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The Papers and Writings of Abraham Lincoln, Volume One
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The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Papers And Writings Of Abraham Lincoln,
Volume One, by Abraham Lincoln
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
Title: The Papers And Writings Of Abraham Lincoln, Volume One
Constitutional Edition
Author: Abraham Lincoln
Commentator: Theodore Roosevelt, Carl Schurz, and Joseph Choate
Editor: Arthur Brooks Lapsley
Release Date: July 4, 2009 [EBook #2653]
Last Updated: October 29,2012
Language: English
Character set encoding: ASCII
*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LINCOLN'S PAPERS ***
Produced by David Widger
</pre>
<p>
<br /><br />
</p>
<h1>
THE PAPERS AND WRITINGS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN
</h1>
<h2>
VOLUME ONE
</h2>
<h3>
CONSTITUTIONAL EDITION
</h3>
<h4>
Edited by Arthur Brooks Lapsley <br /><br />
With an Introduction by Theodore Roosevelt <br /><br />
The Essay on Lincoln by Carl Schurz <br /><br />
The Address on Lincoln by Joseph Choate <br /> <br />
</h4>
<hr />
<p>
<br /> <br />
</p>
<blockquote>
<p class="toc">
<big><b>CONTENTS</b></big>
</p>
<p>
<br />
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0001"> <b>VOLUME 1.</b> </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0002"> INTRODUCTORY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0003"> INTRODUCTORY NOTE </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0004"> ABRAHAM LINCOLN: AN ESSAY BY CARL SHURZ </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0005"> ABRAHAM LINCOLN, BY JOSEPH H. CHOATE </a>
</p>
<p>
<br />
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0006"> <big><b>THE WRITINGS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN,
1832-1843</b></big> </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0007"> <b>1832</b> </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0008"> ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF SANGAMON COUNTY. </a>
</p>
<p>
<br />
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0009"> <b>1833</b> </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0010"> TO E. C. BLANKENSHIP. </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0011"> RESPONSE TO REQUEST FOR POSTAGE RECEIPT </a>
</p>
<p>
<br />
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0012"> <b>1836</b> </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0013"> ANNOUNCEMENT OF POLITICAL VIEWS. </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0014"> RESPONSE TO POLITICAL SMEAR </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0015"> TO MISS MARY OWENS. </a>
</p>
<p>
<br />
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0016"> <b>1837</b> </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0017"> SPEECH IN ILLINOIS LEGISLATURE. </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0018"> OPPOSITION TO MOB-RULE </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0019"> PROTEST IN THE ILLINOIS LEGISLATURE ON THE
SUBJECT OF SLAVERY. </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0020"> TO MISS MARY OWENS. </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0021"> TO JOHN BENNETT. </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0022"> TO MARY OWENS. </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0023"> LEGAL SUIT OF WIDOW v.s. Gen. ADAMS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0024"> LINCOLN AND TALBOTT IN REPLY TO GEN. ADAMS.
</a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0025"> Gen. ADAMS CONTROVERSY—CONTINUED </a>
</p>
<p>
<br />
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0026"> <b>1838</b> </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0027"> TO Mrs. O. H. BROWNING—A FARCE </a>
</p>
<p>
<br />
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0028"> <b>1839</b> </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0029"> REMARKS ON SALE OF PUBLIC LANDS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0030"> TO ——— ROW. </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0031"> SPEECH ON NATIONAL BANK </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0032"> TO JOHN T. STUART. </a>
</p>
<p>
<br />
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0033"> <b>1840</b> </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0034"> CIRCULAR FROM WHIG COMMITTEE. </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0035"> TO JOHN T. STUART. </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0036"> RESOLUTION IN THE ILLINOIS LEGISLATURE. </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0037"> RESOLUTION IN THE ILLINOIS LEGISLATURE. </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0038"> REMARKS IN THE ILLINOIS LEGISLATURE. </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0039"> REMARKS IN THE ILLINOIS LEGISLATURE. </a>
</p>
<p>
<br />
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0040"> <b>1841</b> </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0041"> TO JOHN T. STUART—ON DEPRESSION </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0042"> REMARKS IN THE ILLINOIS LEGISLATURE. </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0043"> CIRCULAR FROM WHIG COMMITTEE. </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0044"> AGAINST THE REORGANIZATION OF THE JUDICIARY.
</a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0045"> TO JOSHUA F. SPEED—MURDER CASE </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0046"> STATEMENT ABOUT HARRY WILTON. </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0047"> TO MISS MARY SPEED—PRACTICAL SLAVERY
</a>
</p>
<p>
<br />
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0048"> <b>1842</b> </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0049"> TO JOSHUA F. SPEED—ON MARRIAGE </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0050"> TO JOSHUA F. SPEED. </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0051"> TO JOSHUA F. SPEED—ON DEPRESSION </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0052"> TO G. B. SHELEDY. </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0053"> TO GEORGE E. PICKETT—ADVICE TO YOUTH
</a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0054"> ADDRESS BEFORE THE SPRINGFIELD WASHINGTONIAN
TEMPERANCE SOCIETY, </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0055"> TO JOSHUA F. SPEED. </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0056"> TO JOSHUA F. SPEED—ON MARRIAGE CONCERNS
</a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0057"> TO JOSHUA F. SPEED. </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0058"> TO JOSHUA F. SPEED. </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0059"> A LETTER FROM THE LOST TOWNSHIPS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0060"> LOST TOWNSHIPS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0061"> INVITATION TO HENRY CLAY. </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0062"> CORRESPONDENCE ABOUT THE LINCOLN-SHIELDS DUEL.
</a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0063"> TO J. SHIELDS. </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0064"> TO A. LINCOLN FROM JAS. SHIELDS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0065"> MEMORANDUM OF INSTRUCTIONS TO E. H. MERRYMAN,
</a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0066"> TO JOSHUA F. SPEED. </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0067"> TO JAMES S. IRWIN. </a>
</p>
<p>
<br />
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0068"> <b>1843</b> </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0069"> RESOLUTIONS AT A WHIG MEETING AT SPRINGFIELD,
ILLINOIS, MARCH 1, 1843. </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0070"> CIRCULAR FROM WHIG COMMITTEE. </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0071"> TO JOHN BENNETT. </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0072"> JOSHUA F. SPEED. </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0073"> TO MARTIN M. MORRIS. </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0074"> TO MARTIN M. MORRIS. </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0075"> TO GEN. J. J. HARDIN. </a>
</p>
</blockquote>
<p>
<br /> <br />
</p>
<hr />
<p>
<br /> <br /> <a name="link2H_4_0001" id="link2H_4_0001">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<h1>
VOLUME 1.
</h1>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0002" id="link2H_4_0002">
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<h2>
INTRODUCTORY
</h2>
<p>
Immediately after Lincoln's re-election to the Presidency, in an off-hand
speech, delivered in response to a serenade by some of his admirers on the
evening of November 10, 1864, he spoke as follows:
</p>
<p>
"It has long been a grave question whether any government not too strong
for the liberties of its people can be strong enough to maintain its
existence in great emergencies. On this point, the present rebellion
brought our republic to a severe test, and the Presidential election,
occurring in regular course during the rebellion, added not a little to
the strain.... The strife of the election is but human nature practically
applied to the facts in the case. What has occurred in this case must ever
occur in similar cases. Human nature will not change. In any future great
national trial, compared with the men of this, we shall have as weak and
as strong, as silly and as wise, as bad and as good. Let us therefore
study the incidents in this as philosophy to learn wisdom from and none of
them as wrongs to be avenged.... Now that the election is over, may not
all having a common interest reunite in a common fort to save our common
country? For my own part, I have striven and shall strive to avoid placing
any obstacle in the way. So long as I have been here, I have not willingly
planted a thorn in any man's bosom. While I am deeply sensible to the high
compliment of a re-election and duly grateful, as I trust, to Almighty God
for having directed my countrymen to a right conclusion, as I think for
their own good, it adds nothing to my satisfaction that any other man may
be disappointed or pained by the result."
</p>
<p>
This speech has not attracted much general attention, yet it is in a
peculiar degree both illustrative and typical of the great statesman who
made it, alike in its strong common-sense and in its lofty standard of
morality. Lincoln's life, Lincoln's deeds and words, are not only of
consuming interest to the historian, but should be intimately known to
every man engaged in the hard practical work of American political life.
It is difficult to overstate how much it means to a nation to have as the
two foremost figures in its history men like Washington and Lincoln. It is
good for every man in any way concerned in public life to feel that the
highest ambition any American can possibly have will be gratified just in
proportion as he raises himself toward the standards set by these two men.
</p>
<p>
It is a very poor thing, whether for nations or individuals, to advance
the history of great deeds done in the past as an excuse for doing poorly
in the present; but it is an excellent thing to study the history of the
great deeds of the past, and of the great men who did them, with an
earnest desire to profit thereby so as to render better service in the
present. In their essentials, the men of the present day are much like the
men of the past, and the live issues of the present can be faced to better
advantage by men who have in good faith studied how the leaders of the
nation faced the dead issues of the past. Such a study of Lincoln's life
will enable us to avoid the twin gulfs of immorality and inefficiency—the
gulfs which always lie one on each side of the careers alike of man and of
nation. It helps nothing to have avoided one if shipwreck is encountered
in the other. The fanatic, the well-meaning moralist of unbalanced mind,
the parlor critic who condemns others but has no power himself to do good
and but little power to do ill—all these were as alien to Lincoln as
the vicious and unpatriotic themselves. His life teaches our people that
they must act with wisdom, because otherwise adherence to right will be
mere sound and fury without substance; and that they must also act
high-mindedly, or else what seems to be wisdom will in the end turn out to
be the most destructive kind of folly.
</p>
<p>
Throughout his entire life, and especially after he rose to leadership in
his party, Lincoln was stirred to his depths by the sense of fealty to a
lofty ideal; but throughout his entire life, he also accepted human nature
as it is, and worked with keen, practical good sense to achieve results
with the instruments at hand. It is impossible to conceive of a man
farther removed from baseness, farther removed from corruption, from mere
self-seeking; but it is also impossible to conceive of a man of more sane
and healthy mind—a man less under the influence of that fantastic
and diseased morality (so fantastic and diseased as to be in reality
profoundly immoral) which makes a man in this work-a-day world refuse to
do what is possible because he cannot accomplish the impossible.
</p>
<p>
In the fifth volume of Lecky's History of England, the historian draws an
interesting distinction between the qualities needed for a successful
political career in modern society and those which lead to eminence in the
spheres of pure intellect or pure moral effort. He says:
</p>
<p>
"....the moral qualities that are required in the higher spheres of
statesmanship [are not] those of a hero or a saint. Passionate earnestness
and self-devotion, complete concentration of every faculty on an unselfish
aim, uncalculating daring, a delicacy of conscience and a loftiness of aim
far exceeding those of the average of men, are here likely to prove rather
a hindrance than an assistance. The politician deals very largely with the
superficial and the commonplace; his art is in a great measure that of
skilful compromise, and in the conditions of modern life, the statesman is
likely to succeed best who possesses secondary qualities to an unusual
degree, who is in the closest intellectual and moral sympathy with the
average of the intelligent men of his time, and who pursues common ideals
with more than common ability.... Tact, business talent, knowledge of men,
resolution, promptitude and sagacity in dealing with immediate
emergencies, a character which lends itself easily to conciliation,
diminishes friction and inspires confidence, are especially needed, and
they are more likely to be found among shrewd and enlightened men of the
world than among men of great original genius or of an heroic type of
character."
</p>
<p>
The American people should feel profoundly grateful that the greatest
American statesman since Washington, the statesman who in this absolutely
democratic republic succeeded best, was the very man who actually combined
the two sets of qualities which the historian thus puts in antithesis.
Abraham Lincoln, the rail-splitter, the Western country lawyer, was one of
the shrewdest and most enlightened men of the world, and he had all the
practical qualities which enable such a man to guide his countrymen; and
yet he was also a genius of the heroic type, a leader who rose level to
the greatest crisis through which this nation or any other nation had to
pass in the nineteenth century.
</p>
<p>
THEODORE ROOSEVELT
</p>
<p>
SAGAMORE HILL, OYSTER BAY, N. Y., September 22, 1905.
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<h2>
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
</h2>
<p>
"I have endured," wrote Lincoln not long before his death, "a great deal
of ridicule without much malice, and have received a great deal of
kindness not quite free from ridicule." On Easter Day, 1865, the world
knew how little this ridicule, how much this kindness, had really
signified. Thereafter, Lincoln the man became Lincoln the hero, year by
year more heroic, until to-day, with the swift passing of those who knew
him, his figure grows ever dimmer, less real. This should not be. For
Lincoln the man, patient, wise, set in a high resolve, is worth far more
than Lincoln the hero, vaguely glorious. Invaluable is the example of the
man, intangible that of the hero.
</p>
<p>
And, though it is not for us, as for those who in awed stillness listened
at Gettysburg with inspired perception, to know Abraham Lincoln, yet there
is for us another way whereby we may attain such knowledge—through
his words—uttered in all sincerity to those who loved or hated him.
Cold, unsatisfying they may seem, these printed words, while we can yet
speak with those who knew him, and look into eyes that once looked into
his. But in truth it is here that we find his simple greatness, his great
simplicity, and though no man tried less so to show his power, no man has
so shown it more clearly.
</p>
<p>
Thus these writings of Abraham Lincoln are associated with those of
Washington, Hamilton, Franklin, and of the other "Founders of the
Republic," not that Lincoln should become still more of the past, but,
rather, that he with them should become still more of the present. However
faint and mythical may grow the story of that Great Struggle, the leader,
Lincoln, at least should remain a real, living American. No matter how
clearly, how directly, Lincoln has shown himself in his writings, we yet
should not forget those men whose minds, from their various view-points,
have illumined for us his character. As this nation owes a great debt to
Lincoln, so, also, Lincoln's memory owes a great debt to a nation which,
as no other nation could have done, has been able to appreciate his full
worth. Among the many who have brought about this appreciation, those only
whose estimates have been placed in these volumes may be mentioned here.
To President Roosevelt, to Mr. Schurz and to Mr. Choate, the editor, for
himself, for the publishers, and on behalf of the readers, wishes to offer
his sincere acknowledgments.
</p>
<p>
Thanks are also due, for valuable and sympathetic assistance rendered in
the preparation of this work, to Mr. Gilbert A. Tracy, of Putnam, Conn.,
Major William H. Lambert, of Philadelphia, and Mr. C. F. Gunther, of
Chicago, to the Chicago Historical Association and personally to its
capable Secretary, Miss McIlvaine, to Major Henry S. Burrage, of Portland,
Me., and to General Thomas J. Henderson, of Illinois.
</p>
<p>
For various courtesies received, the editor is furthermore indebted to the
Librarian of the Library of Congress; to Messrs. McClure, Phillips &
Co., D. Appleton & Co., Macmillan & Co., Dodd, Mead & Co., and
Harper Brothers, of New York; to Houghton, Mifflin & Co., Dana, Estes
& Co., and L. C. Page & Co., of Boston; to A. C. McClure &
Co., of Chicago; to The Robert Clarke Co., of Cincinnati, and to the J. B.
Lippincott Co., of Philadelphia.
</p>
<p>
It is hardly necessary to add that every effort has been made by the
editor to bring into these volumes whatever material may there properly
belong, material much of which is widely scattered in public libraries and
in private collections. He has been fortunate in securing certain
interesting correspondence and papers which had not before come into print
in book form. Information concerning some of these papers had reached him
too late to enable the papers to find place in their proper chronological
order in the set. Rather, however, than not to present these papers to the
readers they have been included in the seventh volume of the set, which
concludes the "Writings."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[These later papers are, in this etext, re-arranged into chronologic
order. D.W.]
</pre>
<p>
October, 1905, A. B. L.
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<h2>
ABRAHAM LINCOLN: AN ESSAY BY CARL SHURZ
</h2>
<p>
No American can study the character and career of Abraham Lincoln without
being carried away by sentimental emotions. We are always inclined to
idealize that which we love,—a state of mind very unfavorable to the
exercise of sober critical judgment. It is therefore not surprising that
most of those who have written or spoken on that extraordinary man, even
while conscientiously endeavoring to draw a lifelike portraiture of his
being, and to form a just estimate of his public conduct, should have
drifted into more or less indiscriminating eulogy, painting his great
features in the most glowing colors, and covering with tender shadings
whatever might look like a blemish.
</p>
<p>
But his standing before posterity will not be exalted by mere praise of
his virtues and abilities, nor by any concealment of his limitations and
faults. The stature of the great man, one of whose peculiar charms
consisted in his being so unlike all other great men, will rather lose
than gain by the idealization which so easily runs into the commonplace.
For it was distinctly the weird mixture of qualities and forces in him, of
the lofty with the common, the ideal with the uncouth, of that which he
had become with that which he had not ceased to be, that made him so
fascinating a character among his fellow-men, gave him his singular power
over their minds and hearts, and fitted him to be the greatest leader in
the greatest crisis of our national life.
</p>
<p>
His was indeed a marvellous growth. The statesman or the military hero
born and reared in a log cabin is a familiar figure in American history;
but we may search in vain among our celebrities for one whose origin and
early life equalled Abraham Lincoln's in wretchedness. He first saw the
light in a miserable hovel in Kentucky, on a farm consisting of a few
barren acres in a dreary neighborhood; his father a typical "poor Southern
white," shiftless and without ambition for himself or his children,
constantly looking for a new piece of land on which he might make a living
without much work; his mother, in her youth handsome and bright, grown
prematurely coarse in feature and soured in mind by daily toil and care;
the whole household squalid, cheerless, and utterly void of elevating
inspirations... Only when the family had "moved" into the malarious
backwoods of Indiana, the mother had died, and a stepmother, a woman of
thrift and energy, had taken charge of the children, the shaggy-headed,
ragged, barefooted, forlorn boy, then seven years old, "began to feel like
a human being." Hard work was his early lot. When a mere boy he had to
help in supporting the family, either on his father's clearing, or hired
out to other farmers to plough, or dig ditches, or chop wood, or drive ox
teams; occasionally also to "tend the baby," when the farmer's wife was
otherwise engaged. He could regard it as an advancement to a higher sphere
of activity when he obtained work in a "crossroads store," where he amused
the customers by his talk over the counter; for he soon distinguished
himself among the backwoods folk as one who had something to say worth
listening to. To win that distinction, he had to draw mainly upon his
wits; for, while his thirst for knowledge was great, his opportunities for
satisfying that thirst were wofully slender.
</p>
<p>
In the log schoolhouse, which he could visit but little, he was taught
only reading, writing, and elementary arithmetic. Among the people of the
settlement, bush farmers and small tradesmen, he found none of uncommon
intelligence or education; but some of them had a few books, which he
borrowed eagerly. Thus he read and reread, AEsop's Fables, learning to
tell stories with a point and to argue by parables; he read Robinson
Crusoe, The Pilgrim's Progress, a short history of the United States, and
Weems's Life of Washington. To the town constable's he went to read the
Revised Statutes of Indiana. Every printed page that fell into his hands
he would greedily devour, and his family and friends watched him with
wonder, as the uncouth boy, after his daily work, crouched in a corner of
the log cabin or outside under a tree, absorbed in a book while munching
his supper of corn bread. In this manner he began to gather some
knowledge, and sometimes he would astonish the girls with such startling
remarks as that the earth was moving around the sun, and not the sun
around the earth, and they marvelled where "Abe" could have got such queer
notions. Soon he also felt the impulse to write; not only making extracts
from books he wished to remember, but also composing little essays of his
own. First he sketched these with charcoal on a wooden shovel scraped
white with a drawing-knife, or on basswood shingles. Then he transferred
them to paper, which was a scarce commodity in the Lincoln household;
taking care to cut his expressions close, so that they might not cover too
much space,—a style-forming method greatly to be commended. Seeing
boys put a burning coal on the back of a wood turtle, he was moved to
write on cruelty to animals. Seeing men intoxicated with whiskey, he wrote
on temperance. In verse-making, too, he tried himself, and in satire on
persons offensive to him or others,—satire the rustic wit of which
was not always fit for ears polite. Also political thoughts he put upon
paper, and some of his pieces were even deemed good enough for publication
in the county weekly.
</p>
<p>
Thus he won a neighborhood reputation as a clever young man, which he
increased by his performances as a speaker, not seldom drawing upon
himself the dissatisfaction of his employers by mounting a stump in the
field, and keeping the farm hands from their work by little speeches in a
jocose and sometimes also a serious vein. At the rude social frolics of
the settlement he became an important person, telling funny, stories,
mimicking the itinerant preachers who had happened to pass by, and making
his mark at wrestling matches, too; for at the age of seventeen he had
attained his full height, six feet four inches in his stockings, if he had
any, and a terribly muscular clodhopper he was. But he was known never to
use his extraordinary strength to the injury or humiliation of others;
rather to do them a kindly turn, or to enforce justice and fair dealing
between them. All this made him a favorite in backwoods society, although
in some things he appeared a little odd, to his friends. Far more than any
of them, he was given not only to reading, but to fits of abstraction, to
quiet musing with himself, and also to strange spells of melancholy, from
which he often would pass in a moment to rollicking outbursts of droll
humor. But on the whole he was one of the people among whom he lived; in
appearance perhaps even a little more uncouth than most of them,—a
very tall, rawboned youth, with large features, dark, shrivelled skin, and
rebellious hair; his arms and legs long, out of proportion; clad in
deerskin trousers, which from frequent exposure to the rain had shrunk so
as to sit tightly on his limbs, leaving several inches of bluish shin
exposed between their lower end and the heavy tan-colored shoes; the
nether garment held usually by only one suspender, that was strung over a
coarse homemade shirt; the head covered in winter with a coonskin cap, in
summer with a rough straw hat of uncertain shape, without a band.
</p>
<p>
It is doubtful whether he felt himself much superior to his surroundings,
although he confessed to a yearning for some knowledge of the world
outside of the circle in which he lived. This wish was gratified; but how?
At the age of nineteen he went down the Mississippi to New Orleans as a
flatboat hand, temporarily joining a trade many members of which at that
time still took pride in being called "half horse and half alligator."
After his return he worked and lived in the old way until the spring of
1830, when his father "moved again," this time to Illinois; and on the
journey of fifteen days "Abe" had to drive the ox wagon which carried the
household goods. Another log cabin was built, and then, fencing a field,
Abraham Lincoln split those historic rails which were destined to play so
picturesque a part in the Presidential campaign twenty-eight years later.
</p>
<p>
Having come of age, Lincoln left the family, and "struck out for himself."
He had to "take jobs whenever he could get them." The first of these
carried him again as a flatboat hand to New Orleans. There something
happened that made a lasting impression upon his soul: he witnessed a
slave auction. "His heart bled," wrote one of his companions; "said
nothing much; was silent; looked bad. I can say, knowing it, that it was
on this trip that he formed his opinion on slavery. It run its iron in him
then and there, May, 1831. I have heard him say so often." Then he lived
several years at New Salem, in Illinois, a small mushroom village, with a
mill, some "stores" and whiskey shops, that rose quickly, and soon
disappeared again. It was a desolate, disjointed, half-working and
half-loitering life, without any other aim than to gain food and shelter
from day to day. He served as pilot on a steamboat trip, then as clerk in
a store and a mill; business failing, he was adrift for some time. Being
compelled to measure his strength with the chief bully of the
neighborhood, and overcoming him, he became a noted person in that
muscular community, and won the esteem and friendship of the ruling gang
of ruffians to such a degree that, when the Black Hawk war broke out, they
elected him, a young man of twenty-three, captain of a volunteer company,
composed mainly of roughs of their kind. He took the field, and his most
noteworthy deed of valor consisted, not in killing an Indian, but in
protecting against his own men, at the peril of his own life, the life of
an old savage who had strayed into his camp.
</p>
<p>
The Black Hawk war over, he turned to politics. The step from the
captaincy of a volunteer company to a candidacy for a seat in the
Legislature seemed a natural one. But his popularity, although great in
New Salem, had not spread far enough over the district, and he was
defeated. Then the wretched hand-to-mouth struggle began again. He "set up
in store-business" with a dissolute partner, who drank whiskey while
Lincoln was reading books. The result was a disastrous failure and a load
of debt. Thereupon he became a deputy surveyor, and was appointed
postmaster of New Salem, the business of the post-office being so small
that he could carry the incoming and outgoing mail in his hat. All this
could not lift him from poverty, and his surveying instruments and horse
and saddle were sold by the sheriff for debt.
</p>
<p>
But while all this misery was upon him his ambition rose to higher aims.
He walked many miles to borrow from a schoolmaster a grammar with which to
improve his language. A lawyer lent him a copy of Blackstone, and he began
to study law.
</p>
<p>
People would look wonderingly at the grotesque figure lying in the grass,
"with his feet up a tree," or sitting on a fence, as, absorbed in a book,
he learned to construct correct sentences and made himself a jurist. At
once he gained a little practice, pettifogging before a justice of the
peace for friends, without expecting a fee. Judicial functions, too, were
thrust upon him, but only at horse-races or wrestling matches, where his
acknowledged honesty and fairness gave his verdicts undisputed authority.
His popularity grew apace, and soon he could be a candidate for the
Legislature again. Although he called himself a Whig, an ardent admirer of
Henry Clay, his clever stump speeches won him the election in the strongly
Democratic district. Then for the first time, perhaps, he thought
seriously of his outward appearance. So far he had been content with a
garb of "Kentucky jeans," not seldom ragged, usually patched, and always
shabby. Now, he borrowed some money from a friend to buy a new suit of
clothes—"store clothes" fit for a Sangamon County statesman; and
thus adorned he set out for the state capital, Vandalia, to take his seat
among the lawmakers.
</p>
<p>
His legislative career, which stretched over several sessions—for he
was thrice re-elected, in 1836, 1838, and 1840—was not remarkably
brilliant. He did, indeed, not lack ambition. He dreamed even of making
himself "the De Witt Clinton of Illinois," and he actually distinguished
himself by zealous and effective work in those "log-rolling" operations by
which the young State received "a general system of internal improvements"
in the shape of railroads, canals, and banks,—a reckless policy,
burdening the State with debt, and producing the usual crop of political
demoralization, but a policy characteristic of the time and the
impatiently enterprising spirit of the Western people. Lincoln, no doubt
with the best intentions, but with little knowledge of the subject, simply
followed the popular current. The achievement in which, perhaps, he
gloried most was the removal of the State government from Vandalia to
Springfield; one of those triumphs of political management which are apt
to be the pride of the small politician's statesmanship. One thing,
however, he did in which his true nature asserted itself, and which gave
distinct promise of the future pursuit of high aims. Against an
overwhelming preponderance of sentiment in the Legislature, followed by
only one other member, he recorded his protest against a proslavery
resolution,—that protest declaring "the institution of slavery to be
founded on both injustice and bad policy." This was not only the
irrepressible voice of his conscience; it was true moral valor, too; for
at that time, in many parts of the West, an abolitionist was regarded as
little better than a horse-thief, and even "Abe Lincoln" would hardly have
been forgiven his antislavery principles, had he not been known as such an
"uncommon good fellow." But here, in obedience to the great conviction of
his life, he manifested his courage to stand alone, that courage which is
the first requisite of leadership in a great cause.
</p>
<p>
Together with his reputation and influence as a politician grew his law
practice, especially after he had removed from New Salem to Springfield,
and associated himself with a practitioner of good standing. He had now at
last won a fixed position in society. He became a successful lawyer, less,
indeed, by his learning as a jurist than by his effectiveness as an
advocate and by the striking uprightness of his character; and it may
truly be said that his vivid sense of truth and justice had much to do
with his effectiveness as an advocate. He would refuse to act as the
attorney even of personal friends when he saw the right on the other side.
He would abandon cases, even during trial, when the testimony convinced
him that his client was in the wrong. He would dissuade those who sought
his service from pursuing an obtainable advantage when their claims seemed
to him unfair. Presenting his very first case in the United States Circuit
Court, the only question being one of authority, he declared that, upon
careful examination, he found all the authorities on the other side, and
none on his. Persons accused of crime, when he thought them guilty, he
would not defend at all, or, attempting their defence, he was unable to
put forth his powers. One notable exception is on record, when his
personal sympathies had been strongly aroused. But when he felt himself to
be the protector of innocence, the defender of justice, or the prosecutor
of wrong, he frequently disclosed such unexpected resources of reasoning,
such depth of feeling, and rose to such fervor of appeal as to astonish
and overwhelm his hearers, and make him fairly irresistible. Even an
ordinary law argument, coming from him, seldom failed to produce the
impression that he was profoundly convinced of the soundness of his
position. It is not surprising that the mere appearance of so
conscientious an attorney in any case should have carried, not only to
juries, but even to judges, almost a presumption of right on his side, and
that the people began to call him, sincerely meaning it, "honest Abe
Lincoln."
</p>
<p>
In the meantime he had private sorrows and trials of a painfully
afflicting nature. He had loved and been loved by a fair and estimable
girl, Ann Rutledge, who died in the flower of her youth and beauty, and he
mourned her loss with such intensity of grief that his friends feared for
his reason. Recovering from his morbid depression, he bestowed what he
thought a new affection upon another lady, who refused him. And finally,
moderately prosperous in his worldly affairs, and having prospects of
political distinction before him, he paid his addresses to Mary Todd, of
Kentucky, and was accepted. But then tormenting doubts of the genuineness
of his own affection for her, of the compatibility of their characters,
and of their future happiness came upon him. His distress was so great
that he felt himself in danger of suicide, and feared to carry a
pocket-knife with him; and he gave mortal offence to his bride by not
appearing on the appointed wedding day. Now the torturing consciousness of
the wrong he had done her grew unendurable. He won back her affection,
ended the agony by marrying her, and became a faithful and patient husband
and a good father. But it was no secret to those who knew the family well
that his domestic life was full of trials. The erratic temper of his wife
not seldom put the gentleness of his nature to the severest tests; and
these troubles and struggles, which accompanied him through all the
vicissitudes of his life from the modest home in Springfield to the White
House at Washington, adding untold private heart-burnings to his public
cares, and sometimes precipitating upon him incredible embarrassments in
the discharge of his public duties, form one of the most pathetic features
of his career.
</p>
<p>
He continued to "ride the circuit," read books while travelling in his
buggy, told funny stories to his fellow-lawyers in the tavern, chatted
familiarly with his neighbors around the stove in the store and at the
post-office, had his hours of melancholy brooding as of old, and became
more and more widely known and trusted and beloved among the people of his
State for his ability as a lawyer and politician, for the uprightness of
his character and the overflowing spring of sympathetic kindness in his
heart. His main ambition was confessedly that of political distinction;
but hardly any one would at that time have seen in him the man destined to
lead the nation through the greatest crisis of the century.
</p>
<p>
His time had not yet come when, in 1846, he was elected to Congress. In a
clever speech in the House of Representatives he denounced President Polk
for having unjustly forced war upon Mexico, and he amused the Committee of
the Whole by a witty attack upon General Cass. More important was the
expression he gave to his antislavery impulses by offering a bill looking
to the emancipation of the slaves in the District of Columbia, and by his
repeated votes for the famous Wilmot Proviso, intended to exclude slavery
from the Territories acquired from Mexico. But when, at the expiration of
his term, in March, 1849, he left his seat, he gloomily despaired of ever
seeing the day when the cause nearest to his heart would be rightly
grasped by the people, and when he would be able to render any service to
his country in solving the great problem. Nor had his career as a member
of Congress in any sense been such as to gratify his ambition. Indeed, if
he ever had any belief in a great destiny for himself, it must have been
weak at that period; for he actually sought to obtain from the new Whig
President, General Taylor, the place of Commissioner of the General Land
Office; willing to bury himself in one of the administrative bureaus of
the government. Fortunately for the country, he failed; and no less
fortunately, when, later, the territorial governorship of Oregon was
offered to him, Mrs. Lincoln's protest induced him to decline it.
Returning to Springfield, he gave himself with renewed zest to his law
practice, acquiesced in the Compromise of 1850 with reluctance and a
mental reservation, supported in the Presidential campaign of 1852 the
Whig candidate in some spiritless speeches, and took but a languid
interest in the politics of the day. But just then his time was drawing
near.
</p>
<p>
The peace promised, and apparently inaugurated, by the Compromise of 1850
was rudely broken by the introduction of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill in 1854.
The repeal of the Missouri Compromise, opening the Territories of the
United States, the heritage of coming generations, to the invasion of
slavery, suddenly revealed the whole significance of the slavery question
to the people of the free States, and thrust itself into the politics of
the country as the paramount issue. Something like an electric shock
flashed through the North. Men who but a short time before had been
absorbed by their business pursuits, and deprecated all political
agitation, were startled out of their security by a sudden alarm, and
excitedly took sides. That restless trouble of conscience about slavery,
which even in times of apparent repose had secretly disturbed the souls of
Northern people, broke forth in an utterance louder than ever. The bonds
of accustomed party allegiance gave way. Antislavery Democrats and
antislavery Whigs felt themselves drawn together by a common overpowering
sentiment, and soon they began to rally in a new organization. The
Republican party sprang into being to meet the overruling call of the
hour. Then Abraham Lincoln's time was come. He rapidly advanced to a
position of conspicuous championship in the struggle. This, however, was
not owing to his virtues and abilities alone. Indeed, the slavery question
stirred his soul in its profoundest depths; it was, as one of his intimate
friends said, "the only one on which he would become excited"; it called
forth all his faculties and energies. Yet there were many others who,
having long and arduously fought the antislavery battle in the popular
assembly, or in the press, or in the halls of Congress, far surpassed him
in prestige, and compared with whom he was still an obscure and untried
man. His reputation, although highly honorable and well earned, had so far
been essentially local. As a stump-speaker in Whig canvasses outside of
his State he had attracted comparatively little attention; but in Illinois
he had been recognized as one of the foremost men of the Whig party. Among
the opponents of the Nebraska Bill he occupied in his State so important a
position, that in 1856 he was the choice of a large majority of the
"Anti-Nebraska men" in the Legislature for a seat in the Senate of the
United States which then became vacant; and when he, an old Whig, could
not obtain the votes of the Anti-Nebraska Democrats necessary to make a
majority, he generously urged his friends to transfer their votes to Lyman
Trumbull, who was then elected. Two years later, in the first national
convention of the Republican party, the delegation from Illinois brought
him forward as a candidate for the vice-presidency, and he received
respectable support. Still, the name of Abraham Lincoln was not widely
known beyond the boundaries of his own State. But now it was this local
prominence in Illinois that put him in a position of peculiar advantage on
the battlefield of national politics. In the assault on the Missouri
Compromise which broke down all legal barriers to the spread of slavery
Stephen Arnold Douglas was the ostensible leader and central figure; and
Douglas was a Senator from Illinois, Lincoln's State. Douglas's national
theatre of action was the Senate, but in his constituency in Illinois were
the roots of his official position and power. What he did in the Senate he
had to justify before the people of Illinois, in order to maintain himself
in place; and in Illinois all eyes turned to Lincoln as Douglas's natural
antagonist.
</p>
<p>
As very young men they had come to Illinois, Lincoln from Indiana, Douglas
from Vermont, and had grown up together in public life, Douglas as a
Democrat, Lincoln as a Whig. They had met first in Vandalia, in 1834, when
Lincoln was in the Legislature and Douglas in the lobby; and again in
1836, both as members of the Legislature. Douglas, a very able politician,
of the agile, combative, audacious, "pushing" sort, rose in political
distinction with remarkable rapidity. In quick succession he became a
member of the Legislature, a State's attorney, secretary of state, a judge
on the supreme bench of Illinois, three times a Representative in
Congress, and a Senator of the United States when only thirty-nine years
old. In the National Democratic convention of 1852 he appeared even as an
aspirant to the nomination for the Presidency, as the favorite of "young
America," and received a respectable vote. He had far outstripped Lincoln
in what is commonly called political success and in reputation. But it had
frequently happened that in political campaigns Lincoln felt himself
impelled, or was selected by his Whig friends, to answer Douglas's
speeches; and thus the two were looked upon, in a large part of the State
at least, as the representative combatants of their respective parties in
the debates before popular meetings. As soon, therefore, as, after the
passage of his Kansas-Nebraska Bill, Douglas returned to Illinois to
defend his cause before his constituents, Lincoln, obeying not only his
own impulse, but also general expectation, stepped forward as his
principal opponent. Thus the struggle about the principles involved in the
Kansas-Nebraska Bill, or, in a broader sense, the struggle between freedom
and slavery, assumed in Illinois the outward form of a personal contest
between Lincoln and Douglas; and, as it continued and became more
animated, that personal contest in Illinois was watched with constantly
increasing interest by the whole country. When, in 1858, Douglas's
senatorial term being about to expire, Lincoln was formally designated by
the Republican convention of Illinois as their candidate for the Senate,
to take Douglas's place, and the two contestants agreed to debate the
questions at issue face to face in a series of public meetings, the eyes
of the whole American people were turned eagerly to that one point: and
the spectacle reminded one of those lays of ancient times telling of two
armies, in battle array, standing still to see their two principal
champions fight out the contested cause between the lines in single
combat.
</p>
<p>
Lincoln had then reached the full maturity of his powers. His equipment as
a statesman did not embrace a comprehensive knowledge of public affairs.
What he had studied he had indeed made his own, with the eager craving and
that zealous tenacity characteristic of superior minds learning under
difficulties. But his narrow opportunities and the unsteady life he had
led during his younger years had not permitted the accumulation of large
stores in his mind. It is true, in political campaigns he had occasionally
spoken on the ostensible issues between the Whigs and the Democrats, the
tariff, internal improvements, banks, and so on, but only in a perfunctory
manner. Had he ever given much serious thought and study to these
subjects, it is safe to assume that a mind so prolific of original
conceits as his would certainly have produced some utterance upon them
worth remembering. His soul had evidently never been deeply stirred by
such topics. But when his moral nature was aroused, his brain developed an
untiring activity until it had mastered all the knowledge within reach. As
soon as the repeal of the Missouri Compromise had thrust the slavery
question into politics as the paramount issue, Lincoln plunged into an
arduous study of all its legal, historical, and moral aspects, and then
his mind became a complete arsenal of argument. His rich natural gifts,
trained by long and varied practice, had made him an orator of rare
persuasiveness. In his immature days, he had pleased himself for a short
period with that inflated, high-flown style which, among the uncultivated,
passes for "beautiful speaking." His inborn truthfulness and his artistic
instinct soon overcame that aberration and revealed to him the noble
beauty and strength of simplicity. He possessed an uncommon power of clear
and compact statement, which might have reminded those who knew the story
of his early youth of the efforts of the poor boy, when he copied his
compositions from the scraped wooden shovel, carefully to trim his
expressions in order to save paper. His language had the energy of honest
directness and he was a master of logical lucidity. He loved to point and
enliven his reasoning by humorous illustrations, usually anecdotes of
Western life, of which he had an inexhaustible store at his command. These
anecdotes had not seldom a flavor of rustic robustness about them, but he
used them with great effect, while amusing the audience, to give life to
an abstraction, to explode an absurdity, to clinch an argument, to drive
home an admonition. The natural kindliness of his tone, softening
prejudice and disarming partisan rancor, would often open to his reasoning
a way into minds most unwilling to receive it.
</p>
<p>
Yet his greatest power consisted in the charm of his individuality. That
charm did not, in the ordinary way, appeal to the ear or to the eye. His
voice was not melodious; rather shrill and piercing, especially when it
rose to its high treble in moments of great animation. His figure was
unhandsome, and the action of his unwieldy limbs awkward. He commanded
none of the outward graces of oratory as they are commonly understood. His
charm was of a different kind. It flowed from the rare depth and
genuineness of his convictions and his sympathetic feelings. Sympathy was
the strongest element in his nature. One of his biographers, who knew him
before he became President, says: "Lincoln's compassion might be stirred
deeply by an object present, but never by an object absent and unseen. In
the former case he would most likely extend relief, with little inquiry
into the merits of the case, because, as he expressed it himself, it `took
a pain out of his own heart.'" Only half of this is correct. It is
certainly true that he could not witness any individual distress or
oppression, or any kind of suffering, without feeling a pang of pain
himself, and that by relieving as much as he could the suffering of others
he put an end to his own. This compassionate impulse to help he felt not
only for human beings, but for every living creature. As in his boyhood he
angrily reproved the boys who tormented a wood turtle by putting a burning
coal on its back, so, we are told, he would, when a mature man, on a
journey, dismount from his buggy and wade waist-deep in mire to rescue a
pig struggling in a swamp. Indeed, appeals to his compassion were so
irresistible to him, and he felt it so difficult to refuse anything when
his refusal could give pain, that he himself sometimes spoke of his
inability to say "no" as a positive weakness. But that certainly does not
prove that his compassionate feeling was confined to individual cases of
suffering witnessed with his own eyes. As the boy was moved by the aspect
of the tortured wood turtle to compose an essay against cruelty to animals
in general, so the aspect of other cases of suffering and wrong wrought up
his moral nature, and set his mind to work against cruelty, injustice, and
oppression in general.
</p>
<p>
As his sympathy went forth to others, it attracted others to him.
Especially those whom he called the "plain people" felt themselves drawn
to him by the instinctive feeling that he understood, esteemed, and
appreciated them. He had grown up among the poor, the lowly, the ignorant.
He never ceased to remember the good souls he had met among them, and the
many kindnesses they had done him. Although in his mental development he
had risen far above them, he never looked down upon them. How they felt
and how they reasoned he knew, for so he had once felt and reasoned
himself. How they could be moved he knew, for so he had once been moved
himself and practised moving others. His mind was much larger than theirs,
but it thoroughly comprehended theirs; and while he thought much farther
than they, their thoughts were ever present to him. Nor had the visible
distance between them grown as wide as his rise in the world would seem to
have warranted. Much of his backwoods speech and manners still clung to
him. Although he had become "Mr. Lincoln" to his later acquaintances, he
was still "Abe" to the "Nats" and "Billys" and "Daves" of his youth; and
their familiarity neither appeared unnatural to them, nor was it in the
least awkward to him. He still told and enjoyed stories similar to those
he had told and enjoyed in the Indiana settlement and at New Salem. His
wants remained as modest as they had ever been; his domestic habits had by
no means completely accommodated themselves to those of his more highborn
wife; and though the "Kentucky jeans" apparel had long been dropped, his
clothes of better material and better make would sit ill sorted on his
gigantic limbs. His cotton umbrella, without a handle, and tied together
with a coarse string to keep it from flapping, which he carried on his
circuit rides, is said to be remembered still by some of his surviving
neighbors. This rusticity of habit was utterly free from that affected
contempt of refinement and comfort which self-made men sometimes carry
into their more affluent circumstances. To Abraham Lincoln it was entirely
natural, and all those who came into contact with him knew it to be so. In
his ways of thinking and feeling he had become a gentleman in the highest
sense, but the refining process had polished but little the outward form.
The plain people, therefore, still considered "honest Abe Lincoln" one of
themselves; and when they felt, which they no doubt frequently did, that
his thoughts and aspirations moved in a sphere above their own, they were
all the more proud of him, without any diminution of fellow-feeling. It
was this relation of mutual sympathy and understanding between Lincoln and
the plain people that gave him his peculiar power as a public man, and
singularly fitted him, as we shall see, for that leadership which was
preeminently required in the great crisis then coming on,—the
leadership which indeed thinks and moves ahead of the masses, but always
remains within sight and sympathetic touch of them.
</p>
<p>
He entered upon the campaign of 1858 better equipped than he had ever been
before. He not only instinctively felt, but he had convinced himself by
arduous study, that in this struggle against the spread of slavery he had
right, justice, philosophy, the enlightened opinion of mankind, history,
the Constitution, and good policy on his side. It was observed that after
he began to discuss the slavery question his speeches were pitched in a
much loftier key than his former oratorical efforts. While he remained
fond of telling funny stories in private conversation, they disappeared
more and more from his public discourse. He would still now and then point
his argument with expressions of inimitable quaintness, and flash out rays
of kindly humor and witty irony; but his general tone was serious, and
rose sometimes to genuine solemnity. His masterly skill in dialectical
thrust and parry, his wealth of knowledge, his power of reasoning and
elevation of sentiment, disclosed in language of rare precision, strength,
and beauty, not seldom astonished his old friends.
</p>
<p>
Neither of the two champions could have found a more formidable antagonist
than each now met in the other. Douglas was by far the most conspicuous
member of his party. His admirers had dubbed him "the Little Giant,"
contrasting in that nickname the greatness of his mind with the smallness
of his body. But though of low stature, his broad-shouldered figure
appeared uncommonly sturdy, and there was something lion-like in the
squareness of his brow and jaw, and in the defiant shake of his long hair.
His loud and persistent advocacy of territorial expansion, in the name of
patriotism and "manifest destiny," had given him an enthusiastic following
among the young and ardent. Great natural parts, a highly combative
temperament, and long training had made him a debater unsurpassed in a
Senate filled with able men. He could be as forceful in his appeals to
patriotic feelings as he was fierce in denunciation and thoroughly skilled
in all the baser tricks of parliamentary pugilism. While genial and
rollicking in his social intercourse—the idol of the "boys" he felt
himself one of the most renowned statesmen of his time, and would
frequently meet his opponents with an overbearing haughtiness, as persons
more to be pitied than to be feared. In his speech opening the campaign of
1858, he spoke of Lincoln, whom the Republicans had dared to advance as
their candidate for "his" place in the Senate, with an air of patronizing
if not contemptuous condescension, as "a kind, amiable, and intelligent
gentleman and a good citizen." The Little Giant would have been pleased to
pass off his antagonist as a tall dwarf. He knew Lincoln too well,
however, to indulge himself seriously in such a delusion. But the
political situation was at that moment in a curious tangle, and Douglas
could expect to derive from the confusion great advantage over his
opponent.
</p>
<p>
By the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, opening the Territories to the
ingress of slavery, Douglas had pleased the South, but greatly alarmed the
North. He had sought to conciliate Northern sentiment by appending to his
Kansas-Nebraska Bill the declaration that its intent was "not to legislate
slavery into any State or Territory, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to
leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their
institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the
United States." This he called "the great principle of popular
sovereignty." When asked whether, under this act, the people of a
Territory, before its admission as a State, would have the right to
exclude slavery, he answered, "That is a question for the courts to
decide." Then came the famous "Dred Scott decision," in which the Supreme
Court held substantially that the right to hold slaves as property existed
in the Territories by virtue of the Federal Constitution, and that this
right could not be denied by any act of a territorial government. This, of
course, denied the right of the people of any Territory to exclude slavery
while they were in a territorial condition, and it alarmed the Northern
people still more. Douglas recognized the binding force of the decision of
the Supreme Court, at the same time maintaining, most illogically, that
his great principle of popular sovereignty remained in force nevertheless.
