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diff --git a/25544.txt b/25544.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..0a50b89 --- /dev/null +++ b/25544.txt @@ -0,0 +1,1458 @@ +The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Pioneer Steamship Savannah: A Study for a +Scale Model, by Howard I. Chapelle + + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + + + + +Title: The Pioneer Steamship Savannah: A Study for a Scale Model + United States National Museum Bulletin 228, 1961, pages 61-80 + + +Author: Howard I. Chapelle + + + +Release Date: May 20, 2008 [eBook #25544] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-646-US (US-ASCII) + + +***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PIONEER STEAMSHIP SAVANNAH: A +STUDY FOR A SCALE MODEL*** + + +E-text prepared by Colin Bell, Joseph Cooper, Chris Logan, and the Project +Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team (https://www.pgdp.net) + + + +Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this + file which includes the original illustrations. + See 25544-h.htm or 25544-h.zip: + (https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/2/5/5/4/25544/25544-h/25544-h.htm) + or + (https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/2/5/5/4/25544/25544-h.zip) + + + + + +Contributions from the Museum of History and Technology: +Paper 21 + +THE PIONEER STEAMSHIP SAVANNAH: + +A Study for a Scale Model + +by + +HOWARD I. CHAPELLE + + + + + + + +_Howard I. Chapelle_ + +The Pioneer Steamship + +SAVANNAH: + +_A Study for a Scale Model_ + + _The original plans of the pioneer transatlantic steamer_ Savannah + _no longer exist, and many popular representations of the famous + vessel have been based on a 70-year-old model in the United States + National Museum. This model, however, differs in several important + respects from contemporary illustrations._ + + _To correct these apparent inaccuracies in a new, authentic model, + a reconstruction of the original plans was undertaken, using as + sources the ship's logbook and customhouse description, a French + report on American steam vessels published in 1823, and Russian + newspaper accounts contemporary with the_ Savannah's _visit to St. + Petersburg on her historic voyage of 1819. The development of this + research and the resulting information in terms of her + measurements and general description are related here._ + + THE AUTHOR: _Howard I. Chapelle is curator of transportation in + the United States National Museum, Smithsonian Institution._ + + +The United States National Museum has in its watercraft collection a +rigged scale model purported to be of the pioneer transatlantic +steamer _Savannah_. For many years this model was generally accepted +as being a reasonably accurate representation and was the basis for +countless illustrations. Curiously enough, the model (USNM 160364) +does not agree with the published catalog description[1] as to the +side paddle wheels. Neither does it agree with the material in the +Marestier report,[2] which is accepted as the only source for a +contemporary picture of the _Savannah_. + +The recent naming of an atomic-powered ship in honor of the famous +steamer greatly increased popular interest in the pioneer ship and its +supposed model. Consequently, the National Museum undertook the +research necessary to correct or replace the existing model. This +research has been carried out by the staff of the Museum's +transportation division with the aid of Frank O. Braynard of the +American Merchant Marine Institute, Eugene S. Ferguson, curator of +mechanical and civil engineering at the Museum, and others. + +The _Savannah_ crossed from Savannah, Georgia, to Liverpool, England, +in the period May 22 to June 20, 1819; and proceeded to the Baltic, +where she entered at St. Petersburg (now Leningrad), Stockholm, and a +few other ports. On her return she reached Savannah on November 30, +and on December 3 she sailed for Washington, D.C., arriving on +December 16. Her original logbook now on exhibition in the Museum,[3] +covers the period between March 28, 1819, when she first left New York +for Savannah, to December 1819 when she was at Washington. + +[Illustration: Figure 1.--Old model of the _Savannah_, built under the +supervision of Captain Collins. This model has been removed from +exhibition in the United States National Museum because of +inaccuracies. (_USNM_ 160364; _Smithsonian photo_ 14355.)] + +The old model (fig. 1) was built about 1890-1892 by Lawrence Jenson, a +master shipwright and model builder of Gloucester and Rockport, +Massachusetts, under the supervision of Capt. Joseph Collins of the +U.S. Fish Commission. Notes in the records of the Museum's +transportation division show that the research for this model was done +by Captain Collins through use of an unidentified lithograph, printed +after the transatlantic voyage, and what then could be learned about +American sailing ships contemporary with the _Savannah_. In these +notes the complaint is made that no contemporary representation of the +steamship had then been found. + +The old, inaccurate model, built to the scale of one-half inch to the +foot, represents an auxiliary, side-wheel, ship-rigged steamer. The +model scale measurements are about 120 feet in over-all length, 29 +feet in beam, and 13 feet 6 inches depth in hold. The tonnage is +stated on the exhibit card to have been about 350 tons, old +measurement. The model has crude wooden side paddles of the radial +type, a tall straight smokestack between fore and main masts, a small +deckhouse forward of the stack, a raised quarter-deck, and a round +stern. + +[Illustration: Figure 2.--The United States National Museum's new +model of the _Savannah_. This model was built by Arthur Henning, Inc., +of New York City, from the ship's plans as reconstructed by staff +members of the Museum's division of transportation. (_USNM_ 319026.)] + +The first step in the research for creating a more faithful +representation of the _Savannah_ was to obtain the customhouse +description of the ship. It was readily established that she was built +as a sailing packet ship by the Fickett and Crockett shipyard[4] at +Corlaer's Hook, East River, New York, and that she was launched August +22, 1818. Her register shows that she was 98 feet 6 inches in length +between perpendiculars, 25 feet 10 inches in beam, 14 feet 2 inches +depth in hold, of 319-70/94 tons burthen, and with square stern, round +tuck, no quarter galleries, and a man's bust figurehead. + +These dimensions of the _Savannah_ required the researchers to +investigate the method of taking register dimensions in 1818. It was +found that the customhouse rule then in effect measured length +between perpendiculars above the upper deck, from "foreside of the +main stem" to the "after side of the sternpost." The beam was measured +outside of plank at the widest point in the hull, above the main +wales. If a vessel were single-decked, the depth was measured +alongside the keelson at main hatch from ceiling to underside of deck +plank; if double-decked, one-half the measured beam was the register +depth.