foot lower than our time. Brayton and his assistants timed + the instruments, the best instruments known in measuring currents. They + timed them under various circumstances and they found the current five + miles an hour and no more. They found that the water at the upper end ran + slower than five miles; that below it was swifter than five miles, but + that the average was five miles. Shall men who have taken no care, who + conjecture, some of whom speak of twenty miles an hour, be believed + against those who have had such a favorable and well improved opportunity? + They should not even qualify the result. Several men have given their + opinion as to the distance of the steamboat Carson, and I suppose if one + should go and measure that distance you would believe him in preference to + all of them. + </p> + <p> + "These measurements were made when the boat was not in the draw. It has + been ascertained what is the area of the cross section of this stream and + the area of the face of the piers, and the engineers say that the piers + being put there will increase the current proportionally as the space is + decreased. So with the boat in the draw. The depth of the channel was + twenty-two feet, the width one hundred and sixteen feet; multiply these + and you have the square-feet across the water of the draw, viz.: 2552 + feet. The Afton was 35 feet wide and drew 5 feet, making a fourteenth of + the sum. Now, one-fourteenth of five miles is five-fourteenths of one mile—about + one third of a mile—the increase of the current. We will call the + current five and a half miles per hour. The next thing I will try to prove + is that the plaintiff's (?) boat had power to run six miles an hour in + that current. It had been testified that she was a strong, swift boat, + able to run eight miles an hour up stream in a current of four miles an + hour, and fifteen miles down stream. Strike the average and you will find + what is her average—about eleven and a half miles. Take the five and + a half miles which is the speed of the current in the draw and it leaves + the power of that boat in that draw at six miles an hour, 528 feet per + minute and 8 4/5 feet to the second. + </p> + <p> + "Next I propose to show that there are no cross currents. I know their + witnesses say that there are cross currents—that, as one witness + says, there were three cross currents and two eddies; so far as mere + statement, without experiment, and mingled with mistakes, can go, they + have proved. But can these men's testimony be compared with the nice, + exact, thorough experiments of our witnesses? Can you believe that these + floats go across the currents? It is inconceivable that they could not + have discovered every possible current. How do boats find currents that + floats cannot discover? We assume the position then that those cross + currents are not there. My next proposition is that the Afton passed + between the S. B. Carson and the Iowa shore. That is undisputed. + </p> + <p> + "Next I shall show that she struck first the short pier, then the long + pier, then the short one again and there she stopped." Mr. Lincoln then + cited the testimony of eighteen witnesses on this point. + </p> + <p> + "How did the boat strike when she went in? Here is an endless variety of + opinion. But ten of them say what pier she struck; three of them testify + that she struck first the short, then the long and then the short for the + last time. None of the rest substantially contradict this. I assume that + these men have got the truth because I believe it an established fact. My + next proposition is that after she struck the short and long pier and + before she got back to the short pier the boat got right with her bow up. + So says the pilot Parker—that he got her through until her starboard + wheel passed the short pier. This would make her head about even with the + head of the long pier. He says her head was as high or higher than the + head of the long pier. Other witnesses confirmed this one. The final + stroke was in the splash door aft the wheel. Witnesses differ, but the + majority say that she struck thus." + </p> + <p> + Court adjourned. + </p> + <p> + 14th day, Wednesday, Sept. 23, 1857. + </p> + <p> + Mr. A. LINCOLN resumed. He said he should conclude as soon as possible. He + said the colored map of the plaintiff which was brought in during one + stage of the trial showed itself that the cross currents alleged did not + exist. That the current as represented would drive an ascending boat to + the long pier but not to the short pier, as they urge. He explained from a + model of a boat where the splash door is, just behind the wheel. The boat + struck on the lower shoulder of the short pier as she swung around in the + splash door; then as she went on around she struck the point or end of the + pier, where she rested. "Her engineers," said Mr. Lincoln, "say the + starboard wheel then was rushing around rapidly. Then the boat must have + struck the upper point of the pier so far back as not to disturb the + wheel. It is forty feet from the stern of the Afton to the splash door, + and thus it appears that she had but forty feet to go to clear the pier. + How was it that the Afton with all her power flanked over from the channel + to the short pier without moving one foot ahead? Suppose she was in the + middle of the draw, her wheel would have been 31 feet from the short pier. + The reason she went over thus is her starboard wheel was not working. I + shall try to establish the fact that the wheel was not running and that + after she struck she went ahead strong on this same wheel. Upon the last + point the witnesses agree, that the starboard wheel was running after she + struck, and no witnesses say that it was running while she was out in the + draw flanking over." + </p> + <p> + Mr. Lincoln read from the testimonies of various witnesses to prove that + the starboard wheel was not working while the Afton was out in the stream. + </p> + <p> + "Other witnesses show that the captain said something of the machinery of + the wheel, and the inference is that he knew the wheel was not working. + The fact is undisputed that she did not move one inch ahead while she was + moving this 31 feet sideways. There is evidence proving that the current + there is only five miles an hour, and the only explanation is that her + power was not all used—that only one wheel was working. The pilot + says he ordered the engineers to back her up. The engineers differ from + him and said they kept on going ahead. The bow was so swung that the + current pressed it over; the pilot pressed the stern over with the rudder, + though not so fast but that the bow gained on it, and only one wheel being + in motion the boat nearly stood still so far as motion up and down is + concerned, and thus she was thrown upon this pier. The Afton came into the + draw after she had just passed the Carson, and as the Carson no doubt kept + the true course the Afton going around her got out of the proper way, got + across the current into the eddy which is west of a straight line drawn + down from the long pier, was compelled to resort to these changes of + wheels, which she did not do with sufficient adroitness to save her. Was + it not her own fault that she entered wrong, so far wrong that she never + got right? Is the defence to blame for that? + </p> + <p> + "For several days we were entertained with depositions about boats + 'smelling a bar.' Why did the Afton then, after she had come up smelling + so close to the long pier sheer off so strangely. When she got to the + centre of the very nose she was smelling she seemed suddenly to have lost + her sense of smell and to have flanked over to the short pier." + </p> + <p> + Mr. Lincoln said there was no practicability in the project of building a + tunnel under the river, for there "is not a tunnel that is a successful + project in this world. A suspension bridge cannot be built so high but + that the chimneys of the boats will grow up till they cannot pass. The + steamboat men will take pains to make them grow. The cars of a railroad + cannot without immense expense rise high enough to get even with a + suspension bridge or go low enough to get through a tunnel; such expense + is unreasonable. + </p> + <p> + "The plaintiffs have to establish that the bridge is a material + obstruction and that they have managed their boat with reasonable care and + skill. As to the last point high winds have nothing to do with it, for it + was not a windy day. They must show due skill and care. Difficulties going + down stream will not do, for they were going up stream. Difficulties with + barges in tow have nothing to do with the accident, for they had no + barge." Mr. Lincoln said he had much more to say, many things he could + suggest to the jury, but he wished to close to save time. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0118" id="link2H_4_0118"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO JESSE K. DUBOIS. + </h2> + <h3> + DEAR DUBOIS: + </h3> + <p> + BLOOMINGTON, Dec. 19, 1857. + </p> + <p> + J. M. Douglas of the I. C. R. R. Co. is here and will carry this letter. + He says they have a large sum (near $90,000) which they will pay into the + treasury now, if they have an assurance that they shall not be sued before + Jan., 1859—otherwise not. I really wish you could consent to this. + Douglas says they cannot pay more, and I believe him. + </p> + <p> + I do not write this as a lawyer seeking an advantage for a client; but + only as a friend, only urging you to do what I think I would do if I were + in your situation. I mean this as private and confidential only, but I + feel a good deal of anxiety about it. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0119" id="link2H_4_0119"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO JOSEPH GILLESPIE. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, Jan. 19, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR: This morning Col. McClernand showed me a petition for a + mandamus against the Secretary of State to compel him to certify the + apportionment act of last session; and he says it will be presented to the + court to-morrow morning. We shall be allowed three or four days to get up + a return, and I, for one, want the benefit of consultation with you. + </p> + <p> + Please come right up. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0120" id="link2H_4_0120"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO J. GILLESPIE. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, Feb 7, 1858 + </h3> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR: Yesterday morning the court overruled the demurrer to Hatches + return in the mandamus case. McClernand was present; said nothing about + pleading over; and so I suppose the matter is ended. + </p> + <p> + The court gave no reason for the decision; but Peck tells me + confidentially that they were unanimous in the opinion that even if the + Gov'r had signed the bill purposely, he had the right to scratch his name + off so long as the bill remained in his custody and control. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0121" id="link2H_4_0121"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + TO H. C. WHITNEY. + </h2> + <h3> + SPRINGFIELD, December 18, 1857. + </h3> + <p> + HENRY C. WHITNEY, ESQ. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR:—Coming home from Bloomington last night I found your + letter of the 15th. + </p> + <p> + I know of no express statute or decisions as to what a J. P. upon the + expiration of his term shall do with his docket books, papers, unfinished + business, etc., but so far as I know, the practice has been to hand over + to the successor, and to cease to do anything further whatever, in perfect + analogy to Sections 110 and 112, and I have supposed and do suppose this + is the law. I think the successor may forthwith do whatever the retiring + J. P. might have done. As to the proviso to Section 114 I think it was put + in to cover possible cases, by way of caution, and not to authorize the J. + P. to go forward and finish up whatever might have been begun by him. + </p> + <p> + The view I take, I believe, is the Common law principle, as to retiring + officers and their successors, to which I remember but one exception, + which is the case of Sheriff and ministerial officers of that class. + </p> + <p> + I have not had time to examine this subject fully, but I have great + confidence I am right. You must not think of offering me pay for this. + </p> + <p> + Mr. John O. Johnson is my friend; I gave your name to him. He is doing the + work of trying to get up a Republican organization. I do not suppose "Long + John" ever saw or heard of him. Let me say to you confidentially, that I + do not entirely appreciate what the Republican papers of Chicago are so + constantly saying against "Long John." I consider those papers truly + devoted to the Republican cause, and not unfriendly to me; but I do think + that more of what they say against "Long John" is dictated by personal + malice than themselves are conscious of. We can not afford to lose the + services of "Long John" and I do believe the unrelenting warfare made upon + him is injuring our cause. I mean this to be confidential. + </p> + <p> + If you quietly co-operate with Mr. J. O. Johnson on getting up an + organization, I think it will be right. + </p> + <p> + Your friend as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0122" id="link2H_4_0122"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + 1858 + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0123" id="link2H_4_0123"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + ANOTHER POLITICAL PATRONAGE REFERENCE + </h2> + <h3> + TO EDWARD G. MINER. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, Feb.19, 1858. + </p> + <p> + MY DEAR SIR: + </p> + <p> + Mr. G. A. Sutton is an applicant for superintendent of the addition of the + Insane Asylum, and I understand it partly depends on you whether he gets + it. + </p> + <p> + Sutton is my fellow-townsman and friend, and I therefore wish to say for + him that he is a man of sterling integrity and as a master mechanic and + builder not surpassed by any in our city, or any I have known anywhere, as + far as I can judge. I hope you will consider me as being really interested + for Mr. Sutton and not as writing merely to relieve myself of importunity. + Please show this to Col. William Ross and let him consider it as much + intended for him as for yourself. + </p> + <p> + Your friend as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0124" id="link2H_4_0124"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + POLITICAL COMMUNICATION + </h2> + <h3> + TO W. H. LAMON, ESQ. + </h3> + <p> + SPRINGFIELD, JUNE 11, 1858 + </p> + <p> + DEAR SIR:—Yours of the 9th written at Joliet is just received. Two + or three days ago I learned that McLean had appointed delegates in favor + of Lovejoy, and thenceforward I have considered his renomination a fixed + fact. My opinion—if my opinion is of any consequence in this case, + in which it is no business of mine to interfere—remains unchanged, + that running an independent candidate against Lovejoy will not do; that it + will result in nothing but disaster all round. In the first place, + whosoever so runs will be beaten and will be spotted for life; in the + second place, while the race is in progress, he will be under the + strongest temptation to trade with the Democrats, and to favor the + election of certain of their friends to the Legislature; thirdly, I shall + be held responsible for it, and Republican members of the Legislature who + are partial to Lovejoy will for that purpose oppose us; and lastly, it + will in the end lose us the district altogether. There is no safe way but + a convention; and if in that convention, upon a common platform which all + are willing to stand upon, one who has been known as an abolitionist, but + who is now occupying none but common ground, can get the majority of the + votes to which all look for an election, there is no safe way but to + submit. + </p> + <p> + As to the inclination of some Republicans to favor Douglas, that is one of + the chances I have to run, and which I intend to run with patience. + </p> + <p> + I write in the court room. Court has opened, and I must close. + </p> + <p> + Yours as