Meanwhile, the proslavery people of western Missouri, the so-called
"border ruffians," had invaded Kansas, set up a constitutional convention,
made a constitution of an extreme pro-slavery type, the "Lecompton
Constitution," refused to submit it fairly to a vote of the people of
Kansas, and then referred it to Congress for acceptance,—seeking
thus to accomplish the admission of Kansas as a slave State. Had Douglas
supported such a scheme, he would have lost all foothold in the North. In
the name of popular sovereignty he loudly declared his opposition to the
acceptance of any constitution not sanctioned by a formal popular vote. He
"did not care," he said, "whether slavery be voted up or down," but there
must be a fair vote of the people. Thus he drew upon himself the hostility
of the Buchanan administration, which was controlled by the proslavery
interest, but he saved his Northern following. More than this, not only
did his Democratic admirers now call him "the true champion of freedom,"
but even some Republicans of large influence, prominent among them Horace
Greeley, sympathizing with Douglas in his fight against the Lecompton
Constitution, and hoping to detach him permanently from the proslavery
interest and to force a lasting breach in the Democratic party, seriously
advised the Republicans of Illinois to give up their opposition to
Douglas, and to help re-elect him to the Senate. Lincoln was not of that
opinion. He believed that great popular movements can succeed only when
guided by their faithful friends, and that the antislavery cause could not
safely be entrusted to the keeping of one who "did not care whether
slavery be voted up or down." This opinion prevailed in Illinois; but the
influences within the Republican party over which it prevailed yielded
only a reluctant acquiescence, if they acquiesced at all, after having
materially strengthened Douglas's position. Such was the situation of
things when the campaign of 1858 between Lincoln and Douglas began.
</p>
<p>
Lincoln opened the campaign on his side at the convention which nominated
him as the Republican candidate for the senatorship, with a memorable
saying which sounded like a shout from the watchtower of history: "A house
divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this government cannot
endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to
be dissolved. I do not expect the house to fall, but I expect it will
cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the other. Either
the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place
it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course
of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it forward, till it
shall become alike lawful in all the States,—old as well as new,
North as well as South." Then he proceeded to point out that the Nebraska
doctrine combined with the Dred Scott decision worked in the direction of
making the nation "all slave." Here was the "irrepressible conflict"
spoken of by Seward a short time later, in a speech made famous mainly by
that phrase. If there was any new discovery in it, the right of priority
was Lincoln's. This utterance proved not only his statesmanlike conception
of the issue, but also, in his situation as a candidate, the firmness of
his moral courage. The friends to whom he had read the draught of this
speech before he delivered it warned him anxiously that its delivery might
be fatal to his success in the election. This was shrewd advice, in the
ordinary sense. While a slaveholder could threaten disunion with impunity,
the mere suggestion that the existence of slavery was incompatible with
freedom in the Union would hazard the political chances of any public man
in the North. But Lincoln was inflexible. "It is true," said he, "and I
will deliver it as written.... I would rather be defeated with these
expressions in my speech held up and discussed before the people than be
victorious without them." The statesman was right in his far-seeing
judgment and his conscientious statement of the truth, but the practical
politicians were also right in their prediction of the immediate effect.
Douglas instantly seized upon the declaration that a house divided against
itself cannot stand as the main objective point of his attack,
interpreting it as an incitement to a "relentless sectional war," and
there is no doubt that the persistent reiteration of this charge served to
frighten not a few timid souls.
</p>
<p>
Lincoln constantly endeavored to bring the moral and philosophical side of
the subject to the foreground. "Slavery is wrong" was the keynote of all
his speeches. To Douglas's glittering sophism that the right of the people
of a Territory to have slavery or not, as they might desire, was in
accordance with the principle of true popular sovereignty, he made the
pointed answer: "Then true popular sovereignty, according to Senator
Douglas, means that, when one man makes another man his slave, no third
man shall be allowed to object." To Douglas's argument that the principle
which demanded that the people of a Territory should be permitted to
choose whether they would have slavery or not "originated when God made
man, and placed good and evil before him, allowing him to choose upon his
own responsibility," Lincoln solemnly replied: "No; God—did not
place good and evil before man, telling him to make his choice. On the
contrary, God did tell him there was one tree of the fruit of which he
should not eat, upon pain of death." He did not, however, place himself on
the most advanced ground taken by the radical anti-slavery men. He
admitted that, under the Constitution, "the Southern people were entitled
to a Congressional fugitive slave law," although he did not approve the
fugitive slave law then existing. He declared also that, if slavery were
kept out of the Territories during their territorial existence, as it
should be, and if then the people of any Territory, having a fair chance
and a clear field, should do such an extraordinary thing as to adopt a
slave constitution, uninfluenced by the actual presence of the institution
among them, he saw no alternative but to admit such a Territory into the
Union. He declared further that, while he should be exceedingly glad to
see slavery abolished in the District of Columbia, he would, as a member
of Congress, with his present views, not endeavor to bring on that
abolition except on condition that emancipation be gradual, that it be
approved by the decision of a majority of voters in the District, and that
compensation be made to unwilling owners. On every available occasion, he
pronounced himself in favor of the deportation and colonization of the
blacks, of course with their consent. He repeatedly disavowed any wish on
his part to have social and political equality established between whites
and blacks. On this point he summed up his views in a reply to Douglas's
assertion that the Declaration of Independence, in speaking of all men as
being created equal, did not include the negroes, saying: "I do not
understand the Declaration of Independence to mean that all men were
created equal in all respects. They are not equal in color. But I believe
that it does mean to declare that all men are equal in some respects; they
are equal in their right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness."
</p>
<p>
With regard to some of these subjects Lincoln modified his position at a
later period, and it has been suggested that he would have professed more
advanced principles in his debates with Douglas, had he not feared thereby
to lose votes. This view can hardly be sustained. Lincoln had the courage
of his opinions, but he was not a radical. The man who risked his election
by delivering, against the urgent protest of his friends, the speech about
"the house divided against itself" would not have shrunk from the
expression of more extreme views, had he really entertained them. It is
only fair to assume that he said what at the time he really thought, and
that if, subsequently, his opinions changed, it was owing to new
conceptions of good policy and of duty brought forth by an entirely new
set of circumstances and exigencies. It is characteristic that he
continued to adhere to the impracticable colonization plan even after the
Emancipation Proclamation had already been issued.
</p>
<p>
But in this contest Lincoln proved himself not only a debater, but also a
political strategist of the first order. The "kind, amiable, and
intelligent gentleman," as Douglas had been pleased to call him, was by no
means as harmless as a dove. He possessed an uncommon share of that
worldly shrewdness which not seldom goes with genuine simplicity of
character; and the political experience gathered in the Legislature and in
Congress, and in many election campaigns, added to his keen intuitions,
had made him as far-sighted a judge of the probable effects of a public
man's sayings or doings upon the popular mind, and as accurate a
calculator in estimating political chances and forecasting results, as
could be found among the party managers in Illinois. And now he perceived
keenly the ugly dilemma in which Douglas found himself, between the Dred
Scott decision, which declared the right to hold slaves to exist in the
Territories by virtue of the Federal Constitution, and his "great
principle of popular sovereignty," according to which the people of a
Territory, if they saw fit, were to have the right to exclude slavery
therefrom. Douglas was twisting and squirming to the best of his ability
to avoid the admission that the two were incompatible. The question then
presented itself if it would be good policy for Lincoln to force Douglas
to a clear expression of his opinion as to whether, the Dred Scott
decision notwithstanding, "the people of a Territory could in any lawful
way exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of a State
constitution." Lincoln foresaw and predicted what Douglas would answer:
that slavery could not exist in a Territory unless the people desired it
and gave it protection by territorial legislation. In an improvised caucus
the policy of pressing the interrogatory on Douglas was discussed.
Lincoln's friends unanimously advised against it, because the answer
foreseen would sufficiently commend Douglas to the people of Illinois to
insure his re-election to the Senate. But Lincoln persisted. "I am after
larger game," said he. "If Douglas so answers, he can never be President,
and the battle of 1860 is worth a hundred of this." The interrogatory was
pressed upon Douglas, and Douglas did answer that, no matter what the
decision of the Supreme Court might be on the abstract question, the
people of a Territory had the lawful means to introduce or exclude slavery
by territorial legislation friendly or unfriendly to the institution.
Lincoln found it easy to show the absurdity of the proposition that, if
slavery were admitted to exist of right in the Territories by virtue of
the supreme law, the Federal Constitution, it could be kept out or
expelled by an inferior law, one made by a territorial Legislature. Again
the judgment of the politicians, having only the nearest object in view,
proved correct: Douglas was reelected to the Senate. But Lincoln's
judgment proved correct also: Douglas, by resorting to the expedient of
his "unfriendly legislation doctrine," forfeited his last chance of
becoming President of the United States. He might have hoped to win, by
sufficient atonement, his pardon from the South for his opposition to the
Lecompton Constitution; but that he taught the people of the Territories a
trick by which they could defeat what the proslavery men considered a
constitutional right, and that he called that trick lawful, this the slave
power would never forgive. The breach between the Southern and the
Northern Democracy was thenceforth irremediable and fatal.
</p>
<p>
The Presidential election of 1860 approached. The struggle in Kansas, and
the debates in Congress which accompanied it, and which not unfrequently
provoked violent outbursts, continually stirred the popular excitement.
Within the Democratic party raged the war of factions. The national
Democratic convention met at Charleston on the 23d of April, 1860. After a
struggle of ten days between the adherents and the opponents of Douglas,
during which the delegates from the cotton States had withdrawn, the
convention adjourned without having nominated any candidates, to meet
again in Baltimore on the 18th of June. There was no prospect, however, of
reconciling the hostile elements. It appeared very probable that the
Baltimore convention would nominate Douglas, while the seceding Southern
Democrats would set up a candidate of their own, representing extreme
proslavery principles.
</p>
<p>
Meanwhile, the national Republican convention assembled at Chicago on the
16th of May, full of enthusiasm and hope. The situation was easily
understood. The Democrats would have the South. In order to succeed in the
election, the Republicans had to win, in addition to the States carried by
Fremont in 1856, those that were classed as "doubtful,"—New Jersey,
Pennsylvania, and Indiana, or Illinois in the place of either New Jersey
or Indiana. The most eminent Republican statesmen and leaders of the time
thought of for the Presidency were Seward and Chase, both regarded as
belonging to the more advanced order of antislavery men. Of the two,
Seward had the largest following, mainly from New York, New England, and
the Northwest. Cautious politicians doubted seriously whether Seward, to
whom some phrases in his speeches had undeservedly given the reputation of
a reckless radical, would be able to command the whole Republican vote in
the doubtful States. Besides, during his long public career he had made
enemies. It was evident that those who thought Seward's nomination too
hazardous an experiment would consider Chase unavailable for the same
reason. They would then look round for an "available" man; and among the
"available" men Abraham Lincoln was easily discovered to stand foremost.
His great debate with Douglas had given him a national reputation. The
people of the East being eager to see the hero of so dramatic a contest,
he had been induced to visit several Eastern cities, and had astonished
and delighted large and distinguished audiences with speeches of singular
power and originality. An address delivered by him in the Cooper Institute
in New York, before an audience containing a large number of important
persons, was then, and has ever since been, especially praised as one of
the most logical and convincing political speeches ever made in this
country. The people of the West had grown proud of him as a distinctively
Western great man, and his popularity at home had some peculiar features
which could be expected to exercise a potent charm. Nor was Lincoln's name
as that of an available candidate left to the chance of accidental
discovery. It is indeed not probable that he thought of himself as a
Presidential possibility, during his contest with Douglas for the
senatorship. As late as April, 1859, he had written to a friend who had
approached him on the subject that he did not think himself fit for the
Presidency. The Vice-Presidency was then the limit of his ambition. But
some of his friends in Illinois took the matter seriously in hand, and
Lincoln, after some hesitation, then formally authorized "the use of his
name." The matter was managed with such energy and excellent judgment
that, in the convention, he had not only the whole vote of Illinois to
start with, but won votes on all sides without offending any rival. A
large majority of the opponents of Seward went over to Abraham Lincoln,
and gave him the nomination on the third ballot. As had been foreseen,
Douglas was nominated by one wing of the Democratic party at Baltimore,
while the extreme proslavery wing put Breckinridge into the field as its
candidate. After a campaign conducted with the energy of genuine
enthusiasm on the antislavery side the united Republicans defeated the
divided Democrats, and Lincoln was elected President by a majority of
fifty-seven votes in the electoral colleges.
</p>
<p>
The result of the election had hardly been declared when the disunion
movement in the South, long threatened and carefully planned and prepared,
broke out in the shape of open revolt, and nearly a month before Lincoln
could be inaugurated as President of the United States seven Southern
States had adopted ordinances of secession, formed an independent
confederacy, framed a constitution for it, and elected Jefferson Davis its
president, expecting the other slaveholding States soon to join them. On
the 11th of February, 1861, Lincoln left Springfield for Washington;
having, with characteristic simplicity, asked his law partner not to
change the sign of the firm "Lincoln and Herndon" during the four years
unavoidable absence of the senior partner, and having taken an
affectionate and touching leave of his neighbors.
</p>
<p>
The situation which confronted the new President was appalling: the larger
part of the South in open rebellion, the rest of the slaveholding States
wavering preparing to follow; the revolt guided by determined, daring, and
skillful leaders; the Southern people, apparently full of enthusiasm and
military spirit, rushing to arms, some of the forts and arsenals already
in their possession; the government of the Union, before the accession of
the new President, in the hands of men some of whom actively sympathized
with the revolt, while others were hampered by their traditional doctrines
in dealing with it, and really gave it aid and comfort by their irresolute
attitude; all the departments full of "Southern sympathizers" and
honeycombed with disloyalty; the treasury empty, and the public credit at
the lowest ebb; the arsenals ill supplied with arms, if not emptied by
treacherous practices; the regular army of insignificant strength,
dispersed over an immense surface, and deprived of some of its best
officers by defection; the navy small and antiquated. But that was not
all. The threat of disunion had so often been resorted to by the slave
power in years gone by that most Northern people had ceased to believe in
its seriousness. But, when disunion actually appeared as a stern reality,
something like a chill swept through the whole Northern country. A cry for
union and peace at any price rose on all sides. Democratic partisanship
reiterated this cry with vociferous vehemence, and even many Republicans
grew afraid of the victory they had just achieved at the ballot-box, and
spoke of compromise. The country fairly resounded with the noise of
"anticoercion meetings." Expressions of firm resolution from determined
antislavery men were indeed not wanting, but they were for a while almost
drowned by a bewildering confusion of discordant voices. Even this was not
all. Potent influences in Europe, with an ill-concealed desire for the
permanent disruption of the American Union, eagerly espoused the cause of
the Southern seceders, and the two principal maritime powers of the Old
World seemed only to be waiting for a favorable opportunity to lend them a
helping hand.
</p>
<p>
This was the state of things to be mastered by "honest Abe Lincoln" when
he took his seat in the Presidential chair,—"honest Abe Lincoln,"
who was so good-natured that he could not say "no"; the greatest
achievement in whose life had been a debate on the slavery question; who
had never been in any position of power; who was without the slightest
experience of high executive duties, and who had only a speaking
acquaintance with the men upon whose counsel and cooperation he was to
depend. Nor was his accession to power under such circumstances greeted
with general confidence even by the members of his party. While he had
indeed won much popularity, many Republicans, especially among those who
had advocated Seward's nomination for the Presidency, saw the simple
"Illinois lawyer" take the reins of government with a feeling little short
of dismay. The orators and journals of the opposition were ridiculing and
lampooning him without measure. Many people actually wondered how such a
man could dare to undertake a task which, as he himself had said to his
neighbors in his parting speech, was "more difficult than that of
Washington himself had been."
</p>
<p>
But Lincoln brought to that task, aside from other uncommon qualities, the
first requisite,—an intuitive comprehension of its nature. While he
did not indulge in the delusion that the Union could be maintained or
restored without a conflict of arms, he could indeed not foresee all the
problems he would have to solve. He instinctively understood, however, by
what means that conflict would have to be conducted by the government of a
democracy. He knew that the impending war, whether great or small, would
not be like a foreign war, exciting a united national enthusiasm, but a
civil war, likely to fan to uncommon heat the animosities of party even in
the localities controlled by the government; that this war would have to
be carried on not by means of a ready-made machinery, ruled by an
undisputed, absolute will, but by means to be furnished by the voluntary
action of the people:—armies to be formed by voluntary enlistments;
large sums of money to be raised by the people, through representatives,
voluntarily taxing themselves; trust of extraordinary power to be
voluntarily granted; and war measures, not seldom restricting the rights
and liberties to which the citizen was accustomed, to be voluntarily
accepted and submitted to by the people, or at least a large majority of
them; and that this would have to be kept up not merely during a short
period of enthusiastic excitement; but possibly through weary years of
alternating success and disaster, hope and despondency. He knew that in
order to steer this government by public opinion successfully through all
the confusion created by the prejudices and doubts and differences of
sentiment distracting the popular mind, and so to propitiate, inspire,
mould, organize, unite, and guide the popular will that it might give
forth all the means required for the performance of his great task, he
would have to take into account all the influences strongly affecting the
current of popular thought and feeling, and to direct while appearing to
obey.
</p>
<p>
This was the kind of leadership he intuitively conceived to be needed when
a free people were to be led forward en masse to overcome a great common
danger under circumstances of appalling difficulty, the leadership which
does not dash ahead with brilliant daring, no matter who follows, but
which is intent upon rallying all the available forces, gathering in the
stragglers, closing up the column, so that the front may advance well
supported. For this leadership Abraham Lincoln was admirably fitted,
better than any other American statesman of his day; for he understood the
plain people, with all their loves and hates, their prejudices and their
noble impulses, their weaknesses and their strength, as he understood
himself, and his sympathetic nature was apt to draw their sympathy to him.
</p>
<p>
His inaugural address foreshadowed his official course in characteristic
manner. Although yielding nothing in point of principle, it was by no
means a flaming antislavery manifesto, such as would have pleased the more
ardent Republicans. It was rather the entreaty of a sorrowing father
speaking to his wayward children. In the kindliest language he pointed out
to the secessionists how ill advised their attempt at disunion was, and
why, for their own sakes, they should desist. Almost plaintively, he told
them that, while it was not their duty to destroy the Union, it was his
sworn duty to preserve it; that the least he could do, under the
obligations of his oath, was to possess and hold the property of the
United States; that he hoped to do this peaceably; that he abhorred war
for any purpose, and that they would have none unless they themselves were
the aggressors. It was a masterpiece of persuasiveness, and while Lincoln
had accepted many valuable amendments suggested by Seward, it was
essentially his own. Probably Lincoln himself did not expect his inaugural
address to have any effect upon the secessionists, for he must have known
them to be resolved upon disunion at any cost. But it was an appeal to the
wavering minds in the North, and upon them it made a profound impression.
Every candid man, however timid and halting, had to admit that the
President was bound by his oath to do his duty; that under that oath he
could do no less than he said he would do; that if the secessionists
resisted such an appeal as the President had made, they were bent upon
mischief, and that the government must be supported against them. The
partisan sympathy with the Southern insurrection which still existed in
the North did indeed not disappear, but it diminished perceptibly under
the influence of such reasoning. Those who still resisted it did so at the
risk of appearing unpatriotic.
</p>
<p>
It must not be supposed, however, that Lincoln at once succeeded in
pleasing everybody, even among his friends,—even among those nearest
to him. In selecting his cabinet, which he did substantially before he
left Springfield for Washington, he thought it wise to call to his
assistance the strong men of his party, especially those who had given
evidence of the support they commanded as his competitors in the Chicago
convention. In them he found at the same time representatives of the
different shades of opinion within the party, and of the different
elements—former Whigs and former Democrats—from which the
party had recruited itself. This was sound policy under the circumstances.
It might indeed have been foreseen that among the members of a cabinet so
composed, troublesome disagreements and rivalries would break out. But it
was better for the President to have these strong and ambitious men near
him as his co-operators than to have them as his critics in Congress,
where their differences might have been composed in a common opposition to
him. As members of his cabinet he could hope to control them, and to keep
them busily employed in the service of a common purpose, if he had the
strength to do so. Whether he did possess this strength was soon tested by
a singularly rude trial.
</p>
<p>
There can be no doubt that the foremost members of his cabinet, Seward and
Chase, the most eminent Republican statesmen, had felt themselves wronged
by their party when in its national convention it preferred to them for
the Presidency a man whom, not unnaturally, they thought greatly their
inferior in ability and experience as well as in service. The soreness of
that disappointment was intensified when they saw this Western man in the
White House, with so much of rustic manner and speech as still clung to
him, meeting his fellow-citizens, high and low, on a footing of equality,
with the simplicity of his good nature unburdened by any conventional
dignity of deportment, and dealing with the great business of state in an
easy-going, unmethodical, and apparently somewhat irreverent way. They did
not understand such a man. Especially Seward, who, as Secretary of State,
considered himself next to the Chief Executive, and who quickly accustomed
himself to giving orders and making arrangements upon his own motion,
thought it necessary that he should rescue the direction of public affairs
from hands so unskilled, and take full charge of them himself. At the end
of the first month of the administration he submitted a "memorandum" to
President Lincoln, which has been first brought to light by Nicolay and
Hay, and is one of their most valuable contributions to the history of
those days. In that paper Seward actually told the President that at the
end of a month's administration the government was still without a policy,
either domestic or foreign; that the slavery question should be eliminated
from the struggle about the Union; that the matter of the maintenance of
the forts and other possessions in the South should be decided with that
view; that explanations should be demanded categorically from the
governments of Spain and France, which were then preparing, one for the
annexation of San Domingo, and both for the invasion of Mexico; that if no
satisfactory explanations were received war should be declared against
Spain and France by the United States; that explanations should also be
sought from Russia and Great Britain, and a vigorous continental spirit of
independence against European intervention be aroused all over the
American continent; that this policy should be incessantly pursued and
directed by somebody; that either the President should devote himself
entirely to it, or devolve the direction on some member of his cabinet,
whereupon all debate on this policy must end.
</p>
<p>
This could be understood only as a formal demand that the President should
acknowledge his own incompetency to perform his duties, content himself
with the amusement of distributing post-offices, and resign his power as
to all important affairs into the hands of his Secretary of State. It
seems to-day incomprehensible how a statesman of Seward's calibre could at
that period conceive a plan of policy in which the slavery question had no
place; a policy which rested upon the utterly delusive assumption that the
secessionists, who had already formed their Southern Confederacy and were
with stern resolution preparing to fight for its independence, could be
hoodwinked back into the Union by some sentimental demonstration against
European interference; a policy which, at that critical moment, would have
involved the Union in a foreign war, thus inviting foreign intervention in
favor of the Southern Confederacy, and increasing tenfold its chances in
the struggle for independence. But it is equally incomprehensible how
Seward could fail to see that this demand of an unconditional surrender
was a mortal insult to the head of the government, and that by putting his
proposition on paper he delivered himself into the hands of the very man
he had insulted; for, had Lincoln, as most Presidents would have done,
instantly dismissed Seward, and published the true reason for that
dismissal, it would inevitably have been the end of Seward's career. But
Lincoln did what not many of the noblest and greatest men in history would
have been noble and great enough to do. He considered that Seward was
still capable of rendering great service to his country in the place in
which he was, if rightly controlled. He ignored the insult, but firmly
established his superiority. In his reply, which he forthwith despatched,
he told Seward that the administration had a domestic policy as laid down
in the inaugural address with Seward's approval; that it had a foreign
policy as traced in Seward's despatches with the President's approval;
that if any policy was to be maintained or changed, he, the President, was
to direct that on his responsibility; and that in performing that duty the
President had a right to the advice of his secretaries. Seward's fantastic
schemes of foreign war and continental policies Lincoln brushed aside by
passing them over in silence. Nothing more was said. Seward must have felt
that he was at the mercy of a superior man; that his offensive proposition
had been generously pardoned as a temporary aberration of a great mind,
and that he could atone for it only by devoted personal loyalty. This he
did. He was thoroughly subdued, and thenceforth submitted to Lincoln his
despatches for revision and amendment without a murmur. The war with
European nations was no longer thought of; the slavery question found in
due time its proper place in the struggle for the Union; and when, at a
later period, the dismissal of Seward was demanded by dissatisfied
senators, who attributed to him the shortcomings of the administration,
Lincoln stood stoutly by his faithful Secretary of State.
</p>
<p>
Chase, the Secretary of the Treasury, a man of superb presence, of eminent
ability and ardent patriotism, of great natural dignity and a certain
outward coldness of manner, which made him appear more difficult of
approach than he really was, did not permit his disappointment to burst
out in such extravagant demonstrations. But Lincoln's ways were so
essentially different from his that they never became quite intelligible,
and certainly not congenial to him. It might, perhaps, have been better
had there been, at the beginning of the administration, some decided clash
between Lincoln and Chase, as there was between Lincoln and Seward, to
bring on a full mutual explanation, and to make Chase appreciate the real
seriousness of Lincoln's nature. But, as it was, their relations always
remained somewhat formal, and Chase never felt quite at ease under a chief
whom he could not understand, and whose character and powers he never
learned to esteem at their true value. At the same time, he devoted
himself zealously to the duties of his department, and did the country
arduous service under circumstances of extreme difficulty. Nobody
recognized this more heartily than Lincoln himself, and they managed to
work together until near the end of Lincoln's first Presidential term,
when Chase, after some disagreements concerning appointments to office,
resigned from the treasury; and, after Taney's death, the President made
him Chief Justice.
</p>
<p>
The rest of the cabinet consisted of men of less eminence, who
subordinated themselves more easily. In January, 1862, Lincoln found it
necessary to bow Cameron out of the war office, and to put in his place
Edwin M. Stanton, a man of intensely practical mind, vehement impulses,
fierce positiveness, ruthless energy, immense working power, lofty
patriotism, and severest devotion to duty. He accepted the war office not
as a partisan, for he had never been a Republican, but only to do all he
could in "helping to save the country." The manner in which Lincoln
succeeded in taming this lion to his will, by frankly recognizing his
great qualities, by giving him the most generous confidence, by aiding him
in his work to the full of his power, by kindly concession or affectionate
persuasiveness in cases of differing opinions, or, when it was necessary,
by firm assertions of superior authority, bears the highest testimony to
his skill in the management of men. Stanton, who had entered the service
with rather a mean opinion of Lincoln's character and capacity, became one
of his warmest, most devoted, and most admiring friends, and with none of
his secretaries was Lincoln's intercourse more intimate. To take advice
with candid readiness, and to weigh it without any pride of his own
opinion, was one of Lincoln's preeminent virtues; but he had not long
presided over his cabinet council when his was felt by all its members to
be the ruling mind.
</p>
<p>
The cautious policy foreshadowed in his inaugural address, and pursued
during the first period of the civil war, was far from satisfying all his
party friends. The ardent spirits among the Union men thought that the
whole North should at once be called to arms, to crush the rebellion by
one powerful blow. The ardent spirits among the antislavery men insisted
that, slavery having brought forth the rebellion, this powerful blow
should at once be aimed at slavery. Both complained that the
administration was spiritless, undecided, and lamentably slow in its
proceedings. Lincoln reasoned otherwise. The ways of thinking and feeling
of the masses, of the plain people, were constantly present to his mind.
The masses, the plain people, had to furnish the men for the fighting, if
fighting was to be done. He believed that the plain people would be ready
to fight when it clearly appeared necessary, and that they would feel that
necessity when they felt themselves attacked. He therefore waited until
the enemies of the Union struck the first blow. As soon as, on the 12th of
April, 1861, the first gun was fired in Charleston harbor on the Union
flag upon Fort Sumter, the call was sounded, and the Northern people
rushed to arms.
</p>
<p>
Lincoln knew that the plain people were now indeed ready to fight in
defence of the Union, but not yet ready to fight for the destruction of
slavery. He declared openly that he had a right to summon the people to
fight for the Union, but not to summon them to fight for the abolition of
slavery as a primary object; and this declaration gave him numberless
soldiers for the Union who at that period would have hesitated to do
battle against the institution of slavery. For a time he succeeded in
rendering harmless the cry of the partisan opposition that the Republican
administration were perverting the war for the Union into an "abolition
war." But when he went so far as to countermand the acts of some generals
in the field, looking to the emancipation of the slaves in the districts
covered by their commands, loud complaints arose from earnest antislavery
men, who accused the President of turning his back upon the antislavery
cause. Many of these antislavery men will now, after a calm retrospect, be
willing to admit that it would have been a hazardous policy to endanger,
by precipitating a demonstrative fight against slavery, the success of the
struggle for the Union.
</p>
<p>
Lincoln's views and feelings concerning slavery had not changed. Those who
conversed with him intimately upon the subject at that period know that he
did not expect slavery long to survive the triumph of the Union, even if
it were not immediately destroyed by the war. In this he was right. Had
the Union armies achieved a decisive victory in an early period of the
conflict, and had the seceded States been received back with slavery, the
"slave power" would then have been a defeated power, defeated in an
attempt to carry out its most effective threat. It would have lost its
prestige. Its menaces would have been hollow sound, and ceased to make any
one afraid. It could no longer have hoped to expand, to maintain an
equilibrium in any branch of Congress, and to control the government. The
victorious free States would have largely overbalanced it. It would no
longer have been able to withstand the onset of a hostile age. It could no
longer have ruled,—and slavery had to rule in order to live. It
would have lingered for a while, but it would surely have been "in the
course of ultimate extinction." A prolonged war precipitated the
destruction of slavery; a short war might only have prolonged its death
struggle. Lincoln saw this clearly; but he saw also that, in a protracted
death struggle, it might still have kept disloyal sentiments alive, bred
distracting commotions, and caused great mischief to the country. He
therefore hoped that slavery would not survive the war.
</p>
<p>
But the question how he could rightfully employ his power to bring on its
speedy destruction was to him not a question of mere sentiment. He himself
set forth his reasoning upon it, at a later period, in one of his
inimitable letters. "I am naturally antislavery," said he. "If slavery is
not wrong, nothing is wrong. I cannot remember the time when I did not so
think and feel. And yet I have never understood that the Presidency
conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act upon that judgment and
feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would, to the best of my
ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United
States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it my
view that I might take an oath to get power, and break the oath in using
that power. I understood, too, that, in ordinary civil administration,
this oath even forbade me practically to indulge my private abstract
judgment on the moral question of slavery. I did understand, however,
also, that my oath imposed upon me the duty of preserving, to the best of
my ability, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of
which the Constitution was the organic law. I could not feel that, to the
best of my ability, I had even tied to preserve the Constitution—if,
to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of
government, country, and Constitution all together." In other words, if
the salvation of the government, the Constitution, and the Union demanded
the destruction of slavery, he felt it to be not only his right, but his
sworn duty to destroy it. Its destruction became a necessity of the war
for the Union.
</p>
<p>
As the war dragged on and disaster followed disaster, the sense of that
necessity steadily grew upon him. Early in 1862, as some of his friends
well remember, he saw, what Seward seemed not to see, that to give the war
for the Union an antislavery character was the surest means to prevent the
recognition of the Southern Confederacy as an independent nation by
European powers; that, slavery being abhorred by the moral sense of
civilized mankind, no European government would dare to offer so gross an
insult to the public opinion of its people as openly to favor the creation
of a state founded upon slavery to the prejudice of an existing nation
fighting against slavery. He saw also that slavery untouched was to the
rebellion an element of power, and that in order to overcome that power it
was necessary to turn it into an element of weakness. Still, he felt no
assurance that the plain people were prepared for so radical a measure as
the emancipation of the slaves by act of the government, and he anxiously
considered that, if they were not, this great step might, by exciting
dissension at the North, injure the cause of the Union in one quarter more
than it would help it in another. He heartily welcomed an effort made in
New York to mould and stimulate public sentiment on the slavery question
by public meetings boldly pronouncing for emancipation. At the same time
he himself cautiously advanced with a recommendation, expressed in a
special message to Congress, that the United States should co-operate with
any State which might adopt the gradual abolishment of slavery, giving
such State pecuniary aid to compensate the former owners of emancipated
slaves. The discussion was started, and spread rapidly. Congress adopted
the resolution recommended, and soon went a step farther in passing a bill
to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. The plain people began to
look at emancipation on a larger scale as a thing to be considered
seriously by patriotic citizens; and soon Lincoln thought that the time
was ripe, and that the edict of freedom could be ventured upon without
danger of serious confusion in the Union ranks.
</p>
<p>
The failure of McClellan's movement upon Richmond increased immensely the
prestige of the enemy. The need of some great act to stimulate the
vitality of the Union cause seemed to grow daily more pressing. On July
21, 1862, Lincoln surprised his cabinet with the draught of a proclamation
declaring free the slaves in all the States that should be still in
rebellion against the United States on the 1st of January,1863. As to the
matter itself he announced that he had fully made up his mind; he invited
advice only concerning the form and the time of publication. Seward
suggested that the proclamation, if then brought out, amidst disaster and
distress, would sound like the last shriek of a perishing cause. Lincoln
accepted the suggestion, and the proclamation was postponed. Another
defeat followed, the second at Bull Run. But when, after that battle, the
Confederate army, under Lee, crossed the Potomac and invaded Maryland,
Lincoln vowed in his heart that, if the Union army were now blessed with
success, the decree of freedom should surely be issued. The victory of
Antietam was won on September 17, and the preliminary Emancipation
Proclamation came forth on the a 22d. It was Lincoln's own resolution and
act; but practically it bound the nation, and permitted no step backward.
In spite of its limitations, it was the actual abolition of slavery. Thus
he wrote his name upon the books of history with the title dearest to his
heart, the liberator of the slave.
</p>
<p>
It is true, the great proclamation, which stamped the war as one for
"union and freedom," did not at once mark the turning of the tide on the
field of military operations. There were more disasters, Fredericksburg
and Chancellorsville. But with Gettysburg and Vicksburg the whole aspect
of the war changed. Step by step, now more slowly, then more rapidly, but
with increasing steadiness, the flag of the Union advanced from field to
field toward the final consummation. The decree of emancipation was
naturally followed by the enlistment of emancipated negroes in the Union
armies. This measure had a anther reaching effect than merely giving the
Union armies an increased supply of men. The laboring force of the
rebellion was hopelessly disorganized. The war became like a problem of
arithmetic. As the Union armies pushed forward, the area from which the
Southern Confederacy could draw recruits and supplies constantly grew
smaller, while the area from which the Union recruited its strength
constantly grew larger; and everywhere, even within the Southern lines,
the Union had its allies. The fate of the rebellion was then virtually
decided; but it still required much bloody work to convince the brave
warriors who fought for it that they were really beaten.
</p>
<p>
Neither did the Emancipation Proclamation forthwith command universal
assent among the people who were loyal to the Union. There were even signs
of a reaction against the administration in the fall elections of 1862,
seemingly justifying the opinion, entertained by many, that the President
had really anticipated the development of popular feeling. The cry that
the war for the Union had been turned into an "abolition war" was raised
again by the opposition, and more loudly than ever. But the good sense and
patriotic instincts of the plain people gradually marshalled themselves on
Lincoln's side, and he lost no opportunity to help on this process by
personal argument and admonition. There never has been a President in such
constant and active contact with the public opinion of the country, as
there never has been a President who, while at the head of the government,
remained so near to the people. Beyond the circle of those who had long
known him the feeling steadily grew that the man in the White House was
"honest Abe Lincoln" still, and that every citizen might approach him with
complaint, expostulation, or advice, without danger of meeting a rebuff
from power-proud authority, or humiliating condescension; and this
privilege was used by so many and with such unsparing freedom that only
superhuman patience could have endured it all. There are men now living
who would to-day read with amazement, if not regret, what they ventured to
say or write to him. But Lincoln repelled no one whom he believed to speak
to him in good faith and with patriotic purpose. No good advice would go
unheeded. No candid criticism would offend him. No honest opposition,
while it might pain him, would produce a lasting alienation of feeling
between him and the opponent. It may truly be said that few men in power
have ever been exposed to more daring attempts to direct their course, to
severer censure of their acts, and to more cruel misrepresentation of
their motives: And all this he met with that good-natured humor peculiarly
his own, and with untiring effort to see the right and to impress it upon
those who differed from him. The conversations he had and the
correspondence he carried on upon matters of public interest, not only
with men in official position, but with private citizens, were almost
unceasing, and in a large number of public letters, written ostensibly to
meetings, or committees, or persons of importance, he addressed himself
directly to the popular mind. Most of these letters stand among the finest
monuments of our political literature. Thus he presented the singular
spectacle of a President who, in the midst of a great civil war, with
unprecedented duties weighing upon him, was constantly in person debating
the great features of his policy with the people.
</p>
<p>
While in this manner he exercised an ever-increasing influence upon the
popular understanding, his sympathetic nature endeared him more and more
to the popular heart. In vain did journals and speakers of the opposition
represent him as a lightminded trifler, who amused himself with frivolous
story-telling and coarse jokes, while the blood of the people was flowing
in streams. The people knew that the man at the head of affairs, on whose
haggard face the twinkle of humor so frequently changed into an expression
of profoundest sadness, was more than any other deeply distressed by the
suffering he witnessed; that he felt the pain of every wound that was
inflicted on the battlefield, and the anguish of every woman or child who
had lost husband or father; that whenever he could he was eager to
alleviate sorrow, and that his mercy was never implored in vain. They
looked to him as one who was with them and of them in all their hopes and
fears, their joys and sorrows, who laughed with them and wept with them;
and as his heart was theirs; so their hearts turned to him. His popularity
was far different from that of Washington, who was revered with awe, or
that of Jackson, the unconquerable hero, for whom party enthusiasm never
grew weary of shouting. To Abraham Lincoln the people became bound by a
genuine sentimental attachment. It was not a matter of respect, or
confidence, or party pride, for this feeling spread far beyond the
boundary lines of his party; it was an affair of the heart, independent of
mere reasoning. When the soldiers in the field or their folks at home
spoke of "Father Abraham," there was no cant in it. They felt that their
President was really caring for them as a father would, and that they
could go to him, every one of them, as they would go to a father, and talk
to him of what troubled them, sure to find a willing ear and tender
sympathy. Thus, their President, and his cause, and his endeavors, and his
success gradually became to them almost matters of family concern. And
this popularity carried him triumphantly through the Presidential election
of 1864, in spite of an opposition within his own party which at first
seemed very formidable.
</p>
<p>
Many of the radical antislavery men were never quite satisfied with
Lincoln's ways of meeting the problems of the time. They were very earnest
and mostly very able men, who had positive ideas as to "how this rebellion
should be put down." They would not recognize the necessity of measuring
the steps of the government according to the progress of opinion among the
plain people. They criticised Lincoln's cautious management as irresolute,
halting, lacking in definite purpose and in energy; he should not have
delayed emancipation so long; he should not have confided important
commands to men of doubtful views as to slavery; he should have authorized
military commanders to set the slaves free as they went on; he dealt too
leniently with unsuccessful generals; he should have put down all factious
opposition with a strong hand instead of trying to pacify it; he should
have given the people accomplished facts instead of arguing with them, and
so on. It is true, these criticisms were not always entirely unfounded.
Lincoln's policy had, with the virtues of democratic government, some of
its weaknesses, which in the presence of pressing exigencies were apt to
deprive governmental action of the necessary vigor; and his kindness of
heart, his disposition always to respect the feelings of others,
frequently made him recoil from anything like severity, even when severity
was urgently called for. But many of his radical critics have since then
revised their judgment sufficiently to admit that Lincoln's policy was, on
the whole, the wisest and safest; that a policy of heroic methods, while
it has sometimes accomplished great results, could in a democracy like
ours be maintained only by constant success; that it would have quickly
broken down under the weight of disaster; that it might have been
successful from the start, had the Union, at the beginning of the
conflict, had its Grants and Shermans and Sheridans, its Farraguts and
Porters, fully matured at the head of its forces; but that, as the great
commanders had to be evolved slowly from the developments of the war,
constant success could not be counted upon, and it was best to follow a
policy which was in friendly contact with the popular force, and therefore
more fit to stand trial of misfortune on the battlefield. But at that
period they thought differently, and their dissatisfaction with Lincoln's
doings was greatly increased by the steps he took toward the
reconstruction of rebel States then partially in possession of the Union
forces.
</p>
<p>
In December, 1863, Lincoln issued an amnesty proclamation, offering pardon
to all implicated in the rebellion, with certain specified exceptions, on
condition of their taking and maintaining an oath to support the
Constitution and obey the laws of the United States and the proclamations
of the President with regard to slaves; and also promising that when, in
any of the rebel States, a number of citizens equal to one tenth of the
voters in 1860 should re-establish a state government in conformity with
the oath above mentioned, such should be recognized by the Executive as
the true government of the State. The proclamation seemed at first to be
received with general favor. But soon another scheme of reconstruction,
much more stringent in its provisions, was put forward in the House of
Representatives by Henry Winter Davis. Benjamin Wade championed it in the
Senate. It passed in the closing moments of the session in July, 1864, and
Lincoln, instead of making it a law by his signature, embodied the text of
it in a proclamation as a plan of reconstruction worthy of being earnestly
considered. The differences of opinion concerning this subject had only
intensified the feeling against Lincoln which had long been nursed among
the radicals, and some of them openly declared their purpose of resisting
his re-election to the Presidency. Similar sentiments were manifested by
the advanced antislavery men of Missouri, who, in their hot faction-fight
with the "conservatives" of that State, had not received from Lincoln the
active support they demanded. Still another class of Union men, mainly in
the East, gravely shook their heads when considering the question whether
Lincoln should be re-elected. They were those who cherished in their minds
an ideal of statesmanship and of personal bearing in high office with
which, in their opinion, Lincoln's individuality was much out of accord.
They were shocked when they heard him cap an argument upon grave affairs
of state with a story about "a man out in Sangamon County,"—a story,
to be sure, strikingly clinching his point, but sadly lacking in dignity.
They could not understand the man who was capable, in opening a cabinet
meeting, of reading to his secretaries a funny chapter from a recent book
of Artemus Ward, with which in an unoccupied moment he had relieved his
care-burdened mind, and who then solemnly informed the executive council
that he had vowed in his heart to issue a proclamation emancipating the
slaves as soon as God blessed the Union arms with another victory. They
were alarmed at the weakness of a President who would indeed resist the
urgent remonstrances of statesmen against his policy, but could not resist
the prayer of an old woman for the pardon of a soldier who was sentenced
to be shot for desertion. Such men, mostly sincere and ardent patriots,
not only wished, but earnestly set to work, to prevent Lincoln's
renomination. Not a few of them actually believed, in 1863, that, if the
national convention of the Union party were held then, Lincoln would not
be supported by the delegation of a single State. But when the convention
met at Baltimore, in June, 1864, the voice of the people was heard. On the
first ballot Lincoln received the votes of the delegations from all the
States except Missouri; and even the Missourians turned over their votes
to him before the result of the ballot was declared.
</p>
<p>
But even after his renomination the opposition to Lincoln within the ranks
of the Union party did not subside. A convention, called by the
dissatisfied radicals in Missouri, and favored by men of a similar way of
thinking in other States, had been held already in May, and had nominated
as its candidate for the Presidency General Fremont. He, indeed, did not
attract a strong following, but opposition movements from different
quarters appeared more formidable. Henry Winter Davis and Benjamin Wade
assailed Lincoln in a flaming manifesto. Other Union men, of undoubted
patriotism and high standing, persuaded themselves, and sought to persuade
the people, that Lincoln's renomination was ill advised and dangerous to
the Union cause. As the Democrats had put off their convention until the
29th of August, the Union party had, during the larger part of the summer,
no opposing candidate and platform to attack, and the political campaign
languished. Neither were the tidings from the theatre of war of a cheering
character. The terrible losses suffered by Grant's army in the battles of
the Wilderness spread general gloom. Sherman seemed for a while to be in a
precarious position before Atlanta. The opposition to Lincoln within the
Union party grew louder in its complaints and discouraging predictions.
Earnest demands were heard that his candidacy should be withdrawn. Lincoln
himself, not knowing how strongly the masses were attached to him, was
haunted by dark forebodings of defeat. Then the scene suddenly changed as
if by magic.
</p>
<p>
The Democrats, in their national convention, declared the war a failure,
demanded, substantially, peace at any price, and nominated on such a
platform General McClellan as their candidate. Their convention had hardly
adjourned when the capture of Atlanta gave a new aspect to the military
situation. It was like a sun-ray bursting through a dark cloud. The rank
and file of the Union party rose with rapidly growing enthusiasm. The song
"We are coming, Father Abraham, three hundred thousand strong," resounded
all over the land. Long before the decisive day arrived, the result was
beyond doubt, and Lincoln was re-elected President by overwhelming
majorities. The election over even his severest critics found themselves
forced to admit that Lincoln was the only possible candidate for the Union
party in 1864, and that neither political combinations nor campaign
speeches, nor even victories in the field, were needed to insure his
success. The plain people had all the while been satisfied with Abraham
Lincoln: they confided in him; they loved him; they felt themselves near
to him; they saw personified in him the cause of Union and freedom; and
they went to the ballot-box for him in their strength.
</p>
<p>
The hour of triumph called out the characteristic impulses of his nature.
The opposition within the Union party had stung him to the quick. Now he
had his opponents before him, baffled and humiliated. Not a moment did he
lose to stretch out the hand of friendship to all. "Now that the election
is over," he said, in response to a serenade, "may not all, having a
common interest, reunite in a common effort to save our common country?
For my own part, I have striven, and will strive, to place no obstacle in
the way. So long as I have been here I have not willingly planted a thorn
in any man's bosom. While I am deeply sensible to the high compliment of a
re-election, it adds nothing to my satisfaction that any other man may be
pained or disappointed by the result. May I ask those who were with me to
join with me in the same spirit toward those who were against me?" This
was Abraham Lincoln's character as tested in the furnace of prosperity.