[5] However, inspection of the register of a number of ships of +1815-1840 showed that, in practice, double-decked ships commonly were +measured as single-decked ships; this obviously was the case in the +_Savannah_. Also, due to the lack of precise measuring devices, the +register dimensions were not always accurate, particularly those of +the length, which often were in error as much as one foot in a +hundred, as was found by investigation of various classes of vessels. +Because of inherent difficulties in measuring to the required points, +this condition lasted even after steel tapes were introduced late in +the 19th century. + +The Museum's researchers next turned their attention to examination of +the Marestier work, a French report on early American steam vessels +that had become known to some American marine historians in the +1920's. The author was a French naval constructor who, on orders from +his government, had spent two years in the United States between 1819 +and 1822 studying American steam vessels, schooners, and naval +vessels. The published report contained only material on steam vessels +and schooners. The portion dealing with naval vessels was not +published, and the manuscript has not been found to the present time +(1960). The publication, a rare book, was available in only a few +collectors' libraries or public institutions in the United States. In +1930 the writer translated the chapter on schooners,[6] and in 1957 +Sidney Withington translated most of the remainder.[7] As a result of +these publications and earlier published references, the Marestier +material became widely known to persons interested in ships. + +[Illustration: Figure 3.--Marestier's sketch of the _Savannah_ (from +plate 8 in Withington's translation of the Marestier report). Heights +of lower masts are excessive by all known American masting rules; and, +according to Marestier's drawing of the engine (see figure 4), the +deckhouse is too short.] + +Withington's translation states that the _Savannah_ measured 30.48 +meters (100 feet) in length and 7.92 meters (26 feet) in beam and that +she drew 3.66 meters (12 feet) in port and 4.27 meters (14 feet) +loaded. Marestier's sketch (see fig. 3) of the outboard of the +_Savannah_ shows a ship-rigged, flush-decked vessel with a small +deckhouse forward of the mainmast and nearly abreast of the side +paddle wheels. The stack is a little forward of the deckhouse and has +an elbow at its top. Netting quarter-deck rail is shown and a bust +figurehead is indicated. The position of the hawse pipe shown at the +bow indicates the wheel shaft to have been at or about deck level. For +structural reasons, and in compliance with the sketch, the wheel shaft +would have been just above the deck. + +[Illustration: Figure 4.--Marestier's drawings of the _Savannah's_ +engine (from plate 7 in Withington's translation of the Marestier +report). The graphic dimensions do not precisely correspond to the +scale of dimensions in Marestier's text, nor with other recorded +measurements.] + +Marestier's drawings of the engine and paddle wheels[8] are reproduced +in figure 4. The nonoscillating engine is inclined toward the +paddle-wheel shaft. The connecting rod operates a crosshead to which +is pivoted a pitman, or oscillating rod, that operates the +paddle-wheel crankshaft. Alongside the steam cylinder is an air pump +cylinder, also connected to the crosshead. The steam inlet and outlet +pipes enter a valve chest on top of the steam cylinder, which is +described as being 1.035 meters (3.4 feet) in diameter, and of 1.5 +meters (4.9 feet) in stroke. + +The paddle wheels are shown as being of iron, with two fixed arms +opposite one another on the hub. The other arms (four above and four +below the fixed arms) are pivoted to the hub and held spread by chain +stays. These eight blades fold, in pairs, to each of the fixed arms. +The wheels are shown in elevation, with the upper pivoted arms folded +on top of the fixed arms, and in cross section; the latter shows the +shape of the buckets, hub, and outboard bearing of the shaft. The +wheels are described as being 4.9 meters (16 feet) in diameter, while +the buckets are 1.42 meters (4.65 feet) wide and 0.83 meters (2.72 +feet) deep. The two outer corners of each bucket are snyed off at +nearly 45 deg. The wheels are shown folded in the sketch; according to +the description, they could be unshipped from the shaft and stowed on +deck when desired. The method of removing the wheels from the shaft is +not described, but from the drawings it seems probable that they were +detached from the shaft by removing a lock bolt outboard and sliding +the wheels off the square shaft. The hub seems adequate for this. +Marestier states that this removal could be accomplished in 15 to 20 +minutes; the logbook shows that it took 20 to 30 minutes to perform +this operation at sea. + +Marestier states that the ship had spencer masts and trysails on fore +and main, and a spencer mast on the mizzen for a spanker; he +illustrates these as having royal poles, but with no royal yards +crossed.[9] The smokestack is described as pivoted. The mainstay is +double, setting up at deck, near rail, and forward of the foremost +shrouds of the foremast to clear the stack and foremast. + +The boilers were in the hold, but Marestier gives no dimensions. +However, he comments that, in American steamers, the space for steam +in the boilers varied from 6 to 12 times the capacity of the cylinder. +He gives the _Savannah's_ boiler pressure as 2 to 5 pounds per square +inch and the maximum revolution of the wheels as 16 revolutions per +minute. The boilers could burn coal or wood. Judging by Marestier's +sketch of the ship, the stack was at the firebox end; the boiler or +boilers were underneath the engine. + +The log of the _Savannah_ gives little useful technical information +other than that the ship readily made 9 to 10 knots under sail in +fresh winds, showing she could sail well. Under steam alone the log +credits the ship with a speed of 6 knots; Marestier estimated her +speed at 5-1/4 knots in smooth water. The log shows that she usually +furled her sails when steaming, though on a few occasions she used +both steam and sail. In her crossing from Savannah to Liverpool she +appears to have been under steam for a little less than 90 hours in a +period of about 18 days (out of the total of 29 days and 11 hours +required to cross). There is no evidence of any intent to make the +whole passage under steam alone, for the vessel was intended to be an +auxiliary, with sails the chief propulsion. + +Captain Collins states in his notes that the ship was built by Francis +Fickett as a Havre packet, that she stowed 75 tons of coal and 25 +cords of wood, and cost $50,000. Apparently quoting Preble[10] to a +great extent, he also states that the engine developed 90 horsepower +and had a 40-inch diameter cylinder with a stroke of 5 feet. + +Preble states that the ship was purchased for conversion to a steamer +after launching and gives statements by Stevens Rogers, sailing master +of the _Savannah_, to the effect that the ship was built as a Havre +packet and that the project ruined financially one of the investors, +William Scarborough. Rogers, who made these statements in 1856, also +said the ship was built by "Crocker and Fickett." Contemporary +newspapers, quoted by Preble, state that the ship had 32 berths in +staterooms for passengers. + +Morrison[11] credits the building of the _Savannah_ to Francis Fickett +and says she was intended for the Havre packet run. He states that the +vessel cost $50,000; that her paddle wheels, each with eight buckets, +were 16 feet in diameter; and that she had canvas wheel boxes +supported by an iron frame. Morrison also relates the history of the +ship after her return from Russia--the removal and the sale of her +machinery to James P. Allaire, the operation of the ship as a sailing +packet between New York and Savannah under the ownership and command +of Captain Holdridge, and her stranding and loss during an +east-northeast gale on November 5, 1821, at