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+Project Gutenberg's Freedom In Service, by Fossey John Cobb Hearnshaw
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Freedom In Service
+       Six Essays on Matters Concerning Britain's Safety and Good Government
+
+Author: Fossey John Cobb Hearnshaw
+
+Release Date: May 19, 2008 [EBook #25522]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FREEDOM IN SERVICE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Nick Wall, Martin Pettit and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+FREEDOM IN SERVICE
+
+SIX ESSAYS ON MATTERS CONCERNING BRITAIN'S SAFETY AND GOOD GOVERNMENT
+
+By F. J. C. HEARNSHAW, M.A., LL.D.
+
+PROFESSOR OF MEDIĈVAL HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON
+
+LONDON:
+JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W.
+1916
+
+
+
+
+TO THE GLORIOUS AND IMMORTAL MEMORY OF LORD ROBERTS
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+                                                                PAGE
+PREFACE                                                           ix
+
+
+  I.--THE ANCIENT DEFENCE OF ENGLAND
+
+        I. UNIVERSAL OBLIGATION TO SERVE                           1
+
+       II. THE OLD ENGLISH MILITIA                                 4
+
+      III. MEDIĈVAL REGULATIONS                                    6
+
+       IV. TUDOR AND STUART DEVELOPMENTS                           9
+
+        V. THE LAST TWO CENTURIES                                 12
+
+       VI. CONCLUSION                                             15
+
+
+ II.--COMPULSORY SERVICE AND LIBERTY
+
+        I. THE PLEA OF FREEDOM                                    17
+
+       II. THE TERM "LIBERTY"                                     18
+
+      III. LIBERTY AS FREEDOM FROM FOREIGN CONTROL                20
+
+       IV. LIBERTY AS SYNONYMOUS WITH RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT      21
+
+        V. LIBERTY AS ABSENCE OF RESTRAINT                        23
+
+       VI. LIBERTY AS OPPORTUNITY FOR SERVICE                     27
+
+
+III.--THE VOLUNTARY PRINCIPLE
+
+        I. THE IDEA OF VOLUNTARISM                                30
+
+       II. ITS ESTABLISHMENT                                      31
+
+      III. THE RESULT                                             33
+
+       IV. THE PRESENT SITUATION                                  36
+
+        V. THE FUTURE                                             38
+
+
+ IV.--PASSIVE RESISTANCE
+
+        I. THE NEW PERIL                                          43
+
+       II. PASSIVE RESISTANCE AS REBELLION                        45
+
+      III. THE RIGHT OF REBELLION                                 47
+
+       IV. REBELLION AGAINST A DEMOCRACY                          50
+
+        V. THE DUTY OF THE STATE                                  55
+
+
+  V.--CHRISTIANITY AND WAR
+
+        I. A CONFLICT OF CONVICTIONS                              58
+
+       II. THE RELIGION OF THE BIBLE                              61
+
+      III. THE DOCTRINE AND PRACTICE OF THE CHURCH                63
+
+       IV. FORCE AS A MORAL INSTRUMENT                            66
+
+        V. THE IDEAL OF THE SERMON ON THE MOUNT                   69
+
+       VI. THE PACIFICIST SUCCESSION                              74
+
+      VII. CONCLUSION                                             78
+
+
+ VI.--THE STATE AND ITS RIVALS
+
+        I. THE IDEA OF THE STATE IN ENGLAND                       81
+
+       II. THE RIVALS OF THE STATE                                87
+
+      III. WHAT THE STATE IS AND DOES                             95
+
+       IV. THE SPHERE OF NATIONAL SERVICE                         98
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+The first three essays in this little book appeared originally as
+special articles in the _Morning Post_. I am greatly indebted to the
+Editor of that paper for his courteous and ready permission to reprint
+them. The "Freedom" dealt with in these essays is political freedom, and
+the "Service" advocated is universal military service. These limitations
+are due to the fact that the original newspaper articles were
+contributions to the controversy respecting methods of enlistment which
+took place during the autumn of 1915.
+
+The remaining three essays appear now for the first time. They have a
+more general scope, although they are vitally connected with the theme
+of their predecessors. The essay on Passive Resistance has special
+reference to the opposition offered by the No-Conscription Fellowship to
+the principle of compulsory military service; but its argument applies
+equally well to the older antagonists of the authority of the State.
+The essay on Christianity and War tries to meet those conscientious
+objections to military service which form the basis of the propaganda of
+the Fellowship of Reconciliation; but it deals with the problem in the
+broadest manner possible within the limits of its space. The concluding
+essay, on the State and its Rivals, emphasizes the imperative need that
+the authority of the Democratic National State should be recognized and
+accepted if internal anarchy is to be avoided, and if the peace and
+well-being of the World are to be secured.
+
+                                                 F. J. C. HEARNSHAW.
+
+King's College, Strand, W.C.
+   _January 12th, 1916._
+
+
+
+
+FREEDOM IN SERVICE
+
+
+
+
+I
+
+THE ANCIENT DEFENCE OF ENGLAND[1]
+
+
+     [Reprinted, with the addition of References, from the _Morning
+     Post_ of August 20th, 1915.]
+
+
+
+
+I. UNIVERSAL OBLIGATION TO SERVE
+
+
+"The military system of the Anglo-Saxons is based upon universal
+service, under which is to be understood the duty of every freeman to
+respond in person to the summons to arms, to equip himself at his own
+expense, and to support himself at his own charge during the
+campaign."[2]
+
+With these words Gneist, the German historian of the English
+Constitution, begins his account of the early military system of our
+ancestors. He is, of course, merely stating a matter of common knowledge
+to all students of Teutonic institutions. What he says of the
+Anglo-Saxon is equally true of the Franks, the Lombards, the Visigoths,
+and other kindred peoples.[3] But it is a matter of such fundamental
+importance that I will venture, even at the risk of tedious repetition,
+to give three parallel quotations from English authorities. Grose, in
+his _Military Antiquities_, says: "By the Saxon laws every freeman of an
+age capable of bearing arms, and not incapacitated by any bodily
+infirmity, was in case of a foreign invasion, internal insurrection, or
+other emergency obliged to join the army."[4] Freeman, in his _Norman
+Conquest_, speaks of "the right and duty of every free Englishman to be
+ready for the defence of the Commonwealth with arms befitting his own
+degree in the Commonwealth."[5] Finally, Stubbs, in his _Constitutional
+History_, clearly states the case in the words: "The host was originally
+the people in arms, the whole free population, whether landowners or
+dependents, their sons, servants, and tenants. Military service was a
+personal obligation ... the obligation of freedom"; and again: "Every
+man who was in the King's peace was liable to be summoned to the host at
+the King's call."[6]
+
+There is no ambiguity or uncertainty about these pronouncements. The Old
+English "fyrd," or militia, was the nation in arms. The obligation to
+serve was a personal one. It had no relation to the possession of land;
+in fact it dated back to an age in which the folk was still migratory
+and without a fixed territory at all. It was incumbent upon all
+able-bodied males between the ages of sixteen and sixty. Failure to obey
+the summons was punished by a heavy fine known as "fyrdwite."[7]
+
+There is another point of prime significance. Universal service was, it
+is true, an obligation. But it was more: it was the _mark of freedom_.
+Not to be summoned stamped a man as a slave, a serf, or an alien. The
+famous "Assize of Arms" ends with the words: "_Et praecepit rex quod
+nullus reciperetur ad sacramentum armorum nisi liber homo._"[8] A
+summons was a right quite as much as a duty. The English were a brave
+and martial race, proud of their ancestral liberty. Not to be called to
+defend it when it was endangered, not to be allowed to carry arms to
+maintain the integrity of the fatherland, was a degradation which
+branded a man as unfree.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] This chapter has been issued as a pamphlet by the National Service
+League, 72, Victoria Street, S.W.
+
+[2] Gneist, R. _Englische Verfassungsgeschichte_, p. 4.
+
+[3] Cf. the Frankish Edict of A.D. 864: "Ad defensionem patriĉ omnes
+sine ulla excusatione veniant." (Let all without any excuse come for the
+defence of the fatherland.)
+
+[4] Grose, F. _Military Antiquities_, vol. i, p. 1.
+
+[5] Freeman, E. _Norman Conquest_, vol. iv, p. 681.
+
+[6] Stubbs, W. _Const. Hist._, vol. i, pp. 208, 212.
+
+[7] Oman, C. W. C. _Art of War in the Middle Ages_, p. 67.
+
+[8] Stubbs, W. _Select Charters_, p. 156. (The King orders that no one
+except a freeman shall be admitted to the oath of arms.)
+
+
+
+
+II. THE OLD ENGLISH MILITIA
+
+
+This primitive national militia was not, it must be admitted, a very
+efficient force. It lacked coherence and training; it was deficient both
+in arms and in discipline; it could not be kept together for long
+campaigns. The Kings, therefore, from the first supplemented it by means
+of a band of personal followers, a bodyguard of professional warriors,
+well and uniformly armed, and practised in the art of war. Nevertheless,
+the main defence of the country rested with the "fyrd." The Danish
+invasions put it to the severest test and revealed its military defects.
+It was one of the most notable achievements of Alfred to reorganize and
+reconstitute it. Thus reformed, with the support of an ever-growing body
+of King's thegns, it wrought great deeds in the days of Alfred, Edward
+and Athelstan, and recovered for England security and peace. In the days
+of their weaker successors, however, all the forces that England could
+muster failed to keep out Sweyn and Canute, and, above all, failed to
+hold the field at Hastings.
+
+The Norman Conquest might have been expected to involve the extinction
+of the English militia. For feudalism as developed by William I was
+strongest on its military side, and William's main force was the levy of
+his feudal tenants. But quite the contrary happened. The Norman monarchs
+and their Angevin successors were, as a matter of fact, mortally afraid
+of their great feudal tenants, the barons and knights through whom the
+Conquest had been effected. Hence, as English kings, they assiduously
+maintained and fostered Anglo-Saxon institutions, and particularly the
+"fyrd," which they used as a counterpoise to the feudal levy. They even
+called upon it for Continental service and took it across the Channel to
+defend their French provinces.[9] Thus in 1073 it fought for William I
+in Maine; in 1094 William II summoned it to Hastings for an expedition
+into Normandy; in 1102 it aided Henry I to suppress the formidable
+revolt of Robert of Belesme, Earl of Shrewsbury; in 1138 it drove back
+the Scots at the Battle of the Standard; and in 1174 it defeated and
+captured William the Lion at Alnwick. So valuable, indeed, did it prove
+to be that Henry II resolved to place it upon a permanent footing and
+clearly to define its position. With that view he issued in 1181 his
+"Assize of Arms."
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[9] Stubbs, W. _Select Charters_, p. 83; and _Const. Hist._, vol. i, p.
+469.
+
+
+
+
+III. MEDIĈVAL REGULATIONS
+
+
+Into the details of the "Assize of Arms" it is unnecessary here to
+enter. Are they not written in every advanced text-book of English
+history? Three things, however, are to be noted. First, that the duty
+and privilege of military service are still bound up with freedom; no
+unfree man is to be admitted to the oath of arms. Secondly, that upon
+freemen the obligation is still universal: "all burgesses and the whole
+community of freemen (_tota communa liberorum hominum_) are to provide
+themselves with doublets, iron skullcaps, and lances." Thirdly, that,
+closely as freedom had during the centuries of feudalism become
+associated with tenancy of land, the national militia had not been
+involved in feudal meshes: the obligation of service remained still
+personal, not territorial.
+
+In 1205 John, fearing an invasion of the Kingdom, called to arms all the
+militia sworn and equipped under the Assize, _i.e._, all the freemen of
+the realm. Short-shrift was to be given to any who disobeyed the
+summons: "_Qui vero ad summonitionem non venerit habeatur pro capitali
+inimico domini regis et regni_" (He who does not come in response to the
+summons shall be regarded as a capital enemy of the king and kingdom.)
+The penalty was to be the peculiarly appropriate one of reduction to
+perpetual servitude. The disobedient and disloyal subject who made the
+great refusal would _ipso facto_ divest himself of the distinguishing
+mark of his freedom.[10]
+
+Henry III in 1223 and 1231 made similar levies. In 1252, in a notable
+writ for enforcing Watch and Ward and the Assize of Arms, he extended
+the obligation of service to villans and lowered the age limit to
+fifteen. Edward I reaffirmed these new departures in his well-known
+Statute of Winchester (1285), in which it is enacted that "every man
+have in his house harness for to keep the peace after the ancient
+assize, that is to say, every man between fifteen years of age and sixty
+years." Further, he enlarged the armoury of the militiaman by including
+among his weapons the axe and the bow.[11]
+
+The long, aggressive wars of Edward I in Wales and Scotland, and the
+still longer struggles of the fourteenth century in France, could not,
+of course, be waged by means of the national militia. Even the feudal
+levy was unsuited to their requirements. They were waged mainly by means
+of hired professional armies. Parliament--a new factor in the
+Constitution--took pains in these circumstances to limit by statute the
+liabilities of the old national forces. An Act of 1328 decreed that no
+one should be compelled to go beyond the bounds of his own county,
+except when necessity or a sudden irruption of foreign foes into the
+realm required it.[12] Another Act, 1352, provided that the militia
+should not be compelled to go beyond the realm in any circumstances
+whatsoever without the consent of Parliament.[13] Both these Acts were
+confirmed by Henry IV in 1402.[14] But the old obligation of universal
+service for home defence remained intact. It was, in fact, enforced by
+Edward IV in 1464, when, on his own authority, he ordered the Sheriffs
+to proclaim that "every man from sixteen to sixty be well and defensibly
+arrayed and ... be ready to attend on his Highness upon a day's warning
+in resistance of his enemies and rebels and the defence of this his
+realm."[15] This notable incident carries us to the end of the Middle
+Ages, and shows us the Old English principle in vigorous operation.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[10] Gervase of Canterbury. _Gesta Regum_, vol. ii, p. 97.
+
+[11] _Statutes of the Realm_, vol. i, pp. 96-8.
+
+[12] 1 Ed. III, c. 2. §§5-7.
+
+[13] 25 Ed. III, c. 5. §8.
+
+[14] 4 Hy. IV, c. 13.
+
+[15] Rymer, T. _Foedera_, vol. xi, p. 524.
+
+
+
+
+IV. TUDOR AND STUART DEVELOPMENTS
+
+
+The Wars of the Roses, so fatal to the feudal nobility, left the
+national militia the only organized force in the country. The Tudor
+period, it is true, saw the faint foreshadowing of a regular army in
+Henry VII's Yeomen of the Guard, and the nucleus of a volunteer force in
+the Honourable Artillery Company, established in London under Henry
+VIII. But these at the time had little military importance, and England
+remained dependent for her defence throughout the sixteenth century,
+that age of unprecedented prosperity and glory, upon her militant
+manhood. Hence the Tudor monarchs paid great attention to the
+maintenance and equipment of the militia. The practice (which had grown
+up in the later Middle Ages) of limiting the normal call to arms to a
+certain quota of men from each county was revived. If the required
+numbers were not forthcoming compulsion was employed. Statutes were
+passed making discipline more rigid. Lords Lieutenant were instituted to
+take over the command, with added powers, from the Sheriffs. An
+important Mustering Statute (1557) was enacted, graduating afresh the
+universal liability to service, and making new provision for weapons and
+organization.[16] William Harrison, writing in 1587, said: "As for able
+men for service, thanked be God! we are not without good store; for by
+the musters taken 1574-5 our numbers amounted to 1,172,674, and yet were
+they not so narrowly taken but that a third part of this like multitude
+was left unbilled and uncalled."[17] This from a population estimated at
+less than six million all told! Such was the host on which England
+relied for safety in 1588, if by chance the galleons of Spain should
+elude the vigilance of Drake and should land Parma's hordes upon our
+shores. Well might the country feel at ease behind such a fleet and with
+such a virile race of men to second it.
+
+The Stuarts did not take kindly to the English militia. It was too
+democratic, too free. James I, in the very first year of his reign,
+conferred upon its members the seductive but fatal gift of exemption
+from the burden of providing their own weapons.[18] As he himself took
+care not to provide them too profusely, the force speedily lost both in
+efficiency and independence. The Civil War hopelessly divided it, as it
+did the nation, into hostile factions. The Royalist section was
+ultimately crushed, while the Parliamentary section was gradually
+absorbed into that first great standing army which this country ever
+knew, the New Model of 1645. For fifteen years the people groaned under
+the dominance of this arbitrary, conscientious, and very expensive
+force. Then, in 1660, came the Restoration, and with it the disbanding
+of the New Model and the re-establishment of the militia. The country
+went wild with joy at the recovery of its freedom.
+
+Charles II, however, was bent on securing for his own despotic purposes
+a standing army. Hence he obtained permission from Parliament to have a
+permanent bodyguard, and he gradually increased its numbers until he had
+some 6,000 troops regularly under his command. James II increased them
+to 15,000, and by their means tried to overthrow the religion and the
+liberties of the nation. He was defeated and driven out; but his effort
+to establish a military despotism made the name of "standing army" stink
+in the nostrils of the nation. "It is indeed impossible," said one of
+the leading statesmen of the early eighteenth century, "that the
+liberties of the people can be preserved in any country where a numerous
+standing army is kept up."[19] The national militia continued, as of
+old, to stand for freedom and self-government. The voluntarily enlisted
+standing army was regarded as the engine and emblem of tyranny.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[16] 4-5 P. and M., c. 2.
+
+[17] Harrison, W. _Elizabethan England_, chap. xxii.
+
+[18] 1 Jac. I, c. 25.
+
+[19] Speech by Pulteney, A.D. 1732: See _Parl. Hist._, vol. viii, p.
+904.
+
+
+
+
+V. THE LAST TWO CENTURIES
+
+
+The eighteenth century saw a constant struggle on the part of
+constitutionalists to get rid of the standing army altogether. Army
+Acts, which recognized and regulated the new force, were limited in
+their operation to a year at a time, and were passed under incessant
+protest. Grants to maintain the army were similarly restricted. Every
+interval of peace witnessed the rapid reduction of the regulars. But the
+times were adverse. Wars were frequent, and on an ever-increasing scale
+of magnitude and duration. The standing army had to be maintained, and,
+indeed, steadily enlarged.
+
+But the militia for home defence was never allowed to become extinct,
+and it enjoyed an immense popularity. In 1757 it was carefully
+reorganized by statute.[20] The number of men to be raised was settled,
+and each district was compelled to provide a certain proportion. The
+selection was to be made by ballot, to the complete exclusion of the
+voluntary principle. During the Napoleonic war, when invasion seemed
+imminent, the militia was several times called out and embodied. In 1803
+an actual levy _en masse_ of all men between the ages of seventeen and
+fifty-five was made. In 1806 the principle of universal obligation on
+which it was based was clearly stated by Castlereagh in the House of
+Commons. He spoke of "the undoubted prerogative of the Crown to call
+upon the services of all liege subjects in case of invasion."[21]
+
+At the moment when he spoke, however, the imminent fear of invasion had
+been removed--removed, indeed, for a century--by Nelson's crowning
+victory at Trafalgar. From that time forward the military forces of the
+Crown were required not so much for the defence of the United Kingdom
+itself as for the provision of garrisons for the vast Empire which had
+grown up during the eighteenth century. These imperial garrisons had
+necessarily to be drawn from professional troops voluntarily enlisted.
+Thus the militia declined. An effort was made in 1852 to revive it, and
+again the underlying principle of compulsion was explicitly recognized.
+The Militia Act of that year[22] contains the provision: "In case it
+appears to H.M. ---- that the number of men required ... cannot be raised
+by voluntary enlistment ... or in case of actual invasion or imminent
+danger thereof, it shall be lawful for H.M. ---- to order and direct
+that the number of men so required ... shall be raised by ballot as
+herein provided." The effort at revival was unfortunately vain, and when
+in 1859 international trouble again seemed to be brewing, instead of
+appealing once more to the immemorial defence of the country, the
+Government weakly and with most deplorable results allowed the formation
+of a new body, the volunteers--a body whose patriotism was noble, whose
+intentions were admirable, but whose inefficiency became and remained a
+byword.[23] The militia continued ingloriously, mainly as a nursery for
+the regular army.
+
+Finally, in 1908, Mr. (now Lord) Haldane absorbed both volunteers and
+militia into the new Territorial and Reserve Forces, the militia
+becoming a Special Reserve.[24] It is much to be regretted that the Act
+of 1908 did not expressly reaffirm the continued validity of the
+compulsory principle of service which from the earliest times had been
+the basis of the militia. But, though it did not expressly reaffirm it,
+it left it absolutely unimpaired and intact. Said Mr. Haldane himself in
+the House of Commons on April 13th, 1910: "The Militia Ballot Acts and
+the Acts relating to the local militia are still unrepealed, and could
+be enforced if necessary."
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[20] 31 Geo. II, c. 26.
+
+[21] Cobbett. _Parliamentary Debates_, vol. vii, p. 818.
+
+[22] 15-16 Vict. c. 50. §18.
+
+[23] For occasional levies of volunteers from sixteenth century onwards,
+see Medley, D. J., _Const. Hist._, p. 472.
+
+[24] 7 Ed. VII, c. 9.
+
+
+
+
+VI. CONCLUSION
+
+
+Such is the condition of things at the present time. The principle of
+compulsory military service, obligatory upon every able-bodied male
+between the ages of sixteen and sixty, is still the fundamental
+principle of English Law, both Common Law and Statute Law. It has been
+obscured by the pernicious voluntary principle, which, in the
+much-abused name of Liberty, has shifted a universal national duty upon
+the shoulders of the patriotic few. But it has never been revoked or
+repudiated.
+
+It is not National Service, but the Voluntary System, that is
+un-English and unhistoric. The Territorial Army dates from 1908; the
+Volunteers from 1859; the Regular Army itself only from 1645. But for a
+millennium before the oldest of them the ancient defence of England was
+the Nation in Arms. When will it be so again?
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+COMPULSORY SERVICE AND LIBERTY
+
+
+     [Reprinted, with the addition of References, from the _Morning
+     Post_ of September 28th, 1915.]
+
+
+
+
+I. THE PLEA OF FREEDOM
+
+
+The opponents of national service pursue two lines of argument, the one
+historical, the other theoretical. Along the line of history they try to
+show that compulsory military duty is alien from the English
+Constitution, and that the voluntary system is the good old system by
+means of which Great Britain has maintained her independence, achieved
+her glories, and founded her Empire. Along the line of political theory
+they contend that the demand for national service is contrary to the
+spirit of liberty, that freedom is an essential characteristic of the
+English genius, that Britons may be persuaded but not coerced, and so
+on.
+
+In the preceding study I have shown the utter baselessness of the
+historical argument, pointed out that compulsory service was the very
+foundation of the Anglo-Saxon system of defence, and concluded that
+whereas "the Territorial Army dates from 1908, the Volunteers from 1859,
+the Regular Army itself only from 1645, for a millennium before the
+oldest of them the ancient defence of England was the Nation in Arms." I
+now turn to the theoretical argument, and propose to consider what is
+meant by the term "liberty," and ask whether the compulsion involved in
+national service is incompatible with liberty properly understood.
+
+
+
+
+II. THE TERM "LIBERTY"
+
+
+There can be no doubt that in this country, as in America, the term
+"liberty" enjoys much popularity. Sir John Seeley has remarked that just
+as "its unlimited generality" makes it "delightful to poets," so its
+harmonious sound is so grateful to the ears of the public at large that
+"if a political speech did not frequently mention liberty," no one would
+"know what to make of it or where to applaud."[25] Matthew Arnold goes
+so far as to speak of "our worship of freedom," and to depict liberty
+as the object of a fanatical semi-religious adoration.[26] But as a rule
+where an Englishman adores he does not define, and if one asks the
+common devotee of liberty what he understands by the abstraction before
+which he prostrates himself, one generally requires but a small portion
+of the dialectic subtlety of Socrates to involve him in a hopeless
+tangle of contradictions. He can no more define liberty than he can
+locate his soul. Mr. D. G. Ritchie truly says: "Many crimes have been
+done, and a still greater amount of nonsense talked in the name of
+liberty."[27] Seeley, with as much justice as pungency, asserts that
+some writers "teach us to call by the name of liberty whatever in
+politics we want," and so lead us to disguise our selfishness and
+cowardice in the stolen garb of moral principle.[28] At any rate, there
+is urgent need that before we either support or oppose any practical
+political measure in the name of liberty, we should clear our minds of
+confusion, and should reach an understanding of what precisely we mean
+by this vast and vague expression. It will be found, I think, upon
+examination, that the term "liberty," as employed in the sphere of
+politics, has four distinct connotations. I hope to show that in no one
+of these four senses is liberty incompatible with the compulsory element
+implicit in the principle of national service.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[25] Seeley. _Introduction to Political Science_, pp. 103-4.
+
+[26] Arnold. _Culture and Anarchy_, chap. ii.
+
+[27] Ritchie. _Natural Rights_, p. 135.
+
+[28] Seeley: _op. cit._, p. 103.
+
+
+
+
+III. LIBERTY AS FREEDOM FROM FOREIGN CONTROL
+
+
+"A free nation," says Sir William Temple, "is that which has never been
+conquered, or thereby entered into any condition of subjection."[29] In
+this sense of freedom from foreign domination liberty is the immemorial
+boast of Britons. They never have been, or will be, slaves. They are,
+and they are determined to remain--so they proudly sing--free as the
+waves that wash their shores, free as the winds that sweep their hills.
+They are resolved that no alien tyrant shall plant his foot upon their
+necks. As in the Middle Ages they repudiated the claim of German
+Emperors and Ultramontane Popes to exercise political sovereignty over
+them; as in more modern times they resisted conquest by the Spaniard
+Philip and the Corsican Napoleon; even so would they resist to the
+extreme limit of endurance any attempt to-day to reduce them to
+servitude. The proposition that freedom in this sense of national
+independence is consistent with compulsory military service needs no
+demonstration at all. So far from there being any incompatibility
+between the two, it is probable that only by means of a manhood
+universally trained to the use of arms can the freedom of Britain and
+the integrity of the Empire be ultimately maintained. We shall almost
+certainly have to choose, not between national service and liberty, but
+between national service and destruction.
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[29] Temple. _Works_ ii, p. 87.
+
+
+
+
+IV. LIBERTY AS SYNONYMOUS WITH RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT
+
+
+In a second and somewhat looser sense "Liberty is regarded as the
+equivalent of Parliamentary government."[30] We speak of one type of
+Constitution as "free" and of another type as "unfree." The so-called
+"free" type of government is that in which political power rests in the
+hands of the Democracy, whereas in "unfree" States the people are in
+subjection to a ruling person or class. From the point of view of the
+individual subject this distinction has no meaning at all. For the laws
+passed by a Democratic Parliament are coercive and compulsory in
+precisely the same manner and degree as are the laws of a despotic
+monarchy or a close oligarchy. There is, indeed, a "tyranny of the
+majority" which can be quite as oppressive to the individual as the
+tyranny of the one or the few, and much less easy to evade. From the
+point of view of the enfranchised community, however, the term "free"
+has a meaning, and its use can be defended. For if the electorate be
+regarded as a unit, akin to an organism, government becomes
+self-government, and any obligations which the community places upon
+itself by means of laws can be looked upon as self-limitations, imposed
+by free-will and capable of removal at any moment by the unfettered
+exercise of the power which imposed them. From this communal point of
+view, however, it is evident that national service involves no
+diminution of liberty. The community becomes not one whit less free
+because it decides to train itself in the use of arms and to mobilize
+all its resources for military purposes. It retains its capacity to
+demobilize any time it likes, to lay aside its arms, to pension off its
+drill sergeants, and to return to the paths of pacificism whenever it
+seems safe to do so.
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[30] Seeley: _op. cit._, p. 114.
+
+
+
+
+V. LIBERTY AS ABSENCE OF RESTRAINT
+
+
+It cannot be denied, however, that compulsory military service does
+interfere with the power of the _individual_ to do as he likes. He is
+forced, whether he wants to or not, to undergo certain discipline in
+time of peace, and to face uncertain danger in time of war. National
+service, then, is a restriction of his liberty, if by liberty is meant
+the absence of all restraint. Now this is precisely the sense in which
+the term is most frequently used. "Quid est libertas?" (What is
+liberty?), asked Cicero, and he replied: "Potestas vivendi ut velis"
+(The power of living as you like).[31] "Freedom," said Sir Robert
+Filmer, "is the liberty for everyone to do what he lists, to live as he
+pleases, and not to be tied by any laws."[32] Even Locke, Filmer's great
+opponent, admitted that "the natural liberty of man is to be free from
+any superior power on earth." But who is the man who possesses this
+unlimited natural liberty to live as he likes, and to act as he pleases,
+subject to no superior power on earth? He is either a Robinson Crusoe,
+existing alone on a desert island, or he is an anarchist living in the
+midst of anarchists, and acknowledging no civil government whatsoever.
+In the latter case his career is likely to be as "poor, nasty, brutish,
+and short" as that of the primitive savage depicted by Hobbes. For if
+one man is free to live as he likes, subject to no superior power, so
+are all. Hence in such a society of absolute freemen, human law is
+totally abrogated, no life is protected, no property safeguarded.
+Everyone, so far as his power avails, does what he pleases, takes what
+he covets, slays whom he hates. When his power ceases to avail, that is
+when a stronger than he appears upon the scene, he is himself liable to
+be despoiled and killed. Such is the state of society in which absolute
+liberty obtains. It is a chaos of incessant civil war, where "every man
+is enemy to every man." Its unfortunate victims, the possessors of
+unrestricted liberty, find that there is
+
+
+     War among them, and despair
+     Within them, raging without truce or term.[33]
+
+
+It is from this intolerable condition of perfect freedom that
+government saves a man. But it saves him--and in no other way can it
+possibly do so--by taking away from both himself and his fellows alike
+and in equal measure, part of their insufferable birthright of liberty.
+The very essence of government is restriction, compulsion, law. Under
+government, then, whatever may be its form, no man is free in the sense
+of being exempt from restraint. Natural liberty gives place in organized
+society to civil liberty, which is a much more modest and limited thing.
+"Civil liberty," says Blackstone, "is no other than natural liberty so
+far restrained by human laws as is necessary and expedient for the
+general advantage of the public."[34] In the same sense Austin defines
+it as "the liberty from legal obligation which is left or granted by a
+sovereign government to any of its own subjects."[35] But the most
+luminous definition is that of Montesquieu, who says: "La liberté est
+le droit de faire tout ce que les lois permettent."[36] Those who would
+understand what true civil or political liberty is, and what are its
+necessary limitations, should imprint this profound utterance upon their
+memories, and employ it as a universal test of sound thinking on the
+subject.
+
+"Liberty is the right to do all that the laws allow"--no more, and no
+less. Liberty, then, in the sphere of politics, is not the absence of
+all restraint whatsoever, but only the absence of all restraint except
+that of the law. Thus the freedom of which Britons boast--"English
+liberty"--is not a licence to anyone to do as he likes, but is merely
+the right of everyone to do what the laws of England permit, and it is a
+splendid possession merely because the laws of England are eminent for
+justice and equity. "English liberty" is perfectly consistent, as we all
+admit, with compulsory registration, vaccination, education, taxation,
+insurance, inspection, and countless other legal coercions. From our
+cradles to our graves we are beset behind and before by government
+regulations; yet we rightly assert that we are free. If then the laws of
+England add one more coercion, and proclaim anew the duty of universal
+military service, not only will they do a thing consonant with justice
+and equity, they will also do a thing which does not in the smallest
+degree diminish any individual's civil liberty.[37]
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[31] Cicero. _Parad._, v, 1.
+
+[32] Filmer. _Patriarcha_, quoted and criticized by Locke, _On
+Government_, book ii, chap. iv.
+
+[33] Shelley. _Ode to Liberty_, Canto 2. Compare the description of
+_Huriyeh_ (Liberty) given by Sir Mark Sykes in _The Caliphs' Last
+Heritage_. I quote the following from a review in _The Spectator_, of
+November 27th, 1915: Sir Mark Sykes saw _Huriyeh_ (Liberty) at work in
+the distant provinces of the Empire. "What, O father of Mahmud," he said
+to an old Arab acquaintance, "is this _Huriyeh_?" The "father of Mahmud"
+replied without hesitation "that there is no law and each one can do all
+he likes." Neither was this lawless interpretation of liberty confined
+to Moslems. The Greek Christians in the neighbourhood of Hebron were
+"armed to the teeth and glad of _Huriyeh_, for they say they can now
+raid as well as other men." In Anatolia, a muleteer who had been
+discharged from Sir Mark Sykes's service "spent all his time singing
+'Liberty--Equality--Fraternity,' the reason being that the Committee at
+Smyrna released him from prison, where he was undergoing sentence for
+his third murder."
+
+[34] Blackstone. _Commentaries_, i, 140.
+
+[35] Austin. _Jurisprudence_, p. 274.
+
+[36] Montesquieu. _Esprit des Lois_, p. 420.
+
+[37] _Cf._ Philip Snowden, _Socialism and Syndicalism_, p. 175. "When
+all submit to law imposed by the common will for the common good, the
+law is not slavery, but true liberty."
+
+
+
+
+VI. LIBERTY AS THE OPPORTUNITY FOR SERVICE
+
+
+Liberty as absence of restraint is, however, a merely negative thing; it
+is a "being let alone." Some great writers, John Stuart Mill for
+example, treat it as though it had only this negative character, and as
+though to be let alone were necessarily and in itself a good thing. But
+others have truly and forcefully shown, first, that to be let alone may
+sometimes be a doubtful blessing, and, secondly, that liberty has a
+further and positive aspect not less important than the negative. Sir J.
+F. Stephen, in his _Liberty, Equality, Fraternity_, vigorously
+criticizes Mill's negative theory. Matthew Arnold in _Culture and
+Anarchy_ (a work which well repays perusal at the present time) pours
+delightful but destructive ridicule upon "our prevalent notion that it
+is a most happy and important thing for a man merely to be able to do as
+he likes." Thomas Carlyle, in _Past and Present_ and elsewhere,
+vehemently expounds a positive ideal of liberty which involves strenuous
+work for the good of man and for social advancement. "If liberty be not
+that," he concludes, "I for one have small care about liberty." But
+first in eminence among the exponents of the positive aspect of liberty
+stands Thomas Hill Green, of Oxford. In his works he contends that
+liberty is more than absence of restraint, just as beauty is more than
+absence of ugliness.[38] He holds that it includes also "a positive
+power or capacity of doing or enjoying something worth doing or
+enjoying." He agrees with Mazzini that complete freedom is "found only
+in that satisfying fulfilment of civic duties to which rights, however
+precious, are but the vestibule."[39] He looks at freedom, that is to
+say, from the communal and not from the individual point of view. Man is
+a political animal, and only in an organized society can he attain his
+highest development. It is not good for man to be alone; each individual
+needs the companionship and co-operation of his fellows; no one in
+solitude can attain even to self-realization. Hence, government is more
+than a restraining power; it is also an organizing power. It not only
+prevents its subjects from injuring one another; it places them where
+they can most effectively aid one another and work together for the
+common weal. It frees their faculties from the impotence of isolation,
+and opens up to them the unbounded possibilities of corporate activity.
+Hence, liberty on its positive side becomes merged in national service,
+in the broad sense of the fulfilment of the duties of citizenship. Thus
+he is an enemy of freedom who holds himself aloof from his fellows and
+declines to bear his share in the general burden. If, then, the State
+calls upon all its subjects to join together in undertaking the supreme
+task of national defence, every true lover of liberty must respond "Here
+am I."
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[38] Green, _Principles of Political Obligation_, p. 110-5.
+
+[39] _Cf._ MacCunn, _Six Radical Thinkers_, p. 259.
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+THE VOLUNTARY PRINCIPLE
+
+
+     [Reprinted from the _Morning Post_ of December 28th, 1915.]
+
+
+
+
+I. THE IDEA OF VOLUNTARISM
+
+
+It is sometimes said that Britons are a common-sense and practical
+people, but a people impervious to ideas; that they are quick at the
+invention of expedients, but slow to recognize and follow general
+principles. This statement may be true of the nation as a whole; but it
+is lamentably untrue in respect of our politicians. They do somehow now
+and again get ideas into their heads, and when once they are there it
+seems as though nothing on earth or from heaven can eradicate them. I
+suppose that the explanation of this steadfast consistency, or
+unteachable obstinacy, is that their ideas soon pass out of their own
+control. Principles once professed are formulated into programmes,
+programmes are solidified into platforms, and platforms are planted
+upon the insensate rock of party organization. Hence, to abandon an idea
+(even when it is found to be erroneous) or to repudiate a principle
+(even when it is proved to be false and pernicious) involves a political
+upheaval akin to a revolution. It is easier to continue to stand on an
+obsolete platform and watch a nation drift to disaster than to abandon
+the platform and endanger the party organization--euphemistically termed
+for the occasion "national unity." An excellent case in point is the
+pathetic devotion of successive Governments to the voluntary principle
+of military service.
+
+
+
+
+II. ITS ESTABLISHMENT
+
+
+As we have already seen, the voluntary principle--a comparatively modern
+novelty--is one which established itself in our constitution during the
+long period of peace that followed the Battles of Trafalgar and
+Waterloo, and it had its _raison d'être_ in the circumstances of the
+time. Our Navy had secured the undisputed command of the sea. Our shores
+and the shores of our distant Dominions were secure from invasion. All
+that we had to fear was an occasional Chartist riot, or Irish rebellion,
+or Indian mutiny, or petty Colonial war. To suppress these sporadic
+disorders a small professional army was incomparably the best
+instrument, and it was, of course, best secured and maintained by the
+system of voluntary enlistment. Thus in the halcyon Georgian and
+Victorian days the right inherent in every sovereign Government to call
+upon its subjects for national service sank into forgetfulness, the
+ancient military obligations of Englishmen fell into desuetude, and
+voluntarism held the field.
+
+A quarter of a century ago, however, _i.e._, soon after the present
+German Emperor came to the throne, circumstances radically changed.
+Germany obtained Heligoland and began to convert it into a naval base;
+she developed marked colonial activity and threatened British ascendancy
+in many parts of the world; she formulated a maritime programme and
+commenced the construction of a formidable navy. Nor was she alone.
+Other Powers also--Powers at that time regarded as less friendly to
+Britain than Germany was supposed to be--started in the race for
+overseas dominions, international commerce, and strong fleets. It became
+evident to the most casual observer that sooner or later British command
+of the sea might be challenged, Britain and the Dominions attacked, and
+the future of the Empire put to the issue of war. Hence prudent
+patriots, who in course of time organized themselves into the National
+Service League under the guidance of Lord Roberts--_clarum atque
+venerabile nomen_--urged the revival of the old-time duty of universal
+military training in preparation for, and as the best safeguard against,
+the growing peril. But no! Politicians had committed themselves to the
+voluntary principle. The party caucuses would not risk the sacrifice of
+place and power that might ensue from the preaching of the unpalatable
+doctrine of duty and discipline to their masters, the electors. Hence,
+amid dangers daily growing greater in magnitude, the defence of the
+Empire on land (the garrisoning of one-fifth part of the land-area of
+the globe) was left to the diminutive professional force established
+merely for Imperial police purposes--a force smaller than that which
+Serbia felt necessary to guard her independence, or Switzerland to
+assure her neutrality.
+
+
+
+
+III. THE RESULT
+
+
+What was the result? It was this: that the British Empire, the richest
+prize that the world has ever displayed, spread out its treasures before
+the envious eyes of militant nations, practically undefended, save for
+its slender ring of circling ships. There it lay, a constant and
+irresistible lure, especially to that parvenu and predatory Germanic
+Power which had appeared upon the European scene, as the offspring of
+treachery and violence, in 1871. Thus those politicians--they were to be
+found in all parties--who refused to face the new conditions, who
+persisted in maintaining that the voluntary principle, which sufficed to
+police an Empire externally secure, would also guard it against a world
+in arms, did their unwitting best to render an attack inevitable, and to
+ensure that when it burst upon us it should do us the maximum of damage.
+
+In due time, that is, when Germany thought that "the day" had dawned,
+the war came. Then the voluntary principle manifested its proper fruits.
+We found ourselves suddenly called upon to confront the supreme crisis
+of our fate with a gigantic proletariat untrained and unarmed, and with
+a diminutive army (below even its nominal strength), wholly inadequate
+to the magnitude of its tasks. What were the consequences? They were
+these: First, that our devoted Expeditionary Force, insufficient and
+unsupported, was sent across the Channel to almost certain and complete
+annihilation; secondly, that masses of reserves urgently needed on the
+Continent had to be kept in these islands to counter the risks of
+invasion; thirdly, that the mobility of our Navy had to be sacrificed to
+the same necessity of domestic defence (hence the disaster to Admiral
+Cradock); and, finally, that Belgium and North-East France had to be
+abandoned to the enemy--to be recovered later, if possible, at the cost
+of tens of thousands of lives.
+
+One would have thought that at such a crisis of destiny our politicians
+would have faced the facts, would have realized that the time had come
+to summon the nation, as a disciplined whole, to front its peril and do
+its duty. If they had but had the courage to do so, who can doubt the
+loyalty of the response? But, once more, No! All sorts of irrelevant
+considerations of petty domestic politics--matters of votes and seats
+and party prejudices--determined the issue. The voluntary principle must
+at any cost be maintained sacrosanct and intact. Hence, to get the
+necessary men--or, rather, far fewer than the necessary men--every
+variety of extravagant and humiliating expedient had to be adopted.