ever, + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0125" id="link2H_4_0125"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + BRIEF AUTOBIOGRAPHY, + </h2> + <h3> + JUNE 15, 1858. + </h3> + <p> + The compiler of the Dictionary of Congress states that while preparing + that work for publication, in 1858, he sent to Mr. Lincoln the usual + request for a sketch of his life, and received the following reply: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Born February 12, 1809, in Hardin County, Kentucky. + Education, defective. + Profession, a lawyer. + Have been a captain of volunteers in Black Hawk war. + Postmaster at a very small office. + Four times a member of the Illinois Legislature and was + a member of the lower house of Congress. +</pre> + <p> + Yours, etc., + </p> + <p> + A. LINCOLN. <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Papers And Writings Of Abraham +Lincoln, Volume Two, by Abraham Lincoln + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LINCOLN'S PAPERS *** + +***** This file should be named 2654-h.htm or 2654-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/2/6/5/2654/ + +Produced by David Widger + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, +set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to +copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to +protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project +Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you +charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you +do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the +rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose +such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and +research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do +practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is +subject to the trademark license, especially commercial +redistribution. + + + +*** START: FULL LICENSE *** + +THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE +PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK + +To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free +distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work +(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project +Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project +Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at +http://gutenberg.org/license). + + +Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic works + +1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to +and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property +(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all +the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy +all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. +If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the +terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or +entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. + +1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be +used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who +agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few +things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works +even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See +paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement +and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. See paragraph 1.E below. + +1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" +or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the +collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an +individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are +located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from +copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative +works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg +are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project +Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by +freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of +this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with +the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by +keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project +Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. + +1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern +what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in +a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check +the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement +before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or +creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project +Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning +the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United +States. + +1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: + +1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate +access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently +whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the +phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project +Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, +copied or distributed: + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + +1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived +from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is +posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied +and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees +or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work +with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the +work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 +through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the +Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or +1.E.9. + +1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted +with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution +must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional +terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked +to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the +permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. + +1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this +work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. + +1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this +electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without +prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with +active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project +Gutenberg-tm License. + +1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, +compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any +word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or +distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than +"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version +posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org), +you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a +copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon +request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other +form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. + +1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, +performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works +unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. + +1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing +access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided +that + +- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from + the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method + you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is + owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he + has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the + Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments + must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you + prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax + returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and + sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the + address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to + the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." + +- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies + you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he + does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm + License. You must require such a user to return or + destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium + and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of + Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any + money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the + electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days + of receipt of the work. + +- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free + distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set +forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from +both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael +Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the +Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. + +1.F. + +1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable +effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread +public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm +collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain +"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or +corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual +property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a +computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by +your equipment. + +1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right +of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project +Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all +liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal +fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT +LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE +PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE +TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE +LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR +INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH +DAMAGE. + +1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a +defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can +receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a +written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you +received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with +your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with +the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a +refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity +providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to +receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy +is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further +opportunities to fix the problem. + +1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth +in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER +WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO +WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. + +1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied +warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. +If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the +law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be +interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by +the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any +provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. + +1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the +trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone +providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance +with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, +promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, +harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, +that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do +or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm +work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any +Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. + + +Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm + +Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of +electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers +including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists +because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from +people in all walks of life. + +Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the +assistance they need, are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's +goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will +remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure +and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. +To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation +and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 +and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org. + + +Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive +Foundation + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit +501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the +state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal +Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification +number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at +http://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent +permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. + +The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. +Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered +throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at +809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email +business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact +information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official +page at http://pglaf.org + +For additional contact information: + Dr. Gregory B. Newby + Chief Executive and Director + gbnewby@pglaf.org + + +Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation + +Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide +spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of +increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be +freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest +array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations +($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt +status with the IRS. + +The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating +charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United +States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a +considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up +with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations +where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To +SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any +particular state visit http://pglaf.org + +While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we +have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition +against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who +approach us with offers to donate. + +International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make +any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from +outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. + +Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation +methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other +ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. +To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate + + +Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. + +Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm +concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared +with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project +Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. + + +Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. +unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily +keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. + + +Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: + + http://www.gutenberg.org + +This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, +including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary +Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to +subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. + + +</pre> + </body> +</html> |