Great South Beach, off +Bellport, on the south shore of Long Island. He also states that the +steam cylinder of her engine was exhibited at the Crystal Palace Fair +in New York during 1853, and that the ship proved uneconomical due to +the large amount of space occupied by the engine, boilers, and fuel, +leaving little space for cargo. Morrison apparently used some of the +statements made in 1836 and 1856 by Stevens Rogers, who was the +sailing master on the famous voyage. + +Tyler[12] names the stockholders of the Savannah Steamship Company, +owner of the _Savannah_. The company was proposed by Capt. Moses +Rogers, and its shareholders were William Scarborough, John McKenna, +Samuel Howard, Charles Howard, Robert Isaacs, S. C. Dunning, A. B. +Fannin, John Haslett, A. S. Bullock, James Bullock, John Bogue, Andrew +Low, Col. J. P. Henry, J. Minis, John Sparkman, Robert Mitchell, R. +Habersham, J. Habersham, Gideon Pott, W. S. Gillet, and Samuel Yates. +Tyler establishes, by the company's charter, that the objective was to +institute a New York-Savannah packet service, for which the _Savannah_ +was to be the first ship. He shows that, due to the economic +depression of 1819, the _Savannah_ sailed to Liverpool in ballast and +without passengers. Her fuel capacity is given as 1,500 bushels (75 +tons) of coal and 25 cords of wood. [It should be noted that 1,500 +bushels of bituminous coal does not quite equal 75 tons.] Tyler quotes +S. C. Gilfillan[13] as to criticisms of the engine and its design. + +Partington[14] estimated coal consumption to be nearly 10 tons a day; +remarked on the uneconomical arrangement of the ship, with the engine +and boiler occupying the greater part of the space amidships, between +fore and main masts; and located the axle of the paddle wheel "above +the bends," that is, in the topsides above the wale. The description +he gives of the unshipping of the wheels is that the pivoted blades +were removed and the fixed blades, in horizontal position, were left +on the shaft. This agrees with a Russian description referred to +later. The logbook repeatedly speaks of "shipping" and "unshipping" +the paddle wheels, indicating that the wheels were entirely removed +from the shafts and stowed on deck. + +Watkins[15] showed, by the account books of Stephen Vail, owner of the +Speedwell Ironworks near Morristown, New Jersey, that the engine was +built by Vail, but apparently to designs by Daniel Dod. The latter +built the _Savannah's_ boiler at Elizabeth, New Jersey, and made some +parts of the engine, which he furnished, incomplete in some instances, +to Vail. These account books, which were in the possession of John +Lidgerwood of New York City in 1890, show the steam cylinder to have +had an inside diameter of 40-3/8 inches and a 5-foot stroke. Reference +in the account books to an error in Dod's draught of a piston proves +that Dod designed the engine. + +Watkins states that the engine was rated at 90 horsepower. He does not +give the diameter of the pump cylinder, but, judging by the scaling of +Marestier's drawing and by a rather indefinite entry in the Vail +account book, it appears to have been between 17 and 18 inches. +Quoting Captain Collins at some length, Watkins writes that the +mainmast was placed farther aft than was usual in a sailing ship, and +that the vessel had a round stern. Collins apparently based his +opinion upon an unidentified "contemporaneous lithograph" and upon +"all other illustrations of this famous vessel." Collins' conception +of the appearance of the _Savannah_ is shown in a drawing by C. B. +Hudson that is reproduced as the frontispiece in Watkins' publication. +A statement by Stevens Rogers that was published in the _New London +Gazette_ in 1836 appears to have been the original source for +statements regarding the _Savannah's_ fuel capacity, her sale, and her +loss in 1821 while owned and commanded by Capt. Nathaniel Holdridge, +"now master of the Liverpool packet ship _United States_." Watkins +also gives a picture of Stevens Rogers' tombstone, on which there is a +small carving purported to be of the _Savannah_. The tombstone was +made in 1868. + +From a Russian newspaper contemporary with the _Savannah's_ visit to +St. Petersburg, Frank Braynard found a statement that the vessel had +two boilers, each 27 feet long and 6 feet in diameter.[16] It was also +shown she had at least one chain cable. Considerable information on +the cabin arrangement and the method of folding the wheels was also +obtained from this Russian source. + +In spite of a very extensive bibliography on the _Savannah_, the basic +sources for reliable technical description are Marestier's report on +American steamers, the logbook of the ship, Watkins' extracts from the +Speedwell Iron Works account book, the customhouse records, and some +of the statements made by Stevens Rogers between 1836 and 1856. Plans +of the ship, or a builder's half-model, have not been found. +Marestier's sketch of the _Savannah_, which is not a scale drawing, +and his drawings of the engine and paddle wheels were the only +available illustrations upon which reconstruction could be based. + +Through the efforts of Malcolm Bell, Jr., of Savannah, Georgia, and +Frank Braynard, a search was made by Russian authorities at Leningrad +for contemporary references to the ship. This work resulted in +information as to how the side wheels were folded, the dimensions of +the boilers, and some description of the cabins and fittings. + +As to the ship itself, the customhouse registered dimensions are of +prime importance; they fix the over-all hull dimensions within +reasonable limits. A vessel of 1818 measuring 98 feet 6 inches between +perpendiculars would have been 100 to 104 feet long at rail. The type +of ship represented by the _Savannah_ is well established. All +references are in agreement that she was built as a packet ship--a +Havre or transatlantic packet in most accounts. + +The packet ships listed by Albion[17] show that all the pioneer ships +of the transatlantic Black Ball Line--which began operation with the +sailing of the 424-ton _James Monroe_ on January 5, 1818--measured at +least 103 feet 6 inches between perpendiculars. Two of the pioneer +ships of the first Havre Line--which did not begin operation until +1822--were under 98 feet between perpendiculars. The second Havre Line +began operation in 1823; of its four pioneer packets, two were +purchased general traders measuring under 98 feet between +perpendiculars. The coastal packets built between 1817 and 1823 were +all under 100 feet between perpendiculars. It is apparent, then, that +the size of the early packets did not indicate, with any degree of +certainty, the trade in which they might be employed. + +Belief that the _Savannah_ was built as a Havre packet is based upon +Stevens Rogers' statements, and her size obviously does not make this +impossible; nevertheless, it seems highly improbable that she was +built for the Havre service because no Havre line of packets had been +organized as early as 1818 out of New York or Savannah so far as can +be found. However, the matter is not of very great concern as it is +probably true that the models of coastal and transatlantic packet +ships were quite similar at the period of the _Savannah_. This +statement is supported by the plan of a coastal packet built seven +years after the _Savannah_. + +The hull-type of these early packets can be established. While no +half-models or plans of packets built before 1832 could be found, +offset tables of a Philadelphia-New Orleans packet of 1824-1825 were +obtained through the courtesy of William Salisbury, an English marine +historian who had been studying the British mail packets. These offset +tables had been sent from Washington on March 25, 1831, by John +Lenthall, U.S. naval constructor, to William Morgan and Augustin +Creuze, London editors, for publication.