</p>
<p>
The war was virtually decided, but not yet ended. Sherman was irresistibly
carrying the Union flag through the South. Grant had his iron hand upon
the ramparts of Richmond. The days of the Confederacy were evidently
numbered. Only the last blow remained to be struck. Then Lincoln's second
inauguration came, and with it his second inaugural address. Lincoln's
famous "Gettysburg speech" has been much and justly admired. But far
greater, as well as far more characteristic, was that inaugural in which
he poured out the whole devotion and tenderness of his great soul. It had
all the solemnity of a father's last admonition and blessing to his
children before he lay down to die. These were its closing words: "Fondly
do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may
speedily pass away. Yet if God wills that it continue until all the wealth
piled up by the bondman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil
shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be
paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years
ago, so still it must be said, `The judgments of the Lord are true and
righteous altogether.' With malice toward none, with charity for all, with
firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive to
finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him
who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and his orphan; to do
all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves
and with all nations."
</p>
<p>
This was like a sacred poem. No American President had ever spoken words
like these to the American people. America never had a President who found
such words in the depth of his heart.
</p>
<p>
Now followed the closing scenes of the war. The Southern armies fought
bravely to the last, but all in vain. Richmond fell. Lincoln himself
entered the city on foot, accompanied only by a few officers and a squad
of sailors who had rowed him ashore from the flotilla in the James River,
a negro picked up on the way serving as a guide. Never had the world seen
a more modest conqueror and a more characteristic triumphal procession, no
army with banners and drums, only a throng of those who had been slaves,
hastily run together, escorting the victorious chief into the capital of
the vanquished foe. We are told that they pressed around him, kissed his
hands and his garments, and shouted and danced for joy, while tears ran
down the President's care-furrowed cheeks.
</p>
<p>
A few days more brought the surrender of Lee's army, and peace was
assured. The people of the North were wild with joy. Everywhere festive
guns were booming, bells pealing, the churches ringing with thanksgivings,
and jubilant multitudes thronging the thoroughfares, when suddenly the
news flashed over the land that Abraham Lincoln had been murdered. The
people were stunned by the blow. Then a wail of sorrow went up such as
America had never heard before. Thousands of Northern households grieved
as if they had lost their dearest member. Many a Southern man cried out in
his heart that his people had been robbed of their best friend in their
humiliation and distress, when Abraham Lincoln was struck down. It was as
if the tender affection which his countrymen bore him had inspired all
nations with a common sentiment. All civilized mankind stood mourning
around the coffin of the dead President. Many of those, here and abroad,
who not long before had ridiculed and reviled him were among the first to
hasten on with their flowers of eulogy, and in that universal chorus of
lamentation and praise there was not a voice that did not tremble with
genuine emotion. Never since Washington's death had there been such
unanimity of judgment as to a man's virtues and greatness; and even
Washington's death, although his name was held in greater reverence, did
not touch so sympathetic a chord in the people's hearts.
</p>
<p>
Nor can it be said that this was owing to the tragic character of
Lincoln's end. It is true, the death of this gentlest and most merciful of
rulers by the hand of a mad fanatic was well apt to exalt him beyond his
merits in the estimation of those who loved him, and to make his renown
the object of peculiarly tender solicitude. But it is also true that the
verdict pronounced upon him in those days has been affected little by
time, and that historical inquiry has served rather to increase than to
lessen the appreciation of his virtues, his abilities, his services.
Giving the fullest measure of credit to his great ministers,—to
Seward for his conduct of foreign affairs, to Chase for the management of
the finances under terrible difficulties, to Stanton for the performance
of his tremendous task as war secretary,—and readily acknowledging
that without the skill and fortitude of the great commanders, and the
heroism of the soldiers and sailors under them, success could not have
been achieved, the historian still finds that Lincoln's judgment and will
were by no means governed by those around him; that the most important
steps were owing to his initiative; that his was the deciding and
directing mind; and that it was pre-eminently he whose sagacity and whose
character enlisted for the administration in its struggles the
countenance, the sympathy, and the support of the people. It is found,
even, that his judgment on military matters was astonishingly acute, and
that the advice and instructions he gave to the generals commanding in the
field would not seldom have done honor to the ablest of them. History,
therefore, without overlooking, or palliating, or excusing any of his
shortcomings or mistakes, continues to place him foremost among the
saviours of the Union and the liberators of the slave. More than that, it
awards to him the merit of having accomplished what but few political
philosophers would have recognized as possible,—of leading the
republic through four years of furious civil conflict without any serious
detriment to its free institutions.
</p>
<p>
He was, indeed, while President, violently denounced by the opposition as
a tyrant and a usurper, for having gone beyond his constitutional powers
in authorizing or permitting the temporary suppression of newspapers, and
in wantonly suspending the writ of habeas corpus and resorting to
arbitrary arrests. Nobody should be blamed who, when such things are done,
in good faith and from patriotic motives protests against them. In a
republic, arbitrary stretches of power, even when demanded by necessity,
should never be permitted to pass without a protest on the one hand, and
without an apology on the other. It is well they did not so pass during
our civil war. That arbitrary measures were resorted to is true. That they
were resorted to most sparingly, and only when the government thought them
absolutely required by the safety of the republic, will now hardly be
denied. But certain it is that the history of the world does not furnish a
single example of a government passing through so tremendous a crisis as
our civil war was with so small a record of arbitrary acts, and so little
interference with the ordinary course of law outside the field of military
operations. No American President ever wielded such power as that which
was thrust into Lincoln's hands. It is to be hoped that no American
President ever will have to be entrusted with such power again. But no man
was ever entrusted with it to whom its seductions were less dangerous than
they proved to be to Abraham Lincoln. With scrupulous care he endeavored,
even under the most trying circumstances, to remain strictly within the
constitutional limitations of his authority; and whenever the boundary
became indistinct, or when the dangers of the situation forced him to
cross it, he was equally careful to mark his acts as exceptional measures,
justifiable only by the imperative necessities of the civil war, so that
they might not pass into history as precedents for similar acts in time of
peace. It is an unquestionable fact that during the reconstruction period
which followed the war, more things were done capable of serving as
dangerous precedents than during the war itself. Thus it may truly be said
of him not only that under his guidance the republic was saved from
disruption and the country was purified of the blot of slavery, but that,
during the stormiest and most perilous crisis in our history, he so
conducted the government and so wielded his almost dictatorial power as to
leave essentially intact our free institutions in all things that concern
the rights and liberties of the citizens. He understood well the nature of
the problem. In his first message to Congress he defined it in admirably
pointed language: "Must a government be of necessity too strong for the
liberties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its own existence? Is
there in all republics this inherent weakness?" This question he answered
in the name of the great American republic, as no man could have answered
it better, with a triumphant "No...."
</p>
<p>
It has been said that Abraham Lincoln died at the right moment for his
fame. However that may be, he had, at the time of his death, certainly not
exhausted his usefulness to his country. He was probably the only man who
could have guided the nation through the perplexities of the
reconstruction period in such a manner as to prevent in the work of peace
the revival of the passions of the war. He would indeed not have escaped
serious controversy as to details of policy; but he could have weathered
it far better than any other statesman of his time, for his prestige with
the active politicians had been immensely strengthened by his triumphant
re-election; and, what is more important, he would have been supported by
the confidence of the victorious Northern people that he would do all to
secure the safety of the Union and the rights of the emancipated negro,
and at the same time by the confidence of the defeated Southern people
that nothing would be done by him from motives of vindictiveness, or of
unreasoning fanaticism, or of a selfish party spirit. "With malice toward
none, with charity for all," the foremost of the victors would have
personified in himself the genius of reconciliation.
</p>
<p>
He might have rendered the country a great service in another direction. A
few days after the fall of Richmond, he pointed out to a friend the crowd
of office-seekers besieging his door. "Look at that," said he. "Now we
have conquered the rebellion, but here you see something that may become
more dangerous to this republic than the rebellion itself." It is true,
Lincoln as President did not profess what we now call civil service reform
principles. He used the patronage of the government in many cases avowedly
to reward party work, in many others to form combinations and to produce
political effects advantageous to the Union cause, and in still others
simply to put the right man into the right place. But in his endeavors to
strengthen the Union cause, and in his search for able and useful men for
public duties, he frequently went beyond the limits of his party, and
gradually accustomed himself to the thought that, while party service had
its value, considerations of the public interest were, as to appointments
to office, of far greater consequence. Moreover, there had been such a
mingling of different political elements in support of the Union during
the civil war that Lincoln, standing at the head of that temporarily
united motley mass, hardly felt himself, in the narrow sense of the term,
a party man. And as he became strongly impressed with the dangers brought
upon the republic by the use of public offices as party spoils, it is by
no means improbable that, had he survived the all-absorbing crisis and
found time to turn to other objects, one of the most important reforms of
later days would have been pioneered by his powerful authority. This was
not to be. But the measure of his achievements was full enough for
immortality.
</p>
<p>
To the younger generation Abraham Lincoln has already become a
half-mythical figure, which, in the haze of historic distance, grows to
more and more heroic proportions, but also loses in distinctness of
outline and feature. This is indeed the common lot of popular heroes; but
the Lincoln legend will be more than ordinarily apt to become fanciful, as
his individuality, assembling seemingly incongruous qualities and forces
in a character at the same time grand and most lovable, was so unique, and
his career so abounding in startling contrasts. As the state of society in
which Abraham Lincoln grew up passes away, the world will read with
increasing wonder of the man who, not only of the humblest origin, but
remaining the simplest and most unpretending of citizens, was raised to a
position of power unprecedented in our history; who was the gentlest and
most peace-loving of mortals, unable to see any creature suffer without a
pang in his own breast, and suddenly found himself called to conduct the
greatest and bloodiest of our wars; who wielded the power of government
when stern resolution and relentless force were the order of the day and
then won and ruled the popular mind and heart by the tender sympathies of
his nature; who was a cautious conservative by temperament and mental
habit, and led the most sudden and sweeping social revolution of our time;
who, preserving his homely speech and rustic manner even in the most
conspicuous position of that period, drew upon himself the scoffs of
polite society, and then thrilled the soul of mankind with utterances of
wonderful beauty and grandeur; who, in his heart the best friend of the
defeated South, was murdered because a crazy fanatic took him for its most
cruel enemy; who, while in power, was beyond measure lampooned and
maligned by sectional passion and an excited party spirit, and around
whose bier friend and foe gathered to praise him which they have since
never ceased to do—as one of the greatest of Americans and the best
of men.
</p>
<p>
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</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
ABRAHAM LINCOLN, BY JOSEPH H. CHOATE
</h2>
<p>
[This Address was delivered before the Edinburgh Philosophical
Institution, November 13, 1900. It is included in this set with the
courteous permission of the author and of Messrs. Thomas Y. Crowell &
Company.]
</p>
<p>
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
</p>
<p>
When you asked me to deliver the Inaugural Address on this occasion, I
recognized that I owed this compliment to the fact that I was the official
representative of America, and in selecting a subject I ventured to think
that I might interest you for an hour in a brief study in popular
government, as illustrated by the life of the most American of all
Americans. I therefore offer no apology for asking your attention to
Abraham Lincoln—to his unique character and the part he bore in two
important achievements of modern history: the preservation of the
integrity of the American Union and the emancipation of the colored race.
</p>
<p>
During his brief term of power he was probably the object of more abuse,
vilification, and ridicule than any other man in the world; but when he
fell by the hand of an assassin, at the very moment of his stupendous
victory, all the nations of the earth vied with one another in paying
homage to his character, and the thirty-five years that have since elapsed
have established his place in history as one of the great benefactors not
of his own country alone, but of the human race.
</p>
<p>
One of many noble utterances upon the occasion of his death was that in
which 'Punch' made its magnanimous recantation of the spirit with which it
had pursued him:
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
"Beside this corpse that bears for winding sheet
The stars and stripes he lived to rear anew,
Between the mourners at his head and feet,
Say, scurrile jester, is there room for you?
...................
"Yes, he had lived to shame me from my sneer,
To lame my pencil, and confute my pen
To make me own this hind—of princes peer,
This rail-splitter—a true born king of men."
</pre>
<p>
Fiction can furnish no match for the romance of his life, and biography
will be searched in vain for such startling vicissitudes of fortune, so
great power and glory won out of such humble beginnings and adverse
circumstances.
</p>
<p>
Doubtless you are all familiar with the salient points of his
extraordinary career. In the zenith of his fame he was the wise, patient,
courageous, successful ruler of men; exercising more power than any
monarch of his time, not for himself, but for the good of the people who
had placed it in his hands; commander-in-chief of a vast military power,
which waged with ultimate success the greatest war of the century; the
triumphant champion of popular government, the deliverer of four millions
of his fellowmen from bondage; honored by mankind as Statesman, President,
and Liberator.
</p>
<p>
Let us glance now at the first half of the brief life of which this was
the glorious and happy consummation. Nothing could be more squalid and
miserable than the home in which Abraham Lincoln was born—a
one-roomed cabin without floor or window in what was then the wilderness
of Kentucky, in the heart of that frontier life which swiftly moved
westward from the Alleghanies to the Mississippi, always in advance of
schools and churches, of books and money, of railroads and newspapers, of
all things which are generally regarded as the comforts and even
necessaries of life. His father, ignorant, needy, and thriftless, content
if he could keep soul and body together for himself and his family, was
ever seeking, without success, to better his unhappy condition by moving
on from one such scene of dreary desolation to another. The rude society
which surrounded them was not much better. The struggle for existence was
hard, and absorbed all their energies. They were fighting the forest, the
wild beast, and the retreating savage. From the time when he could barely
handle tools until he attained his majority, Lincoln's life was that of a
simple farm laborer, poorly clad, housed, and fed, at work either on his
father's wretched farm or hired out to neighboring farmers. But in spite,
or perhaps by means, of this rude environment, he grew to be a stalwart
giant, reaching six feet four at nineteen, and fabulous stories are told
of his feats of strength. With the growth of this mighty frame began that
strange education which in his ripening years was to qualify him for the
great destiny that awaited him, and the development of those mental
faculties and moral endowments which, by the time he reached middle life,
were to make him the sagacious, patient, and triumphant leader of a great
nation in the crisis of its fate. His whole schooling, obtained during
such odd times as could be spared from grinding labor, did not amount in
all to as much as one year, and the quality of the teaching was of the
lowest possible grade, including only the elements of reading, writing,
and ciphering. But out of these simple elements, when rightly used by the
right man, education is achieved, and Lincoln knew how to use them. As so
often happens, he seemed to take warning from his father's unfortunate
example. Untiring industry, an insatiable thirst for knowledge, and an
ever-growing desire to rise above his surroundings, were early
manifestations of his character.
</p>
<p>
Books were almost unknown in that community, but the Bible was in every
house, and somehow or other Pilgrim's Progress, AEsop's Fables, a History
of the United States, and a Life of Washington fell into his hands. He
trudged on foot many miles through the wilderness to borrow an English
Grammar, and is said to have devoured greedily the contents of the
Statutes of Indiana that fell in his way. These few volumes he read and
reread—and his power of assimilation was great. To be shut in with a
few books and to master them thoroughly sometimes does more for the
development of character than freedom to range at large, in a cursory and
indiscriminate way, through wide domains of literature. This youth's mind,
at any rate, was thoroughly saturated with Biblical knowledge and Biblical
language, which, in after life, he used with great readiness and effect.
But it was the constant use of the little knowledge which he had that
developed and exercised his mental powers. After the hard day's work was
done, while others slept, he toiled on, always reading or writing. From an
early age he did his own thinking and made up his own mind—invaluable
traits in the future President. Paper was such a scarce commodity that, by
the evening firelight, he would write and cipher on the back of a wooden
shovel, and then shave it off to make room for more. By and by, as he
approached manhood, he began speaking in the rude gatherings of the
neighborhood, and so laid the foundation of that art of persuading his
fellow-men which was one rich result of his education, and one great
secret of his subsequent success.
</p>
<p>
Accustomed as we are in these days of steam and telegraphs to have every
intelligent boy survey the whole world each morning before breakfast, and
inform himself as to what is going on in every nation, it is hardly
possible to conceive how benighted and isolated was the condition of the
community at Pigeon Creek in Indiana, of which the family of Lincoln's
father formed a part, or how eagerly an ambitious and high-spirited boy,
such as he, must have yearned to escape. The first glimpse that he ever
got of any world beyond the narrow confines of his home was in 1828, at
the age of nineteen, when a neighbor employed him to accompany his son
down the river to New Orleans to dispose of a flatboat of produce—a
commission which he discharged with great success.
</p>
<p>
Shortly after his return from this his first excursion into the outer
world, his father, tired of failure in Indiana, packed his family and all
his worldly goods into a single wagon drawn by two yoke of oxen, and after
a fourteen days' tramp through the wilderness, pitched his camp once more,
in Illinois. Here Abraham, having come of age and being now his own
master, rendered the last service of his minority by ploughing the
fifteen-acre lot and splitting from the tall walnut trees of the primeval
forest enough rails to surround the little clearing with a fence. Such was
the meagre outfit of this coming leader of men, at the age when the future
British Prime Minister or statesman emerges from the university as a
double first or senior wrangler, with every advantage that high training
and broad culture and association with the wisest and the best of men and
women can give, and enters upon some form of public service on the road to
usefulness and honor, the University course being only the first stage of
the public training. So Lincoln, at twenty-one, had just begun his
preparation for the public life to which he soon began to aspire. For some
years yet he must continue to earn his daily bread by the sweat of his
brow, having absolutely no means, no home, no friend to consult. More farm
work as a hired hand, a clerkship in a village store, the running of a
mill, another trip to New Orleans on a flatboat of his own contriving, a
pilot's berth on the river—these were the means by which he
subsisted until, in the summer of 1832, when he was twenty-three years of
age, an event occurred which gave him public recognition.
</p>
<p>
The Black Hawk war broke out, and, the Governor of Illinois calling for
volunteers to repel the band of savages whose leader bore that name,
Lincoln enlisted and was elected captain by his comrades, among whom he
had already established his supremacy by signal feats of strength and more
than one successful single combat. During the brief hostilities he was
engaged in no battle and won no military glory, but his local leadership
was established. The same year he offered himself as a candidate for the
Legislature of Illinois, but failed at the polls. Yet his vast popularity
with those who knew him was manifest. The district consisted of several
counties, but the unanimous vote of the people of his own county was for
Lincoln. Another unsuccessful attempt at store-keeping was followed by
better luck at surveying, until his horse and instruments were levied upon
under execution for the debts of his business adventure.
</p>
<p>
I have been thus detailed in sketching his early years because upon these
strange foundations the structure of his great fame and service was built.
In the place of a school and university training fortune substituted these
trials, hardships, and struggles as a preparation for the great work which
he had to do. It turned out to be exactly what the emergency required. Ten
years instead at the public school and the university certainly never
could have fitted this man for the unique work which was to be thrown upon
him. Some other Moses would have had to lead us to our Jordan, to the
sight of our promised land of liberty.
</p>
<p>
At the age of twenty-five he became a member of the Legislature of
Illinois, and so continued for eight years, and, in the meantime,
qualified himself by reading such law books as he could borrow at random—for
he was too poor to buy any to be called to the Bar. For his second quarter
of a century—during which a single term in Congress introduced him
into the arena of national questions—he gave himself up to law and
politics. In spite of his soaring ambition, his two years in Congress gave
him no premonition of the great destiny that awaited him,—and at its
close, in 1849, we find him an unsuccessful applicant to the President for
appointment as Commissioner of the General Land Office—a purely
administrative bureau; a fortunate escape for himself and for his country.
Year by year his knowledge and power, his experience and reputation
extended, and his mental faculties seemed to grow by what they fed on. His
power of persuasion, which had always been marked, was developed to an
extraordinary degree, now that he became engaged in congenial questions
and subjects. Little by little he rose to prominence at the Bar, and
became the most effective public speaker in the West. Not that he
possessed any of the graces of the orator; but his logic was invincible,
and his clearness and force of statement impressed upon his hearers the
convictions of his honest mind, while his broad sympathies and sparkling
and genial humor made him a universal favorite as far and as fast as his
acquaintance extended.
</p>
<p>
These twenty years that elapsed from the time of his establishment as a
lawyer and legislator in Springfield, the new capital of Illinois,
furnished a fitting theatre for the development and display of his great
faculties, and, with his new and enlarged opportunities, he obviously grew
in mental stature in this second period of his career, as if to compensate
for the absolute lack of advantages under which he had suffered in youth.
As his powers enlarged, his reputation extended, for he was always before
the people, felt a warm sympathy with all that concerned them, took a
zealous part in the discussion of every public question, and made his
personal influence ever more widely and deeply felt.
</p>
<p>
My brethren of the legal profession will naturally ask me, how could this
rough backwoodsman, whose youth had been spent in the forest or on the
farm and the flatboat, without culture or training, education or study, by
the random reading, on the wing, of a few miscellaneous law books, become
a learned and accomplished lawyer? Well, he never did. He never would have
earned his salt as a 'Writer' for the 'Signet', nor have won a place as
advocate in the Court of Session, where the technique of the profession
has reached its highest perfection, and centuries of learning and
precedent are involved in the equipment of a lawyer. Dr. Holmes, when
asked by an anxious young mother, "When should the education of a child
begin?" replied, "Madam, at least two centuries before it is born!" and so
I am sure it is with the Scots lawyer.
</p>
<p>
But not so in Illinois in 1840. Between 1830 and 1880 its population
increased twenty-fold, and when Lincoln began practising law in
Springfield in 1837, life in Illinois was very crude and simple, and so
were the courts and the administration of justice. Books and libraries
were scarce. But the people loved justice, upheld the law, and followed
the courts, and soon found their favorites among the advocates. The
fundamental principles of the common law, as set forth by Blackstone and
Chitty, were not so difficult to acquire; and brains, common sense, force
of character, tenacity of purpose, ready wit and power of speech did the
rest, and supplied all the deficiencies of learning.
</p>
<p>
The lawsuits of those days were extremely simple, and the principles of
natural justice were mainly relied on to dispose of them at the Bar and on
the Bench, without resort to technical learning. Railroads, corporations
absorbing the chief business of the community, combined and inherited
wealth, with all the subtle and intricate questions they breed, had not
yet come in—and so the professional agents and the equipment which
they require were not needed. But there were many highly educated and
powerful men at the Bar of Illinois, even in those early days, whom the
spirit of enterprise had carried there in search of fame and fortune. It
was by constant contact and conflict with these that Lincoln acquired
professional strength and skill. Every community and every age creates its
own Bar, entirely adequate for its present uses and necessities. So in
Illinois, as the population and wealth of the State kept on doubling and
quadrupling, its Bar presented a growing abundance of learning and science
and technical skill. The early practitioners grew with its growth and
mastered the requisite knowledge. Chicago soon grew to be one of the
largest and richest and certainly the most intensely active city on the
continent, and if any of my professional friends here had gone there in
Lincoln's later years, to try or argue a cause, or transact other
business, with any idea that Edinburgh or London had a monopoly of legal
learning, science, or subtlety, they would certainly have found their
mistake.
</p>
<p>
In those early days in the West, every lawyer, especially every court
lawyer, was necessarily a politician, constantly engaged in the public
discussion of the many questions evolved from the rapid development of
town, county, State, and Federal affairs. Then and there, in this regard,
public discussion supplied the place which the universal activity of the
press has since monopolized, and the public speaker who, by clearness,
force, earnestness, and wit; could make himself felt on the questions of
the day would rapidly come to the front. In the absence of that immense
variety of popular entertainments which now feed the public taste and
appetite, the people found their chief amusement in frequenting the courts
and public and political assemblies. In either place, he who impressed,
entertained, and amused them most was the hero of the hour. They did not
discriminate very carefully between the eloquence of the forum and the
eloquence of the hustings. Human nature ruled in both alike, and he who
was the most effective speaker in a political harangue was often retained
as most likely to win in a cause to be tried or argued. And I have no
doubt in this way many retainers came to Lincoln. Fees, money in any form,
had no charms for him—in his eager pursuit of fame he could not
afford to make money. He was ambitious to distinguish himself by some
great service to mankind, and this ambition for fame and real public
service left no room for avarice in his composition. However much he
earned, he seems to have ended every year hardly richer than he began it,
and yet, as the years passed, fees came to him freely. One of L 1,000 is
recorded—a very large professional fee at that time, even in any
part of America, the paradise of lawyers. I lay great stress on Lincoln's
career as a lawyer—much more than his biographers do because in
America a state of things exists wholly different from that which prevails
in Great Britain. The profession of the law always has been and is to this
day the principal avenue to public life; and I am sure that his training
and experience in the courts had much to do with the development of those
forces of intellect and character which he soon displayed on a broader
arena.
</p>
<p>
It was in political controversy, of course, that he acquired his wide
reputation, and made his deep and lasting impression upon the people of
what had now become the powerful State of Illinois, and upon the people of
the Great West, to whom the political power and control of the United
States were already surely and swiftly passing from the older Eastern
States. It was this reputation and this impression, and the familiar
knowledge of his character which had come to them from his local
leadership, that happily inspired the people of the West to present him as
their candidate, and to press him upon the Republican convention of 1860
as the fit and necessary leader in the struggle for life which was before
the nation.
</p>
<p>
That struggle, as you all know, arose out of the terrible question of
slavery—and I must trust to your general knowledge of the history of
that question to make intelligible the attitude and leadership of Lincoln
as the champion of the hosts of freedom in the final contest. Negro
slavery had been firmly established in the Southern States from an early
period of their history. In 1619, the year before the Mayflower landed our
Pilgrim Fathers upon Plymouth Rock, a Dutch ship had discharged a cargo of
African slaves at Jamestown in Virginia: All through the colonial period
their importation had continued. A few had found their way into the
Northern States, but none of them in sufficient numbers to constitute
danger or to afford a basis for political power. At the time of the
adoption of the Federal Constitution, there is no doubt that the principal
members of the convention not only condemned slavery as a moral, social,
and political evil, but believed that by the suppression of the slave
trade it was in the course of gradual extinction in the South, as it
certainly was in the North. Washington, in his will, provided for the
emancipation of his own slaves, and said to Jefferson that it "was among
his first wishes to see some plan adopted by which slavery in his country
might be abolished." Jefferson said, referring to the institution: "I
tremble for my country when I think that God is just; that His justice
cannot sleep forever,"—and Franklin, Adams, Hamilton, and Patrick
Henry were all utterly opposed to it. But it was made the subject of a
fatal compromise in the Federal Constitution, whereby its existence was
recognized in the States as a basis of representation, the prohibition of
the importation of slaves was postponed for twenty years, and the return
of fugitive slaves provided for. But no imminent danger was apprehended
from it till, by the invention of the cotton gin in 1792, cotton culture
by negro labor became at once and forever the leading industry of the
South, and gave a new impetus to the importation of slaves, so that in
1808, when the constitutional prohibition took effect, their numbers had
vastly increased. From that time forward slavery became the basis of a
great political power, and the Southern States, under all circumstances
and at every opportunity, carried on a brave and unrelenting struggle for
its maintenance and extension.
</p>
<p>
The conscience of the North was slow to rise against it, though bitter
controversies from time to time took place. The Southern leaders
threatened disunion if their demands were not complied with. To save the
Union, compromise after compromise was made, but each one in the end was
broken. The Missouri Compromise, made in 1820 upon the occasion of the
admission of Missouri into the Union as a slave State, whereby, in
consideration of such admission, slavery was forever excluded from the
Northwest Territory, was ruthlessly repealed in 1854, by a Congress
elected in the interests of the slave power, the intent being to force
slavery into that vast territory which had so long been dedicated to
freedom. This challenge at last aroused the slumbering conscience and
passion of the North, and led to the formation of the Republican party for
the avowed purpose of preventing, by constitutional methods, the further
extension of slavery.
</p>
<p>
In its first campaign, in 1856, though it failed to elect its candidates;
it received a surprising vote and carried many of the States. No one could
any longer doubt that the North had made up its mind that no threats of
disunion should deter it from pressing its cherished purpose and
performing its long neglected duty. From the outset, Lincoln was one of
the most active and effective leaders and speakers of the new party, and
the great debates between Lincoln and Douglas in 1858, as the respective
champions of the restriction and extension of slavery, attracted the
attention of the whole country. Lincoln's powerful arguments carried
conviction everywhere. His moral nature was thoroughly aroused his
conscience was stirred to the quick. Unless slavery was wrong, nothing was
wrong. Was each man, of whatever color, entitled to the fruits of his own
labor, or could one man live in idle luxury by the sweat of another's
brow, whose skin was darker? He was an implicit believer in that principle
of the Declaration of Independence that all men are vested with certain
inalienable rights the equal rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness. On this doctrine he staked his case and carried it. We have
time only for one or two sentences in which he struck the keynote of the
contest.
</p>
<p>
"The real issue in this country is the eternal struggle between these two
principles—right and wrong—throughout the world. They are the
two principles that have stood face to face from the beginning of time,
and will ever continue to struggle. The one is the common right of
humanity, and the other the divine right of kings. It is the same
principle in whatever shape it develops itself. It is the same spirit that
says, 'You work and toil and earn bread and I'll eat it.'"
</p>
<p>
He foresaw with unerring vision that the conflict was inevitable and
irrepressible—that one or the other, the right or the wrong, freedom
or slavery, must ultimately prevail and wholly prevail, throughout the
country; and this was the principle that carried the war, once begun, to a
finish.
</p>
<p>
One sentence of his is immortal:
</p>
<p>
"Under the operation of the policy of compromise, the slavery agitation
has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion it
will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. 'A house
divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this government cannot
endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to
be dissolved. I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect it will
cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the other; either
the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place
it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course
of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it forward till it
shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as
well as South."
</p>
<p>
During the entire decade from 1850 to 1860 the agitation of the slavery
question was at the boiling point, and events which have become historical
continually indicated the near approach of the overwhelming storm. No
sooner had the Compromise Acts of 1850 resulted in a temporary peace,
which everybody said must be final and perpetual, than new outbreaks came.
The forcible carrying away of fugitive slaves by Federal troops from
Boston agitated that ancient stronghold of freedom to its foundations. The
publication of Uncle Tom's Cabin, which truly exposed the frightful
possibilities of the slave system; the reckless attempts by force and
fraud to establish it in Kansas against the will of the vast majority of
the settlers; the beating of Summer in the Senate Chamber for words spoken
in debate; the Dred Scott decision in the Supreme Court, which made the
nation realize that the slave power had at last reached the fountain of
Federal justice; and finally the execution of John Brown, for his wild
raid into Virginia, to invite the slaves to rally to the standard of
freedom which he unfurled:—all these events tend to illustrate and
confirm Lincoln's contention that the nation could not permanently
continue half slave and half free, but must become all one thing or all
the other. When John Brown lay under sentence of death he declared that
now he was sure that slavery must be wiped out in blood; but neither he
nor his executioners dreamt that within four years a million soldiers
would be marching across the country for its final extirpation, to the
music of the war-song of the great conflict:
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
"John Brown's body lies a-mouldering in the grave,
But his soul is marching on."
</pre>
<p>
And now, at the age of fifty-one, this child of the wilderness, this farm
laborer, rail-sputter, flatboatman, this surveyor, lawyer, orator,
statesman, and patriot, found himself elected by the great party which was
pledged to prevent at all hazards the further extension of slavery, as the
chief magistrate of the Republic, bound to carry out that purpose, to be
the leader and ruler of the nation in its most trying hour.
</p>
<p>
Those who believe that there is a living Providence that overrules and
conducts the affairs of nations, find in the elevation of this plain man
to this extraordinary fortune and to this great duty, which he so fitly
discharged, a signal vindication of their faith. Perhaps to this
philosophical institution the judgment of our philosopher Emerson will
commend itself as a just estimate of Lincoln's historical place.
</p>
<p>
"His occupying the chair of state was a triumph of the good sense of
mankind and of the public conscience. He grew according to the need; his
mind mastered the problem of the day: and as the problem grew, so did his
comprehension of it. In the war there was no place for holiday magistrate,
nor fair-weather sailor. The new pilot was hurried to the helm in a
tornado. In four years—four years of battle days—his
endurance, his fertility of resource, his magnanimity, were sorely tried,
and never found wanting. There, by his courage, his justice, his even
temper, his fertile counsel, his humanity, he stood a heroic figure in the
centre of a heroic epoch. He is the true history of the American people in
his time, the true representative of this continent—father of his
country, the pulse of twenty millions throbbing in his heart, the thought
of their mind—articulated in his tongue."
</p>
<p>
He was born great, as distinguished from those who achieve greatness or
have it thrust upon them, and his inherent capacity, mental, moral, and
physical, having been recognized by the educated intelligence of a free
people, they happily chose him for their ruler in a day of deadly peril.
</p>
<p>
It is now forty years since I first saw and heard Abraham Lincoln, but the
impression which he left on my mind is ineffaceable. After his great
successes in the West he came to New York to make a political address. He
appeared in every sense of the word like one of the plain people among
whom he loved to be counted. At first sight there was nothing impressive
or imposing about him—except that his great stature singled him out
from the crowd: his clothes hung awkwardly on his giant frame; his face
was of a dark pallor, without the slightest tinge of color; his seamed and
rugged features bore the furrows of hardship and struggle; his deep-set
eyes looked sad and anxious; his countenance in repose gave little
evidence of that brain power which had raised him from the lowest to the
highest station among his countrymen; as he talked to me before the
meeting, he seemed ill at ease, with that sort of apprehension which a
young man might feel before presenting himself to a new and strange
audience, whose critical disposition he dreaded. It was a great audience,
including all the noted men—all the learned and cultured of his
party in New York editors, clergymen, statesmen, lawyers, merchants,
critics. They were all very curious to hear him. His fame as a powerful
speaker had preceded him, and exaggerated rumor of his wit—the worst
forerunner of an orator—had reached the East. When Mr. Bryant
presented him, on the high platform of the Cooper Institute, a vast sea of
eager upturned faces greeted him, full of intense curiosity to see what
this rude child of the people was like. He was equal to the occasion. When
he spoke he was transformed; his eye kindled, his voice rang, his face
shone and seemed to light up the whole assembly. For an hour and a half he
held his audience in the hollow of his hand. His style of speech and
manner of delivery were severely simple. What Lowell called "the grand
simplicities of the Bible," with which he was so familiar, were reflected
in his discourse. With no attempt at ornament or rhetoric, without parade
or pretence, he spoke straight to the point. If any came expecting the
turgid eloquence or the ribaldry of the frontier, they must have been
startled at the earnest and sincere purity of his utterances. It was
marvellous to see how this untutored man, by mere self-discipline and the
chastening of his own spirit, had outgrown all meretricious arts, and
found his own way to the grandeur and strength of absolute simplicity.
</p>
<p>
He spoke upon the theme which he had mastered so thoroughly. He
demonstrated by copious historical proofs and masterly logic that the
fathers who created the Constitution in order to form a more perfect
union, to establish justice, and to secure the blessings of liberty to
themselves and their posterity, intended to empower the Federal Government
to exclude slavery from the Territories. In the kindliest spirit he
protested against the avowed threat of the Southern States to destroy the
Union if, in order to secure freedom in those vast regions out of which
future States were to be carved, a Republican President were elected. He
closed with an appeal to his audience, spoken with all the fire of his
aroused and kindling conscience, with a full outpouring of his love of
justice and liberty, to maintain their political purpose on that lofty and
unassailable issue of right and wrong which alone could justify it, and
not to be intimidated from their high resolve and sacred duty by any
threats of destruction to the government or of ruin to themselves. He
concluded with this telling sentence, which drove the whole argument home
to all our hearts: "Let us have faith that right makes might, and in that
faith let us to the end dare to do our duty as we understand it." That
night the great hall, and the next day the whole city, rang with delighted
applause and congratulations, and he who had come as a stranger departed
with the laurels of great triumph.
</p>
<p>
Alas! in five years from that exulting night I saw him again, for the last
time, in the same city, borne in his coffin through its draped streets.
With tears and lamentations a heart-broken people accompanied him from
Washington, the scene of his martyrdom, to his last resting-place in the
young city of the West where he had worked his way to fame.
</p>
<p>
Never was a new ruler in a more desperate plight than Lincoln when he
entered office on the fourth of March, 1861, four months after his
election, and took his oath to support the Constitution and the Union. The
intervening time had been busily employed by the Southern States in
carrying out their threat of disunion in the event of his election. As
soon as the fact was ascertained, seven of them had seceded and had seized
upon the forts, arsenals, navy yards, and other public property of the
United States within their boundaries, and were making every preparation
for war. In the meantime the retiring President, who had been elected by
the slave power, and who thought the seceding States could not lawfully be
coerced, had done absolutely nothing. Lincoln found himself, by the
Constitution, Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United
States, but with only a remnant of either at hand. Each was to be created
on a great scale out of the unknown resources of a nation untried in war.
</p>
<p>
In his mild and conciliatory inaugural address, while appealing to the
seceding States to return to their allegiance, he avowed his purpose to
keep the solemn oath he had taken that day, to see that the laws of the
Union were faithfully executed, and to use the troops to recover the
forts, navy yards, and other property belonging to the government. It is
probable, however, that neither side actually realized that war was
inevitable, and that the other was determined to fight, until the assault
on Fort Sumter presented the South as the first aggressor and roused the
North to use every possible resource to maintain the government and the
imperilled Union, and to vindicate the supremacy of the flag over every
inch of the territory of the United States. The fact that Lincoln's first
proclamation called for only 75,000 troops, to serve for three months,
shows how inadequate was even his idea of what the future had in store.
But from that moment Lincoln and his loyal supporters never faltered in
their purpose. They knew they could win, that it was their duty to win,
and that for America the whole hope of the future depended upon their
winning; for now by the acts of the seceding States the issue of the
election to secure or prevent the extension of slavery—stood
transformed into a struggle to preserve or to destroy the Union.
</p>
<p>
We cannot follow this contest. You know its gigantic proportions; that it
lasted four years instead of three months; that in its progress, instead
of 75,000 men, more than 2,000,000 were enrolled on the side of the
government alone; that the aggregate cost and loss to the nation
approximated to 1,000,000,000 pounds sterling, and that not less than
300,000 brave and precious lives were sacrificed on each side. History has
recorded how Lincoln bore himself during these four frightful years; that
he was the real President, the responsible and actual head of the
government, through it all; that he listened to all advice, heard all
parties, and then, always realizing his responsibility to God and the
nation, decided every great executive question for himself. His absolute
honesty had become proverbial long before he was President. "Honest Abe
Lincoln" was the name by which he had been known for years. His every act
attested it.
</p>
<p>
In all the grandeur of the vast power that he wielded, he never ceased to
be one of the plain people, as he always called them, never lost or
impaired his perfect sympathy with them, was always in perfect touch with
them and open to their appeals; and here lay the very secret of his
personality and of his power, for the people in turn gave him their
absolute confidence. His courage, his fortitude, his patience, his
hopefulness, were sorely tried but never exhausted.
</p>
<p>
He was true as steel to his generals, but had frequent occasion to change
them, as he found them inadequate. This serious and painful duty rested
wholly upon him, and was perhaps his most important function as
Commander-in-Chief; but when, at last, he recognized in General Grant the
master of the situation, the man who could and would bring the war to a
triumphant end, he gave it all over to him and upheld him with all his
might. Amid all the pressure and distress that the burdens of office
brought upon him, his unfailing sense of humor saved him; probably it made
it possible for him to live under the burden. He had always been the great
story-teller of the West, and he used and cultivated this faculty to
relieve the weight of the load he bore.
</p>
<p>
It enabled him to keep the wonderful record of never having lost his
temper, no matter what agony he had to bear. A whole night might be spent
in recounting the stories of his wit, humor, and harmless sarcasm. But I
will recall only two of his sayings, both about General Grant, who always
found plenty of enemies and critics to urge the President to oust him from
his command. One, I am sure, will interest all Scotchmen. They repeated
with malicious intent the gossip that Grant drank. "What does he drink?"
asked Lincoln. "Whiskey," was, of course, the answer; doubtless you can
guess the brand. "Well," said the President, "just find out what
particular kind he uses and I'll send a barrel to each of my other
generals." The other must be as pleasing to the British as to the American
ear. When pressed again on other grounds to get rid of Grant, he declared,
"I can't spare that man, he fights!"
</p>
<p>
He was tender-hearted to a fault, and never could resist the appeals of
wives and mothers of soldiers who had got into trouble and were under
sentence of death for their offences. His Secretary of War and other
officials complained that they never could get deserters shot. As surely
as the women of the culprit's family could get at him he always gave way.
Certainly you will all appreciate his exquisite sympathy with the
suffering relatives of those who had fallen in battle. His heart bled with
theirs. Never was there a more gentle and tender utterance than his letter
to a mother who had given all her sons to her country, written at a time
when the angel of death had visited almost every household in the land,
and was already hovering over him.
</p>
<p>
"I have been shown," he says, "in the files of the War Department a
statement that you are the mother of five sons who have died gloriously on
the field of battle. I feel how weak and fruitless must be any words of
mine which should attempt to beguile you from your grief for a loss so
overwhelming but I cannot refrain from tendering to you the consolation
which may be found in the thanks of the Republic they died to save. I pray
that our Heavenly Father may assuage the anguish of your bereavement and
leave you only the cherished memory of the loved and the lost, and the
solemn pride that must be yours to have laid so costly a sacrifice upon
the altar of freedom."
</p>
<p>
Hardly could your illustrious sovereign, from the depths of her queenly
and womanly heart, have spoken words more touching and tender to soothe
the stricken mothers of her own soldiers.
</p>
<p>
The Emancipation Proclamation, with which Mr. Lincoln delighted the
country and the world on the first of January, 1863, will doubtless secure
for him a foremost place in history among the philanthropists and
benefactors of the race, as it rescued, from hopeless and degrading
slavery, so many millions of his fellow-beings described in the law and
existing in fact as "chattels-personal, in the hands of their owners and
possessors, to all intents, constructions, and purposes whatsoever."
Rarely does the happy fortune come to one man to render such a service to
his kind—to proclaim liberty throughout the land unto all the
inhabitants thereof.
</p>
<p>
Ideas rule the world, and never was there a more signal instance of this
triumph of an idea than here. William Lloyd Garrison, who thirty years
before had begun his crusade for the abolition of slavery, and had lived
to see this glorious and unexpected consummation of the hopeless cause to
which he had devoted his life, well described the proclamation as a "great
historic event, sublime in its magnitude, momentous and beneficent in its
far-reaching consequences, and eminently just and right alike to the
oppressor and the oppressed."
</p>
<p>
Lincoln had always been heart and soul opposed to slavery. Tradition says
that on the trip on the flatboat to New Orleans he formed his first and
last opinion of slavery at the sight of negroes chained and scourged, and
that then and there the iron entered into his soul. No boy could grow to
manhood in those days as a poor white in Kentucky and Indiana, in close
contact with slavery or in its neighborhood, without a growing
consciousness of its blighting effects on free labor, as well as of its
frightful injustice and cruelty. In the Legislature of Illinois, where the
public sentiment was all for upholding the institution and violently
against every movement for its abolition or restriction, upon the passage
of resolutions to that effect he had the courage with one companion to put
on record his protest, "believing that the institution of slavery is
founded both in injustice and bad policy." No great demonstration of
courage, you will say; but that was at a time when Garrison, for his
abolition utterances, had been dragged by an angry mob through the streets
of Boston with a rope around his body, and in the very year that Lovejoy
in the same State of Illinois was slain by rioters while defending his
press, from which he had printed antislavery appeals.
</p>
<p>
In Congress he brought in a bill for gradual abolition in the District of
Columbia, with compensation to the owners, for until they raised
treasonable hands against the life of the nation he always maintained that
the property of the slaveholders, into which they had come by two
centuries of descent, without fault on their part, ought not to be taken
away from them without just compensation. He used to say that, one way or
another, he had voted forty-two times for the Wilmot Proviso, which Mr.
Wilmot of Pennsylvania moved as an addition to every bill which affected
United States territory, "that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude
shall ever exist in any part of the said territory," and it is evident
that his condemnation of the system, on moral grounds as a crime against
the human race, and on political grounds as a cancer that was sapping the
vitals of the nation, and must master its whole being or be itself
extirpated, grew steadily upon him until it culminated in his great
speeches in the Illinois debate.
</p>
<p>
By the mere election of Lincoln to the Presidency, the further extension
of slavery into the Territories was rendered forever impossible—Vox
populi, vox Dei. Revolutions never go backward, and when founded on a
great moral sentiment stirring the heart of an indignant people their
edicts are irresistible and final. Had the slave power acquiesced in that
election, had the Southern States remained under the Constitution and
within the Union, and relied upon their constitutional and legal rights,
their favorite institution, immoral as it was, blighting and fatal as it
was, might have endured for another century. The great party that had
elected him, unalterably determined against its extension, was
nevertheless pledged not to interfere with its continuance in the States
where it already existed. Of course, when new regions were forever closed
against it, from its very nature it must have begun to shrink and to
dwindle; and probably gradual and compensated emancipation, which appealed
very strongly to the new President's sense of justice and expediency,
would, in the progress of time, by a reversion to the ideas of the
founders of the Republic, have found a safe outlet for both masters and
slaves. But whom the gods wish to destroy they first make mad, and when
seven States, afterwards increased to eleven, openly seceded from the
Union, when they declared and began the war upon the nation, and
challenged its mighty power to the desperate and protracted struggle for
its life, and for the maintenance of its authority as a nation over its
territory, they gave to Lincoln and to freedom the sublime opportunity of
history.
</p>
<p>
In his first inaugural address, when as yet not a drop of precious blood
had been shed, while he held out to them the olive branch in one hand, in
the other he presented the guarantees of the Constitution, and after
reciting the emphatic resolution of the convention that nominated him,
that the maintenance inviolate of the "rights of the States, and
especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic
institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to
that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our
political fabric depend," he reiterated this sentiment, and declared, with
no mental reservation, "that all the protection which, consistently with
the Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to
all the States when lawfully demanded for whatever cause as cheerfully to
one section as to another."
</p>
<p>
When, however, these magnanimous overtures for peace and reunion were
rejected; when the seceding States defied the Constitution and every
clause and principle of it; when they persisted in staying out of the
Union from which they had seceded, and proceeded to carve out of its
territory a new and hostile empire based on slavery; when they flew at the
throat of the nation and plunged it into the bloodiest war of the
nineteenth century the tables were turned, and the belief gradually came
to the mind of the President that if the Rebellion was not soon subdued by
force of arms, if the war must be fought out to the bitter end, then to
reach that end the salvation of the nation itself might require the
destruction of slavery wherever it existed; that if the war was to
continue on one side for Disunion, for no other purpose than to preserve
slavery, it must continue on the other side for the Union, to destroy
slavery.