+Hundreds of thousands of pounds of public money were squandered in
+advertisement and appeal, and a chaos of indiscriminate enlistment was
+inaugurated. Again, with what results? With these results: First, that
+myriads of middle-aged men with families have been taken while unmarried
+slackers have been left; secondly, that invaluable war-workers have been
+drawn from necessary tasks while useless wastrels have remained at
+large; thirdly, that the rate of recruiting has been spasmodic and
+wholly incalculable, that our armies have never been quite strong enough
+for the successive operations assigned to them, and that consequently a
+vast, needless, and largely fruitless sacrifice of the very cream of our
+nation's manhood has taken place. To the idol of voluntarism a veritable
+holocaust of victims has been offered up.
+
+
+
+
+IV. THE PRESENT SITUATION
+
+
+The voluntary principle, after seventeen months of inconceivably
+destructive war, still nominally holds the field.[40] Our sovereign
+politicians have up to the present remained verbally true to it; but at
+what a price! They have indefinitely postponed victory; they have
+allowed the sphere of operations to be immensely enlarged; they have
+been compelled through sheer military feebleness to witness neutral
+nations being drawn on to the side of the enemy; they have been unable
+to strike a decisive blow anywhere. Thus the war drags on inconclusively
+at a cost of £5,000,000 and 2,000 casualties every day. But the
+voluntary principle has been respected and vindicated! Has it? True it
+is that there has been a magnificent response to the Government's
+appeals. The patriotism and devotion of one half of the nation have
+effectively enabled the other half to evade its duty. But the time has
+again come when the demand for more men is imperative. Voluntarism is
+making its last efforts. Its devotees in their desperate endeavours to
+prevent its formal abandonment are eliminating from it every element of
+free will, and are introducing every device of veiled compulsion.
+Canvassers and recruiting-sergeants have brought immense pressure to
+bear upon every eligible man, under threats that unless he "volunteers"
+he will shortly be fetched, and fetched on less favourable terms than
+those now offered. Moreover, all sorts of other kinds of pressure are
+added. The papers are full of instances. For example, the Foreign Office
+is refusing passports to men of military age; the great shipping lines
+are declining to take eligible emigrants; employers are refusing work
+to applicants who they think might serve. Finally, Mr. Asquith, in the
+House of Commons, gives the whole case away, and from the voluntarist
+point of view perpetrates the great apostasy, by admitting that our
+voluntary system of recruiting is "haphazard, capricious, and unjust,"
+and by protesting that he has "no abstract or _a priori_ objection of
+any sort or kind to compulsion in time of war," adding that he has no
+intention whatever to go to the stake "in defence of what is called the
+voluntary principle."[41] Poor "voluntary principle"! Already abandoned
+in practice, and now thrown over by its former high-priest!
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[40] This was written in December, 1915. A few weeks later the Military
+Service Bill became law. Compulsion is to be applied from March 1st,
+1916.
+
+[41] House of Commons debate, November 2nd, 1915.
+
+
+
+
+V. THE FUTURE
+
+
+Is there any shred or remnant of this deserted and discredited voluntary
+principle that is worth saving? There is not. It is the last
+disreputable relic of the extreme individualism of the Manchester School
+of the early nineteenth century, which taught a political theory that
+has been abandoned by all serious thinkers. Everyone now admits that it
+is the function of the State to secure as far as it can the conditions
+of the good life to its citizens. It is the logical and inevitable
+corollary that it is the duty of every citizen to support and safeguard
+the State. It has long been one of the gravest weaknesses of our modern
+democracy that, while it has insisted vehemently upon its claims against
+the State--claims to education, employment, office, insurance, pension,
+and so on--it has remained comparatively oblivious to its
+responsibilities. Its so-called political leaders, who too often are but
+self-seeking flatterers fawning for its favour, have persistently
+encouraged it to concentrate its efforts upon getting without giving. It
+has been taught that it is proper to use political power in pursuit of
+selfish aims and to employ all manner of compulsion therein; but in the
+matter of national service it has received soothing lessons on the
+surpassing glories of the voluntary principle. It is the State which is
+to be coerced by threats of passive resistance or general strikes; but
+if the State attempts coercion in the exercise of its functions it is
+met by the passionate proclamation of the rights of personal freedom.
+Similarly, we have the amazing spectacle of Trade Unionists meeting in
+congress to condemn "conscription" and at the same time sanctioning the
+most extreme measures of illegal persecution to drive non-Unionists into
+the ranks of their own organizations. It is a monstrous and intolerable
+perversion of all sound political principles. The whole sorry business
+is a flagrant example of the subtle way in which a democracy can be
+cajoled, corrupted, and depraved.
+
+I elaborated this point in a letter to the _Observer_ which the Editor
+kindly allows me to reprint here. It will be found in the issue of
+January 17th, 1915:
+
+
+     One of the most curious phenomena of present-day politics is the
+     opposition offered by collectivists to conscription--under which
+     term they persistently and disingenuously include both the
+     compulsory service of the German army and the very different
+     universal military training of the Swiss citizen.
+
+     Even Mr. Herbert Spencer and the extreme individualists of his
+     school admitted that national defence is a proper function of the
+     State, and that a government may rightly use compulsory powers to
+     safeguard the community from attack.
+
+     But Mr. Arnold Bennett and the semi-socialists of the _Daily
+     Chronicle_ and the _Daily News_--although they are filled with
+     horror and indignation if it is suggested that an artisan should be
+     allowed to choose whether or not he will enjoy the advantages of
+     the Insurance Act; or that a collier, if he wishes to do so, should
+     be permitted to work for more than eight hours a day; or that a
+     labourer should be exempted from persecution as a blackleg if he
+     prefers to remain outside the fold of a trade union--are fired
+     with a long-dormant zeal for individual liberty, if it is urged
+     that a young man's citizenship is incomplete until he has been
+     called and prepared to defend his home and his country in case of
+     need.
+
+     Their collectivism is, in fact, a peculiarly perverted or inverted
+     type of individualism. It insists on the right of the individual,
+     if unemployed, to come to the State for work; if in poverty, to
+     come to the State for relief; if ignorant, to come to the State for
+     education: but it strenuously resists the exercise by the State of
+     its reciprocal claim on the service of the individual. It is
+     engrossed by the contemplation of the rights of the individual and
+     the duties of the State; it ignores the rights of the State and the
+     duties of the individual.
+
+     It is true that our voluntary system of military service has done
+     wonders in this war, far more indeed than could ever have been
+     expected of it; but this does not alter the fact that it is _wrong
+     in principle_. It is quite conceivable that a similar voluntary
+     system of monetary contributions would, if compulsory taxation were
+     abolished, supply the necessities of government; but it would be a
+     most iniquitous system, pressing heavily on the generous, and
+     allowing the niggardly to escape. We all, in fact, admit that it
+     would be entirely improper to replace the income-tax form by the
+     begging-letter. For precisely the same reasons it is entirely
+     improper that enlistment for home defence should depend on the
+     voluntary sacrifice of the patriotic minority, while the careless
+     and worthless majority elude their duty.
+
+     It is, moreover, deeply humiliating to the national pride to see
+     the protection of our shores, and the existence of our Empire,
+     dependent on the response made to advertisements, to platform
+     appeals, to music-hall songs, and to the kisses so generously
+     proffered by popular actresses.
+
+
+It will be no small compensation for the immeasurable losses of this war
+if the lofty old-English ideals of duty and service are restored to
+their rightful place in our political system, and if in respect of the
+essentials of national existence, viz., defence of the realm and
+obedience to law, we completely eliminate and frankly repudiate--as we
+have already done in the sphere of taxation--the enervating one-sided
+individualism of the voluntary principle.
+
+
+
+
+IV
+
+PASSIVE RESISTANCE
+
+
+
+
+I. THE NEW PERIL
+
+
+For a long time past there has existed in this country a sort of
+smouldering rebellion known as passive resistance. It is difficult to
+say when it had its origin; but probably it could be traced back to the
+Reformation. For it is merely a veiled manifestation of that anarchic
+individualism and that morbid conscientiousness--the extremes of
+qualities admirable in moderation--which first became formidable in
+England on the break-up of mediĉval Christendom. In recent times it has
+displayed itself in many new forms, and on an increasingly large scale,
+until now, in this great crisis of our fate, it has grown to be a
+serious menace to the national unity, and a grave danger to the very
+existence of the State. We have in our midst at the present day--to
+mention only the leading specimens--Ritualists who refuse to obey
+judgments of the Privy Council, or to heed injunctions issued by bishops
+appointed by the Crown; Anti-Vivisectionists who resist regulations
+regarded as essential by the health authorities; Undenominationalists
+who decline to pay rates necessary to maintain the system of education
+established by law; Christian Scientists whose criminal neglect in the
+case of dangerous diseases not only renders them guilty of homicide, but
+also imperils the welfare of the whole community; Suffragists who defy
+all law comprehensively, on the ground that the legislature from which
+it emanates is not constituted as they think it ought to be; Trade
+Unionists who combine to stultify any Act of Parliament which conflicts
+with the rules of their own organizations; and finally, a
+No-Conscription Fellowship whose members expressly "deny the right of
+Government to say, 'You _shall_ bear arms,'" and threaten to "oppose
+every effort to introduce compulsory military service into Great
+Britain."[42] Here is a pretty collection of aliens from the
+commonwealth! It contains examples of almost every variety of
+anti-social eccentricity. So diverse and conflicting are the types of
+passive resistance represented that there is only one thing that can be
+predicated of all the members of all the groups, and it is this--that
+they are rebels.
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[42] No-Conscription Manifesto printed in full in the _Morning Post_,
+May 31st, 1915.
+
+
+
+
+II. PASSIVE RESISTANCE AS REBELLION
+
+
+The essential preliminary to any useful discussion of passive resistance
+is the clear recognition of the fact that it is rebellion, and nothing
+less. To say, or admit, this is not necessarily to condemn it; for there
+are few persons to-day, I suppose, who would contend that rebellion is
+never justifiable. All it asserts is that passive resistance has to be
+judged by the same measures and according to the same standards as any
+other kind of revolt against constituted political authority. It is all
+the more needful to make this plain because some of the milder but more
+muddled among the resisters try to shut their eyes to the fact that they
+are rebels. They claim to be sheep and not goats. They call themselves
+Socialists; they profess an abnormal loyalty to the idea of the State;
+they protest their devotion to the Great Society; they ask to be allowed
+to make all sorts of sacrifices to the community; they announce their
+willingness to do anything--except the one thing which the Government
+requires them to do. The exception is fatal to their claim. "To obey is
+better than sacrifice, and to hearken than the fat of rams." The State
+does not and cannot submit the validity of its enactments to the private
+judgment of its subjects. It expresses and enforces the general will,
+and it dare not leave to the choice, or even to the conscience, of the
+individual an option as to which of its commands shall be obeyed, and
+which not. To do so would be to loose the bands of society, to bring to
+an end the reign of law, and to plunge the community once again into
+that primal chaos of anarchy from which in the beginning it painfully
+emerged. The State demands, and must necessarily demand, implicit
+obedience. From the loyal it receives it. Those from whom it does not
+receive it are rebels, no matter how conscientious they may be, how
+lofty their moral elevation, how sublimely passive their resistance. So
+far as their disobedience extends they are the enemies of organized
+society, disrupters of the commonwealth, subverters of government, the
+allies and confederates of criminals and anarchists. It is worth noting,
+moreover, how easily their passive resistance develops into more active
+forms of rebellion. Not for long was the Suffragist content to remain
+merely defensive in revolt; soon she emerged with whips for Cabinet
+Ministers, hammers for windows, and bombs for churches. Resistant Trade
+Unionists rapidly and generally slide into sabotage and personal
+violence. The No-Conscriptionists of Ireland threaten through Mr.
+Byrne, M.P., for Dublin, that "if Conscription is forced on Ireland, it
+will be resisted by drilled and armed forces"[43]--a delightfully
+Hibernian type of anti-militarism, which, nevertheless, throws a lurid
+light on the real meaning of the movement. It is seen to be rebellion,
+open, naked and unashamed.
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[43] See _Times_, November 22nd, 1915.
+
+
+
+
+III. THE RIGHT OF REBELLION
+
+
+Passive resistance, then, is rebellion; but, as has already been
+admitted, it is not on that account necessarily unjustifiable. An
+established government may be so hopelessly iniquitous that it ought to
+be overthrown; an organized society may be so irremediably corrupt that
+it merits disruption; duly enacted laws may, when judged by moral
+standards, be so flagrantly unjust as to demand the resistance of all
+good men. There is no need to labour the point: actual examples crowd
+upon the mind. Who would condemn the revolt of the Greeks against
+Turkish rule? Who would contend that the degenerate society of the later
+Bourbon monarchy did not deserve dissolution? Who would maintain that
+John Hampden and Oliver Cromwell had no moral warrant for their
+resistance to Charles I, or their successors to James II. We may freely
+allow that in these cases, and in many similar ones, there existed on
+ethical grounds a right, or more strictly a communal duty, to rebel. Few
+would now proclaim with Filmer the divine right of any government to
+exact obedience quite irrespective of the wishes or the interests of its
+subjects. Still fewer would agree with Hobbes that an original contract
+precludes for ever all opposition to sovereign political authority. The
+ground on which political obligation is asserted has been shifted. The
+State is recognized as "an institution for the promotion of the common
+good," and it is admitted that if it ceases to promote the common good
+the obligation to obey it is transformed into an obligation to reform
+it, or even to
+
+
+     Shatter it to bits--and then
+     Remould it nearer to the heart's desire.
+
+
+But, viewed thus, the right of rebellion assumes an aspect of awful
+responsibility, perhaps the most tremendous within the sphere of
+politics that the mind can conceive. For rebellion means the breaking-up
+of the existing order, the throwing of institutions into the
+melting-pot, the letting loose of incalculable forces of discord and
+destruction, the suspension of law, the return to chaos, in the hope
+that out of the welter a new and better cosmos--one more fitted to
+promote the common good--may be evolved. Every rebel, or prospective
+rebel, whether of the passive or the active type, ought to ponder well
+the logical consequences of his revolt against authority, ought to
+consider the inevitable results that would flow from the general
+adoption of the principles which he professes, ought to decide whether
+or not he really desires to overthrow the polity under which he lives,
+ought to ask if he and his fellows are able to face with any serious
+hope of success the colossal task of constructing a new society on the
+ruins of the old. Now the historic rebels to whom I have referred above
+by way of example--the Greek Nationalists, the French Revolutionists,
+the English Puritans and Whigs--did not hesitate to acknowledge the
+nature of their acts, and were not unprepared to face their
+consequences. They did not deceive themselves, or attempt to deceive
+others, by false professions of loyalty. The Greeks proclaimed their
+undying hostility to the Turks, fought them, shook off their yoke, and
+erected a national kingdom on the ruins of Turkish tyranny. The French
+Revolutionists openly declared war upon the old regime, eradicated it
+by means of the guillotine, and established a republic where it had
+been. Similarly the English Puritans repudiated allegiance to Charles I,
+brought him to the block, and instituted the Commonwealth in his place;
+while the Whigs drove out James II and set up the constitutional
+monarchy of William and Mary. One can respect heroic rebels of these
+types. They were honest and open; they attacked great abuses; they took
+great risks, and they achieved notable results. Very different are our
+modern rebels. They profess with nauseating unction loyalty to the State
+whose dominion they are undermining; they claim to be exceptionally
+virtuous members of the Society whose unity they are destroying; above
+all they continue to demand with insolent effrontery the protection of
+the very law and the very courts whose authority they are denying and
+defying. They can be freed from the charge of the most revolting
+hypocrisy only on the plea that "they know not what they do."
+
+
+
+
+IV. REBELLION AGAINST A DEMOCRACY
+
+
+It is granted, then, that rebellion may sometimes be not only a
+justifiable act, but also a bounden public duty. Three examples have
+been given which perhaps may be allowed to have illustrated and
+confirmed this view. It will be noted, however, that in each of the
+cases cited the revolt was that of an oppressed community against a
+government in which it had no part or lot, and over which it had no
+constitutional control. Rebellion against a democracy on the part of
+members of that democracy stands on a widely different footing. It is
+treachery as well as insurrection. One can, indeed, conceive
+circumstances which would justify it; but they would be rare and
+exceptional, and that for two reasons. First, in a democracy
+constitutional means are provided for the alteration of law and even for
+the remodelling of the form of government. Secondly, if a democratic
+government is undermined by disobedience, discredited by successful
+defiance, destroyed by treasonable betrayal on the part of its own
+professed supporters, there is nothing to take its place; the community
+is bound either to drift into anarchy, or to revert to some sort of
+tyranny. Let us consider these two points in turn. (1) The essence of
+democracy is government according to the will of the majority. This
+almost necessarily implies government in opposition to the will of one
+or more minorities. But democratic minorities have a remedy--and it is
+the peculiar virtue of democracy to provide it. It is this: by means of
+argument, persuasion, and appeal; by press agitation and platform
+campaign; through organization and combination, to convert themselves
+into a majority. The whole of our English political system, the very
+existence of our democratic constitution, depends upon the recognition
+and acceptance of this rule of the game. If the will of the majority is
+not to be regarded as authoritative, measures for reform of the
+franchise, extension of the suffrage, and adjustment of the electoral
+machine have no rational meaning at all. They are merely vanity and
+vexation of spirit. What matter who makes the laws, or what laws are
+made, if laws are not to be implicitly obeyed? Our extremists want to
+have it both ways: they want to enforce law with majestic severity as
+"the Will of the People," when they are in a majority; but they also
+want to defy law with conscientious obstinacy as a violation of personal
+freedom when they are in a minority. Some members of "The Union of
+Democratic Control" are also members of the "No-Conscription
+Fellowship"! Could inconsistency or muddle-headedness go further? Those
+who wish to rule as part of a majority must be prepared to be overruled
+as part of a minority. If minorities, instead of employing the
+constitutional machinery placed at their disposal to secure the repeal
+of obnoxious laws, are going to resist and rebel whenever the majority
+does something of which they strongly disapprove, there is an end of
+democratic government altogether, and a reversion to the state of
+nature. T. H. Green in his _Principles of Political Obligation_ puts the
+case clearly and well. He asks this very question, What shall an
+individual do when he is faced by a command of a democratic government
+which he believes to be wrong? He replies: "In a country like ours with
+a popular government and settled methods of enacting and repealing laws,
+the answer of common sense is simple and sufficient. He should do all he
+can by legal methods to get the command cancelled, but till it is
+cancelled, he should conform to it. The common good must suffer more
+from resistance to a law or to the ordinance of a legal authority than
+from the individual's conformity to the particular law or ordinance that
+is bad, until its repeal can be obtained."[44] Here we have the true
+ground of the duty of obedience. The antagonistic principle of passive
+resistance provides a charter for criminals and anarchists.
+
+(2) The second point needs little enlargement. It is clear from many
+examples in both ancient and modern history that if a monarchy is
+overthrown an aristocracy can take its place, and that if an aristocracy
+is dispossessed of power, room is made for a democracy. But what do our
+rebels against democracy propose to substitute for the sovereign will of
+the majority, if they succeed by resistance in reducing it to impotence?
+Possibly they hope that their own exalted will may prevail. Let them not
+flatter themselves by any such vain dream. Even assuming what is
+improbable, viz., that they remain united among themselves, can they
+suppose that their example of successful revolt will remain without
+imitators, or that their anti-social doctrines will never be applied
+again? If they will not render obedience when they are in a minority,
+who will obey them even if they have a majority behind them? Government
+will cease; the reign of order will be at an end; Society will be
+dissolved amid "red ruin and the breaking-up of laws."
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[44] Green. _Principles of Political Obligation_, p. 111. _Cf._ Ritchie,
+Natural Rights, p. 243.
+
+
+
+
+V. THE DUTY OF THE STATE
+
+
+The case seems clear. Passive resistance is rebellion, and it is
+entirely inconsistent with loyalty to any form of government. In
+relation to democratic government it is, moreover, on the part of
+members of the democracy, treachery of a peculiarly heinous type, since
+it is a betrayal of the sovereign community by those within its own
+ranks. If the sovereign community does (as it easily may) by the vote of
+its majority make enactments which seem to any one of its subjects to be
+morally wrong, that subject has two legitimate courses open to him. He
+may either obey under protest, and meantime use all lawful influence at
+his disposal to convince the majority of the error of their ways, and
+convert them to his way of thinking; or he may withdraw from the
+community and its territories altogether, and go to some other part of
+the wide world where the obnoxious enactment is not in force. What he
+may _not_ do, is to remain within the community, enjoy all the
+advantages of its ordered life, exercise its franchises, receive the
+protection of its forces, claim the securities of its courts and the
+liberties of its constitution, and at the same time refuse to render it
+obedience.
+
+If in his misguided perversity he adopts this last-named course, the
+duty of the State is plain. It is to call him to submission, or to
+withdraw its protection from him. The person who will not recognize the
+State's sovereignty, has no claim upon the services of the State. The
+first essential of a government is that it should govern. It should, of
+course, exercise the utmost care in issuing commands to avoid as far as
+possible the giving of offence to tender consciences; but when once its
+deliberate commands are issued, and so long as they remain unrepealed,
+it should enforce them with calm but inexorable determination. Nothing
+is more fatal to the very foundations of political society, than the
+spectacle of a government that can be defied with impunity.[45] That
+demoralizing spectacle has been seen far too often during recent years,
+and at the moment when the war broke out it had led us to the verge of
+national disaster. The war has brought us into closer touch with
+realities than we had been for many a long year before, and it has
+taught us how ruinous it is in fatuous complacency to "wait and see"
+whither disorder, disloyalty, and disobedience will conduct us. If,
+however, there are still in our midst ministers who tremble before
+rebellion, and do not know how to act in the presence of organized
+passive resistance, let me commend to them the worthy example of Edward
+I, who in 1296 was faced by a general refusal on the part of the clergy
+to pay taxes. He simply excluded them from the protection of the laws,
+and closed his courts to their pleas. A few weeks of well-merited
+outlawry brought to an end their ill-advised experiment in passive
+resistance.
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[45] Maine (_Popular Government_, p. 64) emphasizes this point. "If," he
+says, "any government should be tempted to neglect, even for a moment,
+its function of compelling obedience to law--if a Democracy, for
+example, were to allow a portion of the multitude of which it consists
+to set some law at defiance which it happens to dislike--it would be
+guilty of a crime which hardly any other virtue could redeem, and which
+century upon century might fail to repair."
+
+
+
+
+V
+
+CHRISTIANITY AND WAR
+
+
+
+
+I. A CONFLICT OF CONVICTIONS
+
+
+Few of those who lived through the critical ten days that culminated in
+the outbreak of the Great War in August, 1914, will ever forget the
+conflict of emotions which the events of that dramatic period called
+forth. If I may speak of myself--though I think that I am merely one of
+a large class--I was torn by the contending convictions, first, that
+every consideration of honour and policy made it necessary for Britain
+to go to the aid of Serbia, Belgium, France, and Russia in their
+struggle against the wanton attack of the Central Empires; but,
+secondly, that war is a relic of barbarism, wholly incompatible with
+civilization, and entirely antagonistic to the Christian ideal. On the
+one hand I realized the magnitude of the German menace to the
+Commonwealth of Europe; recognized that the Teutonic race had long
+plotted conquest, and that it was out for world-dominion; perceived the
+significance of its monstrous demands on Serbia, and its shameless
+violations of its treaty obligations to Luxemburg and Belgium; saw that
+the triumph of the imperial militants would involve the disruption of
+the concert of the nations, the abrogation of International Law
+(laboriously instituted through three centuries of painful effort) and
+the collapse of the democratic order; and felt, finally, that upon
+British intervention depended the very existence of the British Empire
+with all that it means of good to one-fifth part of the human race. Over
+against this group of convictions I was confronted on the other hand by
+a vision of the cosmopolitan and pacific Kingdom of God as proclaimed in
+the Sermon on the Mount, and exemplified by Christ and His disciples in
+Palestine, long ago--a Kingdom whose law is love; whose fundamental
+principles are inexhaustible goodwill, meekness, gentleness,
+brotherly-kindness and charity; whose administration works along the
+gracious lines of sacrifice, unselfish devotion, and untiring
+beneficence. Obviously, within the limits of such a Kingdom war is
+inconceivable. Under such a regime, if it were universally established,
+the one service which could never be demanded would be military
+service. How can the consecrated servant of the Prince of Peace in any
+circumstances become a man of war?
+
+The reconciliation of the contradiction is, I think, not impossible. It
+is to be effected, it seems to me, by recognizing that unflinching
+resistance to evil is the supreme duty of the present, while the
+realization of the ideal, pacific, and world-wide Kingdom of God is the
+goal of the future; and, further, that the attainment of the goal
+depends upon the performance of the duty. At the moment our high task is
+to defend our homes, our rights, our liberties, our institutions, our
+standards of justice, our hopes for humanity, against the diabolical
+aggressor. In a happier day and a freer world we may hope that, as one
+of the results of our present struggle and sacrifice, beneath the sway
+of restored and vindicated law, a larger scope may be given for the
+spread of the divine realm of love. The vindication of law must precede
+the proclamation of peace. The goodwill that shall put an end to strife
+must be based on triumphant justice and sovereign righteousness. As yet
+we see not law supreme, or justice and righteousness in the ascendant.
+So long as violence is rampant, and evil stalks abroad, we must be
+prepared to fight even to the death. It is vain--it is worse than vain;
+it is treasonable--to cry "Peace, peace," when there is no peace, and
+when the conditions of peace do not exist.
+
+
+
+
+II. THE RELIGION OF THE BIBLE
+
+
+The distinctive feature of the religion of the Bible is its indissoluble
+connection with righteousness. Other primitive cults have been either
+domestic, or economic, or political. Thus the Lares and Penates
+safeguarded the pious Latin family irrespective of its ethical
+character; the Greek deities, such as Dionysus and Aphrodite, were
+frankly immoral, but if propitiated they gave plenty and prosperity; the
+great gods of Rome were political personages who had no regard for
+private virtues, and their proper worship was performed by State
+officials whose functions strictly fell within the department of foreign
+affairs. But the religion of the Chosen People, under both the Old and
+the New Covenant, was, and still is, a faith whose keynote is divine
+law. The standard which has led the hosts of Jehovah to victory
+throughout the ages has been the lofty ethical code which it has
+displayed and maintained. The Bible begins with the story of man's fall
+from righteousness, and it ends with a vision of his restoration to
+ideal holiness. The prime purpose of the religion of the Bible is the
+conquest of sin, the defeat of the devil, the redemption of humanity,
+the recovery of the lost paradise, and the re-establishment of the
+Kingdom of Heaven. Milton made no mistake when he chose this as the
+central theme of his two immortal epics. Everything else is secondary.
+
+Now the means which the Bible describes and recognizes for the
+attainment of its supreme end are broadly two, viz., the persuasion of
+love, and the compulsion of force. In the case of all those who can be
+reached thereby the gentler means are employed. With what infinite
+patience were the Children of Israel led throughout their chequered
+career; with what divine compassion were the faltering disciples guided
+along the way of salvation! But where gentler means fail or are
+inapplicable, sterner measures are unhesitatingly sanctioned. The Bible
+knows nothing of the pernicious Manichĉan objection to the use of
+physical force to attain moral ends. In the beginning the rebellious
+angels were overthrown in battle by Michael and his hosts. The
+consummation of all things is to be reached as the result of the field
+of Armageddon. The Old Testament history is a long record of wars
+undertaken at the divine command, and to the Children of Israel Jehovah
+was peculiarly the God of Battles. Nor does the New Testament, with all
+its insistence on the power of love, ever condemn the Old Testament
+theology as false, ever repudiate force as a moral agent, ever denounce
+war as necessarily evil. On the contrary, it celebrates the achievements
+of the heroes of Israel who "waxed valiant in fight"; it announces
+irremediable destruction to the impenitent and unyielding wicked; it
+recognizes to the fullest degree the civil authorities who wield the
+sword of justice, and make themselves a terror to evil-doers; it
+proclaims that those who take the sword shall perish by the sword; it
+admits centurions and soldiers to the company of the elect without
+suggesting that they should forsake their military duties; it tells how
+on one notable occasion Christ Himself used force to cleanse the temple,
+and so for ever sanctified its use.
+
+
+
+
+III. THE DOCTRINE AND PRACTICE OF THE CHURCH
+
+
+The Church as a whole during the long and varied course of her history
+has been true to the general Biblical principle that evil should, where
+possible, be overcome by gentle means which give the evildoer room for
+repentance, but that it should be stamped out by the force of inexorable
+justice where gentle means have failed. No one can contend, I fear, that
+the Church has always been wise or Christly in her application of this
+sound Scriptural doctrine. She has, it must be admitted, sometimes
+encouraged premature resort to force, and has given her blessing to
+countless wanton wars. She has at other times treated as evils to be
+suppressed by violent means offences which have been mere deviations
+from her own arbitrary standards, and not violations of the eternal laws
+of truth and right. Nevertheless, however imperfect her practice, all
+her great teachers from Athanasius to Aquinas, and from Aquinas to the
+present day, have rightly recognized the legitimacy of the employment of
+force for moral purposes in the last resort, have admitted the
+compatibility of Christianity with military service, and have confessed
+that, evil as war is, there are evils still greater, and that the duty
+of every Christian man may be to fight lest the cause of righteousness
+and justice should suffer defeat. If the Church had taught otherwise--if
+she had been captured by the Gnostic heresy of non-resistance--Mediĉval
+Christendom and Western Civilization would inevitably have been
+destroyed by the assaults of Huns and Saracens, Magyars and Tartars,
+Vikings and Turks; while within the borders of Christendom itself law
+and order would have perished at the hands of wicked and violent men.
+Similarly in modern times common Christian opinion has agreed that there
+are causes worth fighting for and worth dying for. The English Puritans,
+for instance, including the early Quakers, considered that political
+freedom and religious liberty were ideals that justified and indeed
+demanded armed resistance to tyranny. During the last three centuries
+there have been few who, on religious grounds, have condemned the revolt
+of Christian peoples against Turkish misrule. In the American Civil War
+many professed pacificists felt that for the abolition of slavery they
+must need take arms. In our own recent history men like Havelock,
+Gordon, and Roberts have regarded as sacred trusts the tasks of saving
+women and children from massacre, of suppressing fanatical and cruel
+tyranny, of preventing intolerable wrong. The Church with confident
+consistency has rightly sanctioned and sanctified their heroic
+enterprises. While condemning wars of ambition, conquest, or revenge,
+she has taught that those who take arms to defend from murderous
+violence the weak and helpless, to maintain the priceless heritage of
+freedom, and to vindicate the majesty of law, may with humble assurance
+and firm faith pray for and expect the benediction of the Lord of Hosts.
+The Christian doctrine of war is admirably summarized by Burke in the
+words:--"The blood of man is well shed for our family, for our friends,
+for our God, for our country, for our kind; the rest is vanity; the rest
+is crime."[46]
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[46] Burke. _Regicide Peace_, vi, 145.
+
+
+
+
+IV. FORCE AS A MORAL INSTRUMENT
+
+
+Force, in short, has a proper and necessary place in the ethical sphere.
+It is an indispensable instrument of the will to righteousness. The good
+man and the good government resolve, in the spirit of the Lord, that
+certain abominations shall not take place. They express their will in a
+law. That law remains futile, it is a mockery and a fraud, unless they
+are prepared to enforce it by all the means in their power, even if need
+be by the shedding of blood. Much, no doubt, can and will be done to
+secure obedience by education, by persuasion, and by appeal. Every
+effort will be made to prevent the evildoer, and to convert him to the
+good way. But the fact has to be faced that there are in the world
+insensate scoundrels and hardened malefactors wholly beyond the reach of
+education, persuasion, and appeal; men who have deliberately chosen evil
+to be their good, and have made a binding compact with the powers of
+darkness. With them force is the only possible argument. Unless it is
+applied, there is nothing to prevent them from dominating the earth,
+defying all law, and establishing the kingdom of the devil. At the back
+of all effective law there is, in fact, physical force. Behind the
+police stands the army. The magistrate would be wholly ineffective
+without the soldier. The criminal population would laugh civilian
+restraints to scorn, if it did not know that out of sight, but never far
+away, are the bayonets and the guns of the ultimate defenders of the
+peace. The salvation of the criminal is not everything: the salvation of
+Society is more. Society would perish in a day if the basis of force
+were removed from beneath the fabric of law. One of the falsest of false
+generalizations is that which says that "force is no remedy." It is in
+many cases the only remedy. In other cases it is better than a remedy;
+it is a sovereign preventive of wrong. Force is the very essence of
+government. By its means countless evils have been suppressed in the
+past, such as highway-robbery, private war, duelling, piracy,
+slave-trading. Only through fear of it is their recrudescence obviated.
+If a man sees wrongs being perpetrated which he has strength to
+prevent--if, for instance, he sees a child being tortured, a woman being
+outraged, a helpless fellow-man being set upon and murdered--if he sees
+these things and does not intervene with all his might, then he is not a
+pacificist but a traitor to humanity, not a man but a contemptible or
+infatuated worm. Similarly if a State stands on one side inactive while
+small nations are wantonly stamped out of existence, while treaties are
+violated, while International Law is defied, while unprecedented
+barbarities are perpetrated, it sinks to the level of an accomplice in
+crime, and proves itself worthy of the perdition which awaits those who
+make "the great refusal."
+
+The days of universal and enduring peace, for whose dawning we all
+ardently look, will not be ushered in by any diminution of the forces
+wielded by the powers of goodness in the world, but rather by their
+immense increase. Just as in our own country the King's Peace became
+the secure possession of every Englishman only when the King's might
+became irresistible, so in the larger sphere of the Society of Nations
+the world's peace will be firmly established only when it is maintained
+by the united forces of all the federated Peoples of goodwill.
+
+
+
+
+V. THE IDEAL OF THE SERMON ON THE MOUNT
+
+
+We, then, at the present moment are in the throes of a conflict from
+which we had no honourable means of escape. Not to have taken our place
+by the side of our Allies would have been to break our word, to violate
+our faith, to betray the righteous cause. We are doing, at the cost of
+awful sacrifice, our high duty; we have before us the noblest of
+purposes; we are fighting with hands that are clean, with consciences
+that are clear, and with hearts that are inspired by the courage of
+conviction. It is our fervent hope and our faithful belief that if, in
+spite of our wicked lack of preparation and our subsequent incredible
+follies, Heaven grants us a good victory, we shall use it to further the
+advance of humanity towards the goal of the Kingdom of God.
+
+What that kingdom is we are shown in that matchless mosaic of
+utterances attributed to Christ, known as the Sermon on the Mount. It is
+the kingdom of righteousness, justice, love, and peace. When, however,
+we study the details of the polity of that kingdom, as they are set
+forth in the evangelical picture, we perceive (as the Church Universal
+has always perceived and taught) that they are capable of realization
+only in a Christian society cut off from the world, or in a world become
+dominantly Christian. To give to all who ask, to lend indiscriminately
+without expecting any return, would in society as at present constituted
+not only speedily reduce ourselves to destitution; it would also
+pauperize and demoralize those into whose hands our squandered wealth
+should pass. To take no thought for the morrow, and to refuse to lay up
+treasure on earth, would under existing economic conditions simply mean
+that we should become useless burdens upon a thrifty and prudent
+community. To ignore the legal and judicial institutions of our country
+by neither judging nor going to law in cases where wrong has been
+inflicted would be to foster the perpetration of crime in a world whose
+very propensity towards crime has necessitated the establishment of the
+courts. Similarly to decline to resist evil, where evil is rampant and
+aggressive, would be to play the part of a traitor and to surrender the
+world to the devil. The precepts of the Sermon on the Mount, however
+liberally they may be interpreted, are, in short, the negation of civil
+government; that is to say, they assume the existence of a community of
+sanctified persons among whom civil government is unnecessary. The
+irreducible minimum of civil government--as even the administrative
+nihilists of the school of Herbert Spencer admit--involves three things,
+viz., defence of life, protection of property, and enforcement of
+contract. With these three things the precepts of the Sermon on the
+Mount are, as they stand, incompatible.
+
+All this is very obvious, and the consecrated common-sense of the Church
+in every age has clearly perceived it. The political science of the
+Apostles and the Early Fathers, and still more expressly that of their
+successors, recognized the authority of kings, the jurisdiction of
+courts, the justice of taxation, the rights of property, the majesty of
+human law, the protective function of soldiers, and the necessity of
+military service. All these were accepted as inevitable in society in
+its present state of imperfect development; although it was proclaimed
+that none of them would be required in the ideal Kingdom of God.
+
+In the Sermon on the Mount itself, however, the truth as to the
+relativity of Christian institutions is obscured by the faith of the
+compiler that, when he wrote, the second advent of Christ was at hand,
+and that the Kingdom of Heaven was immediately to be established. For
+him there was no terrestrial future worthy of consideration; the reign
+of the Messiah had already begun; the consummation of all things was
+impending. Hence he did not feel it necessary, or indeed possible, to
+distinguish between the ideal of the perfect day and the practical
+policy of the actual moment. His citizenship already was in Heaven: to
+him present and future were one. The eschatological hopes of the
+evangelist were of course speedily dispelled, partly by mere lapse of
+time, partly by the growing wisdom and experience of the Church. The
+Church learned that its early expectation of the speedy and triumphant
+return of its Lord was ill-founded, and that its task was to convert the
+world to righteousness, not to preside over its immediate dissolution.
+Hence it accommodated its doctrines and its institutions to the changed
+outlook.
+
+This fact causes no difficulty to those who believe in the
+progressiveness of revelation. Such as admit that New Testament ethics
+show an advance on those of the Old, will hardly contend that in
+politics any New Testament writer said the last word. What Tolstoy and
+his literalist school call the corruption and secularization of the
+Church was to no small degree a simple recognition of the facts that the
+Earth continued to exist, and that the Roman Empire and not the New
+Jerusalem was the dominant power therein. But though the Church as a
+whole was guided safely through the crisis of disillusionment, it
+nevertheless remains unfortunate that the compiler of the Sermon on the
+Mount should have made the false assumption. For the picture which he
+presents of the perfect man and the ideal society is so fascinating and
+magnificent that it is not marvellous that saints and visionaries, in a
+long and pathetic succession, should have repeated his error, should
+have ignored the distinction between present and future, should have
+assumed the actual existence of the Divine Kingdom towards which, as a
+matter of fact, mankind has still a weary and protracted pilgrimage to
+make; should have proclaimed the celestial anarchy, and should as a
+result have been overwhelmed in tragic or ludicrous disaster.
+
+
+
+
+VI. THE PACIFICIST SUCCESSION
+
+
+Those who have asserted the present applicability of the full detailed
+programme of the Sermon on the Mount, and have endeavoured to carry it
+into immediate effect, have been scanty in numbers, and obscure. A few
+early Christian communities, soon extinct; a few hermits isolated from
+their fellows; a few monks in secluded cloisters; a few friars
+repudiated by their own orders; a few small antinomian Protestant sects
+springing up and vanishing with gourd-like rapidity; a few groups of
+Slavonic dreamers forming the innocent extreme of the Nihilist
+fraternity--such have been the leading professors of Gospel Anarchy. One
+can, even while condemning them, respect them for their purity of
+purpose, their lofty idealism, their sincerity, and their consistency in
+following their false premiss to its logical conclusion.
+
+Much more numerous, but far less worthy of regard, are those who have
+picked and chosen among the precepts of the Lord, have accepted what
+seemed good to them and have explained away the rest. It would be easy,
+did space allow, to present a motley succession of fanatics and heretics
+from apostolic days to the present who have developed fantastic theories
+and have maintained them by means of passages drawn from the Sermon on
+the Mount.
+
+
+     No damned error, but some sober brow
+     Will bless it, and approve it with a text.
+
+
+Only one group, however, now concerns us, and that is the group of
+anti-militarists who, for the most part arbitrarily ignoring or
+repudiating the other commands of their authority, fasten on those
+precepts that seem to inculcate the doctrine of non-resistance, and on
+the strength of these erect the visionary superstructure of pacificism.
+They form a strange and suspicious company. Among their early
+representatives stand prominent the able advocate, but furious
+schismatic, Tertullian; the amiable scholar, but heretically Gnostic,
+Origen; the accomplished stylist, but bigoted and ignorant
+special-pleader, Lactantius. It would not be a harsh judgment to say
+that most of the early pacificists had some twist of mind or character
+that disturbed the perfect balance of their sanity.
+
+The later sects who have included pacificism in fleeting religious
+systems of varying degrees of impossibility and absurdity are still more
+open to suspicion on mental and moral grounds. The Cathari, the
+Waldenses, the Anabaptists, and the "Family of Love," not only
+developed monstrous doctrines: they also boasted of an antinomian
+freedom from legal restraint which led some of their devotees into such
+wild excesses of conduct as made their destruction inevitable. The
+Franciscan Tertiaries, who never wholly abjured war, became involved in
+the conflict between the Empire and the Papacy, and departed from their
+ideal. The more recent Nazarenes in Hungary and Doukhobors in Russia and
+Canada have shown themselves, by their refusal to recognize and obey any
+form of government, a hopeless nuisance to any community that is
+unfortunate enough to be afflicted by their presence. It surely must
+give the present-day pacificists pause, if anything can do so, to find
+themselves mixed up with such a throng. If men are to be judged by their
+company, they can hardly hope to escape certification.
+
+It is true that the Society of Friends has a more respectable history.