[18] The offset tables were +for a packet ship 103 feet between the perpendiculars of the builder +(rather than between those of the customhouse) and 27 feet moulded +beam. An examination of the files on American packet vessels in the +collection of Carl C. Cutler, curator emeritus of the Mystic Marine +Museum, showed with certainty that the offsets were for the _Ohio_, +built at Philadelphia late in 1825. The drawings of this ship (fig. 5) +were made from the offset tables and from other measurements; minor +details are from portraits of packet ships, particularly of the first +_New York_ (1822-1834) of the Black Ball Line. + +[Illustration: Figure 5.--Lines of the coastal packet ship _Ohio_, +built at Philadelphia in 1825 for the Philadelphia-New Orleans run. +The _Ohio_ represents the general type of early American packet +ships.] + +The _Ohio_ was two-decked, with the upper deck flush. She had rather +straight sheer, 27-inch bulwarks, a moderately full but easy entrance, +a fine, long run, and little drag to the keel. The midsection was +formed with moderately short and rising floor, round and easy bilge, +and some tumble-home in the topside. The stem raked a good deal for a +ship-rigged vessel; the post raked slightly. There was a distance of 6 +feet between upper and lower deck planks. The stern was of the square +transom, round tuck form, as mentioned in the _Savannah's_ register. +Lenthall reported the _Ohio_ to have been a good sailer and to have +had other desirable qualities. She was registered as being of 351.86 +tons burthen, 105.5 feet between perpendiculars, and 27.4 feet in +extreme beam. She was, therefore, about 7 feet longer and about 2 +feet 3 inches wider than the _Savannah_. The plan shows she was about +2 feet 4 inches deeper in hold than the _Savannah_, and, according to +Cutler, she had "an unexpected degree of sophistication for a coastal +packet of that period."[19] By modern standards, the _Ohio_ shows a +well-advanced design for the period. + + +Reconstructing the Plans + +The first step in the reconstruction of the _Savannah's_ plans was to +block out the register dimensions on a scale of one-quarter inch to +the foot in a drawing and then to work out the profile, using the +_Ohio_ plan as a general guide. This produced a hull about 100 feet 9 +inches in length at main rail to inside of plank, or "moulded"; 25 +feet 6 inches moulded beam, allowing 3 inches for plank (as usual in a +ship of this size and date); and about 15 feet 4 inches moulded depth +at side, keel rabbet to underside of upper deck. The bulwarks were +drawn at 28 inches height. Next, the mast positions were decided by +prorating from the plan of the _Ohio_ the position of each mast from +the fore perpendicular and then modifying these positions slightly by +use of masting rules contained in M'Kay's book[20] of 1839. + +Since it appears that the _Savannah_ may not have been purchased for +conversion to a steamer until near the date of her launch and because +of the lack of identification of the lithograph referred to by +Collins, the statement that the mainmast was placed farther aft than +normal was rejected. At launch her mast partners would have been in +place and the deck laid. Any alterations in the position of the +mainmast then would have made it impractical for the owners to demand +them of the builders without heavy additional expense. In addition, +the plan, as it was developed, indicated no need for such alteration. + +The plan of the engine, drawn to the same scale as the profile plan, +was shifted about on the lower deck in the hull profile to determine +where the engine and side paddle wheel shaft might be located. A +little experimentation and study made it certain that the proper +location could be estimated within a foot or so, to scale, as to fore +and aft positions. The after end of the cylinder, and its piping, had +to clear the mainmast by at least 9 to 10 inches to allow removal of +the cylinder head for inspection and repair. The position of the +wheels, stack, and masts in Marestier's sketch of the ship make it +certain that the engine was on the lower deck, abaft the paddle wheel +shaft. Due to differences between the dimensions stated by Marestier +and in the Vail account books and what the graphic scale in +Marestier's engine drawings produce, the exact dimensions of the +engine are uncertain. Nevertheless, they can be approximated with +enough accuracy for our purpose. As a result of this treatment, it +seems fully apparent that the engine was abaft the paddle wheel shaft, +with frame extending abaft the mainmast on the lower deck; there does +not appear to be a practical alternative in the light of the available +evidence. This matter will be referred to again. + +The size of the cylinder and its valve chest and the inclined position +of the cylinder indicate conclusively that the valve chest was in the +mainhatch, which would normally be just forward of the mainmast. Even +then, the after flange of the cylinder would just clear the lower +deck, allowing 6 feet between decks, as in the _Ohio_. The cylinder +would have been about 6 feet long; the graphic scale indicated 6 feet +3 inches. The diameter of the cylinder plus height of valve chest +seems to have been 5 feet 9 inches to 6 feet. Because of the use of +the crosshead and a connecting rod, pivoted at crosshead, the +oscillating rod (or pitman) and piston together equalled twice the +stroke plus allowance for stuffing box, crosshead, and pitman +bearings. Therefore, the engine's over-all length, from head of +cylinder to the centerline of the side paddle wheel shaft, could not +have been much less than 15 feet 9 inches, and probably as much as 16 +feet 2 inches, thus making the length at extreme clearance of crank +throw as much as 19 feet. These dimensions indicate that the +centerline of the side paddle wheel shaft must have been from 38 to 39 +feet from the forward perpendicular. It is not clear how the wheel +shaft was mounted in the vessel. Taking into consideration her depth +and her reported draught, light and loaded, the Marestier sketch, and +the hull structure then used, it seems reasonable to place the +centerline of the shaft (which seems to have been about 7 to 8 inches +square) about 12 inches above the upper (or spar) deck to allow proper +dip of the blades. This position would have given proper blade +immersion at the mean draught of 13 feet. + +In order to get the engine below deck, and to get the boiler or +boilers placed, it was necessary to cut a large opening in the two +decks. It may be assumed that this opening was big enough to take the +cylinder, without valve chest, and also the boilers, which went into +the hold. Taking the proportions of other boilers as shown by +Marestier, it has been estimated that the _Savannah_ might have had a +boiler about 18 to 20 feet in length, 7 to 8 feet wide, and 6 to 6-1/2 +feet high at firebox. The form might be the same as that of _Fulton +the First_, illustrated in the translation of Marestier's report.