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diff --git a/2529.txt b/2529.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..302cc12 --- /dev/null +++ b/2529.txt @@ -0,0 +1,8964 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Analysis of Mind, by Bertrand Russell + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Analysis of Mind + +Author: Bertrand Russell + +Commentator: H. D. Lewis + +Posting Date: December 6, 2008 [EBook #2529] +Release Date: February, 2001 + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE ANALYSIS OF MIND *** + + + + +Produced by Dianne Bean + + + + + +THE ANALYSIS OF MIND + +By Bertrand Russell + +1921 + + + + +MUIRHEAD LIBRARY OF PHILOSOPHY + + +An admirable statement of the aims of the Library of Philosophy was +provided by the first editor, the late Professor J. H. Muirhead, in his +description of the original programme printed in Erdmann's History of +Philosophy under the date 1890. This was slightly modified in subsequent +volumes to take the form of the following statement: + +"The Muirhead Library of Philosophy was designed as a contribution to +the History of Modern Philosophy under the heads: first of Different +Schools of Thought--Sensationalist, Realist, Idealist, Intuitivist; +secondly of different Subjects--Psychology, Ethics, Aesthetics, +Political Philosophy, Theology. While much had been done in England in +tracing the course of evolution in nature, history, economics, morals +and religion, little had been done in tracing the development of thought +on these subjects. Yet 'the evolution of opinion is part of the whole +evolution'. + +"By the co-operation of different writers in carrying out this plan it +was hoped that a thoroughness and completeness of treatment, otherwise +unattainable, might be secured. It was believed also that from writers +mainly British and American fuller consideration of English Philosophy +than it had hitherto received might be looked for. In the earlier series +of books containing, among others, Bosanquet's "History of Aesthetic," +Pfleiderer's "Rational Theology since Kant," Albee's "History of English +Utilitarianism," Bonar's "Philosophy and Political Economy," Brett's +"History of Psychology," Ritchie's "Natural Rights," these objects were +to a large extent effected. + +"In the meantime original work of a high order was being produced both +in England and America by such writers as Bradley, Stout, Bertrand +Russell, Baldwin, Urban, Montague, and others, and a new interest in +foreign works, German, French and Italian, which had either become +classical or were attracting public attention, had developed. The scope +of the Library thus became extended into something more international, +and it is entering on the fifth decade of its existence in the hope that +it may contribute to that mutual understanding between countries which +is so pressing a need of the present time." + +The need which Professor Muirhead stressed is no less pressing to-day, +and few will deny that philosophy has much to do with enabling us to +meet it, although no one, least of all Muirhead himself, would regard +that as the sole, or even the main, object of philosophy. As Professor +Muirhead continues to lend the distinction of his name to the Library +of Philosophy it seemed not inappropriate to allow him to recall us to +these aims in his own words. The emphasis on the history of thought also +seemed to me very timely; and the number of important works promised +for the Library in the very near future augur well for the continued +fulfilment, in this and other ways, of the expectations of the original +editor. + +H. D. Lewis + + + + +PREFACE + +This book has grown out of an attempt to harmonize two different +tendencies, one in psychology, the other in physics, with both of which +I find myself in sympathy, although at first sight they might seem +inconsistent. On the one hand, many psychologists, especially those +of the behaviourist school, tend to adopt what is essentially a +materialistic position, as a matter of method if not of metaphysics. +They make psychology increasingly dependent on physiology and external +observation, and tend to think of matter as something much more solid +and indubitable than mind. Meanwhile the physicists, especially Einstein +and other exponents of the theory of relativity, have been making +"matter" less and less material. Their world consists of "events," from +which "matter" is derived by a logical construction. Whoever reads, for +example, Professor Eddington's "Space, Time and Gravitation" (Cambridge +University Press, 1920), will see that an old-fashioned materialism can +receive no support from modern physics. I think that what has permanent +value in the outlook of the behaviourists is the feeling that physics is +the most fundamental science at present in existence. But this position +cannot be called materialistic, if, as seems to be the case, physics +does not assume the existence of matter. + +The view that seems to me to reconcile the materialistic tendency of +psychology with the anti-materialistic tendency of physics is the view +of William James and the American new realists, according to which the +"stuff" of the world is neither mental nor material, but a "neutral +stuff," out of which both are constructed. I have endeavoured in this +work to develop this view in some detail as regards the phenomena with +which psychology is concerned. + +My thanks are due to Professor John B. Watson and to Dr. T. P. Nunn +for reading my MSS. at an early stage and helping me with many valuable +suggestions; also to Mr. A. Wohlgemuth for much very useful information +as regards important literature. I have also to acknowledge the help +of the editor of this Library of Philosophy, Professor Muirhead, for +several suggestions by which I have profited. + +The work has been given in the form of lectures both in London and +Peking, and one lecture, that on Desire, has been published in the +Athenaeum. + +There are a few allusions to China in this book, all of which were +written before I had been in China, and are not intended to be taken by +the reader as geographically accurate. I have used "China" merely as +a synonym for "a distant country," when I wanted illustrations of +unfamiliar things. + +Peking, January 1921. + + + +CONTENTS + + I. Recent Criticisms of "Consciousness" + II. Instinct and Habit + III. Desire and Feeling + IV. Influence of Past History on Present Occurrences + in Living Organisms + V. Psychological and Physical Causal Laws + VI. Introspection + VII. The Definition of Perception + VIII.Sensations and Images + IX. Memory + X. Words and Meaning + XI. General Ideas and Thought + XII. Belief + XIII.Truth and Falsehood + XIV. Emotions and Will + XV. Characteristics of Mental Phenomena + + + + +THE ANALYSIS OF MIND + + + + +LECTURE I. RECENT CRITICISMS OF "CONSCIOUSNESS" + +There are certain occurrences which we are in the habit of calling +"mental." Among these we may take as typical BELIEVING and DESIRING. +The exact definition of the word "mental" will, I hope, emerge as +the lectures proceed; for the present, I shall mean by it whatever +occurrences would commonly be called mental. + +I wish in these lectures to analyse as fully as I can what it is that +really takes place when we, e.g. believe or desire. In this first +lecture I shall be concerned to refute a theory which is widely held, +and which I formerly held myself: the theory that the essence of +everything mental is a certain quite peculiar something called +"consciousness," conceived either as a relation to objects, or as a +pervading quality of psychical phenomena. + +The reasons which I shall give against this theory will be mainly +derived from previous authors. There are two sorts of reasons, which +will divide my lecture into two parts: + +(1) Direct reasons, derived from analysis and its difficulties; + +(2) Indirect reasons, derived from observation of animals (comparative +psychology) and of the insane and hysterical (psycho-analysis). + +Few things are more firmly established in popular philosophy than the +distinction between mind and matter. Those who are not professional +metaphysicians are willing to confess that they do not know what mind +actually is, or how matter is constituted; but they remain convinced +that there is an impassable gulf between the two, and that both belong +to what actually exists in the world. Philosophers, on the other hand, +have maintained often that matter is a mere fiction imagined by mind, +and sometimes that mind is a mere property of a certain kind of matter. +Those who maintain that mind is the reality and matter an evil dream are +called "idealists"--a word which has a different meaning in philosophy +from that which it bears in ordinary life. Those who argue that matter +is the reality and mind a mere property of protoplasm are called +"materialists." They have been rare among philosophers, but common, +at certain periods, among men of science. Idealists, materialists, and +ordinary mortals have been in agreement on one point: that they knew +sufficiently what they meant by the words "mind" and "matter" to be able +to conduct their debate intelligently. Yet it was just in this point, as +to which they were at one, that they seem to me to have been all alike +in error. + +The stuff of which the world of our experience is composed is, in my +belief, neither mind nor matter, but something more primitive than +either. Both mind and matter seem to be composite, and the stuff of +which they are compounded lies in a sense between the two, in a sense +above them both, like a common ancestor. As regards matter, I have set +forth my reasons for this view on former occasions,* and I shall not now +repeat them. But the question of mind is more difficult, and it is this +question that I propose to discuss in these lectures. A great deal of +what I shall have to say is not original; indeed, much recent work, in +various fields, has tended to show the necessity of such theories as +those which I shall be advocating. Accordingly in this first lecture +I shall try to give a brief description of the systems of ideas within +which our investigation is to be carried on. + + * "Our Knowledge of the External World" (Allen & Unwin), + Chapters III and IV. Also "Mysticism and Logic," Essays VII + and VIII. + +If there is one thing that may be said, in the popular estimation, to +characterize mind, that one thing is "consciousness." We say that we are +"conscious" of what we see and hear, of what we remember, and of our own +thoughts and feelings. Most of us believe that tables and chairs are +not "conscious." We think that when we sit in a chair, we are aware +of sitting in it, but it is not aware of being sat in. It cannot for +a moment be doubted that we are right in believing that there is SOME +difference between us and the chair in this respect: so much may be +taken as fact, and as a datum for our inquiry. But as soon as we try to +say what exactly the difference is, we become involved in perplexities. +Is "consciousness" ultimate and simple, something to be merely accepted +and contemplated? Or is it something complex, perhaps consisting in our +way of behaving in the presence of objects, or, alternatively, in the +existence in us of things called "ideas," having a certain relation +to objects, though different from them, and only symbolically +representative of them? Such questions are not easy to answer; but until +they are answered we cannot profess to know what we mean by saying that +we are possessed of "consciousness." + +Before considering modern theories, let us look first at consciousness +from the standpoint of conventional psychology, since this embodies +views which naturally occur when we begin to reflect upon the subject. +For this purpose, let us as a preliminary consider different ways of +being conscious. + +First, there is the way of PERCEPTION. We "perceive" tables and chairs, +horses and dogs, our friends, traffic passing in the street--in short, +anything which we recognize through the senses. I leave on one side for +the present the question whether pure sensation is to be regarded as a +form of consciousness: what I am speaking of now is perception, where, +according to conventional psychology, we go beyond the sensation to the +"thing" which it represents. When you hear a donkey bray, you not only +hear a noise, but realize that it comes from a donkey. When you see a +table, you not only see a coloured surface, but realize that it is hard. +The addition of these elements that go beyond crude sensation is said to +constitute perception. We shall have more to say about this at a later +stage. For the moment, I am merely concerned to note that perception +of objects is one of the most obvious examples of what is called +"consciousness." We are "conscious" of anything that we perceive. + +We may take next the way of MEMORY. If I set to work to recall what +I did this morning, that is a form of consciousness different from +perception, since it is concerned with the past. There are various +problems as to how we can be conscious now of what no longer exists. +These will be dealt with incidentally when we come to the analysis of +memory. + +From memory it is an easy step to what are called "ideas"--not in the +Platonic sense, but in that of Locke, Berkeley and Hume, in which they +are opposed to "impressions." You may be conscious of a friend either +by seeing him or by "thinking" of him; and by "thought" you can be +conscious of objects which cannot be seen, such as the human race, +or physiology. "Thought" in the narrower sense is that form of +consciousness which consists in "ideas" as opposed to impressions or +mere memories. + +We may end our preliminary catalogue with BELIEF, by which I mean that +way of being conscious which may be either true or false. We say that a +man is "conscious of looking a fool," by which we mean that he believes +he looks a fool, and is not mistaken in this belief. This is a different +form of consciousness from any of the earlier ones. It is the form which +gives "knowledge" in the strict sense, and also error. It is, at least +apparently, more complex than our previous forms of consciousness; +though we shall find that they are not so separable from it as they +might appear to be. + +Besides ways of being conscious there are other things that would +ordinarily be called "mental," such as desire and pleasure and pain. +These raise problems of their own, which we shall reach in Lecture III. +But the hardest problems are those that arise concerning ways of being +"conscious." These ways, taken together, are called the "cognitive" +elements in mind, and it is these that will occupy us most during the +following lectures. + +There is one element which SEEMS obviously in common among the different +ways of being conscious, and that is, that they are all directed to +OBJECTS. We are conscious "of" something. The consciousness, it seems, +is one thing, and that of which we are conscious is another thing. +Unless we are to acquiesce in the view that we can never be conscious +of anything outside our own minds, we must say that the object of +consciousness need not be mental, though the consciousness must be. (I +am speaking within the circle of conventional doctrines, not expressing +my own beliefs.) This direction towards an object is commonly regarded +as typical of every form of cognition, and sometimes of mental life +altogether. We may distinguish two different tendencies in traditional +psychology. There are those who take mental phenomena naively, just as +they would physical phenomena. This school of psychologists tends not to +emphasize the object. On the other hand, there are those whose primary +interest is in the apparent fact that we have KNOWLEDGE, that there is a +world surrounding us of which we are aware. These men are interested in +the mind because of its relation to the world, because knowledge, if +it is a fact, is a very mysterious one. Their interest in psychology +is naturally centred in the relation of consciousness to its object, a +problem which, properly, belongs rather to theory of knowledge. We may +take as one of the best and most typical representatives of this school +the Austrian psychologist Brentano, whose "Psychology from the Empirical +Standpoint,"* though published in 1874, is still influential and was the +starting-point of a great deal of interesting work. He says (p. 115): + + * "Psychologie vom empirischen Standpunkte," vol. i, 1874. + (The second volume was never published.) + +"Every psychical phenomenon is characterized by what the scholastics of +the Middle Ages called the intentional (also the mental) inexistence of +an object, and what we, although with not quite unambiguous expressions, +would call relation to a content, direction towards an object (which is +not here to be understood as a reality), or immanent objectivity. Each +contains something in itself as an object, though not each in the same +way. In presentation something is presented, in judgment something is +acknowledged or rejected, in love something is loved, in hatred hated, +in desire desired, and so on. + +"This intentional inexistence is exclusively peculiar to psychical +phenomena. No physical phenomenon shows anything similar. And so we +can define psychical phenomena by saying that they are phenomena which +intentionally contain an object in themselves." + +The view here expressed, that relation to an object is an ultimate +irreducible characteristic of mental phenomena, is one which I shall be +concerned to combat. Like Brentano, I am interested in psychology, not +so much for its own sake, as for the light that it may throw on the +problem of knowledge. Until very lately I believed, as he did, that +mental phenomena have essential reference to objects, except possibly in +the case of pleasure and pain. Now I no longer believe this, even in +the case of knowledge. I shall try to make my reasons for this rejection +clear as we proceed. It must be evident at first glance that the +analysis of knowledge is rendered more difficult by the rejection; but +the apparent simplicity of Brentano's view of knowledge will be found, +if I am not mistaken, incapable of maintaining itself either against +an analytic scrutiny or against a host of facts in psycho-analysis and +animal psychology. I do not wish to minimize the problems. I will +merely observe, in mitigation of our prospective labours, that thinking, +however it is to be analysed, is in itself a delightful occupation, +and that there is no enemy to thinking so deadly as a false simplicity. +Travelling, whether in the mental or the physical world, is a joy, and +it is good to know that, in the mental world at least, there are vast +countries still very imperfectly explored. + +The view expressed by Brentano has been held very generally, and +developed by many writers. Among these we may take as an example his +Austrian successor Meinong.* According to him there are three elements +involved in the thought of an object. These three he calls the act, the +content and the object. The act is the same in any two cases of the same +kind of consciousness; for instance, if I think of Smith or think +of Brown, the act of thinking, in itself, is exactly similar on both +occasions. But the content of my thought, the particular event that +is happening in my mind, is different when I think of Smith and when I +think of Brown. The content, Meinong argues, must not be confounded with +the object, since the content must exist in my mind at the moment when +I have the thought, whereas the object need not do so. The object may +be something past or future; it may be physical, not mental; it may +be something abstract, like equality for example; it may be something +imaginary, like a golden mountain; or it may even be something +self-contradictory, like a round square. But in all these cases, so +he contends, the content exists when the thought exists, and is what +distinguishes it, as an occurrence, from other thoughts. + + * See, e.g. his article: "Ueber Gegenstande hoherer Ordnung + und deren Verhaltniss zur inneren Wahrnehmung," "Zeitschrift + fur Psychologie and Physiologie der Sinnesorgane," vol. xxi, + pp. 182-272 (1899), especially pp. 185-8. + +To make this theory concrete, let us suppose that you are thinking of +St. Paul's. Then, according to Meinong, we have to distinguish three +elements which are necessarily combined in constituting the one thought. +First, there is the act of thinking, which would be just the same +whatever you were thinking about. Then there is what makes the character +of the thought as contrasted with other thoughts; this is the content. +And finally there is St. Paul's, which is the object of your thought. +There must be a difference between the content of a thought and what it +is about, since the thought is here and now, whereas what it is about +may not be; hence it is clear that the thought is not identical with St. +Paul's. This seems to show that we must distinguish between content +and object. But if Meinong is right, there can be no thought without an +object: the connection of the two is essential. The object might exist +without the thought, but not the thought without the object: the three +elements of act, content and object are all required to constitute the +one single occurrence called "thinking of St. Paul's." + +The above analysis of a thought, though I believe it to be mistaken, is +very useful as affording a schema in terms of which other theories can +be stated. In the remainder of the present lecture I shall state in +outline the view which I advocate, and show how various other views +out of which mine has grown result from modifications of the threefold +analysis into act, content and object. + +The first criticism I have to make is that the ACT seems unnecessary and +fictitious. The occurrence of the content of a thought constitutes +the occurrence of the thought. Empirically, I cannot discover anything +corresponding to the supposed act; and theoretically I cannot see that +it is indispensable. We say: "_I_ think so-and-so," and this word "I" +suggests that thinking is the act of a person. Meinong's "act" is the +ghost of the subject, or what once was the full-blooded soul. It is +supposed that thoughts cannot just come and go, but need a person to +think them. Now, of course it is true that thoughts can be collected +into bundles, so that one bundle is my thoughts, another is your +thoughts, and a third is the thoughts of Mr. Jones. But I think +the person is not an ingredient in the single thought: he is rather +constituted by relations of the thoughts to each other and to the body. +This is a large question, which need not, in its entirety, concern us +at present. All that I am concerned with for the moment is that the +grammatical forms "I think," "you think," and "Mr. Jones thinks," are +misleading if regarded as indicating an analysis of a single thought. +It would be better to say "it thinks in me," like "it rains here"; or +better still, "there is a thought in me." This is simply on the +ground that what Meinong calls the act in thinking is not empirically +discoverable, or logically deducible from what we can observe. + +The next point of criticism concerns the relation of content and object. +The reference of thoughts to objects is not, I believe, the simple +direct essential thing that Brentano and Meinong represent it as being. +It seems to me to be derivative, and to consist largely in BELIEFS: +beliefs that what constitutes the thought is connected with various +other elements which together make up the object. You have, say, an +image of St. Paul's, or merely the word "St. Paul's" in your head. You +believe, however vaguely and dimly, that this is connected with what +you would see if you went to St. Paul's, or what you would feel if you +touched its walls; it is further connected with what other people see +and feel, with services and the Dean and Chapter and Sir Christopher +Wren. These things are not mere thoughts of yours, but your thought +stands in a relation to them of which you are more or less aware. The +awareness of this relation is a further thought, and constitutes +your feeling that the original thought had an "object." But in pure +imagination you can get very similar thoughts without these accompanying +beliefs; and in this case your thoughts do not have objects or seem to +have them. Thus in such instances you have content without object. On +the other hand, in seeing or hearing it would be less misleading to +say that you have object without content, since what you see or hear is +actually part of the physical world, though not matter in the sense of +physics. Thus the whole question of the relation of mental occurrences +to objects grows very complicated, and cannot be settled by regarding +reference to objects as of the essence of thoughts. All the above +remarks are merely preliminary, and will be expanded later. + +Speaking in popular and unphilosophical terms, we may say that the +content of a thought is supposed to be something in your head when you +think the thought, while the object is usually something in the outer +world. It is held that knowledge of the outer world is constituted by +the relation to the object, while the fact that knowledge is different +from what it knows is due to the fact that knowledge comes by way of +contents. We can begin to state the difference between realism and +idealism in terms of this opposition of contents and objects. Speaking +quite roughly and approximately, we may say that idealism tends to +suppress the object, while realism tends to suppress the content. +Idealism, accordingly, says that nothing can be known except thoughts, +and all the reality that we know is mental; while realism maintains that +we know objects directly, in sensation certainly, and perhaps also in +memory and thought. Idealism does not say that nothing can be known +beyond the present thought, but it maintains that the context of vague +belief, which we spoke of in connection with the thought of St. Paul's, +only takes you to other thoughts, never to anything radically different +from thoughts. The difficulty of this view is in regard to sensation, +where it seems as if we came into direct contact with the outer world. +But the Berkeleian way of meeting this difficulty is so familiar that I +need not enlarge upon it now. I shall return to it in a later lecture, +and will only observe, for the present, that there seem to me no valid +grounds for regarding what we see and hear as not part of the physical +world. + +Realists, on the other hand, as a rule, suppress the content, and +maintain that a thought consists either of act and object alone, or of +object alone. I have been in the past a realist, and I remain a realist +as regards sensation, but not as regards memory or thought. I will try +to explain what seem to me to be the reasons for and against various +kinds of realism. + +Modern idealism professes to be by no means confined to the present +thought or the present thinker in regard to its knowledge; indeed, it +contends that the world is so organic, so dove-tailed, that from any +one portion the whole can be inferred, as the complete skeleton of an +extinct animal can be inferred from one bone. But the logic by which +this supposed organic nature of the world is nominally demonstrated +appears to realists, as it does to me, to be faulty. They argue that, +if we cannot know the physical world directly, we cannot really know +any thing outside our own minds: the rest of the world may be merely our +dream. This is a dreary view, and they there fore seek ways of escaping +from it. Accordingly they maintain that in knowledge we are in direct +contact with objects, which may be, and usually are, outside our own +minds. No doubt they are prompted to this view, in the first place, by +bias, namely, by the desire to think that they can know of the existence +of a world outside themselves. But we have to consider, not what led +them to desire the view, but whether their arguments for it are valid. + +There are two different kinds of realism, according as we make a thought +consist of act and object, or of object alone. Their difficulties are +different, but neither seems tenable all through. Take, for the sake of +definiteness, the remembering of a past event. The remembering occurs +now, and is therefore necessarily not identical with the past event. +So long as we retain the act, this need cause no difficulty. The act +of remembering occurs now, and has on this view a certain essential +relation to the past event which it remembers. There is no LOGICAL +objection to this theory, but there is the objection, which we spoke +of earlier, that the act seems mythical, and is not to be found by +observation. If, on the other hand, we try to constitute memory without +the act, we are driven to a content, since we must have something that +happens NOW, as opposed to the event which happened in the past. Thus, +when we reject the act, which I think we must, we are driven to a theory +of memory which is more akin to idealism. These arguments, however, do +not apply to sensation. It is especially sensation, I think, which is +considered by those realists who retain only the object.* Their views, +which are chiefly held in America, are in large measure derived from +William James, and before going further it will be well to consider +the revolutionary doctrine which he advocated. I believe this doctrine +contains important new truth, and what I shall have to say will be in a +considerable measure inspired by it. + + * This is explicitly the case with Mach's "Analysis of + Sensations," a book of fundamental importance in the present + connection. (Translation of fifth German edition, Open Court + Co., 1914. First German edition, 1886.) + + +William James's view was first set forth in an essay called "Does +'consciousness' exist?"