+But the Society of Friends has for the most part consisted of sensible
+persons who have accepted the common Christian interpretation of the
+Sermon on the Mount, and so have been pacificists of an unusually
+moderate type--by no means unconditional non-resisters. Just as they do
+not give indiscriminately, or lend (especially such of them as are
+prosperous bankers) expecting no return, or refrain from judging, or
+going to law, or laying up treasure on earth, or taking thought for the
+morrow, so they do not interpret literally the command "resist not
+evil." They accept the constitution of the country, the government of
+which is based on force; they pay taxes for the maintenance of the army
+and the navy, and admit their necessity; they support the police, and
+call it in if their persons or property are threatened; many of them, to
+their infinite credit, actually join the fighting forces when they feel
+that great moral issues are at stake. George Fox himself, the founder of
+the Society, was an extremely belligerent and even truculent individual.
+He supported the militant Cromwellian regime, and it was only after the
+collapse of the Puritan Commonwealth, which was based on the force of
+the New Model army, that he abjured all weapons of offence, except his
+tongue. Isaac Pennington, his contemporary and friend, was actually a
+chaplain in the New Model (which contained many Quakers), and to the
+very end he was engaged in stirring it up to repeat its early exploits
+against "Babylon." His writings contain the passage: "I speak not
+against any magistrates or peoples defending themselves against foreign
+invasions, or making use of the sword to suppress the violent and
+evil-doers within their borders; for this the present state of things
+may and doth require."[47] A sounder and saner statement of good
+Christian teaching on the matter of police and military service one
+could not desire. With this admission in one's mind, one can view with
+unqualified admiration the efforts of the Friends to eliminate war, and
+to perfect the methods of peace in the intercourse of men. More than
+most Christian people have they laboured effectively to hasten the
+advent of the Kingdom of God. It is true that their attempts in
+Pennsylvania and elsewhere to establish a pacificist regime have
+failed--it was inevitable that they should fail--but this does not in
+any way lessen the debt which the world owes to them for their powerful
+and far-reaching influence in favour of love and gentleness and peace.
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[47] I quote from J. W. Graham, _War from a Quaker Point of View_, p.
+71. See also my review of this book in _Hibbert Journal_, No. 55.
+
+
+
+
+VII. CONCLUSION
+
+
+The sum of the matter seems to be this. Government is necessary in this
+present evil world. Only by means of sovereign political authority,
+based upon physical as well as moral force, can there be effective
+"punishment of wickedness and vice" or "maintenance of true religion
+and virtue." This is clearly recognized in the Bible, which proclaims
+that "the powers that be are ordained of God," which enjoins obedience
+to kings and governors as a religious duty, and which sees in the sword
+of justice carried by the secular ruler a weapon directed against the
+same enemies as oppose the establishment of the Kingdom of God. It is
+essential for the well-being and even for the existence of society, that
+crime should be suppressed. Hence, in addition to moralists and
+ministers who seek to educate and convert, there must be police and
+soldiers--in short, the full organized force of the community--ready to
+stamp out incorrigible villainy, if need be with blood and iron.
+Similarly, it is essential for the well-being and even for the existence
+of the polity of peoples--the growing society of nations--that
+aggression should be prevented, that treacherous intrigues should be
+frustrated, that treaty engagements should be enforced, that the reign
+of law should be confirmed. But, in order to realize this end, there is
+need not only of pacific missions and cosmopolitan congresses, but also
+of an armed might sufficient to prevent or to punish with irresistible
+certainty breaches of international conventions and violations of the
+World's peace. Hence, whether we have regard to internal good
+government, or the maintenance of international justice, the need of
+military force is imperative. Not only does there exist what the
+Russians quaintly call a "Christ-serving and worthy militancy," there
+are occasions, of which the present is one, when military service
+becomes the highest form of Christian duty. To hold aloof is not to
+display a superior form of Christianity; it is to be an apostate. As
+Solovyof has impressively shown in his notable conversations on _War and
+Christianity_, pacificism under present conditions is that very sort of
+religious imposture with which is associated the abominable name of
+Antichrist.
+
+
+
+
+VI
+
+THE STATE AND ITS RIVALS
+
+
+
+
+I. THE IDEA OF THE STATE IN ENGLAND
+
+
+Most of our recent political troubles are attributable to what Fortescue
+in the fifteenth century called "lack of governance." We are all of us
+painfully aware of the fact; but we are not all of us equally conscious
+that the feebleness and inefficiency of our supreme administration are
+to no small extent due to the absence among our people as a whole of any
+adequate idea of the position and function of the State. For if it is
+true generally that every nation has the sort of government that it
+deserves, it is specially true of a nation with democratic institutions.
+Weaknesses of intellect, infirmities of will, and faults of character in
+the sovereign representative assembly are but reproductions on a
+magnified scale of the same defects in the electorate. It is the failure
+of our people as a whole to realize the idea of the State that has
+resulted in the filling of the House of Commons with men who stand, not
+for the Nation in its unity and the Empire in its integrity, but for all
+sorts of limited and conflicting sectional interests--parties, leagues,
+fellowships, unions, cliques, schools, churches, orders, classes,
+trusts, syndicates, and so on. No wonder that in times of national and
+imperial crisis such representatives prove totally unequal to the duty
+of strong, corporate, and patriotic administration.
+
+The weakness of the idea of the State among the peoples of the British
+Isles is explicable on geographical and historical grounds. For the idea
+of the State--that is to say, the idea of society politically organized
+as an indivisible unit under a sovereign government--although it has
+other and deeper sources of vitality, is specially fostered by a sense
+of national danger, but tends to languish when complete immunity from
+external peril can be postulated. Never has the realization of "the
+commonwealth of this realm of England" been so strong as it was in the
+days when Spanish invasion threatened. The splendid patriotism of that
+great age is portrayed for all time in the immortal glory of
+Shakespeare's historical plays. Not far short, however, rose the
+patriotic realization of national unity during the crisis of the
+Napoleonic struggle. Wordsworth's magnificent _Sonnets dedicated_ to
+Liberty remain as the enduring memorial of the heights which British
+State-consciousness then attained:
+
+
+                       In our halls is hung
+     Armoury of the invincible knights of old:
+     We must be free or die, who speak the tongue
+     That Shakespeare spoke; the faith and morals hold
+     Which Milton held. In everything we are sprung
+     Of Earth's first blood, have titles manifold.
+
+
+But, except at rare intervals, Britain's insular position has given her
+people so soothing a sense of security that they have allowed the
+conception of the commonwealth to droop, and have tended to regard the
+State as, under normal conditions, a nuisance which should as far as
+possible be abated, as an intruder into the sphere of private enterprise
+which should be extruded, as an enemy to liberty which should be
+suppressed. It may readily be admitted that in days before the State had
+been democratized this hostile attitude was not without justification.
+In the early seventeenth century, for instance, the State meant the
+Stuart monarch--_L'État c'est Moi_--and the interests of the Stuart
+monarch were by no means those of any of the nations that he governed.
+In the early eighteenth century the State meant the Whig oligarchy, and
+its members only too easily came to regard the welfare of the Empire as
+identical with their own prosperity. In the early nineteenth century the
+State meant the landed and moneyed magnates of the Tory aristocracy, and
+they had an extremely inadequate apprehension of the needs and
+aspirations of the rapidly increasing millions over whom they exercised
+authority. Hence one can understand that opposition to the policy of
+Stuart king, or Whig nobility, or Tory plutocracy, readily took the form
+of antagonism to the State as such. Thus the political theory of Milton
+and the Puritans not only justified resistance to Charles I, it also
+proclaimed a doctrine of the natural rights of the individual fatal to
+all types of government. Similarly the political theory of Adam Smith
+and the _laissez-faire_ economists, together with that of their
+contemporaries, Bentham and the utilitarian philosophers, not only
+attacked the restrictive regulations of the Whig oligarchy, but showed
+on general principles the strongest dislike of what it called "State
+interference" in all circumstances. So, too, Herbert Spencer and the
+nineteenth century school of scientific individualists not only
+demonstrated (as they did with extraordinary pungency and success) the
+extreme folly and incompetence of the main government departments of
+their own day; they also sought to establish the eternal and inevitable
+antagonism of Man versus the State, and to limit universally the
+functions of government to the irreducible minimum.
+
+This attitude of hostility, however, ceased to have its old
+justification with the advent of democracy. The Reform Acts of 1832,
+1867, and 1884 have so enlarged the electorate as to convert government
+into something approaching self-government, and the State has become the
+organized form of democracy itself. Hence the individualism of Milton,
+Adam Smith, Bentham, and Spencer is an anachronism. It is not
+remarkable, then, that, following Parliamentary Reform, the idea of the
+State revived in Britain with new force and in a new form--no longer
+stimulated by the pressure of extreme peril, but excited by the new
+possibilities of corporate democratic activity. The young lions of the
+Fabian Society in their optimistic infancy were filled with the idea of
+the State, and advocated State action in wide spheres of industrial
+organization, municipal enterprise, and social reform. The Imperial
+Federation League gloried anew in the name of Britain, and strove to
+bring the four quarters of the earth within the circle of a
+self-conscious Empire. Later on, the Tariff Reform League demanded
+State-control and regulation of our world-wide commerce.
+
+But the revival of the idea of the State, under the stimulus of
+Socialists, Imperialists, Protectionists, and others, was short lived.
+All these enthusiasts became disappointed and disgusted with democracy
+and with the State which it controls. Democracy did not move fast enough
+for them, nor always in the direction that they desired. Hence--and most
+markedly since the dawn of the twentieth century--a reaction against the
+State has set in. There has been, as we have already seen, an epidemic
+of passive resistance. Individualists of all sorts, together with Trade
+Unionists, Syndicalists, Clericals, Suffragists, No-Conscriptionists,
+Ulstermen, Nationalists, and other bodies, giving up the attempt to
+convert democracy and to secure their ends through the sovereign agency
+of the democratic State, are taking direct action, are proclaiming rival
+authorities to the State, and are threatening the very existence of the
+body politic. The outlook is ominous, and it needs to be steadily faced.
+The present moment, moreover, is peculiarly favourable for its
+consideration. For the sudden and unexpected return of extreme national
+danger has once again quickened in our midst the idea of the State, has
+revived the spirit of patriotism, has restored the national unity, and
+has reenforced the principle of civic service. We can see under the
+revealing searchlight of the war the anarchy towards which we have been
+drifting during the past ten or more years.
+
+
+
+
+II. THE RIVALS OF THE STATE
+
+
+The first rival of the State that calls for consideration is the
+Individual. His rights as against the government are still loudly
+proclaimed. "The chief message of 1915," says one of our leading
+individualists, Rev. Dr. Clifford, in a New Year's oration to his
+flock,[48] "is a clarion call to guard our personal and democratic
+liberties against the attacks of State absolutism." The idea of guarding
+"democratic liberties" against democracy itself is, of course, mere
+nonsense--one of those point-blank contradictions in terms which, though
+full of sound and fury, signify nothing. It is, however, unfortunately,
+typical of much of the loose thinking and vague talking indulged in by
+the leaders of those pestilent anti-patriotic unions and fellowships
+which infest and harass the country at the present moment. The idea of
+guarding "personal liberties" against democracy is not so palpably
+absurd; it does not involve a contradiction in terms. Moreover, it
+appears to have some relation to the admitted fact that the rule of a
+democracy may press very heavily upon some or all of its constituent
+members. Nevertheless, it is equally fallacious. It rests upon a false
+antithesis between the individual and the community to which he belongs.
+No such antithesis exists. "The individual," rightly says Mr. W. S.
+McKechnie, "apart from all relations to the community is a
+negation."[49] In similar strain, Mr. E. Barker contends that "a full
+and just conception of the individual abolishes the supposed opposition
+between the Man and the State."[50] Long ago Hegel exclaimed: "Our life
+is hid with our fellows in the common life of our people," and his true
+and fruitful conception forms the basis of the political philosophy of
+T. H. Green, F. H. Bradley, and Bernard Bosanquet. It is, also, the
+foundation of all that is good and enduring in present-day Socialism.
+The individual apart from society is a mere abstraction, like the
+"economic man" of the old economists.
+
+What, then, are these so-called "personal liberties" which the
+individual is supposed to possess in virtue of his humanity and
+independently of any authority external to himself? If it is said that
+they are freedom of thought, freedom of emotion, and freedom of will,
+the criticism is that these are not "liberties" at all, but merely
+movements of the mind which no power whatsoever external to the
+individual can possibly control, and with which no political authority
+in the country would ever dream of attempting to interfere. If, however,
+it is said that they include further such things as freedom of speech,
+freedom of writing, freedom of public meeting, freedom to act generally
+as conscience dictates, the criticism is that such liberties as these
+are not "personal" merely, or even primarily: they are liberties that
+profoundly affect the community. Regarded from the communal point of
+view, in fact, they are not "personal liberties" at all, if by that term
+is meant individual rights. They are rights derived from the community;
+they are concessions to be granted or withheld according to the
+requirements of public policy; they are matters of regulation by the
+common will. Society does not, and cannot, recognize the existence,
+independent of its own consent, of any such so-called "personal
+liberties." It does not, and cannot, admit the possession by individuals
+of any rights, inherent and indefeasible, to do as they like in matters
+that concern the interests of the community generally. Still less can
+the State be expected to protect individuals in the exercise of
+activities which it regards as detrimental, or in the neglect of duties
+which it regards as essential, to the general well-being. It cannot
+restrain anyone's conscience; but it must control everyone's conduct.
+All this, of course, is the commonplace of political theory, and it is
+curious that at this late day one should have to repeat Burke's
+destructive criticism of metaphysic liberties, or Bentham's damning
+exposure of the "anarchic fallacy" of the Rights of Man, or Mr. D. L.
+Ritchie's quite recent dissipation of the errors underlying the idea of
+Natural Rights. But it is still more curious that many of the men who
+revive against the modern democratic State this long-laid ghost of
+eighteenth-century individualism call themselves Socialists, and invoke
+the State (when it suits them to do so) to embark on all manner of
+anti-individualistic enterprises. This anomaly, however, is merely one
+among many flagrant instances of that ignorance of precedent which
+revives long-buried heresies, that incapacity for thought which seems
+unaware of inconsistencies, or that shameless perversity which seeks out
+and proclaims any sort of general principle which happens to suit the
+exigencies of the moment.
+
+A second rival to the State is Political Party. At the present juncture
+there are four important political parties in existence in the British
+Isles, viz., Liberal, Conservative, Nationalist, Labour, beside various
+incipient ones. The two old parties, Liberal and Conservative, stand for
+more or less clearly defined and sharply opposed general principles.
+Hallam has described them as the party of progress and the party of
+order respectively; and he (followed by Macaulay and other writers) has
+devoted a good deal of care to the elucidation of the fundamental
+differences between them. These old parties are by far the most vital
+and powerful political entities in the United Kingdom. They have
+deep-rooted traditions, efficient organizations, large funds secretly
+raised and administered, formulated programmes, and all the
+paraphernalia of habitations, catchwords, and badges calculated to
+excite loyalty and stimulate zeal. They secure in alternation the
+control of the State, and administer in the name of the nation as a
+whole the vast affairs of the British Empire. It may be at once
+admitted that parties such as these are inevitable in any system of
+representative government. For so long as fundamental differences of
+opinion exist among electors, it is only by means of organizations based
+on the primary opposing principles that any working constitution can be
+framed. To attack party-government as such is vain and even absurd.
+Nevertheless, party has become the rival of the State; and its rivalry
+is all the more dangerous and insidious because it always professes to
+act in the interests of the State and on behalf of the nation as a
+whole. Its professions, however, have become false and hypocritical. In
+the name of the People it seeks its own gain. It has ceased to be a
+means to good democratic government, and has grown to be an end in
+itself. In its rivalry to other parties, in its struggle for power, in
+its scramble for the spoils of office, in its eagerness to secure votes,
+it has debased political ideals, it has corrupted citizenship, it has
+abandoned truth, it has proclaimed smooth lies, it has betrayed the
+State, it has almost destroyed the nation. Happy indeed will it be if
+this war, which is revealing to us the hideousness and deadliness of the
+party-spirit, enables us to reduce the old parties to their proper place
+of subordination to the State.
+
+In addition to the two old parties, however, there are two
+comparatively new ones which occupy places of importance in the world of
+politics. These are the Nationalist and the Labour parties. Neither of
+these professes to make the interests of the State its prime concern.
+The one concentrates its energies upon a struggle to advance the cause
+of a single nation from among the four that constitute the United
+Kingdom; the other devotes itself to the affairs of a single social
+class. The existence of these powerful sectional organizations is a
+disastrous portent. They stand, not as the old parties do for divergent
+views concerning the interests of the State as a whole, but for mortal
+schism in the body politic. Never can there be a full return to healthy
+national life until means have been found for reabsorbing these and
+other incipient schismatic organizations into the unity of the Great
+Society.
+
+A third rival to the State has recently come into prominence in the
+shape of a number of various non-political corporations which claim to
+possess an organic existence independent of, and co-ordinate with, the
+State, and thus deny the right of the State to intrude within the
+spheres of their operations. The most important are the Syndicalists,
+who proclaim the autonomy of the industrial union or guild, and the
+Ecclesiastics, who assert the autonomy of the denationalized church.
+Both agree in repudiating political control, and in abjuring the use of
+political instruments. They rely upon "direct action" of their own, the
+one employing the terrors of the general strike to overawe the
+community, the other the horrors of hell. Now it may be freely granted
+that one of the most notable advances in modern political theory has
+been the recognition of the fact that men naturally organize themselves
+into groups--families, clans, tribes; sects, societies, churches;
+guilds, trade unions, clubs, and so on--and that the State is rather a
+federation of groups than an association of isolated individuals. It may
+be granted, secondly, that some of these organizations are anterior to
+the State in point of time, and that they deal with matters that are not
+appropriate for direct State control. Finally, it may be granted that
+the State will be well advised to leave some or all of them in
+possession of large powers of self-administration. Nevertheless, when
+once the Great Society has come into existence, and has organized itself
+as the National State, they must, if anarchy is to be avoided, all take
+their places as constituent members of the community, and recognize that
+they exercise such autonomous powers as they possess in virtue of the
+permission of the general will. The State, however prudently it may
+employ its powers, must be, and must be universally admitted to be, in
+all causes, civil or ecclesiastical, throughout all its dominions, in
+the last resort, supreme. In the interests of the common good it cannot
+tolerate any rivals.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[48] Reported in _Daily Chronicle_, January 4th, 1916.
+
+[49] McKechnie. _The State and the Individual_, p. 3.
+
+[50] Barker. _Political Thought from Spencer to the Present-Day_, p.
+108.
+
+
+
+
+III. WHAT THE STATE IS AND DOES
+
+
+In the purification and exaltation of the Democratic National State
+rests the one hope of the salvation of Britain and the Empire. In a
+federation of Democratic National States resides the best prospect of
+the future peaceful and well-ordered government of the world. The
+individualism of Dr. Clifford leads straight to anarchy; the unchecked
+development of the party-system means the corrupt tyranny of the caucus;
+the triumph of Syndicalism would involve the tragedy of class war; the
+dream of the reunion of humanity in the bosom of a cosmopolitan church
+is a vain revival of a mediĉval illusion. The individual must be brought
+to recognize that politically he has no separate existence, and must
+learn to limit his operations to his proper share in the constitution
+and determination of the general will; party must be remorselessly
+reduced to its legitimate subordination to the interests of the
+community as a whole; syndicates and trade unions must be prevented from
+cutting themselves loose from the body of the nation, must be compelled
+to recognize the supremacy of the law of the land, and must be deprived
+of any inequitable privileges which they may have secured; ecclesiastics
+of all orders must be persuaded to rest content with such autonomy as
+the general will may grant them, and must strive to become, not a
+separate corporation, but the indwelling and directing conscience of the
+people. The State must be supreme.
+
+What is the State which is thus exalted above all rivals? Let Mr.
+Bernard Bosanquet answer. "The State," he says, "is not merely the
+political fabric. The term 'State' accents indeed the political aspect
+of the whole, and is opposed to the notion of an anarchic society. But
+it includes the entire hierarchy of institutions by which life is
+determined, from the family to the trade, and from the trade to the
+church and the university. It includes all of them, not as the mere
+collection of the growths of the country, but as the structures which
+give life and meaning to the political whole, while receiving from it
+mutual adjustment, and therefore expansion and a more liberal air."[51]
+In a similar strain T. H. Green says: "The State is for its members, the
+society of societies, the society in which all their claims upon each
+other are mutually adjusted."[52] The keynote of both of these profound
+utterances is "adjustment." They recognize the fact that the convictions
+and opinions of individuals differ, that the purposes of parties
+conflict, that the interests of racial units and social classes diverge
+from one another, that the demands of churches are mutually
+irreconcilable. They recognize further that unless individuals, parties,
+races, classes, churches agree in acknowledging the adjusting authority
+of the general will of the community to which all belong, endless
+struggle and hopeless chaos must supervene. No pretension is made that
+the State is of supernatural origin; no claim to divine right is
+advanced. It is admitted that the State at one time did not exist. It is
+foreseen that a day may come when it will be merged in a still larger
+community. But for the present it is the only possible organ by means of
+which the common will can operate in the interests of the common good.
+The basis of its claim for obedience rests upon the facts, first, that
+every individual subject, and every organized group of subjects, owes to
+the State, and to it alone, the conditions that make existence possible,
+and secondly, that only as a member of the State can the individual
+attain to his full development, and only under the protection of the
+State can the group achieve its purposes. The attainment of the common
+good, as that good is conceived of by the common intelligence, and by
+means which the common will determines--such is the ideal of the
+Democratic National State. Here surely is a sphere in which every man
+can find the fullness of life.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[51] Bosanquet. _Philosophical Theory of the State_, p. 150.
+
+[52] Green. _Principles of Political Obligation_, p. 146.
+
+
+
+
+IV. THE SPHERE OF NATIONAL SERVICE
+
+
+The above statement of the ideal of the Democratic National State brings
+home to the mind a realization of the magnitude of the sphere which lies
+open to National Service in the broad sense of the term. Democracy is
+sovereign; although it is flouted by individuals, deluded and debauched
+by parties, and challenged by separatist syndicates. It must remain
+sovereign, and its sovereignty must be made a more real, more conscious,
+and more effective thing than it has ever been before. Rarely, however,
+has there been a sovereign less adequately equipped than democracy for
+its gigantic responsibilities. One of its most enthusiastic modern
+supporters, Professor John MacCunn, gravely admits that "Democracy,
+still raw to its work, whether in politics or industry, may blunder--may
+blunder fatally."[53] Long ago it was pointed out by Plato that
+democracy is the cult of incompetence. In more recent times Mill has
+emphasized the possibility that democracy may govern badly and
+oppressively; Maine has warned us that the dominance of the commonalty
+may end in the triumph of the mediocre, and a more than Chinese
+stagnation; Carlyle has denounced democracy as powerful for destruction,
+but impotent for building up, as helpless in the face of great
+emergencies, as incapable of choosing good leaders; Lecky has
+demonstrated the danger of the corruption of the democracy by evil
+politicians; Belloc has shown how it tends to develop, and then become a
+slave to, a bureaucracy; Graham Wallas has portrayed the psychological
+peril of its hypnotization by colours and claptrap. All the dangers thus
+enumerated are real and formidable. They have, however, to be faced and
+overcome by men of goodwill: for there is now no alternative to
+democracy but anarchy. Fortunately they may be faced in confidence and
+hope. For the British democracy--as the revealing crisis of this great
+war has shown--is sound at heart, is eager to be delivered from its
+betrayers, and is longing to learn. It calls pathetically for those who
+know to teach it, and for those who can to lead it. Here, then, is the
+sphere of National Service. Who will not come forward to help democracy
+to become conscious of its power and its dignity; to aid it in
+establishing its authority over all rebels and rivals; to teach it how
+to use its omnipotence gently, so as to leave to those beneath its sway
+the largest possible room for freedom consistent with the common good;
+to make it aware of its responsibilities for its vast dominions across
+the seas and their teeming populations; to awaken it to a realization of
+the extent to which the whole future of the human race rests upon the
+success of its experiment in government? It is in the service of such a
+sovereign as this, and in the pursuit of such an ideal, that faithful
+souls attain that self-realization which is perfect freedom.
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[53] MacCunn. _Six Radical Thinkers_, p. 69.
+
+
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+      The Project Gutenberg eBook of Freedom In Service, by F. J. C. Hearnshaw.
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+Project Gutenberg's Freedom In Service, by Fossey John Cobb Hearnshaw
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Freedom In Service
+       Six Essays on Matters Concerning Britain's Safety and Good Government
+
+Author: Fossey John Cobb Hearnshaw
+
+Release Date: May 19, 2008 [EBook #25522]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
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+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FREEDOM IN SERVICE ***
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+
+Produced by Nick Wall, Martin Pettit and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
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+</pre>
+
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_iii" id="Page_iii">[Pg iii]</a></span></p>
+
+<h1>FREEDOM IN SERVICE</h1>
+
+<h2>SIX ESSAYS ON MATTERS CONCERNING<br />BRITAIN'S SAFETY AND GOOD<br />GOVERNMENT</h2>
+
+<p class="tbrk">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<h2>By F. J. C. HEARNSHAW,</h2>
+
+<h3>M.A., LL.D.</h3>
+
+<h4>PROFESSOR OF MEDI&AElig;VAL HISTORY IN THE<br />UNIVERSITY OF LONDON</h4>
+
+<p class="tbrk">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<p class="tbrk">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<h4>LONDON:<br />JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W.<br />1916</h4>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">[Pg v]</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="tbrk">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<h4><span class="smcap">To the Glorious and<br />Immortal Memory<br />of<br />Lord Roberts</span></h4>
+
+<p class="tbrk">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[Pg vii]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>CONTENTS</h2>
+
+<div class="index">
+<ul>
+<li><a href="#PREFACE">PREFACE</a></li>
+<li><a href="#I">I.&mdash;THE ANCIENT DEFENCE OF ENGLAND</a>
+<ul>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#I_UNIVERSAL_OBLIGATION_TO_SERVE">I. UNIVERSAL OBLIGATION TO SERVE</a></li>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#II_THE_OLD_ENGLISH_MILITIA">II. THE OLD ENGLISH MILITIA</a></li>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#III_MEDIAEVAL_REGULATIONS">III. MEDI&AElig;VAL REGULATIONS</a></li>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#IV_TUDOR_AND_STUART_DEVELOPMENTS">IV. TUDOR AND STUART DEVELOPMENTS</a></li>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#V_THE_LAST_TWO_CENTURIES">V. THE LAST TWO CENTURIES</a></li>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#VI_CONCLUSION">VI. CONCLUSION</a></li>
+</ul></li>
+<li><a href="#II">II.&mdash;COMPULSORY SERVICE AND LIBERTY</a>
+<ul>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#I_THE_PLEA_OF_FREEDOM">I. THE PLEA OF FREEDOM</a></li>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#II_THE_TERM_LIBERTY">II. THE TERM "LIBERTY"</a></li>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#III_LIBERTY_AS_FREEDOM_FROM_FOREIGN_CONTROL">III. LIBERTY AS FREEDOM FROM FOREIGN CONTROL</a></li>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#IV_LIBERTY_AS_SYNONYMOUS_WITH_RESPONSIBLE_GOVERNMENT">IV. LIBERTY AS SYNONYMOUS WITH RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT</a></li>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#V_LIBERTY_AS_ABSENCE_OF_RESTRAINT">V. LIBERTY AS ABSENCE OF RESTRAINT</a></li>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#VI_LIBERTY_AS_THE_OPPORTUNITY_FOR_SERVICE">VI. LIBERTY AS OPPORTUNITY FOR SERVICE</a></li>
+</ul></li>
+<li><a href="#III">III.&mdash;THE VOLUNTARY PRINCIPLE</a>
+<ul>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#I_THE_IDEA_OF_VOLUNTARISM">I. THE IDEA OF VOLUNTARISM</a></li>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#II_ITS_ESTABLISHMENT">II. ITS ESTABLISHMENT</a></li>
+	<li class="subitem"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[Pg viii]</a></span><a href="#III_THE_RESULT">III. THE RESULT</a></li>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#IV_THE_PRESENT_SITUATION">IV. THE PRESENT SITUATION</a></li>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#V_THE_FUTURE">V. THE FUTURE</a></li>
+</ul></li>
+<li><a href="#IV">IV.&mdash;PASSIVE RESISTANCE</a>
+<ul>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#I_THE_NEW_PERIL">I. THE NEW PERIL</a></li>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#II_PASSIVE_RESISTANCE_AS_REBELLION">II. PASSIVE RESISTANCE AS REBELLION</a></li>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#III_THE_RIGHT_OF_REBELLION">III. THE RIGHT OF REBELLION</a></li>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#IV_REBELLION_AGAINST_A_DEMOCRACY">IV. REBELLION AGAINST A DEMOCRACY</a></li>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#V_THE_DUTY_OF_THE_STATE">V. THE DUTY OF THE STATE</a></li>
+</ul></li>
+<li><a href="#V">V.&mdash;CHRISTIANITY AND WAR</a>
+<ul>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#I_A_CONFLICT_OF_CONVICTIONS">I. A CONFLICT OF CONVICTIONS</a></li>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#II_THE_RELIGION_OF_THE_BIBLE">II. THE RELIGION OF THE BIBLE</a></li>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#III_THE_DOCTRINE_AND_PRACTICE_OF_THE_CHURCH">III. THE DOCTRINE AND PRACTICE OF THE CHURCH</a></li>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#IV_FORCE_AS_A_MORAL_INSTRUMENT">IV. FORCE AS A MORAL INSTRUMENT</a></li>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#V_THE_IDEAL_OF_THE_SERMON_ON_THE_MOUNT">V. THE IDEAL OF THE SERMON ON THE MOUNT</a></li>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#VI_THE_PACIFICIST_SUCCESSION">VI. THE PACIFICIST SUCCESSION</a></li>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#VII_CONCLUSION">VII. CONCLUSION</a></li>
+</ul></li>
+<li><a href="#IV">VI.&mdash;THE STATE AND ITS RIVALS</a>
+<ul>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#I_THE_IDEA_OF_THE_STATE_IN_ENGLAND">I. THE IDEA OF THE STATE IN ENGLAND</a></li>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#II_THE_RIVALS_OF_THE_STATE">II. THE RIVALS OF THE STATE</a></li>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#III_WHAT_THE_STATE_IS_AND_DOES">III. WHAT THE STATE IS AND DOES</a></li>
+	<li class="subitem"><a href="#IV_THE_SPHERE_OF_NATIONAL_SERVICE">IV. THE SPHERE OF NATIONAL SERVICEY</a></li>
+</ul></li>
+<li><a href="#ADVERTISEMENTS">ADVERTISEMENTS</a></li>
+</ul>
+</div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[Pg ix]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2><a name="PREFACE" id="PREFACE"></a>PREFACE</h2>
+
+<p>The first three essays in this little book appeared originally as
+special articles in the <i>Morning Post</i>. I am greatly indebted to the
+Editor of that paper for his courteous and ready permission to reprint
+them. The "Freedom" dealt with in these essays is political freedom, and
+the "Service" advocated is universal military service. These limitations
+are due to the fact that the original newspaper articles were
+contributions to the controversy respecting methods of enlistment which
+took place during the autumn of 1915.</p>
+
+<p>The remaining three essays appear now for the first time. They have a
+more general scope, although they are vitally connected with the theme
+of their predecessors. The essay on Passive Resistance has special
+reference to the opposition offered by the No-Conscription Fellowship to
+the principle of compulsory military service; but its argument applies
+equally well to the older<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[Pg x]</a></span> antagonists of the authority of the State.
+The essay on Christianity and War tries to meet those conscientious
+objections to military service which form the basis of the propaganda of
+the Fellowship of Reconciliation; but it deals with the problem in the
+broadest manner possible within the limits of its space. The concluding
+essay, on the State and its Rivals, emphasizes the imperative need that
+the authority of the Democratic National State should be recognized and
+accepted if internal anarchy is to be avoided, and if the peace and
+well-being of the World are to be secured.</p>
+
+<p class="right"><span class="smcap">F. J. C. Hearnshaw.</span></p>
+
+<p>King's College, Strand, W.C.<br />&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<i>January 12th</i>, 1916.</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="tbrk">&nbsp;</p>
+
+<h1>FREEDOM IN SERVICE</h1>
+
+<h2><a name="I" id="I"></a>I</h2>
+
+<h2>THE ANCIENT DEFENCE OF ENGLAND<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></h2>
+
+<blockquote><p class="center">[Reprinted, with the addition of References, from the <i>Morning
+Post</i> of August 20th, 1915.]</p></blockquote>
+
+<h3><a name="I_UNIVERSAL_OBLIGATION_TO_SERVE" id="I_UNIVERSAL_OBLIGATION_TO_SERVE"></a>I. UNIVERSAL OBLIGATION TO SERVE</h3>
+
+<p>"The military system of the Anglo-Saxons is based upon universal
+service, under which is to be understood the duty of every freeman to
+respond in person to the summons to arms, to equip himself at his own
+expense, and to support himself at his own charge during the
+campaign."<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p>
+
+<p>With these words Gneist, the German historian of the English
+Constitution, begins his account of the early military system of our<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</a></span>
+ancestors. He is, of course, merely stating a matter of common knowledge
+to all students of Teutonic institutions. What he says of the
+Anglo-Saxon is equally true of the Franks, the Lombards, the Visigoths,
+and other kindred peoples.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> But it is a matter of such fundamental
+importance that I will venture, even at the risk of tedious repetition,
+to give three parallel quotations from English authorities. Grose, in
+his <i>Military Antiquities</i>, says: "By the Saxon laws every freeman of an
+age capable of bearing arms, and not incapacitated by any bodily
+infirmity, was in case of a foreign invasion, internal insurrection, or
+other emergency obliged to join the army."<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> Freeman, in his <i>Norman
+Conquest</i>, speaks of "the right and duty of every free Englishman to be
+ready for the defence of the Commonwealth with arms befitting his own
+degree in the Commonwealth."<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> Finally, Stubbs, in his <i>Constitutional
+History</i>, clearly states the case in the words: "The host was originally
+the people in arms, the whole free population, whether landowners or
+dependents, their sons, servants, and tenants. Military<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span> service was a
+personal obligation ... the obligation of freedom"; and again: "Every
+man who was in the King's peace was liable to be summoned to the host at
+the King's call."<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p>
+
+<p>There is no ambiguity or uncertainty about these pronouncements. The Old
+English "fyrd," or militia, was the nation in arms. The obligation to
+serve was a personal one. It had no relation to the possession of land;
+in fact it dated back to an age in which the folk was still migratory
+and without a fixed territory at all. It was incumbent upon all
+able-bodied males between the ages of sixteen and sixty. Failure to obey
+the summons was punished by a heavy fine known as "fyrdwite."<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p>
+
+<p>There is another point of prime significance. Universal service was, it
+is true, an obligation. But it was more: it was the <i>mark of freedom</i>.
+Not to be summoned stamped a man as a slave, a serf, or an alien. The
+famous "Assize of Arms" ends with the words: "<i>Et praecepit rex quod
+nullus reciperetur ad sacramentum armorum nisi liber homo.</i>"<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> A
+summons was a right quite as much as a duty. The English were a brave
+and martial race, proud of their ancestral liberty. Not to be called to
+defend<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span> it when it was endangered, not to be allowed to carry arms to
+maintain the integrity of the fatherland, was a degradation which
+branded a man as unfree.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> This chapter has been issued as a pamphlet by the National
+Service League, 72, Victoria Street, S.W.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Gneist, R. <i>Englische Verfassungsgeschichte</i>, p. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Cf. the Frankish Edict of <span class="smaller">A.D.</span> 864: "Ad defensionem patri&aelig;
+omnes sine ulla excusatione veniant." (Let all without any excuse come
+for the defence of the fatherland.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Grose, F. <i>Military Antiquities</i>, vol. i, p. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Freeman, E. <i>Norman Conquest</i>, vol. iv, p. 681.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Stubbs, W. <i>Const. Hist.</i>, vol. i, pp. 208, 212.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Oman, C. W. C. <i>Art of War in the Middle Ages</i>, p. 67.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Stubbs, W. <i>Select Charters</i>, p. 156. (The King orders that
+no one except a freeman shall be admitted to the oath of arms.)</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<h3><a name="II_THE_OLD_ENGLISH_MILITIA" id="II_THE_OLD_ENGLISH_MILITIA"></a>II. THE OLD ENGLISH MILITIA</h3>
+
+<p>This primitive national militia was not, it must be admitted, a very
+efficient force. It lacked coherence and training; it was deficient both
+in arms and in discipline; it could not be kept together for long
+campaigns. The Kings, therefore, from the first supplemented it by means
+of a band of personal followers, a bodyguard of professional warriors,
+well and uniformly armed, and practised in the art of war. Nevertheless,
+the main defence of the country rested with the "fyrd." The Danish
+invasions put it to the severest test and revealed its military defects.
+It was one of the most notable achievements of Alfred to reorganize and
+reconstitute it. Thus reformed, with the support of an ever-growing body
+of King's thegns, it wrought great deeds in the days of Alfred, Edward
+and Athelstan, and recovered for England security and peace. In the days
+of their weaker successors, however, all the forces that England could
+muster failed to keep out Sweyn and Canute, and, above all, failed to
+hold the field at Hastings.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span></p><p>The Norman Conquest might have been expected to involve the extinction
+of the English militia. For feudalism as developed by William I was
+strongest on its military side, and William's main force was the levy of
+his feudal tenants. But quite the contrary happened. The Norman monarchs
+and their Angevin successors were, as a matter of fact, mortally afraid
+of their great feudal tenants, the barons and knights through whom the
+Conquest had been effected. Hence, as English kings, they assiduously
+maintained and fostered Anglo-Saxon institutions, and particularly the
+"fyrd," which they used as a counterpoise to the feudal levy. They even
+called upon it for Continental service and took it across the Channel to
+defend their French provinces.<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> Thus in 1073 it fought for William I
+in Maine; in 1094 William II summoned it to Hastings for an expedition
+into Normandy; in 1102 it aided Henry I to suppress the formidable
+revolt of Robert of Belesme, Earl of Shrewsbury; in 1138 it drove back
+the Scots at the Battle of the Standard; and in 1174 it defeated and
+captured William the Lion at Alnwick. So valuable, indeed, did it prove
+to be that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span> Henry II resolved to place it upon a permanent footing and
+clearly to define its position. With that view he issued in 1181 his
+"Assize of Arms."</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTE:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Stubbs, W. <i>Select Charters</i>, p. 83; and <i>Const. Hist.</i>,
+vol. i, p. 469.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<h3><a name="III_MEDIAEVAL_REGULATIONS" id="III_MEDIAEVAL_REGULATIONS"></a>III. MEDI&AElig;VAL REGULATIONS</h3>
+
+<p>Into the details of the "Assize of Arms" it is unnecessary here to
+enter. Are they not written in every advanced text-book of English
+history? Three things, however, are to be noted. First, that the duty
+and privilege of military service are still bound up with freedom; no
+unfree man is to be admitted to the oath of arms. Secondly, that upon
+freemen the obligation is still universal: "all burgesses and the whole
+community of freemen (<i>tota communa liberorum hominum</i>) are to provide
+themselves with doublets, iron skullcaps, and lances." Thirdly, that,
+closely as freedom had during the centuries of feudalism become
+associated with tenancy of land, the national militia had not been
+involved in feudal meshes: the obligation of service remained still
+personal, not territorial.</p>
+
+<p>In 1205 John, fearing an invasion of the Kingdom, called to arms all the
+militia sworn and equipped under the Assize, <i>i.e.</i>, all the freemen of
+the realm. Short-shrift was to be given to any who disobeyed the
+summons:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span> "<i>Qui vero ad summonitionem non venerit habeatur pro capitali
+inimico domini regis et regni</i>" (He who does not come in response to the
+summons shall be regarded as a capital enemy of the king and kingdom.)