</p>
<p>
As he said, "Events control me; I cannot control events," and as the
dreadful war progressed and became more deadly and dangerous, the
unalterable conviction was forced upon him that, in order that the
frightful sacrifice of life and treasure on both sides might not be all in
vain, it had become his duty as Commander-in-Chief of the Army, as a
necessary war measure, to strike a blow at the Rebellion which, all others
failing, would inevitably lead to its annihilation, by annihilating the
very thing for which it was contending. His own words are the best:
</p>
<p>
"I understood that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my
ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving by every indispensable
means that government—that nation—of which that Constitution
was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation and yet preserve
the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected, yet
often a limb must be amputated to save a life; but a life is never wisely
given to save a limb. I felt that measures otherwise unconstitutional
might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the
Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I
assumed this ground and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of
my ability I had ever tried to preserve the Constitution if to save
slavery or any minor matter I should permit the wreck of government,
country, and Constitution all together."
</p>
<p>
And so, at last, when in his judgment the indispensable necessity had
come, he struck the fatal blow, and signed the proclamation which has made
his name immortal. By it, the President, as Commander-in-Chief in time of
actual armed rebellion, and as a fit and necessary war measure for
suppressing the rebellion, proclaimed all persons held as slaves in the
States and parts of States then in rebellion to be thenceforward free, and
declared that the executive, with the army and navy, would recognize and
maintain their freedom.
</p>
<p>
In the other great steps of the government, which led to the triumphant
prosecution of the war, he necessarily shared the responsibility and the
credit with the great statesmen who stayed up his hands in his cabinet,
with Seward, Chase and Stanton, and the rest,—and with his generals
and admirals, his soldiers and sailors, but this great act was absolutely
his own. The conception and execution were exclusively his. He laid it
before his cabinet as a measure on which his mind was made up and could
not be changed, asking them only for suggestions as to details. He chose
the time and the circumstances under which the Emancipation should be
proclaimed and when it should take effect.
</p>
<p>
It came not an hour too soon; but public opinion in the North would not
have sustained it earlier. In the first eighteen months of the war its
ravages had extended from the Atlantic to beyond the Mississippi. Many
victories in the West had been balanced and paralyzed by inaction and
disasters in Virginia, only partially redeemed by the bloody and
indecisive battle of Antietam; a reaction had set in from the general
enthusiasm which had swept the Northern States after the assault upon
Sumter. It could not truly be said that they had lost heart, but faction
was raising its head. Heard through the land like the blast of a bugle,
the proclamation rallied the patriotism of the country to fresh sacrifices
and renewed ardor. It was a step that could not be revoked. It relieved
the conscience of the nation from an incubus that had oppressed it from
its birth. The United States were rescued from the false predicament in
which they had been from the beginning, and the great popular heart leaped
with new enthusiasm for "Liberty and Union, henceforth and forever, one
and inseparable." It brought not only moral but material support to the
cause of the government, for within two years 120,000 colored troops were
enlisted in the military service and following the national flag,
supported by all the loyalty of the North, and led by its choicest
spirits. One mother said, when her son was offered the command of the
first colored regiment, "If he accepts it I shall be as proud as if I had
heard that he was shot." He was shot heading a gallant charge of his
regiment.... The Confederates replied to a request of his friends for his
body that they had "buried him under a layer of his niggers...;" but that
mother has lived to enjoy thirty-six years of his glory, and Boston has
erected its noblest monument to his memory.
</p>
<p>
The effect of the proclamation upon the actual progress of the war was not
immediate, but wherever the Federal armies advanced they carried freedom
with them, and when the summer came round the new spirit and force which
had animated the heart of the government and people were manifest. In the
first week of July the decisive battle of Gettysburg turned the tide of
war, and the fall of Vicksburg made the great river free from its source
to the Gulf.
</p>
<p>
On foreign nations the influence of the proclamation and of these new
victories was of great importance. In those days, when there was no cable,
it was not easy for foreign observers to appreciate what was really going
on; they could not see clearly the true state of affairs, as in the last
year of the nineteenth century we have been able, by our new electric
vision, to watch every event at the antipodes and observe its effect. The
Rebel emissaries, sent over to solicit intervention, spared no pains to
impress upon the minds of public and private men and upon the press their
own views of the character of the contest. The prospects of the
Confederacy were always better abroad than at home. The stock markets of
the world gambled upon its chances, and its bonds at one time were high in
favor.
</p>
<p>
Such ideas as these were seriously held: that the North was fighting for
empire and the South for independence; that the Southern States, instead
of being the grossest oligarchies, essentially despotisms, founded on the
right of one man to appropriate the fruit of other men's toil and to
exclude them from equal rights, were real republics, feebler to be sure
than their Northern rivals, but representing the same idea of freedom, and
that the mighty strength of the nation was being put forth to crush them;
that Jefferson Davis and the Southern leaders had created a nation; that
the republican experiment had failed and the Union had ceased to exist.
But the crowning argument to foreign minds was that it was an utter
impossibility for the government to win in the contest; that the success
of the Southern States, so far as separation was concerned, was as certain
as any event yet future and contingent could be; that the subjugation of
the South by the North, even if it could be accomplished, would prove a
calamity to the United States and the world, and especially calamitous to
the negro race; and that such a victory would necessarily leave the people
of the South for many generations cherishing deadly hostility against the
government and the North, and plotting always to recover their
independence.
</p>
<p>
When Lincoln issued his proclamation he knew that all these ideas were
founded in error; that the national resources were inexhaustible; that the
government could and would win, and that if slavery were once finally
disposed of, the only cause of difference being out of the way, the North
and South would come together again, and by and by be as good friends as
ever. In many quarters abroad the proclamation was welcomed with
enthusiasm by the friends of America; but I think the demonstrations in
its favor that brought more gladness to Lincoln's heart than any other
were the meetings held in the manufacturing centres, by the very
operatives upon whom the war bore the hardest, expressing the most
enthusiastic sympathy with the proclamation, while they bore with heroic
fortitude the grievous privations which the war entailed upon them. Mr.
Lincoln's expectation when he announced to the world that all slaves in
all States then in rebellion were set free must have been that the avowed
position of his government, that the continuance of the war now meant the
annihilation of slavery, would make intervention impossible for any
foreign nation whose people were lovers of liberty—and so the result
proved.
</p>
<p>
The growth and development of Lincoln's mental power and moral force, of
his intense and magnetic personality, after the vast responsibilities of
government were thrown upon him at the age of fifty-two, furnish a rare
and striking illustration of the marvellous capacity and adaptability of
the human intellect—of the sound mind in the sound body. He came to
the discharge of the great duties of the Presidency with absolutely no
experience in the administration of government, or of the vastly varied
and complicated questions of foreign and domestic policy which immediately
arose, and continued to press upon him during the rest of his life; but he
mastered each as it came, apparently with the facility of a trained and
experienced ruler. As Clarendon said of Cromwell, "His parts seemed to be
raised by the demands of great station." His life through it all was one
of intense labor, anxiety, and distress, without one hour of peaceful
repose from first to last. But he rose to every occasion. He led public
opinion, but did not march so far in advance of it as to fail of its
effective support in every great emergency. He knew the heart and thought
of the people, as no man not in constant and absolute sympathy with them
could have known it, and so holding their confidence, he triumphed through
and with them. Not only was there this steady growth of intellect, but the
infinite delicacy of his nature and its capacity for refinement developed
also, as exhibited in the purity and perfection of his language and style
of speech. The rough backwoodsman, who had never seen the inside of a
university, became in the end, by self-training and the exercise of his
own powers of mind, heart, and soul, a master of style, and some of his
utterances will rank with the best, the most perfectly adapted to the
occasion which produced them.
</p>
<p>
Have you time to listen to his two-minutes speech at Gettysburg, at the
dedication of the Soldiers' Cemetery? His whole soul was in it:
</p>
<p>
"Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this
continent a new nation, conceived in liberty and dedicated to the
proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great
civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so
dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war.
We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place
for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is
altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But in a larger
sense we cannot dedicate—we cannot consecrate—we cannot hallow
this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here have
consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will
little note, nor long remember, what we say here but it can never forget
what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather, to be dedicated here
to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly
advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task
remaining before us that from these honored dead we take increased
devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of
devotion—that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have
died in vain—that this nation under God shall have a new birth of
freedom—and that government of the people, by the people, and for
the people shall not perish from the earth."
</p>
<p>
He lived to see his work indorsed by an overwhelming majority of his
countrymen. In his second inaugural address, pronounced just forty days
before his death, there is a single passage which well displays his
indomitable will and at the same time his deep religious feeling, his
sublime charity to the enemies of his country, and his broad and catholic
humanity:
</p>
<p>
"If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offences which
in the Providence of God must needs come, but which, having continued
through the appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to
both North and South this terrible war, as the woe due to those by whom
the offence came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine
attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him?
Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war
may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the
wealth piled by the bondsmen's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited
toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash
shall be paid with another drawn by the sword, as was said three thousand
years ago, so still it must be said, 'the judgments of the Lord are true
and righteous altogether.'
</p>
<p>
"With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right
as God gives us to see the right let us strive on to finish the work we
are in to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have
borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan to do all which may
achieve, and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves, and with
all nations."
</p>
<p>
His prayer was answered. The forty days of life that remained to him were
crowned with great historic events. He lived to see his Proclamation of
Emancipation embodied in an amendment of the Constitution, adopted by
Congress, and submitted to the States for ratification. The mighty scourge
of war did speedily pass away, for it was given him to witness the
surrender of the Rebel army and the fall of their capital, and the starry
flag that he loved waving in triumph over the national soil. When he died
by the madman's hand in the supreme hour of victory, the vanquished lost
their best friend, and the human race one of its noblest examples; and all
the friends of freedom and justice, in whose cause he lived and died,
joined hands as mourners at his grave.
</p>
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<h2>
THE WRITINGS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 1832-1843
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<h2>
1832
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<h2>
ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF SANGAMON COUNTY.
</h2>
<h3>
March 9, 1832.
</h3>
<p>
FELLOW CITIZENS:—Having become a candidate for the honorable office
of one of your Representatives in the next General Assembly of this State,
in according with an established custom and the principles of true
Republicanism it becomes my duty to make known to you, the people whom I
propose to represent, my sentiments with regard to local affairs.
</p>
<p>
Time and experience have verified to a demonstration the public utility of
internal improvements. That the poorest and most thinly populated
countries would be greatly benefited by the opening of good roads, and in
the clearing of navigable streams within their limits, is what no person
will deny. Yet it is folly to undertake works of this or any other without
first knowing that we are able to finish them—as half-finished work
generally proves to be labor lost. There cannot justly be any objection to
having railroads and canals, any more than to other good things, provided
they cost nothing. The only objection is to paying for them; and the
objection arises from the want of ability to pay.
</p>
<p>
With respect to the County of Sangamon, some....
</p>
<p>
Yet, however desirable an object the construction of a railroad through
our country may be, however high our imaginations may be heated at
thoughts of it,—there is always a heart-appalling shock accompanying
the amount of its cost, which forces us to shrink from our pleasing
anticipations. The probable cost of this contemplated railroad is
estimated at $290,000; the bare statement of which, in my opinion, is
sufficient to justify the belief that the improvement of the Sangamon
River is an object much better suited to our infant resources.......
</p>
<p>
What the cost of this work would be, I am unable to say. It is probable,
however, that it would not be greater than is common to streams of the
same length. Finally, I believe the improvement of the Sangamon River to
be vastly important and highly desirable to the people of the county; and,
if elected, any measure in the Legislature having this for its object,
which may appear judicious, will meet my approbation and receive my
support.
</p>
<p>
It appears that the practice of loaning money at exorbitant rates of
interest has already been opened as a field for discussion; so I suppose I
may enter upon it without claiming the honor or risking the danger which
may await its first explorer. It seems as though we are never to have an
end to this baneful and corroding system, acting almost as prejudicially
to the general interests of the community as a direct tax of several
thousand dollars annually laid on each county for the benefit of a few
individuals only, unless there be a law made fixing the limits of usury. A
law for this purpose, I am of opinion, may be made without materially
injuring any class of people. In cases of extreme necessity, there could
always be means found to cheat the law; while in all other cases it would
have its intended effect. I would favor the passage of a law on this
subject which might not be very easily evaded. Let it be such that the
labor and difficulty of evading it could only be justified in cases of
greatest necessity.
</p>
<p>
Upon the subject of education, not presuming to dictate any plan or system
respecting it, I can only say that I view it as the most important subject
which we as a people can be engaged in. That every man may receive at
least a moderate education, and thereby be enabled to read the histories
of his own and other countries, by which he may duly appreciate the value
of our free institutions, appears to be an object of vital importance,
even on this account alone, to say nothing of the advantages and
satisfaction to be derived from all being able to read the Scriptures, and
other works both of a religious and moral nature, for themselves.
</p>
<p>
For my part, I desire to see the time when education—and by its
means, morality, sobriety, enterprise, and industry—shall become
much more general than at present, and should be gratified to have it in
my power to contribute something to the advancement of any measure which
might have a tendency to accelerate that happy period.
</p>
<p>
With regard to existing laws, some alterations are thought to be
necessary. Many respectable men have suggested that our estray laws, the
law respecting the issuing of executions, the road law, and some others,
are deficient in their present form, and require alterations. But,
considering the great probability that the framers of those laws were
wiser than myself, I should prefer not meddling with them, unless they
were first attacked by others; in which case I should feel it both a
privilege and a duty to take that stand which, in my view, might tend most
to the advancement of justice.
</p>
<p>
But, fellow-citizens, I shall conclude. Considering the great degree of
modesty which should always attend youth, it is probable I have already
been more presuming than becomes me. However, upon the subjects of which I
have treated, I have spoken as I have thought. I may be wrong in regard to
any or all of them; but, holding it a sound maxim that it is better only
sometimes to be right than at all times to be wrong, so soon as I discover
my opinions to be erroneous, I shall be ready to renounce them.
</p>
<p>
Every man is said to have his peculiar ambition. Whether it be true or
not, I can say, for one, that I have no other so great as that of being
truly esteemed of my fellow-men, by rendering myself worthy of their
esteem. How far I shall succeed in gratifying this ambition is yet to be
developed. I am young, and unknown to many of you. I was born, and have
ever remained, in the most humble walks of life. I have no wealthy or
popular relations or friends to recommend me. My case is thrown
exclusively upon the independent voters of the county; and, if elected,
they will have conferred a favor upon me for which I shall be unremitting
in my labors to compensate. But, if the good people in their wisdom shall
see fit to keep me in the background, I have been too familiar with
disappointments to be very much chagrined.
</p>
<p>
Your friend and fellow-citizen, A. LINCOLN.
</p>
<p>
New Salem, March 9, 1832.
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<h2>
1833
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<h2>
TO E. C. BLANKENSHIP.
</h2>
<h3>
NEW SALEM, Aug. 10, 1833
</h3>
<p>
E. C. BLANKENSHIP.
</p>
<p>
Dear Sir:—In regard to the time David Rankin served the enclosed
discharge shows correctly—as well as I can recollect—having no
writing to refer. The transfer of Rankin from my company occurred as
follows: Rankin having lost his horse at Dixon's ferry and having
acquaintance in one of the foot companies who were going down the river
was desirous to go with them, and one Galishen being an acquaintance of
mine and belonging to the company in which Rankin wished to go wished to
leave it and join mine, this being the case it was agreed that they should
exchange places and answer to each other's names—as it was expected
we all would be discharged in very few days. As to a blanket—I have
no knowledge of Rankin ever getting any. The above embraces all the facts
now in my recollection which are pertinent to the case.
</p>
<p>
I shall take pleasure in giving any further information in my power should
you call on me.
</p>
<p>
Your friend, A. LINCOLN.
</p>
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<h2>
RESPONSE TO REQUEST FOR POSTAGE RECEIPT
</h2>
<h3>
TO Mr. SPEARS.
</h3>
<p>
Mr. SPEARS:
</p>
<p>
At your request I send you a receipt for the postage on your paper. I am
somewhat surprised at your request. I will, however, comply with it. The
law requires newspaper postage to be paid in advance, and now that I have
waited a full year you choose to wound my feelings by insinuating that
unless you get a receipt I will probably make you pay it again.
</p>
<p>
Respectfully, A. LINCOLN.
</p>
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<h2>
1836
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<h2>
ANNOUNCEMENT OF POLITICAL VIEWS.
</h2>
<h3>
New Salem, June 13, 1836.
</h3>
<p>
TO THE EDITOR OF THE "JOURNAL"—In your paper of last Saturday I see
a communication, over the signature of "Many Voters," in which the
candidates who are announced in the Journal are called upon to "show their
hands." Agreed. Here's mine.
</p>
<p>
I go for all sharing the privileges of the government who assist in
bearing its burdens. Consequently, I go for admitting all whites to the
right of suffrage who pay taxes or bear arms (by no means excluding
females).
</p>
<p>
If elected, I shall consider the whole people of Sangamon my constituents,
as well those that oppose as those that support me.
</p>
<p>
While acting as their representative, I shall be governed by their will on
all subjects upon which I have the means of knowing what their will is;
and upon all others I shall do what my own judgment teaches me will best
advance their interests. Whether elected or not, I go for distributing the
proceeds of the sales of the public lands to the several States, to enable
our State, in common with others, to dig canals and construct railroads
without borrowing money and paying the interest on it. If alive on the
first Monday in November, I shall vote for Hugh L. White for President.
</p>
<p>
Very respectfully, A. LINCOLN.
</p>
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<h2>
RESPONSE TO POLITICAL SMEAR
</h2>
<h3>
TO ROBERT ALLEN
</h3>
<p>
New Salem, June 21, 1836
</p>
<p>
DEAR COLONEL:—I am told that during my absence last week you passed
through this place, and stated publicly that you were in possession of a
fact or facts which, if known to the public, would entirely destroy the
prospects of N. W. Edwards and myself at the ensuing election; but that,
through favor to us, you should forbear to divulge them. No one has needed
favors more than I, and, generally, few have been less unwilling to accept
them; but in this case favor to me would be injustice to the public, and
therefore I must beg your pardon for declining it. That I once had the
confidence of the people of Sangamon, is sufficiently evident; and if I
have since done anything, either by design or misadventure, which if known
would subject me to a forfeiture of that confidence, he that knows of that
thing, and conceals it, is a traitor to his country's interest.
</p>
<p>
I find myself wholly unable to form any conjecture of what fact or facts,
real or supposed, you spoke; but my opinion of your veracity will not
permit me for a moment to doubt that you at least believed what you said.
I am flattered with the personal regard you manifested for me; but I do
hope that, on more mature reflection, you will view the public interest as
a paramount consideration, and therefore determine to let the worst come.
I here assure you that the candid statement of facts on your part, however
low it may sink me, shall never break the tie of personal friendship
between us. I wish an answer to this, and you are at liberty to publish
both, if you choose.
</p>
<p>
Very respectfully, A. LINCOLN.
</p>
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<h2>
TO MISS MARY OWENS.
</h2>
<h3>
VANDALIA, December 13, 1836.
</h3>
<p>
MARY:—I have been sick ever since my arrival, or I should have
written sooner. It is but little difference, however, as I have very
little even yet to write. And more, the longer I can avoid the
mortification of looking in the post-office for your letter and not
finding it, the better. You see I am mad about that old letter yet. I
don't like very well to risk you again. I'll try you once more, anyhow.
</p>
<p>
The new State House is not yet finished, and consequently the Legislature
is doing little or nothing. The governor delivered an inflammatory
political message, and it is expected there will be some sparring between
the parties about it as soon as the two Houses get to business. Taylor
delivered up his petition for the new county to one of our members this
morning. I am told he despairs of its success, on account of all the
members from Morgan County opposing it. There are names enough on the
petition, I think, to justify the members from our county in going for it;
but if the members from Morgan oppose it, which they say they will, the
chance will be bad.
</p>
<p>
Our chance to take the seat of government to Springfield is better than I
expected. An internal-improvement convention was held there since we met,
which recommended a loan of several millions of dollars, on the faith of
the State, to construct railroads. Some of the Legislature are for it, and
some against it; which has the majority I cannot tell. There is great
strife and struggling for the office of the United States Senator here at
this time. It is probable we shall ease their pains in a few days. The
opposition men have no candidate of their own, and consequently they will
smile as complacently at the angry snarl of the contending Van Buren
candidates and their respective friends as the Christian does at Satan's
rage. You recollect that I mentioned at the outset of this letter that I
had been unwell. That is the fact, though I believe I am about well now;
but that, with other things I cannot account for, have conspired, and have
gotten my spirits so low that I feel that I would rather be any place in
the world than here. I really cannot endure the thought of staying here
ten weeks. Write back as soon as you get this, and, if possible, say
something that will please me, for really I have not been pleased since I
left you. This letter is so dry and stupid that I am ashamed to send it,
but with my present feelings I cannot do any better.
</p>
<p>
Give my best respects to Mr. and Mrs. Able and family.
</p>
<p>
Your friend, LINCOLN
</p>
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<h2>
1837
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<h2>
SPEECH IN ILLINOIS LEGISLATURE.
</h2>
<h3>
January [?], 1837
</h3>
<p>
Mr. CHAIRMAN:—Lest I should fall into the too common error of being
mistaken in regard to which side I design to be upon, I shall make it my
first care to remove all doubt on that point, by declaring that I am
opposed to the resolution under consideration, in toto. Before I proceed
to the body of the subject, I will further remark, that it is not without
a considerable degree of apprehension that I venture to cross the track of
the gentleman from Coles [Mr. Linder]. Indeed, I do not believe I could
muster a sufficiency of courage to come in contact with that gentleman,
were it not for the fact that he, some days since, most graciously
condescended to assure us that he would never be found wasting ammunition
on small game. On the same fortunate occasion, he further gave us to
understand, that he regarded himself as being decidedly the superior of
our common friend from Randolph [Mr. Shields]; and feeling, as I really
do, that I, to say the most of myself, am nothing more than the peer of
our friend from Randolph, I shall regard the gentleman from Coles as
decidedly my superior also, and consequently, in the course of what I
shall have to say, whenever I shall have occasion to allude to that
gentleman, I shall endeavor to adopt that kind of court language which I
understand to be due to decided superiority. In one faculty, at least,
there can be no dispute of the gentleman's superiority over me and most
other men, and that is, the faculty of entangling a subject, so that
neither himself, or any other man, can find head or tail to it. Here he
has introduced a resolution embracing ninety-nine printed lines across
common writing paper, and yet more than one half of his opening speech has
been made upon subjects about which there is not one word said in his
resolution.
</p>
<p>
Though his resolution embraces nothing in regard to the constitutionality
of the Bank, much of what he has said has been with a view to make the
impression that it was unconstitutional in its inception. Now, although I
am satisfied that an ample field may be found within the pale of the
resolution, at least for small game, yet, as the gentleman has traveled
out of it, I feel that I may, with all due humility, venture to follow
him. The gentleman has discovered that some gentleman at Washington city
has been upon the very eve of deciding our Bank unconstitutional, and that
he would probably have completed his very authentic decision, had not some
one of the Bank officers placed his hand upon his mouth, and begged him to
withhold it. The fact that the individuals composing our Supreme Court
have, in an official capacity, decided in favor of the constitutionality
of the Bank, would, in my mind, seem a sufficient answer to this. It is a
fact known to all, that the members of the Supreme Court, together with
the Governor, form a Council of Revision, and that this Council approved
this Bank charter. I ask, then, if the extra-judicial decision not quite
but almost made by the gentleman at Washington, before whom, by the way,
the question of the constitutionality of our Bank never has, nor never can
come—is to be taken as paramount to a decision officially made by
that tribunal, by which, and which alone, the constitutionality of the
Bank can ever be settled? But, aside from this view of the subject, I
would ask, if the committee which this resolution proposes to appoint are
to examine into the Constitutionality of the Bank? Are they to be clothed
with power to send for persons and papers, for this object? And after they
have found the bank to be unconstitutional, and decided it so, how are
they to enforce their decision? What will their decision amount to? They
cannot compel the Bank to cease operations, or to change the course of its
operations. What good, then, can their labors result in? Certainly none.
</p>
<p>
The gentleman asks, if we, without an examination, shall, by giving the
State deposits to the Bank, and by taking the stock reserved for the
State, legalize its former misconduct. Now I do not pretend to possess
sufficient legal knowledge to decide whether a legislative enactment
proposing to, and accepting from, the Bank, certain terms, would have the
effect to legalize or wipe out its former errors, or not; but I can assure
the gentleman, if such should be the effect, he has already got behind the
settlement of accounts; for it is well known to all, that the Legislature,
at its last session, passed a supplemental Bank charter, which the Bank
has since accepted, and which, according to his doctrine, has legalized
all the alleged violations of its original charter in the distribution of
its stock.
</p>
<p>
I now proceed to the resolution. By examination it will be found that the
first thirty-three lines, being precisely one third of the whole, relate
exclusively to the distribution of the stock by the commissioners
appointed by the State. Now, Sir, it is clear that no question can arise
on this portion of the resolution, except a question between capitalists
in regard to the ownership of stock. Some gentlemen have their stock in
their hands, while others, who have more money than they know what to do
with, want it; and this, and this alone, is the question, to settle which
we are called on to squander thousands of the people's money. What
interest, let me ask, have the people in the settlement of this question?
What difference is it to them whether the stock is owned by Judge Smith or
Sam Wiggins? If any gentleman be entitled to stock in the Bank, which he
is kept out of possession of by others, let him assert his right in the
Supreme Court, and let him or his antagonist, whichever may be found in
the wrong, pay the costs of suit. It is an old maxim, and a very sound
one, that he that dances should always pay the fiddler. Now, Sir, in the
present case, if any gentlemen, whose money is a burden to them, choose to
lead off a dance, I am decidedly opposed to the people's money being used
to pay the fiddler. No one can doubt that the examination proposed by this
resolution must cost the State some ten or twelve thousand dollars; and
all this to settle a question in which the people have no interest, and
about which they care nothing. These capitalists generally act
harmoniously and in concert, to fleece the people, and now that they have
got into a quarrel with themselves we are called upon to appropriate the
people's money to settle the quarrel.
</p>
<p>
I leave this part of the resolution and proceed to the remainder. It will
be found that no charge in the remaining part of the resolution, if true,
amounts to the violation of the Bank charter, except one, which I will
notice in due time. It might seem quite sufficient to say no more upon any
of these charges or insinuations than enough to show they are not
violations of the charter; yet, as they are ingeniously framed and
handled, with a view to deceive and mislead, I will notice in their order
all the most prominent of them. The first of these is in relation to a
connection between our Bank and several banking institutions in other
States. Admitting this connection to exist, I should like to see the
gentleman from Coles, or any other gentleman, undertake to show that there
is any harm in it. What can there be in such a connection, that the people
of Illinois are willing to pay their money to get a peep into? By a
reference to the tenth section of the Bank charter, any gentleman can see
that the framers of the act contemplated the holding of stock in the
institutions of other corporations. Why, then, is it, when neither law nor
justice forbids it, that we are asked to spend our time and money in
inquiring into its truth?
</p>
<p>
The next charge, in the order of time, is, that some officer, director,
clerk or servant of the Bank, has been required to take an oath of secrecy
in relation to the affairs of said Bank. Now, I do not know whether this
be true or false—neither do I believe any honest man cares. I know
that the seventh section of the charter expressly guarantees to the Bank
the right of making, under certain restrictions, such by-laws as it may
think fit; and I further know that the requiring an oath of secrecy would
not transcend those restrictions. What, then, if the Bank has chosen to
exercise this right? Whom can it injure? Does not every merchant have his
secret mark? and who is ever silly enough to complain of it? I presume if
the Bank does require any such oath of secrecy, it is done through a
motive of delicacy to those individuals who deal with it. Why, Sir, not
many days since, one gentleman upon this floor, who, by the way, I have no
doubt is now ready to join this hue and cry against the Bank, indulged in
a philippic against one of the Bank officials, because, as he said, he had
divulged a secret.
</p>
<p>
Immediately following this last charge, there are several insinuations in
the resolution, which are too silly to require any sort of notice, were it
not for the fact that they conclude by saying, "to the great injury of the
people at large." In answer to this I would say that it is strange enough,
that the people are suffering these "great injuries," and yet are not
sensible of it! Singular indeed that the people should be writhing under
oppression and injury, and yet not one among them to be found to raise the
voice of complaint. If the Bank be inflicting injury upon the people, why
is it that not a single petition is presented to this body on the subject?
If the Bank really be a grievance, why is it that no one of the real
people is found to ask redress of it? The truth is, no such oppression
exists. If it did, our people would groan with memorials and petitions,
and we would not be permitted to rest day or night, till we had put it
down. The people know their rights, and they are never slow to assert and
maintain them, when they are invaded. Let them call for an investigation,
and I shall ever stand ready to respond to the call. But they have made no
such call. I make the assertion boldly, and without fear of contradiction,
that no man, who does not hold an office, or does not aspire to one, has
ever found any fault of the Bank. It has doubled the prices of the
products of their farms, and filled their pockets with a sound circulating
medium, and they are all well pleased with its operations. No, Sir, it is
the politician who is the first to sound the alarm (which, by the way, is
a false one.) It is he, who, by these unholy means, is endeavoring to blow
up a storm that he may ride upon and direct. It is he, and he alone, that
here proposes to spend thousands of the people's public treasure, for no
other advantage to them than to make valueless in their pockets the reward
of their industry. Mr. Chairman, this work is exclusively the work of
politicians; a set of men who have interests aside from the interests of
the people, and who, to say the most of them, are, taken as a mass, at
least one long step removed from honest men. I say this with the greater
freedom, because, being a politician myself, none can regard it as
personal.
</p>
<p>
Again, it is charged, or rather insinuated, that officers of the Bank have
loaned money at usurious rates of interest. Suppose this to be true, are
we to send a committee of this House to inquire into it? Suppose the
committee should find it true, can they redress the injured individuals?
Assuredly not. If any individual had been injured in this way, is there
not an ample remedy to be found in the laws of the land? Does the
gentleman from Coles know that there is a statute standing in full force
making it highly penal for an individual to loan money at a higher rate of
interest than twelve per cent? If he does not he is too ignorant to be
placed at the head of the committee which his resolution purposes and if
he does, his neglect to mention it shows him to be too uncandid to merit
the respect or confidence of any one.
</p>
<p>
But besides all this, if the Bank were struck from existence, could not
the owners of the capital still loan it usuriously, as well as now?
whatever the Bank, or its officers, may have done, I know that usurious
transactions were much more frequent and enormous before the commencement
of its operations than they have ever been since.
</p>
<p>
The next insinuation is, that the Bank has refused specie payments. This,
if true is a violation of the charter. But there is not the least
probability of its truth; because, if such had been the fact, the
individual to whom payment was refused would have had an interest in
making it public, by suing for the damages to which the charter entitles
him. Yet no such thing has been done; and the strong presumption is, that
the insinuation is false and groundless.
</p>
<p>
From this to the end of the resolution, there is nothing that merits
attention—I therefore drop the particular examination of it.
</p>
<p>
By a general view of the resolution, it will be seen that a principal
object of the committee is to examine into, and ferret out, a mass of
corruption supposed to have been committed by the commissioners who
apportioned the stock of the Bank. I believe it is universally understood
and acknowledged that all men will ever act correctly unless they have a
motive to do otherwise. If this be true, we can only suppose that the
commissioners acted corruptly by also supposing that they were bribed to
do so. Taking this view of the subject, I would ask if the Bank is likely
to find it more difficult to bribe the committee of seven, which, we are
about to appoint, than it may have found it to bribe the commissioners?
</p>
<p>
(Here Mr. Linder called to order. The Chair decided that Mr. Lincoln was
not out of order. Mr. Linder appealed to the House, but, before the
question was put, withdrew his appeal, saying he preferred to let the
gentleman go on; he thought he would break his own neck. Mr. Lincoln
proceeded:)
</p>
<p>
Another gracious condescension! I acknowledge it with gratitude. I know I
was not out of order; and I know every sensible man in the House knows it.
I was not saying that the gentleman from Coles could be bribed, nor, on
the other hand, will I say he could not. In that particular I leave him
where I found him. I was only endeavoring to show that there was at least
as great a probability of any seven members that could be selected from
this House being bribed to act corruptly, as there was that the
twenty-four commissioners had been so bribed. By a reference to the ninth
section of the Bank charter, it will be seen that those commissioners were
John Tilson, Robert K. McLaughlin, Daniel Warm, A.G. S. Wight, John C.
Riley, W. H. Davidson, Edward M. Wilson, Edward L. Pierson, Robert R.
Green, Ezra Baker, Aquilla Wren, John Taylor, Samuel C. Christy, Edmund
Roberts, Benjamin Godfrey, Thomas Mather, A. M. Jenkins, W. Linn, W. S.
Gilman, Charles Prentice, Richard I. Hamilton, A.H. Buckner, W. F.
Thornton, and Edmund D. Taylor.
</p>
<p>
These are twenty-four of the most respectable men in the State. Probably
no twenty-four men could be selected in the State with whom the people are
better acquainted, or in whose honor and integrity they would more readily
place confidence. And I now repeat, that there is less probability that
those men have been bribed and corrupted, than that any seven men, or
rather any six men, that could be selected from the members of this House,
might be so bribed and corrupted, even though they were headed and led on
by "decided superiority" himself.
</p>
<p>
In all seriousness, I ask every reasonable man, if an issue be joined by
these twenty-four commissioners, on the one part, and any other seven men,
on the other part, and the whole depend upon the honor and integrity of
the contending parties, to which party would the greatest degree of credit
be due? Again: Another consideration is, that we have no right to make the
examination. What I shall say upon this head I design exclusively for the
law-loving and law-abiding part of the House. To those who claim
omnipotence for the Legislature, and who in the plenitude of their assumed
powers are disposed to disregard the Constitution, law, good faith, moral
right, and everything else, I have not a word to say. But to the
law-abiding part I say, examine the Bank charter, go examine the
Constitution, go examine the acts that the General Assembly of this State
has passed, and you will find just as much authority given in each and
every of them to compel the Bank to bring its coffers to this hall and to
pour their contents upon this floor, as to compel it to submit to this
examination which this resolution proposes. Why, Sir, the gentleman from
Coles, the mover of this resolution, very lately denied on this floor that
the Legislature had any right to repeal or otherwise meddle with its own
acts, when those acts were made in the nature of contracts, and had been
accepted and acted on by other parties. Now I ask if this resolution does
not propose, for this House alone, to do what he, but the other day,
denied the right of the whole Legislature to do? He must either abandon
the position he then took, or he must now vote against his own resolution.
It is no difference to me, and I presume but little to any one else, which
he does.
</p>
<p>
I am by no means the special advocate of the Bank. I have long thought
that it would be well for it to report its condition to the General
Assembly, and that cases might occur, when it might be proper to make an
examination of its affairs by a committee. Accordingly, during the last
session, while a bill supplemental to the Bank charter was pending before
the House, I offered an amendment to the same, in these words: "The said
corporation shall, at the next session of the General Assembly, and at
each subsequent General Session, during the existence of its charter,
report to the same the amount of debts due from said corporation; the
amount of debts due to the same; the amount of specie in its vaults, and
an account of all lands then owned by the same, and the amount for which
such lands have been taken; and moreover, if said corporation shall at any
time neglect or refuse to submit its books, papers, and all and everything
necessary for a full and fair examination of its affairs, to any person or
persons appointed by the General Assembly, for the purpose of making such
examination, the said corporation shall forfeit its charter."
</p>
<p>
This amendment was negatived by a vote of 34 to 15. Eleven of the 34 who
voted against it are now members of this House; and though it would be out
of order to call their names, I hope they will all recollect themselves,
and not vote for this examination to be made without authority, inasmuch
as they refused to receive the authority when it was in their power to do
so.
</p>
<p>
I have said that cases might occur, when an examination might be proper;
but I do not believe any such case has now occurred; and if it has, I
should still be opposed to making an examination without legal authority.
I am opposed to encouraging that lawless and mobocratic spirit, whether in
relation to the Bank or anything else, which is already abroad in the land
and is spreading with rapid and fearful impetuosity, to the ultimate
overthrow of every institution, of every moral principle, in which persons
and property have hitherto found security.
</p>
<p>
But supposing we had the authority, I would ask what good can result from
the examination? Can we declare the Bank unconstitutional, and compel it
to desist from the abuses of its power, provided we find such abuses to
exist? Can we repair the injuries which it may have done to individuals?
Most certainly we can do none of these things. Why then shall we spend the
public money in such employment? Oh, say the examiners, we can injure the
credit of the Bank, if nothing else, Please tell me, gentlemen, who will
suffer most by that? You cannot injure, to any extent, the stockholders.
They are men of wealth—of large capital; and consequently, beyond
the power of malice. But by injuring the credit of the Bank, you will
depreciate the value of its paper in the hands of the honest and
unsuspecting farmer and mechanic, and that is all you can do. But suppose
you could effect your whole purpose; suppose you could wipe the Bank from
existence, which is the grand ultimatum of the project, what would be the
consequence? why, Sir, we should spend several thousand dollars of the
public treasure in the operation, annihilate the currency of the State,
render valueless in the hands of our people that reward of their former
labors, and finally be once more under the comfortable obligation of
paying the Wiggins loan, principal and interest.
</p>
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<h2>
OPPOSITION TO MOB-RULE
</h2>
<h3>
ADDRESS BEFORE THE YOUNG MEN'S LYCEUM OF SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS.
</h3>
<p>
January 27, 1837.
</p>
<p>
As a subject for the remarks of the evening, "The Perpetuation of our
Political Institutions" is selected.
</p>
<p>
In the great journal of things happening under the sun, we, the American
people, find our account running under date of the nineteenth century of
the Christian era. We find ourselves in the peaceful possession of the
fairest portion of the earth as regards extent of territory, fertility of
soil, and salubrity of climate. We find ourselves under the government of
a system of political institutions conducing more essentially to the ends
of civil and religious liberty than any of which the history of former
times tells us. We, when mounting the stage of existence, found ourselves
the legal inheritors of these fundamental blessings. We toiled not in the
acquirement or establishment of them; they are a legacy bequeathed us by a
once hardy, brave, and patriotic, but now lamented and departed, race of
ancestors. Theirs was the task (and nobly they performed it) to possess
themselves, and through themselves us, of this goodly land, and to uprear
upon its hills and its valleys a political edifice of liberty and equal
rights; it is ours only to transmit these—the former unprofaned by
the foot of an invader, the latter undecayed by the lapse of time and
untorn by usurpation—to the latest generation that fate shall permit
the world to know. This task gratitude to our fathers, justice to
ourselves, duty to posterity, and love for our species in general, all
imperatively require us faithfully to perform.
</p>
<p>
How then shall we perform it? At what point shall we expect the approach
of danger? By what means shall we fortify against it? Shall we expect some
transatlantic military giant to step the ocean and crush us at a blow?
Never! All the armies of Europe, Asia, and Africa combined, with all the
treasure of the earth (our own excepted) in their military chest, with a
Bonaparte for a commander, could not by force take a drink from the Ohio
or make a track on the Blue Ridge in a trial of a thousand years.
</p>
<p>
At what point then is the approach of danger to be expected? I answer: If
it ever reach us it must spring up amongst us; it cannot come from abroad.
If destruction be our lot we must ourselves be its author and finisher. As
a nation of freemen we must live through all time, or die by suicide.
</p>
<p>
I hope I am over-wary; but if I am not, there is even now something of ill
omen amongst us. I mean the increasing disregard for law which pervades
the country—the growing disposition to substitute the wild and
furious passions in lieu of the sober judgment of courts, and the worse
than savage mobs for the executive ministers of justice. This disposition
is awfully fearful in any community; and that it now exists in ours,
though grating to our feelings to admit, it would be a violation of truth
and an insult to our intelligence to deny. Accounts of outrages committed
by mobs form the everyday news of the times. They have pervaded the
country from New England to Louisiana; they are neither peculiar to the
eternal snows of the former nor the burning suns of the latter; they are
not the creature of climate, neither are they confined to the slave
holding or the non-slave holding States. Alike they spring up among the
pleasure-hunting masters of Southern slaves, and the order-loving citizens
of the land of steady habits. Whatever then their cause may be, it is
common to the whole country.
</p>
<p>
It would be tedious as well as useless to recount the horrors of all of
them. Those happening in the State of Mississippi and at St. Louis are
perhaps the most dangerous in example and revolting to humanity. In the
Mississippi case they first commenced by hanging the regular gamblers—a
set of men certainly not following for a livelihood a very useful or very
honest occupation, but one which, so far from being forbidden by the laws,
was actually licensed by an act of the Legislature passed but a single
year before. Next, negroes suspected of conspiring to raise an
insurrection were caught up and hanged in all parts of the State; then,
white men supposed to be leagued with the negroes; and finally, strangers
from neighboring States, going thither on business, were in many instances
subjected to the same fate. Thus went on this process of hanging, from
gamblers to negroes, from negroes to white citizens, and from these to
strangers, till dead men were seen literally dangling from the boughs of
trees upon every roadside, and in numbers almost sufficient to rival the
native Spanish moss of the country as a drapery of the forest.
</p>
<p>
Turn then to that horror-striking scene at St. Louis. A single victim only
was sacrificed there. This story is very short, and is perhaps the most
highly tragic of anything of its length that has ever been witnessed in
real life. A mulatto man by the name of McIntosh was seized in the street,
dragged to the suburbs of the city, chained to a tree, and actually burned
to death; and all within a single hour from the time he had been a freeman
attending to his own business and at peace with the world.
</p>
<p>
Such are the effects of mob law, and such are the scenes becoming more and
more frequent in this land so lately famed for love of law and order, and
the stories of which have even now grown too familiar to attract anything
more than an idle remark.
</p>
<p>
But you are perhaps ready to ask, "What has this to do with the
perpetuation of our political institutions?" I answer, It has much to do
with it. Its direct consequences are, comparatively speaking, but a small
evil, and much of its danger consists in the proneness of our minds to
regard its direct as its only consequences. Abstractly considered, the
hanging of the gamblers at Vicksburg was of but little consequence. They
constitute a portion of population that is worse than useless in any
community; and their death, if no pernicious example be set by it, is
never matter of reasonable regret with any one. If they were annually
swept from the stage of existence by the plague or smallpox, honest men
would perhaps be much profited by the operation. Similar too is the
correct reasoning in regard to the burning of the negro at St. Louis. He
had forfeited his life by the perpetration of an outrageous murder upon
one of the most worthy and respectable citizens of the city, and had he
not died as he did, he must have died by the sentence of the law in a very
short time afterwards. As to him alone, it was as well the way it was as
it could otherwise have been. But the example in either case was fearful.
When men take it in their heads to-day to hang gamblers or burn murderers,
they should recollect that in the confusion usually attending such
transactions they will be as likely to hang or burn some one who is
neither a gambler nor a murderer as one who is, and that, acting upon the
example they set, the mob of to-morrow may, and probably will, hang or
burn some of them by the very same mistake. And not only so: the innocent,
those who have ever set their faces against violations of law in every
shape, alike with the guilty fall victims to the ravages of mob law; and
thus it goes on, step by step, till all the walls erected for the defense
of the persons and property of individuals are trodden down and
disregarded. But all this, even, is not the full extent of the evil. By
such examples, by instances of the perpetrators of such acts going
unpunished, the lawless in spirit are encouraged to become lawless in
practice; and having been used to no restraint but dread of punishment,
they thus become absolutely unrestrained. Having ever regarded government
as their deadliest bane, they make a jubilee of the suspension of its
operations, and pray for nothing so much as its total annihilation. While,
on the other hand, good men, men who love tranquillity, who desire to
abide by the laws and enjoy their benefits, who would gladly spill their
blood in the defense of their country, seeing their property destroyed,
their families insulted, and their lives endangered, their persons
injured, and seeing nothing in prospect that forebodes a change for the
better, become tired of and disgusted with a government that offers them
no protection, and are not much averse to a change in which they imagine
they have nothing to lose. Thus, then, by the operation of this mobocratic
spirit which all must admit is now abroad in the land, the strongest
bulwark of any government, and particularly of those constituted like
ours, may effectually be broken down and destroyed—I mean the
attachment of the people. Whenever this effect shall be produced among us;
whenever the vicious portion of population shall be permitted to gather in
bands of hundreds and thousands, and burn churches, ravage and rob
provision-stores, throw printing presses into rivers, shoot editors, and
hang and burn obnoxious persons at pleasure and with impunity, depend on
it, this government cannot last. By such things the feelings of the best
citizens will become more or less alienated from it, and thus it will be
left without friends, or with too few, and those few too weak to make
their friendship effectual. At such a time, and under such circumstances,
men of sufficient talent and ambition will not be wanting to seize the
opportunity, strike the blow, and overturn that fair fabric which for the
last half century has been the fondest hope of the lovers of freedom
throughout the world.
</p>
<p>
I know the American people are much attached to their government; I know
they would suffer much for its sake; I know they would endure evils long
and patiently before they would ever think of exchanging it for another,—yet,
notwithstanding all this, if the laws be continually despised and
disregarded, if their rights to be secure in their persons and property
are held by no better tenure than the caprice of a mob, the alienation of
their affections from the government is the natural consequence; and to
that, sooner or later, it must come.
</p>
<p>
Here, then, is one point at which danger may be expected.
</p>
<p>
The question recurs, How shall we fortify against it? The answer is
simple. Let every American, every lover of liberty, every well-wisher to
his posterity swear by the blood of the Revolution never to violate in the
least particular the laws of the country, and never to tolerate their
violation by others. As the patriots of seventy-six did to the support of
the Declaration of Independence, so to the support of the Constitution and
laws let every American pledge his life, his property, and his sacred
honor. Let every man remember that to violate the law is to trample on the
blood of his father, and to tear the charter of his own and his children's
liberty. Let reverence for the laws be breathed by every American mother
to the lisping babe that prattles on her lap; let it be taught in schools,
in seminaries, and in colleges; let it be written in primers, spelling
books, and in almanacs; let it be preached from the pulpit, proclaimed in
legislative halls, and enforced in courts of justice. And, in short, let
it become the political religion of the nation; and let the old and the
young, the rich and the poor, the grave and the gay of all sexes and
tongues and colors and conditions, sacrifice unceasingly upon its altars.