[21] +However, since the Russian descriptions[22] indicate there were two +boilers, each measuring 6 feet in diameter and 27 feet in length, the +two boilers would have reached past the mainmast if they were located +in the same manner and in the same place as the boilers shown in the +illustration of _Fulton the First_. Consequently, if the Russian +description is accepted, there would have been a need for longer fuel +(coal) spaces in the wings. + +The boilers, then, were the largest piece of equipment to be passed +through the decks; for this an opening (estimated to have been about +10-1/2 feet wide and 8-1/2 feet long) probably was cut through both +decks about 3 feet forward of the main hatch, which was commonly a +little forward of the mainmast. The boilers could then have been +lowered, after end first, into the hold. The opening in the lower deck +could then have been closed, except for a small hatchway perhaps, and +the steam cylinder let down to the lower deck and moved aft into +position. To allow the crosshead to reach its maximum travel, the +opening in the upper deck would have been about 10-1/2 feet wide--the +over-all width of the engine frame--and would have been left open, +inside the deckhouse. + +The width of the boilers might be particularly important because it +would determine the deadrise at floor in the hull. The apparently +precise dimensions of the boilers given in the Russian description +were utilized to arrive at a suitable hull form. Both a single boiler +and a double boiler (as described in the Russian accounts) were placed +in the hull to assure the correct space estimates. + +Since the engine, as shown by Marestier, had an air-pump cylinder +alongside the steam cylinder (with the pistons of both attached to the +crosshead), it is evident that a condenser was employed. This +condenser would not have been much larger than the air-pump cylinder. +It may have been placed under the side paddle wheel axle on the lower +deck, but its mode of operation is unknown. Possibly it was of the +jet type, with pumps operating off the paddle wheel axle and with a +return of condensate from a hot well into the feed water line. A +number of possibilities could be mentioned, all speculative. However, +there was no doubt that this equipment could be properly installed in +the reconstructed hull, either on the lower deck or in the hold. + +Two questions have been raised as to machinery arrangement--whether +the engine, and boilers also, might have been forward of the wheel +shaft, and whether the wheel shaft was above or below deck. If the +engine were placed forward of the wheel shaft, the wheels might be +farther aft than is proposed in the reconstruction. However, the +smokestack could not then be forward of the wheel shaft as shown by +Marestier because it would have had to pass through the engine frame, +thus interfering with the movement of the large crosshead. If the +engine were abaft the wheel shaft, the stack could have been only as +shown by Marestier. The boilers might then have been forward of the +wheel shaft only if the stack were at the end away from the firebox. +However, the length of the boilers as indicated by the Russian +description would then have required them to pass through the bows! + +Models have been built of the _Savannah_ in which the engine and +boilers are forward of the paddle wheel shaft, and the shaft below the +main deck. This was accomplished by placing the engine off center so +that the stack came through the decks alongside it. This is an +impractical arrangement because it would have created an impossible +ballasting problem. The weight of the engine, to port in the models, +would have to have been counteracted by ballast to starboard. Due to +the coal bunkers, and the possibility of two boilers below the engine +in the hold, there would not have been room for sufficient ballast. In +addition, were such ballasting possible, the combined weights were too +far forward to give proper trim, and a great deal more ballast would +have been required far aft, a most impractical proceeding. + +The position of the wheel shaft was determined as described earlier. +The ship was apparently well-advanced in construction at the time of +purchase. Her clamps and shelves supporting her upper deck beams, +which then would have been in place, were important strength members. +In reconstructing, to place the wheel shaft below these members would +not only bring the engine nearly level--it is described and shown +inclined by Marestier--but also would immerse the paddle blades too +deeply for the draft and depth of the hull. To place the shaft below +or through the lowest clamp member would require the shaft centerline +to be at least 3 feet below the upper deck, and this would contradict +Marestier. These questions indicate the importance of a scaled drawing +when deciding arrangement in the reconstruction of a ship under the +circumstances existing in the _Savannah_. Some models have been built +with the shaft below deck by disregarding the structural and +dimensional objections just outlined. + +The question of the number of boilers originally was raised by +Braynard. A single boiler with double flues was a common boiler design +in American steamboats of 1818-1828, and this form of boiler is shown +in a number of Marestier's drawings. In general descriptions, "boiler" +and "boilers" are often used interchangeably, and this probably came +about through confusion over the number of flues. A "single boiler, +double flues," would thus become "boilers," apparently. The Russian +description specifically states there were two boilers, and gives +specific dimensions; though these probably are not exact. Either a +single boiler with double flues, or double boilers, each with a single +flue, could have been fitted in the reconstruction. However, fuel +space is affected and, with double boilers, the cross-sections of the +bunkers are reduced to about 20 square feet each; therefore, the +bunkers would have to become much longer. It may be said that the +boiler capacities in relation to dimensions of the steam cylinder as +indicated in the Russian description far exceed those given by +Marestier. As a practical matter of ship design, it seems that the +single boiler would have been a more logical fitting than double +boilers. The boilers were apparently of copper, and expensive. +However, this matter does not affect the hull-form and dimensions +established for the reconstruction, as the drawings proved. The +Russian description does show that the cargo space was extremely small +and practically nonexistent, indicating the effect of the large boiler +capacity. + +All requirements that have been given can be approximated for space +necessary in the hull. It is established that the ship carried about +75 tons of coal and 25 cords of wood. The coal would take up from +about 1,700 to 1,850 cubic feet of space, and because of its weight it +would have to be bunkered alongside the boilers in the lower hold, +where there would be ample room, in the reconstruction, for two +bunkers, each in excess of 30 square feet in cross section and about +28 feet in length for a single boiler; one third more bunker space, +in length, would be required for double boilers. Such bunkers would +together hold about the required tonnage or cubic footage. The cord +wood would have required, say, two bunkers each of about 60 square +feet in cross section and 20 to 24 feet in length. Because of the +light weight, the cord wood could have been stowed in the wings on the +lower deck. There is room for the required stowage on the lower deck +in the reconstructed hull, leaving ample passages under either side of +the engine frame. + +Marestier shows the location of the stack as being abreast the buckets +on the forward side of the paddle wheels, and it has been so placed in +the reconstruction. The deckhouse shown in Marestier's