+The penalty was to be the peculiarly appropriate one of reduction to
+perpetual servitude. The disobedient and disloyal subject who made the
+great refusal would <i>ipso facto</i> divest himself of the distinguishing
+mark of his freedom.<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a></p>
+
+<p>Henry III in 1223 and 1231 made similar levies. In 1252, in a notable
+writ for enforcing Watch and Ward and the Assize of Arms, he extended
+the obligation of service to villans and lowered the age limit to
+fifteen. Edward I reaffirmed these new departures in his well-known
+Statute of Winchester (1285), in which it is enacted that "every man
+have in his house harness for to keep the peace after the ancient
+assize, that is to say, every man between fifteen years of age and sixty
+years." Further, he enlarged the armoury of the militiaman by including
+among his weapons the axe and the bow.<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a></p>
+
+<p>The long, aggressive wars of Edward I in Wales and Scotland, and the
+still longer struggles of the fourteenth century in France,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span> could not,
+of course, be waged by means of the national militia. Even the feudal
+levy was unsuited to their requirements. They were waged mainly by means
+of hired professional armies. Parliament&mdash;a new factor in the
+Constitution&mdash;took pains in these circumstances to limit by statute the
+liabilities of the old national forces. An Act of 1328 decreed that no
+one should be compelled to go beyond the bounds of his own county,
+except when necessity or a sudden irruption of foreign foes into the
+realm required it.<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> Another Act, 1352, provided that the militia
+should not be compelled to go beyond the realm in any circumstances
+whatsoever without the consent of Parliament.<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> Both these Acts were
+confirmed by Henry IV in 1402.<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> But the old obligation of universal
+service for home defence remained intact. It was, in fact, enforced by
+Edward IV in 1464, when, on his own authority, he ordered the Sheriffs
+to proclaim that "every man from sixteen to sixty be well and defensibly
+arrayed and ... be ready to attend on his Highness upon a day's warning
+in resistance of his enemies and rebels and the defence of this his
+realm."<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span> This notable incident carries us to the end of the Middle
+Ages, and shows us the Old English principle in vigorous operation.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Gervase of Canterbury. <i>Gesta Regum</i>, vol. ii, p. 97.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> <i>Statutes of the Realm</i>, vol. i, pp. 96-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> 1 Ed. III, c. 2. &sect;&sect;5-7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> 25 Ed. III, c. 5. &sect;8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> 4 Hy. IV, c. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> Rymer, T. <i>F&oelig;dera</i>, vol. xi, p. 524.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<h3><a name="IV_TUDOR_AND_STUART_DEVELOPMENTS" id="IV_TUDOR_AND_STUART_DEVELOPMENTS"></a>IV. TUDOR AND STUART DEVELOPMENTS</h3>
+
+<p>The Wars of the Roses, so fatal to the feudal nobility, left the
+national militia the only organized force in the country. The Tudor
+period, it is true, saw the faint foreshadowing of a regular army in
+Henry VII's Yeomen of the Guard, and the nucleus of a volunteer force in
+the Honourable Artillery Company, established in London under Henry
+VIII. But these at the time had little military importance, and England
+remained dependent for her defence throughout the sixteenth century,
+that age of unprecedented prosperity and glory, upon her militant
+manhood. Hence the Tudor monarchs paid great attention to the
+maintenance and equipment of the militia. The practice (which had grown
+up in the later Middle Ages) of limiting the normal call to arms to a
+certain quota of men from each county was revived. If the required
+numbers were not forthcoming compulsion was employed. Statutes were
+passed making discipline more rigid. Lords Lieutenant were instituted to
+take over the command, with added powers, from the Sheriffs. An
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span>important Mustering Statute (1557) was enacted, graduating afresh the
+universal liability to service, and making new provision for weapons and
+organization.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> William Harrison, writing in 1587, said: "As for able
+men for service, thanked be God! we are not without good store; for by
+the musters taken 1574-5 our numbers amounted to 1,172,674, and yet were
+they not so narrowly taken but that a third part of this like multitude
+was left unbilled and uncalled."<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> This from a population estimated at
+less than six million all told! Such was the host on which England
+relied for safety in 1588, if by chance the galleons of Spain should
+elude the vigilance of Drake and should land Parma's hordes upon our
+shores. Well might the country feel at ease behind such a fleet and with
+such a virile race of men to second it.</p>
+
+<p>The Stuarts did not take kindly to the English militia. It was too
+democratic, too free. James I, in the very first year of his reign,
+conferred upon its members the seductive but fatal gift of exemption
+from the burden of providing their own weapons.<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> As he himself took
+care not to provide them<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span> too profusely, the force speedily lost both in
+efficiency and independence. The Civil War hopelessly divided it, as it
+did the nation, into hostile factions. The Royalist section was
+ultimately crushed, while the Parliamentary section was gradually
+absorbed into that first great standing army which this country ever
+knew, the New Model of 1645. For fifteen years the people groaned under
+the dominance of this arbitrary, conscientious, and very expensive
+force. Then, in 1660, came the Restoration, and with it the disbanding
+of the New Model and the re-establishment of the militia. The country
+went wild with joy at the recovery of its freedom.</p>
+
+<p>Charles II, however, was bent on securing for his own despotic purposes
+a standing army. Hence he obtained permission from Parliament to have a
+permanent bodyguard, and he gradually increased its numbers until he had
+some 6,000 troops regularly under his command. James II increased them
+to 15,000, and by their means tried to overthrow the religion and the
+liberties of the nation. He was defeated and driven out; but his effort
+to establish a military despotism made the name of "standing army" stink
+in the nostrils of the nation. "It is indeed impossible," said one of
+the leading statesmen<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span> of the early eighteenth century, "that the
+liberties of the people can be preserved in any country where a numerous
+standing army is kept up."<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> The national militia continued, as of
+old, to stand for freedom and self-government. The voluntarily enlisted
+standing army was regarded as the engine and emblem of tyranny.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> 4-5 P. and M., c. 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> Harrison, W. <i>Elizabethan England</i>, chap. xxii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> 1 Jac. I, c. 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> Speech by Pulteney, <span class="smaller">A.D.</span> 1732: See <i>Parl. Hist.</i>, vol.
+viii, p. 904.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<h3><a name="V_THE_LAST_TWO_CENTURIES" id="V_THE_LAST_TWO_CENTURIES"></a>V. THE LAST TWO CENTURIES</h3>
+
+<p>The eighteenth century saw a constant struggle on the part of
+constitutionalists to get rid of the standing army altogether. Army
+Acts, which recognized and regulated the new force, were limited in
+their operation to a year at a time, and were passed under incessant
+protest. Grants to maintain the army were similarly restricted. Every
+interval of peace witnessed the rapid reduction of the regulars. But the
+times were adverse. Wars were frequent, and on an ever-increasing scale
+of magnitude and duration. The standing army had to be maintained, and,
+indeed, steadily enlarged.</p>
+
+<p>But the militia for home defence was never allowed to become extinct,
+and it enjoyed an immense popularity. In 1757 it was carefully<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span>
+reorganized by statute.<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> The number of men to be raised was settled,
+and each district was compelled to provide a certain proportion. The
+selection was to be made by ballot, to the complete exclusion of the
+voluntary principle. During the Napoleonic war, when invasion seemed
+imminent, the militia was several times called out and embodied. In 1803
+an actual levy <i>en masse</i> of all men between the ages of seventeen and
+fifty-five was made. In 1806 the principle of universal obligation on
+which it was based was clearly stated by Castlereagh in the House of
+Commons. He spoke of "the undoubted prerogative of the Crown to call
+upon the services of all liege subjects in case of invasion."<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a></p>
+
+<p>At the moment when he spoke, however, the imminent fear of invasion had
+been removed&mdash;removed, indeed, for a century&mdash;by Nelson's crowning
+victory at Trafalgar. From that time forward the military forces of the
+Crown were required not so much for the defence of the United Kingdom
+itself as for the provision of garrisons for the vast Empire which had
+grown up during the eighteenth century. These imperial garrisons had
+necessarily to be drawn from <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span>professional troops voluntarily enlisted.
+Thus the militia declined. An effort was made in 1852 to revive it, and
+again the underlying principle of compulsion was explicitly recognized.
+The Militia Act of that year<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> contains the provision: "In case it
+appears to H.M. &mdash;&mdash; that the number of men required ... cannot be raised
+by voluntary enlistment ... or in case of actual invasion or imminent
+danger thereof, it shall be lawful for H.M. &mdash;&mdash; to order and direct
+that the number of men so required ... shall be raised by ballot as
+herein provided." The effort at revival was unfortunately vain, and when
+in 1859 international trouble again seemed to be brewing, instead of
+appealing once more to the immemorial defence of the country, the
+Government weakly and with most deplorable results allowed the formation
+of a new body, the volunteers&mdash;a body whose patriotism was noble, whose
+intentions were admirable, but whose inefficiency became and remained a
+byword.<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> The militia continued ingloriously, mainly as a nursery for
+the regular army.</p>
+
+<p>Finally, in 1908, Mr. (now Lord) Haldane absorbed both volunteers and
+militia into the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span> new Territorial and Reserve Forces, the militia
+becoming a Special Reserve.<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> It is much to be regretted that the Act
+of 1908 did not expressly reaffirm the continued validity of the
+compulsory principle of service which from the earliest times had been
+the basis of the militia. But, though it did not expressly reaffirm it,
+it left it absolutely unimpaired and intact. Said Mr. Haldane himself in
+the House of Commons on April 13th, 1910: "The Militia Ballot Acts and
+the Acts relating to the local militia are still unrepealed, and could
+be enforced if necessary."</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> 31 Geo. II, c. 26.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> Cobbett. <i>Parliamentary Debates</i>, vol. vii, p. 818.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> 15-16 Vict. c. 50. &sect;18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> For occasional levies of volunteers from sixteenth century
+onwards, see Medley, D. J., <i>Const. Hist.</i>, p. 472.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> 7 Ed. VII, c. 9.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<h3><a name="VI_CONCLUSION" id="VI_CONCLUSION"></a>VI. CONCLUSION</h3>
+
+<p>Such is the condition of things at the present time. The principle of
+compulsory military service, obligatory upon every able-bodied male
+between the ages of sixteen and sixty, is still the fundamental
+principle of English Law, both Common Law and Statute Law. It has been
+obscured by the pernicious voluntary principle, which, in the
+much-abused name of Liberty, has shifted a universal national duty upon
+the shoulders of the patriotic few. But it has never been revoked or
+repudiated.</p>
+
+<p>It is not National Service, but the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span>Voluntary System, that is
+un-English and unhistoric. The Territorial Army dates from 1908; the
+Volunteers from 1859; the Regular Army itself only from 1645. But for a
+millennium before the oldest of them the ancient defence of England was
+the Nation in Arms. When will it be so again?</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2><a name="II" id="II"></a>II</h2>
+
+<h2>COMPULSORY SERVICE AND LIBERTY</h2>
+
+<blockquote><p class="center">[Reprinted, with the addition of References, from the <i>Morning
+Post</i> of September 28th, 1915.]</p></blockquote>
+
+<h3><a name="I_THE_PLEA_OF_FREEDOM" id="I_THE_PLEA_OF_FREEDOM"></a>I. THE PLEA OF FREEDOM</h3>
+
+<p>The opponents of national service pursue two lines of argument, the one
+historical, the other theoretical. Along the line of history they try to
+show that compulsory military duty is alien from the English
+Constitution, and that the voluntary system is the good old system by
+means of which Great Britain has maintained her independence, achieved
+her glories, and founded her Empire. Along the line of political theory
+they contend that the demand for national service is contrary to the
+spirit of liberty, that freedom is an essential characteristic of the
+English genius, that Britons may be persuaded but not coerced, and so
+on.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span></p><p>In the preceding study I have shown the utter baselessness of the
+historical argument, pointed out that compulsory service was the very
+foundation of the Anglo-Saxon system of defence, and concluded that
+whereas "the Territorial Army dates from 1908, the Volunteers from 1859,
+the Regular Army itself only from 1645, for a millennium before the
+oldest of them the ancient defence of England was the Nation in Arms." I
+now turn to the theoretical argument, and propose to consider what is
+meant by the term "liberty," and ask whether the compulsion involved in
+national service is incompatible with liberty properly understood.</p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<h3><a name="II_THE_TERM_LIBERTY" id="II_THE_TERM_LIBERTY"></a>II. THE TERM "LIBERTY"</h3>
+
+<p>There can be no doubt that in this country, as in America, the term
+"liberty" enjoys much popularity. Sir John Seeley has remarked that just
+as "its unlimited generality" makes it "delightful to poets," so its
+harmonious sound is so grateful to the ears of the public at large that
+"if a political speech did not frequently mention liberty," no one would
+"know what to make of it or where to applaud."<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> Matthew Arnold goes
+so far as to speak of "our worship of freedom," and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span> to depict liberty
+as the object of a fanatical semi-religious adoration.<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> But as a rule
+where an Englishman adores he does not define, and if one asks the
+common devotee of liberty what he understands by the abstraction before
+which he prostrates himself, one generally requires but a small portion
+of the dialectic subtlety of Socrates to involve him in a hopeless
+tangle of contradictions. He can no more define liberty than he can
+locate his soul. Mr. D. G. Ritchie truly says: "Many crimes have been
+done, and a still greater amount of nonsense talked in the name of
+liberty."<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> Seeley, with as much justice as pungency, asserts that
+some writers "teach us to call by the name of liberty whatever in
+politics we want," and so lead us to disguise our selfishness and
+cowardice in the stolen garb of moral principle.<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> At any rate, there
+is urgent need that before we either support or oppose any practical
+political measure in the name of liberty, we should clear our minds of
+confusion, and should reach an understanding of what precisely we mean
+by this vast and vague expression. It will be found, I think, upon
+examination, that the term<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span> "liberty," as employed in the sphere of
+politics, has four distinct connotations. I hope to show that in no one
+of these four senses is liberty incompatible with the compulsory element
+implicit in the principle of national service.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Seeley. <i>Introduction to Political Science</i>, pp. 103-4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> Arnold. <i>Culture and Anarchy</i>, chap. ii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> Ritchie. <i>Natural Rights</i>, p. 135.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> Seeley: <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 103.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<h3><a name="III_LIBERTY_AS_FREEDOM_FROM_FOREIGN_CONTROL" id="III_LIBERTY_AS_FREEDOM_FROM_FOREIGN_CONTROL"></a>III. LIBERTY AS FREEDOM FROM FOREIGN CONTROL</h3>
+
+<p>"A free nation," says Sir William Temple, "is that which has never been
+conquered, or thereby entered into any condition of subjection."<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> In
+this sense of freedom from foreign domination liberty is the immemorial
+boast of Britons. They never have been, or will be, slaves. They are,
+and they are determined to remain&mdash;so they proudly sing&mdash;free as the
+waves that wash their shores, free as the winds that sweep their hills.
+They are resolved that no alien tyrant shall plant his foot upon their
+necks. As in the Middle Ages they repudiated the claim of German
+Emperors and Ultramontane Popes to exercise political sovereignty over
+them; as in more modern times they resisted conquest by the Spaniard
+Philip and the Corsican Napoleon; even so would they resist to the
+extreme limit of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span> endurance any attempt to-day to reduce them to
+servitude. The proposition that freedom in this sense of national
+independence is consistent with compulsory military service needs no
+demonstration at all. So far from there being any incompatibility
+between the two, it is probable that only by means of a manhood
+universally trained to the use of arms can the freedom of Britain and
+the integrity of the Empire be ultimately maintained. We shall almost
+certainly have to choose, not between national service and liberty, but
+between national service and destruction.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTE:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> Temple. <i>Works</i> ii, p. 87.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<h3><a name="IV_LIBERTY_AS_SYNONYMOUS_WITH_RESPONSIBLE_GOVERNMENT" id="IV_LIBERTY_AS_SYNONYMOUS_WITH_RESPONSIBLE_GOVERNMENT"></a>IV. LIBERTY AS SYNONYMOUS WITH RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT</h3>
+
+<p>In a second and somewhat looser sense "Liberty is regarded as the
+equivalent of Parliamentary government."<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> We speak of one type of
+Constitution as "free" and of another type as "unfree." The so-called
+"free" type of government is that in which political power rests in the
+hands of the Democracy, whereas in "unfree" States the people are in
+subjection to a ruling person or class. From the point of view of the
+individual subject this distinction has no meaning at all. For the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span> laws
+passed by a Democratic Parliament are coercive and compulsory in
+precisely the same manner and degree as are the laws of a despotic
+monarchy or a close oligarchy. There is, indeed, a "tyranny of the
+majority" which can be quite as oppressive to the individual as the
+tyranny of the one or the few, and much less easy to evade. From the
+point of view of the enfranchised community, however, the term "free"
+has a meaning, and its use can be defended. For if the electorate be
+regarded as a unit, akin to an organism, government becomes
+self-government, and any obligations which the community places upon
+itself by means of laws can be looked upon as self-limitations, imposed
+by free-will and capable of removal at any moment by the unfettered
+exercise of the power which imposed them. From this communal point of
+view, however, it is evident that national service involves no
+diminution of liberty. The community becomes not one whit less free
+because it decides to train itself in the use of arms and to mobilize
+all its resources for military purposes. It retains its capacity to
+demobilize any time it likes, to lay aside its arms, to pension off its
+drill sergeants, and to return to the paths of pacificism whenever it
+seems safe to do so.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTE:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> Seeley: <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 114.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span></p>
+
+<h3><a name="V_LIBERTY_AS_ABSENCE_OF_RESTRAINT" id="V_LIBERTY_AS_ABSENCE_OF_RESTRAINT"></a>V. LIBERTY AS ABSENCE OF RESTRAINT</h3>
+
+<p>It cannot be denied, however, that compulsory military service does
+interfere with the power of the <i>individual</i> to do as he likes. He is
+forced, whether he wants to or not, to undergo certain discipline in
+time of peace, and to face uncertain danger in time of war. National
+service, then, is a restriction of his liberty, if by liberty is meant
+the absence of all restraint. Now this is precisely the sense in which
+the term is most frequently used. "Quid est libertas?" (What is
+liberty?), asked Cicero, and he replied: "Potestas vivendi ut velis"
+(The power of living as you like).<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> "Freedom," said Sir Robert
+Filmer, "is the liberty for everyone to do what he lists, to live as he
+pleases, and not to be tied by any laws."<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> Even Locke, Filmer's great
+opponent, admitted that "the natural liberty of man is to be free from
+any superior power on earth." But who is the man who possesses this
+unlimited natural liberty to live as he likes, and to act as he pleases,
+subject to no superior power on earth? He is either a Robinson Crusoe,
+existing alone on a desert island, or he is an anarchist living in the
+midst<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span> of anarchists, and acknowledging no civil government whatsoever.
+In the latter case his career is likely to be as "poor, nasty, brutish,
+and short" as that of the primitive savage depicted by Hobbes. For if
+one man is free to live as he likes, subject to no superior power, so
+are all. Hence in such a society of absolute freemen, human law is
+totally abrogated, no life is protected, no property safeguarded.
+Everyone, so far as his power avails, does what he pleases, takes what
+he covets, slays whom he hates. When his power ceases to avail, that is
+when a stronger than he appears upon the scene, he is himself liable to
+be despoiled and killed. Such is the state of society in which absolute
+liberty obtains. It is a chaos of incessant civil war, where "every man
+is enemy to every man." Its unfortunate victims, the possessors of
+unrestricted liberty, find that there is</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<div>War among them, and despair</div>
+<div>Within them, raging without truce or term.<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a></div>
+</div></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span></p><p>It is from this intolerable condition of perfect freedom that
+government saves a man. But it saves him&mdash;and in no other way can it
+possibly do so&mdash;by taking away from both himself and his fellows alike
+and in equal measure, part of their insufferable birthright of liberty.
+The very essence of government is restriction, compulsion, law. Under
+government, then, whatever may be its form, no man is free in the sense
+of being exempt from restraint. Natural liberty gives place in organized
+society to civil liberty, which is a much more modest and limited thing.
+"Civil liberty," says Blackstone, "is no other than natural liberty so
+far restrained by human laws as is necessary and expedient for the
+general advantage of the public."<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> In the same sense Austin defines
+it as "the liberty from legal obligation which is left or granted by a
+sovereign government to any of its own subjects."<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> But the most
+luminous definition is that of Montesquieu, who says: "La<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span> libert&eacute; est
+le droit de faire tout ce que les lois permettent."<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> Those who would
+understand what true civil or political liberty is, and what are its
+necessary limitations, should imprint this profound utterance upon their
+memories, and employ it as a universal test of sound thinking on the
+subject.</p>
+
+<p>"Liberty is the right to do all that the laws allow"&mdash;no more, and no
+less. Liberty, then, in the sphere of politics, is not the absence of
+all restraint whatsoever, but only the absence of all restraint except
+that of the law. Thus the freedom of which Britons boast&mdash;"English
+liberty"&mdash;is not a licence to anyone to do as he likes, but is merely
+the right of everyone to do what the laws of England permit, and it is a
+splendid possession merely because the laws of England are eminent for
+justice and equity. "English liberty" is perfectly consistent, as we all
+admit, with compulsory registration, vaccination, education, taxation,
+insurance, inspection, and countless other legal coercions. From our
+cradles to our graves we are beset behind and before by government
+regulations; yet we rightly assert that we are free. If then the laws of
+England add one more coercion, and proclaim anew the duty of universal
+military service, not only<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span> will they do a thing consonant with justice
+and equity, they will also do a thing which does not in the smallest
+degree diminish any individual's civil liberty.<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> Cicero. <i>Parad.</i>, v, 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> Filmer. <i>Patriarcha</i>, quoted and criticized by Locke, <i>On
+Government</i>, book ii, chap. iv.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> Shelley. <i>Ode to Liberty</i>, Canto 2. Compare the
+description of <i>Huriyeh</i> (Liberty) given by Sir Mark Sykes in <i>The
+Caliphs' Last Heritage</i>. I quote the following from a review in <i>The
+Spectator</i>, of November 27th, 1915: Sir Mark Sykes saw <i>Huriyeh</i>
+(Liberty) at work in the distant provinces of the Empire. "What, O
+father of Mahmud," he said to an old Arab acquaintance, "is this
+<i>Huriyeh</i>?" The "father of Mahmud" replied without hesitation "that
+there is no law and each one can do all he likes." Neither was this
+lawless interpretation of liberty confined to Moslems. The Greek
+Christians in the neighbourhood of Hebron were "armed to the teeth and
+glad of <i>Huriyeh</i>, for they say they can now raid as well as other men."
+In Anatolia, a muleteer who had been discharged from Sir Mark Sykes's
+service "spent all his time singing 'Liberty&mdash;Equality&mdash;Fraternity,' the
+reason being that the Committee at Smyrna released him from prison,
+where he was undergoing sentence for his third murder."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> Blackstone. <i>Commentaries</i>, i, 140.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> Austin. <i>Jurisprudence</i>, p. 274.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Montesquieu. <i>Esprit des Lois</i>, p. 420.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> Philip Snowden, <i>Socialism and Syndicalism</i>, p. 175.
+"When all submit to law imposed by the common will for the common good,
+the law is not slavery, but true liberty."</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<h3><a name="VI_LIBERTY_AS_THE_OPPORTUNITY_FOR_SERVICE" id="VI_LIBERTY_AS_THE_OPPORTUNITY_FOR_SERVICE"></a>VI. LIBERTY AS THE OPPORTUNITY FOR SERVICE</h3>
+
+<p>Liberty as absence of restraint is, however, a merely negative thing; it
+is a "being let alone." Some great writers, John Stuart Mill for
+example, treat it as though it had only this negative character, and as
+though to be let alone were necessarily and in itself a good thing. But
+others have truly and forcefully shown, first, that to be let alone may
+sometimes be a doubtful blessing, and, secondly, that liberty has a
+further and positive aspect not less important than the negative. Sir J.
+F. Stephen, in his <i>Liberty, Equality, Fraternity</i>, vigorously
+criticizes Mill's negative theory. Matthew Arnold in <i>Culture and
+Anarchy</i> (a work which well repays perusal at the present time) pours
+delightful but destructive ridicule upon "our prevalent notion that it
+is a most happy and important thing for a man merely to be able to do as
+he likes." Thomas Carlyle, in <i>Past and Present</i><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span> and elsewhere,
+vehemently expounds a positive ideal of liberty which involves strenuous
+work for the good of man and for social advancement. "If liberty be not
+that," he concludes, "I for one have small care about liberty." But
+first in eminence among the exponents of the positive aspect of liberty
+stands Thomas Hill Green, of Oxford. In his works he contends that
+liberty is more than absence of restraint, just as beauty is more than
+absence of ugliness.<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> He holds that it includes also "a positive
+power or capacity of doing or enjoying something worth doing or
+enjoying." He agrees with Mazzini that complete freedom is "found only
+in that satisfying fulfilment of civic duties to which rights, however
+precious, are but the vestibule."<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> He looks at freedom, that is to
+say, from the communal and not from the individual point of view. Man is
+a political animal, and only in an organized society can he attain his
+highest development. It is not good for man to be alone; each individual
+needs the companionship and co-operation of his fellows; no one in
+solitude can attain even to self-realization. Hence, government is more
+than a restraining power; it is also an organizing<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span> power. It not only
+prevents its subjects from injuring one another; it places them where
+they can most effectively aid one another and work together for the
+common weal. It frees their faculties from the impotence of isolation,
+and opens up to them the unbounded possibilities of corporate activity.
+Hence, liberty on its positive side becomes merged in national service,
+in the broad sense of the fulfilment of the duties of citizenship. Thus
+he is an enemy of freedom who holds himself aloof from his fellows and
+declines to bear his share in the general burden. If, then, the State
+calls upon all its subjects to join together in undertaking the supreme
+task of national defence, every true lover of liberty must respond "Here
+am I."</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> Green, <i>Principles of Political Obligation</i>, p. 110-5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> <i>Cf.</i> MacCunn, <i>Six Radical Thinkers</i>, p. 259.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2><a name="III" id="III"></a>III</h2>
+
+<h2>THE VOLUNTARY PRINCIPLE</h2>
+
+<blockquote><p class="center">[Reprinted from the <i>Morning Post</i> of December 28th, 1915.]</p></blockquote>
+
+<h3><a name="I_THE_IDEA_OF_VOLUNTARISM" id="I_THE_IDEA_OF_VOLUNTARISM"></a>I. THE IDEA OF VOLUNTARISM</h3>
+
+<p>It is sometimes said that Britons are a common-sense and practical
+people, but a people impervious to ideas; that they are quick at the
+invention of expedients, but slow to recognize and follow general
+principles. This statement may be true of the nation as a whole; but it
+is lamentably untrue in respect of our politicians. They do somehow now
+and again get ideas into their heads, and when once they are there it
+seems as though nothing on earth or from heaven can eradicate them. I
+suppose that the explanation of this steadfast consistency, or
+unteachable obstinacy, is that their ideas soon pass out of their own
+control. Principles once professed are formulated into programmes,
+programmes are <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span>solidified into platforms, and platforms are planted
+upon the insensate rock of party organization. Hence, to abandon an idea
+(even when it is found to be erroneous) or to repudiate a principle
+(even when it is proved to be false and pernicious) involves a political
+upheaval akin to a revolution. It is easier to continue to stand on an
+obsolete platform and watch a nation drift to disaster than to abandon
+the platform and endanger the party organization&mdash;euphemistically termed
+for the occasion "national unity." An excellent case in point is the
+pathetic devotion of successive Governments to the voluntary principle
+of military service.</p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<h3><a name="II_ITS_ESTABLISHMENT" id="II_ITS_ESTABLISHMENT"></a>II. ITS ESTABLISHMENT</h3>
+
+<p>As we have already seen, the voluntary principle&mdash;a comparatively modern
+novelty&mdash;is one which established itself in our constitution during the
+long period of peace that followed the Battles of Trafalgar and
+Waterloo, and it had its <i>raison d'&ecirc;tre</i> in the circumstances of the
+time. Our Navy had secured the undisputed command of the sea. Our shores
+and the shores of our distant Dominions were secure from invasion. All
+that we had to fear was an occasional Chartist riot, or Irish rebellion,
+or Indian mutiny, or petty Colonial<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span> war. To suppress these sporadic
+disorders a small professional army was incomparably the best
+instrument, and it was, of course, best secured and maintained by the
+system of voluntary enlistment. Thus in the halcyon Georgian and
+Victorian days the right inherent in every sovereign Government to call
+upon its subjects for national service sank into forgetfulness, the
+ancient military obligations of Englishmen fell into desuetude, and
+voluntarism held the field.</p>
+
+<p>A quarter of a century ago, however, <i>i.e.</i>, soon after the present
+German Emperor came to the throne, circumstances radically changed.
+Germany obtained Heligoland and began to convert it into a naval base;
+she developed marked colonial activity and threatened British ascendancy
+in many parts of the world; she formulated a maritime programme and
+commenced the construction of a formidable navy. Nor was she alone.
+Other Powers also&mdash;Powers at that time regarded as less friendly to
+Britain than Germany was supposed to be&mdash;started in the race for
+overseas dominions, international commerce, and strong fleets. It became
+evident to the most casual observer that sooner or later British command
+of the sea might be challenged, Britain and the Dominions attacked, and
+the future of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span> Empire put to the issue of war. Hence prudent
+patriots, who in course of time organized themselves into the National
+Service League under the guidance of Lord Roberts&mdash;<i>clarum atque
+venerabile nomen</i>&mdash;urged the revival of the old-time duty of universal
+military training in preparation for, and as the best safeguard against,
+the growing peril. But no! Politicians had committed themselves to the
+voluntary principle. The party caucuses would not risk the sacrifice of
+place and power that might ensue from the preaching of the unpalatable
+doctrine of duty and discipline to their masters, the electors. Hence,
+amid dangers daily growing greater in magnitude, the defence of the
+Empire on land (the garrisoning of one-fifth part of the land-area of
+the globe) was left to the diminutive professional force established
+merely for Imperial police purposes&mdash;a force smaller than that which
+Serbia felt necessary to guard her independence, or Switzerland to
+assure her neutrality.</p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<h3><a name="III_THE_RESULT" id="III_THE_RESULT"></a>III. THE RESULT</h3>
+
+<p>What was the result? It was this: that the British Empire, the richest
+prize that the world has ever displayed, spread out its treasures before
+the envious eyes of militant nations, practically undefended, save for
+its<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</a></span> slender ring of circling ships. There it lay, a constant and
+irresistible lure, especially to that parvenu and predatory Germanic
+Power which had appeared upon the European scene, as the offspring of
+treachery and violence, in 1871. Thus those politicians&mdash;they were to be
+found in all parties&mdash;who refused to face the new conditions, who
+persisted in maintaining that the voluntary principle, which sufficed to
+police an Empire externally secure, would also guard it against a world
+in arms, did their unwitting best to render an attack inevitable, and to
+ensure that when it burst upon us it should do us the maximum of damage.</p>
+
+<p>In due time, that is, when Germany thought that "the day" had dawned,
+the war came. Then the voluntary principle manifested its proper fruits.
+We found ourselves suddenly called upon to confront the supreme crisis
+of our fate with a gigantic proletariat untrained and unarmed, and with
+a diminutive army (below even its nominal strength), wholly inadequate
+to the magnitude of its tasks. What were the consequences? They were
+these: First, that our devoted Expeditionary Force, insufficient and
+unsupported, was sent across the Channel to almost certain and complete
+annihilation; secondly, that masses<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span> of reserves urgently needed on the
+Continent had to be kept in these islands to counter the risks of
+invasion; thirdly, that the mobility of our Navy had to be sacrificed to
+the same necessity of domestic defence (hence the disaster to Admiral
+Cradock); and, finally, that Belgium and North-East France had to be
+abandoned to the enemy&mdash;to be recovered later, if possible, at the cost
+of tens of thousands of lives.</p>
+
+<p>One would have thought that at such a crisis of destiny our politicians
+would have faced the facts, would have realized that the time had come
+to summon the nation, as a disciplined whole, to front its peril and do
+its duty. If they had but had the courage to do so, who can doubt the
+loyalty of the response? But, once more, No! All sorts of irrelevant
+considerations of petty domestic politics&mdash;matters of votes and seats
+and party prejudices&mdash;determined the issue. The voluntary principle must
+at any cost be maintained sacrosanct and intact. Hence, to get the
+necessary men&mdash;or, rather, far fewer than the necessary men&mdash;every
+variety of extravagant and humiliating expedient had to be adopted.
+Hundreds of thousands of pounds of public money were squandered in
+advertisement and appeal, and a chaos of indiscriminate <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span>enlistment was
+inaugurated. Again, with what results? With these results: First, that
+myriads of middle-aged men with families have been taken while unmarried
+slackers have been left; secondly, that invaluable war-workers have been
+drawn from necessary tasks while useless wastrels have remained at
+large; thirdly, that the rate of recruiting has been spasmodic and
+wholly incalculable, that our armies have never been quite strong enough
+for the successive operations assigned to them, and that consequently a
+vast, needless, and largely fruitless sacrifice of the very cream of our
+nation's manhood has taken place. To the idol of voluntarism a veritable
+holocaust of victims has been offered up.</p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<h3><a name="IV_THE_PRESENT_SITUATION" id="IV_THE_PRESENT_SITUATION"></a>IV. THE PRESENT SITUATION</h3>
+
+<p>The voluntary principle, after seventeen months of inconceivably
+destructive war, still nominally holds the field.<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> Our sovereign
+politicians have up to the present remained verbally true to it; but at
+what a price! They have indefinitely postponed victory; they have
+allowed the sphere of operations to be immensely enlarged; they have
+been compelled through sheer military feebleness to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span> witness neutral
+nations being drawn on to the side of the enemy; they have been unable
+to strike a decisive blow anywhere. Thus the war drags on inconclusively
+at a cost of &pound;5,000,000 and 2,000 casualties every day. But the
+voluntary principle has been respected and vindicated! Has it? True it
+is that there has been a magnificent response to the Government's
+appeals. The patriotism and devotion of one half of the nation have
+effectively enabled the other half to evade its duty. But the time has
+again come when the demand for more men is imperative. Voluntarism is
+making its last efforts. Its devotees in their desperate endeavours to
+prevent its formal abandonment are eliminating from it every element of
+free will, and are introducing every device of veiled compulsion.
+Canvassers and recruiting-sergeants have brought immense pressure to
+bear upon every eligible man, under threats that unless he "volunteers"
+he will shortly be fetched, and fetched on less favourable terms than
+those now offered. Moreover, all sorts of other kinds of pressure are
+added. The papers are full of instances. For example, the Foreign Office
+is refusing passports to men of military age; the great shipping lines
+are declining to take eligible emigrants; employers are <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span>refusing work
+to applicants who they think might serve. Finally, Mr. Asquith, in the
+House of Commons, gives the whole case away, and from the voluntarist
+point of view perpetrates the great apostasy, by admitting that our
+voluntary system of recruiting is "haphazard, capricious, and unjust,"
+and by protesting that he has "no abstract or <i>a priori</i> objection of
+any sort or kind to compulsion in time of war," adding that he has no
+intention whatever to go to the stake "in defence of what is called the
+voluntary principle."<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> Poor "voluntary principle"! Already abandoned
+in practice, and now thrown over by its former high-priest!</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> This was written in December, 1915. A few weeks later the
+Military Service Bill became law. Compulsion is to be applied from March
+1st, 1916.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> House of Commons debate, November 2nd, 1915.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<h3><a name="V_THE_FUTURE" id="V_THE_FUTURE"></a>V. THE FUTURE</h3>
+
+<p>Is there any shred or remnant of this deserted and discredited voluntary
+principle that is worth saving? There is not. It is the last
+disreputable relic of the extreme individualism of the Manchester School
+of the early nineteenth century, which taught a political theory that
+has been abandoned by all serious thinkers. Everyone now admits that it
+is the function of the State to secure as far as it can the conditions
+of the good life to its citizens. It is the logical and inevitable
+corollary that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</a></span> it is the duty of every citizen to support and safeguard
+the State. It has long been one of the gravest weaknesses of our modern
+democracy that, while it has insisted vehemently upon its claims against
+the State&mdash;claims to education, employment, office, insurance, pension,
+and so on&mdash;it has remained comparatively oblivious to its
+responsibilities. Its so-called political leaders, who too often are but
+self-seeking flatterers fawning for its favour, have persistently
+encouraged it to concentrate its efforts upon getting without giving. It
+has been taught that it is proper to use political power in pursuit of
+selfish aims and to employ all manner of compulsion therein; but in the
+matter of national service it has received soothing lessons on the
+surpassing glories of the voluntary principle. It is the State which is
+to be coerced by threats of passive resistance or general strikes; but
+if the State attempts coercion in the exercise of its functions it is
+met by the passionate proclamation of the rights of personal freedom.
+Similarly, we have the amazing spectacle of Trade Unionists meeting in
+congress to condemn "conscription" and at the same time sanctioning the
+most extreme measures of illegal persecution to drive non-Unionists into
+the ranks of their own organizations. It is a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span> monstrous and intolerable
+perversion of all sound political principles. The whole sorry business
+is a flagrant example of the subtle way in which a democracy can be
+cajoled, corrupted, and depraved.</p>
+
+<p>I elaborated this point in a letter to the <i>Observer</i> which the Editor
+kindly allows me to reprint here. It will be found in the issue of
+January 17th, 1915:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>One of the most curious phenomena of present-day politics is the
+opposition offered by collectivists to conscription&mdash;under which
+term they persistently and disingenuously include both the
+compulsory service of the German army and the very different
+universal military training of the Swiss citizen.</p>
+
+<p>Even Mr. Herbert Spencer and the extreme individualists of his
+school admitted that national defence is a proper function of the
+State, and that a government may rightly use compulsory powers to
+safeguard the community from attack.</p>
+
+<p>But Mr. Arnold Bennett and the semi-socialists of the <i>Daily
+Chronicle</i> and the <i>Daily News</i>&mdash;although they are filled with
+horror and indignation if it is suggested that an artisan should be
+allowed to choose whether or not he will enjoy the advantages of
+the Insurance Act; or that a collier, if he wishes to do so, should
+be permitted to work for more than eight hours a day; or that a
+labourer should be exempted from persecution as a blackleg if he
+prefers to remain outside the fold of a trade union<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</a></span>&mdash;are fired
+with a long-dormant zeal for individual liberty, if it is urged
+that a young man's citizenship is incomplete until he has been
+called and prepared to defend his home and his country in case of
+need.</p>
+
+<p>Their collectivism is, in fact, a peculiarly perverted or inverted
+type of individualism. It insists on the right of the individual,
+if unemployed, to come to the State for work; if in poverty, to
+come to the State for relief; if ignorant, to come to the State for
+education: but it strenuously resists the exercise by the State of
+its reciprocal claim on the service of the individual. It is
+engrossed by the contemplation of the rights of the individual and
+the duties of the State; it ignores the rights of the State and the
+duties of the individual.</p>
+
+<p>It is true that our voluntary system of military service has done
+wonders in this war, far more indeed than could ever have been
+expected of it; but this does not alter the fact that it is <i>wrong
+in principle</i>. It is quite conceivable that a similar voluntary
+system of monetary contributions would, if compulsory taxation were
+abolished, supply the necessities of government; but it would be a
+most iniquitous system, pressing heavily on the generous, and
+allowing the niggardly to escape. We all, in fact, admit that it
+would be entirely improper to replace the income-tax form by the
+begging-letter. For precisely the same reasons it is entirely
+improper that enlistment for home defence should depend on the
+voluntary sacrifice of the patriotic minority, while the careless
+and worthless majority elude their duty.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</a></span></p><p>It is, moreover, deeply humiliating to the national pride to see
+the protection of our shores, and the existence of our Empire,
+dependent on the response made to advertisements, to platform
+appeals, to music-hall songs, and to the kisses so generously
+proffered by popular actresses.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>It will be no small compensation for the immeasurable losses of this war
+if the lofty old-English ideals of duty and service are restored to
+their rightful place in our political system, and if in respect of the
+essentials of national existence, viz., defence of the realm and
+obedience to law, we completely eliminate and frankly repudiate&mdash;as we
+have already done in the sphere of taxation&mdash;the enervating one-sided
+individualism of the voluntary principle.</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2><a name="IV" id="IV"></a>IV</h2>
+
+<h2>PASSIVE RESISTANCE</h2>
+
+<h3><a name="I_THE_NEW_PERIL" id="I_THE_NEW_PERIL"></a>I. THE NEW PERIL</h3>
+
+<p>For a long time past there has existed in this country a sort of
+smouldering rebellion known as passive resistance. It is difficult to
+say when it had its origin; but probably it could be traced back to the
+Reformation. For it is merely a veiled manifestation of that anarchic
+individualism and that morbid conscientiousness&mdash;the extremes of
+qualities admirable in moderation&mdash;which first became formidable in
+England on the break-up of medi&aelig;val Christendom. In recent times it has
+displayed itself in many new forms, and on an increasingly large scale,
+until now, in this great crisis of our fate, it has grown to be a
+serious menace to the national unity, and a grave danger to the very
+existence of the State. We have in our midst at the present day&mdash;to
+mention only the leading specimens&mdash;Ritualists who refuse to obey
+judgments of the Privy Council, or to heed injunctions issued by bishops
+appointed by the Crown; Anti-Vivisectionists who resist<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</a></span> regulations
+regarded as essential by the health authorities; Undenominationalists
+who decline to pay rates necessary to maintain the system of education
+established by law; Christian Scientists whose criminal neglect in the
+case of dangerous diseases not only renders them guilty of homicide, but
+also imperils the welfare of the whole community; Suffragists who defy
+all law comprehensively, on the ground that the legislature from which
+it emanates is not constituted as they think it ought to be; Trade
+Unionists who combine to stultify any Act of Parliament which conflicts
+with the rules of their own organizations; and finally, a
+No-Conscription Fellowship whose members expressly "deny the right of
+Government to say, 'You <i>shall</i> bear arms,'" and threaten to "oppose
+every effort to introduce compulsory military service into Great
+Britain."<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> Here is a pretty collection of aliens from the
+commonwealth! It contains examples of almost every variety of
+anti-social eccentricity. So diverse and conflicting are the types of
+passive resistance represented that there is only one thing that can be
+predicated of all the members of all the groups, and it is this&mdash;that
+they are rebels.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTE:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> No-Conscription Manifesto printed in full in the <i>Morning
+Post</i>, May 31st, 1915.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</a></span></p>
+
+<h3><a name="II_PASSIVE_RESISTANCE_AS_REBELLION" id="II_PASSIVE_RESISTANCE_AS_REBELLION"></a>II. PASSIVE RESISTANCE AS REBELLION</h3>
+
+<p>The essential preliminary to any useful discussion of passive resistance
+is the clear recognition of the fact that it is rebellion, and nothing
+less. To say, or admit, this is not necessarily to condemn it; for there
+are few persons to-day, I suppose, who would contend that rebellion is
+never justifiable. All it asserts is that passive resistance has to be
+judged by the same measures and according to the same standards as any
+other kind of revolt against constituted political authority. It is all
+the more needful to make this plain because some of the milder but more
+muddled among the resisters try to shut their eyes to the fact that they
+are rebels. They claim to be sheep and not goats. They call themselves
+Socialists; they profess an abnormal loyalty to the idea of the State;
+they protest their devotion to the Great Society; they ask to be allowed
+to make all sorts of sacrifices to the community; they announce their
+willingness to do anything&mdash;except the one thing which the Government
+requires them to do. The exception is fatal to their claim. "To obey is
+better than sacrifice, and to hearken than the fat of rams." The State
+does not and cannot submit the validity of its enactments to the private
+judgment of its subjects.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</a></span> It expresses and enforces the general will,
+and it dare not leave to the choice, or even to the conscience, of the
+individual an option as to which of its commands shall be obeyed, and
+which not. To do so would be to loose the bands of society, to bring to
+an end the reign of law, and to plunge the community once again into
+that primal chaos of anarchy from which in the beginning it painfully
+emerged. The State demands, and must necessarily demand, implicit
+obedience. From the loyal it receives it. Those from whom it does not
+receive it are rebels, no matter how conscientious they may be, how
+lofty their moral elevation, how sublimely passive their resistance. So
+far as their disobedience extends they are the enemies of organized
+society, disrupters of the commonwealth, subverters of government, the
+allies and confederates of criminals and anarchists. It is worth noting,
+moreover, how easily their passive resistance develops into more active
+forms of rebellion. Not for long was the Suffragist content to remain
+merely defensive in revolt; soon she emerged with whips for Cabinet
+Ministers, hammers for windows, and bombs for churches. Resistant Trade
+Unionists rapidly and generally slide into sabotage and personal
+violence. The No-Conscriptionists of Ireland threaten<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</a></span> through Mr.