* In this essay he explains how what used to be +the soul has gradually been refined down to the "transcendental ego," +which, he says, "attenuates itself to a thoroughly ghostly condition, +being only a name for the fact that the 'content' of experience IS +KNOWN. It loses personal form and activity--these passing over to the +content--and becomes a bare Bewusstheit or Bewusstsein uberhaupt, of +which in its own right absolutely nothing can be said. I believe (he +continues) that 'consciousness,' when once it has evaporated to this +estate of pure diaphaneity, is on the point of disappearing altogether. +It is the name of a nonentity, and has no right to a place among first +principles. Those who still cling to it are clinging to a mere echo, +the faint rumour left behind by the disappearing 'soul' upon the air of +philosophy"(p. 2). + + * "Journal of Philosophy, Psychology and Scientific + Methods," vol. i, 1904. Reprinted in "Essays in Radical + Empiricism" (Longmans, Green & Co., 1912), pp. 1-38, to + which references in what follows refer. + + +He explains that this is no sudden change in his opinions. "For twenty +years past," he says, "I have mistrusted 'consciousness' as an entity; +for seven or eight years past I have suggested its non-existence to my +students, and tried to give them its pragmatic equivalent in realities +of experience. It seems to me that the hour is ripe for it to be openly +and universally discarded"(p. 3). + +His next concern is to explain away the air of paradox, for James +was never wilfully paradoxical. "Undeniably," he says, "'thoughts' do +exist." "I mean only to deny that the word stands for an entity, but to +insist most emphatically that it does stand for a function. There is, I +mean, no aboriginal stuff or quality of being, contrasted with that of +which material objects are made, out of which our thoughts of them are +made; but there is a function in experience which thoughts perform, +and for the performance of which this quality of being is invoked. That +function is KNOWING"(pp. 3-4). + +James's view is that the raw material out of which the world is built +up is not of two sorts, one matter and the other mind, but that it is +arranged in different patterns by its inter-relations, and that some +arrangements may be called mental, while others may be called physical. + +"My thesis is," he says, "that if we start with the supposition that +there is only one primal stuff or material in the world, a stuff +of which everything is composed, and if we call that stuff 'pure +experience,' then knowing can easily be explained as a particular sort +of relation towards one another into which portions of pure experience +may enter. The relation itself is a part of pure experience; one of its +'terms' becomes the subject or bearer of the knowledge, the knower, the +other becomes the object known"(p. 4). + +After mentioning the duality of subject and object, which is supposed +to constitute consciousness, he proceeds in italics: "EXPERIENCE, I +BELIEVE, HAS NO SUCH INNER DUPLICITY; AND THE SEPARATION OF IT INTO +CONSCIOUSNESS AND CONTENT COMES, NOT BY WAY OF SUBTRACTION, BUT BY WAY +OF ADDITION"(p. 9). + +He illustrates his meaning by the analogy of paint as it appears in a +paint-shop and as it appears in a picture: in the one case it is just +"saleable matter," while in the other it "performs a spiritual function. +Just so, I maintain (he continues), does a given undivided portion +of experience, taken in one context of associates, play the part of a +knower, of a state of mind, of 'consciousness'; while in a different +context the same undivided bit of experience plays the part of a thing +known, of an objective 'content.' In a word, in one group it figures as +a thought, in another group as a thing"(pp. 9-10). + +He does not believe in the supposed immediate certainty of thought. "Let +the case be what it may in others," he says, "I am as confident as I am +of anything that, in myself, the stream of thinking (which I recognize +emphatically as a phenomenon) is only a careless name for what, when +scrutinized, reveals itself to consist chiefly of the stream of my +breathing. The 'I think' which Kant said must be able to accompany all +my objects, is the 'I breathe' which actually does accompany them"(pp. +36-37). + +The same view of "consciousness" is set forth in the succeeding essay, +"A World of Pure Experience" (ib., pp. 39-91). The use of the phrase +"pure experience" in both essays points to a lingering influence of +idealism. "Experience," like "consciousness," must be a product, not +part of the primary stuff of the world. It must be possible, if James is +right in his main contentions, that roughly the same stuff, differently +arranged, would not give rise to anything that could be called +"experience." This word has been dropped by the American realists, among +whom we may mention specially Professor R. B. Perry of Harvard and Mr. +Edwin B. Holt. The interests of this school are in general philosophy +and the philosophy of the sciences, rather than in psychology; they have +derived a strong impulsion from James, but have more interest than he +had in logic and mathematics and the abstract part of philosophy. They +speak of "neutral" entities as the stuff out of which both mind and +matter are constructed. Thus Holt says: "If the terms and propositions +of logic must be substantialized, they are all strictly of one +substance, for which perhaps the least dangerous name is neutral-stuff. +The relation of neutral-stuff to matter and mind we shall have presently +to consider at considerable length." * + + * "The Concept of Consciousness" (Geo. Allen & Co., 1914), + p. 52. + +My own belief--for which the reasons will appear in subsequent +lectures--is that James is right in rejecting consciousness as an +entity, and that the American realists are partly right, though not +wholly, in considering that both mind and matter are composed of a +neutral-stuff which, in isolation, is neither mental nor material. I +should admit this view as regards sensations: what is heard or seen +belongs equally to psychology and to physics. But I should say that +images belong only to the mental world, while those occurrences (if any) +which do not form part of any "experience" belong only to the physical +world. There are, it seems to me, prima facie different kinds of causal +laws, one belonging to physics and the other to psychology. The law +of gravitation, for example, is a physical law, while the law of +association is a psychological law. Sensations are subject to both kinds +of laws, and are therefore truly "neutral" in Holt's sense. But entities +subject only to physical laws, or only to psychological laws, are not +neutral, and may be called respectively purely material and purely +mental. Even those, however, which are purely mental will not have that +intrinsic reference to objects which Brentano assigns to them and which +constitutes the essence of "consciousness" as ordinarily understood. But +it is now time to pass on to other modern tendencies, also hostile to +"consciousness." + +There is a psychological school called "Behaviourists," of whom the +protagonist is Professor John B. Watson,* formerly of the Johns Hopkins +University. To them also, on the whole, belongs Professor John Dewey, +who, with James and Dr. Schiller, was one of the three founders of +pragmatism. The view of the "behaviourists" is that nothing can be known +except by external observation. They deny altogether that there is a +separate source of knowledge called "introspection," by which we can +know things about ourselves which we could never observe in others. +They do not by any means deny that all sorts of things MAY go on in +our minds: they only say that such things, if they occur, are not +susceptible of scientific observation, and do not therefore concern +psychology as a science. Psychology as a science, they say, is only +concerned with BEHAVIOUR, i.e. with what we DO; this alone, they +contend, can be accurately observed. Whether we think meanwhile, they +tell us, cannot be known; in their observation of the behaviour of human +beings, they have not so far found any evidence of thought. True, we +talk a great deal, and imagine that in so doing we are showing that we +can think; but behaviourists say that the talk they have to listen to +can be explained without supposing that people think. Where you might +expect a chapter on "thought processes" you come instead upon a chapter +on "The Language Habit." It is humiliating to find how terribly adequate +this hypothesis turns out to be. + + * See especially his "Behavior: an Introduction to + Comparative Psychology," New York, 1914. + +Behaviourism has not, however, sprung from observing the folly of men. +It is the wisdom of animals that has suggested the view. It has always +been a common topic of popular discussion whether animals "think." On +this topic people are prepared to take sides without having the vaguest +idea what they mean by "thinking." Those who desired to investigate such +questions were led to observe the behaviour of animals, in the hope that +their behaviour would throw some light on their mental faculties. +At first sight, it might seem that this is so. People say that a +dog "knows" its name because it comes when it is called, and that it +"remembers" its master, because it looks sad in his absence, but wags +its tail and barks when he returns. That the dog behaves in this way is +matter of observation, but that it "knows" or "remembers" anything is an +inference, and in fact a very doubtful one. The more such inferences are +examined, the more precarious they are seen to be. Hence the study of +animal behaviour has been gradually led to abandon all attempt at mental +interpretation. And it can hardly be doubted that, in many cases of +complicated behaviour very well adapted to its ends, there can be no +prevision of those ends. The first time a bird builds a nest, we can +hardly suppose it knows that there will be eggs to be laid in it, or +that it will sit on the eggs, or that they will hatch into young birds. +It does what it does at each stage because instinct gives it an impulse +to do just that, not because it foresees and desires the result of its +actions.* + + * An interesting discussion of the question whether + instinctive actions, when first performed, involve any + prevision, however vague, will be found in Lloyd Morgan's + "Instinct and Experience" (Methuen, 1912), chap. ii. + +Careful observers of animals, being anxious to avoid precarious +inferences, have gradually discovered more and more how to give +an account of the actions of animals without assuming what we call +"consciousness." It has seemed to the behaviourists that similar methods +can be applied to human behaviour, without assuming anything not open +to external observation. Let us give a crude illustration, too crude for +the authors in question, but capable of affording a rough insight into +their meaning. Suppose two children in a school, both of whom are asked +"What is six times nine?" One says fifty-four, the other says fifty-six. +The one, we say, "knows" what six times nine is, the other does not. But +all that we can observe is a certain language-habit. The one child has +acquired the habit of saying "six times nine is fifty-four"; the other +has not. There is no more need of "thought" in this than there is when +a horse turns into his accustomed stable; there are merely more numerous +and complicated habits. There is obviously an observable fact called +"knowing" such-and-such a thing; examinations are experiments for +discovering such facts. But all that is observed or discovered is a +certain set of habits in the use of words. The thoughts (if any) in the +mind of the examinee are of no interest to the examiner; nor has the +examiner any reason to suppose even the most successful examinee capable +of even the smallest amount of thought. + +Thus what is called "knowing," in the sense in which we can ascertain +what other people "know," is a phenomenon exemplified in their physical +behaviour, including spoken and written words. There is no reason--so +Watson argues--to suppose that their knowledge IS anything beyond the +habits shown in this behaviour: the inference that other people +have something nonphysical called "mind" or "thought" is therefore +unwarranted. + +So far, there is nothing particularly repugnant to our prejudices in the +conclusions of the behaviourists. We are all willing to admit that +other people are thoughtless. But when it comes to ourselves, we feel +convinced that we can actually perceive our own thinking. "Cogito, ergo +sum" would be regarded by most people as having a true premiss. This, +however, the behaviourist denies. He maintains that our knowledge of +ourselves is no different in kind from our knowledge of other people. +We may see MORE, because our own body is easier to observe than that of +other people; but we do not see anything radically unlike what we see +of others. Introspection, as a separate source of knowledge, is entirely +denied by psychologists of this school. I shall discuss this question at +length in a later lecture; for the present I will only observe that +it is by no means simple, and that, though I believe the behaviourists +somewhat overstate their case, yet there is an important element of +truth in their contention, since the things which we can discover by +introspection do not seem to differ in any very fundamental way from the +things which we discover by external observation. + +So far, we have been principally concerned with knowing. But it might +well be maintained that desiring is what is really most characteristic +of mind. Human beings are constantly engaged in achieving some end +they feel pleasure in success and pain in failure. In a purely material +world, it may be said, there would be no opposition of pleasant and +unpleasant, good and bad, what is desired and what is feared. A man's +acts are governed by purposes. He decides, let us suppose, to go to a +certain place, whereupon he proceeds to the station, takes his ticket +and enters the train. If the usual route is blocked by an accident, +he goes by some other route. All that he does is determined--or so it +seems--by the end he has in view, by what lies in front of him, rather +than by what lies behind. With dead matter, this is not the case. +A stone at the top of a hill may start rolling, but it shows no +pertinacity in trying to get to the bottom. Any ledge or obstacle will +stop it, and it will exhibit no signs of discontent if this happens. It +is not attracted by the pleasantness of the valley, as a sheep or cow +might be, but propelled by the steepness of the hill at the place +where it is. In all this we have characteristic differences between the +behaviour of animals and the behaviour of matter as studied by physics. + +Desire, like knowledge, is, of course, in one sense an observable +phenomenon. An elephant will eat a bun, but not a mutton chop; a duck +will go into the water, but a hen will not. But when we think of our +own desires, most people believe that we can know them by an immediate +self-knowledge which does not depend upon observation of our actions. +Yet if this were the case, it would be odd that people are so often +mistaken as to what they desire. It is matter of common observation that +"so-and-so does not know his own motives," or that "A is envious of B +and malicious about him, but quite unconscious of being so." Such people +are called self-deceivers, and are supposed to have had to go through +some more or less elaborate process of concealing from themselves what +would otherwise have been obvious. I believe that this is an entire +mistake. I believe that the discovery of our own motives can only be +made by the same process by which we discover other people's, namely, +the process of observing our actions and inferring the desire which +could prompt them. A desire is "conscious" when we have told ourselves +that we have it. A hungry man may say to himself: "Oh, I do want my +lunch." Then his desire is "conscious." But it only differs from an +"unconscious" desire by the presence of appropriate words, which is by +no means a fundamental difference. + +The belief that a motive is normally conscious makes it easier to be +mistaken as to our own motives than as to other people's. When some +desire that we should be ashamed of is attributed to us, we notice that +we have never had it consciously, in the sense of saying to ourselves, +"I wish that would happen." We therefore look for some other +interpretation of our actions, and regard our friends as very unjust +when they refuse to be convinced by our repudiation of what we hold to +be a calumny. Moral considerations greatly increase the difficulty of +clear thinking in this matter. It is commonly argued that people are not +to blame for unconscious motives, but only for conscious ones. In order, +therefore, to be wholly virtuous it is only necessary to repeat virtuous +formulas. We say: "I desire to be kind to my friends, honourable in +business, philanthropic towards the poor, public-spirited in politics." +So long as we refuse to allow ourselves, even in the watches of the +night, to avow any contrary desires, we may be bullies at home, shady in +the City, skinflints in paying wages and profiteers in dealing with the +public; yet, if only conscious motives are to count in moral valuation, +we shall remain model characters. This is an agreeable doctrine, and +it is not surprising that men are un willing to abandon it. But moral +considerations are the worst enemies of the scientific spirit and we +must dismiss them from our minds if we wish to arrive at truth. + +I believe--as I shall try to prove in a later lecture--that desire, +like force in mechanics, is of the nature of a convenient fiction +for describing shortly certain laws of behaviour. A hungry animal is +restless until it finds food; then it becomes quiescent. The thing which +will bring a restless condition to an end is said to be what is desired. +But only experience can show what will have this sedative effect, and it +is easy to make mistakes. We feel dissatisfaction, and think that +such and-such a thing would remove it; but in thinking this, we are +theorizing, not observing a patent fact. Our theorizing is often +mistaken, and when it is mistaken there is a difference between what we +think we desire and what in fact will bring satisfaction. This is such +a common phenomenon that any theory of desire which fails to account for +it must be wrong. + +What have been called "unconscious" desires have been brought very much +to the fore in recent years by psycho-analysis. Psycho-analysis, as +every one knows, is primarily a method of understanding hysteria and +certain forms of insanity*; but it has been found that there is much +in the lives of ordinary men and women which bears a humiliating +resemblance to the delusions of the insane. The connection of dreams, +irrational beliefs and foolish actions with unconscious wishes has been +brought to light, though with some exaggeration, by Freud and Jung and +their followers. As regards the nature of these unconscious wishes, +it seems to me--though as a layman I speak with diffidence--that many +psycho-analysts are unduly narrow; no doubt the wishes they emphasize +exist, but others, e.g. for honour and power, are equally operative and +equally liable to concealment. This, however, does not affect the +value of their general theories from the point of view of theoretic +psychology, and it is from this point of view that their results are +important for the analysis of mind. + + * There is a wide field of "unconscious" phenomena which + does not depend upon psycho-analytic theories. Such + occurrences as automatic writing lead Dr. Morton Prince to + say: "As I view this question of the subconscious, far too + much weight is given to the point of awareness or not + awareness of our conscious processes. As a matter of fact, + we find entirely identical phenomena, that is, identical in + every respect but one-that of awareness in which sometimes + we are aware of these conscious phenomena and sometimes + not"(p. 87 of "Subconscious Phenomena," by various authors, + Rebman). Dr. Morton Price conceives that there may be + "consciousness" without "awareness." But this is a difficult + view, and one which makes some definition of "consciousness" + imperative. For nay part, I cannot see how to separate + consciousness from awareness. + +What, I think, is clearly established, is that a man's actions and +beliefs may be wholly dominated by a desire of which he is quite +unconscious, and which he indignantly repudiates when it is suggested +to him. Such a desire is generally, in morbid cases, of a sort which +the patient would consider wicked; if he had to admit that he had the +desire, he would loathe himself. Yet it is so strong that it must force +an outlet for itself; hence it becomes necessary to entertain whole +systems of false beliefs in order to hide the nature of what is desired. +The resulting delusions in very many cases disappear if the hysteric or +lunatic can be made to face the facts about himself. The consequence +of this is that the treatment of many forms of insanity has grown more +psychological and less physiological than it used to be. Instead of +looking for a physical defect in the brain, those who treat delusions +look for the repressed desire which has found this contorted mode +of expression. For those who do not wish to plunge into the somewhat +repulsive and often rather wild theories of psychoanalytic pioneers, it +will be worth while to read a little book by Dr. Bernard Hart on "The +Psychology of Insanity."* On this question of the mental as opposed to +the physiological study of the causes of insanity, Dr. Hart says: + + * Cambridge, 1912; 2nd edition, 1914. The following + references are to the second edition. + +"The psychological conception [of insanity] is based on the view that +mental processes can be directly studied without any reference to the +accompanying changes which are presumed to take place in the brain, and +that insanity may therefore be properly attacked from the standpoint of +psychology"(p. 9). + +This illustrates a point which I am anxious to make clear from the +outset. Any attempt to classify modern views, such as I propose to +advocate, from the old standpoint of materialism and idealism, is only +misleading. In certain respects, the views which I shall be setting +forth approximate to materialism; in certain others, they approximate to +its opposite. On this question of the study of delusions, the practical +effect of the modern theories, as Dr. Hart points out, is emancipation +from the materialist method. On the other hand, as he also points +out (pp. 38-9), imbecility and dementia still have to be considered +physiologically, as caused by defects in the brain. There is no +inconsistency in this If, as we maintain, mind and matter are neither of +them the actual stuff of reality, but different convenient groupings of +an underlying material, then, clearly, the question whether, in regard +to a given phenomenon, we are to seek a physical or a mental cause, is +merely one to be decided by trial. Metaphysicians have argued endlessly +as to the interaction of mind and matter. The followers of Descartes +held that mind and matter are so different as to make any action of the +one on the other impossible. When I will to move my arm, they said, +it is not my will that operates on my arm, but God, who, by His +omnipotence, moves my arm whenever I want it moved. The modern doctrine +of psychophysical parallelism is not appreciably different from this +theory of the Cartesian school. Psycho-physical parallelism is the +theory that mental and physical events each have causes in their own +sphere, but run on side by side owing to the fact that every state of +the brain coexists with a definite state of the mind, and vice versa. +This view of the reciprocal causal independence of mind and matter has +no basis except in metaphysical theory.* For us, there is no necessity +to make any such assumption, which is very difficult to harmonize with +obvious facts. I receive a letter inviting me to dinner: the letter is +a physical fact, but my apprehension of its meaning is mental. Here we +have an effect of matter on mind. In consequence of my apprehension of +the meaning of the letter, I go to the right place at the right time; +here we have an effect of mind on matter. I shall try to persuade you, +in the course of these lectures, that matter is not so material and mind +not so mental as is generally supposed. When we are speaking of matter, +it will seem as if we were inclining to idealism; when we are speaking +of mind, it will seem as if we were inclining to materialism. Neither +is the truth. Our world is to be constructed out of what the American +realists call "neutral" entities, which have neither the hardness and +indestructibility of matter, nor the reference to objects which is +supposed to characterize mind. + + * It would seem, however, that Dr. Hart accepts this theory + as 8 methodological precept. See his contribution to + "Subconscious Phenomena" (quoted above), especially pp. 121-2. + +There is, it is true, one objection which might be felt, not indeed to +the action of matter on mind, but to the action of mind on matter. The +laws of physics, it may be urged, are apparently adequate to explain +everything that happens to matter, even when it is matter in a man's +brain. This, however, is only a hypothesis, not an established theory. +There is no cogent empirical reason for supposing that the laws +determining the motions of living bodies are exactly the same as those +that apply to dead matter. Sometimes, of course, they are clearly the +same. When a man falls from a precipice or slips on a piece of orange +peel, his body behaves as if it were devoid of life. These are the +occasions that make Bergson laugh. But when a man's bodily movements +are what we call "voluntary," they are, at any rate prima facie, very +different in their laws from the movements of what is devoid of life. +I do not wish to say dogmatically that the difference is irreducible; +I think it highly probable that it is not. I say only that the study of +the behaviour of living bodies, in the present state of our knowledge, +is distinct from physics. The study of gases was originally quite +distinct from that of rigid bodies, and would never have advanced to its +present state if it had not been independently pursued. Nowadays both +the gas and the rigid body are manufactured out of a more primitive and +universal kind of matter. In like manner, as a question of methodology, +the laws of living bodies are to be studied, in the first place, without +any undue haste to subordinate them to the laws of physics. Boyle's law +and the rest had to be discovered before the kinetic theory of gases +became possible. But in psychology we are hardly yet at the stage +of Boyle's law. Meanwhile we need not be held up by the bogey of +the universal rigid exactness of physics. This is, as yet, a mere +hypothesis, to be tested empirically without any preconceptions. It may +be true, or it may not. So far, that is all we can say. + +Returning from this digression to our main topic, namely, the criticism +of "consciousness," we observe that Freud and his followers, though they +have demonstrated beyond dispute the immense importance of "unconscious" +desires in determining our actions and beliefs, have not attempted the +task of telling us what an "unconscious" desire actually is, and have +thus invested their doctrine with an air of mystery and mythology which +forms a large part of its popular attractiveness. They speak always as +though it were more normal for a desire to be conscious, and as though +a positive cause had to be assigned for its being unconscious. Thus +"the unconscious" becomes a sort of underground prisoner, living in a +dungeon, breaking in at long intervals upon our daylight respectability +with dark groans and maledictions and strange atavistic lusts. The +ordinary reader, almost inevitably, thinks of this underground person as +another consciousness, prevented by what Freud calls the "censor" from +making his voice heard in company, except on rare and dreadful occasions +when he shouts so loud that every one hears him and there is a scandal. +Most of us like the idea that we could be desperately wicked if only we +let ourselves go. For this reason, the Freudian "unconscious" has been a +consolation to many quiet and well-behaved persons. + +I do not think the truth is quite so picturesque as this. I believe an +"unconscious" desire is merely a causal law of our behaviour,* namely, +that we remain restlessly active until a certain state of affairs is +realized, when we achieve temporary equilibrium If we know beforehand +what this state of affairs is, our desire is conscious; if not, +unconscious. The unconscious desire is not something actually existing, +but merely a tendency to a certain behaviour; it has exactly the same +status as a force in dynamics. The unconscious desire is in no way +mysterious; it is the natural primitive form of desire, from which the +other has developed through our habit of observing and theorizing (often +wrongly). It is not necessary to suppose, as Freud seems to do, +that every unconscious wish was once conscious, and was then, in his +terminology, "repressed" because we disapproved of it. On the contrary, +we shall suppose that, although Freudian "repression" undoubtedly occurs +and is important, it is not the usual reason for unconsciousness of our +wishes. The usual reason is merely that wishes are all, to begin with, +unconscious, and only become known when they are actively noticed. +Usually, from laziness, people do not notice, but accept the theory +of human nature which they find current, and attribute to themselves +whatever wishes this theory would lead them to expect. We used to be +full of virtuous wishes, but since Freud our wishes have become, in +the words of the Prophet Jeremiah, "deceitful above all things and +desperately wicked." Both these views, in most of those who have held +them, are the product of theory rather than observation, for observation +requires effort, whereas repeating phrases does not. + + * Cf. Hart, "The Psychology of Insanity," p. 19. + +The interpretation of unconscious wishes which I have been advocating +has been set forth briefly by Professor John B. Watson in an article +called "The Psychology of Wish Fulfilment," which appeared in "The +Scientific Monthly" in November, 1916. Two quotations will serve to show +his point of view: + +"The Freudians (he says) have made more or less of a 'metaphysical +entity' out of the censor. They suppose that when wishes are repressed +they are repressed into the 'unconscious,' and that this mysterious +censor stands at the trapdoor lying between the conscious and the +unconscious. Many of us do not believe in a world of the unconscious +(a few of us even have grave doubts about the usefulness of the term +consciousness), hence we try to explain censorship along ordinary +biological lines. We believe that one group of habits can 'down' another +group of habits--or instincts. In this case our ordinary system of +habits--those which we call expressive of our 'real selves'--inhibit +or quench (keep inactive or partially inactive) those habits and +instinctive tendencies which belong largely in the past"(p. 483). + +Again, after speaking of the frustration of some impulses which is +involved in acquiring the habits of a civilized adult, he continues: + +"It is among these frustrated impulses that I would find the biological +basis of the unfulfilled wish. Such 'wishes' need never have been +'conscious,' and NEED NEVER HAVE BEEN SUPPRESSED INTO FREUD'S REALM +OF THE UNCONSCIOUS. It may be inferred from this that there is no +particular reason for applying the term 'wish' to such tendencies"(p. +485). + +One of the merits of the general analysis of mind which we shall +be concerned with in the following lectures is that it removes the +atmosphere of mystery from the phenomena brought to light by the +psycho-analysts. Mystery is delightful, but unscientific, since it +depends upon ignorance. Man has developed out of the animals, and +there is no serious gap between him and the amoeba. Something closely +analogous to knowledge and desire, as regards its effects on behaviour, +exists among animals, even where what we call "consciousness" is hard +to believe in; something equally analogous exists in ourselves in cases +where no trace of "consciousness" can be found. It is therefore +natural to suppose that, what ever may be the correct definition of +"consciousness," "consciousness" is not the essence of life or mind. In +the following lectures, accordingly, this term will disappear until we +have dealt with words, when it will re-emerge as mainly a trivial and +unimportant outcome of linguistic habits. + + + + +LECTURE II. INSTINCT AND HABIT + +In attempting to understand the elements out of which mental phenomena +are compounded, it is of the greatest importance to remember that from +the protozoa to man there is nowhere a very wide gap either in structure +or in behaviour. From this fact it is a highly probable inference that +there is also nowhere a very wide mental gap. It is, of course, POSSIBLE +that there may be, at certain stages in evolution, elements which are +entirely new from the standpoint of analysis, though in their nascent +form they have little influence on behaviour and no very marked +correlatives in structure. But the hypothesis of continuity in mental +development is clearly preferable if no psychological facts make it +impossible. We shall find, if I am not mistaken, that there are no facts +which refute the hypothesis of mental continuity, and that, on the other +hand, this hypothesis affords a useful test of suggested theories as to +the nature of mind. + +The hypothesis of mental continuity throughout organic evolution may be +used in two different ways. On the one hand, it may be held that we +have more knowledge of our own minds than those of animals, and that we +should use this knowledge to infer the existence of something similar +to our own mental processes in animals and even in plants. On the other +hand, it may be held that animals and plants present simpler phenomena, +more easily analysed than those of human minds; on this ground it may be +urged that explanations which are adequate in the case of animals ought +not to be lightly rejected in the case of man. The practical effects of +these two views are diametrically opposite: the first leads us to level +up animal intelligence with what we believe ourselves to know about our +own intelligence, while the second leads us to attempt a levelling down +of our own intelligence to something not too remote from what we can +observe in animals. It is therefore important to consider the relative +justification of the two ways of applying the principle of continuity. + +It is clear that the question turns upon another, namely, which can we +know best, the psychology of animals or that of human beings? If we +can know most about animals, we shall use this knowledge as a basis for +inference about human beings; if we can know most about human beings, we +shall adopt the opposite procedure. And the question whether we can know +most about the psychology of human beings or about that of animals turns +upon yet another, namely: Is introspection or external observation +the surer method in psychology? This is a question which I propose to +discuss at length in Lecture VI; I shall therefore content myself now +with a statement of the conclusions to be arrived at. + +We know a great many things concerning ourselves which we cannot know +nearly so directly concerning animals or even other people. We know when +we have a toothache, what we are thinking of, what dreams we have when +we are asleep, and a host of other occurrences which we only know about +others when they tell us of them, or otherwise make them inferable +by their behaviour. Thus, so far as knowledge of detached facts is +concerned, the advantage is on the side of self-knowledge as against +external observation. + +But when we come to the analysis and scientific understanding of the +facts, the advantages on the side of self-knowledge become far less +clear. We know, for example, that we have desires and beliefs, but we +do not know what constitutes a desire or a belief. The phenomena are so +familiar that it is difficult to realize how little we really know about +them. We see in animals, and to a lesser extent in plants, behaviour +more or less similar to that which, in us, is prompted by desires and +beliefs, and we find that, as we descend in the scale of evolution, +behaviour becomes simpler, more easily reducible to rule, more +scientifically analysable and predictable. And just because we are not +misled by familiarity we find it easier to be cautious in interpreting +behaviour when we are dealing with phenomena remote from those of our +own minds: Moreover, introspection, as psychoanalysis has demonstrated, +is extraordinarily fallible even in cases where we feel a high degree of +certainty. The net result seems to be that, though self-knowledge has +a definite and important contribution to make to psychology, it is +exceedingly misleading unless it is constantly checked and controlled +by the test of external observation, and by the theories which such +observation suggests when applied to animal behaviour. On the whole, +therefore, there is probably more to be learnt about human psychology +from animals than about animal psychology from human beings; but this +conclusion is one of degree, and must not be pressed beyond a point. + +It is only bodily phenomena that can be directly observed in animals, +or even, strictly speaking, in other human beings. We can observe such +things as their movements, their physiological processes, and the sounds +they emit. Such things as desires and beliefs, which seem obvious +to introspection, are not visible directly to external observation. +Accordingly, if we begin our study of psychology by external +observation, we must not begin by assuming such things as desires and +beliefs, but only such things as external observation can reveal, which +will be characteristics of the movements and physiological processes of +animals. Some animals, for example, always run away from light and hide +themselves in dark places. If you pick up a mossy stone which is lightly +embedded in the earth, you will see a number of small animals scuttling +away from the unwonted daylight and seeking again the darkness of which +you have deprived them. Such animals are sensitive to light, in the +sense that their movements are affected by it; but it would be rash to +infer that they have sensations in any way analogous to our sensations +of sight. Such inferences, which go beyond the observable facts, are to +be avoided with the utmost care. + +It is customary to divide human movements into three classes, voluntary, +reflex and mechanical. We may illustrate the distinction by a quotation +from William James ("Psychology," i, 12): + +"If I hear the conductor calling 'all aboard' as I enter the depot, my +heart first stops, then palpitates, and