</p>
<p>
While ever a state of feeling such as this shall universally or even very
generally prevail throughout the nation, vain will be every effort, and
fruitless every attempt, to subvert our national freedom.
</p>
<p>
When, I so pressingly urge a strict observance of all the laws, let me not
be understood as saying there are no bad laws, or that grievances may not
arise for the redress of which no legal provisions have been made. I mean
to say no such thing. But I do mean to say that although bad laws, if they
exist, should be repealed as soon as possible, still, while they continue
in force, for the sake of example they should be religiously observed. So
also in unprovided cases. If such arise, let proper legal provisions be
made for them with the least possible delay, but till then let them, if
not too intolerable, be borne with.
</p>
<p>
There is no grievance that is a fit object of redress by mob law. In any
case that may arise, as, for instance, the promulgation of abolitionism,
one of two positions is necessarily true—that is, the thing is right
within itself, and therefore deserves the protection of all law and all
good citizens, or it is wrong, and therefore proper to be prohibited by
legal enactments; and in neither case is the interposition of mob law
either necessary, justifiable, or excusable.
</p>
<p>
But it may be asked, Why suppose danger to our political institutions?
Have we not preserved them for more than fifty years? And why may we not
for fifty times as long?
</p>
<p>
We hope there is no sufficient reason. We hope all danger may be overcome;
but to conclude that no danger may ever arise would itself be extremely
dangerous. There are now, and will hereafter be, many causes, dangerous in
their tendency, which have not existed heretofore, and which are not too
insignificant to merit attention. That our government should have been
maintained in its original form, from its establishment until now, is not
much to be wondered at. It had many props to support it through that
period, which now are decayed and crumbled away. Through that period it
was felt by all to be an undecided experiment; now it is understood to be
a successful one. Then, all that sought celebrity and fame and distinction
expected to find them in the success of that experiment. Their all was
staked upon it; their destiny was inseparably linked with it. Their
ambition aspired to display before an admiring world a practical
demonstration of the truth of a proposition which had hitherto been
considered at best no better than problematical—namely, the
capability of a people to govern themselves. If they succeeded they were
to be immortalized; their names were to be transferred to counties, and
cities, and rivers, and mountains; and to be revered and sung, toasted
through all time. If they failed, they were to be called knaves and fools,
and fanatics for a fleeting hour; then to sink and be forgotten. They
succeeded. The experiment is successful, and thousands have won their
deathless names in making it so. But the game is caught; and I believe it
is true that with the catching end the pleasures of the chase. This field
of glory is harvested, and the crop is already appropriated. But new
reapers will arise, and they too will seek a field. It is to deny what the
history of the world tells us is true, to suppose that men of ambition and
talents will not continue to spring up amongst us. And when they do, they
will as naturally seek the gratification of their ruling passion as others
have done before them. The question then is, Can that gratification be
found in supporting and in maintaining an edifice that has been erected by
others? Most certainly it cannot. Many great and good men, sufficiently
qualified for any task they should undertake, may ever be found whose
ambition would aspire to nothing beyond a seat in Congress, a
Gubernatorial or a Presidential chair; but such belong not to the family
of the lion, or the tribe of the eagle. What! think you these places would
satisfy an Alexander, a Caesar, or a Napoleon? Never! Towering genius
disdains a beaten path. It seeks regions hitherto unexplored. It sees no
distinction in adding story to story upon the monuments of fame erected to
the memory of others. It denies that it is glory enough to serve under any
chief. It scorns to tread in the footsteps of any predecessor, however
illustrious. It thirsts and burns for distinction; and if possible, it
will have it, whether at the expense of emancipating slaves or enslaving
freemen. Is it unreasonable, then, to expect that some man possessed of
the loftiest genius, coupled with ambition sufficient to push it to its
utmost stretch, will at some time spring up among us? And when such an one
does it will require the people to be united with each other, attached to
the government and laws, and generally intelligent, to successfully
frustrate his designs.
</p>
<p>
Distinction will be his paramount object, and although he would as
willingly, perhaps more so, acquire it by doing good as harm, yet, that
opportunity being past, and nothing left to be done in the way of building
up, he would set boldly to the task of pulling down.
</p>
<p>
Here then is a probable case, highly dangerous, and such an one as could
not have well existed heretofore.
</p>
<p>
Another reason which once was, but which, to the same extent, is now no
more, has done much in maintaining our institutions thus far. I mean the
powerful influence which the interesting scenes of the Revolution had upon
the passions of the people as distinguished from their judgment. By this
influence, the jealousy, envy, and avarice incident to our nature, and so
common to a state of peace, prosperity, and conscious strength, were for
the time in a great measure smothered and rendered inactive, while the
deep-rooted principles of hate, and the powerful motive of revenge,
instead of being turned against each other, were directed exclusively
against the British nation. And thus, from the force of circumstances, the
basest principles of our nature were either made to lie dormant, or to
become the active agents in the advancement of the noblest of causes—that
of establishing and maintaining civil and religious liberty.
</p>
<p>
But this state of feeling must fade, is fading, has faded, with the
circumstances that produced it.
</p>
<p>
I do not mean to say that the scenes of the Revolution are now or ever
will be entirely forgotten, but that, like everything else, they must fade
upon the memory of the world, and grow more and more dim by the lapse of
time. In history, we hope, they will be read of, and recounted, so long as
the Bible shall be read; but even granting that they will, their influence
cannot be what it heretofore has been. Even then they cannot be so
universally known nor so vividly felt as they were by the generation just
gone to rest. At the close of that struggle, nearly every adult male had
been a participator in some of its scenes. The consequence was that of
those scenes, in the form of a husband, a father, a son, or a brother, a
living history was to be found in every family—a history bearing the
indubitable testimonies of its own authenticity, in the limbs mangled, in
the scars of wounds received, in the midst of the very scenes related—a
history, too, that could be read and understood alike by all, the wise and
the ignorant, the learned and the unlearned. But those histories are gone.
They can be read no more forever. They were a fortress of strength; but
what invading foeman could never do the silent artillery of time has done—the
leveling of its walls. They are gone. They were a forest of giant oaks;
but the all-restless hurricane has swept over them, and left only here and
there a lonely trunk, despoiled of its verdure, shorn of its foliage,
unshading and unshaded, to murmur in a few more gentle breezes, and to
combat with its mutilated limbs a few more ruder storms, then to sink and
be no more.
</p>
<p>
They were pillars of the temple of liberty; and now that they have
crumbled away that temple must fall unless we, their descendants, supply
their places with other pillars, hewn from the solid quarry of sober
reason. Passion has helped us, but can do so no more. It will in future be
our enemy. Reason cold, calculating, unimpassioned reason—must
furnish all the materials for our future support and defense. Let those
materials be moulded into general intelligence, sound morality, and in
particular, a reverence for the Constitution and laws; and that we
improved to the last, that we remained free to the last, that we revered
his name to the last, that during his long sleep we permitted no hostile
foot to pass over or desecrate his resting place, shall be that which to
learn the last trump shall awaken our Washington.
</p>
<p>
Upon these let the proud fabric of freedom rest, as the rock of its basis;
and as truly as has been said of the only greater institution, "the gates
of hell shall not prevail against it."
</p>
<p>
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</div>
<h2>
PROTEST IN THE ILLINOIS LEGISLATURE ON THE SUBJECT OF SLAVERY.
</h2>
<h3>
March 3, 1837.
</h3>
<p>
The following protest was presented to the House, which was read and
ordered to be spread in the journals, to wit:
</p>
<p>
"Resolutions upon the subject of domestic slavery having passed both
branches of the General Assembly at its present session, the undersigned
hereby protest against the passage of the same.
</p>
<p>
"They believe that the institution of slavery is founded on both injustice
and bad policy, but that the promulgation of abolition doctrines tends
rather to increase than abate its evils.
</p>
<p>
"They believe that the Congress of the United States has no power under
the Constitution to interfere with the institution of slavery in the
different States.
</p>
<p>
"They believe that the Congress of the United States has the power, under
the Constitution, to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, but that
the power ought not to be exercised, unless at the request of the people
of the District.
</p>
<p>
"The difference between these opinions and those contained in the said
resolutions is their reason for entering this protest.
</p>
<p>
"DAN STONE, "A. LINCOLN,
</p>
<p>
"Representatives from the County of Sangamon."
</p>
<p>
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<h2>
TO MISS MARY OWENS.
</h2>
<h3>
SPRINGFIELD, May 7, 1837.
</h3>
<p>
MISS MARY S. OWENS.
</p>
<p>
FRIEND MARY:—I have commenced two letters to send you before this,
both of which displeased me before I got half done, and so I tore them up.
The first I thought was not serious enough, and the second was on the
other extreme. I shall send this, turn out as it may.
</p>
<p>
This thing of living in Springfield is rather a dull business, after all;
at least it is so to me. I am quite as lonesome here as I ever was
anywhere in my life. I have been spoken to by but one woman since I have
been here, and should not have been by her if she could have avoided it. I
've never been to church yet, and probably shall not be soon. I stay away
because I am conscious I should not know how to behave myself.
</p>
<p>
I am often thinking of what we said about your coming to live at
Springfield. I am afraid you would not be satisfied. There is a great deal
of flourishing about in carriages here, which it would be your doom to see
without sharing it. You would have to be poor, without the means of hiding
your poverty. Do you believe you could bear that patiently? Whatever woman
may cast her lot with mine, should any ever do so, it is my intention to
do all in my power to make her happy and contented; and there is nothing I
can imagine that would make me more unhappy than to fail in the effort. I
know I should be much happier with you than the way I am, provided I saw
no signs of discontent in you. What you have said to me may have been in
the way of jest, or I may have misunderstood you. If so, then let it be
forgotten; if otherwise, I much wish you would think seriously before you
decide. What I have said I will most positively abide by, provided you
wish it. My opinion is that you had better not do it. You have not been
accustomed to hardship, and it may be more severe than you now imagine. I
know you are capable of thinking correctly on any subject, and if you
deliberate maturely upon this subject before you decide, then I am willing
to abide your decision.
</p>
<p>
You must write me a good long letter after you get this. You have nothing
else to do, and though it might not seem interesting to you after you had
written it, it would be a good deal of company to me in this "busy
wilderness." Tell your sister I don't want to hear any more about selling
out and moving. That gives me the "hypo" whenever I think of it.
</p>
<p>
Yours, etc., LINCOLN.
</p>
<p>
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<h2>
TO JOHN BENNETT.
</h2>
<h3>
SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Aug. 5, 1837. JOHN BENNETT, ESQ.
</h3>
<p>
DEAR SIR:-Mr. Edwards tells me you wish to know whether the act to which
your own incorporation provision was attached passed into a law. It did.
You can organize under the general incorporation law as soon as you
choose.
</p>
<p>
I also tacked a provision onto a fellow's bill to authorize the relocation
of the road from Salem down to your town, but I am not certain whether or
not the bill passed, neither do I suppose I can ascertain before the law
will be published, if it is a law. Bowling Greene, Bennette Abe? and
yourself are appointed to make the change. No news. No excitement except a
little about the election of Monday next.
</p>
<p>
I suppose, of course, our friend Dr. Heney stands no chance in your
diggings.
</p>
<p>
Your friend and humble servant, A. LINCOLN.
</p>
<p>
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<h2>
TO MARY OWENS.
</h2>
<h3>
SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 16, 1837
</h3>
<p>
FRIEND MARY: You will no doubt think it rather strange that I should write
you a letter on the same day on which we parted, and I can only account
for it by supposing that seeing you lately makes me think of you more than
usual; while at our late meeting we had but few expressions of thoughts.
You must know that I cannot see you, or think of you, with entire
indifference; and yet it may be that you are mistaken in regard to what my
real feelings toward you are.
</p>
<p>
If I knew you were not, I should not have troubled you with this letter.
Perhaps any other man would know enough without information; but I
consider it my peculiar right to plead ignorance, and your bounden duty to
allow the plea.
</p>
<p>
I want in all cases to do right; and most particularly so in all cases
with women.
</p>
<p>
I want, at this particular time, more than any thing else to do right with
you; and if I knew it would be doing right, as I rather suspect it would,
to let you alone I would do it. And, for the purpose of making the matter
as plain as possible, I now say that you can drop the subject, dismiss
your thoughts (if you ever had any) from me for ever and leave this letter
unanswered without calling forth one accusing murmur from me. And I will
even go further and say that, if it will add anything to your comfort or
peace of mind to do so, it is my sincere wish that you should. Do not
understand by this that I wish to cut your acquaintance. I mean no such
thing. What I do wish is that our further acquaintance shall depend upon
yourself. If such further acquaintance would contribute nothing to your
happiness, I am sure it would not to mine. If you feel yourself in any
degree bound to me, I am now willing to release you, provided you wish it;
while on the other hand I am willing and even anxious to bind you faster
if I can be convinced that it will, in any considerable degree, add to
your happiness. This, indeed, is the whole question with me. Nothing would
make me more miserable than to believe you miserable, nothing more happy
than to know you were so.
</p>
<p>
In what I have now said, I think I cannot be misunderstood; and to make
myself understood is the only object of this letter.
</p>
<p>
If it suits you best not to answer this, farewell. A long life and a merry
one attend you. But, if you conclude to write back, speak as plainly as I
do. There can neither be harm nor danger in saying to me anything you
think, just in the manner you think it. My respects to your sister.
</p>
<p>
Your friend, LINCOLN.
</p>
<p>
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<h2>
LEGAL SUIT OF WIDOW v.s. Gen. ADAMS
</h2>
<h3>
TO THE PEOPLE.
</h3>
<p>
"SANGAMON JOURNAL," SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Aug. 19, 1837.
</p>
<p>
In accordance with our determination, as expressed last week, we present
to the reader the articles which were published in hand-bill form, in
reference to the case of the heirs of Joseph Anderson vs. James Adams.
These articles can now be read uninfluenced by personal or party feeling,
and with the sole motive of learning the truth. When that is done, the
reader can pass his own judgment on the matters at issue.
</p>
<p>
We only regret in this case, that the publications were not made some
weeks before the election. Such a course might have prevented the
expressions of regret, which have often been heard since, from different
individuals, on account of the disposition they made of their votes.
</p>
<p>
To the Public:
</p>
<p>
It is well known to most of you, that there is existing at this time
considerable excitement in regard to Gen. Adams's titles to certain tracts
of land, and the manner in which he acquired them. As I understand, the
Gen. charges that the whole has been gotten up by a knot of lawyers to
injure his election; and as I am one of the knot to which he refers, and
as I happen to be in possession of facts connected with the matter, I
will, in as brief a manner as possible, make a statement of them, together
with the means by which I arrived at the knowledge of them.
</p>
<p>
Sometime in May or June last, a widow woman, by the name of Anderson, and
her son, who resides in Fulton county, came to Springfield, for the
purpose as they said of selling a ten acre lot of ground lying near town,
which they claimed as the property of the deceased husband and father.
</p>
<p>
When they reached town they found the land was claimed by Gen. Adams. John
T. Stuart and myself were employed to look into the matter, and if it was
thought we could do so with any prospect of success, to commence a suit
for the land. I went immediately to the recorder's office to examine
Adams's title, and found that the land had been entered by one Dixon,
deeded by Dixon to Thomas, by Thomas to one Miller, and by Miller to Gen.
Adams. The oldest of these three deeds was about ten or eleven years old,
and the latest more than five, all recorded at the same time, and that
within less than one year. This I thought a suspicious circumstance, and I
was thereby induced to examine the deeds very closely, with a view to the
discovery of some defect by which to overturn the title, being almost
convinced then it was founded in fraud. I discovered that in the deed from
Thomas to Miller, although Miller's name stood in a sort of marginal note
on the record book, it was nowhere in the deed itself. I told the fact to
Talbott, the recorder, and proposed to him that he should go to Gen.
Adams's and get the original deed, and compare it with the record, and
thereby ascertain whether the defect was in the original or there was
merely an error in the recording. As Talbott afterwards told me, he went
to the General's, but not finding him at home, got the deed from his son,
which, when compared with the record, proved what we had discovered was
merely an error of the recorder. After Mr. Talbott corrected the record,
he brought the original to our office, as I then thought and think yet, to
show us that it was right. When he came into the room he handed the deed
to me, remarking that the fault was all his own. On opening it, another
paper fell out of it, which on examination proved to be an assignment of a
judgment in the Circuit Court of Sangamon County from Joseph Anderson, the
late husband of the widow above named, to James Adams, the judgment being
in favor of said Anderson against one Joseph Miller. Knowing that this
judgment had some connection with the land affair, I immediately took a
copy of it, which is word for word, letter for letter and cross for cross
as follows:
</p>
<p>
Joseph Anderson, vs. Joseph Miller.
</p>
<p>
Judgment in Sangamon Circuit Court against Joseph Miller obtained on a
note originally 25 dolls and interest thereon accrued. I assign all my
right, title and interest to James Adams which is in consideration of a
debt I owe said Adams.
</p>
<p>
his JOSEPH x ANDERSON. mark.
</p>
<p>
As the copy shows, it bore date May 10, 1827; although the judgment
assigned by it was not obtained until the October afterwards, as may be
seen by any one on the records of the Circuit Court. Two other strange
circumstances attended it which cannot be represented by a copy. One of
them was, that the date "1827" had first been made "1837" and, without the
figure "3," being fully obliterated, the figure "2" had afterwards been
made on top of it; the other was that, although the date was ten years
old, the writing on it, from the freshness of its appearance, was thought
by many, and I believe by all who saw it, not to be more than a week old.
The paper on which it was written had a very old appearance; and there
were some old figures on the back of it which made the freshness of the
writing on the face of it much more striking than I suppose it otherwise
might have been. The reader's curiosity is no doubt excited to know what
connection this assignment had with the land in question. The story is
this: Dixon sold and deeded the land to Thomas; Thomas sold it to
Anderson; but before he gave a deed, Anderson sold it to Miller, and took
Miller's note for the purchase money. When this note became due, Anderson
sued Miller on it, and Miller procured an injunction from the Court of
Chancery to stay the collection of the money until he should get a deed
for the land. Gen. Adams was employed as an attorney by Anderson in this
chancery suit, and at the October term, 1827, the injunction was
dissolved, and a judgment given in favor of Anderson against Miller; and
it was provided that Thomas was to execute a deed for the land in favor of
Miller and deliver it to Gen. Adams, to be held up by him till Miller paid
the judgment, and then to deliver it to him. Miller left the county
without paying the judgment. Anderson moved to Fulton county, where he has
since died When the widow came to Springfield last May or June, as before
mentioned, and found the land deeded to Gen. Adams by Miller, she was
naturally led to inquire why the money due upon the judgment had not been
sent to them, inasmuch as he, Gen. Adams, had no authority to deliver
Thomas's deed to Miller until the money was paid. Then it was the General
told her, or perhaps her son, who came with her, that Anderson, in his
lifetime, had assigned the judgment to him, Gen. Adams. I am now told that
the General is exhibiting an assignment of the same judgment bearing date
"1828" and in other respects differing from the one described; and that he
is asserting that no such assignment as the one copied by me ever existed;
or if there did, it was forged between Talbott and the lawyers, and
slipped into his papers for the purpose of injuring him. Now, I can only
say that I know precisely such a one did exist, and that Ben. Talbott, Wm.
Butler, C.R. Matheny, John T. Stuart, Judge Logan, Robert Irwin, P. C.
Canedy and S. M. Tinsley, all saw and examined it, and that at least one
half of them will swear that IT WAS IN GENERAL ADAMS'S HANDWRITING!! And
further, I know that Talbott will swear that he got it out of the
General's possession, and returned it into his possession again. The
assignment which the General is now exhibiting purports to have been by
Anderson in writing. The one I copied was signed with a cross.
</p>
<p>
I am told that Gen. Neale says that he will swear that he heard Gen. Adams
tell young Anderson that the assignment made by his father was signed with
a cross.
</p>
<p>
The above are 'facts,' as stated. I leave them without comment. I have
given the names of persons who have knowledge of these facts, in order
that any one who chooses may call on them and ascertain how far they will
corroborate my statements. I have only made these statements because I am
known by many to be one of the individuals against whom the charge of
forging the assignment and slipping it into the General's papers has been
made, and because our silence might be construed into a confession of its
truth. I shall not subscribe my name; but I hereby authorize the editor of
the Journal to give it up to any one that may call for it.
</p>
<p>
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<h2>
LINCOLN AND TALBOTT IN REPLY TO GEN. ADAMS.
</h2>
<h3>
"SANGAMON JOURNAL," SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Oct. 28, 1837.
</h3>
<p>
In the Republican of this morning a publication of Gen. Adams's appears,
in which my name is used quite unreservedly. For this I thank the General.
I thank him because it gives me an opportunity, without appearing
obtrusive, of explaining a part of a former publication of mine, which
appears to me to have been misunderstood by many.
</p>
<p>
In the former publication alluded to, I stated, in substance, that Mr.
Talbott got a deed from a son of Gen. Adams's for the purpose of
correcting a mistake that had occurred on the record of the said deed in
the recorder's office; that he corrected the record, and brought the deed
and handed it to me, and that on opening the deed, another paper, being
the assignment of a judgment, fell out of it. This statement Gen. Adams
and the editor of the Republican have seized upon as a most palpable
evidence of fabrication and falsehood. They set themselves gravely about
proving that the assignment could not have been in the deed when Talbott
got it from young Adams, as he, Talbott, would have seen it when he opened
the deed to correct the record. Now, the truth is, Talbott did see the
assignment when he opened the deed, or at least he told me he did on the
same day; and I only omitted to say so, in my former publication, because
it was a matter of such palpable and necessary inference. I had stated
that Talbott had corrected the record by the deed; and of course he must
have opened it; and, just as the General and his friends argue, must have
seen the assignment. I omitted to state the fact of Talbott's seeing the
assignment, because its existence was so necessarily connected with other
facts which I did state, that I thought the greatest dunce could not but
understand it. Did I say Talbott had not seen it? Did I say anything that
was inconsistent with his having seen it before? Most certainly I did
neither; and if I did not, what becomes of the argument? These logical
gentlemen can sustain their argument only by assuming that I did say
negatively everything that I did not say affirmatively; and upon the same
assumption, we may expect to find the General, if a little harder pressed
for argument, saying that I said Talbott came to our office with his head
downward, not that I actually said so, but because I omitted to say he
came feet downward.
</p>
<p>
In his publication to-day, the General produces the affidavit of Reuben
Radford, in which it is said that Talbott told Radford that he did not
find the assignment in the deed, in the recording of which the error was
committed, but that he found it wrapped in another paper in the recorder's
office, upon which statement the Genl. comments as follows, to wit: "If it
be true as stated by Talbott to Radford, that he found the assignment
wrapped up in another paper at his office, that contradicts the statement
of Lincoln that it fell out of the deed."
</p>
<p>
Is common sense to be abused with such sophistry? Did I say what Talbott
found it in? If Talbott did find it in another paper at his office, is
that any reason why he could not have folded it in a deed and brought it
to my office? Can any one be so far duped as to be made believe that what
may have happened at Talbot's office at one time is inconsistent with what
happened at my office at another time?
</p>
<p>
Now Talbott's statement of the case as he makes it to me is this, that he
got a bunch of deeds from young Adams, and that he knows he found the
assignment in the bunch, but he is not certain which particular deed it
was in, nor is he certain whether it was folded in the same deed out of
which it was taken, or another one, when it was brought to my office. Is
this a mysterious story? Is there anything suspicious about it?
</p>
<p>
"But it is useless to dwell longer on this point. Any man who is not
wilfully blind can see at a flash, that there is no discrepancy, and
Lincoln has shown that they are not only inconsistent with truth, but each
other"—I can only say, that I have shown that he has done no such
thing; and if the reader is disposed to require any other evidence than
the General's assertion, he will be of my opinion.
</p>
<p>
Excepting the General's most flimsy attempt at mystification, in regard to
a discrepance between Talbott and myself, he has not denied a single
statement that I made in my hand-bill. Every material statement that I
made has been sworn to by men who, in former times, were thought as
respectable as General Adams. I stated that an assignment of a judgment, a
copy of which I gave, had existed—Benj. Talbott, C. R. Matheny, Wm.
Butler, and Judge Logan swore to its existence. I stated that it was said
to be in Gen. Adams's handwriting—the same men swore it was in his
handwriting. I stated that Talbott would swear that he got it out of Gen.
Adams's possession—Talbott came forward and did swear it.
</p>
<p>
Bidding adieu to the former publication, I now propose to examine the
General's last gigantic production. I now propose to point out some
discrepancies in the General's address; and such, too, as he shall not be
able to escape from. Speaking of the famous assignment, the General says:
"This last charge, which was their last resort, their dying effort to
render my character infamous among my fellow citizens, was manufactured at
a certain lawyer's office in the town, printed at the office of the
Sangamon Journal, and found its way into the world some time between two
days just before the last election." Now turn to Mr. Keys' affidavit, in
which you will find the following, viz.: "I certify that some time in May
or the early part of June, 1837, I saw at Williams's corner a paper
purporting to be an assignment from Joseph Anderson to James Adams, which
assignment was signed by a mark to Anderson's name," etc. Now mark, if
Keys saw the assignment on the last of May or first of June, Gen. Adams
tells a falsehood when he says it was manufactured just before the
election, which was on the 7th of August; and if it was manufactured just
before the election, Keys tells a falsehood when he says he saw it on the
last of May or first of June. Either Keys or the General is irretrievably
in for it; and in the General's very condescending language, I say "Let
them settle it between them."
</p>
<p>
Now again, let the reader, bearing in mind that General Adams has
unequivocally said, in one part of his address, that the charge in
relation to the assignment was manufactured just before the election, turn
to the affidavit of Peter S. Weber, where the following will be found
viz.: "I, Peter S. Weber, do certify that from the best of my
recollection, on the day or day after Gen. Adams started for the Illinois
Rapids, in May last, that I was at the house of Gen. Adams, sitting in the
kitchen, situated on the back part of the house, it being in the
afternoon, and that Benjamin Talbott came around the house, back into the
kitchen, and appeared wild and confused, and that he laid a package of
papers on the kitchen table and requested that they should be handed to
Lucian. He made no apology for coming to the kitchen, nor for not handing
them to Lucian himself, but showed the token of being frightened and
confused both in demeanor and speech and for what cause I could not
apprehend."
</p>
<p>
Commenting on Weber's affidavit, Gen. Adams asks, "Why this fright and
confusion?" I reply that this is a question for the General himself. Weber
says that it was in May, and if so, it is most clear that Talbott was not
frightened on account of the assignment, unless the General lies when he
says the assignment charge was manufactured just before the election. Is
it not a strong evidence, that the General is not traveling with the
pole-star of truth in his front, to see him in one part of his address
roundly asserting that the assignment was manufactured just before the
election, and then, forgetting that position, procuring Weber's most
foolish affidavit, to prove that Talbott had been engaged in manufacturing
it two months before?
</p>
<p>
In another part of his address, Gen. Adams says: "That I hold an
assignment of said judgment, dated the 20th of May, 1828, and signed by
said Anderson, I have never pretended to deny or conceal, but stated that
fact in one of my circulars previous to the election, and also in answer
to a bill in chancery." Now I pronounce this statement unqualifiedly
false, and shall not rely on the word or oath of any man to sustain me in
what I say; but will let the whole be decided by reference to the circular
and answer in chancery of which the General speaks. In his circular he did
speak of an assignment; but he did not say it bore date 20th of May, 1828;
nor did he say it bore any date. In his answer in chancery, he did say
that he had an assignment; but he did not say that it bore date the 20th
May, 1828; but so far from it, he said on oath (for he swore to the
answer) that as well as recollected, he obtained it in 1827. If any one
doubts, let him examine the circular and answer for himself. They are both
accessible.
</p>
<p>
It will readily be observed that the principal part of Adams's defense
rests upon the argument that if he had been base enough to forge an
assignment he would not have been fool enough to forge one that would not
cover the case. This argument he used in his circular before the election.
The Republican has used it at least once, since then; and Adams uses it
again in his publication of to-day. Now I pledge myself to show that he is
just such a fool that he and his friends have contended it was impossible
for him to be. Recollect—he says he has a genuine assignment; and
that he got Joseph Klein's affidavit, stating that he had seen it, and
that he believed the signature to have been executed by the same hand that
signed Anderson's name to the answer in chancery. Luckily Klein took a
copy of this genuine assignment, which I have been permitted to see; and
hence I know it does not cover the case. In the first place it is headed
"Joseph Anderson vs. Joseph Miller," and heads off "Judgment in Sangamon
Circuit Court." Now, mark, there never was a case in Sangamon Circuit
Court entitled Joseph Anderson vs. Joseph Miller. The case mentioned in my
former publication, and the only one between these parties that ever
existed in the Circuit Court, was entitled Joseph Miller vs. Joseph
Anderson, Miller being the plaintiff. What then becomes of all their
sophistry about Adams not being fool enough to forge an assignment that
would not cover the case? It is certain that the present one does not
cover the case; and if he got it honestly, it is still clear that he was
fool enough to pay for an assignment that does not cover the case.
</p>
<p>
The General asks for the proof of disinterested witnesses. Whom does he
consider disinterested? None can be more so than those who have already
testified against him. No one of them had the least interest on earth, so
far as I can learn, to injure him. True, he says they had conspired
against him; but if the testimony of an angel from Heaven were introduced
against him, he would make the same charge of conspiracy. And now I put
the question to every reflecting man, Do you believe that Benjamin
Talbott, Chas. R. Matheny, William Butler and Stephen T. Logan, all
sustaining high and spotless characters, and justly proud of them, would
deliberately perjure themselves, without any motive whatever, except to
injure a man's election; and that, too, a man who had been a candidate,
time out of mind, and yet who had never been elected to any office?
</p>
<p>
Adams's assurance, in demanding disinterested testimony, is surpassing. He
brings in the affidavit of his own son, and even of Peter S. Weber, with
whom I am not acquainted, but who, I suppose, is some black or mulatto
boy, from his being kept in the kitchen, to prove his points; but when
such a man as Talbott, a man who, but two years ago, ran against Gen.
Adams for the office of Recorder and beat him more than four votes to one,
is introduced against him, he asks the community, with all the consequence
of a lord, to reject his testimony.
</p>
<p>
I might easily write a volume, pointing out inconsistencies between the
statements in Adams's last address with one another, and with other known
facts; but I am aware the reader must already be tired with the length of
this article. His opening statements, that he was first accused of being a
Tory, and that he refuted that; that then the Sampson's ghost story was
got up, and he refuted that; that as a last resort, a dying effort, the
assignment charge was got up is all as false as hell, as all this
community must know. Sampson's ghost first made its appearance in print,
and that, too, after Keys swears he saw the assignment, as any one may see
by reference to the files of papers; and Gen. Adams himself, in reply to
the Sampson's ghost story, was the first man that raised the cry of
toryism, and it was only by way of set-off, and never in seriousness, that
it was bandied back at him. His effort is to make the impression that his
enemies first made the charge of toryism and he drove them from that, then
Sampson's ghost, he drove them from that, then finally the assignment
charge was manufactured just before election. Now, the only general reply
he ever made to the Sampson's ghost and tory charges he made at one and
the same time, and not in succession as he states; and the date of that
reply will show, that it was made at least a month after the date on which
Keys swears he saw the Anderson assignment. But enough. In conclusion I
will only say that I have a character to defend as well as Gen. Adams, but
I disdain to whine about it as he does. It is true I have no children nor
kitchen boys; and if I had, I should scorn to lug them in to make
affidavits for me.
</p>
<p>
A. LINCOLN, September 6, 1837.
</p>
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<h2>
Gen. ADAMS CONTROVERSY—CONTINUED
</h2>
<h3>
TO THE PUBLIC.
</h3>
<p>
"SANGAMON JOURNAL," Springfield, Ill, Oct.28, 1837.
</p>
<p>
Such is the turn which things have taken lately, that when Gen. Adams
writes a book, I am expected to write a commentary on it. In the
Republican of this morning he has presented the world with a new work of
six columns in length; in consequence of which I must beg the room of one
column in the Journal. It is obvious that a minute reply cannot be made in
one column to everything that can be said in six; and, consequently, I
hope that expectation will be answered if I reply to such parts of the
General's publication as are worth replying to.
</p>
<p>
It may not be improper to remind the reader that in his publication of
Sept. 6th General Adams said that the assignment charge was manufactured
just before the election; and that in reply I proved that statement to be
false by Keys, his own witness. Now, without attempting to explain, he
furnishes me with another witness (Tinsley) by which the same thing is
proved, to wit, that the assignment was not manufactured just before the
election; but that it was some weeks before. Let it be borne in mind that
Adams made this statement—has himself furnished two witnesses to
prove its falsehood, and does not attempt to deny or explain it. Before
going farther, let a pin be stuck here, labeled "One lie proved and
confessed." On the 6th of September he said he had before stated in the
hand-bill that he held an assignment dated May 20th, 1828, which in reply
I pronounced to be false, and referred to the hand-bill for the truth of
what I said. This week he forgets to make any explanation of this. Let
another pin be stuck here, labelled as before. I mention these things
because, if, when I convict him in one falsehood, he is permitted to shift
his ground and pass it by in silence, there can be no end to this
controversy.
</p>
<p>
The first thing that attracts my attention in the General's present
production is the information he is pleased to give to "those who are made
to suffer at his (my) hands."
</p>
<p>
Under present circumstances, this cannot apply to me, for I am not a widow
nor an orphan: nor have I a wife or children who might by possibility
become such. Such, however, I have no doubt, have been, and will again be
made to suffer at his hands! Hands! Yes, they are the mischievous agents.
The next thing I shall notice is his favorite expression, "not of lawyers,
doctors and others," which he is so fond of applying to all who dare
expose his rascality. Now, let it be remembered that when he first came to
this country he attempted to impose himself upon the community as a
lawyer, and actually carried the attempt so far as to induce a man who was
under a charge of murder to entrust the defence of his life in his hands,
and finally took his money and got him hanged. Is this the man that is to
raise a breeze in his favor by abusing lawyers? If he is not himself a
lawyer, it is for the lack of sense, and not of inclination. If he is not
a lawyer, he is a liar, for he proclaimed himself a lawyer, and got a man
hanged by depending on him.
</p>
<p>
Passing over such parts of the article as have neither fact nor argument
in them, I come to the question asked by Adams whether any person ever saw
the assignment in his possession. This is an insult to common sense.
Talbott has sworn once and repeated time and again, that he got it out of
Adams's possession and returned it into the same possession. Still, as
though he was addressing fools, he has assurance to ask if any person ever
saw it in his possession.
</p>
<p>
Next I quote a sentence, "Now my son Lucian swears that when Talbott
called for the deed, that he, Talbott, opened it and pointed out the
error." True. His son Lucian did swear as he says; and in doing so, he
swore what I will prove by his own affidavit to be a falsehood. Turn to
Lucian's affidavit, and you will there see that Talbott called for the
deed by which to correct an error on the record. Thus it appears that the
error in question was on the record, and not in the deed. How then could
Talbott open the deed and point out the error? Where a thing is not, it
cannot be pointed out. The error was not in the deed, and of course could
not be pointed out there. This does not merely prove that the error could
not be pointed out, as Lucian swore it was; but it proves, too, that the
deed was not opened in his presence with a special view to the error, for
if it had been, he could not have failed to see that there was no error in
it. It is easy enough to see why Lucian swore this. His object was to
prove that the assignment was not in the deed when Talbott got it: but it
was discovered he could not swear this safely, without first swearing the
deed was opened—and if he swore it was opened, he must show a motive
for opening it, and the conclusion with him and his father was that the
pointing out the error would appear the most plausible.
</p>
<p>
For the purpose of showing that the assignment was not in the bundle when
Talbott got it, is the story introduced into Lucian's affidavit that the
deeds were counted. It is a remarkable fact, and one that should stand as
a warning to all liars and fabricators, that in this short affidavit of
Lucian's he only attempted to depart from the truth, so far as I have the
means of knowing, in two points, to wit, in the opening the deed and
pointing out the error and the counting of the deeds,—and in both of
these he caught himself. About the counting, he caught himself thus—after
saying the bundle contained five deeds and a lease, he proceeds, "and I
saw no other papers than the said deed and lease." First he has six
papers, and then he saw none but two; for "my son Lucian's" benefit, let a
pin be stuck here.
</p>
<p>
Adams again adduces the argument, that he could not have forged the
assignment, for the reason that he could have had no motive for it. With
those that know the facts there is no absence of motive. Admitting the
paper which he has filed in the suit to be genuine, it is clear that it
cannot answer the purpose for which he designs it. Hence his motive for
making one that he supposed would answer is obvious. His making the date
too old is also easily enough accounted for. The records were not in his
hands, and then, there being some considerable talk upon this particular
subject, he knew he could not examine the records to ascertain the precise
dates without subjecting himself to suspicion; and hence he concluded to
try it by guess, and, as it turned out, missed it a little. About Miller's
deposition I have a word to say. In the first place, Miller's answer to
the first question shows upon its face that he had been tampered with, and
the answer dictated to him. He was asked if he knew Joel Wright and James
Adams; and above three-fourths of his answer consists of what he knew
about Joseph Anderson, a man about whom nothing had been asked, nor a word
said in the question—a fact that can only be accounted for upon the
supposition that Adams had secretly told him what he wished him to swear
to.
</p>
<p>
Another of Miller's answers I will prove both by common sense and the
Court of Record is untrue. To one question he answers, "Anderson brought a
suit against me before James Adams, then an acting justice of the peace in
Sangamon County, before whom he obtained a judgment.
</p>
<p>
"Q.—Did you remove the same by injunction to the Sangamon Circuit
Court? Ans.—I did remove it."
</p>
<p>
Now mark—it is said he removed it by injunction. The word
"injunction" in common language imports a command that some person or
thing shall not move or be removed; in law it has the same meaning. An
injunction issuing out of chancery to a justice of the peace is a command
to him to stop all proceedings in a named case until further orders. It is
not an order to remove but to stop or stay something that is already
moving. Besides this, the records of the Sangamon Circuit Court show that
the judgment of which Miller swore was never removed into said Court by
injunction or otherwise.
</p>
<p>
I have now to take notice of a part of Adams's address which in the order
of time should have been noticed before. It is in these words: "I have now
shown, in the opinion of two competent judges, that the handwriting of the
forged assignment differed from mine, and by one of them that it could not
be mistaken for mine." That is false. Tinsley no doubt is the judge
referred to; and by reference to his certificate it will be seen that he
did not say the handwriting of the assignment could not be mistaken for
Adams's—nor did he use any other expression substantially, or
anything near substantially, the same. But if Tinsley had said the
handwriting could not be mistaken for Adams's, it would have been equally
unfortunate for Adams: for it then would have contradicted Keys, who says,
"I looked at the writing and judged it the said Adams's or a good
imitation."
</p>
<p>
Adams speaks with much apparent confidence of his success on attending
lawsuits, and the ultimate maintenance of his title to the land in
question. Without wishing to disturb the pleasure of his dream, I would
say to him that it is not impossible that he may yet be taught to sing a
different song in relation to the matter.
</p>
<p>
At the end of Miller's deposition, Adams asks, "Will Mr. Lincoln now say
that he is almost convinced my title to this ten acre tract of land is
founded in fraud?" I answer, I will not. I will now change the phraseology
so as to make it run—I am quite convinced, &c. I cannot pass in
silence Adams's assertion that he has proved that the forged assignment
was not in the deed when it came from his house by Talbott, the recorder.
In this, although Talbott has sworn that the assignment was in the bundle
of deeds when it came from his house, Adams has the unaccountable
assurance to say that he has proved the contrary by Talbott. Let him or
his friends attempt to show wherein he proved any such thing by Talbott.
</p>
<p>
In his publication of the 6th of September he hinted to Talbott, that he
might be mistaken. In his present, speaking of Talbott and me he says
"They may have been imposed upon." Can any man of the least penetration
fail to see the object of this? After he has stormed and raged till he
hopes and imagines he has got us a little scared he wishes to softly
whisper in our ears, "If you'll quit I will." If he could get us to say
that some unknown, undefined being had slipped the assignment into our
hands without our knowledge, not a doubt remains but that he would
immediately discover that we were the purest men on earth. This is the
ground he evidently wishes us to understand he is willing to compromise
upon. But we ask no such charity at his hands. We are neither mistaken nor
imposed upon. We have made the statements we have because we know them to
be true and we choose to live or die by them.
</p>
<p>
Esq. Carter, who is Adams's friend, personal and political, will
recollect, that, on the 5th of this month, he (Adams), with a great
affectation of modesty, declared that he would never introduce his own
child as a witness. Notwithstanding this affectation of modesty, he has in
his present publication introduced his child as witness; and as if to show
with how much contempt he could treat his own declaration, he has had this
same Esq. Carter to administer the oath to him. And so important a witness
does he consider him, and so entirely does the whole of his entire present
production depend upon the testimony of his child, that in it he has
mentioned "my son," "my son Lucian," "Lucian, my son," and the like
expressions no less than fifteen different times. Let it be remembered
here, that I have shown the affidavit of "my darling son Lucian" to be
false by the evidence apparent on its own face; and I now ask if that
affidavit be taken away what foundation will the fabric have left to stand
upon?
</p>
<p>
General Adams's publications and out-door maneuvering, taken in connection
with the editorial articles of the Republican, are not more foolish and
contradictory than they are ludicrous and amusing. One week the Republican
notifies the public that Gen. Adams is preparing an instrument that will
tear, rend, split, rive, blow up, confound, overwhelm, annihilate,
extinguish, exterminate, burst asunder, and grind to powder all its
slanderers, and particularly Talbott and Lincoln—all of which is to
be done in due time.
</p>
<p>
Then for two or three weeks all is calm—not a word said. Again the
Republican comes forth with a mere passing remark that "public" opinion
has decided in favor of Gen. Adams, and intimates that he will give
himself no more trouble about the matter. In the meantime Adams himself is
prowling about and, as Burns says of the devil, "For prey, and holes and
corners tryin'," and in one instance goes so far as to take an old
acquaintance of mine several steps from a crowd and, apparently weighed
down with the importance of his business, gravely and solemnly asks him if
"he ever heard Lincoln say he was a deist."
</p>
<p>
Anon the Republican comes again. "We invite the attention of the public to
General Adams's communication," &c. "The victory is a great one, the
triumph is overwhelming." I really believe the editor of the Illinois
Republican is fool enough to think General Adams leads off—"Authors
most egregiously mistaken &c. Most woefully shall their presumption be
punished," &c. (Lord have mercy on us.) "The hour is yet to come, yea,
nigh at hand—(how long first do you reckon?)—when the Journal
and its junto shall say, I have appeared too early." "Their infamy shall
be laid bare to the public gaze." Suddenly the General appears to relent
at the severity with which he is treating us and he exclaims: "The
condemnation of my enemies is the inevitable result of my own defense."
For your health's sake, dear Gen., do not permit your tenderness of heart
to afflict you so much on our account. For some reason (perhaps because we
are killed so quickly) we shall never be sensible of our suffering.
</p>
<p>
Farewell, General. I will see you again at court if not before—when
and where we will settle the question whether you or the widow shall have
the land.
</p>
<p>
A. LINCOLN. October 18, 1837.
</p>
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1838
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<h2>
TO Mrs. O. H. BROWNING—A FARCE
</h2>
<h3>
SPRINGFIELD, April 1, 1838.
</h3>
<p>
DEAR MADAM:—Without apologizing for being egotistical, I shall make
the history of so much of my life as has elapsed since I saw you the
subject of this letter. And, by the way, I now discover that, in order to
give a full and intelligible account of the things I have done and
suffered since I saw you, I shall necessarily have to relate some that
happened before.
</p>
<p>
It was, then, in the autumn of 1836 that a married lady of my
acquaintance, and who was a great friend of mine, being about to pay a
visit to her father and other relatives residing in Kentucky, proposed to
me that on her return she would bring a sister of hers with her on
condition that I would engage to become her brother-in-law with all
convenient despatch. I, of course, accepted the proposal, for you know I
could not have done otherwise had I really been averse to it; but
privately, between you and me, I was most confoundedly well pleased with
the project. I had seen the said sister some three years before, thought
her intelligent and agreeable, and saw no good objection to plodding life
through hand in hand with her. Time passed on; the lady took her journey
and in due time returned, sister in company, sure enough. This astonished
me a little, for it appeared to me that her coming so readily showed that
she was a trifle too willing, but on reflection it occurred to me that she
might have been prevailed on by her married sister to come without
anything concerning me ever having been mentioned to her, and so I
concluded that if no other objection presented itself, I would consent to
waive this. All this occurred to me on hearing of her arrival in the
neighborhood—for, be it remembered, I had not yet seen her, except
about three years previous, as above mentioned. In a few days we had an
interview, and, although I had seen her before, she did not look as my
imagination had pictured her. I knew she was over-size, but she now
appeared a fair match for Falstaff. I knew she was called an "old maid,"
and I felt no doubt of the truth of at least half of the appellation, but
now, when I beheld her, I could not for my life avoid thinking of my
mother; and this, not from withered features,—for her skin was too
full of fat to permit of its contracting into wrinkles,—but from her
want of teeth, weather-beaten appearance in general, and from a kind of
notion that ran in my head that nothing could have commenced at the size
of infancy and reached her present bulk in less than thirty-five or forty
years; and in short, I was not at all pleased with her. But what could I
do? I had told her sister that I would take her for better or for worse,
and I made a point of honor and conscience in all things to stick to my
word especially if others had been induced to act on it which in this case
I had no doubt they had, for I was now fairly convinced that no other man
on earth would have her, and hence the conclusion that they were bent on
holding me to my bargain.
</p>
<p>
"Well," thought I, "I have said it, and, be the consequences what they
may, it shall not be my fault if I fail to do it." At once I determined to
consider her my wife; and, this done, all my powers of discovery were put
to work in search of perfections in her which might be fairly set off
against her defects. I tried to imagine her handsome, which, but for her
unfortunate corpulency, was actually true. Exclusive of this no woman that
I have ever seen has a finer face. I also tried to convince myself that
the mind was much more to be valued than the person; and in this she was
not inferior, as I could discover, to any with whom I had been acquainted.