+Byrne, M.P., for Dublin, that "if Conscription is forced on Ireland, it
+will be resisted by drilled and armed forces"<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a>&mdash;a delightfully
+Hibernian type of anti-militarism, which, nevertheless, throws a lurid
+light on the real meaning of the movement. It is seen to be rebellion,
+open, naked and unashamed.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTE:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> See <i>Times</i>, November 22nd, 1915.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<h3><a name="III_THE_RIGHT_OF_REBELLION" id="III_THE_RIGHT_OF_REBELLION"></a>III. THE RIGHT OF REBELLION</h3>
+
+<p>Passive resistance, then, is rebellion; but, as has already been
+admitted, it is not on that account necessarily unjustifiable. An
+established government may be so hopelessly iniquitous that it ought to
+be overthrown; an organized society may be so irremediably corrupt that
+it merits disruption; duly enacted laws may, when judged by moral
+standards, be so flagrantly unjust as to demand the resistance of all
+good men. There is no need to labour the point: actual examples crowd
+upon the mind. Who would condemn the revolt of the Greeks against
+Turkish rule? Who would contend that the degenerate society of the later
+Bourbon monarchy did not deserve dissolution? Who would maintain that
+John Hampden and Oliver Cromwell had no moral warrant for their
+resistance<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</a></span> to Charles I, or their successors to James II. We may freely
+allow that in these cases, and in many similar ones, there existed on
+ethical grounds a right, or more strictly a communal duty, to rebel. Few
+would now proclaim with Filmer the divine right of any government to
+exact obedience quite irrespective of the wishes or the interests of its
+subjects. Still fewer would agree with Hobbes that an original contract
+precludes for ever all opposition to sovereign political authority. The
+ground on which political obligation is asserted has been shifted. The
+State is recognized as "an institution for the promotion of the common
+good," and it is admitted that if it ceases to promote the common good
+the obligation to obey it is transformed into an obligation to reform
+it, or even to</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<div>Shatter it to bits&mdash;and then</div>
+<div>Remould it nearer to the heart's desire.</div>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>But, viewed thus, the right of rebellion assumes an aspect of awful
+responsibility, perhaps the most tremendous within the sphere of
+politics that the mind can conceive. For rebellion means the breaking-up
+of the existing order, the throwing of institutions into the
+melting-pot, the letting loose of incalculable forces of discord and
+destruction,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</a></span> the suspension of law, the return to chaos, in the hope
+that out of the welter a new and better cosmos&mdash;one more fitted to
+promote the common good&mdash;may be evolved. Every rebel, or prospective
+rebel, whether of the passive or the active type, ought to ponder well
+the logical consequences of his revolt against authority, ought to
+consider the inevitable results that would flow from the general
+adoption of the principles which he professes, ought to decide whether
+or not he really desires to overthrow the polity under which he lives,
+ought to ask if he and his fellows are able to face with any serious
+hope of success the colossal task of constructing a new society on the
+ruins of the old. Now the historic rebels to whom I have referred above
+by way of example&mdash;the Greek Nationalists, the French Revolutionists,
+the English Puritans and Whigs&mdash;did not hesitate to acknowledge the
+nature of their acts, and were not unprepared to face their
+consequences. They did not deceive themselves, or attempt to deceive
+others, by false professions of loyalty. The Greeks proclaimed their
+undying hostility to the Turks, fought them, shook off their yoke, and
+erected a national kingdom on the ruins of Turkish tyranny. The French
+Revolutionists openly declared war upon the old<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</a></span> regime, eradicated it
+by means of the guillotine, and established a republic where it had
+been. Similarly the English Puritans repudiated allegiance to Charles I,
+brought him to the block, and instituted the Commonwealth in his place;
+while the Whigs drove out James II and set up the constitutional
+monarchy of William and Mary. One can respect heroic rebels of these
+types. They were honest and open; they attacked great abuses; they took
+great risks, and they achieved notable results. Very different are our
+modern rebels. They profess with nauseating unction loyalty to the State
+whose dominion they are undermining; they claim to be exceptionally
+virtuous members of the Society whose unity they are destroying; above
+all they continue to demand with insolent effrontery the protection of
+the very law and the very courts whose authority they are denying and
+defying. They can be freed from the charge of the most revolting
+hypocrisy only on the plea that "they know not what they do."</p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<h3><a name="IV_REBELLION_AGAINST_A_DEMOCRACY" id="IV_REBELLION_AGAINST_A_DEMOCRACY"></a>IV. REBELLION AGAINST A DEMOCRACY</h3>
+
+<p>It is granted, then, that rebellion may sometimes be not only a
+justifiable act, but also a bounden public duty. Three examples have<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</a></span>
+been given which perhaps may be allowed to have illustrated and
+confirmed this view. It will be noted, however, that in each of the
+cases cited the revolt was that of an oppressed community against a
+government in which it had no part or lot, and over which it had no
+constitutional control. Rebellion against a democracy on the part of
+members of that democracy stands on a widely different footing. It is
+treachery as well as insurrection. One can, indeed, conceive
+circumstances which would justify it; but they would be rare and
+exceptional, and that for two reasons. First, in a democracy
+constitutional means are provided for the alteration of law and even for
+the remodelling of the form of government. Secondly, if a democratic
+government is undermined by disobedience, discredited by successful
+defiance, destroyed by treasonable betrayal on the part of its own
+professed supporters, there is nothing to take its place; the community
+is bound either to drift into anarchy, or to revert to some sort of
+tyranny. Let us consider these two points in turn. (1) The essence of
+democracy is government according to the will of the majority. This
+almost necessarily implies government in opposition to the will of one
+or more minorities. But<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</a></span> democratic minorities have a remedy&mdash;and it is
+the peculiar virtue of democracy to provide it. It is this: by means of
+argument, persuasion, and appeal; by press agitation and platform
+campaign; through organization and combination, to convert themselves
+into a majority. The whole of our English political system, the very
+existence of our democratic constitution, depends upon the recognition
+and acceptance of this rule of the game. If the will of the majority is
+not to be regarded as authoritative, measures for reform of the
+franchise, extension of the suffrage, and adjustment of the electoral
+machine have no rational meaning at all. They are merely vanity and
+vexation of spirit. What matter who makes the laws, or what laws are
+made, if laws are not to be implicitly obeyed? Our extremists want to
+have it both ways: they want to enforce law with majestic severity as
+"the Will of the People," when they are in a majority; but they also
+want to defy law with conscientious obstinacy as a violation of personal
+freedom when they are in a minority. Some members of "The Union of
+Democratic Control" are also members of the "No-Conscription
+Fellowship"! Could inconsistency or muddle-headedness go further? Those
+who wish to rule as part of a majority must<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</a></span> be prepared to be overruled
+as part of a minority. If minorities, instead of employing the
+constitutional machinery placed at their disposal to secure the repeal
+of obnoxious laws, are going to resist and rebel whenever the majority
+does something of which they strongly disapprove, there is an end of
+democratic government altogether, and a reversion to the state of
+nature. T. H. Green in his <i>Principles of Political Obligation</i> puts the
+case clearly and well. He asks this very question, What shall an
+individual do when he is faced by a command of a democratic government
+which he believes to be wrong? He replies: "In a country like ours with
+a popular government and settled methods of enacting and repealing laws,
+the answer of common sense is simple and sufficient. He should do all he
+can by legal methods to get the command cancelled, but till it is
+cancelled, he should conform to it. The common good must suffer more
+from resistance to a law or to the ordinance of a legal authority than
+from the individual's conformity to the particular law or ordinance that
+is bad, until its repeal can be obtained."<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> Here we have the true
+ground of the duty of obedience. The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</a></span> antagonistic principle of passive
+resistance provides a charter for criminals and anarchists.</p>
+
+<p>(2) The second point needs little enlargement. It is clear from many
+examples in both ancient and modern history that if a monarchy is
+overthrown an aristocracy can take its place, and that if an aristocracy
+is dispossessed of power, room is made for a democracy. But what do our
+rebels against democracy propose to substitute for the sovereign will of
+the majority, if they succeed by resistance in reducing it to impotence?
+Possibly they hope that their own exalted will may prevail. Let them not
+flatter themselves by any such vain dream. Even assuming what is
+improbable, viz., that they remain united among themselves, can they
+suppose that their example of successful revolt will remain without
+imitators, or that their anti-social doctrines will never be applied
+again? If they will not render obedience when they are in a minority,
+who will obey them even if they have a majority behind them? Government
+will cease; the reign of order will be at an end; Society will be
+dissolved amid "red ruin and the breaking-up of laws."</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTE:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> Green. <i>Principles of Political Obligation</i>, p. 111. <i>Cf.</i>
+Ritchie, Natural Rights, p. 243.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</a></span></p>
+
+<h3><a name="V_THE_DUTY_OF_THE_STATE" id="V_THE_DUTY_OF_THE_STATE"></a>V. THE DUTY OF THE STATE</h3>
+
+<p>The case seems clear. Passive resistance is rebellion, and it is
+entirely inconsistent with loyalty to any form of government. In
+relation to democratic government it is, moreover, on the part of
+members of the democracy, treachery of a peculiarly heinous type, since
+it is a betrayal of the sovereign community by those within its own
+ranks. If the sovereign community does (as it easily may) by the vote of
+its majority make enactments which seem to any one of its subjects to be
+morally wrong, that subject has two legitimate courses open to him. He
+may either obey under protest, and meantime use all lawful influence at
+his disposal to convince the majority of the error of their ways, and
+convert them to his way of thinking; or he may withdraw from the
+community and its territories altogether, and go to some other part of
+the wide world where the obnoxious enactment is not in force. What he
+may <i>not</i> do, is to remain within the community, enjoy all the
+advantages of its ordered life, exercise its franchises, receive the
+protection of its forces, claim the securities of its courts and the
+liberties of its constitution, and at the same time refuse to render it
+obedience.</p>
+
+<p>If in his misguided perversity he adopts<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</a></span> this last-named course, the
+duty of the State is plain. It is to call him to submission, or to
+withdraw its protection from him. The person who will not recognize the
+State's sovereignty, has no claim upon the services of the State. The
+first essential of a government is that it should govern. It should, of
+course, exercise the utmost care in issuing commands to avoid as far as
+possible the giving of offence to tender consciences; but when once its
+deliberate commands are issued, and so long as they remain unrepealed,
+it should enforce them with calm but inexorable determination. Nothing
+is more fatal to the very foundations of political society, than the
+spectacle of a government that can be defied with impunity.<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> That
+demoralizing spectacle has been seen far too often during recent years,
+and at the moment when the war broke out it had led us to the verge of
+national disaster. The war has brought us into closer touch with
+realities than we had been for many a long year before, and it has
+taught<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</a></span> us how ruinous it is in fatuous complacency to "wait and see"
+whither disorder, disloyalty, and disobedience will conduct us. If,
+however, there are still in our midst ministers who tremble before
+rebellion, and do not know how to act in the presence of organized
+passive resistance, let me commend to them the worthy example of Edward
+I, who in 1296 was faced by a general refusal on the part of the clergy
+to pay taxes. He simply excluded them from the protection of the laws,
+and closed his courts to their pleas. A few weeks of well-merited
+outlawry brought to an end their ill-advised experiment in passive
+resistance.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTE:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> Maine (<i>Popular Government</i>, p. 64) emphasizes this point.
+"If," he says, "any government should be tempted to neglect, even for a
+moment, its function of compelling obedience to law&mdash;if a Democracy, for
+example, were to allow a portion of the multitude of which it consists
+to set some law at defiance which it happens to dislike&mdash;it would be
+guilty of a crime which hardly any other virtue could redeem, and which
+century upon century might fail to repair."</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2><a name="V" id="V"></a>V</h2>
+
+<h2>CHRISTIANITY AND WAR</h2>
+
+<h3><a name="I_A_CONFLICT_OF_CONVICTIONS" id="I_A_CONFLICT_OF_CONVICTIONS"></a>I. A CONFLICT OF CONVICTIONS</h3>
+
+<p>Few of those who lived through the critical ten days that culminated in
+the outbreak of the Great War in August, 1914, will ever forget the
+conflict of emotions which the events of that dramatic period called
+forth. If I may speak of myself&mdash;though I think that I am merely one of
+a large class&mdash;I was torn by the contending convictions, first, that
+every consideration of honour and policy made it necessary for Britain
+to go to the aid of Serbia, Belgium, France, and Russia in their
+struggle against the wanton attack of the Central Empires; but,
+secondly, that war is a relic of barbarism, wholly incompatible with
+civilization, and entirely antagonistic to the Christian ideal. On the
+one hand I realized the magnitude of the German menace to the
+Commonwealth of Europe; recognized that the Teutonic race had long
+plotted conquest,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</a></span> and that it was out for world-dominion; perceived the
+significance of its monstrous demands on Serbia, and its shameless
+violations of its treaty obligations to Luxemburg and Belgium; saw that
+the triumph of the imperial militants would involve the disruption of
+the concert of the nations, the abrogation of International Law
+(laboriously instituted through three centuries of painful effort) and
+the collapse of the democratic order; and felt, finally, that upon
+British intervention depended the very existence of the British Empire
+with all that it means of good to one-fifth part of the human race. Over
+against this group of convictions I was confronted on the other hand by
+a vision of the cosmopolitan and pacific Kingdom of God as proclaimed in
+the Sermon on the Mount, and exemplified by Christ and His disciples in
+Palestine, long ago&mdash;a Kingdom whose law is love; whose fundamental
+principles are inexhaustible goodwill, meekness, gentleness,
+brotherly-kindness and charity; whose administration works along the
+gracious lines of sacrifice, unselfish devotion, and untiring
+beneficence. Obviously, within the limits of such a Kingdom war is
+inconceivable. Under such a regime, if it were universally established,
+the one service which could never<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</a></span> be demanded would be military
+service. How can the consecrated servant of the Prince of Peace in any
+circumstances become a man of war?</p>
+
+<p>The reconciliation of the contradiction is, I think, not impossible. It
+is to be effected, it seems to me, by recognizing that unflinching
+resistance to evil is the supreme duty of the present, while the
+realization of the ideal, pacific, and world-wide Kingdom of God is the
+goal of the future; and, further, that the attainment of the goal
+depends upon the performance of the duty. At the moment our high task is
+to defend our homes, our rights, our liberties, our institutions, our
+standards of justice, our hopes for humanity, against the diabolical
+aggressor. In a happier day and a freer world we may hope that, as one
+of the results of our present struggle and sacrifice, beneath the sway
+of restored and vindicated law, a larger scope may be given for the
+spread of the divine realm of love. The vindication of law must precede
+the proclamation of peace. The goodwill that shall put an end to strife
+must be based on triumphant justice and sovereign righteousness. As yet
+we see not law supreme, or justice and righteousness in the ascendant.
+So long as violence is rampant, and evil<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</a></span> stalks abroad, we must be
+prepared to fight even to the death. It is vain&mdash;it is worse than vain;
+it is treasonable&mdash;to cry "Peace, peace," when there is no peace, and
+when the conditions of peace do not exist.</p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<h3><a name="II_THE_RELIGION_OF_THE_BIBLE" id="II_THE_RELIGION_OF_THE_BIBLE"></a>II. THE RELIGION OF THE BIBLE</h3>
+
+<p>The distinctive feature of the religion of the Bible is its indissoluble
+connection with righteousness. Other primitive cults have been either
+domestic, or economic, or political. Thus the Lares and Penates
+safeguarded the pious Latin family irrespective of its ethical
+character; the Greek deities, such as Dionysus and Aphrodite, were
+frankly immoral, but if propitiated they gave plenty and prosperity; the
+great gods of Rome were political personages who had no regard for
+private virtues, and their proper worship was performed by State
+officials whose functions strictly fell within the department of foreign
+affairs. But the religion of the Chosen People, under both the Old and
+the New Covenant, was, and still is, a faith whose keynote is divine
+law. The standard which has led the hosts of Jehovah to victory
+throughout the ages has been the lofty ethical code which it has
+displayed and maintained. The Bible begins with the story of man's fall
+from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</a></span> righteousness, and it ends with a vision of his restoration to
+ideal holiness. The prime purpose of the religion of the Bible is the
+conquest of sin, the defeat of the devil, the redemption of humanity,
+the recovery of the lost paradise, and the re-establishment of the
+Kingdom of Heaven. Milton made no mistake when he chose this as the
+central theme of his two immortal epics. Everything else is secondary.</p>
+
+<p>Now the means which the Bible describes and recognizes for the
+attainment of its supreme end are broadly two, viz., the persuasion of
+love, and the compulsion of force. In the case of all those who can be
+reached thereby the gentler means are employed. With what infinite
+patience were the Children of Israel led throughout their chequered
+career; with what divine compassion were the faltering disciples guided
+along the way of salvation! But where gentler means fail or are
+inapplicable, sterner measures are unhesitatingly sanctioned. The Bible
+knows nothing of the pernicious Manich&aelig;an objection to the use of
+physical force to attain moral ends. In the beginning the rebellious
+angels were overthrown in battle by Michael and his hosts. The
+consummation of all things is to be reached as the result of the field<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</a></span>
+of Armageddon. The Old Testament history is a long record of wars
+undertaken at the divine command, and to the Children of Israel Jehovah
+was peculiarly the God of Battles. Nor does the New Testament, with all
+its insistence on the power of love, ever condemn the Old Testament
+theology as false, ever repudiate force as a moral agent, ever denounce
+war as necessarily evil. On the contrary, it celebrates the achievements
+of the heroes of Israel who "waxed valiant in fight"; it announces
+irremediable destruction to the impenitent and unyielding wicked; it
+recognizes to the fullest degree the civil authorities who wield the
+sword of justice, and make themselves a terror to evil-doers; it
+proclaims that those who take the sword shall perish by the sword; it
+admits centurions and soldiers to the company of the elect without
+suggesting that they should forsake their military duties; it tells how
+on one notable occasion Christ Himself used force to cleanse the temple,
+and so for ever sanctified its use.</p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<h3><a name="III_THE_DOCTRINE_AND_PRACTICE_OF_THE_CHURCH" id="III_THE_DOCTRINE_AND_PRACTICE_OF_THE_CHURCH"></a>III. THE DOCTRINE AND PRACTICE OF THE CHURCH</h3>
+
+<p>The Church as a whole during the long and varied course of her history
+has been true to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</a></span> the general Biblical principle that evil should, where
+possible, be overcome by gentle means which give the evildoer room for
+repentance, but that it should be stamped out by the force of inexorable
+justice where gentle means have failed. No one can contend, I fear, that
+the Church has always been wise or Christly in her application of this
+sound Scriptural doctrine. She has, it must be admitted, sometimes
+encouraged premature resort to force, and has given her blessing to
+countless wanton wars. She has at other times treated as evils to be
+suppressed by violent means offences which have been mere deviations
+from her own arbitrary standards, and not violations of the eternal laws
+of truth and right. Nevertheless, however imperfect her practice, all
+her great teachers from Athanasius to Aquinas, and from Aquinas to the
+present day, have rightly recognized the legitimacy of the employment of
+force for moral purposes in the last resort, have admitted the
+compatibility of Christianity with military service, and have confessed
+that, evil as war is, there are evils still greater, and that the duty
+of every Christian man may be to fight lest the cause of righteousness
+and justice should suffer defeat. If the Church had taught otherwise&mdash;if
+she had been<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</a></span> captured by the Gnostic heresy of non-resistance&mdash;Medi&aelig;val
+Christendom and Western Civilization would inevitably have been
+destroyed by the assaults of Huns and Saracens, Magyars and Tartars,
+Vikings and Turks; while within the borders of Christendom itself law
+and order would have perished at the hands of wicked and violent men.
+Similarly in modern times common Christian opinion has agreed that there
+are causes worth fighting for and worth dying for. The English Puritans,
+for instance, including the early Quakers, considered that political
+freedom and religious liberty were ideals that justified and indeed
+demanded armed resistance to tyranny. During the last three centuries
+there have been few who, on religious grounds, have condemned the revolt
+of Christian peoples against Turkish misrule. In the American Civil War
+many professed pacificists felt that for the abolition of slavery they
+must need take arms. In our own recent history men like Havelock,
+Gordon, and Roberts have regarded as sacred trusts the tasks of saving
+women and children from massacre, of suppressing fanatical and cruel
+tyranny, of preventing intolerable wrong. The Church with confident
+consistency has rightly sanctioned and sanctified their heroic
+enterprises. While <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</a></span>condemning wars of ambition, conquest, or revenge,
+she has taught that those who take arms to defend from murderous
+violence the weak and helpless, to maintain the priceless heritage of
+freedom, and to vindicate the majesty of law, may with humble assurance
+and firm faith pray for and expect the benediction of the Lord of Hosts.
+The Christian doctrine of war is admirably summarized by Burke in the
+words:&mdash;"The blood of man is well shed for our family, for our friends,
+for our God, for our country, for our kind; the rest is vanity; the rest
+is crime."<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTE:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> Burke. <i>Regicide Peace</i>, vi, 145.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<h3><a name="IV_FORCE_AS_A_MORAL_INSTRUMENT" id="IV_FORCE_AS_A_MORAL_INSTRUMENT"></a>IV. FORCE AS A MORAL INSTRUMENT</h3>
+
+<p>Force, in short, has a proper and necessary place in the ethical sphere.
+It is an indispensable instrument of the will to righteousness. The good
+man and the good government resolve, in the spirit of the Lord, that
+certain abominations shall not take place. They express their will in a
+law. That law remains futile, it is a mockery and a fraud, unless they
+are prepared to enforce it by all the means in their power, even if need
+be by the shedding of blood. Much, no doubt, can and will be done to
+secure obedience by education, by persuasion, and by appeal. Every<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</a></span>
+effort will be made to prevent the evildoer, and to convert him to the
+good way. But the fact has to be faced that there are in the world
+insensate scoundrels and hardened malefactors wholly beyond the reach of
+education, persuasion, and appeal; men who have deliberately chosen evil
+to be their good, and have made a binding compact with the powers of
+darkness. With them force is the only possible argument. Unless it is
+applied, there is nothing to prevent them from dominating the earth,
+defying all law, and establishing the kingdom of the devil. At the back
+of all effective law there is, in fact, physical force. Behind the
+police stands the army. The magistrate would be wholly ineffective
+without the soldier. The criminal population would laugh civilian
+restraints to scorn, if it did not know that out of sight, but never far
+away, are the bayonets and the guns of the ultimate defenders of the
+peace. The salvation of the criminal is not everything: the salvation of
+Society is more. Society would perish in a day if the basis of force
+were removed from beneath the fabric of law. One of the falsest of false
+generalizations is that which says that "force is no remedy." It is in
+many cases the only remedy. In other cases it is better than a remedy;
+it is a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</a></span> sovereign preventive of wrong. Force is the very essence of
+government. By its means countless evils have been suppressed in the
+past, such as highway-robbery, private war, duelling, piracy,
+slave-trading. Only through fear of it is their recrudescence obviated.
+If a man sees wrongs being perpetrated which he has strength to
+prevent&mdash;if, for instance, he sees a child being tortured, a woman being
+outraged, a helpless fellow-man being set upon and murdered&mdash;if he sees
+these things and does not intervene with all his might, then he is not a
+pacificist but a traitor to humanity, not a man but a contemptible or
+infatuated worm. Similarly if a State stands on one side inactive while
+small nations are wantonly stamped out of existence, while treaties are
+violated, while International Law is defied, while unprecedented
+barbarities are perpetrated, it sinks to the level of an accomplice in
+crime, and proves itself worthy of the perdition which awaits those who
+make "the great refusal."</p>
+
+<p>The days of universal and enduring peace, for whose dawning we all
+ardently look, will not be ushered in by any diminution of the forces
+wielded by the powers of goodness in the world, but rather by their
+immense increase. Just as in our own country the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</a></span> King's Peace became
+the secure possession of every Englishman only when the King's might
+became irresistible, so in the larger sphere of the Society of Nations
+the world's peace will be firmly established only when it is maintained
+by the united forces of all the federated Peoples of goodwill.</p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<h3><a name="V_THE_IDEAL_OF_THE_SERMON_ON_THE_MOUNT" id="V_THE_IDEAL_OF_THE_SERMON_ON_THE_MOUNT"></a>V. THE IDEAL OF THE SERMON ON THE MOUNT</h3>
+
+<p>We, then, at the present moment are in the throes of a conflict from
+which we had no honourable means of escape. Not to have taken our place
+by the side of our Allies would have been to break our word, to violate
+our faith, to betray the righteous cause. We are doing, at the cost of
+awful sacrifice, our high duty; we have before us the noblest of
+purposes; we are fighting with hands that are clean, with consciences
+that are clear, and with hearts that are inspired by the courage of
+conviction. It is our fervent hope and our faithful belief that if, in
+spite of our wicked lack of preparation and our subsequent incredible
+follies, Heaven grants us a good victory, we shall use it to further the
+advance of humanity towards the goal of the Kingdom of God.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</a></span></p><p>What that kingdom is we are shown in that matchless mosaic of
+utterances attributed to Christ, known as the Sermon on the Mount. It is
+the kingdom of righteousness, justice, love, and peace. When, however,
+we study the details of the polity of that kingdom, as they are set
+forth in the evangelical picture, we perceive (as the Church Universal
+has always perceived and taught) that they are capable of realization
+only in a Christian society cut off from the world, or in a world become
+dominantly Christian. To give to all who ask, to lend indiscriminately
+without expecting any return, would in society as at present constituted
+not only speedily reduce ourselves to destitution; it would also
+pauperize and demoralize those into whose hands our squandered wealth
+should pass. To take no thought for the morrow, and to refuse to lay up
+treasure on earth, would under existing economic conditions simply mean
+that we should become useless burdens upon a thrifty and prudent
+community. To ignore the legal and judicial institutions of our country
+by neither judging nor going to law in cases where wrong has been
+inflicted would be to foster the perpetration of crime in a world whose
+very propensity towards crime has necessitated the establishment of the
+courts. Similarly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</a></span> to decline to resist evil, where evil is rampant and
+aggressive, would be to play the part of a traitor and to surrender the
+world to the devil. The precepts of the Sermon on the Mount, however
+liberally they may be interpreted, are, in short, the negation of civil
+government; that is to say, they assume the existence of a community of
+sanctified persons among whom civil government is unnecessary. The
+irreducible minimum of civil government&mdash;as even the administrative
+nihilists of the school of Herbert Spencer admit&mdash;involves three things,
+viz., defence of life, protection of property, and enforcement of
+contract. With these three things the precepts of the Sermon on the
+Mount are, as they stand, incompatible.</p>
+
+<p>All this is very obvious, and the consecrated common-sense of the Church
+in every age has clearly perceived it. The political science of the
+Apostles and the Early Fathers, and still more expressly that of their
+successors, recognized the authority of kings, the jurisdiction of
+courts, the justice of taxation, the rights of property, the majesty of
+human law, the protective function of soldiers, and the necessity of
+military service. All these were accepted as inevitable in society in
+its present state of imperfect development; although<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</a></span> it was proclaimed
+that none of them would be required in the ideal Kingdom of God.</p>
+
+<p>In the Sermon on the Mount itself, however, the truth as to the
+relativity of Christian institutions is obscured by the faith of the
+compiler that, when he wrote, the second advent of Christ was at hand,
+and that the Kingdom of Heaven was immediately to be established. For
+him there was no terrestrial future worthy of consideration; the reign
+of the Messiah had already begun; the consummation of all things was
+impending. Hence he did not feel it necessary, or indeed possible, to
+distinguish between the ideal of the perfect day and the practical
+policy of the actual moment. His citizenship already was in Heaven: to
+him present and future were one. The eschatological hopes of the
+evangelist were of course speedily dispelled, partly by mere lapse of
+time, partly by the growing wisdom and experience of the Church. The
+Church learned that its early expectation of the speedy and triumphant
+return of its Lord was ill-founded, and that its task was to convert the
+world to righteousness, not to preside over its immediate dissolution.
+Hence it accommodated its doctrines and its institutions to the changed
+outlook.</p>
+
+<p>This fact causes no difficulty to those who<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</a></span> believe in the
+progressiveness of revelation. Such as admit that New Testament ethics
+show an advance on those of the Old, will hardly contend that in
+politics any New Testament writer said the last word. What Tolstoy and
+his literalist school call the corruption and secularization of the
+Church was to no small degree a simple recognition of the facts that the
+Earth continued to exist, and that the Roman Empire and not the New
+Jerusalem was the dominant power therein. But though the Church as a
+whole was guided safely through the crisis of disillusionment, it
+nevertheless remains unfortunate that the compiler of the Sermon on the
+Mount should have made the false assumption. For the picture which he
+presents of the perfect man and the ideal society is so fascinating and
+magnificent that it is not marvellous that saints and visionaries, in a
+long and pathetic succession, should have repeated his error, should
+have ignored the distinction between present and future, should have
+assumed the actual existence of the Divine Kingdom towards which, as a
+matter of fact, mankind has still a weary and protracted pilgrimage to
+make; should have proclaimed the celestial anarchy, and should as a
+result have been overwhelmed in tragic or ludicrous disaster.</p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</a></span></p>
+
+<h3><a name="VI_THE_PACIFICIST_SUCCESSION" id="VI_THE_PACIFICIST_SUCCESSION"></a>VI. THE PACIFICIST SUCCESSION</h3>
+
+<p>Those who have asserted the present applicability of the full detailed
+programme of the Sermon on the Mount, and have endeavoured to carry it
+into immediate effect, have been scanty in numbers, and obscure. A few
+early Christian communities, soon extinct; a few hermits isolated from
+their fellows; a few monks in secluded cloisters; a few friars
+repudiated by their own orders; a few small antinomian Protestant sects
+springing up and vanishing with gourd-like rapidity; a few groups of
+Slavonic dreamers forming the innocent extreme of the Nihilist
+fraternity&mdash;such have been the leading professors of Gospel Anarchy. One
+can, even while condemning them, respect them for their purity of
+purpose, their lofty idealism, their sincerity, and their consistency in
+following their false premiss to its logical conclusion.</p>
+
+<p>Much more numerous, but far less worthy of regard, are those who have
+picked and chosen among the precepts of the Lord, have accepted what
+seemed good to them and have explained away the rest. It would be easy,
+did space allow, to present a motley succession of fanatics and heretics
+from apostolic days to the present who have developed fantastic theories
+and have maintained them by means<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</a></span> of passages drawn from the Sermon on
+the Mount.</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<div>No damned error, but some sober brow</div>
+<div>Will bless it, and approve it with a text.</div>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>Only one group, however, now concerns us, and that is the group of
+anti-militarists who, for the most part arbitrarily ignoring or
+repudiating the other commands of their authority, fasten on those
+precepts that seem to inculcate the doctrine of non-resistance, and on
+the strength of these erect the visionary superstructure of pacificism.
+They form a strange and suspicious company. Among their early
+representatives stand prominent the able advocate, but furious
+schismatic, Tertullian; the amiable scholar, but heretically Gnostic,
+Origen; the accomplished stylist, but bigoted and ignorant
+special-pleader, Lactantius. It would not be a harsh judgment to say
+that most of the early pacificists had some twist of mind or character
+that disturbed the perfect balance of their sanity.</p>
+
+<p>The later sects who have included pacificism in fleeting religious
+systems of varying degrees of impossibility and absurdity are still more
+open to suspicion on mental and moral grounds. The Cathari, the
+Waldenses, the Anabaptists, and the "Family of Love," not only
+developed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</a></span> monstrous doctrines: they also boasted of an antinomian
+freedom from legal restraint which led some of their devotees into such
+wild excesses of conduct as made their destruction inevitable. The
+Franciscan Tertiaries, who never wholly abjured war, became involved in
+the conflict between the Empire and the Papacy, and departed from their
+ideal. The more recent Nazarenes in Hungary and Doukhobors in Russia and
+Canada have shown themselves, by their refusal to recognize and obey any
+form of government, a hopeless nuisance to any community that is
+unfortunate enough to be afflicted by their presence. It surely must
+give the present-day pacificists pause, if anything can do so, to find
+themselves mixed up with such a throng. If men are to be judged by their
+company, they can hardly hope to escape certification.</p>
+
+<p>It is true that the Society of Friends has a more respectable history.
+But the Society of Friends has for the most part consisted of sensible
+persons who have accepted the common Christian interpretation of the
+Sermon on the Mount, and so have been pacificists of an unusually
+moderate type&mdash;by no means unconditional non-resisters. Just as they do
+not give indiscriminately, or lend (especially such of them as are
+prosperous bankers)<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</a></span> expecting no return, or refrain from judging, or
+going to law, or laying up treasure on earth, or taking thought for the
+morrow, so they do not interpret literally the command "resist not
+evil." They accept the constitution of the country, the government of
+which is based on force; they pay taxes for the maintenance of the army
+and the navy, and admit their necessity; they support the police, and
+call it in if their persons or property are threatened; many of them, to
+their infinite credit, actually join the fighting forces when they feel
+that great moral issues are at stake. George Fox himself, the founder of
+the Society, was an extremely belligerent and even truculent individual.
+He supported the militant Cromwellian regime, and it was only after the
+collapse of the Puritan Commonwealth, which was based on the force of
+the New Model army, that he abjured all weapons of offence, except his
+tongue. Isaac Pennington, his contemporary and friend, was actually a
+chaplain in the New Model (which contained many Quakers), and to the
+very end he was engaged in stirring it up to repeat its early exploits
+against "Babylon." His writings contain the passage: "I speak not
+against any magistrates or peoples defending themselves against foreign
+invasions, or making<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</a></span> use of the sword to suppress the violent and
+evil-doers within their borders; for this the present state of things
+may and doth require."<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> A sounder and saner statement of good
+Christian teaching on the matter of police and military service one
+could not desire. With this admission in one's mind, one can view with
+unqualified admiration the efforts of the Friends to eliminate war, and
+to perfect the methods of peace in the intercourse of men. More than
+most Christian people have they laboured effectively to hasten the
+advent of the Kingdom of God. It is true that their attempts in
+Pennsylvania and elsewhere to establish a pacificist regime have
+failed&mdash;it was inevitable that they should fail&mdash;but this does not in
+any way lessen the debt which the world owes to them for their powerful
+and far-reaching influence in favour of love and gentleness and peace.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTE:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> I quote from J. W. Graham, <i>War from a Quaker Point of
+View</i>, p. 71. See also my review of this book in <i>Hibbert Journal</i>, No.
+55.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<h3><a name="VII_CONCLUSION" id="VII_CONCLUSION"></a>VII. CONCLUSION</h3>
+
+<p>The sum of the matter seems to be this. Government is necessary in this
+present evil world. Only by means of sovereign political authority,
+based upon physical as well as moral force, can there be effective
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</a></span>"punishment of wickedness and vice" or "maintenance of true religion
+and virtue." This is clearly recognized in the Bible, which proclaims
+that "the powers that be are ordained of God," which enjoins obedience
+to kings and governors as a religious duty, and which sees in the sword
+of justice carried by the secular ruler a weapon directed against the
+same enemies as oppose the establishment of the Kingdom of God. It is
+essential for the well-being and even for the existence of society, that
+crime should be suppressed. Hence, in addition to moralists and
+ministers who seek to educate and convert, there must be police and
+soldiers&mdash;in short, the full organized force of the community&mdash;ready to
+stamp out incorrigible villainy, if need be with blood and iron.
+Similarly, it is essential for the well-being and even for the existence
+of the polity of peoples&mdash;the growing society of nations&mdash;that
+aggression should be prevented, that treacherous intrigues should be
+frustrated, that treaty engagements should be enforced, that the reign
+of law should be confirmed. But, in order to realize this end, there is
+need not only of pacific missions and cosmopolitan congresses, but also
+of an armed might sufficient to prevent or to punish with irresistible
+certainty breaches of international<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</a></span> conventions and violations of the
+World's peace. Hence, whether we have regard to internal good
+government, or the maintenance of international justice, the need of
+military force is imperative. Not only does there exist what the
+Russians quaintly call a "Christ-serving and worthy militancy," there
+are occasions, of which the present is one, when military service
+becomes the highest form of Christian duty. To hold aloof is not to
+display a superior form of Christianity; it is to be an apostate. As
+Solovyof has impressively shown in his notable conversations on <i>War and
+Christianity</i>, pacificism under present conditions is that very sort of
+religious imposture with which is associated the abominable name of
+Antichrist.</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2><a name="VI" id="VI"></a>VI</h2>
+
+<h2>THE STATE AND ITS RIVALS</h2>
+
+<h3><a name="I_THE_IDEA_OF_THE_STATE_IN_ENGLAND" id="I_THE_IDEA_OF_THE_STATE_IN_ENGLAND"></a>I. THE IDEA OF THE STATE IN ENGLAND</h3>
+
+<p>Most of our recent political troubles are attributable to what Fortescue
+in the fifteenth century called "lack of governance." We are all of us
+painfully aware of the fact; but we are not all of us equally conscious
+that the feebleness and inefficiency of our supreme administration are
+to no small extent due to the absence among our people as a whole of any
+adequate idea of the position and function of the State. For if it is
+true generally that every nation has the sort of government that it
+deserves, it is specially true of a nation with democratic institutions.
+Weaknesses of intellect, infirmities of will, and faults of character in
+the sovereign representative assembly are but reproductions on a
+magnified scale of the same defects in the electorate. It is the failure
+of our people as a whole to realize the idea of the State that has
+resulted in the filling of the House of Commons<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</a></span> with men who stand, not
+for the Nation in its unity and the Empire in its integrity, but for all
+sorts of limited and conflicting sectional interests&mdash;parties, leagues,
+fellowships, unions, cliques, schools, churches, orders, classes,
+trusts, syndicates, and so on. No wonder that in times of national and
+imperial crisis such representatives prove totally unequal to the duty
+of strong, corporate, and patriotic administration.</p>
+
+<p>The weakness of the idea of the State among the peoples of the British
+Isles is explicable on geographical and historical grounds. For the idea
+of the State&mdash;that is to say, the idea of society politically organized
+as an indivisible unit under a sovereign government&mdash;although it has
+other and deeper sources of vitality, is specially fostered by a sense
+of national danger, but tends to languish when complete immunity from
+external peril can be postulated. Never has the realization of "the
+commonwealth of this realm of England" been so strong as it was in the
+days when Spanish invasion threatened. The splendid patriotism of that
+great age is portrayed for all time in the immortal glory of
+Shakespeare's historical plays. Not far short, however, rose the
+patriotic realization of national unity during the crisis of the
+Napoleonic struggle. Wordsworth's<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</a></span> magnificent <i>Sonnets dedicated</i> to
+Liberty remain as the enduring memorial of the heights which British
+State-consciousness then attained:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<div class="i8">In our halls is hung</div>
+<div>Armoury of the invincible knights of old:</div>
+<div>We must be free or die, who speak the tongue</div>
+<div>That Shakespeare spoke; the faith and morals hold</div>
+<div>Which Milton held. In everything we are sprung</div>
+<div>Of Earth's first blood, have titles manifold.</div>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>But, except at rare intervals, Britain's insular position has given her
+people so soothing a sense of security that they have allowed the
+conception of the commonwealth to droop, and have tended to regard the
+State as, under normal conditions, a nuisance which should as far as
+possible be abated, as an intruder into the sphere of private enterprise
+which should be extruded, as an enemy to liberty which should be
+suppressed. It may readily be admitted that in days before the State had
+been democratized this hostile attitude was not without justification.
+In the early seventeenth century, for instance, the State meant the
+Stuart monarch&mdash;<i>L'&Eacute;tat c'est Moi</i>&mdash;and the interests of the Stuart
+monarch were by no means those of any of the nations that he governed.