my legs respond to the air-waves +falling on my tympanum by quickening their movements. If I stumble as I +run, the sensation of falling provokes a movement of the hands towards +the direction of the fall, the effect of which is to shield the body +from too sudden a shock. If a cinder enter my eye, its lids close +forcibly and a copious flow of tears tends to wash it out. + +"These three responses to a sensational stimulus differ, however, in +many respects. The closure of the eye and the lachrymation are quite +involuntary, and so is the disturbance of the heart. Such involuntary +responses we know as 'reflex' acts. The motion of the arms to break the +shock of falling may also be called reflex, since it occurs too quickly +to be deliberately intended. Whether it be instinctive or whether it +result from the pedestrian education of childhood may be doubtful; it +is, at any rate, less automatic than the previous acts, for a man might +by conscious effort learn to perform it more skilfully, or even to +suppress it altogether. Actions of this kind, with which instinct and +volition enter upon equal terms, have been called 'semi-reflex.' The +act of running towards the train, on the other hand, has no instinctive +element about it. It is purely the result of education, and is preceded +by a consciousness of the purpose to be attained and a distinct mandate +of the will. It is a 'voluntary act.' Thus the animal's reflex and +voluntary performances shade into each other gradually, being connected +by acts which may often occur automatically, but may also be modified by +conscious intelligence. + +"An outside observer, unable to perceive the accompanying consciousness, +might be wholly at a loss to discriminate between the automatic acts and +those which volition escorted. But if the criterion of mind's existence +be the choice of the proper means for the attainment of a supposed +end, all the acts alike seem to be inspired by intelligence, for +APPROPRIATENESS characterizes them all alike." + +There is one movement, among those that James mentions at first, which +is not subsequently classified, namely, the stumbling. This is the +kind of movement which may be called "mechanical"; it is evidently of a +different kind from either reflex or voluntary movements, and more akin +to the movements of dead matter. We may define a movement of an animal's +body as "mechanical" when it proceeds as if only dead matter were +involved. For example, if you fall over a cliff, you move under the +influence of gravitation, and your centre of gravity describes just as +correct a parabola as if you were already dead. Mechanical movements +have not the characteristic of appropriateness, unless by accident, as +when a drunken man falls into a waterbutt and is sobered. But reflex +and voluntary movements are not ALWAYS appropriate, unless in some very +recondite sense. A moth flying into a lamp is not acting sensibly; no +more is a man who is in such a hurry to get his ticket that he cannot +remember the name of his destination. Appropriateness is a complicated +and merely approximate idea, and for the present we shall do well to +dismiss it from our thoughts. + +As James states, there is no difference, from the point of view of +the outside observer, between voluntary and reflex movements. The +physiologist can discover that both depend upon the nervous system, +and he may find that the movements which we call voluntary depend upon +higher centres in the brain than those that are reflex. But he +cannot discover anything as to the presence or absence of "will" or +"consciousness," for these things can only be seen from within, if +at all. For the present, we wish to place ourselves resolutely in the +position of outside observers; we will therefore ignore the distinction +between voluntary and reflex movements. We will call the two together +"vital" movements. We may then distinguish "vital" from mechanical +movements by the fact that vital movements depend for their causation +upon the special properties of the nervous system, while mechanical +movements depend only upon the properties which animal bodies share with +matter in general. + +There is need for some care if the distinction between mechanical and +vital movements is to be made precise. It is quite likely that, if we +knew more about animal bodies, we could deduce all their movements from +the laws of chemistry and physics. It is already fairly easy to see how +chemistry reduces to physics, i.e. how the differences between different +chemical elements can be accounted for by differences of physical +structure, the constituents of the structure being electrons which are +exactly alike in all kinds of matter. We only know in part how to reduce +physiology to chemistry, but we know enough to make it likely that the +reduction is possible. If we suppose it effected, what would become of +the difference between vital and mechanical movements? + +Some analogies will make the difference clear. A shock to a mass of +dynamite produces quite different effects from an equal shock to a mass +of steel: in the one case there is a vast explosion, while in the other +case there is hardly any noticeable disturbance. Similarly, you may +sometimes find on a mountain-side a large rock poised so delicately that +a touch will set it crashing down into the valley, while the rocks all +round are so firm that only a considerable force can dislodge them What +is analogous in these two cases is the existence of a great store of +energy in unstable equilibrium ready to burst into violent motion by +the addition of a very slight disturbance. Similarly, it requires only +a very slight expenditure of energy to send a post-card with the words +"All is discovered; fly!" but the effect in generating kinetic energy +is said to be amazing. A human body, like a mass of dynamite, contains +a store of energy in unstable equilibrium, ready to be directed in this +direction or that by a disturbance which is physically very small, +such as a spoken word. In all such cases the reduction of behaviour to +physical laws can only be effected by entering into great minuteness; so +long as we confine ourselves to the observation of comparatively +large masses, the way in which the equilibrium will be upset cannot be +determined. Physicists distinguish between macroscopic and microscopic +equations: the former determine the visible movements of bodies of +ordinary size, the latter the minute occurrences in the smallest parts. +It is only the microscopic equations that are supposed to be the same +for all sorts of matter. The macroscopic equations result from a process +of averaging out, and may be different in different cases. So, in our +instance, the laws of macroscopic phenomena are different for mechanical +and vital movements, though the laws of microscopic phenomena may be the +same. + +We may say, speaking somewhat roughly, that a stimulus applied to the +nervous system, like a spark to dynamite, is able to take advantage of +the stored energy in unstable equilibrium, and thus to produce movements +out of proportion to the proximate cause. Movements produced in this way +are vital movements, while mechanical movements are those in which the +stored energy of a living body is not involved. Similarly dynamite may +be exploded, thereby displaying its characteristic properties, or may +(with due precautions) be carted about like any other mineral. The +explosion is analogous to vital movements, the carting about to +mechanical movements. + +Mechanical movements are of no interest to the psychologist, and it has +only been necessary to define them in order to be able to exclude them. +When a psychologist studies behaviour, it is only vital movements +that concern him. We shall, therefore, proceed to ignore mechanical +movements, and study only the properties of the remainder. + +The next point is to distinguish between movements that are instinctive +and movements that are acquired by experience. This distinction also is +to some extent one of degree. Professor Lloyd Morgan gives the following +definition of "instinctive behaviour": + +"That which is, on its first occurrence, independent of prior +experience; which tends to the well-being of the individual and the +preservation of the race; which is similarly performed by all members +of the same more or less restricted group of animals; and which may be +subject to subsequent modification under the guidance of experience." * + + * "Instinct and Experience" (Methuen, 1912) p. 5. + +This definition is framed for the purposes of biology, and is in +some respects unsuited to the needs of psychology. Though perhaps +unavoidable, allusion to "the same more or less restricted group +of animals" makes it impossible to judge what is instinctive in the +behaviour of an isolated individual. Moreover, "the well-being of +the individual and the preservation of the race" is only a usual +characteristic, not a universal one, of the sort of movements that, from +our point of view, are to be called instinctive; instances of harmful +instincts will be given shortly. The essential point of the definition, +from our point of view, is that an instinctive movement is in dependent +of prior experience. + +We may say that an "instinctive" movement is a vital movement performed +by an animal the first time that it finds itself in a novel situation; +or, more correctly, one which it would perform if the situation were +novel.* The instincts of an animal are different at different periods of +its growth, and this fact may cause changes of behaviour which are +not due to learning. The maturing and seasonal fluctuation of the +sex-instinct affords a good illustration. When the sex-instinct first +matures, the behaviour of an animal in the presence of a mate is +different from its previous behaviour in similar circumstances, but is +not learnt, since it is just the same if the animal has never previously +been in the presence of a mate. + + * Though this can only be decided by comparison with other + members of the species, and thus exposes us to the need of + comparison which we thought an objection to Professor Lloyd + Morgan's definition. + +On the other hand, a movement is "learnt," or embodies a "habit," if it +is due to previous experience of similar situations, and is not what it +would be if the animal had had no such experience. + +There are various complications which blur the sharpness of this +distinction in practice. To begin with, many instincts mature gradually, +and while they are immature an animal may act in a fumbling manner which +is very difficult to distinguish from learning. James ("Psychology," ii, +407) maintains that children walk by instinct, and that the awkwardness +of their first attempts is only due to the fact that the instinct has +not yet ripened. He hopes that "some scientific widower, left alone with +his offspring at the critical moment, may ere long test this suggestion +on the living subject." However this may be, he quotes evidence to show +that "birds do not LEARN to fly," but fly by instinct when they reach +the appropriate age (ib., p. 406). In the second place, instinct often +gives only a rough outline of the sort of thing to do, in which case +learning is necessary in order to acquire certainty and precision in +action. In the third place, even in the clearest cases of acquired +habit, such as speaking, some instinct is required to set in motion +the process of learning. In the case of speaking, the chief instinct +involved is commonly supposed to be that of imitation, but this may be +questioned. (See Thorndike's "Animal Intelligence," p. 253 ff.) + +In spite of these qualifications, the broad distinction between instinct +and habit is undeniable. To take extreme cases, every animal at birth +can take food by instinct, before it has had opportunity to learn; on +the other hand, no one can ride a bicycle by instinct, though, after +learning, the necessary movements become just as automatic as if they +were instinctive. + +The process of learning, which consists in the acquisition of habits, +has been much studied in various animals.* For example: you put a hungry +animal, say a cat, in a cage which has a door that can be opened by +lifting a latch; outside the cage you put food. The cat at first dashes +all round the cage, making frantic efforts to force a way out. At last, +by accident, the latch is lifted and the cat pounces on the food. Next +day you repeat the experiment, and you find that the cat gets out much +more quickly than the first time, although it still makes some random +movements. The third day it gets out still more quickly, and before long +it goes straight to the latch and lifts it at once. Or you make a model +of the Hampton Court maze, and put a rat in the middle, assaulted by the +smell of food on the outside. The rat starts running down the passages, +and is constantly stopped by blind alleys, but at last, by persistent +attempts, it gets out. You repeat this experiment day after day; you +measure the time taken by the rat in reaching the food; you find that +the time rapidly diminishes, and that after a while the rat ceases to +make any wrong turnings. It is by essentially similar processes that we +learn speaking, writing, mathematics, or the government of an empire. + + * The scientific study of this subject may almost be said to + begin with Thorndike's "Animal Intelligence" (Macmillan, + 1911). + +Professor Watson ("Behavior," pp. 262-3) has an ingenious theory as to +the way in which habit arises out of random movements. I think there is +a reason why his theory cannot be regarded as alone sufficient, but it +seems not unlikely that it is partly correct. Suppose, for the sake of +simplicity, that there are just ten random movements which may be made +by the animal--say, ten paths down which it may go--and that only one of +these leads to food, or whatever else represents success in the case in +question. Then the successful movement always occurs during the animal's +attempts, whereas each of the others, on the average, occurs in only +half the attempts. Thus the tendency to repeat a previous performance +(which is easily explicable without the intervention of "consciousness") +leads to a greater emphasis on the successful movement than on any +other, and in time causes it alone to be performed. The objection to +this view, if taken as the sole explanation, is that on improvement +ought to set in till after the SECOND trial, whereas experiment shows +that already at the second attempt the animal does better than the +first time. Something further is, therefore, required to account for the +genesis of habit from random movements; but I see no reason to suppose +that what is further required involves "consciousness." + +Mr. Thorndike (op. cit., p. 244) formulates two "provisional laws of +acquired behaviour or learning," as follows: + +"The Law of Effect is that: Of several responses made to the same +situation, those which are accompanied or closely followed by +satisfaction to the animal will, other things being equal, be more +firmly connected with the situation, so that, when it recurs, they will +be more likely to recur; those which are accompanied or closely followed +by discomfort to the animal will, other things being equal, have their +connections with that situation weakened, so that, when it recurs, +they will be less likely to occur. The greater the satisfaction or +discomfort, the greater the strengthening or weakening of the bond. + +"The Law of Exercise is that: Any response to a situation will, other +things being equal, be more strongly connected with the situation +in proportion to the number of times it has been connected with that +situation and to the average vigour and duration of the connections." + +With the explanation to be presently given of the meaning of +"satisfaction" and "discomfort," there seems every reason to accept +these two laws. + +What is true of animals, as regards instinct and habit, is equally +true of men. But the higher we rise in the evolutionary scale, broadly +speaking, the greater becomes the power of learning, and the fewer are +the occasions when pure instinct is exhibited unmodified in adult life. +This applies with great force to man, so much so that some have thought +instinct less important in the life of man than in that of animals. +This, however, would be a mistake. Learning is only possible when +instinct supplies the driving-force. The animals in cages, which +gradually learn to get out, perform random movements at first, which +are purely instinctive. But for these random movements, they would never +acquire the experience which afterwards enables them to produce the +right movement. (This is partly questioned by Hobhouse*--wrongly, I +think.) Similarly, children learning to talk make all sorts of sounds, +until one day the right sound comes by accident. It is clear that the +original making of random sounds, without which speech would never be +learnt, is instinctive. I think we may say the same of all the habits +and aptitudes that we acquire in all of them there has been present +throughout some instinctive activity, prompting at first rather +inefficient movements, but supplying the driving force while more and +more effective methods are being acquired. A cat which is hungry smells +fish, and goes to the larder. This is a thoroughly efficient method when +there is fish in the larder, and it is often successfully practised by +children. But in later life it is found that merely going to the larder +does not cause fish to be there; after a series of random movements it +is found that this result is to be caused by going to the City in the +morning and coming back in the evening. No one would have guessed a +priori that this movement of a middle-aged man's body would cause fish +to come out of the sea into his larder, but experience shows that it +does, and the middle-aged man therefore continues to go to the City, +just as the cat in the cage continues to lift the latch when it has once +found it. Of course, in actual fact, human learning is rendered easier, +though psychologically more complex, through language; but at bottom +language does not alter the essential character of learning, or of the +part played by instinct in promoting learning. Language, however, is a +subject upon which I do not wish to speak until a later lecture. + + * "Mind in Evolution" (Macmillan, 1915), pp. 236-237. + +The popular conception of instinct errs by imagining it to be infallible +and preternaturally wise, as well as incapable of modification. This is +a complete delusion. Instinct, as a rule, is very rough and ready, able +to achieve its result under ordinary circumstances, but easily misled by +anything unusual. Chicks follow their mother by instinct, but when they +are quite young they will follow with equal readiness any moving +object remotely resembling their mother, or even a human being (James, +"Psychology," ii, 396). Bergson, quoting Fabre, has made play with the +supposed extraordinary accuracy of the solitary wasp Ammophila, which +lays its eggs in a caterpillar. On this subject I will quote from +Drever's "Instinct in Man," p. 92: + +"According to Fabre's observations, which Bergson accepts, the Ammophila +stings its prey EXACTLY and UNERRINGLY in EACH of the nervous centres. +The result is that the caterpillar is paralyzed, but not immediately +killed, the advantage of this being that the larva cannot be injured by +any movement of the caterpillar, upon which the egg is deposited, and is +provided with fresh meat when the time comes. + +"Now Dr. and Mrs. Peckham have shown that the sting of the wasp is NOT +UNERRING, as Fabre alleges, that the number of stings is NOT CONSTANT, +that sometimes the caterpillar is NOT PARALYZED, and sometimes it is +KILLED OUTRIGHT, and that THE DIFFERENT CIRCUMSTANCES DO NOT APPARENTLY +MAKE ANY DIFFERENCE TO THE LARVA, which is not injured by slight +movements of the caterpillar, nor by consuming food decomposed rather +than fresh caterpillar." + +This illustrates how love of the marvellous may mislead even so careful +an observer as Fabre and so eminent a philosopher as Bergson. + +In the same chapter of Dr. Drever's book there are some interesting +examples of the mistakes made by instinct. I will quote one as a sample: + +"The larva of the Lomechusa beetle eats the young of the ants, in whose +nest it is reared. Nevertheless, the ants tend the Lomechusa larvae +with the same care they bestow on their own young. Not only so, but they +apparently discover that the methods of feeding, which suit their own +larvae, would prove fatal to the guests, and accordingly they change +their whole system of nursing" (loc. cit., p. 106). + +Semon ("Die Mneme," pp. 207-9) gives a good illustration of an instinct +growing wiser through experience. He relates how hunters attract stags +by imitating the sounds of other members of their species, male or +female, but find that the older a stag becomes the more difficult it +is to deceive him, and the more accurate the imitation has to be. The +literature of instinct is vast, and illustrations might be multiplied +indefinitely. The main points as regards instinct, which need to be +emphasized as against the popular conceptions of it, are: + +(1) That instinct requires no prevision of the biological end which it +serves; + +(2) That instinct is only adapted to achieve this end in the usual +circumstances of the animal in question, and has no more precision than +is necessary for success AS A RULE; + +(3) That processes initiated by instinct often come to be performed +better after experience; + +(4) That instinct supplies the impulses to experimental movements which +are required for the process of learning; + +(5) That instincts in their nascent stages are easily modifiable, and +capable of being attached to various sorts of objects. + +All the above characteristics of instinct can be established by purely +external observation, except the fact that instinct does not require +prevision. This, though not strictly capable of being PROVED by +observation, is irresistibly suggested by the most obvious phenomena. +Who can believe, for example, that a new-born baby is aware of the +necessity of food for preserving life? Or that insects, in laying eggs, +are concerned for the preservation of their species? The essence of +instinct, one might say, is that it provides a mechanism for +acting without foresight in a manner which is usually advantageous +biologically. It is partly for this reason that it is so important to +understand the fundamental position of instinct in prompting both animal +and human behaviour. + + + + +LECTURE III. DESIRE AND FEELING + +Desire is a subject upon which, if I am not mistaken, true views can +only be arrived at by an almost complete reversal of the ordinary +unreflecting opinion. It is natural to regard desire as in its essence +an attitude towards something which is imagined, not actual; this +something is called the END or OBJECT of the desire, and is said to be +the PURPOSE of any action resulting from the desire. We think of the +content of the desire as being just like the content of a belief, while +the attitude taken up towards the content is different. According to +this theory, when we say: "I hope it will rain," or "I expect it will +rain," we express, in the first case, a desire, and in the second, a +belief, with an identical content, namely, the image of rain. It would +be easy to say that, just as belief is one kind of feeling in relation +to this content, so desire is another kind. According to this view, what +comes first in desire is something imagined, with a specific feeling +related to it, namely, that specific feeling which we call "desiring" +it. The discomfort associated with unsatisfied desire, and the actions +which aim at satisfying desire, are, in this view, both of them effects +of the desire. I think it is fair to say that this is a view against +which common sense would not rebel; nevertheless, I believe it to be +radically mistaken. It cannot be refuted logically, but various facts +can be adduced which make it gradually less simple and plausible, until +at last it turns out to be easier to abandon it wholly and look at the +matter in a totally different way. + +The first set of facts to be adduced against the common sense view of +desire are those studied by psycho-analysis. In all human beings, but +most markedly in those suffering from hysteria and certain forms of +insanity, we find what are called "unconscious" desires, which are +commonly regarded as showing self-deception. Most psycho-analysts +pay little attention to the analysis of desire, being interested in +discovering by observation what it is that people desire, rather than in +discovering what actually constitutes desire. I think the strangeness of +what they report would be greatly diminished if it were expressed in the +language of a behaviourist theory of desire, rather than in the language +of every-day beliefs. The general description of the sort of phenomena +that bear on our present question is as follows: A person states that +his desires are so-and-so, and that it is these desires that inspire his +actions; but the outside observer perceives that his actions are such +as to realize quite different ends from those which he avows, and +that these different ends are such as he might be expected to desire. +Generally they are less virtuous than his professed desires, and are +therefore less agreeable to profess than these are. It is accordingly +supposed that they really exist as desires for ends, but in a +subconscious part of the mind, which the patient refuses to admit into +consciousness for fear of having to think ill of himself. There are +no doubt many cases to which such a supposition is applicable without +obvious artificiality. But the deeper the Freudians delve into the +underground regions of instinct, the further they travel from anything +resembling conscious desire, and the less possible it becomes to believe +that only positive self-deception conceals from us that we really wish +for things which are abhorrent to our explicit life. + +In the cases in question we have a conflict between the outside observer +and the patient's consciousness. The whole tendency of psycho-analysis +is to trust the outside observer rather than the testimony of +introspection. I believe this tendency to be entirely right, but to +demand a re-statement of what constitutes desire, exhibiting it as a +causal law of our actions, not as something actually existing in our +minds. + +But let us first get a clearer statement of the essential characteristic +of the phenomena. + +A person, we find, states that he desires a certain end A, and that he +is acting with a view to achieving it. We observe, however, that his +actions are such as are likely to achieve a quite different end B, and +that B is the sort of end that often seems to be aimed at by animals and +savages, though civilized people are supposed to have discarded it. We +sometimes find also a whole set of false beliefs, of such a kind as to +persuade the patient that his actions are really a means to A, when in +fact they are a means to B. For example, we have an impulse to inflict +pain upon those whom we hate; we therefore believe that they are wicked, +and that punishment will reform them. This belief enables us to act upon +the impulse to inflict pain, while believing that we are acting upon +the desire to lead sinners to repentance. It is for this reason that the +criminal law has been in all ages more severe than it would have been if +the impulse to ameliorate the criminal had been what really inspired +it. It seems simple to explain such a state of affairs as due to +"self-deception," but this explanation is often mythical. Most people, +in thinking about punishment, have had no more need to hide their +vindictive impulses from themselves than they have had to hide +the exponential theorem. Our impulses are not patent to a casual +observation, but are only to be discovered by a scientific study of our +actions, in the course of which we must regard ourselves as objectively +as we should the motions of the planets or the chemical reactions of a +new element. + +The study of animals reinforces this conclusion, and is in many ways +the best preparation for the analysis of desire. In animals we are +not troubled by the disturbing influence of ethical considerations. In +dealing with human beings, we are perpetually distracted by being told +that such-and-such a view is gloomy or cynical or pessimistic: ages of +human conceit have built up such a vast myth as to our wisdom and virtue +that any intrusion of the mere scientific desire to know the facts is +instantly resented by those who cling to comfortable illusions. But no +one cares whether animals are virtuous or not, and no one is under the +delusion that they are rational. Moreover, we do not expect them to be +so "conscious," and are prepared to admit that their instincts prompt +useful actions without any prevision of the ends which they achieve. For +all these reasons, there is much in the analysis of mind which is more +easily discovered by the study of animals than by the observation of +human beings. + +We all think that, by watching the behaviour of animals, we can discover +more or less what they desire. If this is the case--and I fully agree +that it is--desire must be capable of being exhibited in actions, for it +is only the actions of animals that we can observe. They MAY have minds +in which all sorts of things take place, but we can know nothing about +their minds except by means of inferences from their actions; and the +more such inferences are examined, the more dubious they appear. It +would seem, therefore, that actions alone must be the test of the +desires of animals. From this it is an easy step to the conclusion that +an animal's desire is nothing but a characteristic of a certain series +of actions, namely, those which would be commonly regarded as inspired +by the desire in question. And when it has been shown that this view +affords a satisfactory account of animal desires, it is not difficult +to see that the same explanation is applicable to the desires of human +beings. + +We judge easily from the behaviour of an animal of a familiar +kind whether it is hungry or thirsty, or pleased or displeased, or +inquisitive or terrified. The verification of our judgment, so far +as verification is possible, must be derived from the immediately +succeeding actions of the animal. Most people would say that they infer +first something about the animal's state of mind--whether it is hungry +or thirsty and so on--and thence derive their expectations as to its +subsequent conduct. But this detour through the animal's supposed mind +is wholly unnecessary. We can say simply: The animal's behaviour during +the last minute has had those characteristics which distinguish what +is called "hunger," and it is likely that its actions during the next +minute will be similar in this respect, unless it finds food, or is +interrupted by a stronger impulse, such as fear. An animal which is +hungry is restless, it goes to the places where food is often to be +found, it sniffs with its nose or peers with its eyes or otherwise +increases the sensitiveness of its sense-organs; as soon as it is near +enough to food for its sense-organs to be affected, it goes to it with +all speed and proceeds to eat; after which, if the quantity of food has +been sufficient, its whole demeanour changes it may very likely lie +down and go to sleep. These things and others like them are observable +phenomena distinguishing a hungry animal from one which is not hungry. +The characteristic mark by which we recognize a series of actions +which display hunger is not the animal's mental state, which we cannot +observe, but something in its bodily behaviour; it is this observable +trait in the bodily behaviour that I am proposing to call "hunger," +not some possibly mythical and certainly unknowable ingredient of the +animal's mind. + +Generalizing what occurs in the case of hunger, we may say that what +we call a desire in an animal is always displayed in a cycle of actions +having certain fairly well marked characteristics. There is first a +state of activity, consisting, with qualifications to be mentioned +presently, of movements likely to have a certain result; these +movements, unless interrupted, continue until the result is achieved, +after which there is usually a period of comparative quiescence. A cycle +of actions of this sort has marks by which it is broadly distinguished +from the motions of dead matter. The most notable of these marks +are--(1) the appropriateness of the actions for the realization of a +certain result; (2) the continuance of action until that result has been +achieved. Neither of these can be pressed beyond a point. Either may +be (a) to some extent present in dead matter, and (b) to a considerable +extent absent in animals, while vegetable are intermediate, and display +only a much fainter form of the behaviour which leads us to attribute +desire to animals. (a) One might say rivers "desire" the sea water, +roughly speaking, remains in restless motion until it reaches either +the sea or a place from which it cannot issue without going uphill, and +therefore we might say that this is what it wishes while it is flowing. +We do not say so, because we can account for the behaviour of water by +the laws of physics; and if we knew more about animals, we might equally +cease to attribute desires to them, since we might find physical and +chemical reactions sufficient to account for their behaviour. (b) Many +of the movements of animals do not exhibit the characteristics of the +cycles which seem to embody desire. There are first of all the movements +which are "mechanical," such as slipping and falling, where ordinary +physical forces operate upon the animal's body almost as if it were +dead matter. An animal which falls over a cliff may make a number of +desperate struggles while it is in the air, but its centre of gravity +will move exactly as it would if the animal were dead. In this case, if +the animal is killed at the end of the fall, we have, at first sight, +just the characteristics of a cycle of actions embodying desire, namely, +restless movement until the ground is reached, and then quiescence. +Nevertheless, we feel no temptation to say that the animal desired what +occurred, partly because of the obviously mechanical nature of the whole +occurrence, partly because, when an animal survives a fall, it tends not +to repeat the experience. + +There may be other reasons also, but of them I do not wish to speak yet. +Besides mechanical movements, there are interrupted movements, as when +a bird, on its way to eat your best peas, is frightened away by the boy +whom you are employing for that purpose. If interruptions are frequent +and completion of cycles rare, the characteristics by which cycles +are observed may become so blurred as to be almost unrecognizable. The +result of these various considerations is that the differences +between animals and dead matter, when we confine ourselves to external +unscientific observation of integral behaviour, are a matter of degree +and not very precise. It is for this reason that it has always been +possible for fanciful people to maintain that even stocks and stones +have some vague kind of soul. The evidence that animals have souls is +so very shaky that, if it is assumed to be conclusive, one might just as +well go a step further and extend the argument by analogy to all matter. +Nevertheless, in spite of vagueness and doubtful cases, the existence +of cycles in the behaviour of animals is a broad characteristic by which +they are prima facie distinguished from ordinary matter; and I think it +is this characteristic which leads us to attribute desires to animals, +since it makes their behaviour resemble what we do when (as we say) we +are acting from desire. + +I shall adopt the following definitions for describing the behaviour of +animals: + +A "behaviour-cycle" is a series of voluntary or reflex movements of an +animal, tending to cause a certain result, and continuing until that +result is caused, unless they are interrupted by death, accident, +or some new behaviour-cycle. (Here "accident" may be defined as the +intervention of purely physical laws causing mechanical movements.) + +The "purpose" of a behaviour-cycle is the result which brings it to an +end, normally by a condition of temporary quiescence-provided there is +no interruption. + +An animal is said to "desire" the purpose of a behaviour cycle while the +behaviour-cycle is in progress. + +I believe these definitions to be adequate also to human purposes and +desires, but for the present I am only occupied with animals and with +what can be learnt by external observation. I am very anxious that no +ideas should be attached to the words "purpose" and "desire" beyond +those involved in the above definitions. + +We have not so far considered what is the nature of the initial stimulus +to a behaviour-cycle. Yet it is here that the usual view of desire seems +on the strongest ground. The hungry animal goes on making movements +until it gets food; it seems natural, therefore, to suppose that the +idea of food is present throughout the process, and that the thought of +the end to be achieved sets the whole process in motion. Such a view, +however, is obviously untenable in many cases, especially where instinct +is concerned. Take, for example, reproduction and the rearing of the +young. Birds mate, build a nest, lay eggs in it, sit on the eggs, feed +the young birds, and care for them until they are fully grown. It +is totally impossible to suppose that this series of actions, which +constitutes one behaviour-cycle, is inspired by any prevision of the +end, at any rate the first time it is performed.