sketch extends +from a little forward of the mainmast to a little forward of the +paddle wheel axle. Probably this house actually covered the main hatch +and the crank-connecting-rod hatchway; therefore, Marestier shows it +too short. In the reconstruction, the deckhouse works out as between +17 and 18 feet long. Its width can only be guessed at, but it probably +would have been as wide as the opening cut in the upper deck for +machinery--say 11 feet. Perhaps this house contained the engineer's +stateroom and that of his assistant, as well as a ladderway to the +engine room. Doors on the sides of the house gave access to these +spaces and to the inboard shaft bearings. Bunker hatches were probably +forward of the house and outboard; these are taken as being about 2 +feet 6 inches wide and 3 feet 6 inches long--large enough to allow +coal baskets to be lowered through them, as well as to allow cord wood +to be passed below. + +A fidley hatch, in which the stack passed through the upper deck, +would have been a square hatch forward of the deckhouse. This hatch, +about 2-1/2 to 3 feet square, would have been fitted with an iron or +iron-bound fidley grating, with solid cover over. The stack could have +been swivelled, to bring the elbow to leeward. The upper portion of +the stack probably overlapped the lower portion at least 3 to 4 feet +above the fidley coaming, and the upper stack rested on a collar +bearing at the bottom of the overlap. Perhaps straps were bolted to +the side of the upper stack to take heaving bars athwartships, by +which two men could rotate the upper stack to turn the elbow to +leeward. + +The bearings of the paddle wheel axle were perhaps four in number. +Two, one either side of the crank, may have been secured to the engine +frame just inside the deckhouse walls. Two were certainly outboard, +one on each side, fastened to the topsides, as shown in Marestier's +sketch of the wheel construction. The axle, probably square in cross +section, turned only at the bearings and wrist pin. It may have been +cast in two parts, each with a crank arm, and then joined by the wrist +pin, after the latter had been turned. + +The wheels, shown in much detail in Marestier's sketches of the +engine, had flanged hubs to which the pivoted arms or spokes were +bolted. The fixed arms were integral parts of the outer hubs. The +inner flanges were cast with the hubs. To fold the blades, the fixed +arms were brought parallel to the rail, then the chain span between +each pair of the pivoted blades on top of the wheel was disconnected +and a pair of the blades, each way, were dropped on top of the fixed +arms, or blades, and lashed there. The wheel was then given a +half-revolution and the process repeated. The wheel could then have +been unshipped from the hub by sliding it off the square shaft end +after removing, let us suppose, a bolt or pin in the hub. Some +writers, like Collins, refer to a "jointed" or "hinged" axle, but +Marestier makes no mention of such an arrangement; indeed, his sketch +makes a "broken" axle impractical. The wheels could have been removed +from the axle and lifted aboard by use of tackles from the main yard +ends, or from a fore spencer gaff if it were made long enough. +However, as stated in the Russian description, the pivoted blades were +removed and stowed aboard, leaving only the two fixed arms in a +horizontal position outboard. This is a far more convenient treatment +than unshipping the whole wheel, as might be supposed from logbook +mention of "shipping" or "unshipping" the wheels. + +There remain some other matters to be explored. The ship was fitted +with 32 passenger berths in staterooms. The passenger accommodations +for first class passengers in the early (1820-1830) packets were aft, +on the lower deck. The berths would have been about 6 feet 2 inches +long, and 2-1/2 feet wide. With berths placed athwartships and +allowing for cabin bulkheads, there would have remained a space at +least 10 to 12 feet wide down the centerline of the ship. This space +would have provided space for a mess table and a lounge area. Each +stateroom would then have been about 7 feet long fore and aft and +could have contained four athwartship berths. The space available +abaft the middle of the after cargo hatch would have allowed four +staterooms on each side and room at the extreme stern for a small +master's cabin, with toilets on each side. The cabin of the mates and +stewards, containing two berths each, would then have been about +abreast of the fore end of the after cargo hatch. + +The galley would have been on the lower deck, just abaft the foremast +and forward of the fore cargo hatch. Food would have been carried aft +along the lower deck to the cabin, by way of passages on either side +of the engine frame. Cabin stores would have been in the hold below +the passenger accommodation, and here food, water, and other stores +would have been kept. A small cargo space, say of about 1,500 to 2,500 +cubic feet, depending on bunkers, would have been possible in the +after hold. A fore cargo hold of about 1,000 to 1,500 cubic feet of +contents could be expected; forward of this would have been sail +locker, spare rigging gear, and a cable tier. On the lower deck, above +these spaces, a forecastle might have had berths for 12 to 14 men. The +cables and chain would be passed through the forecastle to the cable +tier below by chutes leading from cable scuttles in the upper deck +abaft the windlass on each side of the centerline of the ship. + +The upper deck, abaft the mainmast, was reserved for use of the +passengers and officers of a packet. The low, 28-inch bulwarks were +insufficient to give proper protection there, so they were increased +by employing a 16-inch rail made of a cap supported by iron stanchions +above the main rail. This rail was closed in by a tarred netting +extending from the main rail upward to the quarter-deck rail cap and +running from the mainmast aft to the stern. This is plainly shown in +Marestier's sketch of the _Savannah_ as well as in some portraits of +early packet ships. + +Though the passenger accommodations described were far from palatial +by modern standards, they were considered adequate in the 1820's and +for almost 15 years afterwards. The staterooms had no individual +toilets. Usually there were two small toilets, one on each side of the +stern cabin, at the extreme stern on the lower deck, in the quarters. +Usually the master's stateroom and toilet were to starboard, with a +public space and toilet to port. Sometimes toilets for the crew were +placed forward, on either bow abaft the catheads on the upper deck. +These were small cabinets accommodating one person each, and with the +door closed for privacy there was not room to stand. To enter the user +backed in, crouching. Such cabinets are not shown by Marestier, so +probably the crew used the headrails, as then was usual in merchant +vessels. + +The hull-form to be chosen had to enclose all spaces that have been +described or listed. Since the _Savannah_ is known to have sailed +quite fast for her length, her lines had to equal those of the _Ohio_; +however, her smaller size and other factors indicated a somewhat +different hull-form, with harder turn of the bilge and a little less +deadrise. Due to the position of the machinery, the effect of its +weight and that of the necessary fuel had to be considered. The +midsection, or cross section of greatest area, would have to have been +only a little abaft the paddle wheel axle to allow proper trim with a +minimum of ballast. It was found by this criterion that