</p>
<p>
Shortly after this, without coming to any positive understanding with her,
I set out for Vandalia, when and where you first saw me. During my stay
there I had letters from her which did not change my opinion of either her
intellect or intention, but on the contrary confirmed it in both.
</p>
<p>
All this while, although I was fixed, "firm as the surge-repelling rock,"
in my resolution, I found I was continually repenting the rashness which
had led me to make it. Through life, I have been in no bondage, either
real or imaginary, from the thraldom of which I so much desired to be
free. After my return home, I saw nothing to change my opinions of her in
any particular. She was the same, and so was I. I now spent my time in
planning how I might get along through life after my contemplated change
of circumstances should have taken place, and how I might procrastinate
the evil day for a time, which I really dreaded as much, perhaps more,
than an Irishman does the halter.
</p>
<p>
After all my suffering upon this deeply interesting subject, here I am,
wholly, unexpectedly, completely, out of the "scrape"; and now I want to
know if you can guess how I got out of it——out, clear, in
every sense of the term; no violation of word, honor, or conscience. I
don't believe you can guess, and so I might as well tell you at once. As
the lawyer says, it was done in the manner following, to wit: After I had
delayed the matter as long as I thought I could in honor do (which, by the
way, had brought me round into the last fall), I concluded I might as well
bring it to a consummation without further delay; and so I mustered my
resolution, and made the proposal to her direct; but, shocking to relate,
she answered, No. At first I supposed she did it through an affectation of
modesty, which I thought but ill became her under the peculiar
circumstances of her case; but on my renewal of the charge, I found she
repelled it with greater firmness than before. I tried it again and again
but with the same success, or rather with the same want of success.
</p>
<p>
I finally was forced to give it up; at which I very unexpectedly found
myself mortified almost beyond endurance. I was mortified, it seemed to
me, in a hundred different ways. My vanity was deeply wounded by the
reflection that I had been too stupid to discover her intentions, and at
the same time never doubting that I understood them perfectly, and also
that she, whom I had taught myself to believe nobody else would have, had
actually rejected me with all my fancied greatness. And, to cap the whole,
I then for the first time began to suspect that I was really a little in
love with her. But let it all go. I'll try and outlive it. Others have
been made fools of by the girls, but this can never with truth be said of
me. I most emphatically in this instance, made a fool of myself. I have
now come to the conclusion never again to think of marrying, and for this
reason: I can never be satisfied with any one who would be blockhead
enough to have me.
</p>
<p>
When you receive this, write me a long yarn about something to amuse me.
Give my respects to Mr. Browning.
</p>
<p>
Your sincere friend, A. LINCOLN.
</p>
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1839
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<h2>
REMARKS ON SALE OF PUBLIC LANDS
</h2>
<h3>
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, January 17, 1839.
</h3>
<p>
Mr. Lincoln, from Committee on Finance, to which the subject was referred,
made a report on the subject of purchasing of the United States all the
unsold lands lying within the limits of the State of Illinois, accompanied
by resolutions that this State propose to purchase all unsold lands at
twenty-five cents per acre, and pledging the faith of the State to carry
the proposal into effect if the government accept the same within two
years.
</p>
<p>
Mr. Lincoln thought the resolutions ought to be seriously considered. In
reply to the gentleman from Adams, he said that it was not to enrich the
State. The price of the lands may be raised, it was thought by some; by
others, that it would be reduced. The conclusion in his mind was that the
representatives in this Legislature from the country in which the lands
lie would be opposed to raising the price, because it would operate
against the settlement of the lands. He referred to the lands in the
military tract. They had fallen into the hands of large speculators in
consequence of the low price. He was opposed to a low price of land. He
thought it was adverse to the interests of the poor settler, because
speculators buy them up. He was opposed to a reduction of the price of
public lands.
</p>
<p>
Mr. Lincoln referred to some official documents emanating from Indiana,
and compared the progressive population of the two States. Illinois had
gained upon that State under the public land system as it is. His
conclusion was that ten years from this time Illinois would have no more
public land unsold than Indiana now has. He referred also to Ohio. That
State had sold nearly all her public lands. She was but twenty years ahead
of us, and as our lands were equally salable—more so, as he
maintained—we should have no more twenty years from now than she has
at present.
</p>
<p>
Mr. Lincoln referred to the canal lands, and supposed that the policy of
the State would be different in regard to them, if the representatives
from that section of country could themselves choose the policy; but the
representatives from other parts of the State had a veto upon it, and
regulated the policy. He thought that if the State had all the lands, the
policy of the Legislature would be more liberal to all sections.
</p>
<p>
He referred to the policy of the General Government. He thought that if
the national debt had not been paid, the expenses of the government would
not have doubled, as they had done since that debt was paid.
</p>
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<h2>
TO ——— ROW.
</h2>
<h3>
SPRINGFIELD, June 11, 1839 DEAR ROW:
</h3>
<p>
Mr. Redman informs me that you wish me to write you the particulars of a
conversation between Dr. Felix and myself relative to you. The Dr.
overtook me between Rushville and Beardstown.
</p>
<p>
He, after learning that I had lived at Springfield, asked if I was
acquainted with you. I told him I was. He said you had lately been elected
constable in Adams, but that you never would be again. I asked him why. He
said the people there had found out that you had been sheriff or deputy
sheriff in Sangamon County, and that you came off and left your securities
to suffer. He then asked me if I did not know such to be the fact. I told
him I did not think you had ever been sheriff or deputy sheriff in
Sangamon, but that I thought you had been constable. I further told him
that if you had left your securities to suffer in that or any other case,
I had never heard of it, and that if it had been so, I thought I would
have heard of it.
</p>
<p>
If the Dr. is telling that I told him anything against you whatever, I
authorize you to contradict it flatly. We have no news here.
</p>
<p>
Your friend, as ever, A. LINCOLN.
</p>
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<h2>
SPEECH ON NATIONAL BANK
</h2>
<h3>
IN THE HALL OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
</h3>
<p>
SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 20, 1839.
</p>
<p>
FELLOW-CITIZENS:—It is peculiarly embarrassing to me to attempt a
continuance of the discussion, on this evening, which has been conducted
in this hall on several preceding ones. It is so because on each of those
evenings there was a much fuller attendance than now, without any reason
for its being so, except the greater interest the community feel in the
speakers who addressed them then than they do in him who is to do so now.
I am, indeed, apprehensive that the few who have attended have done so
more to spare me mortification than in the hope of being interested in
anything I may be able to say. This circumstance casts a damp upon my
spirits, which I am sure I shall be unable to overcome during the evening.
But enough of preface.
</p>
<p>
The subject heretofore and now to be discussed is the subtreasury scheme
of the present administration, as a means of collecting, safe-keeping,
transferring, and disbursing, the revenues of the nation, as contrasted
with a national bank for the same purposes. Mr. Douglas has said that we
(the Whigs) have not dared to meet them (the Locos) in argument on this
question. I protest against this assertion. I assert that we have again
and again, during this discussion, urged facts and arguments against the
subtreasury which they have neither dared to deny nor attempted to answer.
But lest some may be led to believe that we really wish to avoid the
question, I now propose, in my humble way, to urge those arguments again;
at the same time begging the audience to mark well the positions I shall
take and the proof I shall offer to sustain them, and that they will not
again permit Mr. Douglas or his friends to escape the force of them by a
round and groundless assertion that we "dare not meet them in argument."
</p>
<p>
Of the subtreasury, then, as contrasted with a national bank for the
before-enumerated purposes, I lay down the following propositions, to wit:
(1) It will injuriously affect the community by its operation on the
circulating medium. (2) It will be a more expensive fiscal agent. (3) It
will be a less secure depository of the public money. To show the truth of
the first proposition, let us take a short review of our condition under
the operation of a national bank. It was the depository of the public
revenues. Between the collection of those revenues and the disbursement of
them by the government, the bank was permitted to and did actually loan
them out to individuals, and hence the large amount of money actually
collected for revenue purposes, which by any other plan would have been
idle a great portion of the time, was kept almost constantly in
circulation. Any person who will reflect that money is only valuable while
in circulation will readily perceive that any device which will keep the
government revenues in constant circulation, instead of being locked up in
idleness, is no inconsiderable advantage. By the subtreasury the revenue
is to be collected and kept in iron boxes until the government wants it
for disbursement; thus robbing the people of the use of it, while the
government does not itself need it, and while the money is performing no
nobler office than that of rusting in iron boxes. The natural effect of
this change of policy, every one will see, is to reduce the quantity of
money in circulation. But, again, by the subtreasury scheme the revenue is
to be collected in specie. I anticipate that this will be disputed. I
expect to hear it said that it is not the policy of the administration to
collect the revenue in specie. If it shall, I reply that Mr. Van Buren, in
his message recommending the subtreasury, expended nearly a column of that
document in an attempt to persuade Congress to provide for the collection
of the revenue in specie exclusively; and he concludes with these words:
</p>
<p>
"It may be safely assumed that no motive of convenience to the citizens
requires the reception of bank paper." In addition to this, Mr. Silas
Wright, Senator from New York, and the political, personal and
confidential friend of Mr. Van Buren, drafted and introduced into the
Senate the first subtreasury bill, and that bill provided for ultimately
collecting the revenue in specie. It is true, I know, that that clause was
stricken from the bill, but it was done by the votes of the Whigs, aided
by a portion only of the Van Buren senators. No subtreasury bill has yet
become a law, though two or three have been considered by Congress, some
with and some without the specie clause; so that I admit there is room for
quibbling upon the question of whether the administration favor the
exclusive specie doctrine or not; but I take it that the fact that the
President at first urged the specie doctrine, and that under his
recommendation the first bill introduced embraced it, warrants us in
charging it as the policy of the party until their head as publicly
recants it as he at first espoused it. I repeat, then, that by the
subtreasury the revenue is to be collected in specie. Now mark what the
effect of this must be. By all estimates ever made there are but between
sixty and eighty millions of specie in the United States. The expenditures
of the Government for the year 1838—the last for which we have had
the report—were forty millions. Thus it is seen that if the whole
revenue be collected in specie, it will take more than half of all the
specie in the nation to do it. By this means more than half of all the
specie belonging to the fifteen millions of souls who compose the whole
population of the country is thrown into the hands of the public
office-holders, and other public creditors comprising in number perhaps
not more than one quarter of a million, leaving the other fourteen
millions and three quarters to get along as they best can, with less than
one half of the specie of the country, and whatever rags and shinplasters
they may be able to put, and keep, in circulation. By this means, every
office-holder and other public creditor may, and most likely will, set up
shaver; and a most glorious harvest will the specie-men have of it,—each
specie-man, upon a fair division, having to his share the fleecing of
about fifty-nine rag-men. In all candor let me ask, was such a system for
benefiting the few at the expense of the many ever before devised? And was
the sacred name of Democracy ever before made to indorse such an enormity
against the rights of the people?
</p>
<p>
I have already said that the subtreasury will reduce the quantity of money
in circulation. This position is strengthened by the recollection that the
revenue is to be collected in Specie, so that the mere amount of revenue
is not all that is withdrawn, but the amount of paper circulation that the
forty millions would serve as a basis to is withdrawn, which would be in a
sound state at least one hundred millions. When one hundred millions, or
more, of the circulation we now have shall be withdrawn, who can
contemplate without terror the distress, ruin, bankruptcy, and beggary
that must follow? The man who has purchased any article—say a horse—on
credit, at one hundred dollars, when there are two hundred millions
circulating in the country, if the quantity be reduced to one hundred
millions by the arrival of pay-day, will find the horse but sufficient to
pay half the debt; and the other half must either be paid out of his other
means, and thereby become a clear loss to him, or go unpaid, and thereby
become a clear loss to his creditor. What I have here said of a single
case of the purchase of a horse will hold good in every case of a debt
existing at the time a reduction in the quantity of money occurs, by
whomsoever, and for whatsoever, it may have been contracted. It may be
said that what the debtor loses the creditor gains by this operation; but
on examination this will be found true only to a very limited extent. It
is more generally true that all lose by it—the creditor by losing
more of his debts than he gains by the increased value of those he
collects; the debtor by either parting with more of his property to pay
his debts than he received in contracting them, or by entirely breaking up
his business, and thereby being thrown upon the world in idleness.
</p>
<p>
The general distress thus created will, to be sure, be temporary, because,
whatever change may occur in the quantity of money in any community, time
will adjust the derangement produced; but while that adjustment is
progressing, all suffer more or less, and very many lose everything that
renders life desirable. Why, then, shall we suffer a severe difficulty,
even though it be but temporary, unless we receive some equivalent for it?
</p>
<p>
What I have been saying as to the effect produced by a reduction of the
quantity of money relates to the whole country. I now propose to show that
it would produce a peculiar and permanent hardship upon the citizens of
those States and Territories in which the public lands lie. The
land-offices in those States and Territories, as all know, form the great
gulf by which all, or nearly all, the money in them is swallowed up. When
the quantity of money shall be reduced, and consequently everything under
individual control brought down in proportion, the price of those lands,
being fixed by law, will remain as now. Of necessity it will follow that
the produce or labor that now raises money sufficient to purchase eighty
acres will then raise but sufficient to purchase forty, or perhaps not
that much; and this difficulty and hardship will last as long, in some
degree, as any portion of these lands shall remain undisposed of. Knowing,
as I well do, the difficulty that poor people now encounter in procuring
homes, I hesitate not to say that when the price of the public lands shall
be doubled or trebled, or, which is the same thing, produce and labor cut
down to one half or one third of their present prices, it will be little
less than impossible for them to procure those homes at all....
</p>
<p>
Well, then, what did become of him? (Postmaster General Barry) Why, the
President immediately expressed his high disapprobation of his almost
unequaled incapacity and corruption by appointing him to a foreign
mission, with a salary and outfit of $18,000 a year! The party now attempt
to throw Barry off, and to avoid the responsibility of his sins. Did not
the President indorse those sins when, on the very heel of their
commission, he appointed their author to the very highest and most
honorable office in his gift, and which is but a single step behind the
very goal of American political ambition?
</p>
<p>
I return to another of Mr. Douglas's excuses for the expenditures of 1838,
at the same time announcing the pleasing intelligence that this is the
last one. He says that ten millions of that year's expenditure was a
contingent appropriation, to prosecute an anticipated war with Great
Britain on the Maine boundary question. Few words will settle this. First,
that the ten millions appropriated was not made till 1839, and
consequently could not have been expended in 1838; second, although it was
appropriated, it has never been expended at all. Those who heard Mr.
Douglas recollect that he indulged himself in a contemptuous expression of
pity for me. "Now he's got me," thought I. But when he went on to say that
five millions of the expenditure of 1838 were payments of the French
indemnities, which I knew to be untrue; that five millions had been for
the post-office, which I knew to be untrue; that ten millions had been for
the Maine boundary war, which I not only knew to be untrue, but supremely
ridiculous also; and when I saw that he was stupid enough to hope that I
would permit such groundless and audacious assertions to go unexposed,—I
readily consented that, on the score both of veracity and sagacity, the
audience should judge whether he or I were the more deserving of the
world's contempt.
</p>
<p>
Mr. Lamborn insists that the difference between the Van Buren party and
the Whigs is that, although the former sometimes err in practice, they are
always correct in principle, whereas the latter are wrong in principle;
and, better to impress this proposition, he uses a figurative expression
in these words: "The Democrats are vulnerable in the heel, but they are
sound in the head and the heart." The first branch of the figure—that
is, that the Democrats are vulnerable in the heel—I admit is not
merely figuratively, but literally true. Who that looks but for a moment
at their Swartwouts, their Prices, their Harringtons, and their hundreds
of others, scampering away with the public money to Texas, to Europe, and
to every spot of the earth where a villain may hope to find refuge from
justice, can at all doubt that they are most distressingly affected in
their heels with a species of "running itch"? It seems that this malady of
their heels operates on these sound-headed and honest-hearted creatures
very much like the cork leg in the comic song did on its owner: which,
when he had once got started on it, the more he tried to stop it, the more
it would run away. At the hazard of wearing this point threadbare, I will
relate an anecdote which seems too strikingly in point to be omitted. A
witty Irish soldier, who was always boasting of his bravery when no danger
was near, but who invariably retreated without orders at the first charge
of an engagement, being asked by his captain why he did so, replied:
"Captain, I have as brave a heart as Julius Caesar ever had; but, somehow
or other, whenever danger approaches, my cowardly legs will run away with
it." So with Mr. Lamborn's party. They take the public money into their
hand for the most laudable purpose that wise heads and honest hearts can
dictate; but before they can possibly get it out again, their rascally
"vulnerable heels" will run away with them.
</p>
<p>
Seriously this proposition of Mr. Lamborn is nothing more or less than a
request that his party may be tried by their professions instead of their
practices. Perhaps no position that the party assumes is more liable to or
more deserving of exposure than this very modest request; and nothing but
the unwarrantable length to which I have already extended these remarks
forbids me now attempting to expose it. For the reason given, I pass it
by.
</p>
<p>
I shall advert to but one more point. Mr. Lamborn refers to the late
elections in the States, and from their results confidently predicts that
every State in the Union will vote for Mr. Van Buren at the next
Presidential election. Address that argument to cowards and to knaves;
with the free and the brave it will effect nothing. It may be true; if it
must, let it. Many free countries have lost their liberty, and ours may
lose hers; but if she shall, be it my proudest plume, not that I was the
last to desert, but that I never deserted her. I know that the great
volcano at Washington, aroused and directed by the evil spirit that reigns
there, is belching forth the lava of political corruption in a current
broad and deep, which is sweeping with frightful velocity over the whole
length and breadth of the land, bidding fair to leave unscathed no green
spot or living thing; while on its bosom are riding, like demons on the
waves of hell, the imps of that evil spirit, and fiendishly taunting all
those who dare resist its destroying course with the hopelessness of their
effort; and, knowing this, I cannot deny that all may be swept away.
Broken by it I, too, may be; bow to it I never will. The probability that
we may fall in the struggle ought not to deter us from the support of a
cause we believe to be just; it shall not deter me. If ever I feel the
soul within me elevate and expand to those dimensions not wholly unworthy
of its almighty Architect, it is when I contemplate the cause of my
country deserted by all the world beside, and I standing up boldly and
alone, and hurling defiance at her victorious oppressors. Here, without
contemplating consequences, before high heaven and in the face of the
world, I swear eternal fidelity to the just cause, as I deem it, of the
land of my life, my liberty, and my love. And who that thinks with me will
not fearlessly adopt the oath that I take? Let none falter who thinks he
is right, and we may succeed. But if, after all, we shall fail, be it so.
We still shall have the proud consolation of saying to our consciences,
and to the departed shade of our country's freedom, that the cause
approved of our judgment, and adored of our hearts, in disaster, in
chains, in torture, in death, we never faltered in defending.
</p>
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<h2>
TO JOHN T. STUART.
</h2>
<h3>
SPRINGFIELD, December 23, 1839.
</h3>
<p>
DEAR STUART:
</p>
<p>
Dr. Henry will write you all the political news. I write this about some
little matters of business. You recollect you told me you had drawn the
Chicago Masark money, and sent it to the claimants. A hawk-billed Yankee
is here besetting me at every turn I take, saying that Robert Kinzie never
received the eighty dollars to which he was entitled. Can you tell me
anything about the matter? Again, old Mr. Wright, who lives up South Fork
somewhere, is teasing me continually about some deeds which he says he
left with you, but which I can find nothing of. Can you tell me where they
are? The Legislature is in session and has suffered the bank to forfeit
its charter without benefit of clergy. There seems to be little
disposition to resuscitate it.
</p>
<p>
Whenever a letter comes from you to Mrs.____________ I carry it to her,
and then I see Betty; she is a tolerable nice "fellow" now. Maybe I will
write again when I get more time.
</p>
<p>
Your friend as ever, A. LINCOLN
</p>
<p>
P. S.—The Democratic giant is here, but he is not much worth talking
about. A.L.
</p>
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<h2>
1840
</h2>
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<h2>
CIRCULAR FROM WHIG COMMITTEE.
</h2>
<h3>
Confidential.
</h3>
<p>
January [1?], 1840.
</p>
<p>
To MESSRS ———
</p>
<p>
GENTLEMEN:—In obedience to a resolution of the Whig State
convention, we have appointed you the Central Whig Committee of your
county. The trust confided to you will be one of watchfulness and labor;
but we hope the glory of having contributed to the overthrow of the
corrupt powers that now control our beloved country will be a sufficient
reward for the time and labor you will devote to it. Our Whig brethren
throughout the Union have met in convention, and after due deliberation
and mutual concessions have elected candidates for the Presidency and
Vice-Presidency not only worthy of our cause, but worthy of the support of
every true patriot who would have our country redeemed, and her
institutions honestly and faithfully administered. To overthrow the
trained bands that are opposed to us whose salaried officers are ever on
the watch, and whose misguided followers are ever ready to obey their
smallest commands, every Whig must not only know his duty, but must firmly
resolve, whatever of time and labor it may cost, boldly and faithfully to
do it. Our intention is to organize the whole State, so that every Whig
can be brought to the polls in the coming Presidential contest. We cannot
do this, however, without your co-operation; and as we do our duty, so we
shall expect you to do yours. After due deliberation, the following is the
plan of organization, and the duties required of each county committee:
</p>
<p>
(1) To divide their county into small districts, and to appoint in each a
subcommittee, whose duty it shall be to make a perfect list of all the
voters in their respective districts, and to ascertain with certainty for
whom they will vote. If they meet with men who are doubtful as to the man
they will support, such voters should be designated in separate lines,
with the name of the man they will probably support.
</p>
<p>
(2) It will be the duty of said subcommittee to keep a constant watch on
the doubtful voters, and from time to time have them talked to by those in
whom they have the most confidence, and also to place in their hands such
documents as will enlighten and influence them.
</p>
<p>
(3) It will also be their duty to report to you, at least once a month,
the progress they are making, and on election days see that every Whig is
brought to the polls.
</p>
<p>
(4) The subcommittees should be appointed immediately; and by the last of
April, at least, they should make their first report.
</p>
<p>
(5) On the first of each month hereafter we shall expect to hear from you.
After the first report of your subcommittees, unless there should be found
a great many doubtful voters, you can tell pretty accurately the manner in
which your county will vote. In each of your letters to us, you will state
the number of certain votes both for and against us, as well as the number
of doubtful votes, with your opinion of the manner in which they will be
cast.
</p>
<p>
(6) When we have heard from all the counties, we shall be able to tell
with similar accuracy the political complexion of the State. This
information will be forwarded to you as soon as received.
</p>
<p>
(7) Inclosed is a prospectus for a newspaper to be continued until after
the Presidential election. It will be superintended by ourselves, and
every Whig in the State must take it. It will be published so low that
every one can afford it. You must raise a fund and forward us for extra
copies,—every county ought to send—fifty or one hundred
dollars,—and the copies will be forwarded to you for distribution
among our political opponents. The paper will be devoted exclusively to
the great cause in which we are engaged. Procure subscriptions, and
forward them to us immediately.
</p>
<p>
(8) Immediately after any election in your county, you must inform us of
its results; and as early as possible after any general election we will
give you the like information.
</p>
<p>
(9) A senator in Congress is to be elected by our next Legislature. Let no
local interests divide you, but select candidates that can succeed.
</p>
<p>
(10) Our plan of operations will of course be concealed from every one
except our good friends who of right ought to know them.
</p>
<p>
Trusting much in our good cause, the strength of our candidates, and the
determination of the Whigs everywhere to do their duty, we go to the work
of organization in this State confident of success. We have the numbers,
and if properly organized and exerted, with the gallant Harrison at our
head, we shall meet our foes and conquer them in all parts of the Union.
</p>
<p>
Address your letters to Dr. A. G. Henry, R. F, Barrett; A. Lincoln, E. D.
Baker, J. F. Speed.
</p>
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<h2>
TO JOHN T. STUART.
</h2>
<h3>
SPRINGFIELD, March 1, 1840
</h3>
<p>
DEAR STUART:
</p>
<p>
I have never seen the prospects of our party so bright in these parts as
they are now. We shall carry this county by a larger majority than we did
in 1836, when you ran against May. I do not think my prospects,
individually, are very flattering, for I think it probable I shall not be
permitted to be a candidate; but the party ticket will succeed
triumphantly. Subscriptions to the "Old Soldier" pour in without
abatement. This morning I took from the post office a letter from Dubois
enclosing the names of sixty subscribers, and on carrying it to Francis I
found he had received one hundred and forty more from other quarters by
the same day's mail. That is but an average specimen of every day's
receipts. Yesterday Douglas, having chosen to consider himself insulted by
something in the Journal, undertook to cane Francis in the street. Francis
caught him by the hair and jammed him back against a market cart where the
matter ended by Francis being pulled away from him. The whole affair was
so ludicrous that Francis and everybody else (Douglass excepted) have been
laughing about it ever since.
</p>
<p>
I send you the names of some of the V.B. men who have come out for
Harrison about town, and suggest that you send them some documents.
</p>
<p>
Moses Coffman (he let us appoint him a delegate yesterday), Aaron Coffman,
George Gregory, H. M. Briggs, Johnson (at Birchall's Bookstore), Michael
Glyn, Armstrong (not Hosea nor Hugh, but a carpenter), Thomas Hunter,
Moses Pileher (he was always a Whig and deserves attention), Matthew
Crowder Jr., Greenberry Smith; John Fagan, George Fagan, William Fagan
(these three fell out with us about Early, and are doubtful now), John M.
Cartmel, Noah Rickard, John Rickard, Walter Marsh.
</p>
<p>
The foregoing should be addressed at Springfield.
</p>
<p>
Also send some to Solomon Miller and John Auth at Salisbury. Also to
Charles Harper, Samuel Harper, and B. C. Harper, and T. J. Scroggins, John
Scroggins at Pulaski, Logan County.
</p>
<p>
Speed says he wrote you what Jo Smith said about you as he passed here. We
will procure the names of some of his people here, and send them to you
before long. Speed also says you must not fail to send us the New York
Journal he wrote for some time since.
</p>
<p>
Evan Butler is jealous that you never send your compliments to him. You
must not neglect him next time.
</p>
<p>
Your friend, as ever, A. LINCOLN
</p>
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<h2>
RESOLUTION IN THE ILLINOIS LEGISLATURE.
</h2>
<h3>
November 28, 1840.
</h3>
<p>
In the Illinois House of Representatives, November 28, 1840, Mr. Lincoln
offered the following:
</p>
<p>
Resolved, That so much of the governor's message as relates to fraudulent
voting, and other fraudulent practices at elections, be referred to the
Committee on Elections, with instructions to said committee to prepare and
report to the House a bill for such an act as may in their judgment afford
the greatest possible protection of the elective franchise against all
frauds of all sorts whatever.
</p>
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<h2>
RESOLUTION IN THE ILLINOIS LEGISLATURE.
</h2>
<h3>
December 2, 1840.
</h3>
<p>
Resolved, That the Committee on Education be instructed to inquire into
the expediency of providing by law for the examination as to the
qualification of persons offering themselves as school teachers, that no
teacher shall receive any part of the public school fund who shall not
have successfully passed such examination, and that they report by bill or
otherwise.
</p>
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<h2>
REMARKS IN THE ILLINOIS LEGISLATURE.
</h2>
<h3>
December 4, 1840
</h3>
<p>
In the House of Representatives, Illinois, December 4, 1840, on
presentation of a report respecting petition of H. N. Purple, claiming the
seat of Mr. Phelps from Peoria, Mr. Lincoln moved that the House resolve
itself into Committee of the Whole on the question, and take it up
immediately. Mr. Lincoln considered the question of the highest importance
whether an individual had a right to sit in this House or not. The course
he should propose would be to take up the evidence and decide upon the
facts seriatim.
</p>
<p>
Mr. Drummond wanted time; they could not decide in the heat of debate,
etc.
</p>
<p>
Mr. Lincoln thought that the question had better be gone into now. In
courts of law jurors were required to decide on evidence, without previous
study or examination. They were required to know nothing of the subject
until the evidence was laid before them for their immediate decision. He
thought that the heat of party would be augmented by delay.
</p>
<p>
The Speaker called Mr. Lincoln to order as being irrelevant; no mention
had been made of party heat.
</p>
<p>
Mr. Drummond said he had only spoken of debate. Mr. Lincoln asked what
caused the heat, if it was not party? Mr. Lincoln concluded by urging that
the question would be decided now better than hereafter, and he thought
with less heat and excitement.
</p>
<p>
(Further debate, in which Lincoln participated.)
</p>
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<h2>
REMARKS IN THE ILLINOIS LEGISLATURE.
</h2>
<h3>
December 4, 1840.
</h3>
<p>
In the Illinois House of Representatives, December 4, 1840, House in
Committee of the Whole on the bill providing for payment of interest on
the State debt,—Mr. Lincoln moved to strike out the body and
amendments of the bill, and insert in lieu thereof an amendment which in
substance was that the governor be authorized to issue bonds for the
payment of the interest; that these be called "interest bonds"; that the
taxes accruing on Congress lands as they become taxable be irrevocably set
aside and devoted as a fund to the payment of the interest bonds. Mr.
Lincoln went into the reasons which appeared to him to render this plan
preferable to that of hypothecating the State bonds. By this course we
could get along till the next meeting of the Legislature, which was of
great importance. To the objection which might be urged that these
interest bonds could not be cashed, he replied that if our other bonds
could, much more could these, which offered a perfect security, a fund
being irrevocably set aside to provide for their redemption. To another
objection, that we should be paying compound interest, he would reply that
the rapid growth and increase of our resources was in so great a ratio as
to outstrip the difficulty; that his object was to do the best that could
be done in the present emergency. All agreed that the faith of the State
must be preserved; this plan appeared to him preferable to a hypothecation
of bonds, which would have to be redeemed and the interest paid. How this
was to be done, he could not see; therefore he had, after turning the
matter over in every way, devised this measure, which would carry us on
till the next Legislature.
</p>
<p>
(Mr. Lincoln spoke at some length, advocating his measure.)
</p>
<p>
Lincoln advocated his measure, December 11, 1840.
</p>
<p>
December 12, 1840, he had thought some permanent provision ought to be
made for the bonds to be hypothecated, but was satisfied taxation and
revenue could not be connected with it now.
</p>
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<h2>
1841
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<h2>
TO JOHN T. STUART—ON DEPRESSION
</h2>
<h3>
SPRINGFIELD, Jan 23, 1841
</h3>
<p>
DEAR STUART: I am now the most miserable man living. If what I feel were
equally distributed to the whole human family, there would not be one
cheerful face on earth. Whether I shall ever be better, I cannot tell; I
awfully forbode I shall not. To remain as I am is impossible. I must die
or be better, as it appears to me.... I fear I shall be unable to attend
any business here, and a change of scene might help me. If I could be
myself, I would rather remain at home with Judge Logan. I can write no
more.
</p>
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<h2>
REMARKS IN THE ILLINOIS LEGISLATURE.
</h2>
<h3>
January 23, 1841
</h3>
<p>
In the House of Representatives January 23, 1841, while discussing the
continuation of the Illinois and Michigan Canal, Mr. Moore was afraid the
holders of the "scrip" would lose.
</p>
<p>
Mr. Napier thought there was no danger of that; and Mr. Lincoln said he
had not examined to see what amount of scrip would probably be needed. The
principal point in his mind was this, that nobody was obliged to take
these certificates. It is altogether voluntary on their part, and if they
apprehend it will fall in their hands they will not take it. Further the
loss, if any there be, will fall on the citizens of that section of the
country.
</p>
<p>
This scrip is not going to circulate over an extensive range of country,
but will be confined chiefly to the vicinity of the canal. Now, we find
the representatives of that section of the country are all in favor of the
bill.
</p>
<p>
When we propose to protect their interests, they say to us: Leave us to
take care of ourselves; we are willing to run the risk. And this is
reasonable; we must suppose they are competent to protect their own
interests, and it is only fair to let them do it.
</p>
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<h2>
CIRCULAR FROM WHIG COMMITTEE.
</h2>
<h3>
February 9, 1841.
</h3>
<p>
Appeal to the People of the State of Illinois.
</p>
<p>
FELLOW-CITIZENS:—When the General Assembly, now about adjourning,
assembled in November last, from the bankrupt state of the public
treasury, the pecuniary embarrassments prevailing in every department of
society, the dilapidated state of the public works, and the impending
danger of the degradation of the State, you had a right to expect that
your representatives would lose no time in devising and adopting measures
to avert threatened calamities, alleviate the distresses of the people,
and allay the fearful apprehensions in regard to the future prosperity of
the State. It was not expected by you that the spirit of party would take
the lead in the councils of the State, and make every interest bend to its
demands. Nor was it expected that any party would assume to itself the
entire control of legislation, and convert the means and offices of the
State, and the substance of the people, into aliment for party
subsistence. Neither could it have been expected by you that party spirit,
however strong its desires and unreasonable its demands, would have passed
the sanctuary of the Constitution, and entered with its unhallowed and
hideous form into the formation of the judiciary system.
</p>
<p>
At the early period of the session, measures were adopted by the dominant
party to take possession of the State, to fill all public offices with
party men, and make every measure affecting the interests of the people
and the credit of the State operate in furtherance of their party views.
The merits of men and measures therefore became the subject of discussion
in caucus, instead of the halls of legislation, and decisions there made
by a minority of the Legislature have been executed and carried into
effect by the force of party discipline, without any regard whatever to
the rights of the people or the interests of the State. The Supreme Court
of the State was organized, and judges appointed, according to the
provisions of the Constitution, in 1824. The people have never complained
of the organization of that court; no attempt has ever before been made to
change that department. Respect for public opinion, and regard for the
rights and liberties of the people, have hitherto restrained the spirit of
party from attacks upon the independence and integrity of the judiciary.
The same judges have continued in office since 1824; their decisions have
not been the subject of complaint among the people; the integrity and
honesty of the court have not been questioned, and it has never been
supposed that the court has ever permitted party prejudice or party
considerations to operate upon their decisions. The court was made to
consist of four judges, and by the Constitution two form a quorum for the
transaction of business. With this tribunal, thus constituted, the people
have been satisfied for near sixteen years. The same law which organized
the Supreme Court in 1824 also established and organized circuit courts to
be held in each county in the State, and five circuit judges were
appointed to hold those courts. In 1826 the Legislature abolished these
circuit courts, repealed the judges out of office, and required the judges
of the Supreme Court to hold the circuit courts. The reasons assigned for
this change were, first, that the business of the country could be better
attended to by the four judges of the Supreme Court than by the two sets
of judges; and, second, the state of the public treasury forbade the
employment of unnecessary officers. In 1828 a circuit was established
north of the Illinois River, in order to meet the wants of the people, and
a circuit judge was appointed to hold the courts in that circuit.
</p>
<p>
In 1834 the circuit-court system was again established throughout the
State, circuit judges appointed to hold the courts, and the judges of the
Supreme Court were relieved from the performance of circuit court duties.
The change was recommended by the then acting governor of the State,
General W. L. D. Ewing, in the following terms:
</p>
<p>
"The augmented population of the State, the multiplied number of organized
counties, as well as the increase of business in all, has long since
convinced every one conversant with this department of our government of
the indispensable necessity of an alteration in our judiciary system, and
the subject is therefore recommended to the earnest patriotic
consideration of the Legislature. The present system has never been exempt
from serious and weighty objections. The idea of appealing from the
circuit court to the same judges in the Supreme Court is recommended by
little hopes of redress to the injured party below. The duties of the
circuit, too, it may be added, consume one half of the year, leaving a
small and inadequate portion of time (when that required for domestic
purposes is deducted) to erect, in the decisions of the Supreme Court, a
judicial monument of legal learning and research, which the talent and
ability of the court might otherwise be entirely competent to."
</p>
<p>
With this organization of circuit courts the people have never complained.
The only complaints which we have heard have come from circuits which were
so large that the judges could not dispose of the business, and the
circuits in which Judges Pearson and Ralston lately presided.
</p>
<p>
Whilst the honor and credit of the State demanded legislation upon the
subject of the public debt, the canal, the unfinished public works, and
the embarrassments of the people, the judiciary stood upon a basis which
required no change—no legislative action. Yet the party in power,
neglecting every interest requiring legislative action, and wholly
disregarding the rights, wishes, and interests of the people, has, for the
unholy purpose of providing places for its partisans and supplying them
with large salaries, disorganized that department of the government.
Provision is made for the election of five party judges of the Supreme
Court, the proscription of four circuit judges, and the appointment of
party clerks in more than half the counties of the State. Men professing
respect for public opinion, and acknowledged to be leaders of the party,
have avowed in the halls of legislation that the change in the judiciary
was intended to produce political results favorable to their party and
party friends. The immutable principles of justice are to make way for
party interests, and the bonds of social order are to be rent in twain, in
order that a desperate faction may be sustained at the expense of the
people. The change proposed in the judiciary was supported upon grounds so
destructive to the institutions of the country, and so entirely at war
with the rights and liberties of the people, that the party could not
secure entire unanimity in its support, three Democrats of the Senate and
five of the House voting against the measure. They were unwilling to see
the temples of justice and the seats of independent judges occupied by the
tools of faction. The declarations of the party leaders, the selection of
party men for judges, and the total disregard for the public will in the
adoption of the measure, prove conclusively that the object has been not
reform, but destruction; not the advancement of the highest interests of
the State, but the predominance of party.
</p>
<p>
We cannot in this manner undertake to point out all the objections to this
party measure; we present you with those stated by the Council of Revision
upon returning the bill, and we ask for them a candid consideration.
</p>
<p>
Believing that the independence of the judiciary has been destroyed, that
hereafter our courts will be independent of the people, and entirely
dependent upon the Legislature; that our rights of property and liberty of
conscience can no longer be regarded as safe from the encroachments of
unconstitutional legislation; and knowing of no other remedy which can be
adopted consistently with the peace and good order of society, we call
upon you to avail yourselves of the opportunity afforded, and, at the next
general election, vote for a convention of the people.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
S. H. LITTLE,
E. D. BAKER,
J. J. HARDIN,
E. B. WEBS,
A. LINCOLN,
J. GILLESPIE,
Committee on behalf of the Whig members of the Legislature.
</pre>
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<h2>
AGAINST THE REORGANIZATION OF THE JUDICIARY.
</h2>
<h3>
EXTRACT FROM A PROTEST IN THE ILLINOIS LEGISLATURE
</h3>
<p>
February 26, 1841
</p>
<p>
For the reasons thus presented, and for others no less apparent, the
undersigned cannot assent to the passage of the bill, or permit it to
become a law, without this evidence of their disapprobation; and they now
protest against the reorganization of the judiciary, because—(1) It
violates the great principles of free government by subjecting the
judiciary to the Legislature. (2) It is a fatal blow at the independence
of the judges and the constitutional term of their office. (3) It is a
measure not asked for, or wished for, by the people. (4) It will greatly
increase the expense of our courts, or else greatly diminish their
utility. (5) It will give our courts a political and partisan character,
thereby impairing public confidence in their decisions. (6) It will impair
our standing with other States and the world. (7)It is a party measure for
party purposes, from which no practical good to the people can possibly
arise, but which may be the source of immeasurable evils.
</p>
<p>
The undersigned are well aware that this protest will be altogether
unavailing with the majority of this body. The blow has already fallen,
and we are compelled to stand by, the mournful spectators of the ruin it
will cause.
</p>
<p>
[Signed by 35 members, among whom was Abraham Lincoln.]
</p>
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<h2>
TO JOSHUA F. SPEED—MURDER CASE
</h2>
<h3>
SPRINGFIELD June 19, 1841.
</h3>
<p>
DEAR SPEED:—We have had the highest state of excitement here for a
week past that our community has ever witnessed; and, although the public
feeling is somewhat allayed, the curious affair which aroused it is very
far from being even yet cleared of mystery. It would take a quire of paper
to give you anything like a full account of it, and I therefore only
propose a brief outline. The chief personages in the drama are Archibald
Fisher, supposed to be murdered, and Archibald Trailor, Henry Trailor, and
William Trailor, supposed to have murdered him. The three Trailors are
brothers: the first, Arch., as you know, lives in town; the second, Henry,
in Clary's Grove; and the third, William, in Warren County; and Fisher,
the supposed murdered, being without a family, had made his home with
William. On Saturday evening, being the 29th of May, Fisher and William
came to Henry's in a one-horse dearborn, and there stayed over Sunday; and
on Monday all three came to Springfield (Henry on horseback) and joined
Archibald at Myers's, the Dutch carpenter. That evening at supper Fisher
was missing, and so next morning some ineffectual search was made for him;
and on Tuesday, at one o'clock P.M., William and Henry started home
without him. In a day or two Henry and one or two of his Clary-Grove
neighbors came back for him again, and advertised his disappearance in the
papers. The knowledge of the matter thus far had not been general, and
here it dropped entirely, till about the 10th instant, when Keys received
a letter from the postmaster in Warren County, that William had arrived at
home, and was telling a very mysterious and improbable story about the
disappearance of Fisher, which induced the community there to suppose he
had been disposed of unfairly. Keys made this letter public, which
immediately set the whole town and adjoining county agog. And so it has
continued until yesterday. The mass of the people commenced a systematic
search for the dead body, while Wickersham was despatched to arrest Henry
Trailor at the Grove, and Jim Maxcy to Warren to arrest William. On Monday
last, Henry was brought in, and showed an evident inclination to insinuate
that he knew Fisher to be dead, and that Arch. and William had killed him.
He said he guessed the body could be found in Spring Creek, between the
Beardstown road and Hickox's mill. Away the people swept like a herd of
buffalo, and cut down Hickox's mill-dam nolens volens, to draw the water
out of the pond, and then went up and down and down and up the creek,
fishing and raking, and raking and ducking and diving for two days, and,
after all, no dead body found.
</p>
<p>
In the meantime a sort of scuffling-ground had been found in the brush in
the angle, or point, where the road leading into the woods past the
brewery and the one leading in past the brick-yard meet. From the
scuffle-ground was the sign of something about the size of a man having
been dragged to the edge of the thicket, where it joined the track of some
small-wheeled carriage drawn by one horse, as shown by the road-tracks.
The carriage-track led off toward Spring Creek. Near this drag-trail Dr.
Merryman found two hairs, which, after a long scientific examination, he
pronounced to be triangular human hairs, which term, he says, includes
within it the whiskers, the hair growing under the arms and on other parts
of the body; and he judged that these two were of the whiskers, because
the ends were cut, showing that they had flourished in the neighborhood of
the razor's operations. On Thursday last Jim Maxcy brought in William
Trailor from Warren. On the same day Arch. was arrested and put in jail.
Yesterday (Friday) William was put upon his examining trial before May and
Lovely. Archibald and Henry were both present. Lamborn prosecuted, and
Logan, Baker, and your humble servant defended. A great many witnesses
were introduced and examined, but I shall only mention those whose
testimony seemed most important. The first of these was Captain Ransdell.
He swore that when William and Henry left Springfield for home on Tuesday
before mentioned they did not take the direct route,—which, you
know, leads by the butcher shop,—but that they followed the street
north until they got opposite, or nearly opposite, May's new house, after
which he could not see them from where he stood; and it was afterwards
proved that in about an hour after they started, they came into the street
by the butcher shop from toward the brickyard. Dr. Merryman and others
swore to what is stated about the scuffle-ground, drag-trail, whiskers,
and carriage tracks. Henry was then introduced by the prosecution. He
swore that when they started for home they went out north, as Ransdell
stated, and turned down west by the brick-yard into the woods, and there
met Archibald; that they proceeded a small distance farther, when he was
placed as a sentinel to watch for and announce the approach of any one
that might happen that way; that William and Arch. took the dearborn out
of the road a small distance to the edge of the thicket, where they
stopped, and he saw them lift the body of a man into it; that they then
moved off with the carriage in the direction of Hickox's mill, and he
loitered about for something like an hour, when William returned with the
carriage, but without Arch., and said they had put him in a safe place;
that they went somehow he did not know exactly how—into the road
close to the brewery, and proceeded on to Clary's Grove. He also stated
that some time during the day William told him that he and Arch. had
killed Fisher the evening before; that the way they did it was by him
William knocking him down with a club, and Arch. then choking him to
death.
</p>
<p>
An old man from Warren, called Dr. Gilmore, was then introduced on the
part of the defense. He swore that he had known Fisher for several years;
that Fisher had resided at his house a long time at each of two different
spells—once while he built a barn for him, and once while he was
doctored for some chronic disease; that two or three years ago Fisher had
a serious hurt in his head by the bursting of a gun, since which he had
been subject to continued bad health and occasional aberration of mind. He
also stated that on last Tuesday, being the same day that Maxcy arrested
William Trailor, he (the doctor) was from home in the early part of the
day, and on his return, about eleven o'clock, found Fisher at his house in
bed, and apparently very unwell; that he asked him how he came from
Springfield; that Fisher said he had come by Peoria, and also told of
several other places he had been at more in the direction of Peoria, which
showed that he at the time of speaking did not know where he had been
wandering about in a state of derangement. He further stated that in about
two hours he received a note from one of Trailor's friends, advising him
of his arrest, and requesting him to go on to Springfield as a witness, to
testify as to the state of Fisher's health in former times; that he
immediately set off, calling up two of his neighbors as company, and,
riding all evening and all night, overtook Maxcy and William at Lewiston
in Fulton County; that Maxcy refusing to discharge Trailor upon his
statement, his two neighbors returned and he came on to Springfield. Some
question being made as to whether the doctor's story was not a
fabrication, several acquaintances of his (among whom was the same
postmaster who wrote Keys, as before mentioned) were introduced as sort of
compurgators, who swore that they knew the doctor to be of good character
for truth and veracity, and generally of good character in every way.
</p>
<p>
Here the testimony ended, and the Trailors were discharged, Arch. and
William expressing both in word and manner their entire confidence that
Fisher would be found alive at the doctor's by Galloway, Mallory, and
Myers, who a day before had been despatched for that purpose; which Henry
still protested that no power on earth could ever show Fisher alive. Thus
stands this curious affair. When the doctor's story was first made public,
it was amusing to scan and contemplate the countenances and hear the
remarks of those who had been actively in search for the dead body: some
looked quizzical, some melancholy, and some furiously angry. Porter, who
had been very active, swore he always knew the man was not dead, and that
he had not stirred an inch to hunt for him; Langford, who had taken the
lead in cutting down Hickox's mill-dam, and wanted to hang Hickox for
objecting, looked most awfully woebegone: he seemed the "victim of
unrequited affection," as represented in the comic almanacs we used to
laugh over; and Hart, the little drayman that hauled Molly home once, said
it was too damned bad to have so much trouble, and no hanging after all.