+In the early eighteenth century the State meant the Whig<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</a></span> oligarchy, and
+its members only too easily came to regard the welfare of the Empire as
+identical with their own prosperity. In the early nineteenth century the
+State meant the landed and moneyed magnates of the Tory aristocracy, and
+they had an extremely inadequate apprehension of the needs and
+aspirations of the rapidly increasing millions over whom they exercised
+authority. Hence one can understand that opposition to the policy of
+Stuart king, or Whig nobility, or Tory plutocracy, readily took the form
+of antagonism to the State as such. Thus the political theory of Milton
+and the Puritans not only justified resistance to Charles I, it also
+proclaimed a doctrine of the natural rights of the individual fatal to
+all types of government. Similarly the political theory of Adam Smith
+and the <i>laissez-faire</i> economists, together with that of their
+contemporaries, Bentham and the utilitarian philosophers, not only
+attacked the restrictive regulations of the Whig oligarchy, but showed
+on general principles the strongest dislike of what it called "State
+interference" in all circumstances. So, too, Herbert Spencer and the
+nineteenth century school of scientific individualists not only
+demonstrated (as they did with extraordinary pungency and success)<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</a></span> the
+extreme folly and incompetence of the main government departments of
+their own day; they also sought to establish the eternal and inevitable
+antagonism of Man versus the State, and to limit universally the
+functions of government to the irreducible minimum.</p>
+
+<p>This attitude of hostility, however, ceased to have its old
+justification with the advent of democracy. The Reform Acts of 1832,
+1867, and 1884 have so enlarged the electorate as to convert government
+into something approaching self-government, and the State has become the
+organized form of democracy itself. Hence the individualism of Milton,
+Adam Smith, Bentham, and Spencer is an anachronism. It is not
+remarkable, then, that, following Parliamentary Reform, the idea of the
+State revived in Britain with new force and in a new form&mdash;no longer
+stimulated by the pressure of extreme peril, but excited by the new
+possibilities of corporate democratic activity. The young lions of the
+Fabian Society in their optimistic infancy were filled with the idea of
+the State, and advocated State action in wide spheres of industrial
+organization, municipal enterprise, and social reform. The Imperial
+Federation League gloried anew in the name of Britain, and strove to
+bring the four quarters of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</a></span> earth within the circle of a
+self-conscious Empire. Later on, the Tariff Reform League demanded
+State-control and regulation of our world-wide commerce.</p>
+
+<p>But the revival of the idea of the State, under the stimulus of
+Socialists, Imperialists, Protectionists, and others, was short lived.
+All these enthusiasts became disappointed and disgusted with democracy
+and with the State which it controls. Democracy did not move fast enough
+for them, nor always in the direction that they desired. Hence&mdash;and most
+markedly since the dawn of the twentieth century&mdash;a reaction against the
+State has set in. There has been, as we have already seen, an epidemic
+of passive resistance. Individualists of all sorts, together with Trade
+Unionists, Syndicalists, Clericals, Suffragists, No-Conscriptionists,
+Ulstermen, Nationalists, and other bodies, giving up the attempt to
+convert democracy and to secure their ends through the sovereign agency
+of the democratic State, are taking direct action, are proclaiming rival
+authorities to the State, and are threatening the very existence of the
+body politic. The outlook is ominous, and it needs to be steadily faced.
+The present moment, moreover, is peculiarly favourable for its
+consideration. For the sudden and unexpected<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</a></span> return of extreme national
+danger has once again quickened in our midst the idea of the State, has
+revived the spirit of patriotism, has restored the national unity, and
+has reenforced the principle of civic service. We can see under the
+revealing searchlight of the war the anarchy towards which we have been
+drifting during the past ten or more years.</p>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<h3><a name="II_THE_RIVALS_OF_THE_STATE" id="II_THE_RIVALS_OF_THE_STATE"></a>II. THE RIVALS OF THE STATE</h3>
+
+<p>The first rival of the State that calls for consideration is the
+Individual. His rights as against the government are still loudly
+proclaimed. "The chief message of 1915," says one of our leading
+individualists, Rev. Dr. Clifford, in a New Year's oration to his
+flock,<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> "is a clarion call to guard our personal and democratic
+liberties against the attacks of State absolutism." The idea of guarding
+"democratic liberties" against democracy itself is, of course, mere
+nonsense&mdash;one of those point-blank contradictions in terms which, though
+full of sound and fury, signify nothing. It is, however, unfortunately,
+typical of much of the loose thinking and vague talking indulged in by
+the leaders of those pestilent anti-patriotic unions and fellowships
+which infest and harass the country at the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</a></span> present moment. The idea of
+guarding "personal liberties" against democracy is not so palpably
+absurd; it does not involve a contradiction in terms. Moreover, it
+appears to have some relation to the admitted fact that the rule of a
+democracy may press very heavily upon some or all of its constituent
+members. Nevertheless, it is equally fallacious. It rests upon a false
+antithesis between the individual and the community to which he belongs.
+No such antithesis exists. "The individual," rightly says Mr. W. S.
+McKechnie, "apart from all relations to the community is a
+negation."<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> In similar strain, Mr. E. Barker contends that "a full
+and just conception of the individual abolishes the supposed opposition
+between the Man and the State."<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> Long ago Hegel exclaimed: "Our life
+is hid with our fellows in the common life of our people," and his true
+and fruitful conception forms the basis of the political philosophy of
+T. H. Green, F. H. Bradley, and Bernard Bosanquet. It is, also, the
+foundation of all that is good and enduring in present-day Socialism.
+The individual apart from society is a mere abstraction, like the
+"economic man" of the old economists.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</a></span></p><p>What, then, are these so-called "personal liberties" which the
+individual is supposed to possess in virtue of his humanity and
+independently of any authority external to himself? If it is said that
+they are freedom of thought, freedom of emotion, and freedom of will,
+the criticism is that these are not "liberties" at all, but merely
+movements of the mind which no power whatsoever external to the
+individual can possibly control, and with which no political authority
+in the country would ever dream of attempting to interfere. If, however,
+it is said that they include further such things as freedom of speech,
+freedom of writing, freedom of public meeting, freedom to act generally
+as conscience dictates, the criticism is that such liberties as these
+are not "personal" merely, or even primarily: they are liberties that
+profoundly affect the community. Regarded from the communal point of
+view, in fact, they are not "personal liberties" at all, if by that term
+is meant individual rights. They are rights derived from the community;
+they are concessions to be granted or withheld according to the
+requirements of public policy; they are matters of regulation by the
+common will. Society does not, and cannot, recognize the existence,
+independent of its own consent,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</a></span> of any such so-called "personal
+liberties." It does not, and cannot, admit the possession by individuals
+of any rights, inherent and indefeasible, to do as they like in matters
+that concern the interests of the community generally. Still less can
+the State be expected to protect individuals in the exercise of
+activities which it regards as detrimental, or in the neglect of duties
+which it regards as essential, to the general well-being. It cannot
+restrain anyone's conscience; but it must control everyone's conduct.
+All this, of course, is the commonplace of political theory, and it is
+curious that at this late day one should have to repeat Burke's
+destructive criticism of metaphysic liberties, or Bentham's damning
+exposure of the "anarchic fallacy" of the Rights of Man, or Mr. D. L.
+Ritchie's quite recent dissipation of the errors underlying the idea of
+Natural Rights. But it is still more curious that many of the men who
+revive against the modern democratic State this long-laid ghost of
+eighteenth-century individualism call themselves Socialists, and invoke
+the State (when it suits them to do so) to embark on all manner of
+anti-individualistic enterprises. This anomaly, however, is merely one
+among many flagrant instances of that ignorance of precedent which
+revives <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</a></span>long-buried heresies, that incapacity for thought which seems
+unaware of inconsistencies, or that shameless perversity which seeks out
+and proclaims any sort of general principle which happens to suit the
+exigencies of the moment.</p>
+
+<p>A second rival to the State is Political Party. At the present juncture
+there are four important political parties in existence in the British
+Isles, viz., Liberal, Conservative, Nationalist, Labour, beside various
+incipient ones. The two old parties, Liberal and Conservative, stand for
+more or less clearly defined and sharply opposed general principles.
+Hallam has described them as the party of progress and the party of
+order respectively; and he (followed by Macaulay and other writers) has
+devoted a good deal of care to the elucidation of the fundamental
+differences between them. These old parties are by far the most vital
+and powerful political entities in the United Kingdom. They have
+deep-rooted traditions, efficient organizations, large funds secretly
+raised and administered, formulated programmes, and all the
+paraphernalia of habitations, catchwords, and badges calculated to
+excite loyalty and stimulate zeal. They secure in alternation the
+control of the State, and administer in the name of the nation as a
+whole the vast affairs of the British<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</a></span> Empire. It may be at once
+admitted that parties such as these are inevitable in any system of
+representative government. For so long as fundamental differences of
+opinion exist among electors, it is only by means of organizations based
+on the primary opposing principles that any working constitution can be
+framed. To attack party-government as such is vain and even absurd.
+Nevertheless, party has become the rival of the State; and its rivalry
+is all the more dangerous and insidious because it always professes to
+act in the interests of the State and on behalf of the nation as a
+whole. Its professions, however, have become false and hypocritical. In
+the name of the People it seeks its own gain. It has ceased to be a
+means to good democratic government, and has grown to be an end in
+itself. In its rivalry to other parties, in its struggle for power, in
+its scramble for the spoils of office, in its eagerness to secure votes,
+it has debased political ideals, it has corrupted citizenship, it has
+abandoned truth, it has proclaimed smooth lies, it has betrayed the
+State, it has almost destroyed the nation. Happy indeed will it be if
+this war, which is revealing to us the hideousness and deadliness of the
+party-spirit, enables us to reduce the old parties to their proper place
+of subordination to the State.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</a></span></p><p>In addition to the two old parties, however, there are two
+comparatively new ones which occupy places of importance in the world of
+politics. These are the Nationalist and the Labour parties. Neither of
+these professes to make the interests of the State its prime concern.
+The one concentrates its energies upon a struggle to advance the cause
+of a single nation from among the four that constitute the United
+Kingdom; the other devotes itself to the affairs of a single social
+class. The existence of these powerful sectional organizations is a
+disastrous portent. They stand, not as the old parties do for divergent
+views concerning the interests of the State as a whole, but for mortal
+schism in the body politic. Never can there be a full return to healthy
+national life until means have been found for reabsorbing these and
+other incipient schismatic organizations into the unity of the Great
+Society.</p>
+
+<p>A third rival to the State has recently come into prominence in the
+shape of a number of various non-political corporations which claim to
+possess an organic existence independent of, and co-ordinate with, the
+State, and thus deny the right of the State to intrude within the
+spheres of their operations. The most important are the Syndicalists,
+who proclaim the autonomy of the industrial union or<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</a></span> guild, and the
+Ecclesiastics, who assert the autonomy of the denationalized church.
+Both agree in repudiating political control, and in abjuring the use of
+political instruments. They rely upon "direct action" of their own, the
+one employing the terrors of the general strike to overawe the
+community, the other the horrors of hell. Now it may be freely granted
+that one of the most notable advances in modern political theory has
+been the recognition of the fact that men naturally organize themselves
+into groups&mdash;families, clans, tribes; sects, societies, churches;
+guilds, trade unions, clubs, and so on&mdash;and that the State is rather a
+federation of groups than an association of isolated individuals. It may
+be granted, secondly, that some of these organizations are anterior to
+the State in point of time, and that they deal with matters that are not
+appropriate for direct State control. Finally, it may be granted that
+the State will be well advised to leave some or all of them in
+possession of large powers of self-administration. Nevertheless, when
+once the Great Society has come into existence, and has organized itself
+as the National State, they must, if anarchy is to be avoided, all take
+their places as constituent members of the community, and recognize that
+they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</a></span> exercise such autonomous powers as they possess in virtue of the
+permission of the general will. The State, however prudently it may
+employ its powers, must be, and must be universally admitted to be, in
+all causes, civil or ecclesiastical, throughout all its dominions, in
+the last resort, supreme. In the interests of the common good it cannot
+tolerate any rivals.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> Reported in <i>Daily Chronicle</i>, January 4th, 1916.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> McKechnie. <i>The State and the Individual</i>, p. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> Barker. <i>Political Thought from Spencer to the
+Present-Day</i>, p. 108.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<h3><a name="III_WHAT_THE_STATE_IS_AND_DOES" id="III_WHAT_THE_STATE_IS_AND_DOES"></a>III. WHAT THE STATE IS AND DOES</h3>
+
+<p>In the purification and exaltation of the Democratic National State
+rests the one hope of the salvation of Britain and the Empire. In a
+federation of Democratic National States resides the best prospect of
+the future peaceful and well-ordered government of the world. The
+individualism of Dr. Clifford leads straight to anarchy; the unchecked
+development of the party-system means the corrupt tyranny of the caucus;
+the triumph of Syndicalism would involve the tragedy of class war; the
+dream of the reunion of humanity in the bosom of a cosmopolitan church
+is a vain revival of a medi&aelig;val illusion. The individual must be brought
+to recognize that politically he has no separate existence, and must
+learn to limit his operations to his proper share in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</a></span> constitution
+and determination of the general will; party must be remorselessly
+reduced to its legitimate subordination to the interests of the
+community as a whole; syndicates and trade unions must be prevented from
+cutting themselves loose from the body of the nation, must be compelled
+to recognize the supremacy of the law of the land, and must be deprived
+of any inequitable privileges which they may have secured; ecclesiastics
+of all orders must be persuaded to rest content with such autonomy as
+the general will may grant them, and must strive to become, not a
+separate corporation, but the indwelling and directing conscience of the
+people. The State must be supreme.</p>
+
+<p>What is the State which is thus exalted above all rivals? Let Mr.
+Bernard Bosanquet answer. "The State," he says, "is not merely the
+political fabric. The term 'State' accents indeed the political aspect
+of the whole, and is opposed to the notion of an anarchic society. But
+it includes the entire hierarchy of institutions by which life is
+determined, from the family to the trade, and from the trade to the
+church and the university. It includes all of them, not as the mere
+collection of the growths of the country, but as the structures which
+give life and meaning<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</a></span> to the political whole, while receiving from it
+mutual adjustment, and therefore expansion and a more liberal air."<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a>
+In a similar strain T. H. Green says: "The State is for its members, the
+society of societies, the society in which all their claims upon each
+other are mutually adjusted."<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> The keynote of both of these profound
+utterances is "adjustment." They recognize the fact that the convictions
+and opinions of individuals differ, that the purposes of parties
+conflict, that the interests of racial units and social classes diverge
+from one another, that the demands of churches are mutually
+irreconcilable. They recognize further that unless individuals, parties,
+races, classes, churches agree in acknowledging the adjusting authority
+of the general will of the community to which all belong, endless
+struggle and hopeless chaos must supervene. No pretension is made that
+the State is of supernatural origin; no claim to divine right is
+advanced. It is admitted that the State at one time did not exist. It is
+foreseen that a day may come when it will be merged in a still larger
+community. But for the present it is the only possible organ by means of
+which the common<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</a></span> will can operate in the interests of the common good.
+The basis of its claim for obedience rests upon the facts, first, that
+every individual subject, and every organized group of subjects, owes to
+the State, and to it alone, the conditions that make existence possible,
+and secondly, that only as a member of the State can the individual
+attain to his full development, and only under the protection of the
+State can the group achieve its purposes. The attainment of the common
+good, as that good is conceived of by the common intelligence, and by
+means which the common will determines&mdash;such is the ideal of the
+Democratic National State. Here surely is a sphere in which every man
+can find the fullness of life.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> Bosanquet. <i>Philosophical Theory of the State</i>, p. 150.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> Green. <i>Principles of Political Obligation</i>, p. 146.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr class="smler" />
+
+<h3><a name="IV_THE_SPHERE_OF_NATIONAL_SERVICE" id="IV_THE_SPHERE_OF_NATIONAL_SERVICE"></a>IV. THE SPHERE OF NATIONAL SERVICE</h3>
+
+<p>The above statement of the ideal of the Democratic National State brings
+home to the mind a realization of the magnitude of the sphere which lies
+open to National Service in the broad sense of the term. Democracy is
+sovereign; although it is flouted by individuals, deluded and debauched
+by parties, and challenged by separatist syndicates. It must remain
+sovereign, and its sovereignty must be made a more real, more conscious,
+and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</a></span> more effective thing than it has ever been before. Rarely, however,
+has there been a sovereign less adequately equipped than democracy for
+its gigantic responsibilities. One of its most enthusiastic modern
+supporters, Professor John MacCunn, gravely admits that "Democracy,
+still raw to its work, whether in politics or industry, may blunder&mdash;may
+blunder fatally."<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> Long ago it was pointed out by Plato that
+democracy is the cult of incompetence. In more recent times Mill has
+emphasized the possibility that democracy may govern badly and
+oppressively; Maine has warned us that the dominance of the commonalty
+may end in the triumph of the mediocre, and a more than Chinese
+stagnation; Carlyle has denounced democracy as powerful for destruction,
+but impotent for building up, as helpless in the face of great
+emergencies, as incapable of choosing good leaders; Lecky has
+demonstrated the danger of the corruption of the democracy by evil
+politicians; Belloc has shown how it tends to develop, and then become a
+slave to, a bureaucracy; Graham Wallas has portrayed the psychological
+peril of its hypnotization by colours and claptrap. All the dangers thus
+enumerated are real and formidable.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</a></span> They have, however, to be faced and
+overcome by men of goodwill: for there is now no alternative to
+democracy but anarchy. Fortunately they may be faced in confidence and
+hope. For the British democracy&mdash;as the revealing crisis of this great
+war has shown&mdash;is sound at heart, is eager to be delivered from its
+betrayers, and is longing to learn. It calls pathetically for those who
+know to teach it, and for those who can to lead it. Here, then, is the
+sphere of National Service. Who will not come forward to help democracy
+to become conscious of its power and its dignity; to aid it in
+establishing its authority over all rebels and rivals; to teach it how
+to use its omnipotence gently, so as to leave to those beneath its sway
+the largest possible room for freedom consistent with the common good;
+to make it aware of its responsibilities for its vast dominions across
+the seas and their teeming populations; to awaken it to a realization of
+the extent to which the whole future of the human race rests upon the
+success of its experiment in government? It is in the service of such a
+sovereign as this, and in the pursuit of such an ideal, that faithful
+souls attain that self-realization which is perfect freedom.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTE:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> MacCunn. <i>Six Radical Thinkers</i>, p. 69.</p></div>
+</div>
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+<h4>JOHN MURRAY, LONDON, W.</h4>
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+Project Gutenberg's Freedom In Service, by Fossey John Cobb Hearnshaw
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Freedom In Service
+       Six Essays on Matters Concerning Britain's Safety and Good Government
+
+Author: Fossey John Cobb Hearnshaw
+
+Release Date: May 19, 2008 [EBook #25522]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FREEDOM IN SERVICE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Nick Wall, Martin Pettit and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+FREEDOM IN SERVICE
+
+SIX ESSAYS ON MATTERS CONCERNING BRITAIN'S SAFETY AND GOOD GOVERNMENT
+
+By F. J. C. HEARNSHAW, M.A., LL.D.
+
+PROFESSOR OF MEDIAEVAL HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON
+
+LONDON:
+JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W.
+1916
+
+
+
+
+TO THE GLORIOUS AND IMMORTAL MEMORY OF LORD ROBERTS
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+                                                                PAGE
+PREFACE                                                           ix
+
+
+  I.--THE ANCIENT DEFENCE OF ENGLAND
+
+        I. UNIVERSAL OBLIGATION TO SERVE                           1
+
+       II. THE OLD ENGLISH MILITIA                                 4
+
+      III. MEDIAEVAL REGULATIONS                                    6
+
+       IV. TUDOR AND STUART DEVELOPMENTS                           9
+
+        V. THE LAST TWO CENTURIES                                 12
+
+       VI. CONCLUSION                                             15
+
+
+ II.--COMPULSORY SERVICE AND LIBERTY
+
+        I. THE PLEA OF FREEDOM                                    17
+
+       II. THE TERM "LIBERTY"                                     18
+
+      III. LIBERTY AS FREEDOM FROM FOREIGN CONTROL                20
+
+       IV. LIBERTY AS SYNONYMOUS WITH RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT      21
+
+        V. LIBERTY AS ABSENCE OF RESTRAINT                        23
+
+       VI. LIBERTY AS OPPORTUNITY FOR SERVICE                     27
+
+
+III.--THE VOLUNTARY PRINCIPLE
+
+        I. THE IDEA OF VOLUNTARISM                                30
+
+       II. ITS ESTABLISHMENT                                      31
+
+      III. THE RESULT                                             33
+
+       IV. THE PRESENT SITUATION                                  36
+
+        V. THE FUTURE                                             38
+
+
+ IV.--PASSIVE RESISTANCE
+
+        I. THE NEW PERIL                                          43
+
+       II. PASSIVE RESISTANCE AS REBELLION                        45
+
+      III. THE RIGHT OF REBELLION                                 47
+
+       IV. REBELLION AGAINST A DEMOCRACY                          50
+
+        V. THE DUTY OF THE STATE                                  55
+
+
+  V.--CHRISTIANITY AND WAR
+
+        I. A CONFLICT OF CONVICTIONS                              58
+
+       II. THE RELIGION OF THE BIBLE                              61
+
+      III. THE DOCTRINE AND PRACTICE OF THE CHURCH                63
+
+       IV. FORCE AS A MORAL INSTRUMENT                            66
+
+        V. THE IDEAL OF THE SERMON ON THE MOUNT                   69
+
+       VI. THE PACIFICIST SUCCESSION                              74
+
+      VII. CONCLUSION                                             78
+
+
+ VI.--THE STATE AND ITS RIVALS
+
+        I. THE IDEA OF THE STATE IN ENGLAND                       81
+
+       II. THE RIVALS OF THE STATE                                87
+
+      III. WHAT THE STATE IS AND DOES                             95
+
+       IV. THE SPHERE OF NATIONAL SERVICE                         98
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+The first three essays in this little book appeared originally as
+special articles in the _Morning Post_. I am greatly indebted to the
+Editor of that paper for his courteous and ready permission to reprint
+them. The "Freedom" dealt with in these essays is political freedom, and
+the "Service" advocated is universal military service. These limitations
+are due to the fact that the original newspaper articles were
+contributions to the controversy respecting methods of enlistment which
+took place during the autumn of 1915.
+
+The remaining three essays appear now for the first time. They have a
+more general scope, although they are vitally connected with the theme
+of their predecessors. The essay on Passive Resistance has special
+reference to the opposition offered by the No-Conscription Fellowship to
+the principle of compulsory military service; but its argument applies
+equally well to the older antagonists of the authority of the State.
+The essay on Christianity and War tries to meet those conscientious
+objections to military service which form the basis of the propaganda of
+the Fellowship of Reconciliation; but it deals with the problem in the
+broadest manner possible within the limits of its space. The concluding
+essay, on the State and its Rivals, emphasizes the imperative need that
+the authority of the Democratic National State should be recognized and
+accepted if internal anarchy is to be avoided, and if the peace and
+well-being of the World are to be secured.
+
+                                                 F. J. C. HEARNSHAW.
+
+King's College, Strand, W.C.
+   _January 12th, 1916._
+
+
+
+
+FREEDOM IN SERVICE
+
+
+
+
+I
+
+THE ANCIENT DEFENCE OF ENGLAND[1]
+
+
+     [Reprinted, with the addition of References, from the _Morning
+     Post_ of August 20th, 1915.]
+
+
+
+
+I. UNIVERSAL OBLIGATION TO SERVE
+
+
+"The military system of the Anglo-Saxons is based upon universal
+service, under which is to be understood the duty of every freeman to
+respond in person to the summons to arms, to equip himself at his own
+expense, and to support himself at his own charge during the
+campaign."[2]
+
+With these words Gneist, the German historian of the English
+Constitution, begins his account of the early military system of our
+ancestors. He is, of course, merely stating a matter of common knowledge
+to all students of Teutonic institutions. What he says of the
+Anglo-Saxon is equally true of the Franks, the Lombards, the Visigoths,
+and other kindred peoples.[3] But it is a matter of such fundamental
+importance that I will venture, even at the risk of tedious repetition,
+to give three parallel quotations from English authorities. Grose, in
+his _Military Antiquities_, says: "By the Saxon laws every freeman of an
+age capable of bearing arms, and not incapacitated by any bodily
+infirmity, was in case of a foreign invasion, internal insurrection, or
+other emergency obliged to join the army."[4] Freeman, in his _Norman
+Conquest_, speaks of "the right and duty of every free Englishman to be
+ready for the defence of the Commonwealth with arms befitting his own
+degree in the Commonwealth."[5] Finally, Stubbs, in his _Constitutional
+History_, clearly states the case in the words: "The host was originally
+the people in arms, the whole free population, whether landowners or
+dependents, their sons, servants, and tenants. Military service was a
+personal obligation ... the obligation of freedom"; and again: "Every
+man who was in the King's peace was liable to be summoned to the host at
+the King's call."[6]
+
+There is no ambiguity or uncertainty about these pronouncements. The Old
+English "fyrd," or militia, was the nation in arms. The obligation to
+serve was a personal one. It had no relation to the possession of land;
+in fact it dated back to an age in which the folk was still migratory
+and without a fixed territory at all. It was incumbent upon all
+able-bodied males between the ages of sixteen and sixty. Failure to obey
+the summons was punished by a heavy fine known as "fyrdwite."[7]
+
+There is another point of prime significance. Universal service was, it
+is true, an obligation. But it was more: it was the _mark of freedom_.
+Not to be summoned stamped a man as a slave, a serf, or an alien. The
+famous "Assize of Arms" ends with the words: "_Et praecepit rex quod
+nullus reciperetur ad sacramentum armorum nisi liber homo._"[8] A
+summons was a right quite as much as a duty. The English were a brave
+and martial race, proud of their ancestral liberty. Not to be called to
+defend it when it was endangered, not to be allowed to carry arms to
+maintain the integrity of the fatherland, was a degradation which
+branded a man as unfree.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] This chapter has been issued as a pamphlet by the National Service
+League, 72, Victoria Street, S.W.
+
+[2] Gneist, R. _Englische Verfassungsgeschichte_, p. 4.
+
+[3] Cf. the Frankish Edict of A.D. 864: "Ad defensionem patriae omnes
+sine ulla excusatione veniant." (Let all without any excuse come for the
+defence of the fatherland.)
+
+[4] Grose, F. _Military Antiquities_, vol. i, p. 1.
+
+[5] Freeman, E. _Norman Conquest_, vol. iv, p. 681.
+
+[6] Stubbs, W. _Const. Hist._, vol. i, pp. 208, 212.
+
+[7] Oman, C. W. C. _Art of War in the Middle Ages_, p. 67.
+
+[8] Stubbs, W. _Select Charters_, p. 156. (The King orders that no one
+except a freeman shall be admitted to the oath of arms.)
+
+
+
+
+II. THE OLD ENGLISH MILITIA
+
+
+This primitive national militia was not, it must be admitted, a very
+efficient force. It lacked coherence and training; it was deficient both
+in arms and in discipline; it could not be kept together for long
+campaigns. The Kings, therefore, from the first supplemented it by means
+of a band of personal followers, a bodyguard of professional warriors,
+well and uniformly armed, and practised in the art of war. Nevertheless,
+the main defence of the country rested with the "fyrd." The Danish
+invasions put it to the severest test and revealed its military defects.
+It was one of the most notable achievements of Alfred to reorganize and
+reconstitute it. Thus reformed, with the support of an ever-growing body
+of King's thegns, it wrought great deeds in the days of Alfred, Edward
+and Athelstan, and recovered for England security and peace. In the days
+of their weaker successors, however, all the forces that England could
+muster failed to keep out Sweyn and Canute, and, above all, failed to
+hold the field at Hastings.
+
+The Norman Conquest might have been expected to involve the extinction
+of the English militia. For feudalism as developed by William I was
+strongest on its military side, and William's main force was the levy of
+his feudal tenants. But quite the contrary happened. The Norman monarchs
+and their Angevin successors were, as a matter of fact, mortally afraid
+of their great feudal tenants, the barons and knights through whom the
+Conquest had been effected. Hence, as English kings, they assiduously
+maintained and fostered Anglo-Saxon institutions, and particularly the
+"fyrd," which they used as a counterpoise to the feudal levy. They even
+called upon it for Continental service and took it across the Channel to
+defend their French provinces.[9] Thus in 1073 it fought for William I
+in Maine; in 1094 William II summoned it to Hastings for an expedition
+into Normandy; in 1102 it aided Henry I to suppress the formidable
+revolt of Robert of Belesme, Earl of Shrewsbury; in 1138 it drove back
+the Scots at the Battle of the Standard; and in 1174 it defeated and
+captured William the Lion at Alnwick. So valuable, indeed, did it prove
+to be that Henry II resolved to place it upon a permanent footing and
+clearly to define its position. With that view he issued in 1181 his
+"Assize of Arms."
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[9] Stubbs, W. _Select Charters_, p. 83; and _Const. Hist._, vol. i, p.
+469.
+
+
+
+
+III. MEDIAEVAL REGULATIONS
+
+
+Into the details of the "Assize of Arms" it is unnecessary here to
+enter. Are they not written in every advanced text-book of English
+history? Three things, however, are to be noted. First, that the duty
+and privilege of military service are still bound up with freedom; no
+unfree man is to be admitted to the oath of arms. Secondly, that upon
+freemen the obligation is still universal: "all burgesses and the whole
+community of freemen (_tota communa liberorum hominum_) are to provide
+themselves with doublets, iron skullcaps, and lances." Thirdly, that,
+closely as freedom had during the centuries of feudalism become
+associated with tenancy of land, the national militia had not been
+involved in feudal meshes: the obligation of service remained still
+personal, not territorial.
+
+In 1205 John, fearing an invasion of the Kingdom, called to arms all the
+militia sworn and equipped under the Assize, _i.e._, all the freemen of
+the realm. Short-shrift was to be given to any who disobeyed the
+summons: "_Qui vero ad summonitionem non venerit habeatur pro capitali
+inimico domini regis et regni_" (He who does not come in response to the
+summons shall be regarded as a capital enemy of the king and kingdom.)
+The penalty was to be the peculiarly appropriate one of reduction to
+perpetual servitude. The disobedient and disloyal subject who made the
+great refusal would _ipso facto_ divest himself of the distinguishing
+mark of his freedom.[10]
+
+Henry III in 1223 and 1231 made similar levies. In 1252, in a notable
+writ for enforcing Watch and Ward and the Assize of Arms, he extended
+the obligation of service to villans and lowered the age limit to
+fifteen. Edward I reaffirmed these new departures in his well-known
+Statute of Winchester (1285), in which it is enacted that "every man
+have in his house harness for to keep the peace after the ancient
+assize, that is to say, every man between fifteen years of age and sixty
+years." Further, he enlarged the armoury of the militiaman by including
+among his weapons the axe and the bow.[11]
+
+The long, aggressive wars of Edward I in Wales and Scotland, and the
+still longer struggles of the fourteenth century in France, could not,
+of course, be waged by means of the national militia. Even the feudal
+levy was unsuited to their requirements. They were waged mainly by means
+of hired professional armies. Parliament--a new factor in the
+Constitution--took pains in these circumstances to limit by statute the
+liabilities of the old national forces. An Act of 1328 decreed that no
+one should be compelled to go beyond the bounds of his own county,
+except when necessity or a sudden irruption of foreign foes into the
+realm required it.[12] Another Act, 1352, provided that the militia
+should not be compelled to go beyond the realm in any circumstances
+whatsoever without the consent of Parliament.[13] Both these Acts were
+confirmed by Henry IV in 1402.[14] But the old obligation of universal
+service for home defence remained intact. It was, in fact, enforced by
+Edward IV in 1464, when, on his own authority, he ordered the Sheriffs
+to proclaim that "every man from sixteen to sixty be well and defensibly
+arrayed and ... be ready to attend on his Highness upon a day's warning
+in resistance of his enemies and rebels and the defence of this his
+realm."[15] This notable incident carries us to the end of the Middle
+Ages, and shows us the Old English principle in vigorous operation.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[10] Gervase of Canterbury. _Gesta Regum_, vol. ii, p. 97.
+
+[11] _Statutes of the Realm_, vol. i, pp. 96-8.
+
+[12] 1 Ed. III, c. 2. Sec.Sec.5-7.
+
+[13] 25 Ed. III, c. 5. Sec.8.
+
+[14] 4 Hy. IV, c. 13.
+
+[15] Rymer, T. _Foedera_, vol. xi, p. 524.
+
+
+
+
+IV. TUDOR AND STUART DEVELOPMENTS
+
+
+The Wars of the Roses, so fatal to the feudal nobility, left the
+national militia the only organized force in the country. The Tudor
+period, it is true, saw the faint foreshadowing of a regular army in
+Henry VII's Yeomen of the Guard, and the nucleus of a volunteer force in
+the Honourable Artillery Company, established in London under Henry
+VIII. But these at the time had little military importance, and England
+remained dependent for her defence throughout the sixteenth century,
+that age of unprecedented prosperity and glory, upon her militant
+manhood. Hence the Tudor monarchs paid great attention to the
+maintenance and equipment of the militia. The practice (which had grown
+up in the later Middle Ages) of limiting the normal call to arms to a
+certain quota of men from each county was revived. If the required
+numbers were not forthcoming compulsion was employed. Statutes were
+passed making discipline more rigid. Lords Lieutenant were instituted to
+take over the command, with added powers, from the Sheriffs. An
+important Mustering Statute (1557) was enacted, graduating afresh the
+universal liability to service, and making new provision for weapons and
+organization.[16] William Harrison, writing in 1587, said: "As for able
+men for service, thanked be God! we are not without good store; for by
+the musters taken 1574-5 our numbers amounted to 1,172,674, and yet were
+they not so narrowly taken but that a third part of this like multitude
+was left unbilled and uncalled."[17] This from a population estimated at
+less than six million all told! Such was the host on which England
+relied for safety in 1588, if by chance the galleons of Spain should
+elude the vigilance of Drake and should land Parma's hordes upon our
+shores. Well might the country feel at ease behind such a fleet and with
+such a virile race of men to second it.
+
+The Stuarts did not take kindly to the English militia. It was too
+democratic, too free. James I, in the very first year of his reign,
+conferred upon its members the seductive but fatal gift of exemption
+from the burden of providing their own weapons.[18] As he himself took
+care not to provide them too profusely, the force speedily lost both in
+efficiency and independence. The Civil War hopelessly divided it, as it
+did the nation, into hostile factions. The Royalist section was
+ultimately crushed, while the Parliamentary section was gradually
+absorbed into that first great standing army which this country ever
+knew, the New Model of 1645. For fifteen years the people groaned under
+the dominance of this arbitrary, conscientious, and very expensive
+force. Then, in 1660, came the Restoration, and with it the disbanding
+of the New Model and the re-establishment of the militia. The country
+went wild with joy at the recovery of its freedom.
+
+Charles II, however, was bent on securing for his own despotic purposes
+a standing army. Hence he obtained permission from Parliament to have a
+permanent bodyguard, and he gradually increased its numbers until he had
+some 6,000 troops regularly under his command. James II increased them
+to 15,000, and by their means tried to overthrow the religion and the
+liberties of the nation. He was defeated and driven out; but his effort
+to establish a military despotism made the name of "standing army" stink
+in the nostrils of the nation. "It is indeed impossible," said one of
+the leading statesmen of the early eighteenth century, "that the
+liberties of the people can be preserved in any country where a numerous
+standing army is kept up."[19] The national militia continued, as of
+old, to stand for freedom and self-government. The voluntarily enlisted
+standing army was regarded as the engine and emblem of tyranny.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[16] 4-5 P. and M., c. 2.
+
+[17] Harrison, W. _Elizabethan England_, chap. xxii.
+
+[18] 1 Jac. I, c. 25.
+
+[19] Speech by Pulteney, A.D. 1732: See _Parl. Hist._, vol. viii, p.
+904.
+
+
+
+
+V. THE LAST TWO CENTURIES
+
+
+The eighteenth century saw a constant struggle on the part of
+constitutionalists to get rid of the standing army altogether. Army
+Acts, which recognized and regulated the new force, were limited in
+their operation to a year at a time, and were passed under incessant
+protest. Grants to maintain the army were similarly restricted. Every
+interval of peace witnessed the rapid reduction of the regulars. But the
+times were adverse. Wars were frequent, and on an ever-increasing scale
+of magnitude and duration. The standing army had to be maintained, and,
+indeed, steadily enlarged.
+
+But the militia for home defence was never allowed to become extinct,
+and it enjoyed an immense popularity. In 1757 it was carefully
+reorganized by statute.[20] The number of men to be raised was settled,
+and each district was compelled to provide a certain proportion. The
+selection was to be made by ballot, to the complete exclusion of the
+voluntary principle. During the Napoleonic war, when invasion seemed
+imminent, the militia was several times called out and embodied. In 1803
+an actual levy _en masse_ of all men between the ages of seventeen and
+fifty-five was made. In 1806 the principle of universal obligation on
+which it was based was clearly stated by Castlereagh in the House of
+Commons. He spoke of "the undoubted prerogative of the Crown to call
+upon the services of all liege subjects in case of invasion."[21]
+
+At the moment when he spoke, however, the imminent fear of invasion had
+been removed--removed, indeed, for a century--by Nelson's crowning
+victory at Trafalgar. From that time forward the military forces of the
+Crown were required not so much for the defence of the United Kingdom
+itself as for the provision of garrisons for the vast Empire which had
+grown up during the eighteenth century. These imperial garrisons had
+necessarily to be drawn from professional troops voluntarily enlisted.
+Thus the militia declined. An effort was made in 1852 to revive it, and
+again the underlying principle of compulsion was explicitly recognized.
+The Militia Act of that year[22] contains the provision: "In case it
+appears to H.M. ---- that the number of men required ... cannot be raised
+by voluntary enlistment ... or in case of actual invasion or imminent
+danger thereof, it shall be lawful for H.M. ---- to order and direct
+that the number of men so required ... shall be raised by ballot as
+herein provided." The effort at revival was unfortunately vain, and when
+in 1859 international trouble again seemed to be brewing, instead of
+appealing once more to the immemorial defence of the country, the
+Government weakly and with most deplorable results allowed the formation
+of a new body, the volunteers--a body whose patriotism was noble, whose
+intentions were admirable, but whose inefficiency became and remained a
+byword.[23] The militia continued ingloriously, mainly as a nursery for
+the regular army.
+
+Finally, in 1908, Mr. (now Lord) Haldane absorbed both volunteers and
+militia into the new Territorial and Reserve Forces, the militia
+becoming a Special Reserve.[24] It is much to be regretted that the Act
+of 1908 did not expressly reaffirm the continued validity of the
+compulsory principle of service which from the earliest times had been
+the basis of the militia. But, though it did not expressly reaffirm it,
+it left it absolutely unimpaired and intact. Said Mr. Haldane himself in
+the House of Commons on April 13th, 1910: "The Militia Ballot Acts and
+the Acts relating to the local militia are still unrepealed, and could
+be enforced if necessary."
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[20] 31 Geo. II, c. 26.
+
+[21] Cobbett. _Parliamentary Debates_, vol. vii, p. 818.
+
+[22] 15-16 Vict. c. 50. Sec.18.
+
+[23] For occasional levies of volunteers from sixteenth century onwards,
+see Medley, D. J., _Const. Hist._, p. 472.
+
+[24] 7 Ed. VII, c. 9.
+
+
+
+
+VI. CONCLUSION
+
+
+Such is the condition of things at the present time. The principle of
+compulsory military service, obligatory upon every able-bodied male
+between the ages of sixteen and sixty, is still the fundamental
+principle of English Law, both Common Law and Statute Law. It has been
+obscured by the pernicious voluntary principle, which, in the
+much-abused name of Liberty, has shifted a universal national duty upon
+the shoulders of the patriotic few. But it has never been revoked or
+repudiated.
+
+It is not National Service, but the Voluntary System, that is
+un-English and unhistoric. The Territorial Army dates from 1908; the
+Volunteers from 1859; the Regular Army itself only from 1645. But for a
+millennium before the oldest of them the ancient defence of England was
+the Nation in Arms. When will it be so again?
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+COMPULSORY SERVICE AND LIBERTY
+
+
+     [Reprinted, with the addition of References, from the _Morning
+     Post_ of September 28th, 1915.]
+
+
+
+
+I. THE PLEA OF FREEDOM
+
+
+The opponents of national service pursue two lines of argument, the one
+historical, the other theoretical. Along the line of history they try to
+show that compulsory military duty is alien from the English
+Constitution, and that the voluntary system is the good old system by
+means of which Great Britain has maintained her independence, achieved
+her glories, and founded her Empire. Along the line of political theory
+they contend that the demand for national service is contrary to the
+spirit of liberty, that freedom is an essential characteristic of the
+English genius, that Britons may be persuaded but not coerced, and so
+on.
+
+In the preceding study I have shown the utter baselessness of the
+historical argument, pointed out that compulsory service was the very
+foundation of the Anglo-Saxon system of defence, and concluded that
+whereas "the Territorial Army dates from 1908, the Volunteers from 1859,
+the Regular Army itself only from 1645, for a millennium before the
+oldest of them the ancient defence of England was the Nation in Arms." I
+now turn to the theoretical argument, and propose to consider what is
+meant by the term "liberty," and ask whether the compulsion involved in
+national service is incompatible with liberty properly understood.
+
+
+
+
+II. THE TERM "LIBERTY"
+
+
+There can be no doubt that in this country, as in America, the term
+"liberty" enjoys much popularity. Sir John Seeley has remarked that just
+as "its unlimited generality" makes it "delightful to poets," so its
+harmonious sound is so grateful to the ears of the public at large that
+"if a political speech did not frequently mention liberty," no one would
+"know what to make of it or where to applaud."[25] Matthew Arnold goes
+so far as to speak of "our worship of freedom," and to depict liberty
+as the object of a fanatical semi-religious adoration.[26] But as a rule
+where an Englishman adores he does not define, and if one asks the
+common devotee of liberty what he understands by the abstraction before
+which he prostrates himself, one generally requires but a small portion
+of the dialectic subtlety of Socrates to involve him in a hopeless
+tangle of contradictions. He can no more define liberty than he can
+locate his soul. Mr. D. G. Ritchie truly says: "Many crimes have been
+done, and a still greater amount of nonsense talked in the name of
+liberty."[27] Seeley, with as much justice as pungency, asserts that
+some writers "teach us to call by the name of liberty whatever in
+politics we want," and so lead us to disguise our selfishness and
+cowardice in the stolen garb of moral principle.[28] At any rate, there
+is urgent need that before we either support or oppose any practical
+political measure in the name of liberty, we should clear our minds of
+confusion, and should reach an understanding of what precisely we mean
+by this vast and vague expression. It will be found, I think, upon
+examination, that the term "liberty," as employed in the sphere of
+politics, has four distinct connotations. I hope to show that in no one
+of these four senses is liberty incompatible with the compulsory element
+implicit in the principle of national service.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[25] Seeley. _Introduction to Political Science_, pp. 103-4.