* We must suppose that +the stimulus to the performance of each act is an impulsion from behind, +not an attraction from the future. The bird does what it does, at each +stage, because it has an impulse to that particular action, not because +it perceives that the whole cycle of actions will contribute to the +preservation of the species. The same considerations apply to other +instincts. A hungry animal feels restless, and is led by instinctive +impulses to perform the movements which give it nourishment; but the act +of seeking food is not sufficient evidence from which to conclude that +the animal has the thought of food in its "mind." + + * For evidence as to birds' nests, cf. Semon, "Die Mneme," + pp. 209, 210. + +Coming now to human beings, and to what we know about our own actions, +it seems clear that what, with us, sets a behaviour-cycle in motion is +some sensation of the sort which we call disagreeable. Take the case +of hunger: we have first an uncomfortable feeling inside, producing a +disinclination to sit still, a sensitiveness to savoury smells, and an +attraction towards any food that there may be in our neighbourhood. At +any moment during this process we may become aware that we are hungry, +in the sense of saying to ourselves, "I am hungry"; but we may have been +acting with reference to food for some time before this moment. While we +are talking or reading, we may eat in complete unconsciousness; but we +perform the actions of eating just as we should if we were conscious, +and they cease when our hunger is appeased. What we call "consciousness" +seems to be a mere spectator of the process; even when it issues orders, +they are usually, like those of a wise parent, just such as would have +been obeyed even if they had not been given. This view may seem at first +exaggerated, but the more our so-called volitions and their causes are +examined, the more it is forced upon us. The part played by words in all +this is complicated, and a potent source of confusions; I shall return +to it later. For the present, I am still concerned with primitive +desire, as it exists in man, but in the form in which man shows his +affinity to his animal ancestors. + +Conscious desire is made up partly of what is essential to desire, +partly of beliefs as to what we want. It is important to be clear as to +the part which does not consist of beliefs. + +The primitive non-cognitive element in desire seems to be a push, not +a pull, an impulsion away from the actual, rather than an attraction +towards the ideal. Certain sensations and other mental occurrences have +a property which we call discomfort; these cause such bodily movements +as are likely to lead to their cessation. When the discomfort ceases, +or even when it appreciably diminishes, we have sensations possessing a +property which we call PLEASURE. Pleasurable sensations either stimulate +no action at all, or at most stimulate such action as is likely to +prolong them. I shall return shortly to the consideration of what +discomfort and pleasure are in themselves; for the present, it is +their connection with action and desire that concerns us. Abandoning +momentarily the standpoint of behaviourism, we may presume that hungry +animals experience sensations involving discomfort, and stimulating such +movements as seem likely to bring them to the food which is outside the +cages. When they have reached the food and eaten it, their discomfort +ceases and their sensations become pleasurable. It SEEMS, mistakenly, as +if the animals had had this situation in mind throughout, when in fact +they have been continually pushed by discomfort. And when an animal +is reflective, like some men, it comes to think that it had the final +situation in mind throughout; sometimes it comes to know what situation +will bring satisfaction, so that in fact the discomfort does bring the +thought of what will allay it. Nevertheless the sensation involving +discomfort remains the prime mover. + +This brings us to the question of the nature of discomfort and pleasure. +Since Kant it has been customary to recognize three great divisions of +mental phenomena, which are typified by knowledge, desire and feeling, +where "feeling" is used to mean pleasure and discomfort. Of course, +"knowledge" is too definite a word: the states of mind concerned are +grouped together as "cognitive," and are to embrace not only beliefs, +but perceptions, doubts, and the understanding of concepts. "Desire," +also, is narrower than what is intended: for example, WILL is to be +included in this category, and in fact every thing that involves any +kind of striving, or "conation" as it is technically called. I do not +myself believe that there is any value in this threefold division of the +contents of mind. I believe that sensations (including images) supply +all the "stuff" of the mind, and that everything else can be analysed +into groups of sensations related in various ways, or characteristics of +sensations or of groups of sensations. As regards belief, I shall give +grounds for this view in later lectures. As regards desires, I have +given some grounds in this lecture. For the present, it is pleasure and +discomfort that concern us. There are broadly three theories that might +be held in regard to them. We may regard them as separate existing +items in those who experience them, or we may regard them as intrinsic +qualities of sensations and other mental occurrences, or we may regard +them as mere names for the causal characteristics of the occurrences +which are uncomfortable or pleasant. The first of these theories, +namely, that which regards discomfort and pleasure as actual contents in +those who experience them, has, I think, nothing conclusive to be said +in its favour.* It is suggested chiefly by an ambiguity in the word +"pain," which has misled many people, including Berkeley, whom it +supplied with one of his arguments for subjective idealism. We may use +"pain" as the opposite of "pleasure," and "painful" as the opposite of +"pleasant," or we may use "pain" to mean a certain sort of sensation, on +a level with the sensations of heat and cold and touch. The latter use +of the word has prevailed in psychological literature, and it is now +no longer used as the opposite of "pleasure." Dr. H. Head, in a recent +publication, has stated this distinction as follows:** + + * Various arguments in its favour are advanced by A. + Wohlgemuth, "On the feelings and their neural correlate, + with an examination of the nature of pain," "British Journal + of Psychology," viii, 4. (1917). But as these arguments are + largely a reductio ad absurdum of other theories, among + which that which I am advocating is not included, I cannot + regard them as establishing their contention. + + ** "Sensation and the Cerebral Cortex," "Brain," vol. xli, + part ii (September, 1918), p. 90. Cf. also Wohlgemuth, loc. + cit. pp. 437, 450. + +"It is necessary at the outset to distinguish clearly between +'discomfort' and 'pain.' Pain is a distinct sensory quality equivalent +to heat and cold, and its intensity can be roughly graded according to +the force expended in stimulation. Discomfort, on the other hand, +is that feeling-tone which is directly opposed to pleasure. It may +accompany sensations not in themselves essentially painful; as for +instance that produced by tickling the sole of the foot. The reaction +produced by repeated pricking contains both these elements; for it +evokes that sensory quality known as pain, accompanied by a disagreeable +feeling-tone, which we have called discomfort. On the other hand, +excessive pressure, except when applied directly over some nerve-trunk, +tends to excite more discomfort than pain." + +The confusion between discomfort and pain has made people regard +discomfort as a more substantial thing than it is, and this in turn has +reacted upon the view taken of pleasure, since discomfort and pleasure +are evidently on a level in this respect. As soon as discomfort is +clearly distinguished from the sensation of pain, it becomes more +natural to regard discomfort and pleasure as properties of mental +occurrences than to regard them as separate mental occurrences on their +own account. I shall therefore dismiss the view that they are separate +mental occurrences, and regard them as properties of such experiences as +would be called respectively uncomfortable and pleasant. + +It remains to be examined whether they are actual qualities of such +occurrences, or are merely differences as to causal properties. I do not +myself see any way of deciding this question; either view seems equally +capable of accounting for the facts. If this is true, it is safer to +avoid the assumption that there are such intrinsic qualities of +mental occurrences as are in question, and to assume only the causal +differences which are undeniable. Without condemning the intrinsic +theory, we can define discomfort and pleasure as consisting in causal +properties, and say only what will hold on either of the two theories. +Following this course, we shall say: + +"Discomfort" is a property of a sensation or other mental occurrence, +consisting in the fact that the occurrence in question stimulates +voluntary or reflex movements tending to produce some more or less +definite change involving the cessation of the occurrence. + +"Pleasure" is a property of a sensation or other mental occurrence, +consisting in the fact that the occurrence in question either does not +stimulate any voluntary or reflex movement, or, if it does, stimulates +only such as tend to prolong the occurrence in question.* + + * Cf. Thorndike, op. cit., p. 243. + +"Conscious" desire, which we have now to consider, consists of desire +in the sense hitherto discussed, together with a true belief as to its +"purpose," i.e. as to the state of affairs that will bring quiescence +with cessation of the discomfort. If our theory of desire is correct, +a belief as to its purpose may very well be erroneous, since only +experience can show what causes a discomfort to cease. When the +experience needed is common and simple, as in the case of hunger, a +mistake is not very probable. But in other cases--e.g. erotic desire in +those who have had little or no experience of its satisfaction--mistakes +are to be expected, and do in fact very often occur. The practice of +inhibiting impulses, which is to a great extent necessary to civilized +life, makes mistakes easier, by preventing experience of the actions to +which a desire would otherwise lead, and by often causing the inhibited +impulses themselves to be unnoticed or quickly forgotten. The perfectly +natural mistakes which thus arise constitute a large proportion of what +is, mistakenly in part, called self-deception, and attributed by Freud +to the "censor." + +But there is a further point which needs emphasizing, namely, that a +belief that something is desired has often a tendency to cause the very +desire that is believed in. It is this fact that makes the effect of +"consciousness" on desire so complicated. + +When we believe that we desire a certain state of affairs, that often +tends to cause a real desire for it. This is due partly to the influence +of words upon our emotions, in rhetoric for example, and partly to the +general fact that discomfort normally belongs to the belief that we +desire such-and-such a thing that we do not possess. Thus what was +originally a false opinion as to the object of a desire acquires a +certain truth: the false opinion generates a secondary subsidiary +desire, which nevertheless becomes real. Let us take an illustration. +Suppose you have been jilted in a way which wounds your vanity. Your +natural impulsive desire will be of the sort expressed in Donne's poem: + + When by thy scorn, O Murderess, I am dead, + +in which he explains how he will haunt the poor lady as a ghost, and +prevent her from enjoying a moment's peace. But two things stand in +the way of your expressing yourself so naturally: on the one hand, your +vanity, which will not acknowledge how hard you are hit; on the other +hand, your conviction that you are a civilized and humane person, +who could not possibly indulge so crude a desire as revenge. You will +therefore experience a restlessness which will at first seem quite +aimless, but will finally resolve itself in a conscious desire to change +your profession, or go round the world, or conceal your identity and +live in Putney, like Arnold Bennett's hero. Although the prime cause of +this desire is a false judgment as to your previous unconscious desire, +yet the new conscious desire has its own derivative genuineness, and may +influence your actions to the extent of sending you round the world. +The initial mistake, however, will have effects of two kinds. First, +in uncontrolled moments, under the influence of sleepiness or drink +or delirium, you will say things calculated to injure the faithless +deceiver. Secondly, you will find travel disappointing, and the East +less fascinating than you had hoped--unless, some day, you hear that the +wicked one has in turn been jilted. If this happens, you will believe +that you feel sincere sympathy, but you will suddenly be much more +delighted than before with the beauties of tropical islands or the +wonders of Chinese art. A secondary desire, derived from a false +judgment as to a primary desire, has its own power of influencing +action, and is therefore a real desire according to our definition. +But it has not the same power as a primary desire of bringing thorough +satisfaction when it is realized; so long as the primary desire remains +unsatisfied, restlessness continues in spite of the secondary desire's +success. Hence arises a belief in the vanity of human wishes: the vain +wishes are those that are secondary, but mistaken beliefs prevent us +from realizing that they are secondary. + +What may, with some propriety, be called self-deception arises through +the operation of desires for beliefs. We desire many things which it is +not in our power to achieve: that we should be universally popular and +admired, that our work should be the wonder of the age, and that the +universe should be so ordered as to bring ultimate happiness to all, +though not to our enemies until they have repented and been purified +by suffering. Such desires are too large to be achieved through our own +efforts. But it is found that a considerable portion of the satisfaction +which these things would bring us if they were realized is to be +achieved by the much easier operation of believing that they are or +will be realized. This desire for beliefs, as opposed to desire for the +actual facts, is a particular case of secondary desire, and, like all +secondary desire its satisfaction does not lead to a complete cessation +of the initial discomfort. Nevertheless, desire for beliefs, as opposed +to desire for facts, is exceedingly potent both individually and +socially. According to the form of belief desired, it is called vanity, +optimism, or religion. Those who have sufficient power usually imprison +or put to death any one who tries to shake their faith in their own +excellence or in that of the universe; it is for this reason that +seditious libel and blasphemy have always been, and still are, criminal +offences. + +It is very largely through desires for beliefs that the primitive +nature of desire has become so hidden, and that the part played by +consciousness has been so confusing and so exaggerated. + +We may now summarize our analysis of desire and feeling. + +A mental occurrence of any kind--sensation, image, belief, or +emotion--may be a cause of a series of actions, continuing, unless +interrupted, until some more or less definite state of affairs is +realized. Such a series of actions we call a "behaviour-cycle." The +degree of definiteness may vary greatly: hunger requires only food in +general, whereas the sight of a particular piece of food raises a desire +which requires the eating of that piece of food. The property of causing +such a cycle of occurrences is called "discomfort"; the property of the +mental occurrences in which the cycle ends is called "pleasure." The +actions constituting the cycle must not be purely mechanical, i.e. they +must be bodily movements in whose causation the special properties +of nervous tissue are involved. The cycle ends in a condition of +quiescence, or of such action as tends only to preserve the status quo. +The state of affairs in which this condition of quiescence is achieved +is called the "purpose" of the cycle, and the initial mental occurrence +involving discomfort is called a "desire" for the state of affairs that +brings quiescence. A desire is called "conscious" when it is accompanied +by a true belief as to the state of affairs that will bring quiescence; +otherwise it is called "unconscious." All primitive desire is +unconscious, and in human beings beliefs as to the purposes of desires +are often mistaken. These mistaken beliefs generate secondary desires, +which cause various interesting complications in the psychology of human +desire, without fundamentally altering the character which it shares +with animal desire. + + + + +LECTURE IV. INFLUENCE OF PAST HISTORY ON PRESENT OCCURRENCES IN LIVING +ORGANISMS + +In this lecture we shall be concerned with a very general characteristic +which broadly, though not absolutely, distinguishes the behaviour +of living organisms from that of dead matter. The characteristic in +question is this: + +The response of an organism to a given stimulus is very often dependent +upon the past history of the organism, and not merely upon the stimulus +and the HITHERTO DISCOVERABLE present state of the organism. + +This characteristic is embodied in the saying "a burnt child fears the +fire." The burn may have left no visible traces, yet it modifies the +reaction of the child in the presence of fire. It is customary to assume +that, in such cases, the past operates by modifying the structure of the +brain, not directly. I have no wish to suggest that this hypothesis is +false; I wish only to point out that it is a hypothesis. At the end of +the present lecture I shall examine the grounds in its favour. If we +confine ourselves to facts which have been actually observed, we must +say that past occurrences, in addition to the present stimulus and +the present ascertainable condition of the organism, enter into the +causation of the response. + +The characteristic is not wholly confined to living organisms. For +example, magnetized steel looks just like steel which has not been +magnetized, but its behaviour is in some ways different. In the case +of dead matter, however, such phenomena are less frequent and important +than in the case of living organisms, and it is far less difficult +to invent satisfactory hypotheses as to the microscopic changes of +structure which mediate between the past occurrence and the present +changed response. In the case of living organisms, practically +everything that is distinctive both of their physical and of their +mental behaviour is bound up with this persistent influence of the past. +Further, speaking broadly, the change in response is usually of a kind +that is biologically advantageous to the organism. + +Following a suggestion derived from Semon ("Die Mneme," Leipzig, 1904; +2nd edition, 1908, English translation, Allen & Unwin, 1921; "Die +mnemischen Empfindungen," Leipzig, 1909), we will give the name of +"mnemic phenomena" to those responses of an organism which, so far as +hitherto observed facts are concerned, can only be brought under causal +laws by including past occurrences in the history of the organism as +part of the causes of the present response. I do not mean merely--what +would always be the case--that past occurrences are part of a CHAIN of +causes leading to the present event. I mean that, in attempting to state +the PROXIMATE cause of the present event, some past event or events +must be included, unless we take refuge in hypothetical modifications of +brain structure. For example: you smell peat-smoke, and you recall some +occasion when you smelt it before. The cause of your recollection, so +far as hitherto observable phenomena are concerned, consists both +of the peat smoke (present stimulus) and of the former occasion (past +experience). The same stimulus will not produce the same recollection +in another man who did not share your former experience, although the +former experience left no OBSERVABLE traces in the structure of the +brain. According to the maxim "same cause, same effect," we cannot +therefore regard the peat-smoke alone as the cause of your recollection, +since it does not have the same effect in other cases. The cause of +your recollection must be both the peat-smoke and the past occurrence. +Accordingly your recollection is an instance of what we are calling +"mnemic phenomena." + +Before going further, it will be well to give illustrations of different +classes of mnemic phenomena. + +(a) ACQUIRED HABITS.--In Lecture II we saw how animals can learn by +experience how to get out of cages or mazes, or perform other actions +which are useful to them but not provided for by their instincts alone. +A cat which is put into a cage of which it has had experience behaves +differently from the way in which it behaved at first. We can easily +invent hypotheses, which are quite likely to be true, as to connections +in the brain caused by past experience, and themselves causing the +different response. But the observable fact is that the stimulus of +being in the cage produces differing results with repetition, and that +the ascertainable cause of the cat's behaviour is not merely the cage +and its own ascertainable organization, but also its past history +in regard to the cage. From our present point of view, the matter is +independent of the question whether the cat's behaviour is due to some +mental fact called "knowledge," or displays a merely bodily habit. Our +habitual knowledge is not always in our minds, but is called up by the +appropriate stimuli. If we are asked "What is the capital of France?" +we answer "Paris," because of past experience; the past experience is as +essential as the present question in the causation of our response. Thus +all our habitual knowledge consists of acquired habits, and comes under +the head of mnemic phenomena. + +(b) IMAGES.--I shall have much to say about images in a later lecture; +for the present I am merely concerned with them in so far as they are +"copies" of past sensations. When you hear New York spoken of, some +image probably comes into your mind, either of the place itself (if you +have been there), or of some picture of it (if you have not). The image +is due to your past experience, as well as to the present stimulus of +the words "New York." Similarly, the images you have in dreams are +all dependent upon your past experience, as well as upon the present +stimulus to dreaming. It is generally believed that all images, in their +simpler parts, are copies of sensations; if so, their mnemic character +is evident. This is important, not only on its own account, but also +because, as we shall see later, images play an essential part in what is +called "thinking." + +(c) ASSOCIATION.--The broad fact of association, on the mental side, is +that when we experience something which we have experienced before, +it tends to call up the context of the former experience. The smell of +peat-smoke recalling a former scene is an instance which we discussed a +moment ago. This is obviously a mnemic phenomenon. There is also a more +purely physical association, which is indistinguishable from physical +habit. This is the kind studied by Mr. Thorndike in animals, where a +certain stimulus is associated with a certain act. This is the sort +which is taught to soldiers in drilling, for example. In such a case +there need not be anything mental, but merely a habit of the body. +There is no essential distinction between association and habit, and the +observations which we made concerning habit as a mnemic phenomenon are +equally applicable to association. + +(d) NON-SENSATIONAL ELEMENTS IN PERCEPTION.--When we perceive any object +of a familiar kind, much of what appears subjectively to be immediately +given is really derived from past experience. When we see an object, say +a penny, we seem to be aware of its "real" shape we have the impression +of something circular, not of something elliptical. In learning to draw, +it is necessary to acquire the art of representing things according +to the sensation, not according to the perception. And the visual +appearance is filled out with feeling of what the object would be like +to touch, and so on. This filling out and supplying of the "real" shape +and so on consists of the most usual correlates of the sensational core +in our perception. It may happen that, in the particular case, the real +correlates are unusual; for example, if what we are seeing is a +carpet made to look like tiles. If so, the non-sensational part of our +perception will be illusory, i.e. it will supply qualities which the +object in question does not in fact have. But as a rule objects do +have the qualities added by perception, which is to be expected, +since experience of what is usual is the cause of the addition. If our +experience had been different, we should not fill out sensation in +the same way, except in so far as the filling out is instinctive, +not acquired. It would seem that, in man, all that makes up space +perception, including the correlation of sight and touch and so on, is +almost entirely acquired. In that case there is a large mnemic element +in all the common perceptions by means of which we handle common +objects. And, to take another kind of instance, imagine what our +astonishment would be if we were to hear a cat bark or a dog mew. This +emotion would be dependent upon past experience, and would therefore be +a mnemic phenomenon according to the definition. + +(e) MEMORY AS KNOWLEDGE.--The kind of memory of which I am now speaking +is definite knowledge of some past event in one's own experience. +From time to time we remember things that have happened to us, because +something in the present reminds us of them. Exactly the same present +fact would not call up the same memory if our past experience had been +different. Thus our remembering is caused by-- + +(1) The present stimulus, + +(2) The past occurrence. + +It is therefore a mnemic phenomenon according to our definition. A +definition of "mnemic phenomena" which did not include memory would, +of course, be a bad one. The point of the definition is not that it +includes memory, but that it includes it as one of a class of phenomena +which embrace all that is characteristic in the subject matter of +psychology. + +(f) EXPERIENCE.