the midsection +of the reconstructed hull was located in proportion to length in a +comparable manner to that of the _Ohio_. The run could have been made +about as long and easy, in proportion, as that of the _Ohio_; +likewise, the entrance could have been equally well designed for +sailing. Probably a little ballast--stone, gravel, sand or pig +iron--was required under the temporary flooring of the cargo holds, +most of it abaft the mainmast. Some ballast would normally have been +placed under the cabin stores, in the run. The boilers, engine, and +fuel weights were relatively important. To trim the ship, with minimum +ballast, the location of the machinery weights would have to have been +about as shown in the reconstruction drawings. It may be observed that +the engine and fuel weights are relatively great for the recorded hull +dimensions and resultant displacement limitation, indicating only a +small quantity of ballast would have been employed under any +circumstance. + +Using the _Ohio_ as a guide, the midsection was formed to comply with +the dimensions of the boilers and with due regard to the small +dimensions of the _Savannah_. The result was a section having very +moderate rise of straight floor, carried farther out in proportion to +beam than in the _Ohio_, but with rather easy turn of the bilge and +moderate tumble-home in the upper topsides. This section has a form +found in plans of some American freighting ships of 1815-1830, but +with slightly slacker bilge. + +The stern used in the reconstruction was the "square stern and round +tuck" seen in the _Ohio_ and referred to in the _Savannah's_ register. +Collins' "round stern," shown in Hudson's drawing, did not come into +use in America until about 1824, and then in naval ships only, so far +as existing plans of American vessels show. + +[Illustration: Figure 6.--Reconstruction of the hull lines and general +arrangement of the _Savannah_.] + +The reconstructed hull-form (figure 6) shows the man's bust figurehead +mentioned in the register, and the supporting head and trail mouldings +employed in the packets and other American ships of the period. The +figurehead may have had some relation to the original or intended name +of the ship prior to her purchase for conversion. No detailed +description has been found. A ship built to the drawing would at least +sail well and would carry her machinery, fuel, etc., as indicated in +the descriptions that exist. Whether or not the hull is precisely like +that of the original ship can never be determined until the original +plan, or model, is found. The proposed deck arrangement is shown in +dotted lines, in plan view. + +[Illustration: Figure 7.--Reconstructed drawing of spar and outboard +profile of the _Savannah_. Dotted lines indicate working sails. +Standing rigging only is shown. Royal yards were set flying and were +crossed only when the ship was under full sail, never at anchor. + +Notes. + +All Masts, dia. = 1" for each 3'-0" of length. + +3/4 dia. at trestletrees, 1/2 dia. at cap. Bowsprit same as mainmast, +Jibboom dia. = 1" for each 3'-0" of length, Flying Jibboom dia. = 1" +for each 5'-0" of length. + +Pole 1/2 dia. + +Yards, dia. = 1" for each 4'-0" of length, 1/2 or 3/7 dia. at end of +arms. Royal Yards, dia. = 1" for each 5'-0" of length. + +Tops, fore & main, = 4/9 beam of ship, mizzen, 3/4 main top width. + +Topmast crosstrees 3/5 of respective tops. + +Trestletrees, depth = 11/12 of heel of topmast, thickness = 1/2 depth, +length = 1/2 width of top. + +Running Rigging references:-- + +"Nautical Routine," Murphy & Jeffers, Ship Model Society of Rhode +Island, ed. 1933, (Higgins). + +"Sheet Anchor," Darcy Lever, Charles E. Lauriat, ed. 1938.] + +The rig shown in figure 7 is based upon Marestier's sketch and his +incomplete description. Since the ship had long royal poles on her +topgallant masts it is highly probable she crossed royal yards, like +the later packet ships. The proportions for the length of spars are +based upon the masting rules given by M'Kay[23] in 1839. The fore +spencer gaff, used as a crane for handling coal and cargo if the fore +or main yards were not available, may have been long enough to be used +also as a crane to handle the side wheels. The stack and mainstays may +have made the fore spencer sail a nuisance, so it may not have been +set while the vessel had her engine. In general, aside from the use of +the spencers on fore and main, the sail plan shown is of standard +proportions and arrangement of 1815-1825. For rigging, Darcy Lever's +book[24] was consulted. The drawing of the reconstructed _Savannah's_ +sail plan agrees with contemporary sail plans of ships in the author's +collection. The log shows she set studding sails and had all the light +canvas of a ship of her type. + +There remain a number of matters that do not directly concern the +reconstruction project but which are of sufficient technical +importance to warrant comment. Apparently the engine was mounted on a +wooden frame consisting of two large oak timbers on each side, say +about 10" x 10", one above the other, that probably supported iron +saddles in which the two cylinders rested. Between each pair would +have been the iron track, or channel, in which the ends of the +crosshead travelled, along the axis of the engine in elevation. These +frames measured about 9 feet 2 inches, outside to outside, and reached +from the beams of the upper deck on either side of the crank hatchway +to abaft the mainmast on the lower deck. It is probable that the fore +and after ends of the frame were supported by stanchions stepped on +the lower deck at the fore end and in the hold at the after end. The +crosshead was of iron and probably had shoes at the ends to work in +the tracks or channels in the frame. To help steady the crosshead, +these shoes probably were a foot or more long, for the loading of the +crosshead is spread out. The pitman to the paddle wheel shaft is to +starboard of the centerline of the engine; the steam cylinder piston +is slightly off center of the frame and crosshead; and the piston of +the air cylinder is close to the port engine frame. The steam lines to +the valves of the steam cylinder come in horizontally over the frames. +As has been mentioned, the frame may also have supported the paddle +wheel axle bearings at the crank. + +This engine has been criticized by some writers (see Tyler's[25] +resume of Gilfillan's[26] comments), but the _Savannah_ logbook shows +it gave no trouble, and should be compared with the logs of _Sirius_ +and _Great Western_ as summarized by Tyler. The relatively slow piston +speed and small power put little strain on the moving parts. Tallow +was probably used for lubrication, being introduced into the valve +chest by pots on top of the casing, where radiated heat would melt the +tallow. From the valve chest the melted tallow was carried into the +cylinder, and from there probably passed into the jet condenser. No +doubt the lubricant became a sludge that had to be removed from the +condenser at least once every 48 hours. There is no real evidence +that the engine and boilers suffered any great strains; the operating +pressure of steam must have been low at all times. The boilers were +probably of very low efficiency and made steam slowly. Fuel +consumption was high, and, according to the logbook, the vessel ran +out of coal when she reached the English coast; however, she had +enough fuel left to steam up the Mersey to Liverpool, probably using +wood. At the time she ran out of coal she had used her engine about 80 +to 83 hours. While this indicates a fuel consumption