+
+[26] Arnold. _Culture and Anarchy_, chap. ii.
+
+[27] Ritchie. _Natural Rights_, p. 135.
+
+[28] Seeley: _op. cit._, p. 103.
+
+
+
+
+III. LIBERTY AS FREEDOM FROM FOREIGN CONTROL
+
+
+"A free nation," says Sir William Temple, "is that which has never been
+conquered, or thereby entered into any condition of subjection."[29] In
+this sense of freedom from foreign domination liberty is the immemorial
+boast of Britons. They never have been, or will be, slaves. They are,
+and they are determined to remain--so they proudly sing--free as the
+waves that wash their shores, free as the winds that sweep their hills.
+They are resolved that no alien tyrant shall plant his foot upon their
+necks. As in the Middle Ages they repudiated the claim of German
+Emperors and Ultramontane Popes to exercise political sovereignty over
+them; as in more modern times they resisted conquest by the Spaniard
+Philip and the Corsican Napoleon; even so would they resist to the
+extreme limit of endurance any attempt to-day to reduce them to
+servitude. The proposition that freedom in this sense of national
+independence is consistent with compulsory military service needs no
+demonstration at all. So far from there being any incompatibility
+between the two, it is probable that only by means of a manhood
+universally trained to the use of arms can the freedom of Britain and
+the integrity of the Empire be ultimately maintained. We shall almost
+certainly have to choose, not between national service and liberty, but
+between national service and destruction.
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[29] Temple. _Works_ ii, p. 87.
+
+
+
+
+IV. LIBERTY AS SYNONYMOUS WITH RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT
+
+
+In a second and somewhat looser sense "Liberty is regarded as the
+equivalent of Parliamentary government."[30] We speak of one type of
+Constitution as "free" and of another type as "unfree." The so-called
+"free" type of government is that in which political power rests in the
+hands of the Democracy, whereas in "unfree" States the people are in
+subjection to a ruling person or class. From the point of view of the
+individual subject this distinction has no meaning at all. For the laws
+passed by a Democratic Parliament are coercive and compulsory in
+precisely the same manner and degree as are the laws of a despotic
+monarchy or a close oligarchy. There is, indeed, a "tyranny of the
+majority" which can be quite as oppressive to the individual as the
+tyranny of the one or the few, and much less easy to evade. From the
+point of view of the enfranchised community, however, the term "free"
+has a meaning, and its use can be defended. For if the electorate be
+regarded as a unit, akin to an organism, government becomes
+self-government, and any obligations which the community places upon
+itself by means of laws can be looked upon as self-limitations, imposed
+by free-will and capable of removal at any moment by the unfettered
+exercise of the power which imposed them. From this communal point of
+view, however, it is evident that national service involves no
+diminution of liberty. The community becomes not one whit less free
+because it decides to train itself in the use of arms and to mobilize
+all its resources for military purposes. It retains its capacity to
+demobilize any time it likes, to lay aside its arms, to pension off its
+drill sergeants, and to return to the paths of pacificism whenever it
+seems safe to do so.
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[30] Seeley: _op. cit._, p. 114.
+
+
+
+
+V. LIBERTY AS ABSENCE OF RESTRAINT
+
+
+It cannot be denied, however, that compulsory military service does
+interfere with the power of the _individual_ to do as he likes. He is
+forced, whether he wants to or not, to undergo certain discipline in
+time of peace, and to face uncertain danger in time of war. National
+service, then, is a restriction of his liberty, if by liberty is meant
+the absence of all restraint. Now this is precisely the sense in which
+the term is most frequently used. "Quid est libertas?" (What is
+liberty?), asked Cicero, and he replied: "Potestas vivendi ut velis"
+(The power of living as you like).[31] "Freedom," said Sir Robert
+Filmer, "is the liberty for everyone to do what he lists, to live as he
+pleases, and not to be tied by any laws."[32] Even Locke, Filmer's great
+opponent, admitted that "the natural liberty of man is to be free from
+any superior power on earth." But who is the man who possesses this
+unlimited natural liberty to live as he likes, and to act as he pleases,
+subject to no superior power on earth? He is either a Robinson Crusoe,
+existing alone on a desert island, or he is an anarchist living in the
+midst of anarchists, and acknowledging no civil government whatsoever.
+In the latter case his career is likely to be as "poor, nasty, brutish,
+and short" as that of the primitive savage depicted by Hobbes. For if
+one man is free to live as he likes, subject to no superior power, so
+are all. Hence in such a society of absolute freemen, human law is
+totally abrogated, no life is protected, no property safeguarded.
+Everyone, so far as his power avails, does what he pleases, takes what
+he covets, slays whom he hates. When his power ceases to avail, that is
+when a stronger than he appears upon the scene, he is himself liable to
+be despoiled and killed. Such is the state of society in which absolute
+liberty obtains. It is a chaos of incessant civil war, where "every man
+is enemy to every man." Its unfortunate victims, the possessors of
+unrestricted liberty, find that there is
+
+
+     War among them, and despair
+     Within them, raging without truce or term.[33]
+
+
+It is from this intolerable condition of perfect freedom that
+government saves a man. But it saves him--and in no other way can it
+possibly do so--by taking away from both himself and his fellows alike
+and in equal measure, part of their insufferable birthright of liberty.
+The very essence of government is restriction, compulsion, law. Under
+government, then, whatever may be its form, no man is free in the sense
+of being exempt from restraint. Natural liberty gives place in organized
+society to civil liberty, which is a much more modest and limited thing.
+"Civil liberty," says Blackstone, "is no other than natural liberty so
+far restrained by human laws as is necessary and expedient for the
+general advantage of the public."[34] In the same sense Austin defines
+it as "the liberty from legal obligation which is left or granted by a
+sovereign government to any of its own subjects."[35] But the most
+luminous definition is that of Montesquieu, who says: "La liberte est
+le droit de faire tout ce que les lois permettent."[36] Those who would
+understand what true civil or political liberty is, and what are its
+necessary limitations, should imprint this profound utterance upon their
+memories, and employ it as a universal test of sound thinking on the
+subject.
+
+"Liberty is the right to do all that the laws allow"--no more, and no
+less. Liberty, then, in the sphere of politics, is not the absence of
+all restraint whatsoever, but only the absence of all restraint except
+that of the law. Thus the freedom of which Britons boast--"English
+liberty"--is not a licence to anyone to do as he likes, but is merely
+the right of everyone to do what the laws of England permit, and it is a
+splendid possession merely because the laws of England are eminent for
+justice and equity. "English liberty" is perfectly consistent, as we all
+admit, with compulsory registration, vaccination, education, taxation,
+insurance, inspection, and countless other legal coercions. From our
+cradles to our graves we are beset behind and before by government
+regulations; yet we rightly assert that we are free. If then the laws of
+England add one more coercion, and proclaim anew the duty of universal
+military service, not only will they do a thing consonant with justice
+and equity, they will also do a thing which does not in the smallest
+degree diminish any individual's civil liberty.[37]
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[31] Cicero. _Parad._, v, 1.
+
+[32] Filmer. _Patriarcha_, quoted and criticized by Locke, _On
+Government_, book ii, chap. iv.
+
+[33] Shelley. _Ode to Liberty_, Canto 2. Compare the description of
+_Huriyeh_ (Liberty) given by Sir Mark Sykes in _The Caliphs' Last
+Heritage_. I quote the following from a review in _The Spectator_, of
+November 27th, 1915: Sir Mark Sykes saw _Huriyeh_ (Liberty) at work in
+the distant provinces of the Empire. "What, O father of Mahmud," he said
+to an old Arab acquaintance, "is this _Huriyeh_?" The "father of Mahmud"
+replied without hesitation "that there is no law and each one can do all
+he likes." Neither was this lawless interpretation of liberty confined
+to Moslems. The Greek Christians in the neighbourhood of Hebron were
+"armed to the teeth and glad of _Huriyeh_, for they say they can now
+raid as well as other men." In Anatolia, a muleteer who had been
+discharged from Sir Mark Sykes's service "spent all his time singing
+'Liberty--Equality--Fraternity,' the reason being that the Committee at
+Smyrna released him from prison, where he was undergoing sentence for
+his third murder."
+
+[34] Blackstone. _Commentaries_, i, 140.
+
+[35] Austin. _Jurisprudence_, p. 274.
+
+[36] Montesquieu. _Esprit des Lois_, p. 420.
+
+[37] _Cf._ Philip Snowden, _Socialism and Syndicalism_, p. 175. "When
+all submit to law imposed by the common will for the common good, the
+law is not slavery, but true liberty."
+
+
+
+
+VI. LIBERTY AS THE OPPORTUNITY FOR SERVICE
+
+
+Liberty as absence of restraint is, however, a merely negative thing; it
+is a "being let alone." Some great writers, John Stuart Mill for
+example, treat it as though it had only this negative character, and as
+though to be let alone were necessarily and in itself a good thing. But
+others have truly and forcefully shown, first, that to be let alone may
+sometimes be a doubtful blessing, and, secondly, that liberty has a
+further and positive aspect not less important than the negative. Sir J.
+F. Stephen, in his _Liberty, Equality, Fraternity_, vigorously
+criticizes Mill's negative theory. Matthew Arnold in _Culture and
+Anarchy_ (a work which well repays perusal at the present time) pours
+delightful but destructive ridicule upon "our prevalent notion that it
+is a most happy and important thing for a man merely to be able to do as
+he likes." Thomas Carlyle, in _Past and Present_ and elsewhere,
+vehemently expounds a positive ideal of liberty which involves strenuous
+work for the good of man and for social advancement. "If liberty be not
+that," he concludes, "I for one have small care about liberty." But
+first in eminence among the exponents of the positive aspect of liberty
+stands Thomas Hill Green, of Oxford. In his works he contends that
+liberty is more than absence of restraint, just as beauty is more than
+absence of ugliness.[38] He holds that it includes also "a positive
+power or capacity of doing or enjoying something worth doing or
+enjoying." He agrees with Mazzini that complete freedom is "found only
+in that satisfying fulfilment of civic duties to which rights, however
+precious, are but the vestibule."[39] He looks at freedom, that is to
+say, from the communal and not from the individual point of view. Man is
+a political animal, and only in an organized society can he attain his
+highest development. It is not good for man to be alone; each individual
+needs the companionship and co-operation of his fellows; no one in
+solitude can attain even to self-realization. Hence, government is more
+than a restraining power; it is also an organizing power. It not only
+prevents its subjects from injuring one another; it places them where
+they can most effectively aid one another and work together for the
+common weal. It frees their faculties from the impotence of isolation,
+and opens up to them the unbounded possibilities of corporate activity.
+Hence, liberty on its positive side becomes merged in national service,
+in the broad sense of the fulfilment of the duties of citizenship. Thus
+he is an enemy of freedom who holds himself aloof from his fellows and
+declines to bear his share in the general burden. If, then, the State
+calls upon all its subjects to join together in undertaking the supreme
+task of national defence, every true lover of liberty must respond "Here
+am I."
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[38] Green, _Principles of Political Obligation_, p. 110-5.
+
+[39] _Cf._ MacCunn, _Six Radical Thinkers_, p. 259.
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+THE VOLUNTARY PRINCIPLE
+
+
+     [Reprinted from the _Morning Post_ of December 28th, 1915.]
+
+
+
+
+I. THE IDEA OF VOLUNTARISM
+
+
+It is sometimes said that Britons are a common-sense and practical
+people, but a people impervious to ideas; that they are quick at the
+invention of expedients, but slow to recognize and follow general
+principles. This statement may be true of the nation as a whole; but it
+is lamentably untrue in respect of our politicians. They do somehow now
+and again get ideas into their heads, and when once they are there it
+seems as though nothing on earth or from heaven can eradicate them. I
+suppose that the explanation of this steadfast consistency, or
+unteachable obstinacy, is that their ideas soon pass out of their own
+control. Principles once professed are formulated into programmes,
+programmes are solidified into platforms, and platforms are planted
+upon the insensate rock of party organization. Hence, to abandon an idea
+(even when it is found to be erroneous) or to repudiate a principle
+(even when it is proved to be false and pernicious) involves a political
+upheaval akin to a revolution. It is easier to continue to stand on an
+obsolete platform and watch a nation drift to disaster than to abandon
+the platform and endanger the party organization--euphemistically termed
+for the occasion "national unity." An excellent case in point is the
+pathetic devotion of successive Governments to the voluntary principle
+of military service.
+
+
+
+
+II. ITS ESTABLISHMENT
+
+
+As we have already seen, the voluntary principle--a comparatively modern
+novelty--is one which established itself in our constitution during the
+long period of peace that followed the Battles of Trafalgar and
+Waterloo, and it had its _raison d'etre_ in the circumstances of the
+time. Our Navy had secured the undisputed command of the sea. Our shores
+and the shores of our distant Dominions were secure from invasion. All
+that we had to fear was an occasional Chartist riot, or Irish rebellion,
+or Indian mutiny, or petty Colonial war. To suppress these sporadic
+disorders a small professional army was incomparably the best
+instrument, and it was, of course, best secured and maintained by the
+system of voluntary enlistment. Thus in the halcyon Georgian and
+Victorian days the right inherent in every sovereign Government to call
+upon its subjects for national service sank into forgetfulness, the
+ancient military obligations of Englishmen fell into desuetude, and
+voluntarism held the field.
+
+A quarter of a century ago, however, _i.e._, soon after the present
+German Emperor came to the throne, circumstances radically changed.
+Germany obtained Heligoland and began to convert it into a naval base;
+she developed marked colonial activity and threatened British ascendancy
+in many parts of the world; she formulated a maritime programme and
+commenced the construction of a formidable navy. Nor was she alone.
+Other Powers also--Powers at that time regarded as less friendly to
+Britain than Germany was supposed to be--started in the race for
+overseas dominions, international commerce, and strong fleets. It became
+evident to the most casual observer that sooner or later British command
+of the sea might be challenged, Britain and the Dominions attacked, and
+the future of the Empire put to the issue of war. Hence prudent
+patriots, who in course of time organized themselves into the National
+Service League under the guidance of Lord Roberts--_clarum atque
+venerabile nomen_--urged the revival of the old-time duty of universal
+military training in preparation for, and as the best safeguard against,
+the growing peril. But no! Politicians had committed themselves to the
+voluntary principle. The party caucuses would not risk the sacrifice of
+place and power that might ensue from the preaching of the unpalatable
+doctrine of duty and discipline to their masters, the electors. Hence,
+amid dangers daily growing greater in magnitude, the defence of the
+Empire on land (the garrisoning of one-fifth part of the land-area of
+the globe) was left to the diminutive professional force established
+merely for Imperial police purposes--a force smaller than that which
+Serbia felt necessary to guard her independence, or Switzerland to
+assure her neutrality.
+
+
+
+
+III. THE RESULT
+
+
+What was the result? It was this: that the British Empire, the richest
+prize that the world has ever displayed, spread out its treasures before
+the envious eyes of militant nations, practically undefended, save for
+its slender ring of circling ships. There it lay, a constant and
+irresistible lure, especially to that parvenu and predatory Germanic
+Power which had appeared upon the European scene, as the offspring of
+treachery and violence, in 1871. Thus those politicians--they were to be
+found in all parties--who refused to face the new conditions, who
+persisted in maintaining that the voluntary principle, which sufficed to
+police an Empire externally secure, would also guard it against a world
+in arms, did their unwitting best to render an attack inevitable, and to
+ensure that when it burst upon us it should do us the maximum of damage.
+
+In due time, that is, when Germany thought that "the day" had dawned,
+the war came. Then the voluntary principle manifested its proper fruits.
+We found ourselves suddenly called upon to confront the supreme crisis
+of our fate with a gigantic proletariat untrained and unarmed, and with
+a diminutive army (below even its nominal strength), wholly inadequate
+to the magnitude of its tasks. What were the consequences? They were
+these: First, that our devoted Expeditionary Force, insufficient and
+unsupported, was sent across the Channel to almost certain and complete
+annihilation; secondly, that masses of reserves urgently needed on the
+Continent had to be kept in these islands to counter the risks of
+invasion; thirdly, that the mobility of our Navy had to be sacrificed to
+the same necessity of domestic defence (hence the disaster to Admiral
+Cradock); and, finally, that Belgium and North-East France had to be
+abandoned to the enemy--to be recovered later, if possible, at the cost
+of tens of thousands of lives.
+
+One would have thought that at such a crisis of destiny our politicians
+would have faced the facts, would have realized that the time had come
+to summon the nation, as a disciplined whole, to front its peril and do
+its duty. If they had but had the courage to do so, who can doubt the
+loyalty of the response? But, once more, No! All sorts of irrelevant
+considerations of petty domestic politics--matters of votes and seats
+and party prejudices--determined the issue. The voluntary principle must
+at any cost be maintained sacrosanct and intact. Hence, to get the
+necessary men--or, rather, far fewer than the necessary men--every
+variety of extravagant and humiliating expedient had to be adopted.
+Hundreds of thousands of pounds of public money were squandered in
+advertisement and appeal, and a chaos of indiscriminate enlistment was
+inaugurated. Again, with what results? With these results: First, that
+myriads of middle-aged men with families have been taken while unmarried
+slackers have been left; secondly, that invaluable war-workers have been
+drawn from necessary tasks while useless wastrels have remained at
+large; thirdly, that the rate of recruiting has been spasmodic and
+wholly incalculable, that our armies have never been quite strong enough
+for the successive operations assigned to them, and that consequently a
+vast, needless, and largely fruitless sacrifice of the very cream of our
+nation's manhood has taken place. To the idol of voluntarism a veritable
+holocaust of victims has been offered up.
+
+
+
+
+IV. THE PRESENT SITUATION
+
+
+The voluntary principle, after seventeen months of inconceivably
+destructive war, still nominally holds the field.[40] Our sovereign
+politicians have up to the present remained verbally true to it; but at
+what a price! They have indefinitely postponed victory; they have
+allowed the sphere of operations to be immensely enlarged; they have
+been compelled through sheer military feebleness to witness neutral
+nations being drawn on to the side of the enemy; they have been unable
+to strike a decisive blow anywhere. Thus the war drags on inconclusively
+at a cost of L5,000,000 and 2,000 casualties every day. But the
+voluntary principle has been respected and vindicated! Has it? True it
+is that there has been a magnificent response to the Government's
+appeals. The patriotism and devotion of one half of the nation have
+effectively enabled the other half to evade its duty. But the time has
+again come when the demand for more men is imperative. Voluntarism is
+making its last efforts. Its devotees in their desperate endeavours to
+prevent its formal abandonment are eliminating from it every element of
+free will, and are introducing every device of veiled compulsion.
+Canvassers and recruiting-sergeants have brought immense pressure to
+bear upon every eligible man, under threats that unless he "volunteers"
+he will shortly be fetched, and fetched on less favourable terms than
+those now offered. Moreover, all sorts of other kinds of pressure are
+added. The papers are full of instances. For example, the Foreign Office
+is refusing passports to men of military age; the great shipping lines
+are declining to take eligible emigrants; employers are refusing work
+to applicants who they think might serve. Finally, Mr. Asquith, in the
+House of Commons, gives the whole case away, and from the voluntarist
+point of view perpetrates the great apostasy, by admitting that our
+voluntary system of recruiting is "haphazard, capricious, and unjust,"
+and by protesting that he has "no abstract or _a priori_ objection of
+any sort or kind to compulsion in time of war," adding that he has no
+intention whatever to go to the stake "in defence of what is called the
+voluntary principle."[41] Poor "voluntary principle"! Already abandoned
+in practice, and now thrown over by its former high-priest!
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[40] This was written in December, 1915. A few weeks later the Military
+Service Bill became law. Compulsion is to be applied from March 1st,
+1916.
+
+[41] House of Commons debate, November 2nd, 1915.
+
+
+
+
+V. THE FUTURE
+
+
+Is there any shred or remnant of this deserted and discredited voluntary
+principle that is worth saving? There is not. It is the last
+disreputable relic of the extreme individualism of the Manchester School
+of the early nineteenth century, which taught a political theory that
+has been abandoned by all serious thinkers. Everyone now admits that it
+is the function of the State to secure as far as it can the conditions
+of the good life to its citizens. It is the logical and inevitable
+corollary that it is the duty of every citizen to support and safeguard
+the State. It has long been one of the gravest weaknesses of our modern
+democracy that, while it has insisted vehemently upon its claims against
+the State--claims to education, employment, office, insurance, pension,
+and so on--it has remained comparatively oblivious to its
+responsibilities. Its so-called political leaders, who too often are but
+self-seeking flatterers fawning for its favour, have persistently
+encouraged it to concentrate its efforts upon getting without giving. It
+has been taught that it is proper to use political power in pursuit of
+selfish aims and to employ all manner of compulsion therein; but in the
+matter of national service it has received soothing lessons on the
+surpassing glories of the voluntary principle. It is the State which is
+to be coerced by threats of passive resistance or general strikes; but
+if the State attempts coercion in the exercise of its functions it is
+met by the passionate proclamation of the rights of personal freedom.
+Similarly, we have the amazing spectacle of Trade Unionists meeting in
+congress to condemn "conscription" and at the same time sanctioning the
+most extreme measures of illegal persecution to drive non-Unionists into
+the ranks of their own organizations. It is a monstrous and intolerable
+perversion of all sound political principles. The whole sorry business
+is a flagrant example of the subtle way in which a democracy can be
+cajoled, corrupted, and depraved.
+
+I elaborated this point in a letter to the _Observer_ which the Editor
+kindly allows me to reprint here. It will be found in the issue of
+January 17th, 1915:
+
+
+     One of the most curious phenomena of present-day politics is the
+     opposition offered by collectivists to conscription--under which
+     term they persistently and disingenuously include both the
+     compulsory service of the German army and the very different
+     universal military training of the Swiss citizen.
+
+     Even Mr. Herbert Spencer and the extreme individualists of his
+     school admitted that national defence is a proper function of the
+     State, and that a government may rightly use compulsory powers to
+     safeguard the community from attack.
+
+     But Mr. Arnold Bennett and the semi-socialists of the _Daily
+     Chronicle_ and the _Daily News_--although they are filled with
+     horror and indignation if it is suggested that an artisan should be
+     allowed to choose whether or not he will enjoy the advantages of
+     the Insurance Act; or that a collier, if he wishes to do so, should
+     be permitted to work for more than eight hours a day; or that a
+     labourer should be exempted from persecution as a blackleg if he
+     prefers to remain outside the fold of a trade union--are fired
+     with a long-dormant zeal for individual liberty, if it is urged
+     that a young man's citizenship is incomplete until he has been
+     called and prepared to defend his home and his country in case of
+     need.
+
+     Their collectivism is, in fact, a peculiarly perverted or inverted
+     type of individualism. It insists on the right of the individual,
+     if unemployed, to come to the State for work; if in poverty, to
+     come to the State for relief; if ignorant, to come to the State for
+     education: but it strenuously resists the exercise by the State of
+     its reciprocal claim on the service of the individual. It is
+     engrossed by the contemplation of the rights of the individual and
+     the duties of the State; it ignores the rights of the State and the
+     duties of the individual.
+
+     It is true that our voluntary system of military service has done
+     wonders in this war, far more indeed than could ever have been
+     expected of it; but this does not alter the fact that it is _wrong
+     in principle_. It is quite conceivable that a similar voluntary
+     system of monetary contributions would, if compulsory taxation were
+     abolished, supply the necessities of government; but it would be a
+     most iniquitous system, pressing heavily on the generous, and
+     allowing the niggardly to escape. We all, in fact, admit that it
+     would be entirely improper to replace the income-tax form by the
+     begging-letter. For precisely the same reasons it is entirely
+     improper that enlistment for home defence should depend on the
+     voluntary sacrifice of the patriotic minority, while the careless
+     and worthless majority elude their duty.
+
+     It is, moreover, deeply humiliating to the national pride to see
+     the protection of our shores, and the existence of our Empire,
+     dependent on the response made to advertisements, to platform
+     appeals, to music-hall songs, and to the kisses so generously
+     proffered by popular actresses.
+
+
+It will be no small compensation for the immeasurable losses of this war
+if the lofty old-English ideals of duty and service are restored to
+their rightful place in our political system, and if in respect of the
+essentials of national existence, viz., defence of the realm and
+obedience to law, we completely eliminate and frankly repudiate--as we
+have already done in the sphere of taxation--the enervating one-sided
+individualism of the voluntary principle.
+
+
+
+
+IV
+
+PASSIVE RESISTANCE
+
+
+
+
+I. THE NEW PERIL
+
+
+For a long time past there has existed in this country a sort of
+smouldering rebellion known as passive resistance. It is difficult to
+say when it had its origin; but probably it could be traced back to the
+Reformation. For it is merely a veiled manifestation of that anarchic
+individualism and that morbid conscientiousness--the extremes of
+qualities admirable in moderation--which first became formidable in
+England on the break-up of mediaeval Christendom. In recent times it has
+displayed itself in many new forms, and on an increasingly large scale,
+until now, in this great crisis of our fate, it has grown to be a
+serious menace to the national unity, and a grave danger to the very
+existence of the State. We have in our midst at the present day--to
+mention only the leading specimens--Ritualists who refuse to obey
+judgments of the Privy Council, or to heed injunctions issued by bishops
+appointed by the Crown; Anti-Vivisectionists who resist regulations
+regarded as essential by the health authorities; Undenominationalists
+who decline to pay rates necessary to maintain the system of education
+established by law; Christian Scientists whose criminal neglect in the
+case of dangerous diseases not only renders them guilty of homicide, but
+also imperils the welfare of the whole community; Suffragists who defy
+all law comprehensively, on the ground that the legislature from which
+it emanates is not constituted as they think it ought to be; Trade
+Unionists who combine to stultify any Act of Parliament which conflicts
+with the rules of their own organizations; and finally, a
+No-Conscription Fellowship whose members expressly "deny the right of
+Government to say, 'You _shall_ bear arms,'" and threaten to "oppose
+every effort to introduce compulsory military service into Great
+Britain."[42] Here is a pretty collection of aliens from the
+commonwealth! It contains examples of almost every variety of
+anti-social eccentricity. So diverse and conflicting are the types of
+passive resistance represented that there is only one thing that can be
+predicated of all the members of all the groups, and it is this--that
+they are rebels.
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[42] No-Conscription Manifesto printed in full in the _Morning Post_,
+May 31st, 1915.
+
+
+
+
+II. PASSIVE RESISTANCE AS REBELLION
+
+
+The essential preliminary to any useful discussion of passive resistance
+is the clear recognition of the fact that it is rebellion, and nothing
+less. To say, or admit, this is not necessarily to condemn it; for there
+are few persons to-day, I suppose, who would contend that rebellion is
+never justifiable. All it asserts is that passive resistance has to be
+judged by the same measures and according to the same standards as any
+other kind of revolt against constituted political authority. It is all
+the more needful to make this plain because some of the milder but more
+muddled among the resisters try to shut their eyes to the fact that they
+are rebels. They claim to be sheep and not goats. They call themselves
+Socialists; they profess an abnormal loyalty to the idea of the State;
+they protest their devotion to the Great Society; they ask to be allowed
+to make all sorts of sacrifices to the community; they announce their
+willingness to do anything--except the one thing which the Government
+requires them to do. The exception is fatal to their claim. "To obey is
+better than sacrifice, and to hearken than the fat of rams." The State
+does not and cannot submit the validity of its enactments to the private
+judgment of its subjects. It expresses and enforces the general will,
+and it dare not leave to the choice, or even to the conscience, of the
+individual an option as to which of its commands shall be obeyed, and
+which not. To do so would be to loose the bands of society, to bring to
+an end the reign of law, and to plunge the community once again into
+that primal chaos of anarchy from which in the beginning it painfully
+emerged. The State demands, and must necessarily demand, implicit
+obedience. From the loyal it receives it. Those from whom it does not
+receive it are rebels, no matter how conscientious they may be, how
+lofty their moral elevation, how sublimely passive their resistance. So
+far as their disobedience extends they are the enemies of organized
+society, disrupters of the commonwealth, subverters of government, the
+allies and confederates of criminals and anarchists. It is worth noting,
+moreover, how easily their passive resistance develops into more active
+forms of rebellion. Not for long was the Suffragist content to remain
+merely defensive in revolt; soon she emerged with whips for Cabinet
+Ministers, hammers for windows, and bombs for churches. Resistant Trade
+Unionists rapidly and generally slide into sabotage and personal
+violence. The No-Conscriptionists of Ireland threaten through Mr.
+Byrne, M.P., for Dublin, that "if Conscription is forced on Ireland, it
+will be resisted by drilled and armed forces"[43]--a delightfully
+Hibernian type of anti-militarism, which, nevertheless, throws a lurid
+light on the real meaning of the movement. It is seen to be rebellion,
+open, naked and unashamed.
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[43] See _Times_, November 22nd, 1915.
+
+
+
+
+III. THE RIGHT OF REBELLION
+
+
+Passive resistance, then, is rebellion; but, as has already been
+admitted, it is not on that account necessarily unjustifiable. An
+established government may be so hopelessly iniquitous that it ought to
+be overthrown; an organized society may be so irremediably corrupt that
+it merits disruption; duly enacted laws may, when judged by moral
+standards, be so flagrantly unjust as to demand the resistance of all
+good men. There is no need to labour the point: actual examples crowd
+upon the mind. Who would condemn the revolt of the Greeks against
+Turkish rule? Who would contend that the degenerate society of the later
+Bourbon monarchy did not deserve dissolution? Who would maintain that
+John Hampden and Oliver Cromwell had no moral warrant for their
+resistance to Charles I, or their successors to James II. We may freely
+allow that in these cases, and in many similar ones, there existed on
+ethical grounds a right, or more strictly a communal duty, to rebel. Few
+would now proclaim with Filmer the divine right of any government to
+exact obedience quite irrespective of the wishes or the interests of its
+subjects. Still fewer would agree with Hobbes that an original contract
+precludes for ever all opposition to sovereign political authority. The
+ground on which political obligation is asserted has been shifted. The
+State is recognized as "an institution for the promotion of the common
+good," and it is admitted that if it ceases to promote the common good
+the obligation to obey it is transformed into an obligation to reform
+it, or even to
+
+
+     Shatter it to bits--and then
+     Remould it nearer to the heart's desire.
+
+
+But, viewed thus, the right of rebellion assumes an aspect of awful
+responsibility, perhaps the most tremendous within the sphere of
+politics that the mind can conceive. For rebellion means the breaking-up
+of the existing order, the throwing of institutions into the
+melting-pot, the letting loose of incalculable forces of discord and
+destruction, the suspension of law, the return to chaos, in the hope
+that out of the welter a new and better cosmos--one more fitted to
+promote the common good--may be evolved. Every rebel, or prospective
+rebel, whether of the passive or the active type, ought to ponder well
+the logical consequences of his revolt against authority, ought to
+consider the inevitable results that would flow from the general
+adoption of the principles which he professes, ought to decide whether
+or not he really desires to overthrow the polity under which he lives,
+ought to ask if he and his fellows are able to face with any serious
+hope of success the colossal task of constructing a new society on the
+ruins of the old. Now the historic rebels to whom I have referred above
+by way of example--the Greek Nationalists, the French Revolutionists,
+the English Puritans and Whigs--did not hesitate to acknowledge the
+nature of their acts, and were not unprepared to face their
+consequences. They did not deceive themselves, or attempt to deceive
+others, by false professions of loyalty. The Greeks proclaimed their
+undying hostility to the Turks, fought them, shook off their yoke, and
+erected a national kingdom on the ruins of Turkish tyranny. The French
+Revolutionists openly declared war upon the old regime, eradicated it
+by means of the guillotine, and established a republic where it had
+been. Similarly the English Puritans repudiated allegiance to Charles I,
+brought him to the block, and instituted the Commonwealth in his place;
+while the Whigs drove out James II and set up the constitutional
+monarchy of William and Mary. One can respect heroic rebels of these
+types. They were honest and open; they attacked great abuses; they took
+great risks, and they achieved notable results. Very different are our
+modern rebels. They profess with nauseating unction loyalty to the State
+whose dominion they are undermining; they claim to be exceptionally
+virtuous members of the Society whose unity they are destroying; above
+all they continue to demand with insolent effrontery the protection of
+the very law and the very courts whose authority they are denying and
+defying. They can be freed from the charge of the most revolting
+hypocrisy only on the plea that "they know not what they do."
+
+
+
+
+IV. REBELLION AGAINST A DEMOCRACY
+
+
+It is granted, then, that rebellion may sometimes be not only a
+justifiable act, but also a bounden public duty. Three examples have
+been given which perhaps may be allowed to have illustrated and
+confirmed this view. It will be noted, however, that in each of the
+cases cited the revolt was that of an oppressed community against a
+government in which it had no part or lot, and over which it had no
+constitutional control. Rebellion against a democracy on the part of
+members of that democracy stands on a widely different footing. It is
+treachery as well as insurrection. One can, indeed, conceive
+circumstances which would justify it; but they would be rare and
+exceptional, and that for two reasons. First, in a democracy
+constitutional means are provided for the alteration of law and even for
+the remodelling of the form of government. Secondly, if a democratic
+government is undermined by disobedience, discredited by successful
+defiance, destroyed by treasonable betrayal on the part of its own
+professed supporters, there is nothing to take its place; the community
+is bound either to drift into anarchy, or to revert to some sort of
+tyranny. Let us consider these two points in turn. (1) The essence of
+democracy is government according to the will of the majority. This
+almost necessarily implies government in opposition to the will of one
+or more minorities. But democratic minorities have a remedy--and it is
+the peculiar virtue of democracy to provide it. It is this: by means of
+argument, persuasion, and appeal; by press agitation and platform
+campaign; through organization and combination, to convert themselves
+into a majority. The whole of our English political system, the very
+existence of our democratic constitution, depends upon the recognition
+and acceptance of this rule of the game. If the will of the majority is
+not to be regarded as authoritative, measures for reform of the
+franchise, extension of the suffrage, and adjustment of the electoral
+machine have no rational meaning at all. They are merely vanity and
+vexation of spirit. What matter who makes the laws, or what laws are
+made, if laws are not to be implicitly obeyed? Our extremists want to
+have it both ways: they want to enforce law with majestic severity as
+"the Will of the People," when they are in a majority; but they also
+want to defy law with conscientious obstinacy as a violation of personal
+freedom when they are in a minority. Some members of "The Union of
+Democratic Control" are also members of the "No-Conscription
+Fellowship"! Could inconsistency or muddle-headedness go further? Those
+who wish to rule as part of a majority must be prepared to be overruled
+as part of a minority. If minorities, instead of employing the
+constitutional machinery placed at their disposal to secure the repeal
+of obnoxious laws, are going to resist and rebel whenever the majority
+does something of which they strongly disapprove, there is an end of
+democratic government altogether, and a reversion to the state of
+nature. T. H. Green in his _Principles of Political Obligation_ puts the
+case clearly and well. He asks this very question, What shall an
+individual do when he is faced by a command of a democratic government
+which he believes to be wrong? He replies: "In a country like ours with
+a popular government and settled methods of enacting and repealing laws,
+the answer of common sense is simple and sufficient. He should do all he
+can by legal methods to get the command cancelled, but till it is
+cancelled, he should conform to it. The common good must suffer more
+from resistance to a law or to the ordinance of a legal authority than
+from the individual's conformity to the particular law or ordinance that
+is bad, until its repeal can be obtained."[44] Here we have the true
+ground of the duty of obedience. The antagonistic principle of passive
+resistance provides a charter for criminals and anarchists.
+
+(2) The second point needs little enlargement. It is clear from many
+examples in both ancient and modern history that if a monarchy is
+overthrown an aristocracy can take its place, and that if an aristocracy
+is dispossessed of power, room is made for a democracy. But what do our
+rebels against democracy propose to substitute for the sovereign will of
+the majority, if they succeed by resistance in reducing it to impotence?
+Possibly they hope that their own exalted will may prevail. Let them not
+flatter themselves by any such vain dream. Even assuming what is
+improbable, viz., that they remain united among themselves, can they
+suppose that their example of successful revolt will remain without
+imitators, or that their anti-social doctrines will never be applied
+again? If they will not render obedience when they are in a minority,
+who will obey them even if they have a majority behind them? Government
+will cease; the reign of order will be at an end; Society will be
+dissolved amid "red ruin and the breaking-up of laws."
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[44] Green. _Principles of Political Obligation_, p. 111. _Cf._ Ritchie,
+Natural Rights, p. 243.
+
+
+
+
+V. THE DUTY OF THE STATE
+
+
+The case seems clear. Passive resistance is rebellion, and it is
+entirely inconsistent with loyalty to any form of government. In
+relation to democratic government it is, moreover, on the part of
+members of the democracy, treachery of a peculiarly heinous type, since
+it is a betrayal of the sovereign community by those within its own
+ranks. If the sovereign community does (as it easily may) by the vote of
+its majority make enactments which seem to any one of its subjects to be
+morally wrong, that subject has two legitimate courses open to him. He
+may either obey under protest, and meantime use all lawful influence at
+his disposal to convince the majority of the error of their ways, and
+convert them to his way of thinking; or he may withdraw from the
+community and its territories altogether, and go to some other part of
+the wide world where the obnoxious enactment is not in force. What he
+may _not_ do, is to remain within the community, enjoy all the
+advantages of its ordered life, exercise its franchises, receive the
+protection of its forces, claim the securities of its courts and the
+liberties of its constitution, and at the same time refuse to render it
+obedience.
+
+If in his misguided perversity he adopts this last-named course, the
+duty of the State is plain. It is to call him to submission, or to
+withdraw its protection from him. The person who will not recognize the
+State's sovereignty, has no claim upon the services of the State. The
+first essential of a government is that it should govern. It should, of
+course, exercise the utmost care in issuing commands to avoid as far as
+possible the giving of offence to tender consciences; but when once its
+deliberate commands are issued, and so long as they remain unrepealed,
+it should enforce them with calm but inexorable determination. Nothing
+is more fatal to the very foundations of political society, than the
+spectacle of a government that can be defied with impunity.[45] That
+demoralizing spectacle has been seen far too often during recent years,
+and at the moment when the war broke out it had led us to the verge of
+national disaster. The war has brought us into closer touch with
+realities than we had been for many a long year before, and it has
+taught us how ruinous it is in fatuous complacency to "wait and see"
+whither disorder, disloyalty, and disobedience will conduct us. If,
+however, there are still in our midst ministers who tremble before
+rebellion, and do not know how to act in the presence of organized
+passive resistance, let me commend to them the worthy example of Edward
+I, who in 1296 was faced by a general refusal on the part of the clergy
+to pay taxes. He simply excluded them from the protection of the laws,
+and closed his courts to their pleas. A few weeks of well-merited
+outlawry brought to an end their ill-advised experiment in passive
+resistance.
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[45] Maine (_Popular Government_, p. 64) emphasizes this point. "If," he
+says, "any government should be tempted to neglect, even for a moment,
+its function of compelling obedience to law--if a Democracy, for
+example, were to allow a portion of the multitude of which it consists
+to set some law at defiance which it happens to dislike--it would be
+guilty of a crime which hardly any other virtue could redeem, and which
+century upon century might fail to repair."
+
+
+
+
+V
+
+CHRISTIANITY AND WAR
+
+
+
+
+I. A CONFLICT OF CONVICTIONS
+
+
+Few of those who lived through the critical ten days that culminated in
+the outbreak of the Great War in August, 1914, will ever forget the
+conflict of emotions which the events of that dramatic period called
+forth. If I may speak of myself--though I think that I am merely one of
+a large class--I was torn by the contending convictions, first, that
+every consideration of honour and policy made it necessary for Britain
+to go to the aid of Serbia, Belgium, France, and Russia in their
+struggle against the wanton attack of the Central Empires; but,
+secondly, that war is a relic of barbarism, wholly incompatible with
+civilization, and entirely antagonistic to the Christian ideal. On the
+one hand I realized the magnitude of the German menace to the
+Commonwealth of Europe; recognized that the Teutonic race had long
+plotted conquest, and that it was out for world-dominion; perceived the
+significance of its monstrous demands on Serbia, and its shameless
+violations of its treaty obligations to Luxemburg and Belgium; saw that
+the triumph of the imperial militants would involve the disruption of
+the concert of the nations, the abrogation of International Law
+(laboriously instituted through three centuries of painful effort) and
+the collapse of the democratic order; and felt, finally, that upon
+British intervention depended the very existence of the British Empire
+with all that it means of good to one-fifth part of the human race. Over
+against this group of convictions I was confronted on the other hand by
+a vision of the cosmopolitan and pacific Kingdom of God as proclaimed in
+the Sermon on the Mount, and exemplified by Christ and His disciples in
+Palestine, long ago--a Kingdom whose law is love; whose fundamental
+principles are inexhaustible goodwill, meekness, gentleness,
+brotherly-kindness and charity; whose administration works along the
+gracious lines of sacrifice, unselfish devotion, and untiring
+beneficence. Obviously, within the limits of such a Kingdom war is
+inconceivable. Under such a regime, if it were universally established,
+the one service which could never be demanded would be military
+service. How can the consecrated servant of the Prince of Peace in any
+circumstances become a man of war?