--The word "experience" is often used very vaguely. +James, as we saw, uses it to cover the whole primal stuff of the world, +but this usage seems objection able, since, in a purely physical world, +things would happen without there being any experience. It is only +mnemic phenomena that embody experience. We may say that an animal +"experiences" an occurrence when this occurrence modifies the animal's +subsequent behaviour, i.e. when it is the mnemic portion of the cause of +future occurrences in the animal's life. The burnt child that fears the +fire has "experienced" the fire, whereas a stick that has been thrown on +and taken off again has not "experienced" anything, since it offers +no more resistance than before to being thrown on. The essence of +"experience" is the modification of behaviour produced by what is +experienced. We might, in fact, define one chain of experience, or one +biography, as a series of occurrences linked by mnemic causation. I +think it is this characteristic, more than any other, that distinguishes +sciences dealing with living organisms from physics. + +The best writer on mnemic phenomena known to me is Richard Semon, the +fundamental part of whose theory I shall endeavour to summarize before +going further: + +When an organism, either animal or plant, is subjected to a stimulus, +producing in it some state of excitement, the removal of the stimulus +allows it to return to a condition of equilibrium. But the new state +of equilibrium is different from the old, as may be seen by the changed +capacity for reaction. The state of equilibrium before the stimulus may +be called the "primary indifference-state"; that after the cessation +of the stimulus, the "secondary indifference-state." We define the +"engraphic effect" of a stimulus as the effect in making a difference +between the primary and secondary indifference-states, and this +difference itself we define as the "engram" due to the stimulus. "Mnemic +phenomena" are defined as those due to engrams; in animals, they are +specially associated with the nervous system, but not exclusively, even +in man. + +When two stimuli occur together, one of them, occurring afterwards, +may call out the reaction for the other also. We call this an "ekphoric +influence," and stimuli having this character are called "ekphoric +stimuli." In such a case we call the engrams of the two stimuli +"associated." All simultaneously generated engrams are associated; there +is also association of successively aroused engrams, though this is +reducible to simultaneous association. In fact, it is not an isolated +stimulus that leaves an engram, but the totality of the stimuli at any +moment; consequently any portion of this totality tends, if it recurs, +to arouse the whole reaction which was aroused before. Semon holds that +engrams can be inherited, and that an animal's innate habits may be due +to the experience of its ancestors; on this subject he refers to Samuel +Butler. + +Semon formulates two "mnemic principles." The first, or "Law of +Engraphy," is as follows: "All simultaneous excitements in an organism +form a connected simultaneous excitement-complex, which as such works +engraphically, i.e. leaves behind a connected engram-complex, which +in so far forms a whole" ("Die mnemischen Empfindungen," p. 146). +The second mnemic principle, or "Law of Ekphory," is as follows: +"The partial return of the energetic situation which formerly worked +engraphically operates ekphorically on a simultaneous engram-complex" +(ib., p. 173). These two laws together represent in part a hypothesis +(the engram), and in part an observable fact. The observable fact is +that, when a certain complex of stimuli has originally caused a certain +complex of reactions, the recurrence of part of the stimuli tends to +cause the recurrence of the whole of the reactions. + +Semon's applications of his fundamental ideas in various directions are +interesting and ingenious. Some of them will concern us later, but for +the present it is the fundamental character of mnemic phenomena that is +in question. + +Concerning the nature of an engram, Semon confesses that at present it +is impossible to say more than that it must consist in some material +alteration in the body of the organism ("Die mnemischen Empfindungen," +p. 376). It is, in fact, hypothetical, invoked for theoretical uses, and +not an outcome of direct observation. No doubt physiology, especially +the disturbances of memory through lesions in the brain, affords grounds +for this hypothesis; nevertheless it does remain a hypothesis, the +validity of which will be discussed at the end of this lecture. + +I am inclined to think that, in the present state of physiology, the +introduction of the engram does not serve to simplify the account of +mnemic phenomena. We can, I think, formulate the known laws of such +phenomena in terms, wholly, of observable facts, by recognizing +provisionally what we may call "mnemic causation." By this I mean that +kind of causation of which I spoke at the beginning of this lecture, +that kind, namely, in which the proximate cause consists not merely of a +present event, but of this together with a past event. I do not wish to +urge that this form of causation is ultimate, but that, in the present +state of our knowledge, it affords a simplification, and enables us +to state laws of behaviour in less hypothetical terms than we should +otherwise have to employ. + +The clearest instance of what I mean is recollection of a past event. +What we observe is that certain present stimuli lead us to recollect +certain occurrences, but that at times when we are not recollecting +them, there is nothing discoverable in our minds that could be called +memory of them. Memories, as mental facts, arise from time to time, +but do not, so far as we can see, exist in any shape while they are +"latent." In fact, when we say that they are "latent," we mean merely +that they will exist under certain circumstances. If, then, there is +to be some standing difference between the person who can remember a +certain fact and the person who cannot, that standing difference must +be, not in anything mental, but in the brain. It is quite probable that +there is such a difference in the brain, but its nature is unknown and +it remains hypothetical. Everything that has, so far, been made matter +of observation as regards this question can be put together in the +statement: When a certain complex of sensations has occurred to a man, +the recurrence of part of the complex tends to arouse the recollection +of the whole. In like manner, we can collect all mnemic phenomena in +living organisms under a single law, which contains what is hitherto +verifiable in Semon's two laws. This single law is: + +IF A COMPLEX STIMULUS A HAS CAUSED A COMPLEX REACTION B IN AN ORGANISM, +THE OCCURRENCE OF A PART OF A ON A FUTURE OCCASION TENDS TO CAUSE THE +WHOLE REACTION B. + +This law would need to be supplemented by some account of the influence +of frequency, and so on; but it seems to contain the essential +characteristic of mnemic phenomena, without admixture of anything +hypothetical. + +Whenever the effect resulting from a stimulus to an organism differs +according to the past history of the organism, without our being able +actually to detect any relevant difference in its present structure, +we will speak of "mnemic causation," provided we can discover laws +embodying the influence of the past. In ordinary physical causation, +as it appears to common sense, we have approximate uniformities of +sequence, such as "lightning is followed by thunder," "drunkenness +is followed by headache," and so on. None of these sequences are +theoretically invariable, since something may intervene to disturb +them. In order to obtain invariable physical laws, we have to proceed to +differential equations, showing the direction of change at each moment, +not the integral change after a finite interval, however short. But +for the purposes of daily life many sequences are to all in tents and +purposes invariable. With the behaviour of human beings, however, this +is by no means the case. If you say to an Englishman, "You have a smut +on your nose," he will proceed to remove it, but there will be no such +effect if you say the same thing to a Frenchman who knows no English. +The effect of words upon the hearer is a mnemic phenomena, since it +depends upon the past experience which gave him understanding of the +words. If there are to be purely psychological causal laws, taking no +account of the brain and the rest of the body, they will have to be of +the form, not "X now causes Y now," but-- + +"A, B, C,... in the past, together with X now, cause Y now." For it +cannot be successfully maintained that our understanding of a word, for +example, is an actual existent content of the mind at times when we +are not thinking of the word. It is merely what may be called a +"disposition," i.e. it is capable of being aroused whenever we hear the +word or happen to think of it. A "disposition" is not something actual, +but merely the mnemic portion of a mnemic causal law. + +In such a law as "A, B, C,... in the past, together with X now, cause +Y now," we will call A, B, C,... the mnemic cause, X the occasion or +stimulus, and Y the reaction. All cases in which experience influences +behaviour are instances of mnemic causation. + +Believers in psycho-physical parallelism hold that psychology can +theoretically be freed entirely from all dependence on physiology or +physics. That is to say, they believe that every psychical event has +a psychical cause and a physical concomitant. If there is to be +parallelism, it is easy to prove by mathematical logic that the +causation in physical and psychical matters must be of the same sort, +and it is impossible that mnemic causation should exist in psychology +but not in physics. But if psychology is to be independent of +physiology, and if physiology can be reduced to physics, it would seem +that mnemic causation is essential in psychology. Otherwise we shall be +compelled to believe that all our knowledge, all our store of images +and memories, all our mental habits, are at all times existing in some +latent mental form, and are not merely aroused by the stimuli which lead +to their display. This is a very difficult hypothesis. It seems to me +that if, as a matter of method rather than metaphysics, we desire to +obtain as much independence for psychology as is practically feasible, +we shall do better to accept mnemic causation in psychology protem, +and therefore reject parallelism, since there is no good ground for +admitting mnemic causation in physics. + +It is perhaps worth while to observe that mnemic causation is what led +Bergson to deny that there is causation at all in the psychical sphere. +He points out, very truly, that the same stimulus, repeated, does not +have the same consequences, and he argues that this is contrary to the +maxim, "same cause, same effect." It is only necessary, however, to take +account of past occurrences and include them with the cause, in order +to re-establish the maxim, and the possibility of psychological causal +laws. The metaphysical conception of a cause lingers in our manner of +viewing causal laws: we want to be able to FEEL a connection between +cause and effect, and to be able to imagine the cause as "operating." +This makes us unwilling to regard causal laws as MERELY observed +uniformities of sequence; yet that is all that science has to offer. +To ask why such-and-such a kind of sequence occurs is either to ask a +meaningless question, or to demand some more general kind of sequence +which includes the one in question. The widest empirical laws of +sequence known at any time can only be "explained" in the sense of being +subsumed by later discoveries under wider laws; but these wider laws, +until they in turn are subsumed, will remain brute facts, resting solely +upon observation, not upon some supposed inherent rationality. + +There is therefore no a priori objection to a causal law in which part +of the cause has ceased to exist. To argue against such a law on the +ground that what is past cannot operate now, is to introduce the old +metaphysical notion of cause, for which science can find no place. The +only reason that could be validly alleged against mnemic causation would +be that, in fact, all the phenomena can be explained without it. They +are explained without it by Semon's "engram," or by any theory which +regards the results of experience as embodied in modifications of +the brain and nerves. But they are not explained, unless with extreme +artificiality, by any theory which regards the latent effects of +experience as psychical rather than physical. Those who desire to make +psychology as far as possible independent of physiology would do well, +it seems to me, if they adopted mnemic causation. For my part, however, +I have no such desire, and I shall therefore endeavour to state the +grounds which occur to me in favour of some such view as that of the +"engram." + +One of the first points to be urged is that mnemic phenomena are just +as much to be found in physiology as in psychology. They are even to +be found in plants, as Sir Francis Darwin pointed out (cf. Semon, "Die +Mneme," 2nd edition, p. 28 n.). Habit is a characteristic of the body +at least as much as of the mind. We should, therefore, be compelled +to allow the intrusion of mnemic causation, if admitted at all, into +non-psychological regions, which ought, one feels, to be subject only to +causation of the ordinary physical sort. The fact is that a great deal +of what, at first sight, distinguishes psychology from physics is found, +on examination, to be common to psychology and physiology; this whole +question of the influence of experience is a case in point. Now it +is possible, of course, to take the view advocated by Professor J. S. +Haldane, who contends that physiology is not theoretically reducible to +physics and chemistry.* But the weight of opinion among physiologists +appears to be against him on this point; and we ought certainly to +require very strong evidence before admitting any such breach of +continuity as between living and dead matter. The argument from the +existence of mnemic phenomena in physiology must therefore be allowed a +certain weight against the hypothesis that mnemic causation is ultimate. + + * See his "The New Physiology and Other Addresses," Griffin, + 1919, also the symposium, "Are Physical, Biological and + Psychological Categories Irreducible?" in "Life and Finite + Individuality," edited for the Aristotelian Society, with an + Introduction. By H. Wildon Carr, Williams & Norgate, 1918. + +The argument from the connection of brain-lesions with loss of memory is +not so strong as it looks, though it has also, some weight. What we +know is that memory, and mnemic phenomena generally, can be disturbed or +destroyed by changes in the brain. This certainly proves that the brain +plays an essential part in the causation of memory, but does not prove +that a certain state of the brain is, by itself, a sufficient condition +for the existence of memory. Yet it is this last that has to be proved. +The theory of the engram, or any similar theory, has to maintain that, +given a body and brain in a suitable state, a man will have a certain +memory, without the need of any further conditions. What is known, +however, is only that he will not have memories if his body and brain +are not in a suitable state. That is to say, the appropriate state +of body and brain is proved to be necessary for memory, but not to be +sufficient. So far, therefore, as our definite knowledge goes, memory +may require for its causation a past occurrence as well as a certain +present state of the brain. + +In order to prove conclusively that mnemic phenomena arise whenever +certain physiological conditions are fulfilled, we ought to be able +actually to see differences between the brain of a man who speaks +English and that of a man who speaks French, between the brain of a man +who has seen New York and can recall it, and that of a man who has never +seen that city. It may be that the time will come when this will be +possible, but at present we are very far removed from it. At present, +there is, so far as I am aware, no good evidence that every difference +between the knowledge possessed by A and that possessed by B is +paralleled by some difference in their brains. We may believe that +this is the case, but if we do, our belief is based upon analogies +and general scientific maxims, not upon any foundation of detailed +observation. I am myself inclined, as a working hypothesis, to adopt +the belief in question, and to hold that past experience only affects +present behaviour through modifications of physiological structure. But +the evidence seems not quite conclusive, so that I do not think we ought +to forget the other hypothesis, or to reject entirely the possibility +that mnemic causation may be the ultimate explanation of mnemic +phenomena. I say this, not because I think it LIKELY that mnemic +causation is ultimate, but merely because I think it POSSIBLE, and +because it often turns out important to the progress of science to +remember hypotheses which have previously seemed improbable. + + + + +LECTURE V. PSYCHOLOGICAL AND PHYSICAL CAUSAL LAWS + +The traditional conception of cause and effect is one which modern +science shows to be fundamentally erroneous, and requiring to be +replaced by a quite different notion, that of LAWS OF CHANGE. In the +traditional conception, a particular event A caused a particular event +B, and by this it was implied that, given any event B, some earlier +event A could be discovered which had a relation to it, such that-- + +(1) Whenever A occurred, it was followed by B; + +(2) In this sequence, there was something "necessary," not a mere de +facto occurrence of A first and then B. + +The second point is illustrated by the old discussion as to whether +it can be said that day causes night, on the ground that day is always +followed by night. The orthodox answer was that day could not be called +the cause of night, because it would not be followed by night if the +earth's rotation were to cease, or rather to grow so slow that one +complete rotation would take a year. A cause, it was held, must be such +that under no conceivable circumstances could it fail to be followed by +its effect. + +As a matter of fact, such sequences as were sought by believers in the +traditional form of causation have not so far been found in nature. +Everything in nature is apparently in a state of continuous change,* so +that what we call one "event" turns out to be really a process. If this +event is to cause another event, the two will have to be contiguous in +time; for if there is any interval between them, something may happen +during that interval to prevent the expected effect. Cause and effect, +therefore, will have to be temporally contiguous processes. It is +difficult to believe, at any rate where physical laws are concerned, +that the earlier part of the process which is the cause can make any +difference to the effect, so long as the later part of the process which +is the cause remains unchanged. Suppose, for example, that a man dies +of arsenic poisoning, we say that his taking arsenic was the cause +of death. But clearly the process by which he acquired the arsenic +is irrelevant: everything that happened before he swallowed it may be +ignored, since it cannot alter the effect except in so far as it alters +his condition at the moment of taking the dose. But we may go further: +swallowing arsenic is not really the proximate cause of death, since a +man might be shot through the head immediately after taking the dose, +and then it would not be of arsenic that he would die. The arsenic +produces certain physiological changes, which take a finite time before +they end in death. The earlier parts of these changes can be ruled out +in the same way as we can rule out the process by which the arsenic was +acquired. Proceeding in this way, we can shorten the process which we +are calling the cause more and more. Similarly we shall have to shorten +the effect. It may happen that immediately after the man's death his +body is blown to pieces by a bomb. We cannot say what will happen after +the man's death, through merely knowing that he has died as the result +of arsenic poisoning. Thus, if we are to take the cause as one event and +the effect as another, both must be shortened indefinitely. The result +is that we merely have, as the embodiment of our causal law, a certain +direction of change at each moment. Hence we are brought to differential +equations as embodying causal laws. A physical law does not say "A will +be followed by B," but tells us what acceleration a particle will have +under given circumstances, i.e. it tells us how the particle's motion is +changing at each moment, not where the particle will be at some future +moment. + + * The theory of quanta suggests that the continuity is only + apparent. If so, we shall be able theoretically to reach + events which are not processes. But in what is directly + observable there is still apparent continuity, which + justifies the above remarks for the prevent. + +Laws embodied in differential equations may possibly be exact, +but cannot be known to be so. All that we can know empirically is +approximate and liable to exceptions; the exact laws that are assumed in +physics are known to be somewhere near the truth, but are not known to +be true just as they stand. The laws that we actually know empirically +have the form of the traditional causal laws, except that they are not +to be regarded as universal or necessary. "Taking arsenic is followed by +death" is a good empirical generalization; it may have exceptions, but +they will be rare. As against the professedly exact laws of physics, +such empirical generalizations have the advantage that they deal with +observable phenomena. We cannot observe infinitesimals, whether in time +or space; we do not even know whether time and space are infinitely +divisible. Therefore rough empirical generalizations have a definite +place in science, in spite of not being exact of universal. They are the +data for more exact laws, and the grounds for believing that they are +USUALLY true are stronger than the grounds for believing that the more +exact laws are ALWAYS true. + +Science starts, therefore, from generalizations of the form, "A is +usually followed by B." This is the nearest approach that can be made +to a causal law of the traditional sort. It may happen in any particular +instance that A is ALWAYS followed by B, but we cannot know this, since +we cannot foresee all the perfectly possible circumstances that might +make the sequence fail, or know that none of them will actually occur. +If, however, we know of a very large number of cases in which A is +followed by B, and few or none in which the sequence fails, we shall in +PRACTICE be justified in saying "A causes B," provided we do not attach +to the notion of cause any of the metaphysical superstitions that have +gathered about the word. + +There is another point, besides lack of universality and necessity, +which it is important to realize as regards causes in the above sense, +and that is the lack of uniqueness. It is generally assumed that, given +any event, there is some one phenomenon which is THE cause of the event +in question. This seems to be a mere mistake. Cause, in the only +sense in which it can be practically applied, means "nearly invariable +antecedent." We cannot in practice obtain an antecedent which is QUITE +invariable, for this would require us to take account of the whole +universe, since something not taken account of may prevent the expected +effect. We cannot distinguish, among nearly invariable antecedents, one +as THE cause, and the others as merely its concomitants: the attempt to +do this depends upon a notion of cause which is derived from will, and +will (as we shall see later) is not at all the sort of thing that it is +generally supposed to be, nor is there any reason to think that in the +physical world there is anything even remotely analogous to what will is +supposed to be. If we could find one antecedent, and only one, that was +QUITE invariable, we could call that one THE cause without introducing +any notion derived from mistaken ideas about will. But in fact we cannot +find any antecedent that we know to be quite invariable, and we can find +many that are nearly so. For example, men leave a factory for dinner +when the hooter sounds at twelve o'clock. You may say the hooter is +THE cause of their leaving. But innumerable other hooters in other +factories, which also always sound at twelve o'clock, have just as +good a right to be called the cause. Thus every event has many nearly +invariable antecedents, and therefore many antecedents which may be +called its cause. + +The laws of traditional physics, in the form in which they deal with +movements of matter or electricity, have an apparent simplicity which +somewhat conceals the empirical character of what they assert. A piece +of matter, as it is known empirically, is not a single existing thing, +but a system of existing things. When several people simultaneously see +the same table, they all see something different; therefore "the" table, +which they are supposed all to see, must be either a hypothesis or +a construction. "The" table is to be neutral as between different +observers: it does not favour the aspect seen by one man at the expense +of that seen by another. It was natural, though to my mind mistaken, to +regard the "real" table as the common cause of all the appearances which +the table presents (as we say) to different observers. But why should we +suppose that there is some one common cause of all these appearances? As +we have just seen, the notion of "cause" is not so reliable as to allow +us to infer the existence of something that, by its very nature, can +never be observed. + +Instead of looking for an impartial source, we can secure neutrality by +the equal representation of all parties. Instead of supposing that there +is some unknown cause, the "real" table, behind the different sensations +of those who are said to be looking at the table, we may take the +whole set of these sensations (together possibly with certain other +particulars) as actually BEING the table. That is to say, the table +which is neutral as between different observers (actual and possible) +is the set of all those particulars which would naturally be called +"aspects" of the table from different points of view. (This is a first +approximation, modified later.) + +It may be said: If there is no single existent which is the source of +all these "aspects," how are they collected together? The answer is +simple: Just as they would be if there were such a single existent. The +supposed "real" table underlying its appearances is, in any case, not +itself perceived, but inferred, and the question whether such-and-such +a particular is an "aspect" of this table is only to be settled by +the connection of the particular in question with the one or more +particulars by which the table is defined. That is to say, even if we +assume a "real" table, the particulars which are its aspects have to be +collected together by their relations to each other, not to it, since +it is merely inferred from them. We have only, therefore, to notice how +they are collected together, and we can then keep the collection +without assuming any "real" table as distinct from the collection. When +different people see what they call the same table, they see things +which are not exactly the same, owing to difference of point of view, +but which are sufficiently alike to be described in the same words, so +long as no great accuracy or minuteness is sought. These closely similar +particulars are collected together by their similarity primarily +and, more correctly, by the fact that they are related to each other +approximately according to the laws of perspective and of reflection and +diffraction of light. I suggest, as a first approximation, that these +particulars, together with such correlated others as are unperceived, +jointly ARE the table; and that a similar definition applies to all +physical objects.* + + *See "Our Knowledge of the External World" (Allen & Unwin), + chaps. iii and iv. + +In order to eliminate the reference to our perceptions, which introduces +an irrelevant psychological suggestion, I will take a different +illustration, namely, stellar photography. A photographic plate exposed +on a clear night reproduces the appearance of the portion of the sky +concerned, with more or fewer stars according to the power of the +telescope that is being used. Each separate star which is photographed +produces its separate effect on the plate, just as it would upon +ourselves if we were looking at the sky. If we assume, as science +normally does, the continuity of physical processes, we are forced +to conclude that, at the place where the plate is, and at all places +between it and a star which it photographs, SOMETHING is happening which +is specially connected with that star. In the days when the aether was +less in doubt, we should have said that what was happening was a certain +kind of transverse vibration in the aether. But it is not necessary +or desirable to be so explicit: all that we need say is that SOMETHING +happens which is specially connected with the star in question. It +must be something specially connected with that star, since that star +produces its own special effect upon the plate. Whatever it is must be +the end of a process which starts from the star and radiates outwards, +partly on general grounds of continuity, partly to account for the fact +that light is transmitted with a certain definite velocity. We thus +arrive at the conclusion that, if a certain star is visible at a certain +place, or could be photographed by a sufficiently sensitive plate at +that place, something is happening there which is specially connected +with that star. Therefore in every place at all times a vast multitude +of things must be happening, namely, at least one for every physical +object which can be seen or photographed from that place. We can +classify such happenings on either of two principles: + +(1) We can collect together all the happenings in one place, as is done +by photography so far as light is concerned; + +(2) We can collect together all the happenings, in different places, +which are connected in the way that common sense regards as being due to +their emanating from one object. + +Thus, to return to the stars, we can collect together either-- + +(1) All the appearances of different stars in a given place, or, + +(2) All the appearances of a given star in different places. + +But when I speak of "appearances," I do so only for brevity: I do not +mean anything that must "appear" to somebody, but only that happening, +whatever it may be, which is connected, at the place in question, with a +given physical object--according to the old orthodox theory, it would be +a transverse vibration in the aether. Like the different appearances +of the table to a number of simultaneous observers, the different +particulars that belong to one physical object are to be collected +together by continuity and inherent laws of correlation, not by their +supposed causal connection with an unknown assumed existent called a +piece of matter, which would be a mere unnecessary metaphysical thing in +itself. A piece of matter, according to the definition that I propose, +is, as a first approximation,* the collection of all those correlated +particulars which would normally be regarded as its appearances or +effects in different places. Some further elaborations are desirable, +but we can ignore them for the present. I shall return to them at the +end of this lecture. + + *The exact definition of a piece of matter as a construction + will be given later. + +According to the view that I am suggesting, a physical object or piece +of matter is the collection of all those correlated particulars which +would be regarded by common sense as its effects or appearances in +different places. On the other hand, all the happenings in a given place +represent what common sense would regard as the appearances of a number +of different objects as viewed from that place. All the happenings in +one place may be regarded as the view of the world from that place. I +shall call the view of the world from a given place a "perspective." A +photograph represents a perspective. On the other hand, if photographs +of the stars were taken in all points throughout space, and in all such +photographs a certain star, say Sirius, were picked out whenever it +appeared, all the different appearances of Sirius, taken together, +would represent Sirius. For the understanding of the difference between +psychology and physics it is vital to understand these two ways of +classifying particulars, namely: + +(1) According to the place where they occur; + +(2) According to the system of correlated particulars in different +places to which they belong, such system being defined as a physical +object. + +Given a system of particulars which is a physical object, I shall +define that one of the system which is in a given place (if any) as the +"appearance of that object in that place." + +When the appearance of an object in a given place changes, it is found +that one or other of two things occurs. The two possibilities may be +illustrated by an example. You are in a room with a man, whom you see: +you may cease to see him either by shutting your eyes or by his going +out of the room. In the first case, his appearance to other people +remains unchanged; in the second, his appearance changes from all +places. In the first case, you say that it is not he who has changed, +but your eyes; in the second, you say that he has changed. Generalizing, +we distinguish-- + +(1) Cases in which only certain appearances of the object change, while +others, and especially appearances from places very near to the object, +do not change; + +(2) Cases where all, or almost all, the appearances of the object +undergo a connected change. + +In the first case, the change is attributed to the medium between the +object and the place; in the second, it is attributed to the object +itself.