</p>
<p>
I commenced this letter on yesterday, since which I received yours of the
13th. I stick to my promise to come to Louisville. Nothing new here except
what I have written. I have not seen ______ since my last trip, and I am
going out there as soon as I mail this letter.
</p>
<p>
Yours forever, LINCOLN.
</p>
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<h2>
STATEMENT ABOUT HARRY WILTON.
</h2>
<h3>
June 25, 1841
</h3>
<p>
It having been charged in some of the public prints that Harry Wilton,
late United States marshal for the district of Illinois, had used his
office for political effect, in the appointment of deputies for the taking
of the census for the year 1840, we, the undersigned, were called upon by
Mr. Wilton to examine the papers in his possession relative to these
appointments, and to ascertain therefrom the correctness or incorrectness
of such charge. We accompanied Mr. Wilton to a room, and examined the
matter as fully as we could with the means afforded us. The only sources
of information bearing on the subject which were submitted to us were the
letters, etc., recommending and opposing the various appointments made,
and Mr. Wilton's verbal statements concerning the same. From these
letters, etc., it appears that in some instances appointments were made in
accordance with the recommendations of leading Whigs, and in opposition to
those of leading Democrats; among which instances the appointments at
Scott, Wayne, Madison, and Lawrence are the strongest. According to Mr.
Wilton's statement of the seventy-six appointments we examined, fifty-four
were of Democrats, eleven of Whigs, and eleven of unknown politics.
</p>
<p>
The chief ground of complaint against Mr. Wilton, as we had understood it,
was because of his appointment of so many Democratic candidates for the
Legislature, thus giving them a decided advantage over their Whig
opponents; and consequently our attention was directed rather particularly
to that point. We found that there were many such appointments, among
which were those in Tazewell, McLean, Iroquois, Coles, Menard, Wayne,
Washington, Fayette, etc.; and we did not learn that there was one
instance in which a Whig candidate for the Legislature had been appointed.
There was no written evidence before us showing us at what time those
appointments were made; but Mr. Wilton stated that they all with one
exception were made before those appointed became candidates for the
Legislature, and the letters, etc., recommending them all bear date
before, and most of them long before, those appointed were publicly
announced candidates.
</p>
<p>
We give the foregoing naked facts and draw no conclusions from them.
</p>
<p>
BEND. S. EDWARDS, A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0047" id="link2H_4_0047">
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<h2>
TO MISS MARY SPEED—PRACTICAL SLAVERY
</h2>
<h3>
BLOOMINGTON, ILL., September 27, 1841.
</h3>
<p>
Miss Mary Speed, Louisville, Ky.
</p>
<p>
MY FRIEND: By the way, a fine example was presented on board the boat for
contemplating the effect of condition upon human happiness. A gentleman
had purchased twelve negroes in different parts of Kentucky, and was
taking them to a farm in the South. They were chained six and six
together. A small iron clevis was around the left wrist of each, and this
fastened to the main chain by a shorter one, at a convenient distance from
the others, so that the negroes were strung together precisely like so
many fish upon a trotline. In this condition they were being separated
forever from the scenes of their childhood, their friends, their fathers
and mothers, and brothers and sisters, and many of them from their wives
and children, and going into perpetual slavery where the lash of the
master is proverbially more ruthless and unrelenting than any other; and
yet amid all these distressing circumstances, as we would think them, they
were the most cheerful and apparently happy creatures on board. One, whose
offence for which he had been sold was an overfondness for his wife,
played the fiddle almost continually, and the others danced, sang, cracked
jokes, and played various games with cards from day to day. How true it is
that 'God tempers the wind to the shorn lamb,' or in other words, that he
renders the worst of human conditions tolerable, while he permits the best
to be nothing better than tolerable. To return to the narrative: When we
reached Springfield I stayed but one day, when I started on this tedious
circuit where I now am. Do you remember my going to the city, while I was
in Kentucky, to have a tooth extracted, and making a failure of it? Well,
that same old tooth got to paining me so much that about a week since I
had it torn out, bringing with it a bit of the jawbone, the consequence of
which is that my mouth is now so sore that I can neither talk nor eat.
</p>
<p>
Your sincere friend, A. LINCOLN.
</p>
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<h2>
1842
</h2>
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<h2>
TO JOSHUA F. SPEED—ON MARRIAGE
</h2>
<h3>
January 30, 1842.
</h3>
<p>
MY DEAR SPEED:—Feeling, as you know I do, the deepest solicitude for
the success of the enterprise you are engaged in, I adopt this as the last
method I can adopt to aid you, in case (which God forbid!) you shall need
any aid. I do not place what I am going to say on paper because I can say
it better that way than I could by word of mouth, but, were I to say it
orally before we part, most likely you would forget it at the very time
when it might do you some good. As I think it reasonable that you will
feel very badly some time between this and the final consummation of your
purpose, it is intended that you shall read this just at such a time. Why
I say it is reasonable that you will feel very badly yet, is because of
three special causes added to the general one which I shall mention.
</p>
<p>
The general cause is, that you are naturally of a nervous temperament; and
this I say from what I have seen of you personally, and what you have told
me concerning your mother at various times, and concerning your brother
William at the time his wife died. The first special cause is your
exposure to bad weather on your journey, which my experience clearly
proves to be very severe on defective nerves. The second is the absence of
all business and conversation of friends, which might divert your mind,
give it occasional rest from the intensity of thought which will sometimes
wear the sweetest idea threadbare and turn it to the bitterness of death.
The third is the rapid and near approach of that crisis on which all your
thoughts and feelings concentrate.
</p>
<p>
If from all these causes you shall escape and go through triumphantly,
without another "twinge of the soul," I shall be most happily but most
egregiously deceived. If, on the contrary, you shall, as I expect you will
at sometime, be agonized and distressed, let me, who have some reason to
speak with judgment on such a subject, beseech you to ascribe it to the
causes I have mentioned, and not to some false and ruinous suggestion of
the Devil.
</p>
<p>
"But," you will say, "do not your causes apply to every one engaged in a
like undertaking?" By no means. The particular causes, to a greater or
less extent, perhaps do apply in all cases; but the general one,—nervous
debility, which is the key and conductor of all the particular ones, and
without which they would be utterly harmless,—though it does pertain
to you, does not pertain to one in a thousand. It is out of this that the
painful difference between you and the mass of the world springs.
</p>
<p>
I know what the painful point with you is at all times when you are
unhappy; it is an apprehension that you do not love her as you should.
What nonsense! How came you to court her? Was it because you thought she
deserved it, and that you had given her reason to expect it? If it was for
that why did not the same reason make you court Ann Todd, and at least
twenty others of whom you can think, and to whom it would apply with
greater force than to her? Did you court her for her wealth? Why, you know
she had none. But you say you reasoned yourself into it. What do you mean
by that? Was it not that you found yourself unable to reason yourself out
of it? Did you not think, and partly form the purpose, of courting her the
first time you ever saw her or heard of her? What had reason to do with it
at that early stage? There was nothing at that time for reason to work
upon. Whether she was moral, amiable, sensible, or even of good character,
you did not, nor could then know, except, perhaps, you might infer the
last from the company you found her in.
</p>
<p>
All you then did or could know of her was her personal appearance and
deportment; and these, if they impress at all, impress the heart, and not
the head.
</p>
<p>
Say candidly, were not those heavenly black eyes the whole basis of all
your early reasoning on the subject? After you and I had once been at the
residence, did you not go and take me all the way to Lexington and back,
for no other purpose but to get to see her again, on our return on that
evening to take a trip for that express object? What earthly consideration
would you take to find her scouting and despising you, and giving herself
up to another? But of this you have no apprehension; and therefore you
cannot bring it home to your feelings.
</p>
<p>
I shall be so anxious about you that I shall want you to write by every
mail.
</p>
<p>
Your friend, LINCOLN.
</p>
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<h2>
TO JOSHUA F. SPEED.
</h2>
<h3>
SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, February 3, 1842.
</h3>
<p>
DEAR SPEED:—Your letter of the 25th January came to hand to-day. You
well know that I do not feel my own sorrows much more keenly than I do
yours, when I know of them; and yet I assure you I was not much hurt by
what you wrote me of your excessively bad feeling at the time you wrote.
Not that I am less capable of sympathizing with you now than ever, not
that I am less your friend than ever, but because I hope and believe that
your present anxiety and distress about her health and her life must and
will forever banish those horrid doubts which I know you sometimes felt as
to the truth of your affection for her. If they can once and forever be
removed (and I almost feel a presentiment that the Almighty has sent your
present affliction expressly for that object), surely nothing can come in
their stead to fill their immeasurable measure of misery. The death-scenes
of those we love are surely painful enough; but these we are prepared for
and expect to see: they happen to all, and all know they must happen.
Painful as they are, they are not an unlooked for sorrow. Should she, as
you fear, be destined to an early grave, it is indeed a great consolation
to know that she is so well prepared to meet it. Her religion, which you
once disliked so much, I will venture you now prize most highly. But I
hope your melancholy bodings as to her early death are not well founded. I
even hope that ere this reaches you she will have returned with improved
and still improving health, and that you will have met her, and forgotten
the sorrows of the past in the enjoyments of the present. I would say more
if I could, but it seems that I have said enough. It really appears to me
that you yourself ought to rejoice, and not sorrow, at this indubitable
evidence of your undying affection for her. Why, Speed, if you did not
love her although you might not wish her death, you would most certainly
be resigned to it. Perhaps this point is no longer a question with you,
and my pertinacious dwelling upon it is a rude intrusion upon your
feelings. If so, you must pardon me. You know the hell I have suffered on
that point, and how tender I am upon it. You know I do not mean wrong. I
have been quite clear of "hypo" since you left, even better than I was
along in the fall. I have seen ______ but once. She seemed very cheerful,
and so I said nothing to her about what we spoke of.
</p>
<p>
Old Uncle Billy Herndon is dead, and it is said this evening that Uncle
Ben Ferguson will not live. This, I believe, is all the news, and enough
at that unless it were better. Write me immediately on the receipt of
this.
</p>
<p>
Your friend, as ever, LINCOLN.
</p>
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<h2>
TO JOSHUA F. SPEED—ON DEPRESSION
</h2>
<h3>
SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, February 13, 1842.
</h3>
<p>
DEAR SPEED:—Yours of the 1st instant came to hand three or four days
ago. When this shall reach you, you will have been Fanny's husband several
days. You know my desire to befriend you is everlasting; that I will never
cease while I know how to do anything. But you will always hereafter be on
ground that I have never occupied, and consequently, if advice were
needed, I might advise wrong. I do fondly hope, however, that you will
never again need any comfort from abroad. But should I be mistaken in
this, should excessive pleasure still be accompanied with a painful
counterpart at times, still let me urge you, as I have ever done, to
remember, in the depth and even agony of despondency, that very shortly
you are to feel well again. I am now fully convinced that you love her as
ardently as you are capable of loving. Your ever being happy in her
presence, and your intense anxiety about her health, if there were nothing
else, would place this beyond all dispute in my mind. I incline to think
it probable that your nerves will fail you occasionally for a while; but
once you get them firmly guarded now that trouble is over forever. I
think, if I were you, in case my mind were not exactly right, I would
avoid being idle. I would immediately engage in some business, or go to
making preparations for it, which would be the same thing. If you went
through the ceremony calmly, or even with sufficient composure not to
excite alarm in any present, you are safe beyond question, and in two or
three months, to say the most, will be the happiest of men.
</p>
<p>
I would desire you to give my particular respects to Fanny; but perhaps
you will not wish her to know you have received this, lest she should
desire to see it. Make her write me an answer to my last letter to her; at
any rate I would set great value upon a note or letter from her. Write me
whenever you have leisure. Yours forever, A. LINCOLN. P. S.—I have
been quite a man since you left.
</p>
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<h2>
TO G. B. SHELEDY.
</h2>
<h3>
SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Feb. 16, 1842.
</h3>
<p>
G. B. SHELEDY, ESQ.:
</p>
<p>
Yours of the 10th is duly received. Judge Logan and myself are doing
business together now, and we are willing to attend to your cases as you
propose. As to the terms, we are willing to attend each case you prepare
and send us for $10 (when there shall be no opposition) to be sent in
advance, or you to know that it is safe. It takes $5.75 of cost to start
upon, that is, $1.75 to clerk, and $2 to each of two publishers of papers.
Judge Logan thinks it will take the balance of $20 to carry a case
through. This must be advanced from time to time as the services are
performed, as the officers will not act without. I do not know whether you
can be admitted an attorney of the Federal court in your absence or not;
nor is it material, as the business can be done in our names.
</p>
<p>
Thinking it may aid you a little, I send you one of our blank forms of
Petitions. It, you will see, is framed to be sworn to before the Federal
court clerk, and, in your cases, will have [to] be so far changed as to be
sworn to before the clerk of your circuit court; and his certificate must
be accompanied with his official seal. The schedules, too, must be
attended to. Be sure that they contain the creditors' names, their
residences, the amounts due each, the debtors' names, their residences,
and the amounts they owe, also all property and where located.
</p>
<p>
Also be sure that the schedules are all signed by the applicants as well
as the Petition. Publication will have to be made here in one paper, and
in one nearest the residence of the applicant. Write us in each case where
the last advertisement is to be sent, whether to you or to what paper.
</p>
<p>
I believe I have now said everything that can be of any advantage. Your
friend as ever, A. LINCOLN.
</p>
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<h2>
TO GEORGE E. PICKETT—ADVICE TO YOUTH
</h2>
<h3>
February 22, 1842.
</h3>
<p>
I never encourage deceit, and falsehood, especially if you have got a bad
memory, is the worst enemy a fellow can have. The fact is truth is your
truest friend, no matter what the circumstances are. Notwithstanding this
copy-book preamble, my boy, I am inclined to suggest a little prudence on
your part. You see I have a congenital aversion to failure, and the sudden
announcement to your Uncle Andrew of the success of your "lamp rubbing"
might possibly prevent your passing the severe physical examination to
which you will be subjected in order to enter the Military Academy. You
see I should like to have a perfect soldier credited to dear old Illinois—no
broken bones, scalp wounds, etc. So I think it might be wise to hand this
letter from me in to your good uncle through his room-window after he has
had a comfortable dinner, and watch its effect from the top of the
pigeon-house.
</p>
<p>
I have just told the folks here in Springfield on this 111th anniversary
of the birth of him whose name, mightiest in the cause of civil liberty,
still mightiest in the cause of moral reformation, we mention in solemn
awe, in naked, deathless splendor, that the one victory we can ever call
complete will be that one which proclaims that there is not one slave or
one drunkard on the face of God's green earth. Recruit for this victory.
</p>
<p>
Now, boy, on your march, don't you go and forget the old maxim that "one
drop of honey catches more flies than a half-gallon of gall." Load your
musket with this maxim, and smoke it in your pipe.
</p>
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<h2>
ADDRESS BEFORE THE SPRINGFIELD WASHINGTONIAN TEMPERANCE SOCIETY,
</h2>
<h3>
FEBRUARY 22, 1842.
</h3>
<p>
Although the temperance cause has been in progress for near twenty years,
it is apparent to all that it is just now being crowned with a degree of
success hitherto unparalleled.
</p>
<p>
The list of its friends is daily swelled by the additions of fifties, of
hundreds, and of thousands. The cause itself seems suddenly transformed
from a cold abstract theory to a living, breathing, active, and powerful
chieftain, going forth "conquering and to conquer." The citadels of his
great adversary are daily being stormed and dismantled; his temple and his
altars, where the rites of his idolatrous worship have long been
performed, and where human sacrifices have long been wont to be made, are
daily desecrated and deserted. The triumph of the conqueror's fame is
sounding from hill to hill, from sea to sea, and from land to land, and
calling millions to his standard at a blast.
</p>
<p>
For this new and splendid success we heartily rejoice. That that success
is so much greater now than heretofore is doubtless owing to rational
causes; and if we would have it continue, we shall do well to inquire what
those causes are.
</p>
<p>
The warfare heretofore waged against the demon intemperance has somehow or
other been erroneous. Either the champions engaged or the tactics they
adopted have not been the most proper. These champions for the most part
have been preachers, lawyers, and hired agents. Between these and the mass
of mankind there is a want of approachability, if the term be admissible,
partially, at least, fatal to their success. They are supposed to have no
sympathy of feeling or interest with those very persons whom it is their
object to convince and persuade.
</p>
<p>
And again, it is so common and so easy to ascribe motives to men of these
classes other than those they profess to act upon. The preacher, it is
said, advocates temperance because he is a fanatic, and desires a union of
the Church and State; the lawyer from his pride and vanity of hearing
himself speak; and the hired agent for his salary. But when one who has
long been known as a victim of intemperance bursts the fetters that have
bound him, and appears before his neighbors "clothed and in his right
mind," a redeemed specimen of long-lost humanity, and stands up, with
tears of joy trembling in his eyes, to tell of the miseries once endured,
now to be endured no more forever; of his once naked and starving
children, now clad and fed comfortably; of a wife long weighed down with
woe, weeping, and a broken heart, now restored to health, happiness, and a
renewed affection; and how easily it is all done, once it is resolved to
be done; how simple his language! there is a logic and an eloquence in it
that few with human feelings can resist. They cannot say that he desires a
union of Church and State, for he is not a church member; they cannot say
he is vain of hearing himself speak, for his whole demeanor shows he would
gladly avoid speaking at all; they cannot say he speaks for pay, for he
receives none, and asks for none. Nor can his sincerity in any way be
doubted, or his sympathy for those he would persuade to imitate his
example be denied.
</p>
<p>
In my judgment, it is to the battles of this new class of champions that
our late success is greatly, perhaps chiefly, owing. But, had the
old-school champions themselves been of the most wise selecting, was their
system of tactics the most judicious? It seems to me it was not. Too much
denunciation against dram-sellers and dram-drinkers was indulged in. This
I think was both impolitic and unjust. It was impolitic, because it is not
much in the nature of man to be driven to anything; still less to be
driven about that which is exclusively his own business; and least of all
where such driving is to be submitted to at the expense of pecuniary
interest or burning appetite. When the dram-seller and drinker were
incessantly told not in accents of entreaty and persuasion, diffidently
addressed by erring man to an erring brother, but in the thundering tones
of anathema and denunciation with which the lordly judge often groups
together all the crimes of the felon's life, and thrusts them in his face
just ere he passes sentence of death upon him that they were the authors
of all the vice and misery and crime in the land; that they were the
manufacturers and material of all the thieves and robbers and murderers
that infest the earth; that their houses were the workshops of the devil;
and that their persons should be shunned by all the good and virtuous, as
moral pestilences—I say, when they were told all this, and in this
way, it is not wonderful that they were slow to acknowledge the truth of
such denunciations, and to join the ranks of their denouncers in a hue and
cry against themselves.
</p>
<p>
To have expected them to do otherwise than they did to have expected them
not to meet denunciation with denunciation, crimination with crimination,
and anathema with anathema—was to expect a reversal of human nature,
which is God's decree and can never be reversed.
</p>
<p>
When the conduct of men is designed to be influenced, persuasion, kind,
unassuming persuasion, should ever be adopted. It is an old and a true
maxim that "a drop of honey catches more flies than a gallon of gall." So
with men. If you would win a man to your cause, first convince him that
you are his sincere friend. Therein is a drop of honey that catches his
heart, which, say what he will, is the great highroad to his reason; and
which, when once gained, you will find but little trouble in convincing
his judgment of the justice of your cause, if indeed that cause really be
a just one. On the contrary, assume to dictate to his judgment, or to
command his action, or to mark him as one to be shunned and despised, and
he will retreat within himself, close all the avenues to his head and his
heart; and though your cause be naked truth itself, transformed to the
heaviest lance, harder than steel, and sharper than steel can be made, and
though you throw it with more than herculean force and precision, you
shall be no more able to pierce him than to penetrate the hard shell of a
tortoise with a rye straw. Such is man, and so must he be understood by
those who would lead him, even to his own best interests.
</p>
<p>
On this point the Washingtonians greatly excel the temperance advocates of
former times. Those whom they desire to convince and persuade are their
old friends and companions. They know they are not demons, nor even the
worst of men; they know that generally they are kind, generous, and
charitable even beyond the example of their more staid and sober
neighbors. They are practical philanthropists; and they glow with a
generous and brotherly zeal that mere theorizers are incapable of feeling.
Benevolence and charity possess their hearts entirely; and out of the
abundance of their hearts their tongues give utterance; "love through all
their actions runs, and all their words are mild." In this spirit they
speak and act, and in the same they are heard and regarded. And when such
is the temper of the advocate, and such of the audience, no good cause can
be unsuccessful. But I have said that denunciations against dramsellers
and dram-drinkers are unjust, as well as impolitic. Let us see. I have not
inquired at what period of time the use of intoxicating liquors commenced;
nor is it important to know. It is sufficient that, to all of us who now
inhabit the world, the practice of drinking them is just as old as the
world itself that is, we have seen the one just as long as we have seen
the other. When all such of us as have now reached the years of maturity
first opened our eyes upon the stage of existence, we found intoxicating
liquor recognized by everybody, used by everybody, repudiated by nobody.
It commonly entered into the first draught of the infant and the last
draught of the dying man. From the sideboard of the parson down to the
ragged pocket of the houseless loafer, it was constantly found. Physicians
proscribed it in this, that, and the other disease; government provided it
for soldiers and sailors; and to have a rolling or raising, a husking or
"hoedown," anywhere about without it was positively insufferable. So, too,
it was everywhere a respectable article of manufacture and merchandise.
The making of it was regarded as an honorable livelihood, and he who could
make most was the most enterprising and respectable. Large and small
manufactories of it were everywhere erected, in which all the earthly
goods of their owners were invested. Wagons drew it from town to town;
boats bore it from clime to clime, and the winds wafted it from nation to
nation; and merchants bought and sold it, by wholesale and retail, with
precisely the same feelings on the part of the seller, buyer, and
bystander as are felt at the selling and buying of ploughs, beef, bacon,
or any other of the real necessaries of life. Universal public opinion not
only tolerated but recognized and adopted its use.
</p>
<p>
It is true that even then it was known and acknowledged that many were
greatly injured by it; but none seemed to think the injury arose from the
use of a bad thing, but from the abuse of a very good thing. The victims
of it were to be pitied and compassionated, just as are the heirs of
consumption and other hereditary diseases. Their failing was treated as a
misfortune, and not as a crime, or even as a disgrace. If, then, what I
have been saying is true, is it wonderful that some should think and act
now as all thought and acted twenty years ago? and is it just to assail,
condemn, or despise them for doing so? The universal sense of mankind on
any subject is an argument, or at least an influence, not easily overcome.
The success of the argument in favor of the existence of an overruling
Providence mainly depends upon that sense; and men ought not in justice to
be denounced for yielding to it in any case, or giving it up slowly,
especially when they are backed by interest, fixed habits, or burning
appetites.
</p>
<p>
Another error, as it seems to me, into which the old reformers fell, was
the position that all habitual drunkards were utterly incorrigible, and
therefore must be turned adrift and damned without remedy in order that
the grace of temperance might abound, to the temperate then, and to all
mankind some hundreds of years thereafter. There is in this some thing so
repugnant to humanity, so uncharitable, so cold-blooded and feelingless,
that it, never did nor ever can enlist the enthusiasm of a popular cause.
We could not love the man who taught it we could not hear him with
patience. The heart could not throw open its portals to it, the generous
man could not adopt it—it could not mix with his blood. It looked so
fiendishly selfish, so like throwing fathers and brothers overboard to
lighten the boat for our security, that the noble-minded shrank from the
manifest meanness of the thing. And besides this, the benefits of a
reformation to be effected by such a system were too remote in point of
time to warmly engage many in its behalf. Few can be induced to labor
exclusively for posterity, and none will do it enthusiastically. —Posterity
has done nothing for us; and, theorize on it as we may, practically we
shall do very little for it, unless we are made to think we are at the
same time doing something for ourselves.
</p>
<p>
What an ignorance of human nature does it exhibit to ask or to expect a
whole community to rise up and labor for the temporal happiness of others,
after themselves shall be consigned to the dust, a majority of which
community take no pains whatever to secure their own eternal welfare at no
more distant day! Great distance in either time or space has wonderful
power to lull and render quiescent the human mind. Pleasures to be
enjoyed, or pains to be endured, after we shall be dead and gone are but
little regarded even in our own cases, and much less in the cases of
others. Still, in addition to this there is something so ludicrous in
promises of good or threats of evil a great way off as to render the whole
subject with which they are connected easily turned into ridicule. "Better
lay down that spade you are stealing, Paddy; if you don't you'll pay for
it at the day of judgment." "Be the powers, if ye'll credit me so long
I'll take another jist."
</p>
<p>
By the Washingtonians this system of consigning the habitual drunkard to
hopeless ruin is repudiated. They adopt a more enlarged philanthropy; they
go for present as well as future good. They labor for all now living, as
well as hereafter to live. They teach hope to all-despair to none. As
applying to their cause, they deny the doctrine of unpardonable sin; as in
Christianity it is taught, so in this they teach—"While—While
the lamp holds out to burn, The vilest sinner may return." And, what is a
matter of more profound congratulation, they, by experiment upon
experiment and example upon example, prove the maxim to be no less true in
the one case than in the other. On every hand we behold those who but
yesterday were the chief of sinners, now the chief apostles of the cause.
Drunken devils are cast out by ones, by sevens, by legions; and their
unfortunate victims, like the poor possessed who were redeemed from their
long and lonely wanderings in the tombs, are publishing to the ends of the
earth how great things have been done for them.
</p>
<p>
To these new champions and this new system of tactics our late success is
mainly owing, and to them we must mainly look for the final consummation.
The ball is now rolling gloriously on, and none are so able as they to
increase its speed and its bulk, to add to its momentum and its magnitude—even
though unlearned in letters, for this task none are so well educated. To
fit them for this work they have been taught in the true school. They have
been in that gulf from which they would teach others the means of escape.
They have passed that prison wall which others have long declared
impassable; and who that has not shall dare to weigh opinions with them as
to the mode of passing?
</p>
<p>
But if it be true, as I have insisted, that those who have suffered by
intemperance personally, and have reformed, are the most powerful and
efficient instruments to push the reformation to ultimate success, it does
not follow that those who have not suffered have no part left them to
perform. Whether or not the world would be vastly benefited by a total and
final banishment from it of all intoxicating drinks seems to me not now an
open question. Three fourths of mankind confess the affirmative with their
tongues, and, I believe, all the rest acknowledge it in their hearts.
</p>
<p>
Ought any, then, to refuse their aid in doing what good the good of the
whole demands? Shall he who cannot do much be for that reason excused if
he do nothing? "But," says one, "what good can I do by signing the pledge?
I never drank, even without signing." This question has already been asked
and answered more than a million of times. Let it be answered once more.
For the man suddenly or in any other way to break off from the use of
drams, who has indulged in them for a long course of years and until his
appetite for them has grown ten or a hundredfold stronger and more craving
than any natural appetite can be, requires a most powerful moral effort.
In such an undertaking he needs every moral support and influence that can
possibly be brought to his aid and thrown around him. And not only so, but
every moral prop should be taken from whatever argument might rise in his
mind to lure him to his backsliding. When he casts his eyes around him, he
should be able to see all that he respects, all that he admires, all that
he loves, kindly and anxiously pointing him onward, and none beckoning him
back to his former miserable "wallowing in the mire."
</p>
<p>
But it is said by some that men will think and act for themselves; that
none will disuse spirits or anything else because his neighbors do; and
that moral influence is not that powerful engine contended for. Let us
examine this. Let me ask the man who could maintain this position most
stiffly, what compensation he will accept to go to church some Sunday and
sit during the sermon with his wife's bonnet upon his head? Not a trifle,
I'll venture. And why not? There would be nothing irreligious in it,
nothing immoral, nothing uncomfortable—then why not? Is it not
because there would be something egregiously unfashionable in it? Then it
is the influence of fashion; and what is the influence of fashion but the
influence that other people's actions have on our actions—the strong
inclination each of us feels to do as we see all our neighbors do? Nor is
the influence of fashion confined to any particular thing or class of
things; it is just as strong on one subject as another. Let us make it as
unfashionable to withhold our names from the temperance cause as for
husbands to wear their wives' bonnets to church, and instances will be
just as rare in the one case as the other.
</p>
<p>
"But," say some, "we are no drunkards, and we shall not acknowledge
ourselves such by joining a reformed drunkard's society, whatever our
influence might be." Surely no Christian will adhere to this objection. If
they believe as they profess, that Omnipotence condescended to take on
himself the form of sinful man, and as such to die an ignominious death
for their sakes, surely they will not refuse submission to the infinitely
lesser condescension, for the temporal, and perhaps eternal, salvation of
a large, erring, and unfortunate class of their fellow-creatures. Nor is
the condescension very great. In my judgment such of us as have never
fallen victims have been spared more by the absence of appetite than from
any mental or moral superiority over those who have. Indeed, I believe if
we take habitual drunkards as a class, their heads and their hearts will
bear an advantageous comparison with those of any other class. There seems
ever to have been a proneness in the brilliant and warm-blooded to fall
into this vice—the demon of intemperance ever seems to have
delighted in sucking the blood of genius and of generosity. What one of us
but can call to mind some relative, more promising in youth than all his
fellows, who has fallen a sacrifice to his rapacity? He ever seems to have
gone forth like the Egyptian angel of death, commissioned to slay, if not
the first, the fairest born of every family. Shall he now be arrested in
his desolating career? In that arrest all can give aid that will; and who
shall be excused that can and will not? Far around as human breath has
ever blown he keeps our fathers, our brothers, our sons, and our friends
prostrate in the chains of moral death. To all the living everywhere we
cry, "Come sound the moral trump, that these may rise and stand up an
exceeding great army." "Come from the four winds, O breath! and breathe
upon these slain that they may live." If the relative grandeur of
revolutions shall be estimated by the great amount of human misery they
alleviate, and the small amount they inflict, then indeed will this be the
grandest the world shall ever have seen.
</p>
<p>
Of our political revolution of '76 we are all justly proud. It has given
us a degree of political freedom far exceeding that of any other nation of
the earth. In it the world has found a solution of the long-mooted problem
as to the capability of man to govern himself. In it was the germ which
has vegetated, and still is to grow and expand into the universal liberty
of mankind. But, with all these glorious results, past, present, and to
come, it had its evils too. It breathed forth famine, swam in blood, and
rode in fire; and long, long after, the orphan's cry and the widow's wail
continued to break the sad silence that ensued. These were the price, the
inevitable price, paid for the blessings it bought.
</p>
<p>
Turn now to the temperance revolution. In it we shall find a stronger
bondage broken, a viler slavery manumitted, a greater tyrant deposed; in
it, more of want supplied, more disease healed, more sorrow assuaged. By
it no Orphans starving, no widows weeping. By it none wounded in feeling,
none injured in interest; even the drammaker and dram-seller will have
glided into other occupations so gradually as never to have felt the
change, and will stand ready to join all others in the universal song of
gladness. And what a noble ally this to the cause of political freedom,
with such an aid its march cannot fail to be on and on, till every son of
earth shall drink in rich fruition the sorrow-quenching draughts of
perfect liberty. Happy day when-all appetites controlled, all poisons
subdued, all matter subjected-mind, all-conquering mind, shall live and
move, the monarch of the world. Glorious consummation! Hail, fall of fury!
Reign of reason, all hail!
</p>
<p>
And when the victory shall be complete, when there shall be neither a
slave nor a drunkard on the earth, how proud the title of that land which
may truly claim to be the birthplace and the cradle of both those
revolutions that shall have ended in that victory. How nobly distinguished
that people who shall have planted and nurtured to maturity both the
political and moral freedom of their species.
</p>
<p>
This is the one hundred and tenth anniversary of the birthday of
Washington; we are met to celebrate this day. Washington is the mightiest
name of earth long since mightiest in the cause of civil liberty, still
mightiest in moral reformation. On that name no eulogy is expected. It
cannot be. To add brightness to the sun or glory to the name of Washington
is alike impossible. Let none attempt it. In solemn awe pronounce the
name, and in its naked deathless splendor leave it shining on.
</p>
<p>
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<h2>
TO JOSHUA F. SPEED.
</h2>
<h3>
SPRINGFIELD, February 25, 1842.
</h3>
<p>
DEAR SPEED:—Yours of the 16th instant, announcing that Miss Fanny
and you are "no more twain, but one flesh," reached me this morning. I
have no way of telling you how much happiness I wish you both, though I
believe you both can conceive it. I feel somewhat jealous of both of you
now: you will be so exclusively concerned for one another, that I shall be
forgotten entirely. My acquaintance with Miss Fanny (I call her this, lest
you should think I am speaking of your mother) was too short for me to
reasonably hope to long be remembered by her; and still I am sure I shall
not forget her soon. Try if you cannot remind her of that debt she owes me—and
be sure you do not interfere to prevent her paying it.
</p>
<p>
I regret to learn that you have resolved to not return to Illinois. I
shall be very lonesome without you. How miserably things seem to be
arranged in this world! If we have no friends, we have no pleasure; and if
we have them, we are sure to lose them, and be doubly pained by the loss.
I did hope she and you would make your home here; but I own I have no
right to insist. You owe obligations to her ten thousand times more sacred
than you can owe to others, and in that light let them be respected and
observed. It is natural that she should desire to remain with her
relatives and friends. As to friends, however, she could not need them
anywhere: she would have them in abundance here.
</p>
<p>
Give my kind remembrance to Mr. Williamson and his family, particularly
Miss Elizabeth; also to your mother, brother, and sisters. Ask little
Eliza Davis if she will ride to town with me if I come there again. And
finally, give Fanny a double reciprocation of all the love she sent me.
Write me often, and believe me
</p>
<p>
Yours forever, LINCOLN.
</p>
<p>
P. S. Poor Easthouse is gone at last. He died awhile before day this
morning. They say he was very loath to die....
</p>
<p>
L. <a name="link2H_4_0056" id="link2H_4_0056">
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<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
TO JOSHUA F. SPEED—ON MARRIAGE CONCERNS
</h2>
<h3>
SPRINGFIELD, February 25,1842.
</h3>
<p>
DEAR SPEED:—I received yours of the 12th written the day you went
down to William's place, some days since, but delayed answering it till I
should receive the promised one of the 16th, which came last night. I
opened the letter with intense anxiety and trepidation; so much so, that,
although it turned out better than I expected, I have hardly yet, at a
distance of ten hours, become calm.
</p>
<p>
I tell you, Speed, our forebodings (for which you and I are peculiar) are
all the worst sort of nonsense. I fancied, from the time I received your
letter of Saturday, that the one of Wednesday was never to come, and yet
it did come, and what is more, it is perfectly clear, both from its tone
and handwriting, that you were much happier, or, if you think the term
preferable, less miserable, when you wrote it than when you wrote the last
one before. You had so obviously improved at the very time I so much
fancied you would have grown worse. You say that something indescribably
horrible and alarming still haunts you. You will not say that three months
from now, I will venture. When your nerves once get steady now, the whole
trouble will be over forever. Nor should you become impatient at their
being even very slow in becoming steady. Again you say, you much fear that
that Elysium of which you have dreamed so much is never to be realized.
Well, if it shall not, I dare swear it will not be the fault of her who is
now your wife. I now have no doubt that it is the peculiar misfortune of
both you and me to dream dreams of Elysium far exceeding all that anything
earthly can realize. Far short of your dreams as you may be, no woman
could do more to realize them than that same black-eyed Fanny. If you
could but contemplate her through my imagination, it would appear
ridiculous to you that any one should for a moment think of being unhappy
with her. My old father used to have a saying that "If you make a bad
bargain, hug it all the tighter"; and it occurs to me that if the bargain
you have just closed can possibly be called a bad one, it is certainly the
most pleasant one for applying that maxim to which my fancy can by any
effort picture.
</p>
<p>
I write another letter, enclosing this, which you can show her, if she
desires it. I do this because she would think strangely, perhaps, should
you tell her that you received no letters from me, or, telling her you do,
refuse to let her see them. I close this, entertaining the confident hope
that every successive letter I shall have from you (which I here pray may
not be few, nor far between) may show you possessing a more steady hand
and cheerful heart than the last preceding it. As ever, your friend,
LINCOLN.
</p>
<p>
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</div>
<h2>
TO JOSHUA F. SPEED.
</h2>
<h3>
SPRINGFIELD, March 27, 1842
</h3>
<p>
DEAR SPEED:—Yours of the 10th instant was received three or four
days since. You know I am sincere when I tell you the pleasure its
contents gave me was, and is, inexpressible. As to your farm matter, I
have no sympathy with you. I have no farm, nor ever expect to have, and
consequently have not studied the subject enough to be much interested
with it. I can only say that I am glad you are satisfied and pleased with
it. But on that other subject, to me of the most intense interest whether
in joy or sorrow, I never had the power to withhold my sympathy from you.
It cannot be told how it now thrills me with joy to hear you say you are
"far happier than you ever expected to be." That much I know is enough. I
know you too well to suppose your expectations were not, at least,
sometimes extravagant, and if the reality exceeds them all, I say, Enough,
dear Lord. I am not going beyond the truth when I tell you that the short
space it took me to read your last letter gave me more pleasure than the
total sum of all I have enjoyed since the fatal 1st of January, 1841.
Since then it seems to me I should have been entirely happy, but for the
never-absent idea that there is one still unhappy whom I have contributed
to make so. That still kills my soul. I cannot but reproach myself for
even wishing to be happy while she is otherwise. She accompanied a large
party on the railroad cars to Jacksonville last Monday, and on her return
spoke, so that I heard of it, of having enjoyed the trip exceedingly. God
be praised for that.
</p>
<p>
You know with what sleepless vigilance I have watched you ever since the
commencement of your affair; and although I am almost confident it is
useless, I cannot forbear once more to say that I think it is even yet
possible for your spirits to flag down and leave you miserable. If they
should, don't fail to remember that they cannot long remain so. One thing
I can tell you which I know you will be glad to hear, and that is that I
have seen—and scrutinized her feelings as well as I could, and am
fully convinced she is far happier now than she has been for the last
fifteen months past.
</p>
<p>
You will see by the last Sangamon Journal, that I made a temperance speech
on the 22d of February, which I claim that Fanny and you shall read as an
act of charity to me; for I cannot learn that anybody else has read it, or
is likely to. Fortunately it is not very long, and I shall deem it a
sufficient compliance with my request if one of you listens while the
other reads it.
</p>
<p>
As to your Lockridge matter, it is only necessary to say that there has
been no court since you left, and that the next commences to-morrow
morning, during which I suppose we cannot fail to get a judgment.
</p>
<p>
I wish you would learn of Everett what he would take, over and above a
discharge for all the trouble we have been at, to take his business out of
our hands and give it to somebody else. It is impossible to collect money
on that or any other claim here now; and although you know I am not a very
petulant man, I declare I am almost out of patience with Mr. Everett's
importunity. It seems like he not only writes all the letters he can
himself, but gets everybody else in Louisville and vicinity to be
constantly writing to us about his claim. I have always said that Mr.
Everett is a very clever fellow, and I am very sorry he cannot be obliged;
but it does seem to me he ought to know we are interested to collect his
claim, and therefore would do it if we could.
</p>
<p>
I am neither joking nor in a pet when I say we would thank him to transfer
his business to some other, without any compensation for what we have
done, provided he will see the court cost paid, for which we are security.
</p>
<p>
The sweet violet you inclosed came safely to hand, but it was so dry, and
mashed so flat, that it crumbled to dust at the first attempt to handle
it. The juice that mashed out of it stained a place in the letter, which I
mean to preserve and cherish for the sake of her who procured it to be
sent. My renewed good wishes to her in particular, and generally to all
such of your relations who know me.
</p>
<p>
As ever,
</p>
<p>
LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0058" id="link2H_4_0058">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
TO JOSHUA F. SPEED.
</h2>
<h3>
SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, July 4, 1842.
</h3>
<p>
DEAR SPEED:—Yours of the 16th June was received only a day or two
since. It was not mailed at Louisville till the 25th. You speak of the
great time that has elapsed since I wrote you. Let me explain that. Your
letter reached here a day or two after I started on the circuit. I was
gone five or six weeks, so that I got the letters only a few weeks before
Butler started to your country. I thought it scarcely worth while to write
you the news which he could and would tell you more in detail. On his
return he told me you would write me soon, and so I waited for your
letter. As to my having been displeased with your advice, surely you know
better than that. I know you do, and therefore will not labor to convince
you. True, that subject is painful to me; but it is not your silence, or
the silence of all the world, that can make me forget it. I acknowledge
the correctness of your advice too; but before I resolve to do the one
thing or the other, I must gain my confidence in my own ability to keep my
resolves when they are made. In that ability you know I once prided myself
as the only or chief gem of my character; that gem I lost—how and
where you know too well. I have not yet regained it; and until I do, I
cannot trust myself in any matter of much importance. I believe now that
had you understood my case at the time as well as I understand yours
afterward, by the aid you would have given me I should have sailed through
clear, but that does not now afford me sufficient confidence to begin that
or the like of that again.
</p>
<p>
You make a kind acknowledgment of your obligations to me for your present
happiness. I am pleased with that acknowledgment. But a thousand times
more am I pleased to know that you enjoy a degree of happiness worthy of
an acknowledgment. The truth is, I am not sure that there was any merit
with me in the part I took in your difficulty; I was drawn to it by a
fate. If I would I could not have done less than I did. I always was
superstitious; I believe God made me one of the instruments of bringing
your Fanny and you together, which union I have no doubt He had
fore-ordained. Whatever He designs He will do for me yet. "Stand still,
and see the salvation of the Lord" is my text just now. If, as you say,
you have told Fanny all, I should have no objection to her seeing this
letter, but for its reference to our friend here: let her seeing it depend
upon whether she has ever known anything of my affairs; and if she has
not, do not let her.
</p>
<p>
I do not think I can come to Kentucky this season. I am so poor and make
so little headway in the world, that I drop back in a month of idleness as
much as I gain in a year's sowing. I should like to visit you again. I
should like to see that "sis" of yours that was absent when I was there,
though I suppose she would run away again if she were to hear I was
coming.
</p>
<p>
My respects and esteem to all your friends there, and, by your permission,
my love to your Fanny.
</p>
<p>
Ever yours,
</p>
<p>
LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0059" id="link2H_4_0059">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
A LETTER FROM THE LOST TOWNSHIPS
</h2>
<p>
Article written by Lincoln for the Sangamon Journal in ridicule of James
Shields, who, as State Auditor, had declined to receive State Bank notes
in payment of taxes. The above letter purported to come from a poor widow
who, though supplied with State Bank paper, could not obtain a receipt for
her tax bill. This, and another subsequent letter by Mary Todd, brought
about the "Lincoln-Shields Duel."
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0060" id="link2H_4_0060">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
LOST TOWNSHIPS
</h2>
<h3>
August 27, 1842.
</h3>
<p>
DEAR Mr. PRINTER:
</p>
<p>
I see you printed that long letter I sent you a spell ago. I 'm quite
encouraged by it, and can't keep from writing again. I think the printing
of my letters will be a good thing all round—it will give me the
benefit of being known by the world, and give the world the advantage of
knowing what's going on in the Lost Townships, and give your paper
respectability besides. So here comes another. Yesterday afternoon I
hurried through cleaning up the dinner dishes and stepped over to neighbor
S——— to see if his wife Peggy was as well as mout be
expected, and hear what they called the baby. Well, when I got there and
just turned round the corner of his log cabin, there he was, setting on
the doorstep reading a newspaper. "How are you, Jeff?" says I. He sorter
started when he heard me, for he hadn't seen me before. "Why," says he, "I
'm mad as the devil, Aunt 'Becca!" "What about?" says I; "ain't its hair
the right color? None of that nonsense, Jeff; there ain't an honester
woman in the Lost Townships than..."—"Than who?" says he; "what the
mischief are you about?" I began to see I was running the wrong trail, and
so says I, "Oh! nothing: I guess I was mistaken a little, that's all. But
what is it you 're mad about?"
</p>
<p>
"Why," says he, "I've been tugging ever since harvest, getting out wheat
and hauling it to the river to raise State Bank paper enough to pay my tax
this year and a little school debt I owe; and now, just as I 've got it,
here I open this infernal Extra Register, expecting to find it full of
'Glorious Democratic Victories' and 'High Comb'd Cocks,' when, lo and
behold! I find a set of fellows, calling themselves officers of the State,
have forbidden the tax collectors, and school commissioners to receive
State paper at all; and so here it is dead on my hands. I don't now
believe all the plunder I've got will fetch ready cash enough to pay my
taxes and that school debt."
</p>
<p>
I was a good deal thunderstruck myself; for that was the first I had heard
of the proclamation, and my old man was pretty much in the same fix with
Jeff. We both stood a moment staring at one another without knowing what
to say. At last says I, "Mr. S——— let me look at that
paper." He handed it to me, when I read the proclamation over.
</p>
<p>
"There now," says he, "did you ever see such a piece of impudence and
imposition as that?" I saw Jeff was in a good tune for saying some
ill-natured things, and so I tho't I would just argue a little on the
contrary side, and make him rant a spell if I could. "Why," says I,
looking as dignified and thoughtful as I could, "it seems pretty tough, to
be sure, to have to raise silver where there's none to be raised; but
then, you see, 'there will be danger of loss' if it ain't done."
</p>
<p>
"Loss! damnation!" says he. "I defy Daniel Webster, I defy King Solomon, I
defy the world—I defy—I defy—yes, I defy even you, Aunt
'Becca, to show how the people can lose anything by paying their taxes in
State paper."
</p>
<p>
"Well," says I, "you see what the officers of State say about it, and they
are a desarnin' set of men. But," says I, "I guess you 're mistaken about
what the proclamation says. It don't say the people will lose anything by
the paper money being taken for taxes. It only says 'there will be danger
of loss'; and though it is tolerable plain that the people can't lose by
paying their taxes in something they can get easier than silver, instead
of having to pay silver; and though it's just as plain that the State
can't lose by taking State Bank paper, however low it may be, while she
owes the bank more than the whole revenue, and can pay that paper over on
her debt, dollar for dollar;—still there is danger of loss to the
'officers of State'; and you know, Jeff, we can't get along without
officers of State."