+
+The reconciliation of the contradiction is, I think, not impossible. It
+is to be effected, it seems to me, by recognizing that unflinching
+resistance to evil is the supreme duty of the present, while the
+realization of the ideal, pacific, and world-wide Kingdom of God is the
+goal of the future; and, further, that the attainment of the goal
+depends upon the performance of the duty. At the moment our high task is
+to defend our homes, our rights, our liberties, our institutions, our
+standards of justice, our hopes for humanity, against the diabolical
+aggressor. In a happier day and a freer world we may hope that, as one
+of the results of our present struggle and sacrifice, beneath the sway
+of restored and vindicated law, a larger scope may be given for the
+spread of the divine realm of love. The vindication of law must precede
+the proclamation of peace. The goodwill that shall put an end to strife
+must be based on triumphant justice and sovereign righteousness. As yet
+we see not law supreme, or justice and righteousness in the ascendant.
+So long as violence is rampant, and evil stalks abroad, we must be
+prepared to fight even to the death. It is vain--it is worse than vain;
+it is treasonable--to cry "Peace, peace," when there is no peace, and
+when the conditions of peace do not exist.
+
+
+
+
+II. THE RELIGION OF THE BIBLE
+
+
+The distinctive feature of the religion of the Bible is its indissoluble
+connection with righteousness. Other primitive cults have been either
+domestic, or economic, or political. Thus the Lares and Penates
+safeguarded the pious Latin family irrespective of its ethical
+character; the Greek deities, such as Dionysus and Aphrodite, were
+frankly immoral, but if propitiated they gave plenty and prosperity; the
+great gods of Rome were political personages who had no regard for
+private virtues, and their proper worship was performed by State
+officials whose functions strictly fell within the department of foreign
+affairs. But the religion of the Chosen People, under both the Old and
+the New Covenant, was, and still is, a faith whose keynote is divine
+law. The standard which has led the hosts of Jehovah to victory
+throughout the ages has been the lofty ethical code which it has
+displayed and maintained. The Bible begins with the story of man's fall
+from righteousness, and it ends with a vision of his restoration to
+ideal holiness. The prime purpose of the religion of the Bible is the
+conquest of sin, the defeat of the devil, the redemption of humanity,
+the recovery of the lost paradise, and the re-establishment of the
+Kingdom of Heaven. Milton made no mistake when he chose this as the
+central theme of his two immortal epics. Everything else is secondary.
+
+Now the means which the Bible describes and recognizes for the
+attainment of its supreme end are broadly two, viz., the persuasion of
+love, and the compulsion of force. In the case of all those who can be
+reached thereby the gentler means are employed. With what infinite
+patience were the Children of Israel led throughout their chequered
+career; with what divine compassion were the faltering disciples guided
+along the way of salvation! But where gentler means fail or are
+inapplicable, sterner measures are unhesitatingly sanctioned. The Bible
+knows nothing of the pernicious Manichaean objection to the use of
+physical force to attain moral ends. In the beginning the rebellious
+angels were overthrown in battle by Michael and his hosts. The
+consummation of all things is to be reached as the result of the field
+of Armageddon. The Old Testament history is a long record of wars
+undertaken at the divine command, and to the Children of Israel Jehovah
+was peculiarly the God of Battles. Nor does the New Testament, with all
+its insistence on the power of love, ever condemn the Old Testament
+theology as false, ever repudiate force as a moral agent, ever denounce
+war as necessarily evil. On the contrary, it celebrates the achievements
+of the heroes of Israel who "waxed valiant in fight"; it announces
+irremediable destruction to the impenitent and unyielding wicked; it
+recognizes to the fullest degree the civil authorities who wield the
+sword of justice, and make themselves a terror to evil-doers; it
+proclaims that those who take the sword shall perish by the sword; it
+admits centurions and soldiers to the company of the elect without
+suggesting that they should forsake their military duties; it tells how
+on one notable occasion Christ Himself used force to cleanse the temple,
+and so for ever sanctified its use.
+
+
+
+
+III. THE DOCTRINE AND PRACTICE OF THE CHURCH
+
+
+The Church as a whole during the long and varied course of her history
+has been true to the general Biblical principle that evil should, where
+possible, be overcome by gentle means which give the evildoer room for
+repentance, but that it should be stamped out by the force of inexorable
+justice where gentle means have failed. No one can contend, I fear, that
+the Church has always been wise or Christly in her application of this
+sound Scriptural doctrine. She has, it must be admitted, sometimes
+encouraged premature resort to force, and has given her blessing to
+countless wanton wars. She has at other times treated as evils to be
+suppressed by violent means offences which have been mere deviations
+from her own arbitrary standards, and not violations of the eternal laws
+of truth and right. Nevertheless, however imperfect her practice, all
+her great teachers from Athanasius to Aquinas, and from Aquinas to the
+present day, have rightly recognized the legitimacy of the employment of
+force for moral purposes in the last resort, have admitted the
+compatibility of Christianity with military service, and have confessed
+that, evil as war is, there are evils still greater, and that the duty
+of every Christian man may be to fight lest the cause of righteousness
+and justice should suffer defeat. If the Church had taught otherwise--if
+she had been captured by the Gnostic heresy of non-resistance--Mediaeval
+Christendom and Western Civilization would inevitably have been
+destroyed by the assaults of Huns and Saracens, Magyars and Tartars,
+Vikings and Turks; while within the borders of Christendom itself law
+and order would have perished at the hands of wicked and violent men.
+Similarly in modern times common Christian opinion has agreed that there
+are causes worth fighting for and worth dying for. The English Puritans,
+for instance, including the early Quakers, considered that political
+freedom and religious liberty were ideals that justified and indeed
+demanded armed resistance to tyranny. During the last three centuries
+there have been few who, on religious grounds, have condemned the revolt
+of Christian peoples against Turkish misrule. In the American Civil War
+many professed pacificists felt that for the abolition of slavery they
+must need take arms. In our own recent history men like Havelock,
+Gordon, and Roberts have regarded as sacred trusts the tasks of saving
+women and children from massacre, of suppressing fanatical and cruel
+tyranny, of preventing intolerable wrong. The Church with confident
+consistency has rightly sanctioned and sanctified their heroic
+enterprises. While condemning wars of ambition, conquest, or revenge,
+she has taught that those who take arms to defend from murderous
+violence the weak and helpless, to maintain the priceless heritage of
+freedom, and to vindicate the majesty of law, may with humble assurance
+and firm faith pray for and expect the benediction of the Lord of Hosts.
+The Christian doctrine of war is admirably summarized by Burke in the
+words:--"The blood of man is well shed for our family, for our friends,
+for our God, for our country, for our kind; the rest is vanity; the rest
+is crime."[46]
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[46] Burke. _Regicide Peace_, vi, 145.
+
+
+
+
+IV. FORCE AS A MORAL INSTRUMENT
+
+
+Force, in short, has a proper and necessary place in the ethical sphere.
+It is an indispensable instrument of the will to righteousness. The good
+man and the good government resolve, in the spirit of the Lord, that
+certain abominations shall not take place. They express their will in a
+law. That law remains futile, it is a mockery and a fraud, unless they
+are prepared to enforce it by all the means in their power, even if need
+be by the shedding of blood. Much, no doubt, can and will be done to
+secure obedience by education, by persuasion, and by appeal. Every
+effort will be made to prevent the evildoer, and to convert him to the
+good way. But the fact has to be faced that there are in the world
+insensate scoundrels and hardened malefactors wholly beyond the reach of
+education, persuasion, and appeal; men who have deliberately chosen evil
+to be their good, and have made a binding compact with the powers of
+darkness. With them force is the only possible argument. Unless it is
+applied, there is nothing to prevent them from dominating the earth,
+defying all law, and establishing the kingdom of the devil. At the back
+of all effective law there is, in fact, physical force. Behind the
+police stands the army. The magistrate would be wholly ineffective
+without the soldier. The criminal population would laugh civilian
+restraints to scorn, if it did not know that out of sight, but never far
+away, are the bayonets and the guns of the ultimate defenders of the
+peace. The salvation of the criminal is not everything: the salvation of
+Society is more. Society would perish in a day if the basis of force
+were removed from beneath the fabric of law. One of the falsest of false
+generalizations is that which says that "force is no remedy." It is in
+many cases the only remedy. In other cases it is better than a remedy;
+it is a sovereign preventive of wrong. Force is the very essence of
+government. By its means countless evils have been suppressed in the
+past, such as highway-robbery, private war, duelling, piracy,
+slave-trading. Only through fear of it is their recrudescence obviated.
+If a man sees wrongs being perpetrated which he has strength to
+prevent--if, for instance, he sees a child being tortured, a woman being
+outraged, a helpless fellow-man being set upon and murdered--if he sees
+these things and does not intervene with all his might, then he is not a
+pacificist but a traitor to humanity, not a man but a contemptible or
+infatuated worm. Similarly if a State stands on one side inactive while
+small nations are wantonly stamped out of existence, while treaties are
+violated, while International Law is defied, while unprecedented
+barbarities are perpetrated, it sinks to the level of an accomplice in
+crime, and proves itself worthy of the perdition which awaits those who
+make "the great refusal."
+
+The days of universal and enduring peace, for whose dawning we all
+ardently look, will not be ushered in by any diminution of the forces
+wielded by the powers of goodness in the world, but rather by their
+immense increase. Just as in our own country the King's Peace became
+the secure possession of every Englishman only when the King's might
+became irresistible, so in the larger sphere of the Society of Nations
+the world's peace will be firmly established only when it is maintained
+by the united forces of all the federated Peoples of goodwill.
+
+
+
+
+V. THE IDEAL OF THE SERMON ON THE MOUNT
+
+
+We, then, at the present moment are in the throes of a conflict from
+which we had no honourable means of escape. Not to have taken our place
+by the side of our Allies would have been to break our word, to violate
+our faith, to betray the righteous cause. We are doing, at the cost of
+awful sacrifice, our high duty; we have before us the noblest of
+purposes; we are fighting with hands that are clean, with consciences
+that are clear, and with hearts that are inspired by the courage of
+conviction. It is our fervent hope and our faithful belief that if, in
+spite of our wicked lack of preparation and our subsequent incredible
+follies, Heaven grants us a good victory, we shall use it to further the
+advance of humanity towards the goal of the Kingdom of God.
+
+What that kingdom is we are shown in that matchless mosaic of
+utterances attributed to Christ, known as the Sermon on the Mount. It is
+the kingdom of righteousness, justice, love, and peace. When, however,
+we study the details of the polity of that kingdom, as they are set
+forth in the evangelical picture, we perceive (as the Church Universal
+has always perceived and taught) that they are capable of realization
+only in a Christian society cut off from the world, or in a world become
+dominantly Christian. To give to all who ask, to lend indiscriminately
+without expecting any return, would in society as at present constituted
+not only speedily reduce ourselves to destitution; it would also
+pauperize and demoralize those into whose hands our squandered wealth
+should pass. To take no thought for the morrow, and to refuse to lay up
+treasure on earth, would under existing economic conditions simply mean
+that we should become useless burdens upon a thrifty and prudent
+community. To ignore the legal and judicial institutions of our country
+by neither judging nor going to law in cases where wrong has been
+inflicted would be to foster the perpetration of crime in a world whose
+very propensity towards crime has necessitated the establishment of the
+courts. Similarly to decline to resist evil, where evil is rampant and
+aggressive, would be to play the part of a traitor and to surrender the
+world to the devil. The precepts of the Sermon on the Mount, however
+liberally they may be interpreted, are, in short, the negation of civil
+government; that is to say, they assume the existence of a community of
+sanctified persons among whom civil government is unnecessary. The
+irreducible minimum of civil government--as even the administrative
+nihilists of the school of Herbert Spencer admit--involves three things,
+viz., defence of life, protection of property, and enforcement of
+contract. With these three things the precepts of the Sermon on the
+Mount are, as they stand, incompatible.
+
+All this is very obvious, and the consecrated common-sense of the Church
+in every age has clearly perceived it. The political science of the
+Apostles and the Early Fathers, and still more expressly that of their
+successors, recognized the authority of kings, the jurisdiction of
+courts, the justice of taxation, the rights of property, the majesty of
+human law, the protective function of soldiers, and the necessity of
+military service. All these were accepted as inevitable in society in
+its present state of imperfect development; although it was proclaimed
+that none of them would be required in the ideal Kingdom of God.
+
+In the Sermon on the Mount itself, however, the truth as to the
+relativity of Christian institutions is obscured by the faith of the
+compiler that, when he wrote, the second advent of Christ was at hand,
+and that the Kingdom of Heaven was immediately to be established. For
+him there was no terrestrial future worthy of consideration; the reign
+of the Messiah had already begun; the consummation of all things was
+impending. Hence he did not feel it necessary, or indeed possible, to
+distinguish between the ideal of the perfect day and the practical
+policy of the actual moment. His citizenship already was in Heaven: to
+him present and future were one. The eschatological hopes of the
+evangelist were of course speedily dispelled, partly by mere lapse of
+time, partly by the growing wisdom and experience of the Church. The
+Church learned that its early expectation of the speedy and triumphant
+return of its Lord was ill-founded, and that its task was to convert the
+world to righteousness, not to preside over its immediate dissolution.
+Hence it accommodated its doctrines and its institutions to the changed
+outlook.
+
+This fact causes no difficulty to those who believe in the
+progressiveness of revelation. Such as admit that New Testament ethics
+show an advance on those of the Old, will hardly contend that in
+politics any New Testament writer said the last word. What Tolstoy and
+his literalist school call the corruption and secularization of the
+Church was to no small degree a simple recognition of the facts that the
+Earth continued to exist, and that the Roman Empire and not the New
+Jerusalem was the dominant power therein. But though the Church as a
+whole was guided safely through the crisis of disillusionment, it
+nevertheless remains unfortunate that the compiler of the Sermon on the
+Mount should have made the false assumption. For the picture which he
+presents of the perfect man and the ideal society is so fascinating and
+magnificent that it is not marvellous that saints and visionaries, in a
+long and pathetic succession, should have repeated his error, should
+have ignored the distinction between present and future, should have
+assumed the actual existence of the Divine Kingdom towards which, as a
+matter of fact, mankind has still a weary and protracted pilgrimage to
+make; should have proclaimed the celestial anarchy, and should as a
+result have been overwhelmed in tragic or ludicrous disaster.
+
+
+
+
+VI. THE PACIFICIST SUCCESSION
+
+
+Those who have asserted the present applicability of the full detailed
+programme of the Sermon on the Mount, and have endeavoured to carry it
+into immediate effect, have been scanty in numbers, and obscure. A few
+early Christian communities, soon extinct; a few hermits isolated from
+their fellows; a few monks in secluded cloisters; a few friars
+repudiated by their own orders; a few small antinomian Protestant sects
+springing up and vanishing with gourd-like rapidity; a few groups of
+Slavonic dreamers forming the innocent extreme of the Nihilist
+fraternity--such have been the leading professors of Gospel Anarchy. One
+can, even while condemning them, respect them for their purity of
+purpose, their lofty idealism, their sincerity, and their consistency in
+following their false premiss to its logical conclusion.
+
+Much more numerous, but far less worthy of regard, are those who have
+picked and chosen among the precepts of the Lord, have accepted what
+seemed good to them and have explained away the rest. It would be easy,
+did space allow, to present a motley succession of fanatics and heretics
+from apostolic days to the present who have developed fantastic theories
+and have maintained them by means of passages drawn from the Sermon on
+the Mount.
+
+
+     No damned error, but some sober brow
+     Will bless it, and approve it with a text.
+
+
+Only one group, however, now concerns us, and that is the group of
+anti-militarists who, for the most part arbitrarily ignoring or
+repudiating the other commands of their authority, fasten on those
+precepts that seem to inculcate the doctrine of non-resistance, and on
+the strength of these erect the visionary superstructure of pacificism.
+They form a strange and suspicious company. Among their early
+representatives stand prominent the able advocate, but furious
+schismatic, Tertullian; the amiable scholar, but heretically Gnostic,
+Origen; the accomplished stylist, but bigoted and ignorant
+special-pleader, Lactantius. It would not be a harsh judgment to say
+that most of the early pacificists had some twist of mind or character
+that disturbed the perfect balance of their sanity.
+
+The later sects who have included pacificism in fleeting religious
+systems of varying degrees of impossibility and absurdity are still more
+open to suspicion on mental and moral grounds. The Cathari, the
+Waldenses, the Anabaptists, and the "Family of Love," not only
+developed monstrous doctrines: they also boasted of an antinomian
+freedom from legal restraint which led some of their devotees into such
+wild excesses of conduct as made their destruction inevitable. The
+Franciscan Tertiaries, who never wholly abjured war, became involved in
+the conflict between the Empire and the Papacy, and departed from their
+ideal. The more recent Nazarenes in Hungary and Doukhobors in Russia and
+Canada have shown themselves, by their refusal to recognize and obey any
+form of government, a hopeless nuisance to any community that is
+unfortunate enough to be afflicted by their presence. It surely must
+give the present-day pacificists pause, if anything can do so, to find
+themselves mixed up with such a throng. If men are to be judged by their
+company, they can hardly hope to escape certification.
+
+It is true that the Society of Friends has a more respectable history.
+But the Society of Friends has for the most part consisted of sensible
+persons who have accepted the common Christian interpretation of the
+Sermon on the Mount, and so have been pacificists of an unusually
+moderate type--by no means unconditional non-resisters. Just as they do
+not give indiscriminately, or lend (especially such of them as are
+prosperous bankers) expecting no return, or refrain from judging, or
+going to law, or laying up treasure on earth, or taking thought for the
+morrow, so they do not interpret literally the command "resist not
+evil." They accept the constitution of the country, the government of
+which is based on force; they pay taxes for the maintenance of the army
+and the navy, and admit their necessity; they support the police, and
+call it in if their persons or property are threatened; many of them, to
+their infinite credit, actually join the fighting forces when they feel
+that great moral issues are at stake. George Fox himself, the founder of
+the Society, was an extremely belligerent and even truculent individual.
+He supported the militant Cromwellian regime, and it was only after the
+collapse of the Puritan Commonwealth, which was based on the force of
+the New Model army, that he abjured all weapons of offence, except his
+tongue. Isaac Pennington, his contemporary and friend, was actually a
+chaplain in the New Model (which contained many Quakers), and to the
+very end he was engaged in stirring it up to repeat its early exploits
+against "Babylon." His writings contain the passage: "I speak not
+against any magistrates or peoples defending themselves against foreign
+invasions, or making use of the sword to suppress the violent and
+evil-doers within their borders; for this the present state of things
+may and doth require."[47] A sounder and saner statement of good
+Christian teaching on the matter of police and military service one
+could not desire. With this admission in one's mind, one can view with
+unqualified admiration the efforts of the Friends to eliminate war, and
+to perfect the methods of peace in the intercourse of men. More than
+most Christian people have they laboured effectively to hasten the
+advent of the Kingdom of God. It is true that their attempts in
+Pennsylvania and elsewhere to establish a pacificist regime have
+failed--it was inevitable that they should fail--but this does not in
+any way lessen the debt which the world owes to them for their powerful
+and far-reaching influence in favour of love and gentleness and peace.
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[47] I quote from J. W. Graham, _War from a Quaker Point of View_, p.
+71. See also my review of this book in _Hibbert Journal_, No. 55.
+
+
+
+
+VII. CONCLUSION
+
+
+The sum of the matter seems to be this. Government is necessary in this
+present evil world. Only by means of sovereign political authority,
+based upon physical as well as moral force, can there be effective
+"punishment of wickedness and vice" or "maintenance of true religion
+and virtue." This is clearly recognized in the Bible, which proclaims
+that "the powers that be are ordained of God," which enjoins obedience
+to kings and governors as a religious duty, and which sees in the sword
+of justice carried by the secular ruler a weapon directed against the
+same enemies as oppose the establishment of the Kingdom of God. It is
+essential for the well-being and even for the existence of society, that
+crime should be suppressed. Hence, in addition to moralists and
+ministers who seek to educate and convert, there must be police and
+soldiers--in short, the full organized force of the community--ready to
+stamp out incorrigible villainy, if need be with blood and iron.
+Similarly, it is essential for the well-being and even for the existence
+of the polity of peoples--the growing society of nations--that
+aggression should be prevented, that treacherous intrigues should be
+frustrated, that treaty engagements should be enforced, that the reign
+of law should be confirmed. But, in order to realize this end, there is
+need not only of pacific missions and cosmopolitan congresses, but also
+of an armed might sufficient to prevent or to punish with irresistible
+certainty breaches of international conventions and violations of the
+World's peace. Hence, whether we have regard to internal good
+government, or the maintenance of international justice, the need of
+military force is imperative. Not only does there exist what the
+Russians quaintly call a "Christ-serving and worthy militancy," there
+are occasions, of which the present is one, when military service
+becomes the highest form of Christian duty. To hold aloof is not to
+display a superior form of Christianity; it is to be an apostate. As
+Solovyof has impressively shown in his notable conversations on _War and
+Christianity_, pacificism under present conditions is that very sort of
+religious imposture with which is associated the abominable name of
+Antichrist.
+
+
+
+
+VI
+
+THE STATE AND ITS RIVALS
+
+
+
+
+I. THE IDEA OF THE STATE IN ENGLAND
+
+
+Most of our recent political troubles are attributable to what Fortescue
+in the fifteenth century called "lack of governance." We are all of us
+painfully aware of the fact; but we are not all of us equally conscious
+that the feebleness and inefficiency of our supreme administration are
+to no small extent due to the absence among our people as a whole of any
+adequate idea of the position and function of the State. For if it is
+true generally that every nation has the sort of government that it
+deserves, it is specially true of a nation with democratic institutions.
+Weaknesses of intellect, infirmities of will, and faults of character in
+the sovereign representative assembly are but reproductions on a
+magnified scale of the same defects in the electorate. It is the failure
+of our people as a whole to realize the idea of the State that has
+resulted in the filling of the House of Commons with men who stand, not
+for the Nation in its unity and the Empire in its integrity, but for all
+sorts of limited and conflicting sectional interests--parties, leagues,
+fellowships, unions, cliques, schools, churches, orders, classes,
+trusts, syndicates, and so on. No wonder that in times of national and
+imperial crisis such representatives prove totally unequal to the duty
+of strong, corporate, and patriotic administration.
+
+The weakness of the idea of the State among the peoples of the British
+Isles is explicable on geographical and historical grounds. For the idea
+of the State--that is to say, the idea of society politically organized
+as an indivisible unit under a sovereign government--although it has
+other and deeper sources of vitality, is specially fostered by a sense
+of national danger, but tends to languish when complete immunity from
+external peril can be postulated. Never has the realization of "the
+commonwealth of this realm of England" been so strong as it was in the
+days when Spanish invasion threatened. The splendid patriotism of that
+great age is portrayed for all time in the immortal glory of
+Shakespeare's historical plays. Not far short, however, rose the
+patriotic realization of national unity during the crisis of the
+Napoleonic struggle. Wordsworth's magnificent _Sonnets dedicated_ to
+Liberty remain as the enduring memorial of the heights which British
+State-consciousness then attained:
+
+
+                       In our halls is hung
+     Armoury of the invincible knights of old:
+     We must be free or die, who speak the tongue
+     That Shakespeare spoke; the faith and morals hold
+     Which Milton held. In everything we are sprung
+     Of Earth's first blood, have titles manifold.
+
+
+But, except at rare intervals, Britain's insular position has given her
+people so soothing a sense of security that they have allowed the
+conception of the commonwealth to droop, and have tended to regard the
+State as, under normal conditions, a nuisance which should as far as
+possible be abated, as an intruder into the sphere of private enterprise
+which should be extruded, as an enemy to liberty which should be
+suppressed. It may readily be admitted that in days before the State had
+been democratized this hostile attitude was not without justification.
+In the early seventeenth century, for instance, the State meant the
+Stuart monarch--_L'Etat c'est Moi_--and the interests of the Stuart
+monarch were by no means those of any of the nations that he governed.
+In the early eighteenth century the State meant the Whig oligarchy, and
+its members only too easily came to regard the welfare of the Empire as
+identical with their own prosperity. In the early nineteenth century the
+State meant the landed and moneyed magnates of the Tory aristocracy, and
+they had an extremely inadequate apprehension of the needs and
+aspirations of the rapidly increasing millions over whom they exercised
+authority. Hence one can understand that opposition to the policy of
+Stuart king, or Whig nobility, or Tory plutocracy, readily took the form
+of antagonism to the State as such. Thus the political theory of Milton
+and the Puritans not only justified resistance to Charles I, it also
+proclaimed a doctrine of the natural rights of the individual fatal to
+all types of government. Similarly the political theory of Adam Smith
+and the _laissez-faire_ economists, together with that of their
+contemporaries, Bentham and the utilitarian philosophers, not only
+attacked the restrictive regulations of the Whig oligarchy, but showed
+on general principles the strongest dislike of what it called "State
+interference" in all circumstances. So, too, Herbert Spencer and the
+nineteenth century school of scientific individualists not only
+demonstrated (as they did with extraordinary pungency and success) the
+extreme folly and incompetence of the main government departments of
+their own day; they also sought to establish the eternal and inevitable
+antagonism of Man versus the State, and to limit universally the
+functions of government to the irreducible minimum.
+
+This attitude of hostility, however, ceased to have its old
+justification with the advent of democracy. The Reform Acts of 1832,
+1867, and 1884 have so enlarged the electorate as to convert government
+into something approaching self-government, and the State has become the
+organized form of democracy itself. Hence the individualism of Milton,
+Adam Smith, Bentham, and Spencer is an anachronism. It is not
+remarkable, then, that, following Parliamentary Reform, the idea of the
+State revived in Britain with new force and in a new form--no longer
+stimulated by the pressure of extreme peril, but excited by the new
+possibilities of corporate democratic activity. The young lions of the
+Fabian Society in their optimistic infancy were filled with the idea of
+the State, and advocated State action in wide spheres of industrial
+organization, municipal enterprise, and social reform. The Imperial
+Federation League gloried anew in the name of Britain, and strove to
+bring the four quarters of the earth within the circle of a
+self-conscious Empire. Later on, the Tariff Reform League demanded
+State-control and regulation of our world-wide commerce.
+
+But the revival of the idea of the State, under the stimulus of
+Socialists, Imperialists, Protectionists, and others, was short lived.
+All these enthusiasts became disappointed and disgusted with democracy
+and with the State which it controls. Democracy did not move fast enough
+for them, nor always in the direction that they desired. Hence--and most
+markedly since the dawn of the twentieth century--a reaction against the
+State has set in. There has been, as we have already seen, an epidemic
+of passive resistance. Individualists of all sorts, together with Trade
+Unionists, Syndicalists, Clericals, Suffragists, No-Conscriptionists,
+Ulstermen, Nationalists, and other bodies, giving up the attempt to
+convert democracy and to secure their ends through the sovereign agency
+of the democratic State, are taking direct action, are proclaiming rival
+authorities to the State, and are threatening the very existence of the
+body politic. The outlook is ominous, and it needs to be steadily faced.
+The present moment, moreover, is peculiarly favourable for its
+consideration. For the sudden and unexpected return of extreme national
+danger has once again quickened in our midst the idea of the State, has
+revived the spirit of patriotism, has restored the national unity, and
+has reenforced the principle of civic service. We can see under the
+revealing searchlight of the war the anarchy towards which we have been
+drifting during the past ten or more years.
+
+
+
+
+II. THE RIVALS OF THE STATE
+
+
+The first rival of the State that calls for consideration is the
+Individual. His rights as against the government are still loudly
+proclaimed. "The chief message of 1915," says one of our leading
+individualists, Rev. Dr. Clifford, in a New Year's oration to his
+flock,[48] "is a clarion call to guard our personal and democratic
+liberties against the attacks of State absolutism." The idea of guarding
+"democratic liberties" against democracy itself is, of course, mere
+nonsense--one of those point-blank contradictions in terms which, though
+full of sound and fury, signify nothing. It is, however, unfortunately,
+typical of much of the loose thinking and vague talking indulged in by
+the leaders of those pestilent anti-patriotic unions and fellowships
+which infest and harass the country at the present moment. The idea of
+guarding "personal liberties" against democracy is not so palpably
+absurd; it does not involve a contradiction in terms. Moreover, it
+appears to have some relation to the admitted fact that the rule of a
+democracy may press very heavily upon some or all of its constituent
+members. Nevertheless, it is equally fallacious. It rests upon a false
+antithesis between the individual and the community to which he belongs.
+No such antithesis exists. "The individual," rightly says Mr. W. S.
+McKechnie, "apart from all relations to the community is a
+negation."[49] In similar strain, Mr. E. Barker contends that "a full
+and just conception of the individual abolishes the supposed opposition
+between the Man and the State."[50] Long ago Hegel exclaimed: "Our life
+is hid with our fellows in the common life of our people," and his true
+and fruitful conception forms the basis of the political philosophy of
+T. H. Green, F. H. Bradley, and Bernard Bosanquet. It is, also, the
+foundation of all that is good and enduring in present-day Socialism.
+The individual apart from society is a mere abstraction, like the
+"economic man" of the old economists.
+
+What, then, are these so-called "personal liberties" which the
+individual is supposed to possess in virtue of his humanity and
+independently of any authority external to himself? If it is said that
+they are freedom of thought, freedom of emotion, and freedom of will,
+the criticism is that these are not "liberties" at all, but merely
+movements of the mind which no power whatsoever external to the
+individual can possibly control, and with which no political authority
+in the country would ever dream of attempting to interfere. If, however,
+it is said that they include further such things as freedom of speech,
+freedom of writing, freedom of public meeting, freedom to act generally
+as conscience dictates, the criticism is that such liberties as these
+are not "personal" merely, or even primarily: they are liberties that
+profoundly affect the community. Regarded from the communal point of
+view, in fact, they are not "personal liberties" at all, if by that term
+is meant individual rights. They are rights derived from the community;
+they are concessions to be granted or withheld according to the
+requirements of public policy; they are matters of regulation by the
+common will. Society does not, and cannot, recognize the existence,
+independent of its own consent, of any such so-called "personal
+liberties." It does not, and cannot, admit the possession by individuals
+of any rights, inherent and indefeasible, to do as they like in matters
+that concern the interests of the community generally. Still less can
+the State be expected to protect individuals in the exercise of
+activities which it regards as detrimental, or in the neglect of duties
+which it regards as essential, to the general well-being. It cannot
+restrain anyone's conscience; but it must control everyone's conduct.
+All this, of course, is the commonplace of political theory, and it is
+curious that at this late day one should have to repeat Burke's
+destructive criticism of metaphysic liberties, or Bentham's damning
+exposure of the "anarchic fallacy" of the Rights of Man, or Mr. D. L.
+Ritchie's quite recent dissipation of the errors underlying the idea of
+Natural Rights. But it is still more curious that many of the men who
+revive against the modern democratic State this long-laid ghost of
+eighteenth-century individualism call themselves Socialists, and invoke
+the State (when it suits them to do so) to embark on all manner of
+anti-individualistic enterprises. This anomaly, however, is merely one
+among many flagrant instances of that ignorance of precedent which
+revives long-buried heresies, that incapacity for thought which seems
+unaware of inconsistencies, or that shameless perversity which seeks out
+and proclaims any sort of general principle which happens to suit the
+exigencies of the moment.
+
+A second rival to the State is Political Party. At the present juncture
+there are four important political parties in existence in the British
+Isles, viz., Liberal, Conservative, Nationalist, Labour, beside various
+incipient ones. The two old parties, Liberal and Conservative, stand for
+more or less clearly defined and sharply opposed general principles.
+Hallam has described them as the party of progress and the party of
+order respectively; and he (followed by Macaulay and other writers) has
+devoted a good deal of care to the elucidation of the fundamental
+differences between them. These old parties are by far the most vital
+and powerful political entities in the United Kingdom. They have
+deep-rooted traditions, efficient organizations, large funds secretly
+raised and administered, formulated programmes, and all the
+paraphernalia of habitations, catchwords, and badges calculated to
+excite loyalty and stimulate zeal. They secure in alternation the
+control of the State, and administer in the name of the nation as a
+whole the vast affairs of the British Empire. It may be at once
+admitted that parties such as these are inevitable in any system of
+representative government. For so long as fundamental differences of
+opinion exist among electors, it is only by means of organizations based
+on the primary opposing principles that any working constitution can be
+framed. To attack party-government as such is vain and even absurd.
+Nevertheless, party has become the rival of the State; and its rivalry
+is all the more dangerous and insidious because it always professes to
+act in the interests of the State and on behalf of the nation as a
+whole. Its professions, however, have become false and hypocritical. In
+the name of the People it seeks its own gain. It has ceased to be a
+means to good democratic government, and has grown to be an end in
+itself. In its rivalry to other parties, in its struggle for power, in
+its scramble for the spoils of office, in its eagerness to secure votes,
+it has debased political ideals, it has corrupted citizenship, it has
+abandoned truth, it has proclaimed smooth lies, it has betrayed the
+State, it has almost destroyed the nation. Happy indeed will it be if
+this war, which is revealing to us the hideousness and deadliness of the
+party-spirit, enables us to reduce the old parties to their proper place
+of subordination to the State.
+
+In addition to the two old parties, however, there are two
+comparatively new ones which occupy places of importance in the world of
+politics. These are the Nationalist and the Labour parties. Neither of
+these professes to make the interests of the State its prime concern.
+The one concentrates its energies upon a struggle to advance the cause
+of a single nation from among the four that constitute the United
+Kingdom; the other devotes itself to the affairs of a single social
+class. The existence of these powerful sectional organizations is a
+disastrous portent. They stand, not as the old parties do for divergent
+views concerning the interests of the State as a whole, but for mortal
+schism in the body politic. Never can there be a full return to healthy
+national life until means have been found for reabsorbing these and
+other incipient schismatic organizations into the unity of the Great
+Society.
+
+A third rival to the State has recently come into prominence in the
+shape of a number of various non-political corporations which claim to
+possess an organic existence independent of, and co-ordinate with, the
+State, and thus deny the right of the State to intrude within the
+spheres of their operations. The most important are the Syndicalists,
+who proclaim the autonomy of the industrial union or guild, and the
+Ecclesiastics, who assert the autonomy of the denationalized church.
+Both agree in repudiating political control, and in abjuring the use of
+political instruments. They rely upon "direct action" of their own, the
+one employing the terrors of the general strike to overawe the
+community, the other the horrors of hell. Now it may be freely granted
+that one of the most notable advances in modern political theory has
+been the recognition of the fact that men naturally organize themselves
+into groups--families, clans, tribes; sects, societies, churches;
+guilds, trade unions, clubs, and so on--and that the State is rather a
+federation of groups than an association of isolated individuals. It may
+be granted, secondly, that some of these organizations are anterior to
+the State in point of time, and that they deal with matters that are not
+appropriate for direct State control. Finally, it may be granted that
+the State will be well advised to leave some or all of them in
+possession of large powers of self-administration. Nevertheless, when
+once the Great Society has come into existence, and has organized itself
+as the National State, they must, if anarchy is to be avoided, all take
+their places as constituent members of the community, and recognize that
+they exercise such autonomous powers as they possess in virtue of the
+permission of the general will. The State, however prudently it may
+employ its powers, must be, and must be universally admitted to be, in
+all causes, civil or ecclesiastical, throughout all its dominions, in
+the last resort, supreme. In the interests of the common good it cannot
+tolerate any rivals.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[48] Reported in _Daily Chronicle_, January 4th, 1916.
+
+[49] McKechnie. _The State and the Individual_, p. 3.
+
+[50] Barker. _Political Thought from Spencer to the Present-Day_, p.
+108.
+
+
+
+
+III. WHAT THE STATE IS AND DOES
+
+
+In the purification and exaltation of the Democratic National State
+rests the one hope of the salvation of Britain and the Empire. In a
+federation of Democratic National States resides the best prospect of
+the future peaceful and well-ordered government of the world. The
+individualism of Dr. Clifford leads straight to anarchy; the unchecked
+development of the party-system means the corrupt tyranny of the caucus;
+the triumph of Syndicalism would involve the tragedy of class war; the
+dream of the reunion of humanity in the bosom of a cosmopolitan church
+is a vain revival of a mediaeval illusion. The individual must be brought
+to recognize that politically he has no separate existence, and must
+learn to limit his operations to his proper share in the constitution
+and determination of the general will; party must be remorselessly
+reduced to its legitimate subordination to the interests of the
+community as a whole; syndicates and trade unions must be prevented from
+cutting themselves loose from the body of the nation, must be compelled
+to recognize the supremacy of the law of the land, and must be deprived
+of any inequitable privileges which they may have secured; ecclesiastics
+of all orders must be persuaded to rest content with such autonomy as
+the general will may grant them, and must strive to become, not a
+separate corporation, but the indwelling and directing conscience of the
+people. The State must be supreme.
+
+What is the State which is thus exalted above all rivals? Let Mr.
+Bernard Bosanquet answer. "The State," he says, "is not merely the
+political fabric. The term 'State' accents indeed the political aspect
+of the whole, and is opposed to the notion of an anarchic society. But
+it includes the entire hierarchy of institutions by which life is
+determined, from the family to the trade, and from the trade to the
+church and the university. It includes all of them, not as the mere
+collection of the growths of the country, but as the structures which
+give life and meaning to the political whole, while receiving from it
+mutual adjustment, and therefore expansion and a more liberal air."[51]
+In a similar strain T. H. Green says: "The State is for its members, the
+society of societies, the society in which all their claims upon each
+other are mutually adjusted."[52] The keynote of both of these profound
+utterances is "adjustment." They recognize the fact that the convictions
+and opinions of individuals differ, that the purposes of parties
+conflict, that the interests of racial units and social classes diverge
+from one another, that the demands of churches are mutually
+irreconcilable. They recognize further that unless individuals, parties,
+races, classes, churches agree in acknowledging the adjusting authority
+of the general will of the community to which all belong, endless
+struggle and hopeless chaos must supervene. No pretension is made that
+the State is of supernatural origin; no claim to divine right is
+advanced. It is admitted that the State at one time did not exist. It is
+foreseen that a day may come when it will be merged in a still larger
+community. But for the present it is the only possible organ by means of
+which the common will can operate in the interests of the common good.
+The basis of its claim for obedience rests upon the facts, first, that
+every individual subject, and every organized group of subjects, owes to
+the State, and to it alone, the conditions that make existence possible,
+and secondly, that only as a member of the State can the individual
+attain to his full development, and only under the protection of the
+State can the group achieve its purposes. The attainment of the common
+good, as that good is conceived of by the common intelligence, and by
+means which the common will determines--such is the ideal of the
+Democratic National State. Here surely is a sphere in which every man
+can find the fullness of life.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[51] Bosanquet. _Philosophical Theory of the State_, p. 150.
+
+[52] Green. _Principles of Political Obligation_, p. 146.
+
+
+
+
+IV. THE SPHERE OF NATIONAL SERVICE
+
+
+The above statement of the ideal of the Democratic National State brings
+home to the mind a realization of the magnitude of the sphere which lies
+open to National Service in the broad sense of the term. Democracy is
+sovereign; although it is flouted by individuals, deluded and debauched
+by parties, and challenged by separatist syndicates. It must remain
+sovereign, and its sovereignty must be made a more real, more conscious,
+and more effective thing than it has ever been before. Rarely, however,
+has there been a sovereign less adequately equipped than democracy for
+its gigantic responsibilities. One of its most enthusiastic modern
+supporters, Professor John MacCunn, gravely admits that "Democracy,
+still raw to its work, whether in politics or industry, may blunder--may
+blunder fatally."[53] Long ago it was pointed out by Plato that
+democracy is the cult of incompetence. In more recent times Mill has
+emphasized the possibility that democracy may govern badly and
+oppressively; Maine has warned us that the dominance of the commonalty
+may end in the triumph of the mediocre, and a more than Chinese
+stagnation; Carlyle has denounced democracy as powerful for destruction,
+but impotent for building up, as helpless in the face of great
+emergencies, as incapable of choosing good leaders; Lecky has
+demonstrated the danger of the corruption of the democracy by evil
+politicians; Belloc has shown how it tends to develop, and then become a
+slave to, a bureaucracy; Graham Wallas has portrayed the psychological
+peril of its hypnotization by colours and claptrap. All the dangers thus
+enumerated are real and formidable. They have, however, to be faced and
+overcome by men of goodwill: for there is now no alternative to
+democracy but anarchy. Fortunately they may be faced in confidence and
+hope. For the British democracy--as the revealing crisis of this great
+war has shown--is sound at heart, is eager to be delivered from its
+betrayers, and is longing to learn. It calls pathetically for those who
+know to teach it, and for those who can to lead it. Here, then, is the
+sphere of National Service. Who will not come forward to help democracy
+to become conscious of its power and its dignity; to aid it in
+establishing its authority over all rebels and rivals; to teach it how
+to use its omnipotence gently, so as to leave to those beneath its sway
+the largest possible room for freedom consistent with the common good;
+to make it aware of its responsibilities for its vast dominions across
+the seas and their teeming populations; to awaken it to a realization of
+the extent to which the whole future of the human race rests upon the
+success of its experiment in government? It is in the service of such a
+sovereign as this, and in the pursuit of such an ideal, that faithful
+souls attain that self-realization which is perfect freedom.
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[53] MacCunn. _Six Radical Thinkers_, p. 69.
+
+
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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #25522 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/25522)