* + + * The application of this distinction to motion raises + complications due to relativity, but we may ignore these for + our present purposes. + +It is the frequency of the latter kind of change, and the comparatively +simple nature of the laws governing the simultaneous alterations +of appearances in such cases, that have made it possible to treat a +physical object as one thing, and to overlook the fact that it is a +system of particulars. When a number of people at a theatre watch an +actor, the changes in their several perspectives are so similar and so +closely correlated that all are popularly regarded as identical with +each other and with the changes of the actor himself. So long as all +the changes in the appearances of a body are thus correlated there is no +pressing prima facie need to break up the system of appearances, or to +realize that the body in question is not really one thing but a set of +correlated particulars. It is especially and primarily such changes that +physics deals with, i.e. it deals primarily with processes in which +the unity of a physical object need not be broken up because all its +appearances change simultaneously according to the same law--or, if not +all, at any rate all from places sufficiently near to the object, with +in creasing accuracy as we approach the object. + +The changes in appearances of an object which are due to changes in the +intervening medium will not affect, or will affect only very slightly, +the appearances from places close to the object. If the appearances +from sufficiently neighbouring places are either wholly un changed, +or changed to a diminishing extent which has zero for its limit, it +is usually found that the changes can be accounted for by changes in +objects which are between the object in question and the places from +which its appearance has changed appreciably. Thus physics is able +to reduce the laws of most changes with which it deals to changes in +physical objects, and to state most of its fundamental laws in terms of +matter. It is only in those cases in which the unity of the system of +appearances constituting a piece of matter has to be broken up, that the +statement of what is happening cannot be made exclusively in terms of +matter. The whole of psychology, we shall find, is included among such +cases; hence their importance for our purposes. + +We can now begin to understand one of the fundamental differences +between physics and psychology. Physics treats as a unit the whole +system of appearances of a piece of matter, whereas psychology is +interested in certain of these appearances themselves. Confining +ourselves for the moment to the psychology of perceptions, we observe +that perceptions are certain of the appearances of physical objects. +From the point of view that we have been hitherto adopting, we +might define them as the appearances of objects at places from which +sense-organs and the suitable parts of the nervous system form part +of the intervening medium. Just as a photographic plate receives a +different impression of a cluster of stars when a telescope is part of +the intervening medium, so a brain receives a different impression +when an eye and an optic nerve are part of the intervening medium. +An impression due to this sort of intervening medium is called a +perception, and is interesting to psychology on its own account, not +merely as one of the set of correlated particulars which is the physical +object of which (as we say) we are having a perception. + +We spoke earlier of two ways of classifying particulars. One way +collects together the appearances commonly regarded as a given object +from different places; this is, broadly speaking, the way of physics, +leading to the construction of physical objects as sets of such +appearances. The other way collects together the appearances of +different objects from a given place, the result being what we call a +perspective. In the particular case where the place concerned is a +human brain, the perspective belonging to the place consists of all the +perceptions of a certain man at a given time. Thus classification by +perspectives is relevant to psychology, and is essential in defining +what we mean by one mind. + +I do not wish to suggest that the way in which I have been defining +perceptions is the only possible way, or even the best way. It is the +way that arose naturally out of our present topic. But when we approach +psychology from a more introspective standpoint, we have to distinguish +sensations and perceptions, if possible, from other mental occurrences, +if any. We have also to consider the psychological effects of +sensations, as opposed to their physical causes and correlates. These +problems are quite distinct from those with which we have been concerned +in the present lecture, and I shall not deal with them until a later +stage. + +It is clear that psychology is concerned essentially with actual +particulars, not merely with systems of particulars. In this it differs +from physics, which, broadly speaking, is concerned with the cases +in which all the particulars which make up one physical object can be +treated as a single causal unit, or rather the particulars which are +sufficiently near to the object of which they are appearances can be so +treated. The laws which physics seeks can, broadly speaking, be stated +by treating such systems of particulars as causal units. The laws which +psychology seeks cannot be so stated, since the particulars themselves +are what interests the psychologist. This is one of the fundamental +differences between physics and psychology; and to make it clear has +been the main purpose of this lecture. + +I will conclude with an attempt to give a more precise definition of +a piece of matter. The appearances of a piece of matter from different +places change partly according to intrinsic laws (the laws of +perspective, in the case of visual shape), partly according to the +nature of the intervening medium--fog, blue spectacles, telescopes, +microscopes, sense-organs, etc. As we approach nearer to the object, the +effect of the intervening medium grows less. In a generalized sense, +all the intrinsic laws of change of appearance may be called "laws +of perspective." Given any appearance of an object, we can construct +hypothetically a certain system of appearances to which the appearance +in question would belong if the laws of perspective alone were +concerned. If we construct this hypothetical system for each appearance +of the object in turn, the system corresponding to a given appearance +x will be independent of any distortion due to the medium beyond x, and +will only embody such distortion as is due to the medium between x and +the object. Thus, as the appearance by which our hypothetical system +is defined is moved nearer and nearer to the object, the hypothetical +system of appearances defined by its means embodies less and less of the +effect of the medium. The different sets of appearances resulting from +moving x nearer and nearer to the object will approach to a limiting +set, and this limiting set will be that system of appearances which the +object would present if the laws of perspective alone were operative +and the medium exercised no distorting effect. This limiting set of +appearances may be defined, for purposes of physics, as the piece of +matter concerned. + + + + +LECTURE VI. INTROSPECTION + +One of the main purposes of these lectures is to give grounds for +the belief that the distinction between mind and matter is not so +fundamental as is commonly supposed. In the preceding lecture I dealt in +outline with the physical side of this problem. I attempted to show +that what we call a material object is not itself a substance, but is +a system of particulars analogous in their nature to sensations, and in +fact often including actual sensations among their number. In this +way the stuff of which physical objects are composed is brought into +relation with the stuff of which part, at least, of our mental life is +composed. + +There is, however, a converse task which is equally necessary for our +thesis, and that is, to show that the stuff of our mental life is devoid +of many qualities which it is commonly supposed to have, and is not +possessed of any attributes which make it incapable of forming part of +the world of matter. In the present lecture I shall begin the arguments +for this view. + +Corresponding to the supposed duality of matter and mind, there are, in +orthodox psychology, two ways of knowing what exists. One of these, the +way of sensation and external perception, is supposed to furnish data +for our knowledge of matter, the other, called "introspection," is +supposed to furnish data for knowledge of our mental processes. To +common sense, this distinction seems clear and easy. When you see a +friend coming along the street, you acquire knowledge of an external, +physical fact; when you realize that you are glad to meet him, you +acquire knowledge of a mental fact. Your dreams and memories and +thoughts, of which you are often conscious, are mental facts, and the +process by which you become aware of them SEEMS to be different from +sensation. Kant calls it the "inner sense"; sometimes it is spoken of +as "consciousness of self"; but its commonest name in modern English +psychology is "introspection." It is this supposed method of acquiring +knowledge of our mental processes that I wish to analyse and examine in +this lecture. + +I will state at the outset the view which I shall aim at establishing. +I believe that the stuff of our mental life, as opposed to its relations +and structure, consists wholly of sensations and images. Sensations are +connected with matter in the way that I tried to explain in Lecture V, +i.e. each is a member of a system which is a certain physical object. +Images, though they USUALLY have certain characteristics, especially +lack of vividness, that distinguish them from sensations, are not +INVARIABLY so distinguished, and cannot therefore be defined by these +characteristics. Images, as opposed to sensations, can only be defined +by their different causation: they are caused by association with a +sensation, not by a stimulus external to the nervous system--or perhaps +one should say external to the brain, where the higher animals are +concerned. The occurrence of a sensation or image does not in itself +constitute knowledge but any sensation or image may come to be known +if the conditions are suitable. When a sensation--like the hearing of a +clap of thunder--is normally correlated with closely similar sensations +in our neighbours, we regard it as giving knowledge of the external +world, since we regard the whole set of similar sensations as due to +a common external cause. But images and bodily sensations are not so +correlated. Bodily sensations can be brought into a correlation by +physiology, and thus take their place ultimately among sources of +knowledge of the physical world. But images cannot be made to fit in +with the simultaneous sensations and images of others. Apart from their +hypothetical causes in the brain, they have a causal connection +with physical objects, through the fact that they are copies of past +sensations; but the physical objects with which they are thus connected +are in the past, not in the present. These images remain private in +a sense in which sensations are not. A sensation SEEMS to give us +knowledge of a present physical object, while an image does not, except +when it amounts to a hallucination, and in this case the seeming is +deceptive. Thus the whole context of the two occurrences is different. +But in themselves they do not differ profoundly, and there is no reason +to invoke two different ways of knowing for the one and for the other. +Consequently introspection as a separate kind of knowledge disappears. + +The criticism of introspection has been in the main the work of American +psychologists. I will begin by summarizing an article which seems to me +to afford a good specimen of their arguments, namely, "The Case against +Introspection," by Knight Dunlap ("Psychological Review," vol xix, No. +5, pp. 404-413, September, 1912). After a few historical quotations, +he comes to two modern defenders of introspection, Stout and James. He +quotes from Stout such statements as the following: "Psychical states as +such become objects only when we attend to them in an introspective way. +Otherwise they are not themselves objects, but only constituents of the +process by which objects are recognized" ("Manual," 2nd edition, p. 134. +The word "recognized" in Dunlap's quotation should be "cognized.") "The +object itself can never be identified with the present modification of +the individual's consciousness by which it is cognized" (ib. p. 60). +This is to be true even when we are thinking about modifications of +our own consciousness; such modifications are to be always at least +partially distinct from the conscious experience in which we think of +them. + +At this point I wish to interrupt the account of Knight Dunlap's article +in order to make some observations on my own account with reference to +the above quotations from Stout. In the first place, the conception of +"psychical states" seems to me one which demands analysis of a somewhat +destructive character. This analysis I shall give in later lectures as +regards cognition; I have already given it as regards desire. In the +second place, the conception of "objects" depends upon a certain view +as to cognition which I believe to be wholly mistaken, namely, the view +which I discussed in my first lecture in connection with Brentano. +In this view a single cognitive occurrence contains both content and +object, the content being essentially mental, while the object is +physical except in introspection and abstract thought. I have already +criticized this view, and will not dwell upon it now, beyond saying +that "the process by which objects are cognized" appears to be a very +slippery phrase. When we "see a table," as common sense would say, the +table as a physical object is not the "object" (in the psychological +sense) of our perception. Our perception is made up of sensations, +images and beliefs, but the supposed "object" is something inferential, +externally related, not logically bound up with what is occurring in us. +This question of the nature of the object also affects the view we take +of self-consciousness. Obviously, a "conscious experience" is different +from a physical object; therefore it is natural to assume that a thought +or perception whose object is a conscious experience must be different +from a thought or perception whose object is a physical object. But if +the relation to the object is inferential and external, as I maintain, +the difference between two thoughts may bear very little relation to +the difference between their objects. And to speak of "the present +modification of the individual's consciousness by which an object is +cognized" is to suggest that the cognition of objects is a far more +direct process, far more intimately bound up with the objects, than I +believe it to be. All these points will be amplified when we come to the +analysis of knowledge, but it is necessary briefly to state them now in +order to suggest the atmosphere in which our analysis of "introspection" +is to be carried on. + +Another point in which Stout's remarks seem to me to suggest what I +regard as mistakes is his use of "consciousness." There is a view which +is prevalent among psychologists, to the effect that one can speak of "a +conscious experience" in a curious dual sense, meaning, on the one hand, +an experience which is conscious of something, and, on the other hand, +an experience which has some intrinsic nature characteristic of what +is called "consciousness." That is to say, a "conscious experience" is +characterized on the one hand by relation to its object and on the +other hand by being composed of a certain peculiar stuff, the stuff of +"consciousness." And in many authors there is yet a third confusion: a +"conscious experience," in this third sense, is an experience of +which we are conscious. All these, it seems to me, need to be clearly +separated. To say that one occurrence is "conscious" of another is, to +my mind, to assert an external and rather remote relation between them. +I might illustrate it by the relation of uncle and nephew a man becomes +an uncle through no effort of his own, merely through an occurrence +elsewhere. Similarly, when you are said to be "conscious" of a table, +the question whether this is really the case cannot be decided by +examining only your state of mind: it is necessary also to ascertain +whether your sensation is having those correlates which past experience +causes you to assume, or whether the table happens, in this case, to be +a mirage. And, as I explained in my first lecture, I do not believe that +there is any "stuff" of consciousness, so that there is no intrinsic +character by which a "conscious" experience could be distinguished from +any other. + +After these preliminaries, we can return to Knight Dunlap's article. +His criticism of Stout turns on the difficulty of giving any empirical +meaning to such notions as the "mind" or the "subject"; he quotes from +Stout the sentence: "The most important drawback is that the mind, in +watching its own workings, must necessarily have its attention divided +between two objects," and he concludes: "Without question, Stout is +bringing in here illicitly the concept of a single observer, and his +introspection does not provide for the observation of this observer; +for the process observed and the observer are distinct" (p. 407). +The objections to any theory which brings in the single observer were +considered in Lecture I, and were acknowledged to be cogent. In so +far, therefore, as Stout's theory of introspection rests upon this +assumption, we are compelled to reject it. But it is perfectly possible +to believe in introspection without supposing that there is a single +observer. + +William James's theory of introspection, which Dunlap next examines, +does not assume a single observer. It changed after the publication +of his "Psychology," in consequence of his abandoning the dualism of +thought and things. Dunlap summarizes his theory as follows: + +"The essential points in James's scheme of consciousness are SUBJECT, +OBJECT, and a KNOWING of the object by the subject. The difference +between James's scheme and other schemes involving the same terms is +that James considers subject and object to be the same thing, but at +different times In order to satisfy this requirement James supposes a +realm of existence which he at first called 'states of consciousness' or +'thoughts,' and later, 'pure experience,' the latter term including both +the 'thoughts' and the 'knowing.' This scheme, with all its magnificent +artificiality, James held on to until the end, simply dropping the +term consciousness and the dualism between the thought and an external +reality"(p. 409). + +He adds: "All that James's system really amounts to is the +acknowledgment that a succession of things are known, and that they are +known by something. This is all any one can claim, except for the +fact that the things are known together, and that the knower for the +different items is one and the same" (ib.). + +In this statement, to my mind, Dunlap concedes far more than James did +in his later theory. I see no reason to suppose that "the knower for +different items is one and the same," and I am convinced that this +proposition could not possibly be ascertained except by introspection of +the sort that Dunlap rejects. The first of these points must wait until +we come to the analysis of belief: the second must be considered now. +Dunlap's view is that there is a dualism of subject and object, but that +the subject can never become object, and therefore there is no awareness +of an awareness. He says in discussing the view that introspection +reveals the occurrence of knowledge: "There can be no denial of the +existence of the thing (knowing) which is alleged to be known or +observed in this sort of 'introspection.' The allegation that the +knowing is observed is that which may be denied. Knowing there certainly +is; known, the knowing certainly is not"(p. 410). And again: "I am +never aware of an awareness" (ib.). And on the next page: "It may sound +paradoxical to say that one cannot observe the process (or relation) of +observation, and yet may be certain that there is such a process: but +there is really no inconsistency in the saying. How do I know that there +is awareness? By being aware of something. There is no meaning in the +term 'awareness' which is not expressed in the statement 'I am aware of +a colour (or what-not).'" + +But the paradox cannot be so lightly disposed of. The statement "I am +aware of a colour" is assumed by Knight Dunlap to be known to be true, +but he does not explain how it comes to be known. The argument against +him is not conclusive, since he may be able to show some valid way of +inferring our awareness. But he does not suggest any such way. There is +nothing odd in the hypothesis of beings which are aware of objects, but +not of their own awareness; it is, indeed, highly probable that young +children and the higher animals are such beings. But such beings cannot +make the statement "I am aware of a colour," which WE can make. We have, +therefore, some knowledge which they lack. It is necessary to Knight +Dunlap's position to maintain that this additional knowledge is purely +inferential, but he makes no attempt to show how the inference is +possible. It may, of course, be possible, but I cannot see how. To my +mind the fact (which he admits) that we know there is awareness, is ALL +BUT decisive against his theory, and in favour of the view that we can +be aware of an awareness. + +Dunlap asserts (to return to James) that the real ground for James's +original belief in introspection was his belief in two sorts of +objects, namely, thoughts and things. He suggests that it was a +mere inconsistency on James's part to adhere to introspection after +abandoning the dualism of thoughts and things. I do not wholly agree +with this view, but it is difficult to disentangle the difference as to +introspection from the difference as to the nature of knowing. Dunlap +suggests (p. 411) that what is called introspection really consists of +awareness of "images," visceral sensations, and so on. This view, in +essence, seems to me sound. But then I hold that knowing itself consists +of such constituents suitably related, and that in being aware of them +we are sometimes being aware of instances of knowing. For this reason, +much as I agree with his view as to what are the objects of which +there is awareness, I cannot wholly agree with his conclusion as to the +impossibility of introspection. + +The behaviourists have challenged introspection even more vigorously +than Knight Dunlap, and have gone so far as to deny the existence of +images. But I think that they have confused various things which +are very commonly confused, and that it is necessary to make several +distinctions before we can arrive at what is true and what false in the +criticism of introspection. + +I wish to distinguish three distinct questions, any one of which may be +meant when we ask whether introspection is a source of knowledge. The +three questions are as follows: + +(1) Can we observe anything about ourselves which we cannot observe +about other people, or is everything we can observe PUBLIC, in the sense +that another could also observe it if suitably placed? + +(2) Does everything that we can observe obey the laws of physics and +form part of the physical world, or can we observe certain things that +lie outside physics? + +(3) Can we observe anything which differs in its intrinsic nature from +the constituents of the physical world, or is everything that we can +observe composed of elements intrinsically similar to the constituents +of what is called matter? + +Any one of these three questions may be used to define introspection. I +should favour introspection in the sense of the first question, i.e. I +think that some of the things we observe cannot, even theoretically, be +observed by any one else. The second question, tentatively and for +the present, I should answer in favour of introspection; I think that +images, in the actual condition of science, cannot be brought under the +causal laws of physics, though perhaps ultimately they may be. The +third question I should answer adversely to introspection I think that +observation shows us nothing that is not composed of sensations and +images, and that images differ from sensations in their causal laws, not +intrinsically. I shall deal with the three questions successively. + +(1) PUBLICITY OR PRIVACY OF WHAT IS OBSERVED. Confining ourselves, for +the moment, to sensations, we find that there are different degrees +of publicity attaching to different sorts of sensations. If you feel a +toothache when the other people in the room do not, you are in no way +surprised; but if you hear a clap of thunder when they do not, you begin +to be alarmed as to your mental condition. Sight and hearing are the +most public of the senses; smell only a trifle less so; touch, again, a +trifle less, since two people can only touch the same spot successively, +not simultaneously. Taste has a sort of semi-publicity, since people +seem to experience similar taste-sensations when they eat similar foods; +but the publicity is incomplete, since two people cannot eat actually +the same piece of food. + +But when we pass on to bodily sensations--headache, toothache, hunger, +thirst, the feeling of fatigue, and so on--we get quite away from +publicity, into a region where other people can tell us what they feel, +but we cannot directly observe their feeling. As a natural result of +this state of affairs, it has come to be thought that the public senses +give us knowledge of the outer world, while the private senses only give +us knowledge as to our own bodies. As regards privacy, all images, of +whatever sort, belong with the sensations which only give knowledge of +our own bodies, i.e. each is only observable by one observer. This is +the reason why images of sight and hearing are more obviously different +from sensations of sight and hearing than images of bodily sensations +are from bodily sensations; and that is why the argument in favour of +images is more conclusive in such cases as sight and hearing than in +such cases as inner speech. + +The whole distinction of privacy and publicity, however, so long as we +confine ourselves to sensations, is one of degree, not of kind. No +two people, there is good empirical reason to think, ever have exactly +similar sensations related to the same physical object at the same +moment; on the other hand, even the most private sensation has +correlations which would theoretically enable another observer to infer +it. + +That no sensation is ever completely public, results from differences of +point of view. Two people looking at the same table do not get the same +sensation, because of perspective and the way the light falls. They get +only correlated sensations. Two people listening to the same sound do +not hear exactly the same thing, because one is nearer to the source of +the sound than the other, one has better hearing than the other, and +so on. Thus publicity in sensations consists, not in having PRECISELY +similar sensations, but in having more or less similar sensations +correlated according to ascertainable laws. The sensations which strike +us as public are those where the correlated sensations are very similar +and the correlations are very easy to discover. But even the most +private sensations have correlations with things that others can +observe. The dentist does not observe your ache, but he can see the +cavity which causes it, and could guess that you are suffering even +if you did not tell him. This fact, however, cannot be used, as Watson +would apparently wish, to extrude from science observations which are +private to one observer, since it is by means of many such observations +that correlations are established, e.g. between toothaches and cavities. +Privacy, therefore does not by itself make a datum unamenable to +scientific treatment. On this point, the argument against introspection +must be rejected. + +(2) DOES EVERYTHING OBSERVABLE OBEY THE LAWS OF PHYSICS? We come now to +the second ground of objection to introspection, namely, that its data +do not obey the laws of physics. This, though less emphasized, is, +I think, an objection which is really more strongly felt than the +objection of privacy. And we obtain a definition of introspection more +in harmony with usage if we define it as observation of data not subject +to physical laws than if we define it by means of privacy. No one would +regard a man as introspective because he was conscious of having a +stomach ache. Opponents of introspection do not mean to deny the obvious +fact that we can observe bodily sensations which others cannot observe. +For example, Knight Dunlap contends that images are really muscular +contractions,* and evidently regards our awareness of muscular +contractions as not coming under the head of introspection. I think it +will be found that the essential characteristic of introspective data, +in the sense which now concerns us, has to do with LOCALIZATION: either +they are not localized at all, or they are localized, like visual +images, in a place already physically occupied by something which would +be inconsistent with them if they were regarded as part of the physical +world. If you have a visual image of your friend sitting in a chair +which in fact is empty, you cannot locate the image in your body, +because it is visual, nor (as a physical phenomenon) in the chair, +because the chair, as a physical object, is empty. Thus it seems to +follow that the physical world does not include all that we are aware +of, and that images, which are introspective data, have to be regarded, +for the present, as not obeying the laws of physics; this is, I think, +one of the chief reasons why an attempt is made to reject them. I +shall try to show in Lecture VIII that the purely empirical reasons for +accepting images are overwhelming. But we cannot be nearly so certain +that they will not ultimately be brought under the laws of physics. Even +if this should happen, however, they would still be distinguishable +from sensations by their proximate causal laws, as gases remain +distinguishable from solids. + + * "Psychological Review," 1916, "Thought-Content and + Feeling," p. 59. See also ib., 1912, "The Nature of + Perceived Relations," where he says: "'Introspection,' + divested of its mythological suggestion of the observing of + consciousness, is really the observation of bodily + sensations (sensibles) and feelings (feelables)"(p. 427 n.). + +(3) CAN WE OBSERVE ANYTHING INTRINSICALLY DIFFERENT FROM SENSATIONS? We +come now to our third question concerning introspection. It is commonly +thought that by looking within we can observe all sorts of things that +are radically different from the constituents of the physical world, +e.g. thoughts, beliefs, desires, pleasures, pains and emotions. The +difference between mind and matter is increased partly by emphasizing +these supposed introspective data, partly by the supposition that matter +is composed of atoms or electrons or whatever units physics may at the +moment prefer. As against this latter supposition, I contend that +the ultimate constituents of matter are not atoms or electrons, but +sensations, and other things similar to sensations as regards extent and +duration. As against the view that introspection reveals a mental world +radically different from sensations, I propose to argue that thoughts, +beliefs, desires, pleasures, pains and emotions are all built up out +of sensations and images alone, and that there is reason to think that +images do not differ from sensations in their intrinsic character. We +thus effect a mutual rapprochement of mind and matter, and reduce the +ultimate data of introspection (in our second sense) to images alone. On +this third view of the meaning of introspection, therefore, our decision +is wholly against it. + +There remain two points to be considered concerning introspection. The +first is as to how far it is trustworthy; the second is as to whether, +even granting that it reveals no radically different STUFF from that +revealed by what might be called external perception, it may not reveal +different RELATIONS, and thus acquire almost as much importance as is +traditionally assigned to it. + +To begin with the trustworthiness of introspection. It is common among +certain schools to regard the knowledge of our own mental processes as +incomparably more certain than our knowledge of the "external" world; +this view is to be found in the British philosophy which descends from +Hume, and is present, somewhat veiled, in Kant and his followers. +There seems no reason whatever to accept this view. Our spontaneous, +unsophisticated beliefs, whether as to ourselves or as to the outer +world, are always extremely rash and very liable to error. The +acquisition of caution is equally necessary and equally difficult in +both directions. Not only are we often un aware of entertaining a +belief or desire which exists in us; we are often actually mistaken. The +fallibility of introspection as regards what we desire is made evident +by psycho-analysis; its fallibility as to what we know is easily +demonstrated. An autobiography, when confronted by a careful editor +with documentary evidence, is usually found to be full of obviously +inadvertent errors. Any of us confronted by a forgotten letter written +some years ago will be astonished to find how much more foolish our +opinions were than we had remembered them as being. And as to the +analysis of our mental operations--believing, desiring, willing, or what +not--introspection unaided gives very little help: it is necessary to +construct hypotheses and test them by their consequences, just as we do +in physical science. Introspection, therefore, though it is one among +our sources of knowledge, is not, in isolation, in any degree more +trustworthy than "external" perception. + +I come now to our second question: Does introspection give us materials +for the knowledge of relations other than those arrived at by reflecting +upon external perception? It might be contended that the essence of what +is "mental" consists of relations, such as knowing for example, and that +our knowledge concerning these essentially mental relations is entirely +derived from introspection. If "knowing" were an unanalysable relation, +this view would be incontrovertible, since clearly no such relation +forms part of the subject matter of physics. But it would seem that +"knowing" is really various relations, all of them complex. Therefore, +until they have been analysed, our present question must remain +unanswered I shall return to it at the end of the present course of +lectures. + + + + +LECTURE VII. THE DEFINITION OF PERCEPTION + +In Lecture V we found reason to think that the ultimate constituents* +of the world do not have the characteristics of either mind or matter +as ordinarily understood: they are not solid persistent objects moving +through space, nor are they fragments of "consciousness." But we found +two ways of grouping particulars, one into "things" or "pieces of +matter," the other into series of "perspectives," each series being what +may be called a "biography." Before we can define either sensations +or images, it is necessary to consider this twofold classification +in somewhat greater detail, and to derive from it a definition of +perception. It should be said that, in so far as the classification +assumes the whole world of physics (including its unperceived portions), +it contains hypothetical elements. But we will not linger on the grounds +for admitting these, which belong to the philosophy of physics rather +than of psychology. + + * When I speak of "ultimate constituents," I do not mean + necessarily such as are theoretically incapable of analysis, + but only such as, at present, we can see no means of + analysing. I speak of such constituents as "particulars," or + as "RELATIVE particulars" when I wish to emphasize the fact + that they may be themselves complex. + +The physical classification of particulars collects together all those +that are aspects of one "thing." Given any one particular, it is +found often (we do not say always) that there are a number of other +particulars differing from this one in gradually increasing degrees. +Those (or some of those) that differ from it only very slightly will +be found to differ approximately according to certain laws which may be +called, in a generalized sense, the laws of "perspective"; they include +the ordinary laws of perspective as a special case. This approximation +grows more and more nearly exact as the difference grows less; in +technical language, the laws of perspective account for the differences +to the first order of small quantities, and other laws are only +required to account for second-order differences. That is to say, as the +difference diminishes, the part of the difference which is not according +to the laws of perspective diminishes much more rapidly, and bears to +the total difference a ratio which tends towards zero as both are made +smaller and smaller. By this means we can theoretically collect together +a number of particulars which may be defined as the "aspects" or +"appearances" of one thing at one time. If the laws of perspective were +sufficiently known, the connection between different aspects would be +expressed in differential equations. + +This gives us, so far, only those particulars which constitute one thing +at one time. This set of particulars may be called a "momentary +thing." To define that series of "momentary things" that constitute +the successive states of one thing is a problem involving the laws of +dynamics. These give the laws governing the changes of aspects from +one time to a slightly later time, with the same sort of differential +approximation to exactness as we obtained for spatially neighbouring +aspects through the laws of perspective. Thus a momentary thing is a set +of particulars, while a thing (which may be identified with the whole +history of the thing) is a series of such sets of particulars. +The particulars in one set are collected together by the laws of +perspective; the successive sets are collected together by the laws +of dynamics. This is the view of the world which is appropriate to +traditional physics. + +The definition of a "momentary thing" involves problems concerning time, +since the particulars constituting a momentary thing will not be all +simultaneous, but will travel outward from the thing with the velocity +of light (in case the thing is in vacuo). There are complications +connected with relativity, but for our present purpose they are not +vital, and I shall ignore them. + +Instead of first collecting together all the particulars constituting +a momentary thing, and then forming the series of successive sets, +we might have first collected together a series of successive aspects +related by the laws of dynamics, and then have formed the set of such +series related by the laws of perspective. To illustrate by the case of +an actor on the stage: our first plan was to collect together