</p>
<p>
"Damn officers of State!" says he; "that's what Whigs are always hurrahing
for."
</p>
<p>
"Now, don't swear so, Jeff," says I, "you know I belong to the meetin',
and swearin' hurts my feelings."
</p>
<p>
"Beg pardon, Aunt 'Becca," says he; "but I do say it's enough to make Dr.
Goddard swear, to have tax to pay in silver, for nothing only that Ford
may get his two thousand a year, and Shields his twenty-four hundred a
year, and Carpenter his sixteen hundred a year, and all without 'danger of
loss' by taking it in State paper. Yes, yes: it's plain enough now what
these officers of State mean by 'danger of loss.' Wash, I s'pose, actually
lost fifteen hundred dollars out of the three thousand that two of these
'officers of State' let him steal from the treasury, by being compelled to
take it in State paper. Wonder if we don't have a proclamation before
long, commanding us to make up this loss to Wash in silver."
</p>
<p>
And so he went on till his breath run out, and he had to stop. I couldn't
think of anything to say just then, and so I begun to look over the paper
again. "Ay! here's another proclamation, or something like it."
</p>
<p>
"Another?" says Jeff; "and whose egg is it, pray?"
</p>
<p>
I looked to the bottom of it, and read aloud, "Your obedient servant,
James Shields, Auditor."
</p>
<p>
"Aha!" says Jeff, "one of them same three fellows again. Well read it, and
let's hear what of it."
</p>
<p>
I read on till I came to where it says, "The object of this measure is to
suspend the collection of the revenue for the current year."
</p>
<p>
"Now stop, now stop!" says he; "that's a lie a'ready, and I don't want to
hear of it."
</p>
<p>
"Oh, maybe not," says I.
</p>
<p>
"I say it-is-a-lie. Suspend the collection, indeed! Will the collectors,
that have taken their oaths to make the collection, dare to end it? Is
there anything in law requiring them to perjure themselves at the bidding
of James Shields?
</p>
<p>
"Will the greedy gullet of the penitentiary be satisfied with swallowing
him instead of all of them, if they should venture to obey him? And would
he not discover some 'danger of loss,' and be off about the time it came
to taking their places?
</p>
<p>
"And suppose the people attempt to suspend, by refusing to pay; what then?
The collectors would just jerk up their horses and cows, and the like, and
sell them to the highest bidder for silver in hand, without valuation or
redemption. Why, Shields didn't believe that story himself; it was never
meant for the truth. If it was true, why was it not writ till five days
after the proclamation? Why did n't Carlin and Carpenter sign it as well
as Shields? Answer me that, Aunt 'Becca. I say it's a lie, and not a well
told one at that. It grins out like a copper dollar. Shields is a fool as
well as a liar. With him truth is out of the question; and as for getting
a good, bright, passable lie out of him, you might as well try to strike
fire from a cake of tallow. I stick to it, it's all an infernal Whig lie!"
</p>
<p>
"A Whig lie! Highty tighty!"
</p>
<p>
"Yes, a Whig lie; and it's just like everything the cursed British Whigs
do. First they'll do some divilment, and then they'll tell a lie to hide
it. And they don't care how plain a lie it is; they think they can cram
any sort of a one down the throats of the ignorant Locofocos, as they call
the Democrats."
</p>
<p>
"Why, Jeff, you 're crazy: you don't mean to say Shields is a Whig!"
</p>
<p>
"Yes, I do."
</p>
<p>
"Why, look here! the proclamation is in your own Democratic paper, as you
call it."
</p>
<p>
"I know it; and what of that? They only printed it to let us Democrats see
the deviltry the Whigs are at."
</p>
<p>
"Well, but Shields is the auditor of this Loco—I mean this
Democratic State."
</p>
<p>
"So he is, and Tyler appointed him to office."
</p>
<p>
"Tyler appointed him?"
</p>
<p>
"Yes (if you must chaw it over), Tyler appointed him; or, if it was n't
him, it was old Granny Harrison, and that's all one. I tell you, Aunt
'Becca, there's no mistake about his being a Whig. Why, his very looks
shows it; everything about him shows it: if I was deaf and blind, I could
tell him by the smell. I seed him when I was down in Springfield last
winter. They had a sort of a gatherin' there one night among the grandees,
they called a fair. All the gals about town was there, and all the
handsome widows and married women, finickin' about trying to look like
gals, tied as tight in the middle, and puffed out at both ends, like
bundles of fodder that had n't been stacked yet, but wanted stackin'
pretty bad. And then they had tables all around the house kivered over
with [———] caps and pincushions and ten thousand such
little knick-knacks, tryin' to sell 'em to the fellows that were bowin',
and scrapin' and kungeerin' about 'em. They would n't let no Democrats in,
for fear they'd disgust the ladies, or scare the little gals, or dirty the
floor. I looked in at the window, and there was this same fellow Shields
floatin' about on the air, without heft or earthly substances, just like a
lock of cat fur where cats had been fighting.
</p>
<p>
"He was paying his money to this one, and that one, and t' other one, and
sufferin' great loss because it was n't silver instead of State paper; and
the sweet distress he seemed to be in,—his very features, in the
ecstatic agony of his soul, spoke audibly and distinctly, 'Dear girls, it
is distressing, but I cannot marry you all. Too well I know how much you
suffer; but do, do remember, it is not my fault that I am so handsome and
so interesting.'
</p>
<p>
"As this last was expressed by a most exquisite contortion of his face, he
seized hold of one of their hands, and squeezed, and held on to it about a
quarter of an hour. 'Oh, my good fellow!' says I to myself, 'if that was
one of our Democratic gals in the Lost Townships, the way you 'd get a
brass pin let into you would be about up to the head.' He a Democrat!
Fiddlesticks! I tell you, Aunt 'Becca, he's a Whig, and no mistake; nobody
but a Whig could make such a conceity dunce of himself."
</p>
<p>
"Well," says I, "maybe he is; but, if he is, I 'm mistaken the worst sort.
Maybe so, maybe so; but, if I am, I'll suffer by it; I'll be a Democrat if
it turns out that Shields is a Whig, considerin' you shall be a Whig if he
turns out a Democrat."
</p>
<p>
"A bargain, by jingoes!" says he; "but how will we find out?"
</p>
<p>
"Why," says I, "we'll just write and ax the printer."
</p>
<p>
"Agreed again!" says he; "and by thunder! if it does turn out that Shields
is a Democrat, I never will——"
</p>
<p>
"Jefferson! Jefferson!"
</p>
<p>
"What do you want, Peggy?"
</p>
<p>
"Do get through your everlasting clatter some time, and bring me a gourd
of water; the child's been crying for a drink this livelong hour."
</p>
<p>
"Let it die, then; it may as well die for water as to be taxed to death to
fatten officers of State."
</p>
<p>
Jeff run off to get the water, though, just like he hadn't been saying
anything spiteful, for he's a raal good-hearted fellow, after all, once
you get at the foundation of him.
</p>
<p>
I walked into the house, and, "Why, Peggy," says I, "I declare we like to
forgot you altogether."
</p>
<p>
"Oh, yes," says she, "when a body can't help themselves, everybody soon
forgets 'em; but, thank God! by day after to-morrow I shall be well enough
to milk the cows, and pen the calves, and wring the contrary ones' tails
for 'em, and no thanks to nobody."
</p>
<p>
"Good evening, Peggy," says I, and so I sloped, for I seed she was mad at
me for making Jeff neglect her so long.
</p>
<p>
And now, Mr. Printer, will you be sure to let us know in your next paper
whether this Shields is a Whig or a Democrat? I don't care about it for
myself, for I know well enough how it is already; but I want to convince
Jeff. It may do some good to let him, and others like him, know who and
what these officers of State are. It may help to send the present
hypocritical set to where they belong, and to fill the places they now
disgrace with men who will do more work for less pay, and take fewer airs
while they are doing it. It ain't sensible to think that the same men who
get us in trouble will change their course; and yet it's pretty plain if
some change for the better is not made, it's not long that either Peggy or
I or any of us will have a cow left to milk, or a calf's tail to wring.
</p>
<p>
Yours truly,
</p>
<p>
REBECCA ———. <a name="link2H_4_0061" id="link2H_4_0061">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
INVITATION TO HENRY CLAY.
</h2>
<h3>
SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Aug 29, 1842.
</h3>
<p>
HON. HENRY CLAY, Lexington, Ky.
</p>
<p>
DEAR SIR:—We hear you are to visit Indianapolis, Indiana, on the 5th
Of October next. If our information in this is correct we hope you will
not deny us the pleasure of seeing you in our State. We are aware of the
toil necessarily incident to a journey by one circumstanced as you are;
but once you have embarked, as you have already determined to do, the toil
would not be greatly augmented by extending the journey to our capital.
The season of the year will be most favorable for good roads, and pleasant
weather; and although we cannot but believe you would be highly gratified
with such a visit to the prairie-land, the pleasure it would give us and
thousands such as we is beyond all question. You have never visited
Illinois, or at least this portion of it; and should you now yield to our
request, we promise you such a reception as shall be worthy of the man on
whom are now turned the fondest hopes of a great and suffering nation.
</p>
<p>
Please inform us at the earliest convenience whether we may expect you.
</p>
<p>
Very respectfully your obedient servants,
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
A. G. HENRY, A. T. BLEDSOE,
C. BIRCHALL, A. LINCOLN,
G. M. CABANNISS, ROB'T IRWIN,
P. A. SAUNDERS, J. M. ALLEN,
F. N. FRANCIS.
Executive Committee "Clay Club."
</pre>
<p>
(Clay's answer, September 6, 1842, declines with thanks.)
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0062" id="link2H_4_0062">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CORRESPONDENCE ABOUT THE LINCOLN-SHIELDS DUEL.
</h2>
<h3>
TREMONT, September 17, 1842.
</h3>
<p>
ABRA. LINCOLN, ESQ.:—I regret that my absence on public business
compelled me to postpone a matter of private consideration a little longer
than I could have desired. It will only be necessary, however, to account
for it by informing you that I have been to Quincy on business that would
not admit of delay. I will now state briefly the reasons of my troubling
you with this communication, the disagreeable nature of which I regret, as
I had hoped to avoid any difficulty with any one in Springfield while
residing there, by endeavoring to conduct myself in such a way amongst
both my political friends and opponents as to escape the necessity of any.
Whilst thus abstaining from giving provocation, I have become the object
of slander, vituperation, and personal abuse, which were I capable of
submitting to, I would prove myself worthy of the whole of it.
</p>
<p>
In two or three of the last numbers of the Sangamon Journal, articles of
the most personal nature and calculated to degrade me have made their
appearance. On inquiring, I was informed by the editor of that paper,
through the medium of my friend General Whitesides, that you are the
author of those articles. This information satisfies me that I have become
by some means or other the object of your secret hostility. I will not
take the trouble of inquiring into the reason of all this; but I will take
the liberty of requiring a full, positive, and absolute retraction of all
offensive allusions used by you in these communications, in relation to my
private character and standing as a man, as an apology for the insults
conveyed in them.
</p>
<p>
This may prevent consequences which no one will regret more than myself.
</p>
<p>
Your obedient servant, JAS. SHIELDS.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0063" id="link2H_4_0063">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
TO J. SHIELDS.
</h2>
<h3>
TREMONT, September 17, 1842
</h3>
<p>
JAS. SHIELDS, ESQ.:—Your note of to-day was handed me by General
Whitesides. In that note you say you have been informed, through the
medium of the editor of the Journal, that I am the author of certain
articles in that paper which you deem personally abusive of you; and
without stopping to inquire whether I really am the author, or to point
out what is offensive in them, you demand an unqualified retraction of all
that is offensive, and then proceed to hint at consequences.
</p>
<p>
Now, sir, there is in this so much assumption of facts and so much of
menace as to consequences, that I cannot submit to answer that note any
further than I have, and to add that the consequences to which I suppose
you allude would be matter of as great regret to me as it possibly could
to you.
</p>
<p>
Respectfully,
</p>
<p>
A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0064" id="link2H_4_0064">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
TO A. LINCOLN FROM JAS. SHIELDS
</h2>
<h3>
TREMONT, September 17, 1842.
</h3>
<p>
ABRA. LINCOLN, ESQ.:—In reply to my note of this date, you intimate
that I assume facts and menace consequences, and that you cannot submit to
answer it further. As now, sir, you desire it, I will be a little more
particular. The editor of the Sangamon Journal gave me to understand that
you are the author of an article which appeared, I think, in that paper of
the 2d September instant, headed "The Lost Townships," and signed Rebecca
or 'Becca. I would therefore take the liberty of asking whether you are
the author of said article, or any other over the same signature which has
appeared in any of the late numbers of that paper. If so, I repeat my
request of an absolute retraction of all offensive allusions contained
therein in relation to my private character and standing. If you are not
the author of any of these articles, your denial will be sufficient. I
will say further, it is not my intention to menace, but to do myself
justice.
</p>
<p>
Your obedient servant, JAS. SHIELDS.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0065" id="link2H_4_0065">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
MEMORANDUM OF INSTRUCTIONS TO E. H. MERRYMAN,
</h2>
<h3>
Lincoln's Second,
</h3>
<p>
September 19, 1842.
</p>
<p>
In case Whitesides shall signify a wish to adjust this affair without
further difficulty, let him know that if the present papers be withdrawn,
and a note from Mr. Shields asking to know if I am the author of the
articles of which he complains, and asking that I shall make him
gentlemanly satisfaction if I am the author, and this without menace, or
dictation as to what that satisfaction shall be, a pledge is made that the
following answer shall be given:
</p>
<p>
"I did write the 'Lost Townships' letter which appeared in the Journal of
the 2d instant, but had no participation in any form in any other article
alluding to you. I wrote that wholly for political effect—I had no
intention of injuring your personal or private character or standing as a
man or a gentleman; and I did not then think, and do not now think, that
that article could produce or has produced that effect against you; and
had I anticipated such an effect I would have forborne to write it. And I
will add that your conduct toward me, so far as I know, had always been
gentlemanly; and that I had no personal pique against you, and no cause
for any."
</p>
<p>
If this should be done, I leave it with you to arrange what shall and what
shall not be published. If nothing like this is done, the preliminaries of
the fight are to be—
</p>
<p>
First. Weapons: Cavalry broadswords of the largest size, precisely equal
in all respects, and such as now used by the cavalry company at
Jacksonville.
</p>
<p>
Second. Position: A plank ten feet long, and from nine to twelve inches
broad, to be firmly fixed on edge, on the ground, as the line between us,
which neither is to pass his foot over upon forfeit of his life. Next a
line drawn on the ground on either side of said plank and parallel with
it, each at the distance of the whole length of the sword and three feet
additional from the plank; and the passing of his own such line by either
party during the fight shall be deemed a surrender of the contest.
</p>
<p>
Third. Time: On Thursday evening at five o'clock, if you can get it so;
but in no case to be at a greater distance of time than Friday evening at
five o'clock.
</p>
<p>
Fourth. Place: Within three miles of Alton, on the opposite side of the
river, the particular spot to be agreed on by you.
</p>
<p>
Any preliminary details coming within the above rules you are at liberty
to make at your discretion; but you are in no case to swerve from these
rules, or to pass beyond their limits.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0066" id="link2H_4_0066">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
TO JOSHUA F. SPEED.
</h2>
<h3>
SPRINGFIELD, October 4, 1842.
</h3>
<p>
DEAR SPEED:—You have heard of my duel with Shields, and I have now
to inform you that the dueling business still rages in this city. Day
before yesterday Shields challenged Butler, who accepted, and proposed
fighting next morning at sunrise in Bob Allen's meadow, one hundred yards'
distance, with rifles. To this Whitesides, Shields's second, said "No,"
because of the law. Thus ended duel No. 2. Yesterday Whitesides chose to
consider himself insulted by Dr. Merryman, so sent him a kind of
quasi-challenge, inviting him to meet him at the Planter's House in St.
Louis on the next Friday, to settle their difficulty. Merryman made me his
friend, and sent Whitesides a note, inquiring to know if he meant his note
as a challenge, and if so, that he would, according to the law in such
case made and provided, prescribe the terms of the meeting. Whitesides
returned for answer that if Merryman would meet him at the Planter's House
as desired, he would challenge him. Merryman replied in a note that he
denied Whitesides's right to dictate time and place, but that he
(Merryman) would waive the question of time, and meet him at Louisiana,
Missouri. Upon my presenting this note to Whitesides and stating verbally
its contents, he declined receiving it, saying he had business in St.
Louis, and it was as near as Louisiana. Merryman then directed me to
notify Whitesides that he should publish the correspondence between them,
with such comments as he thought fit. This I did. Thus it stood at bedtime
last night. This morning Whitesides, by his friend Shields, is praying for
a new trial, on the ground that he was mistaken in Merryman's proposition
to meet him at Louisiana, Missouri, thinking it was the State of
Louisiana. This Merryman hoots at, and is preparing his publication; while
the town is in a ferment, and a street fight somewhat anticipated.
</p>
<p>
But I began this letter not for what I have been writing, but to say
something on that subject which you know to be of such infinite solicitude
to me. The immense sufferings you endured from the first days of September
till the middle of February you never tried to conceal from me, and I well
understood. You have now been the husband of a lovely woman nearly eight
months. That you are happier now than the day you married her I well know,
for without you could not be living. But I have your word for it, too, and
the returning elasticity of spirits which is manifested in your letters.
But I want to ask a close question, "Are you now in feeling as well as
judgment glad that you are married as you are?" From anybody but me this
would be an impudent question, not to be tolerated; but I know you will
pardon it in me. Please answer it quickly, as I am impatient to know. I
have sent my love to your Fanny so often, I fear she is getting tired of
it. However, I venture to tender it again.
</p>
<p>
Yours forever,
</p>
<p>
LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0067" id="link2H_4_0067">
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<h2>
TO JAMES S. IRWIN.
</h2>
<h3>
SPRINGFIELD, November 2, 1842.
</h3>
<p>
JAS. S. IRWIN ESQ.:
</p>
<p>
Owing to my absence, yours of the 22nd ult. was not received till this
moment. Judge Logan and myself are willing to attend to any business in
the Supreme Court you may send us. As to fees, it is impossible to
establish a rule that will apply in all, or even a great many cases. We
believe we are never accused of being very unreasonable in this
particular; and we would always be easily satisfied, provided we could see
the money—but whatever fees we earn at a distance, if not paid
before, we have noticed, we never hear of after the work is done. We,
therefore, are growing a little sensitive on that point.
</p>
<p>
Yours etc.,
</p>
<p>
A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0068" id="link2H_4_0068">
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<h2>
1843
</h2>
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<h2>
RESOLUTIONS AT A WHIG MEETING AT SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, MARCH 1, 1843.
</h2>
<p>
The object of the meeting was stated by Mr. Lincoln of Springfield, who
offered the following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted:
</p>
<p>
Resolved, That a tariff of duties on imported goods, producing sufficient
revenue for the payment of the necessary expenditures of the National
Government, and so adjusted as to protect American industry, is
indispensably necessary to the prosperity of the American people.
</p>
<p>
Resolved, That we are opposed to direct taxation for the support of the
National Government.
</p>
<p>
Resolved, That a national bank, properly restricted, is highly necessary
and proper to the establishment and maintenance of a sound currency, and
for the cheap and safe collection, keeping, and disbursing of the public
revenue.
</p>
<p>
Resolved, That the distribution of the proceeds of the sales of the public
lands, upon the principles of Mr. Clay's bill, accords with the best
interests of the nation, and particularly with those of the State of
Illinois.
</p>
<p>
Resolved, That we recommend to the Whigs of each Congressional district of
the State to nominate and support at the approaching election a candidate
of their own principles, regardless of the chances of success.
</p>
<p>
Resolved, That we recommend to the Whigs of all portions of the State to
adopt and rigidly adhere to the convention system of nominating
candidates.
</p>
<p>
Resolved, That we recommend to the Whigs of each Congressional district to
hold a district convention on or before the first Monday of May next, to
be composed of a number of delegates from each county equal to double the
number of its representatives in the General Assembly, provided, each
county shall have at least one delegate. Said delegates to be chosen by
primary meetings of the Whigs, at such times and places as they in their
respective counties may see fit. Said district conventions each to
nominate one candidate for Congress, and one delegate to a national
convention for the purpose of nominating candidates for President and
Vice-President of the United States. The seven delegates so nominated to a
national convention to have power to add two delegates to their own
number, and to fill all vacancies.
</p>
<p>
Resolved, That A. T. Bledsoe, S. T. Logan, and A. Lincoln be appointed a
committee to prepare an address to the people of the State.
</p>
<p>
Resolved, That N. W. Edwards, A. G. Henry, James H. Matheny, John C.
Doremus, and James C. Conkling be appointed a Whig Central State
Committee, with authority to fill any vacancy that may occur in the
committee.
</p>
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<h2>
CIRCULAR FROM WHIG COMMITTEE.
</h2>
<h3>
Address to the People of Illinois.
</h3>
<p>
FELLOW-CITIZENS:-By a resolution of a meeting of such of the Whigs of the
State as are now at Springfield, we, the undersigned, were appointed to
prepare an address to you. The performance of that task we now undertake.
</p>
<p>
Several resolutions were adopted by the meeting; and the chief object of
this address is to show briefly the reasons for their adoption.
</p>
<p>
The first of those resolutions declares a tariff of duties upon foreign
importations, producing sufficient revenue for the support of the General
Government, and so adjusted as to protect American industry, to be
indispensably necessary to the prosperity of the American people; and the
second declares direct taxation for a national revenue to be improper.
Those two resolutions are kindred in their nature, and therefore proper
and convenient to be considered together. The question of protection is a
subject entirely too broad to be crowded into a few pages only, together
with several other subjects. On that point we therefore content ourselves
with giving the following extracts from the writings of Mr. Jefferson,
General Jackson, and the speech of Mr. Calhoun:
</p>
<p>
"To be independent for the comforts of life, we must fabricate them
ourselves. We must now place the manufacturer by the side of the
agriculturalist. The grand inquiry now is, Shall we make our own comforts,
or go without them at the will of a foreign nation? He, therefore, who is
now against domestic manufactures must be for reducing us either to
dependence on that foreign nation, or to be clothed in skins and to live
like wild beasts in dens and caverns. I am not one of those; experience
has taught me that manufactures are now as necessary to our independence
as to our comfort." Letter of Mr. Jefferson to Benjamin Austin.
</p>
<p>
"I ask, What is the real situation of the agriculturalist? Where has the
American farmer a market for his surplus produce? Except for cotton, he
has neither a foreign nor a home market. Does not this clearly prove, when
there is no market at home or abroad, that there [is] too much labor
employed in agriculture? Common sense at once points out the remedy. Take
from agriculture six hundred thousand men, women, and children, and you
will at once give a market for more breadstuffs than all Europe now
furnishes. In short, we have been too long subject to the policy of
British merchants. It is time we should become a little more Americanized,
and instead of feeding the paupers and laborers of England, feed our own;
or else in a short time, by continuing our present policy, we shall all be
rendered paupers ourselves."—General Jackson's Letter to Dr.
Coleman.
</p>
<p>
"When our manufactures are grown to a certain perfection, as they soon
will be, under the fostering care of government, the farmer will find a
ready market for his surplus produce, and—what is of equal
consequence—a certain and cheap supply of all he wants; his
prosperity will diffuse itself to every class of the community." Speech of
Hon. J. C. Calhoun on the Tariff.
</p>
<p>
The question of revenue we will now briefly consider. For several years
past the revenues of the government have been unequal to its expenditures,
and consequently loan after loan, sometimes direct and sometimes indirect
in form, has been resorted to. By this means a new national debt has been
created, and is still growing on us with a rapidity fearful to contemplate—a
rapidity only reasonably to be expected in time of war. This state of
things has been produced by a prevailing unwillingness either to increase
the tariff or resort to direct taxation. But the one or the other must
come. Coming expenditures must be met, and the present debt must be paid;
and money cannot always be borrowed for these objects. The system of loans
is but temporary in its nature, and must soon explode. It is a system not
only ruinous while it lasts, but one that must soon fail and leave us
destitute. As an individual who undertakes to live by borrowing soon finds
his original means devoured by interest, and, next, no one left to borrow
from, so must it be with a government.
</p>
<p>
We repeat, then, that a tariff sufficient for revenue, or a direct tax,
must soon be resorted to; and, indeed, we believe this alternative is now
denied by no one. But which system shall be adopted? Some of our
opponents, in theory, admit the propriety of a tariff sufficient for a
revenue, but even they will not in practice vote for such a tariff; while
others boldly advocate direct taxation. Inasmuch, therefore, as some of
them boldly advocate direct taxation, and all the rest—or so nearly
all as to make exceptions needless—refuse to adopt the tariff, we
think it is doing them no injustice to class them all as advocates of
direct taxation. Indeed, we believe they are only delaying an open avowal
of the system till they can assure themselves that the people will
tolerate it. Let us, then, briefly compare the two systems. The tariff is
the cheaper system, because the duties, being collected in large parcels
at a few commercial points, will require comparatively few officers in
their collection; while by the direct-tax system the land must be
literally covered with assessors and collectors, going forth like swarms
of Egyptian locusts, devouring every blade of grass and other green thing.
And, again, by the tariff system the whole revenue is paid by the
consumers of foreign goods, and those chiefly the luxuries, and not the
necessaries, of life. By this system the man who contents himself to live
upon the products of his own country pays nothing at all. And surely that
country is extensive enough, and its products abundant and varied enough,
to answer all the real wants of its people. In short, by this system the
burthen of revenue falls almost entirely on the wealthy and luxurious few,
while the substantial and laboring many who live at home, and upon home
products, go entirely free. By the direct-tax system none can escape.
However strictly the citizen may exclude from his premises all foreign
luxuries,—fine cloths, fine silks, rich wines, golden chains, and
diamond rings,—still, for the possession of his house, his barn, and
his homespun, he is to be perpetually haunted and harassed by the
tax-gatherer. With these views we leave it to be determined whether we or
our opponents are the more truly democratic on the subject.
</p>
<p>
The third resolution declares the necessity and propriety of a national
bank. During the last fifty years so much has been said and written both
as to the constitutionality and expediency of such an institution, that we
could not hope to improve in the least on former discussions of the
subject, were we to undertake it. We, therefore, upon the question of
constitutionality content ourselves with remarking the facts that the
first national bank was established chiefly by the same men who formed the
Constitution, at a time when that instrument was but two years old, and
receiving the sanction, as President, of the immortal Washington; that the
second received the sanction, as President, of Mr. Madison, to whom common
consent has awarded the proud title of "Father of the Constitution"; and
subsequently the sanction of the Supreme Court, the most enlightened
judicial tribunal in the world. Upon the question of expediency, we only
ask you to examine the history of the times during the existence of the
two banks, and compare those times with the miserable present.
</p>
<p>
The fourth resolution declares the expediency of Mr. Clay's land bill.
Much incomprehensible jargon is often used against the constitutionality
of this measure. We forbear, in this place, attempting an answer to it,
simply because, in our opinion, those who urge it are through party zeal
resolved not to see or acknowledge the truth. The question of expediency,
at least so far as Illinois is concerned, seems to us the clearest
imaginable. By the bill we are to receive annually a large sum of money,
no part of which we otherwise receive. The precise annual sum cannot be
known in advance; it doubtless will vary in different years. Still it is
something to know that in the last year—a year of almost
unparalleled pecuniary pressure—it amounted to more than forty
thousand dollars. This annual income, in the midst of our almost
insupportable difficulties, in the days of our severest necessity, our
political opponents are furiously resolving to take and keep from us. And
for what? Many silly reasons are given, as is usual in cases where a
single good one is not to be found. One is that by giving us the proceeds
of the lands we impoverish the national treasury, and thereby render
necessary an increase of the tariff. This may be true; but if so, the
amount of it only is that those whose pride, whose abundance of means,
prompt them to spurn the manufactures of our country, and to strut in
British cloaks and coats and pantaloons, may have to pay a few cents more
on the yard for the cloth that makes them. A terrible evil, truly, to the
Illinois farmer, who never wore, nor ever expects to wear, a single yard
of British goods in his whole life. Another of their reasons is that by
the passage and continuance of Mr. Clay's bill, we prevent the passage of
a bill which would give us more. This, if it were sound in itself, is
waging destructive war with the former position; for if Mr. Clay's bill
impoverishes the treasury too much, what shall be said of one that
impoverishes it still more? But it is not sound in itself. It is not true
that Mr. Clay's bill prevents the passage of one more favorable to us of
the new States. Considering the strength and opposite interest of the old
States, the wonder is that they ever permitted one to pass so favorable as
Mr. Clay's. The last twenty-odd years' efforts to reduce the price of the
lands, and to pass graduation bills and cession bills, prove the assertion
to be true; and if there were no experience in support of it, the reason
itself is plain. The States in which none, or few, of the public lands
lie, and those consequently interested against parting with them except
for the best price, are the majority; and a moment's reflection will show
that they must ever continue the majority, because by the time one of the
original new States (Ohio, for example) becomes populous and gets weight
in Congress, the public lands in her limits are so nearly sold out that in
every point material to this question she becomes an old State. She does
not wish the price reduced, because there is none left for her citizens to
buy; she does not wish them ceded to the States in which they lie, because
they no longer lie in her limits, and she will get nothing by the cession.
In the nature of things, the States interested in the reduction of price,
in graduation, in cession, and in all similar projects, never can be the
majority. Nor is there reason to hope that any of them can ever succeed as
a Democratic party measure, because we have heretofore seen that party in
full power, year after year, with many of their leaders making loud
professions in favor of these projects, and yet doing nothing. What
reason, then, is there to believe they will hereafter do better? In every
light in which we can view this question, it amounts simply to this: Shall
we accept our share of the proceeds under Mr. Clay's bill, or shall we
rather reject that and get nothing?
</p>
<p>
The fifth resolution recommends that a Whig candidate for Congress be run
in every district, regardless of the chances of success. We are aware that
it is sometimes a temporary gratification, when a friend cannot succeed,
to be able to choose between opponents; but we believe that that
gratification is the seed-time which never fails to be followed by a most
abundant harvest of bitterness. By this policy we entangle ourselves. By
voting for our opponents, such of us as do it in some measure estop
ourselves to complain of their acts, however glaringly wrong we may
believe them to be. By this policy no one portion of our friends can ever
be certain as to what course another portion may adopt; and by this want
of mutual and perfect understanding our political identity is partially
frittered away and lost. And, again, those who are thus elected by our aid
ever become our bitterest persecutors. Take a few prominent examples. In
1830 Reynolds was elected Governor; in 1835 we exerted our whole strength
to elect Judge Young to the United States Senate, which effort, though
failing, gave him the prominence that subsequently elected him; in 1836
General Ewing, was so elected to the United States Senate; and yet let us
ask what three men have been more perseveringly vindictive in their
assaults upon all our men and measures than they? During the last summer
the whole State was covered with pamphlet editions of misrepresentations
against us, methodized into chapters and verses, written by two of these
same men,—Reynolds and Young, in which they did not stop at charging
us with error merely, but roundly denounced us as the designing enemies of
human liberty, itself. If it be the will of Heaven that such men shall
politically live, be it so; but never, never again permit them to draw a
particle of their sustenance from us.
</p>
<p>
The sixth resolution recommends the adoption of the convention system for
the nomination of candidates. This we believe to be of the very first
importance. Whether the system is right in itself we do not stop to
inquire; contenting ourselves with trying to show that, while our
opponents use it, it is madness in us not to defend ourselves with it.
Experience has shown that we cannot successfully defend ourselves without
it. For examples, look at the elections of last year. Our candidate for
governor, with the approbation of a large portion of the party, took the
field without a nomination, and in open opposition to the system. Wherever
in the counties the Whigs had held conventions and nominated candidates
for the Legislature, the aspirants who were not nominated were induced to
rebel against the nominations, and to become candidates, as is said, "on
their own hook." And, go where you would into a large Whig county, you
were sure to find the Whigs not contending shoulder to shoulder against
the common enemy, but divided into factions, and fighting furiously with
one another. The election came, and what was the result? The governor
beaten, the Whig vote being decreased many thousands since 1840, although
the Democratic vote had not increased any. Beaten almost everywhere for
members of the Legislature,—Tazewell, with her four hundred Whig
majority, sending a delegation half Democratic; Vermillion, with her five
hundred, doing the same; Coles, with her four hundred, sending two out of
three; and Morgan, with her two hundred and fifty, sending three out of
four,—and this to say nothing of the numerous other less glaring
examples; the whole winding up with the aggregate number of twenty-seven
Democratic representatives sent from Whig counties. As to the senators,
too, the result was of the same character. And it is most worthy to be
remembered that of all the Whigs in the State who ran against the regular
nominees, a single one only was elected. Although they succeeded in
defeating the nominees almost by scores, they too were defeated, and the
spoils chucklingly borne off by the common enemy.
</p>
<p>
We do not mention the fact of many of the Whigs opposing the convention
system heretofore for the purpose of censuring them. Far from it. We
expressly protest against such a conclusion. We know they were generally,
perhaps universally, as good and true Whigs as we ourselves claim to be.
</p>
<p>
We mention it merely to draw attention to the disastrous result it
produced, as an example forever hereafter to be avoided. That "union is
strength" is a truth that has been known, illustrated, and declared in
various ways and forms in all ages of the world. That great fabulist and
philosopher Aesop illustrated it by his fable of the bundle of sticks; and
he whose wisdom surpasses that of all philosophers has declared that "a
house divided against itself cannot stand." It is to induce our friends to
act upon this important and universally acknowledged truth that we urge
the adoption of the convention system. Reflection will prove that there is
no other way of practically applying it. In its application we know there
will be incidents temporarily painful; but, after all, those incidents
will be fewer and less intense with than without the system. If two
friends aspire to the same office it is certain that both cannot succeed.
Would it not, then, be much less painful to have the question decided by
mutual friends some time before, than to snarl and quarrel until the day
of election, and then both be beaten by the common enemy?
</p>
<p>
Before leaving this subject, we think proper to remark that we do not
understand the resolution as intended to recommend the application of the
convention system to the nomination of candidates for the small offices no
way connected with politics; though we must say we do not perceive that
such an application of it would be wrong.
</p>
<p>
The seventh resolution recommends the holding of district conventions in
May next, for the purpose of nominating candidates for Congress. The
propriety of this rests upon the same reasons with that of the sixth, and
therefore needs no further discussion.
</p>
<p>
The eighth and ninth also relate merely to the practical application of
the foregoing, and therefore need no discussion.
</p>
<p>
Before closing, permit us to add a few reflections on the present
condition and future prospects of the Whig party. In almost all the States
we have fallen into the minority, and despondency seems to prevail
universally among us. Is there just cause for this? In 1840 we carried the
nation by more than a hundred and forty thousand majority. Our opponents
charged that we did it by fraudulent voting; but whatever they may have
believed, we know the charge to be untrue. Where, now, is that mighty
host? Have they gone over to the enemy? Let the results of the late
elections answer. Every State which has fallen off from the Whig cause
since 1840 has done so not by giving more Democratic votes than they did
then, but by giving fewer Whig. Bouck, who was elected Democratic Governor
of New York last fall by more than 15,000 majority, had not then as many
votes as he had in 1840, when he was beaten by seven or eight thousand.
And so has it been in all the other States which have fallen away from our
cause. From this it is evident that tens of thousands in the late
elections have not voted at all. Who and what are they? is an important
question, as respects the future. They can come forward and give us the
victory again. That all, or nearly all, of them are Whigs is most
apparent. Our opponents, stung to madness by the defeat of 1840, have ever
since rallied with more than their usual unanimity. It has not been they
that have been kept from the polls. These facts show what the result must
be, once the people again rally in their entire strength. Proclaim these
facts, and predict this result; and although unthinking opponents may
smile at us, the sagacious ones will "believe and tremble." And why shall
the Whigs not all rally again? Are their principles less dear now than in
1840? Have any of their doctrines since then been discovered to be untrue?
It is true, the victory of 1840 did not produce the happy results
anticipated; but it is equally true, as we believe, that the unfortunate
death of General Harrison was the cause of the failure. It was not the
election of General Harrison that was expected to produce happy effects,
but the measures to be adopted by his administration. By means of his
death, and the unexpected course of his successor, those measures were
never adopted. How could the fruits follow? The consequences we always
predicted would follow the failure of those measures have followed, and
are now upon us in all their horrors. By the course of Mr. Tyler the
policy of our opponents has continued in operation, still leaving them
with the advantage of charging all its evils upon us as the results of a
Whig administration. Let none be deceived by this somewhat plausible,
though entirely false charge. If they ask us for the sufficient and sound
currency we promised, let them be answered that we only promised it
through the medium of a national bank, which they, aided by Mr. Tyler,
prevented our establishing. And let them be reminded, too, that their own
policy in relation to the currency has all the time been, and still is, in
full operation. Let us then again come forth in our might, and by a second
victory accomplish that which death prevented in the first. We can do it.
When did the Whigs ever fail if they were fully aroused and united? Even
in single States, under such circumstances, defeat seldom overtakes them.
Call to mind the contested elections within the last few years, and
particularly those of Moore and Letcher from Kentucky, Newland and Graham
from North Carolina, and the famous New Jersey case. In all these
districts Locofocoism had stalked omnipotent before; but when the whole
people were aroused by its enormities on those occasions, they put it
down, never to rise again.
</p>
<p>
We declare it to be our solemn conviction, that the Whigs are always a
majority of this nation; and that to make them always successful needs but
to get them all to the polls and to vote unitedly. This is the great
desideratum. Let us make every effort to attain it. At every election, let
every Whig act as though he knew the result to depend upon his action. In
the great contest of 1840 some more than twenty one hundred thousand votes
were cast, and so surely as there shall be that many, with the ordinary
increase added, cast in 1844 that surely will a Whig be elected President
of the United States.
</p>
<p>
A. LINCOLN. S. T. LOGAN. A. T. BLEDSOE.
</p>
<p>
March 4, 1843.
</p>
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<h2>
TO JOHN BENNETT.
</h2>
<h3>
SPRINGFIELD, March 7, 1843.
</h3>
<p>
FRIEND BENNETT:
</p>
<p>
Your letter of this day was handed me by Mr. Miles. It is too late now to
effect the object you desire. On yesterday morning the most of the Whig
members from this district got together and agreed to hold the convention
at Tremont in Tazewell County. I am sorry to hear that any of the Whigs of
your county, or indeed of any county, should longer be against
conventions. On last Wednesday evening a meeting of all the Whigs then
here from all parts of the State was held, and the question of the
propriety of conventions was brought up and fully discussed, and at the
end of the discussion a resolution recommending the system of conventions
to all the Whigs of the State was unanimously adopted. Other resolutions
were also passed, all of which will appear in the next Journal. The
meeting also appointed a committee to draft an address to the people of
the State, which address will also appear in the next journal.
</p>
<p>
In it you will find a brief argument in favor of conventions—and
although I wrote it myself I will say to you that it is conclusive upon
the point and can not be reasonably answered. The right way for you to do
is hold your meeting and appoint delegates any how, and if there be any
who will not take part, let it be so. The matter will work so well this
time that even they who now oppose will come in next time.
</p>
<p>
The convention is to be held at Tremont on the 5th of April and according
to the rule we have adopted your county is to have delegates—being
double your representation.
</p>
<p>
If there be any good Whig who is disposed to stick out against conventions
get him at least to read the arguement in their favor in the address.
</p>
<p>
Yours as ever,
</p>
<p>
A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0072" id="link2H_4_0072">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
JOSHUA F. SPEED.
</h2>
<h3>
SPRINGFIELD, March 24, 1843.
</h3>
<p>
DEAR SPEED:—We had a meeting of the Whigs of the county here on last
Monday to appoint delegates to a district convention; and Baker beat me,
and got the delegation instructed to go for him. The meeting, in spite of
my attempt to decline it, appointed me one of the delegates; so that in
getting Baker the nomination I shall be fixed a good deal like a fellow
who is made a groomsman to a man that has cut him out and is marrying his
own dear "gal." About the prospects of your having a namesake at our town,
can't say exactly yet.
</p>
<p>
A. LINCOLN. <a name="link2H_4_0073" id="link2H_4_0073">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
TO MARTIN M. MORRIS.
</h2>
<h3>
SPRINGFIELD, ILL., March 26, 1843.
</h3>
<p>
FRIEND MORRIS:
</p>
<p>
Your letter of the a 3 d, was received on yesterday morning, and for which
(instead of an excuse, which you thought proper to ask) I tender you my
sincere thanks. It is truly gratifying to me to learn that, while the
people of Sangamon have cast me off, my old friends of Menard, who have
known me longest and best, stick to me. It would astonish, if not amuse,
the older citizens to learn that I (a stranger, friendless, uneducated,
penniless boy, working on a flatboat at ten dollars per month) have been
put down here as the candidate of pride, wealth, and aristocratic family
distinction. Yet so, chiefly, it was. There was, too, the strangest
combination of church influence against me. Baker is a Campbellite; and
therefore, as I suppose, with few exceptions got all that church. My wife
has some relations in the Presbyterian churches, and some with the
Episcopal churches; and therefore, wherever it would tell, I was set down
as either the one or the other, while it was everywhere contended that no
Christian ought to go for me, because I belonged to no church, was
suspected of being a deist, and had talked about fighting a duel. With all
these things, Baker, of course, had nothing to do. Nor do I complain of
them. As to his own church going for him, I think that was right enough,
and as to the influences I have spoken of in the other, though they were
very strong, it would be grossly untrue and unjust to charge that they
acted upon them in a body or were very near so. I only mean that those
influences levied a tax of a considerable per cent. upon my strength
throughout the religious controversy. But enough of this.
</p>
<p>
You say that in choosing a candidate for Congress you have an equal right
with Sangamon, and in this you are undoubtedly correct. In agreeing to
withdraw if the Whigs of Sangamon should go against me, I did not mean
that they alone were worth consulting, but that if she, with her heavy
delegation, should be against me, it would be impossible for me to
succeed, and therefore I had as well decline. And in relation to Menard
having rights, permit me fully to recognize them, and to express the
opinion that, if she and Mason act circumspectly, they will in the
convention be able so far to enforce their rights as to decide absolutely
which one of the candidates shall be successful. Let me show the reason of
this. Hardin, or some other Morgan candidate, will get Putnam, Marshall,
Woodford, Tazewell, and Logan—making sixteen. Then you and Mason,
having three, can give the victory to either side.
</p>
<p>
You say you shall instruct your delegates for me, unless I object. I
certainly shall not object. That would be too pleasant a compliment for me
to tread in the dust. And besides, if anything should happen (which,
however, is not probable) by which Baker should be thrown out of the
fight, I would be at liberty to accept the nomination if I could get it. I
do, however, feel myself bound not to hinder him in any way from getting
the nomination. I should despise myself were I to attempt it. I think,
then, it would be proper for your meeting to appoint three delegates and
to instruct them to go for some one as the first choice, some one else as
a second, and perhaps some one as a third; and if in those instructions I
were named as the first choice, it would gratify me very much. If you wish
to hold the balance of power, it is important for you to attend to and
secure the vote of Mason also: You should be sure to have men appointed
delegates that you know you can safely confide in. If yourself and James
Short were appointed from your county, all would be safe; but whether
Jim's woman affair a year ago might not be in the way of his appointment
is a question. I don't know whether you know it, but I know him to be as
honorable a man as there is in the world. You have my permission, and even
request, to show this letter to Short; but to no one else, unless it be a
very particular friend who you know will not speak of it.
</p>
<p>
Yours as ever, A. LINCOLN.
</p>
<p>
P. S Will you write me again?
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0074" id="link2H_4_0074">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
TO MARTIN M. MORRIS.
</h2>
<h3>
April 14, 1843.
</h3>
<p>
FRIEND MORRIS:
</p>
<p>
I have heard it intimated that Baker has been attempting to get you or
Miles, or both of you, to violate the instructions of the meeting that
appointed you, and to go for him. I have insisted, and still insist, that
this cannot be true. Surely Baker would not do the like. As well might
Hardin ask me to vote for him in the convention. Again, it is said there
will be an attempt to get up instructions in your county requiring you to
go for Baker. This is all wrong. Upon the same rule, Why might not I fly
from the decision against me in Sangamon, and get up instructions to their
delegates to go for me? There are at least twelve hundred Whigs in the
county that took no part, and yet I would as soon put my head in the fire
as to attempt it. Besides, if any one should get the nomination by such
extraordinary means, all harmony in the district would inevitably be lost.
Honest Whigs (and very nearly all of them are honest) would not quietly
abide such enormities. I repeat, such an attempt on Baker's part cannot be
true. Write me at Springfield how the matter is. Don't show or speak of
this letter.
</p>
<p>
A. LINCOLN <a name="link2H_4_0075" id="link2H_4_0075">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
TO GEN. J. J. HARDIN.
</h2>
<h3>
SPRINGFIELD, May 11, 1843.
</h3>
<p>
FRIEND HARDIN:
</p>
<p>
Butler informs me that he received a letter from you, in which you
expressed some doubt whether the Whigs of Sangamon will support you
cordially. You may, at once, dismiss all fears on that subject. We have
already resolved to make a particular effort to give you the very largest
majority possible in our county. From this, no Whig of the county
dissents. We have many objects for doing it. We make it a matter of honor
and pride to do it; we do it because we love the Whig cause; we do it
because we like you personally; and last, we wish to convince you that we
do not bear that hatred to Morgan County that you people have so long
seemed to imagine. You will see by the journals of this week that we
propose, upon pain of losing a barbecue, to give you twice as great a
majority in this county as you shall receive in your own. I got up the
proposal.
</p>
<p>
Who of the five appointed is to write the district address? I did the
labor of writing one address this year, and got thunder for my reward.
Nothing new here.
</p>
<p>
Yours as ever, A. LINCOLN.
</p>
<p>
P. S.—I wish you would measure one of the largest of those swords we
took to Alton and write me the length of it, from tip of the point to tip
of the hilt, in feet and inches. I have a dispute about the length.
</p>
<p>
A. L. <br /> <br />
</p>
<hr />
<p>
<br /> <br />
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
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