of almost a ton +per hour, it must be remembered that the intermittent operation of +the engine required expenditure of fuel to raise steam in cold boilers +over and over again. This was one of the weaknesses in the auxiliary +steamship, particularly, as in the case of the _Savannah_, when the +engine was used a number of times during a voyage without long periods +of continuous operation. Also, there is doubt that the vessel carried +as much as 75 tons of coal; she probably had no more than 55 to 60 +tons aboard, if the figure of 1,500 bushels is correct. It is +impossible to establish exact weight-cubic measurements with the +available data. + +Though the authorities quoted seem to agree that the _Savannah_ could +steam only 4-1/2 to 5-1/4 knots in smooth water, her logbook credits +her with 6 knots under steam alone at sea. However, this is probably +an approximation affected by current and sea rather than a truly +logged speed. + +Judging by references in the logbook, the _Savannah_ carried one boat +on the stern davits. The davits, shown in Marestier's sketch, would +handle a boat of about 16 to 18 feet in length. At sea the boat was +probably carried on top of the deckhouse. The vessel obtained a new +boat during her European trip. It is probable that the lack of +passengers is why a second boat, which could have been stowed on the +deckhouse roof, was omitted. + +There is no record of how the _Savannah_ was painted, except that the +logbook refers to her "bright" strake. Packets appear to have followed +what once was a Philadelphia practice in having a varnished band along +the topsides. Marestier's sketch indicates that there may have been +four or five bands of color, beginning at or a little above deck and +wide enough for the top band to be up about two-fifths the height of +the bulwarks. The hull was commonly black. The bands were red, white, +and blue and there was a "bright" strake, or alternate black and +varnished bands. These bands were about 3 to 5 inches wide. Sometimes +the "bright" band, as mentioned in the _Savannah_ logbook, was along +the topside just above and adjacent to the top of the wale, or belt of +thick planking, or might be the uppermost strake of the wale. Perhaps +the _Savannah_ had a wide bright band above the wale and multicolored +bands just above the deck. The headrails were painted black, with +mouldings at top and bottom of rails and with knees picked out with +very narrow bands of yellow, or "beading." The figurehead was then +commonly painted in natural colors, to suit the form of head if a +figure or a bust. The bowsprit and davits probably were black. Deck +structures were probably white, the neck natural, with waterways and +inside of bulwarks white, the stack black, and rail caps varnished. + +In this period it was unusual to copper a wooden ship before launch, +so it is doubtful that the _Savannah_ was copper sheathed. Since her +voyage occurred during a period of financial depression, it is +probable that her bottom was "white" (tallow and verdigris). + +The reconstruction described herein produced a plan for a model that +complied to the fullest extent with all the known dimensions and +descriptions of the _Savannah_ that have yet been found. The result +showed that the United States National Museum's old model could not be +altered to agree with the known features of the _Savannah_ and that a +new model was therefore necessary. So that the new model would be +comparable to other models of early American steamers, existing or +intended, in the Watercraft Collection, it was constructed on the +scale of one-quarter inch to the foot. The new model (figs. 2, 8, and +9) is now on exhibition at the Smithsonian Institution. + +[Illustration: Figure 8.--Stern-quarter view of the new model of the +_Savannah_, showing one wheel partially folded and the iron frames for +canvas wheel-boxes in place.] + +[Illustration: Figure 9.--Bow-quarter view of the new model of the +_Savannah_, showing deck arrangement details.] + + + + +FOOTNOTES: + + +[1] Carl W. Mitman, _Catalogue of the Watercraft Collection in the +United States National Museum_, U.S. National Museum Bulletin 127, +1923. + +[2] Jean Baptiste Marestier, _Memoire sur les Bateaux a Vapeur de +Etats-Unis d'Amerique_, Paris, 1823. + +[3] A memorandum dated April 20, 1899, in the manuscript file on the +watercraft collection shows that the Museum had both the rigged model +and the original logbook at that time. Also in the collection were a +coffee urn and miniature portrait of the _Savannah's_ captain, Moses +Rogers, that had been presented to him abroad; later, these items were +returned to the donor. A cup and saucer belonging to Captain Rogers +also had been given to the Museum, and they are now in its historical +collection. + +[4] Robert Greenhalgh Albion, _Square Riggers on Schedule_, Princeton, +New Jersey, 1938. Between the years 1817 and 1837 the yard of Fickett +and Crockett also operated at various times under the name of S. & F. +Fickett and the name of Fickett and Thomas. The yard appears to have +specialized in the construction of coastal packet ships, because only +4 ocean packets, against 24 coastal packets, were built by the various +partnerships in which Fickett was a member. + +[5] L. M'Kay, _The Practical Shipbuilder_, New York, 1839. + +[6] Howard I. Chapelle, _The Baltimore Clipper_, Salem, Massachusetts, +1930, pp. 112-134. + +[7] Sidney Withington, translator, _Memoir on Steamboats of the United +States of America by Jean Baptiste Marestier_, Mystic, Connecticut, +1957. + +[8] _Ibid._, pl. 7, figs. 32, 33, 35. + +[9] _Ibid._, pl. 3, fig. 10. + +[10] Geo. Henry Preble, _A Chronological History of the Origin and +Development of Steam Navigation, 1543-1882_, Philadelphia, 1883. + +[11] John H. Morrison, _A History of American Steam Navigation_, New +York, 1930. + +[12] David Budlong Tyler, _Steam Conquers the Atlantic_, New York and +London, 1939. + +[13] S. C. Gilfillan, _Inventing the Ship_, New York, 1935. + +[14] Charles Frederich Partington, _An Historical and Descriptive +Account of the Steam Engine_, London, 1822. + +[15] J. Elfreth Watkins, "The Log of the _Savannah_," in _Report of +the U.S. National Museum for the Year Ending June 30, 1890_, 1891, pp. +611-639. + +[16] Previously, the author had assumed there was one boiler with two +flues. + +[17] _Op. cit._ (footnote 4). + +[18] William Morgan and Augustin Creuze, eds., _Papers on Naval +Architecture_, London, n. d., no. 12, p. 387. + +[19] Letter from Carl C. Cutler to the author, November 24, 1958. + +[20] _Op. cit._ (footnote 5). + +[21] Withington, _op. cit._ (footnote 7), pl. 9, figs. 55, 56. + +[22] Report of Malcolm Bell, Jr., and Frank Braynard. + +[23] M'Kay, _op. cit._ (footnote 5). + +[24] Darcy Lever, _Sheet Anchor_, London, 1808-1811. (Reprint, +Providence, Rhode Island, 1930.) + +[25] David Budlong Tyler, _Steam Conquers the Atlantic_, New York and +London, 1939. + +[26] S. C. Gilfillan, _Inventing the Ship_, New York, 1935. + + + +***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PIONEER STEAMSHIP SAVANNAH: A +STUDY FOR A SCALE MODEL*** + + +******* This file should be named 25544.txt or 25544.zip ******* + + +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: +https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/2/5/5/4/25544 + + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, +set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to +copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to +protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. 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