all the +aspects which he presents to different spectators at one time, and then +to form the series of such sets. Our second plan is first to collect +together all the aspects which he presents successively to a given +spectator, and then to do the same thing for the other spectators, thus +forming a set of series instead of a series of sets. The first plan +tells us what he does; the second the impressions he produces. This +second way of classifying particulars is one which obviously has more +relevance to psychology than the other. It is partly by this second +method of classification that we obtain definitions of one "experience" +or "biography" or "person." This method of classification is also +essential to the definition of sensations and images, as I shall +endeavour to prove later on. But we must first amplify the definition of +perspectives and biographies. + +In our illustration of the actor, we spoke, for the moment, as though +each spectator's mind were wholly occupied by the one actor. If this +were the case, it might be possible to define the biography of one +spectator as a series of successive aspects of the actor related +according to the laws of dynamics. But in fact this is not the case. +We are at all times during our waking life receiving a variety of +impressions, which are aspects of a variety of things. We have to +consider what binds together two simultaneous sensations in one +person, or, more generally, any two occurrences which forte part of one +experience. We might say, adhering to the standpoint of physics, that +two aspects of different things belong to the same perspective when +they are in the same place. But this would not really help us, since a +"place" has not yet been defined. Can we define what is meant by saying +that two aspects are "in the same place," without introducing anything +beyond the laws of perspective and dynamics? + +I do not feel sure whether it is possible to frame such a definition or +not; accordingly I shall not assume that it is possible, but shall +seek other characteristics by which a perspective or biography may be +defined. + +When (for example) we see one man and hear another speaking at the +same time, what we see and what we hear have a relation which we +can perceive, which makes the two together form, in some sense, one +experience. It is when this relation exists that two occurrences become +associated. Semon's "engram" is formed by all that we experience at one +time. He speaks of two parts of this total as having the relation of +"Nebeneinander" (M. 118; M.E. 33 ff.), which is reminiscent of Herbart's +"Zusammen." I think the relation may be called simply "simultaneity." It +might be said that at any moment all sorts of things that are not part +of my experience are happening in the world, and that therefore the +relation we are seeking to define cannot be merely simultaneity. +This, however, would be an error--the sort of error that the theory +of relativity avoids. There is not one universal time, except by an +elaborate construction; there are only local times, each of which may +be taken to be the time within one biography. Accordingly, if I am (say) +hearing a sound, the only occurrences that are, in any simple sense, +simultaneous with my sensation are events in my private world, i.e. in +my biography. We may therefore define the "perspective" to which +the sensation in question belongs as the set of particulars that are +simultaneous with this sensation. And similarly we may define the +"biography" to which the sensation belongs as the set of particulars +that are earlier or later than, or simultaneous with, the given +sensation. Moreover, the very same definitions can be applied to +particulars which are not sensations. They are actually required for the +theory of relativity, if we are to give a philosophical explanation +of what is meant by "local time" in that theory The relations of +simultaneity and succession are known to us in our own experience; +they may be analysable, but that does not affect their suitability for +defining perspectives and biographies. Such time-relations as can be +constructed between events in different biographies are of a different +kind: they are not experienced, and are merely logical, being designed +to afford convenient ways of stating the correlations between different +biographies. + +It is not only by time-relations that the parts of one biography are +collected together in the case of living beings. In this case there are +the mnemic phenomena which constitute the unity of one "experience," and +transform mere occurrences into "experiences." I have already dwelt upon +the importance of mnemic phenomena for psychology, and shall not +enlarge upon them now, beyond observing that they are what transforms a +biography (in our technical sense) into a life. It is they that give the +continuity of a "person" or a "mind." But there is no reason to suppose +that mnemic phenomena are associated with biographies except in the case +of animals and plants. + +Our two-fold classification of particulars gives rise to the dualism of +body and biography in regard to everything in the universe, and not only +in regard to living things. This arises as follows. Every particular of +the sort considered by physics is a member of two groups (1) The group +of particulars constituting the other aspects of the same physical +object; (2) The group of particulars that have direct time-relations to +the given particular. + +Each of these is associated with a place. When I look at a star, my +sensation is (1) A member of the group of particulars which is the star, +and which is associated with the place where the star is; (2) A +member of the group of particulars which is my biography, and which is +associated with the place where I am.* + + *I have explained elsewhere the manner in which space is + constructed on this theory, and in which the position of a + perspective is brought into relation with the position of a + physical object ("Our Knowledge of the External World," + Lecture III, pp. 90, 91). + +The result is that every particular of the kind relevant to physics is +associated with TWO places; e.g. my sensation of the star is associated +with the place where I am and with the place where the star is. This +dualism has nothing to do with any "mind" that I may be supposed to +possess; it exists in exactly the same sense if I am replaced by a +photographic plate. We may call the two places the active and passive +places respectively.* Thus in the case of a perception or photograph +of a star, the active place is the place where the star is, while the +passive place is the place where the percipient or photographic plate +is. + + * I use these as mere names; I do not want to introduce any + notion of "activity." + +We can thus, without departing from physics, collect together all the +particulars actively at a given place, or all the particulars passively +at a given place. In our own case, the one group is our body (or +our brain), while the other is our mind, in so far as it consists of +perceptions. In the case of the photographic plate, the first group is +the plate as dealt with by physics, the second the aspect of the heavens +which it photographs. (For the sake of schematic simplicity, I am +ignoring various complications connected with time, which require some +tedious but perfectly feasible elaborations.) Thus what may be called +subjectivity in the point of view is not a distinctive peculiarity of +mind: it is present just as much in the photographic plate. And the +photographic plate has its biography as well as its "matter." But +this biography is an affair of physics, and has none of the peculiar +characteristics by which "mental" phenomena are distinguished, with the +sole exception of subjectivity. + +Adhering, for the moment, to the standpoint of physics, we may define a +"perception" of an object as the appearance of the object from a place +where there is a brain (or, in lower animals, some suitable nervous +structure), with sense-organs and nerves forming part of the intervening +medium. Such appearances of objects are distinguished from appearances +in other places by certain peculiarities, namely: + +(1) They give rise to mnemic phenomena; + +(2) They are themselves affected by mnemic phenomena. + +That is to say, they may be remembered and associated or influence our +habits, or give rise to images, etc., and they are themselves different +from what they would have been if our past experience had been +different--for example, the effect of a spoken sentence upon the hearer +depends upon whether the hearer knows the language or not, which is +a question of past experience. It is these two characteristics, both +connected with mnemic phenomena, that distinguish perceptions from the +appearances of objects in places where there is no living being. + +Theoretically, though often not practically, we can, in our perception +of an object, separate the part which is due to past experience from the +part which proceeds without mnemic influences out of the character of +the object. We may define as "sensation" that part which proceeds in +this way, while the remainder, which is a mnemic phenomenon, will have +to be added to the sensation to make up what is called the "perception." +According to this definition, the sensation is a theoretical core in +the actual experience; the actual experience is the perception. It +is obvious that there are grave difficulties in carrying out these +definitions, but we will not linger over them. We have to pass, as soon +as we can, from the physical standpoint, which we have been hitherto +adopting, to the standpoint of psychology, in which we make more use +of introspection in the first of the three senses discussed in the +preceding lecture. + +But before making the transition, there are two points which must be +made clear. First: Everything outside my own personal biography is +outside my experience; therefore if anything can be known by me outside +my biography, it can only be known in one of two ways: + +(1) By inference from things within my biography, or + +(2) By some a priori principle independent of experience. + +I do not myself believe that anything approaching certainty is to be +attained by either of these methods, and therefore whatever lies outside +my personal biography must be regarded, theoretically, as hypothesis. +The theoretical argument for adopting the hypothesis is that it +simplifies the statement of the laws according to which events happen +in our experience. But there is no very good ground for supposing that +a simple law is more likely to be true than a complicated law, though +there is good ground for assuming a simple law in scientific practice, +as a working hypothesis, if it explains the facts as well as another +which is less simple. Belief in the existence of things outside my own +biography exists antecedently to evidence, and can only be destroyed, if +at all, by a long course of philosophic doubt. For purposes of science, +it is justified practically by the simplification which it introduces +into the laws of physics. But from the standpoint of theoretical logic +it must be regarded as a prejudice, not as a well-grounded theory. With +this proviso, I propose to continue yielding to the prejudice. + +The second point concerns the relating of our point of view to that +which regards sensations as caused by stimuli external to the nervous +system (or at least to the brain), and distinguishes images as +"centrally excited," i.e. due to causes in the brain which cannot be +traced back to anything affecting the sense-organs. It is clear that, +if our analysis of physical objects has been valid, this way of defining +sensations needs reinterpretation. It is also clear that we must be able +to find such a new interpretation if our theory is to be admissible. + +To make the matter clear, we will take the simplest possible +illustration. Consider a certain star, and suppose for the moment +that its size is negligible. That is to say, we will regard it as, for +practical purposes, a luminous point. Let us further suppose that it +exists only for a very brief time, say a second. Then, according to +physics, what happens is that a spherical wave of light travels outward +from the star through space, just as, when you drop a stone into a +stagnant pond, ripples travel outward from the place where the stone hit +the water. The wave of light travels with a certain very nearly constant +velocity, roughly 300,000 kilometres per second. This velocity may be +ascertained by sending a flash of light to a mirror, and observing +how long it takes before the reflected flash reaches you, just as the +velocity of sound may be ascertained by means of an echo. + +What it is that happens when a wave of light reaches a given place we +cannot tell, except in the sole case when the place in question is a +brain connected with an eye which is turned in the right direction. In +this one very special case we know what happens: we have the sensation +called "seeing the star." In all other cases, though we know (more or +less hypothetically) some of the correlations and abstract properties +of the appearance of the star, we do not know the appearance itself. Now +you may, for the sake of illustration, compare the different appearances +of the star to the conjugation of a Greek verb, except that the number +of its parts is really infinite, and not only apparently so to the +despairing schoolboy. In vacuo, the parts are regular, and can be +derived from the (imaginary) root according to the laws of grammar, +i.e. of perspective. The star being situated in empty space, it may be +defined, for purposes of physics, as consisting of all those appearances +which it presents in vacuo, together with those which, according to +the laws of perspective, it would present elsewhere if its appearances +elsewhere were regular. This is merely the adaptation of the definition +of matter which I gave in an earlier lecture. The appearance of a star +at a certain place, if it is regular, does not require any cause or +explanation beyond the existence of the star. Every regular appearance +is an actual member of the system which is the star, and its causation +is entirely internal to that system. We may express this by saying that +a regular appearance is due to the star alone, and is actually part of +the star, in the sense in which a man is part of the human race. + +But presently the light of the star reaches our atmosphere. It begins +to be refracted, and dimmed by mist, and its velocity is slightly +diminished. At last it reaches a human eye, where a complicated process +takes place, ending in a sensation which gives us our grounds for +believing in all that has gone before. Now, the irregular appearances of +the star are not, strictly speaking, members of the system which is the +star, according to our definition of matter. The irregular appearances, +however, are not merely irregular: they proceed according to laws which +can be stated in terms of the matter through which the light has +passed on its way. The sources of an irregular appearance are therefore +twofold: + +(1) The object which is appearing irregularly; + +2) The intervening medium. + +It should be observed that, while the conception of a regular appearance +is perfectly precise, the conception of an irregular appearance is one +capable of any degree of vagueness. When the distorting influence of the +medium is sufficiently great, the resulting particular can no longer be +regarded as an appearance of an object, but must be treated on its own +account. This happens especially when the particular in question cannot +be traced back to one object, but is a blend of two or more. This case +is normal in perception: we see as one what the microscope or telescope +reveals to be many different objects. The notion of perception is +therefore not a precise one: we perceive things more or less, but always +with a very considerable amount of vagueness and confusion. + +In considering irregular appearances, there are certain very natural +mistakes which must be avoided. In order that a particular may count as +an irregular appearance of a certain object, it is not necessary that +it should bear any resemblance to the regular appearances as regard +its intrinsic qualities. All that is necessary is that it should be +derivable from the regular appearances by the laws which express +the distorting influence of the medium. When it is so derivable, +the particular in question may be regarded as caused by the regular +appearances, and therefore by the object itself, together with the +modifications resulting from the medium. In other cases, the particular +in question may, in the same sense, be regarded as caused by several +objects together with the medium; in this case, it may be called a +confused appearance of several objects. If it happens to be in a brain, +it may be called a confused perception of these objects. All actual +perception is confused to a greater or less extent. + +We can now interpret in terms of our theory the distinction between +those mental occurrences which are said to have an external stimulus, +and those which are said to be "centrally excited," i.e. to have no +stimulus external to the brain. When a mental occurrence can be regarded +as an appearance of an object external to the brain, however irregular, +or even as a confused appearance of several such objects, then we may +regard it as having for its stimulus the object or objects in question, +or their appearances at the sense-organ concerned. When, on the other +hand, a mental occurrence has not sufficient connection with objects +external to the brain to be regarded as an appearance of such objects, +then its physical causation (if any) will have to be sought in the +brain. In the former case it can be called a perception; in the latter +it cannot be so called. But the distinction is one of degree, not of +kind. Until this is realized, no satisfactory theory of perception, +sensation, or imagination is possible. + + + + +LECTURE VIII. SENSATIONS AND IMAGES + +The dualism of mind and matter, if we have been right so far, cannot be +allowed as metaphysically valid. Nevertheless, we seem to find a certain +dualism, perhaps not ultimate, within the world as we observe it. The +dualism is not primarily as to the stuff of the world, but as to causal +laws. On this subject we may again quote William James. He points out +that when, as we say, we merely "imagine" things, there are no such +effects as would ensue if the things were what we call "real." He takes +the case of imagining a fire. + +"I make for myself an experience of blazing fire; I place it near my +body; but it does not warm me in the least. I lay a stick upon it and +the stick either burns or remains green, as I please. I call up water, +and pour it on the fire, and absolutely no difference ensues. I account +for all such facts by calling this whole train of experiences unreal, a +mental train. Mental fire is what won't burn real sticks; mental water +is what won't necessarily (though of course it may) put out even a +mental fire.... With 'real' objects, on the contrary, consequences +always accrue; and thus the real experiences get sifted from the mental +ones, the things from our thoughts of them, fanciful or true, and +precipitated together as the stable part of the whole experience--chaos, +under the name of the physical world."* + + * "Essays in Radical Empiricism," pp. 32-3. + +In this passage James speaks, by mere inadvertence, as though the +phenomena which he is describing as "mental" had NO effects. This is, of +course, not the case: they have their effects, just as much as physical +phenomena do, but their effects follow different laws. For example, +dreams, as Freud has shown, are just as much subject to laws as are the +motions of the planets. But the laws are different: in a dream you may +be transported from one place to another in a moment, or one person +may turn into another under your eyes. Such differences compel you to +distinguish the world of dreams from the physical world. + +If the two sorts of causal laws could be sharply distinguished, we could +call an occurrence "physical" when it obeys causal laws appropriate to +the physical world, and "mental" when it obeys causal laws appropriate +to the mental world. Since the mental world and the physical world +interact, there would be a boundary between the two: there would be +events which would have physical causes and mental effects, while there +would be others which would have mental causes and physical effects. +Those that have physical causes and mental effects we should define as +"sensations." Those that have mental causes and physical effects might +perhaps be identified with what we call voluntary movements; but they do +not concern us at present. + +These definitions would have all the precision that could be desired if +the distinction between physical and psychological causation were clear +and sharp. As a matter of fact, however, this distinction is, as yet, by +no means sharp. It is possible that, with fuller knowledge, it will be +found to be no more ultimate than the distinction between the laws of +gases and the laws of rigid bodies. It also suffers from the fact that +an event may be an effect of several causes according to several causal +laws we cannot, in general, point to anything unique as THE cause of +such-and-such an event. And finally it is by no means certain that +the peculiar causal laws which govern mental events are not really +physiological. The law of habit, which is one of the most distinctive, +may be fully explicable in terms of the peculiarities of nervous tissue, +and these peculiarities, in turn, may be explicable by the laws of +physics. It seems, therefore, that we are driven to a different kind of +definition. It is for this reason that it was necessary to develop +the definition of perception. With this definition, we can define a +sensation as the non-mnemic elements in a perception. + +When, following our definition, we try to decide what elements in our +experience are of the nature of sensations, we find more difficulty +than might have been expected. Prima facie, everything is sensation that +comes to us through the senses: the sights we see, the sounds we hear, +the smells we smell, and so on; also such things as headache or the +feeling of muscular strain. But in actual fact so much interpretation, +so much of habitual correlation, is mixed with all such experiences, +that the core of pure sensation is only to be extracted by careful +investigation. To take a simple illustration: if you go to the theatre +in your own country, you seem to hear equally well in the stalls or the +dress circle; in either case you think you miss nothing. But if you go +in a foreign country where you have a fair knowledge of the language, +you will seem to have grown partially deaf, and you will find it +necessary to be much nearer the stage than you would need to be in your +own country. The reason is that, in hearing our own language spoken, we +quickly and unconsciously fill out what we really hear with inferences +to what the man must be saying, and we never realize that we have not +heard the words we have merely inferred. In a foreign language, these +inferences are more difficult, and we are more dependent upon actual +sensation. If we found ourselves in a foreign world, where tables looked +like cushions and cushions like tables, we should similarly discover how +much of what we think we see is really inference. Every fairly familiar +sensation is to us a sign of the things that usually go with it, and +many of these things will seem to form part of the sensation. I remember +in the early days of motor-cars being with a friend when a tyre burst +with a loud report. He thought it was a pistol, and supported his +opinion by maintaining that he had seen the flash. But of course there +had been no flash. Nowadays no one sees a flash when a tyre bursts. + +In order, therefore, to arrive at what really is sensation in an +occurrence which, at first sight, seems to contain nothing else, we have +to pare away all that is due to habit or expectation or interpretation. +This is a matter for the psychologist, and by no means an easy matter. +For our purposes, it is not important to determine what exactly is the +sensational core in any case; it is only important to notice that +there certainly is a sensational core, since habit, expectation and +interpretation are diversely aroused on diverse occasions, and the +diversity is clearly due to differences in what is presented to +the senses. When you open your newspaper in the morning, the actual +sensations of seeing the print form a very minute part of what goes +on in you, but they are the starting-point of all the rest, and it +is through them that the newspaper is a means of information or +mis-information. Thus, although it may be difficult to determine what +exactly is sensation in any given experience, it is clear that there is +sensation, unless, like Leibniz, we deny all action of the outer world +upon us. + +Sensations are obviously the source of our knowledge of the world, +including our own body. It might seem natural to regard a sensation as +itself a cognition, and until lately I did so regard it. When, say, I +see a person I know coming towards me in the street, it SEEMS as +though the mere seeing were knowledge. It is of course undeniable that +knowledge comes THROUGH the seeing, but I think it is a mistake to +regard the mere seeing itself as knowledge. If we are so to regard it, +we must distinguish the seeing from what is seen: we must say that, when +we see a patch of colour of a certain shape, the patch of colour is one +thing and our seeing of it is another. This view, however, demands the +admission of the subject, or act, in the sense discussed in our first +lecture. If there is a subject, it can have a relation to the patch of +colour, namely, the sort of relation which we might call awareness. In +that case the sensation, as a mental event, will consist of awareness of +the colour, while the colour itself will remain wholly physical, and +may be called the sense-datum, to distinguish it from the sensation. +The subject, however, appears to be a logical fiction, like mathematical +points and instants. It is introduced, not because observation reveals +it, but because it is linguistically convenient and apparently demanded +by grammar. Nominal entities of this sort may or may not exist, but +there is no good ground for assuming that they do. The functions that +they appear to perform can always be performed by classes or series or +other logical constructions, consisting of less dubious entities. If we +are to avoid a perfectly gratuitous assumption, we must dispense with +the subject as one of the actual ingredients of the world. But when +we do this, the possibility of distinguishing the sensation from +the sense-datum vanishes; at least I see no way of preserving the +distinction. Accordingly the sensation that we have when we see a patch +of colour simply is that patch of colour, an actual constituent of the +physical world, and part of what physics is concerned with. A patch of +colour is certainly not knowledge, and therefore we cannot say that pure +sensation is cognitive. Through its psychological effects, it is the +cause of cognitions, partly by being itself a sign of things that +are correlated with it, as e.g. sensations of sight and touch are +correlated, and partly by giving rise to images and memories after the +sensation is faded. But in itself the pure sensation is not cognitive. + +In the first lecture we considered the view of Brentano, that "we may +define psychical phenomena by saying that they are phenomena which +intentionally contain an object." We saw reasons to reject this view in +general; we are now concerned to show that it must be rejected in the +particular case of sensations. The kind of argument which formerly made +me accept Brentano's view in this case was exceedingly simple. When I +see a patch of colour, it seemed to me that the colour is not psychical, +but physical, while my seeing is not physical, but psychical. Hence +I concluded that the colour is something other than my seeing of +the colour. This argument, to me historically, was directed against +idealism: the emphatic part of it was the assertion that the colour is +physical, not psychical. I shall not trouble you now with the grounds +for holding as against Berkeley that the patch of colour is physical; I +have set them forth before, and I see no reason to modify them. But it +does not follow that the patch of colour is not also psychical, unless +we assume that the physical and the psychical cannot overlap, which I +no longer consider a valid assumption. If we admit--as I think we +should--that the patch of colour may be both physical and psychical, the +reason for distinguishing the sense-datum from the sensation disappears, +and we may say that the patch of colour and our sensation in seeing it +are identical. + +This is the view of William James, Professor Dewey, and the American +realists. Perceptions, says Professor Dewey, are not per se cases of +knowledge, but simply natural events with no more knowledge status +than (say) a shower. "Let them [the realists] try the experiment of +conceiving perceptions as pure natural events, not cases of awareness or +apprehension, and they will be surprised to see how little they miss."* +I think he is right in this, except in supposing that the realists will +be surprised. Many of them already hold the view he is advocating, and +others are very sympathetic to it. At any rate, it is the view which I +shall adopt in these lectures. + + * Dewey, "Essays in Experimental Logic," pp. 253, 262. + +The stuff of the world, so far as we have experience of it, consists, on +the view that I am advocating, of innumerable transient particulars such +as occur in seeing, hearing, etc., together with images more or less +resembling these, of which I shall speak shortly. If physics is true, +there are, besides the particulars that we experience, others, probably +equally (or almost equally) transient, which make up that part of the +material world that does not come into the sort of contact with a +living body that is required to turn it into a sensation. But this topic +belongs to the philosophy of physics, and need not concern us in our +present inquiry. + +Sensations are what is common to the mental and physical worlds; they +may be defined as the intersection of mind and matter. This is by no +means a new view; it is advocated, not only by the American authors I +have mentioned, but by Mach in his Analysis of Sensations, which was +published in 1886. The essence of sensation, according to the view I am +advocating, is its independence of past experience. It is a core in our +actual experiences, never existing in isolation except possibly in very +young infants. It is not itself knowledge, but it supplies the data for +our knowledge of the physical world, including our own bodies. + +There are some who believe that our mental life is built up out of +sensations alone. This may be true; but in any case I think the only +ingredients required in addition to sensations are images. What images +are, and how they are to be defined, we have now to inquire. + +The distinction between images and sensations might seem at first sight +by no means difficult. When we shut our eyes and call up pictures of +familiar scenes, we usually have no difficulty, so long as we remain +awake, in discriminating between what we are imagining and what is +really seen. If we imagine some piece of music that we know, we can go +through it in our mind from beginning to end without any discoverable +tendency to suppose that we are really hearing it. But although such +cases are so clear that no confusion seems possible, there are many +others that are far more difficult, and the definition of images is by +no means an easy problem. + +To begin with: we do not always know whether what we are experiencing is +a sensation or an image. The things we see in dreams when our eyes are +shut must count as images, yet while we are dreaming they seem like +sensations. Hallucinations often begin as persistent images, and only +gradually acquire that influence over belief that makes the patient +regard them as sensations. When we are listening for a faint sound--the +striking of a distant clock, or a horse's hoofs on the road--we think +we hear it many times before we really do, because expectation brings +us the image, and we mistake it for sensation. The distinction between +images and sensations is, therefore, by no means always obvious to +inspection.* + + * On the distinction between images and sensation, cf. + Semon, "Die mnemischen Empfindungen," pp. 19-20. + +We may consider three different ways in which it has been sought to +distinguish images from sensations, namely: + +(1) By the less degree of vividness in images; + +(2) By our absence of belief in their "physical reality"; + +(3) By the fact that their causes and effects are different from those +of sensations. + +I believe the third of these to be the only universally applicable +criterion. The other two are applicable in very many cases, but +cannot be used for purposes of definition because they are liable to +exceptions. Nevertheless, they both deserve to be carefully considered. + +(1) Hume, who gives the names "impressions" and "ideas" to what may, +for present purposes, be identified with our "sensations" and "images," +speaks of impressions as "those perceptions which enter with most force +and violence" while he defines ideas as "the faint images of these (i.e. +of impressions) in thinking and reasoning." His immediately following +observations, however, show the inadequacy of his criteria of "force" +and "faintness." He says: + +"I believe it will not be very necessary to employ many words in +explaining this distinction. Every one of himself will readily perceive +the difference betwixt feeling and thinking. The common degrees of these +are easily distinguished, though it is not impossible but in particular +instances they may very nearly approach to each other. Thus in sleep, in +a fever, in madness, or in any very violent emotions of soul, our ideas +may approach to our impressions; as, on the other hand, it sometimes +happens, that our impressions are so faint and low that we cannot +distinguish them from our ideas. But notwithstanding this near +resemblance in a few instances, they are in general so very different, +that no one can make a scruple to rank them under distinct heads, and +assign to each a peculiar name to mark the difference" ("Treatise of +Human Nature," Part I, Section I). + +I think Hume is right in holding that they should be ranked under +distinct heads, with a peculiar name for each. But by his own confession +in the above passage, his criterion for distinguishing them is not +always adequate. A definition is not sound if it only applies in cases +where the difference is glaring: the essential purpose of a definition +is to provide a mark which is applicable even in marginal cases--except, +of course, when we are dealing with a conception, like, e.g. baldness, +which is one of degree and has no sharp boundaries. But so far we have +seen no reason to think that the difference between sensations and +images is only one of degree. + +Professor Stout, in his "Manual of Psychology," after discussing various +ways of distinguishing sensations and images, arrives at a view which is +a modification of Hume's. He says (I quote from the second edition): + +"Our conclusion is that at bottom the distinction between image +and percept, as respectively faint and vivid states, is based on a +difference of quality. The percept has an aggressiveness which does not +belong to the image. It strikes the mind with varying degrees of force +or liveliness according to the varying intensity of the stimulus. This +degree of force or liveliness is part of what we ordinarily mean by +the intensity of a sensation. But this constituent of the intensity of +sensations is absent in mental imagery"(p. 419). + +This view allows for the fact that sensations may reach any degree of +faintness--e.g. in the case of a just visible star or a just audible +sound--without becoming images, and that therefore mere faintness cannot +be the characteristic mark of images. After explaining the sudden shock +of a flash of lightning or a steam-whistle, Stout says that "no mere +image ever does strike the mind in this manner"(p. 417). But I believe +that this criterion fails in very much the same instances as those in +which Hume's criterion fails in its original form. Macbeth speaks of-- + + that suggestion + Whose horrid image doth unfix my hair + And make my seated heart knock at my ribs + Against the use of nature. + +The whistle of a steam-engine could hardly have a stronger effect than +this. A very intense emotion will often bring with it--especially +where some future action or some undecided issue is involved--powerful +compelling images which may determine the whole course of life, sweeping +aside all contrary solicitations to the will by their capacity for +exclusively possessing the mind. And in all cases where images, +originally recognized as such, gradually pass into hallucinations, there +must be just that "force or liveliness" which is supposed to be always +absent from images. The cases of dreams and fever-delirium are as +hard to adjust to Professor Stout's modified criterion as to Hume's. I +conclude therefore that the test of liveliness, however applicable in +ordinary instances, cannot be used to define the differences between +sensations and images. + +(2) We might attempt to distinguish images from sensations by our +absence of belief in the "physical reality" of images. When we are aware +that what we are experiencing is an image, we do not give it the kind of +belief that we should give to a sensation: we do not think that it has +the same power of producing knowledge of the "external world." Images +are "imaginary"; in SOME sense they are "unreal." But this difference +is hard to analyse or state correctly. What we call the "unreality" of +images requires interpretation it cannot mean what would be expressed +by saying "there's no such thing." Images are just as truly part of the +actual world as sensations are. All that we really mean by calling an +image "unreal" is that it does not have the concomitants which it would +have if it were a sensation. When we call up a visual image of a chair, +we do not attempt to sit in it, because we know that, like Macbeth's +dagger, it is not "sensible to feeling as to sight"--i.e. it does not +have the correlations with tactile sensations which it would have if it +were a visual sensation and not merely a visual image. But this means +that the so-called "unreality" of images consists merely in their not +obeying the laws of physics, and thus brings us back to the causal +distinction between images and sensations. + +This view is confirmed by the fact that we only feel images to be +"unreal" when we already know them to be images. Images cannot be +defined by the FEELING of unreality, because when we falsely believe an +image to be a sensation, as in the case of dreams, it FEELS just as real +as if it were a sensation. Our feeling of unreality results from our +having already realized that we are dealing with an image, and cannot +therefore be the definition of what we mean by an image. As soon as an +image begins to deceive us as to its status, it also deceives us as to +its correlations, which are what we mean by its "reality." + +(3) This brings us to the third mode of distinguishing images from +sensations, namely, by their causes and effects. I believe this to be +the only valid ground of distinction. James, in the passage about the +mental fire which won't burn real sticks, distinguishes images by their +effects, but I think the more reliable distinction is by their causes. +Professor Stout (loc. cit., p. 127) says: "One characteristic mark of +what we agree in calling sensation is its mode of production. It is +caused by what we call a STIMULUS. A stimulus is always some condition +external to the nervous system itself and operating upon it." I think +that this is the correct view, and that the distinction between images +and sensations can only be made by taking account of their causation. +Sensations come through sense-organs, while images do not. We cannot +have visual sensations in the dark, or with our eyes shut, but we can +very well have visual images under these circumstances. Accordingly +images have been defined as "centrally excited sensations," i.e. +sensations which have their physiological cause in the brain only, not +also in the sense-organs and the nerves that run from the sense-organs +to the brain. I think the phrase "centrally excited sensations" assumes +more than is necessary, since it takes it for granted that an image must +have a proximate physiological cause. This is probably true, but it is +an hypothesis, and for our purposes an unnecessary one. It would seem to +fit better with what we can immediately observe if we were to say that +an image is occasioned, through association, by a sensation or another +image, in other words that it has a mnemic cause--which does not prevent +it from also having a physical cause. And I think it will be found that +the causation of an image always proceeds according to mnemic laws, i.e. +that it is governed by habit and past experience. If you listen to a man +playing the pianola without looking at him, you will have images of his +hands on the keys as if he were playing the piano; if you suddenly look +at him while you are absorbed in the music, you will experience a shock +of surprise when you notice that his hands are not touching the notes. +Your image of his hands is due to the many times that you have heard +similar sounds and at the same time seen the player's hands on the +piano. When habit and past experience play this part, we are in the +region of mnemic as opposed to ordinary physical causation. And I think +that, if we could regard as ultimately valid the difference between +physical and mnemic causation, we could distinguish images from +sensations as having mnemic causes, though they may also have physical +causes. Sensations, on the other hand, will only have physical causes. + +However this may be, the practically effective distinction between +sensations and images is that in the causation of sensations, but not +of images, the stimulation of nerves carrying an effect into the brain, +usually from the surface of the body, plays an essential part. And +this accounts for the fact that images and sensations cannot always be +distinguished by their intrinsic nature. + +Images also differ from sensations as regards their effects. Sensations, +as a rule, have both physical and mental effects. As you watch the train +you meant to catch leaving the station, there are both the successive +positions of the train (physical effects) and the successive waves +of fury and disappointment (mental effects). Images, on the contrary, +though they MAY produce bodily movements, do so according to mnemic +laws, not according to the laws of physics. All their effects, of +whatever nature, follow mnemic laws. But this difference is less +suitable for definition than the difference as to causes. + +Professor Watson, as a logical carrying-out of his behaviourist theory, +denies altogether that there are any observable phenomena such as +images are supposed to be. He replaces them all by faint sensations, and +especially by pronunciation of words sotto voce. When we "think" of a +table (say), as opposed to seeing it, what happens, according to him, is +usually that we are making small movements of the throat and tongue +such as would lead to our uttering the word "table" if they were more +pronounced. I shall consider his view again in connection with words; +for the present I am only concerned to combat his denial of images. This +denial is set forth both in his book on "Behavior" and in an article +called "Image and Affection in Behavior" in the "Journal of Philosophy, +Psychology and Scientific Methods," vol. x (July, 1913). It seems to me +that in this matter he has been betrayed into denying plain facts in +the interests of a theory, namely, the supposed impossibility of +introspection. I dealt with the theory in Lecture VI; for the present I +wish to reinforce the view that the facts are undeniable. + +Images are of various sorts, according to the nature of the sensations +which they copy. Images of bodily movements, such as we have when we +imagine moving an arm or, on a smaller scale, pronouncing a word, +might possibly be explained away on Professor Watson's lines, as really +consisting in small incipient movements such as, if magnified and +prolonged, would be the movements we are said to be imagining. Whether +this is the case or not might even be decided experimentally. If there +were a delicate instrument for recording small movements in the mouth +and throat, we might place such an instrument in a person's mouth and +then tell him to recite a poem to himself, as far as possible only in +imagination. I should not be at all surprised if it were found that +actual small movements take place while he is "mentally" saying over +the verses. The point is important, because what is called "thought" +consists mainly (though I think not wholly) of inner speech. If +Professor Watson is right as regards inner speech, this whole region +is transferred from imagination to sensation. But since the question +is capable of experimental decision, it would be gratuitous rashness to +offer an opinion while that decision is lacking. + +But visual and auditory images are much more difficult to deal with in +this way, because they lack the connection with physical events in the +outer world which belongs to visual and auditory sensations. Suppose, +for example, that I am sitting in my room, in which there is an empty +arm-chair. I shut my eyes, and call up a visual image of a friend +sitting in the arm-chair. If I thrust my image into the world of +physics, it contradicts all the usual physical laws. My friend reached +the chair without coming in at the door in the usual way; subsequent +inquiry will show that he was somewhere else at the moment. If regarded +as a sensation, my image has all the marks of the supernatural. My +image, therefore, is regarded as an event in me, not as having that +position in the orderly happenings of the public world that belongs to +sensations. By saying that it is an event in me, we leave it possible +that it may be PHYSIOLOGICALLY caused: its privacy may be only due to +its connection with my body. But in any case it is not a public event, +like an actual person walking in at the door and sitting down in +my chair. And it cannot, like inner speech, be regarded as a SMALL +sensation, since it occupies just as large an area in my visual field as +the actual sensation would do. + +Professor Watson says: "I should throw out imagery altogether +and attempt to show that all natural thought goes on in terms of +sensori-motor processes in the larynx." This view seems to me flatly to +contradict experience. If you try to persuade any uneducated person that +she cannot call up a visual picture of a friend sitting in a chair, but +can only use words describing what such an occurrence would be like, +she will conclude that you are mad. (This statement is based upon +experiment.) Galton, as every one knows, investigated visual imagery, +and found that education tends to kill it: the Fellows of the Royal +Society turned out to have much less of it than their wives. I see no +reason to doubt his conclusion that the habit of abstract pursuits makes +learned men much inferior to the average in power of visualizing, and +much more exclusively occupied with words in their "thinking." And +Professor Watson is a very learned man. + +I shall henceforth assume that the existence of images is admitted, and +that they are to be distinguished from sensations by their causes, +as well as, in a lesser degree, by their effects. In their intrinsic +nature, though they often differ from sensations by being more dim +or vague or faint, yet they do not always or universally differ from +sensations in any way that can be used for defining them. Their privacy +need form no bar to the scientific study of them, any more than the +privacy of bodily sensations does. Bodily sensations are admitted by +even the most severe critics of introspection, although, like images, +they can only be observed by one observer. It must be admitted, however, +that the laws of the appearance and disappearance of images are little +known and difficult to discover, because we are not assisted, as in the +case of sensations, by our knowledge of the physical world. + +There remains one very important point concerning images, which will +occupy us much hereafter, and that is, their resemblance to previous +sensations. They are said to be "copies" of sensations, always as +regards the simple qualities that enter into them, though not always +as regards the manner in which these are put together. It is generally +believed that we cannot imagine a shade of colour that we have never +seen, or a sound that we have never heard. On this subject Hume is the +classic. He says, in the definitions already quoted: + +"Those perceptions, which enter with most force and violence, we may +name IMPRESSIONS; and under this name I comprehend all our sensations, +passions and emotions, as they make their first appearance in the soul. +By IDEAS I mean the faint images of these in thinking and reasoning." + +He next explains the difference between simple and complex ideas, and +explains that a complex idea may occur without any similar complex +impression. But as regards simple ideas, he states that "every simple +idea has a simple impression, which resembles it, and every simple +impression a correspondent idea." He goes on to enunciate the general +principle "that all our simple ideas in their first appearance are +derived from simple impressions, which are correspondent to them, and +which they exactly represent" ("Treatise of Human Nature," Part I, +Section I). + +It is this fact, that images resemble antecedent sensations, which +enables us to call them images "of" this or that. For the understanding +of memory, and of knowledge generally, the recognizable resemblance of +images and sensations is of fundamental importance. + +There are difficulties in establishing Hume's principles, and doubts +as to whether it is exactly true. Indeed, he himself signalized an +exception immediately after stating his maxim. Nevertheless, it is +impossible to doubt that in the main simple images are copies of similar +simple sensations which have occurred earlier, and that the same is true +of complex images in all cases of memory as opposed to mere imagination. +Our power of acting with reference to what is sensibly absent is largely +due to this characteristic of images, although, as education advances, +images tend to be more and more replaced by words. We shall have much +to say in the next two lectures on the subject of images as copies of +sensations. What has been said now is merely by way of reminder that +this is their most notable characteristic. + +I am by no means confident that the distinction between images and +sensations is ultimately valid, and I should be glad to be convinced +that images can be reduced to sensations of a peculiar kind. I think it +is clear, however, that, at any rate in the case of auditory and visual +images, they do differ from ordinary auditory and visual sensations, and +therefore form a recognizable class of occurrences, even if it should +prove that they can be regarded as a sub-class of sensations. This is +all that is necessary to validate the use of images to be made in the +sequel. + + + + +LECTURE IX. MEMORY + +Memory, which we are to consider to-day, introduces us to knowledge in +one of its forms. The analysis of knowledge will occupy us until the end +of the thirteenth lecture, and is the most difficult part of our whole +enterprise. + +I do not myself believe that the analysis of knowledge can be effected +entirely by means of purely external observation, such as behaviourists +employ. I shall discuss this question in later lectures. In the present +lecture I shall attempt the analysis of memory-knowledge, both as an +introduction to the problem of knowledge in general, and because memory, +in some form, is presupposed in almost all other knowledge. Sensation, +we decided, is not a form of knowledge. It might, however, have +been expected that we should begin our discussion of knowledge with +PERCEPTION, i.e. with that integral experience of things in the +environment, out of which sensation is extracted by psychological +analysis. What is called perception differs from sensation by the fact +that the sensational ingredients bring up habitual associates--images +and expectations of their usual correlates--all of which are +subjectively indistinguishable from the sensation. The FACT of past +experience is essential in producing this filling-out of sensation, but +not the RECOLLECTION of past experience. The non-sensational elements in +perception can be wholly explained as the result of habit, produced +by frequent correlations. Perception, according to our definition in +Lecture VII, is no more a form of knowledge than sensation is, except +in so far as it involves expectations. The purely psychological problems +which it raises are not very difficult, though they have sometimes been +rendered artificially obscure by unwillingness to admit the fallibility +of the non-sensational elements of perception. On the other hand, memory +raises many difficult and very important problems, which it is necessary +to consider at the first possible moment. + +One reason for treating memory at this early stage is that it seems to +be involved in the fact that images are recognized as "copies" of +past sensible experience. In the preceding lecture I alluded to Hume's +principle "that all our simple ideas in their first appearance are +derived from simple impressions, which are correspondent to them, and +which they exactly represent." Whether or not this principle is liable +to exceptions, everyone would agree that is has a broad measure of +truth, though the word "exactly" might seem an overstatement, and +it might seem more correct to say that ideas APPROXIMATELY represent +impressions. Such modifications of Hume's principle, however, do not +affect the problem which I wish to present for your consideration, +namely: Why do we believe that images are, sometimes or always, +approximately or exactly, copies of sensations? What sort of evidence is +there? And what sort of evidence is logically possible? The difficulty +of this question arises through the fact that the sensation which an +image is supposed to copy is in the past when the image exists, and can +therefore only be known by memory, while, on the other hand, memory of +past sensations seems only possible by means of present images. How, +then, are we to find any way of comparing the present image and the past +sensation? The problem is just as acute if we say that images differ +from their prototypes as if we say that they resemble them; it is the +very possibility of comparison that is hard to understand.* We think +we can know that they are alike or different, but we cannot bring them +together in one experience and compare them. To deal with this problem, +we must have a theory of memory. In this way the whole status of images +as "copies" is bound up with the analysis of memory. + + * How, for example, can we obtain such knowledge as the + following: "If we look at, say, a red nose and perceive it, + and after a little while ekphore, its memory-image, we note + immediately how unlike, in its likeness, this memory-image + is to the original perception" (A. Wohlgemuth, "On the + Feelings and their Neural Correlate with an Examination of + the Nature of Pain," "Journal of Psychology," vol. viii, + part iv, June, 1917). + +In investigating memory-beliefs, there are certain points which must +be borne in mind. In the first place, everything constituting a +memory-belief is happening now, not in that past time to which the +belief is said to refer. It is not logically necessary to the existence +of a memory-belief that the event remembered should have occurred, +or even that the past should have existed at all. There is no logical +impossibility in the hypothesis that the world sprang into being five +minutes ago, exactly as it then was, with a population that "remembered" +a wholly unreal past. There is no logically necessary connection between +events at different times; therefore nothing that is happening now or +will happen in the future can disprove the hypothesis that the world +began five minutes ago. Hence the occurrences which are CALLED knowledge +of the past are logically independent of the past; they are wholly +analysable into present contents, which might, theoretically, be just +what they are even if no past had existed. + +I am not suggesting that the non-existence of the past should be +entertained as a serious hypothesis. Like all sceptical hypotheses, it +is logically tenable, but uninteresting. All that I am doing is to use +its logical tenability as a help in the analysis of what occurs when we +remember. + +In the second place, images without beliefs are insufficient to +constitute memory; and habits are still more insufficient. The +behaviourist, who attempts to make psychology a record of behaviour, has +to trust his memory in making the record. "Habit" is a concept involving +the occurrence of similar events at different times; if the behaviourist +feels confident that there is such a phenomenon as habit, that can only +be because he trusts his memory, when it assures him that there have +been other times. And the same applies to images. If we are to know as +it is supposed we do--that images are "copies," accurate or inaccurate, +of past events, something more than the mere occurrence of images must +go to constitute this knowledge. For their mere occurrence, by itself, +would not suggest any connection with anything that had happened before. + +Can we constitute memory out of images together with suitable beliefs? +We may take it that memory-images, when they occur in true memory, are +(a) known to be copies, (b) sometimes known to be imperfect copies +(cf. footnote on previous page). How is it possible to know that a +memory-image is an imperfect copy, without having a more accurate copy +by which to replace it? This would SEEM to suggest that we have a way +of knowing the past which is independent of images, by means of which +we can criticize image-memories. But I do not think such an inference is +warranted. + +What results, formally, from our knowledge of the past through images +of which we recognize the inaccuracy, is that such images must have two +characteristics by which we can arrange them in two series, of which one +corresponds to the more or less remote period in the past to which +they refer, and the other to our greater or less confidence in their +accuracy. We will take the second of these points first. + +Our confidence or lack of confidence in the accuracy of a memory-image +must, in fundamental cases, be based upon a characteristic of the image +itself, since we cannot evoke the past bodily and compare it with the +present image. It might be suggested that vagueness is the required +characteristic, but I do not think this is the case. We sometimes +have images that are by no means peculiarly vague, which yet we do not +trust--for example, under the influence of fatigue we may see a friend's +face vividly and clearly, but horribly distorted. In such a case we +distrust our image in spite of its being unusually clear. I think +the characteristic by which we distinguish the images we trust is the +feeling of FAMILIARITY that accompanies them. Some images, like some +sensations, feel very familiar, while others feel strange. Familiarity +is a feeling capable of degrees. In an image of a well-known face, +for example, some parts may feel more familiar than others; when this +happens, we have more belief in the accuracy of the familiar parts than +in that of the unfamiliar parts. I think it is by this means that we +become critical of images, not by some imageless memory with which +we compare them. I shall return to the consideration of familiarity +shortly. + +I come now to the other characteristic which memory-images must have +in order to account for our knowledge of the past. They must have some +characteristic which makes us regard them as referring to more or less +remote portions of the past. That is to say if we suppose that A is the +event remembered, B the remembering, and t the interval of time between +A and B, there must be some characteristic of B which is capable of +degrees, and which, in accurately dated memories, varies as t varies. +It may increase as t increases, or diminish as t increases. The question +which of these occurs is not of any importance for the theoretic +serviceability of the characteristic in question. + +In actual fact, there are doubtless various factors that concur in +giving us the feeling of greater or less remoteness in some remembered +event. There may be a specific feeling which could be called the feeling +of "pastness," especially where immediate memory is concerned. But apart +from this, there are other marks. One of these is context. A recent +memory has, usually, more context than a more distant one. When a +remembered event has a remembered context, this may occur in two ways, +either (a) by successive images in the same order as their prototypes, +or (b) by remembering a whole process simultaneously, in the same way in +which a present process may be apprehended, through akoluthic sensations +which, by fading, acquire the mark of just-pastness in an increasing +degree as they fade, and are thus placed in a series while all sensibly +present. It will be context in this second sense, more specially, that +will give us a sense of the nearness or remoteness of a remembered +event. + +There is, of course, a difference between knowing the temporal relation +of a remembered event to the present, and knowing the time-order of two +remembered events. Very often our knowledge of the temporal relation +of a remembered event to the present is inferred from its temporal +relations to other remembered events. It would seem that only rather +recent events can be placed at all accurately by means of feelings +giving their temporal relation to the present, but it is clear that such +feelings must play an essential part in the process of dating remembered +events. + +We may say, then, that images are regarded by us as more or less +accurate copies of past occurrences because they come to us with two +sorts of feelings: (1) Those that may be called feelings of familiarity; +(2) those that may be collected together as feelings giving a sense of +pastness. The first lead us to trust our memories, the second to assign +places to them in the time-order. + +We have now to analyse the memory-belief, as opposed to the +characteristics of images which lead us to base memory-beliefs upon +them. + +If we had retained the "subject" or "act" in knowledge, the whole +problem of memory would have been comparatively simple. We could then +have said that remembering is a direct relation between the present act +or subject and the past occurrence remembered: the act of remembering +is present, though its object is past. But the rejection of the subject +renders some more complicated theory necessary. Remembering has to be +a present occurrence in some way resembling, or related to, what is +remembered. And it is difficult to find any ground, except a pragmatic +one, for supposing that memory is not sheer delusion, if, as seems to be +the case, there is not, apart from memory, any way of ascertaining that +there really was a past occurrence having the required relation to our +present remembering. What, if we followed Meinong's terminology, we +should call the "object" in memory, i.e. the past event which we are +said to be remembering, is unpleasantly remote from the "content," i.e. +the present mental occurrence in remembering. There is an awkward gulf +between the two, which raises difficulties for the theory of knowledge. +But we must not falsify observation to avoid theoretical difficulties. +For the present, therefore, let us forget these problems, and try to +discover what actually occurs in memory. + +Some points may be taken as fixed, and such as any theory of memory must +arrive at. In this case, as in most others, what may be taken as certain +in advance is rather vague. The study of any topic is like the continued +observation of an object which is approaching us along a road: what is +certain to begin with is the quite vague knowledge that there is SOME +object on the road. If you attempt to be less vague, and to assert that +the object is an elephant, or a man, or a mad dog, you run a risk of +error; but the purpose of continued observation is to enable you to +arrive at such more precise knowledge. In like manner, in the study of +memory, the certainties with which you begin are very vague, and the +more precise propositions at which you try to arrive are less certain +than the hazy data from which you set out. Nevertheless, in spite of the +risk of error, precision is the goal at which we must aim. + +The first of our vague but indubitable data is that there is knowledge +of the past. We do not yet know with any precision what we mean by +"knowledge," and we must admit that in any given instance our memory may +be at fault. Nevertheless, whatever a sceptic might urge in theory, +we cannot practically doubt that we got up this morning, that we did +various things yesterday, that a great war has been taking place, and so +on. How far our knowledge of the past is due to memory, and how far to +other sources, is of course a matter to be investigated, but there can +be no doubt that memory forms an indispensable part of our knowledge of +the past. + +The second datum is that we certainly have more capacity for knowing the +past than for knowing the future. We know some things about the future, +for example what eclipses there will be; but this knowledge is a matter +of elaborate calculation and inference, whereas some of our knowledge of +the past comes to us without effort, in the same sort of immediate way +in which we acquire knowledge of occurrences in our present environment. +We might provisionally, though perhaps not quite correctly, define +"memory" as that way of knowing about the past which has no analogue in +our knowledge of the future; such a definition would at least serve to +mark the problem with which we are concerned, though some expectations +may deserve to rank with memory as regards immediacy. + +A third point, perhaps not quite so certain as our previous two, is that +the truth of memory cannot be wholly practical, as pragmatists wish +all truth to be. It seems clear that some of the things I remember are +trivial and without any visible importance for the future, but that my +memory is true (or false) in virtue of a past event, not in virtue of +any future consequences of my belief. The definition of truth as the +correspondence between beliefs and facts seems peculiarly evident in the +case of memory, as against not only the pragmatist definition but also +the idealist definition by means of coherence. These considerations, +however, are taking us away from psychology, to which we must now +return. + +It is important not to confuse the two forms of memory which Bergson +distinguishes in the second chapter of his "Matter and Memory," +namely the sort that consists of habit, and the sort that consists of +independent recollection. He gives the instance of learning a lesson +by heart: when I know it by heart I am said to "remember" it, but this +merely means that I have acquired certain habits; on the other hand, +my recollection of (say) the second time I read the lesson while I was +learning it is the recollection of a unique event, which occurred only +once. The recollection of a unique event cannot, so Bergson contends, +be wholly constituted by habit, and is in fact something radically +different from the memory which is habit. The recollection alone is true +memory. This distinction is vital to the understanding of memory. But +it is not so easy to carry out in practice as it is to draw in theory. +Habit is a very intrusive feature of our mental life, and is often +present where at first sight it seems not to be. There is, for example, +a habit of remembering a unique event. When we have once described the +event, the words we have used easily become habitual. We may even have +used words to describe it to ourselves while it was happening; in that +case, the habit of these words may fulfil the function of Bergson's true +memory, while in reality it is nothing but habit-memory. A gramophone, +by the help of suitable records, might relate to us the incidents of its +past; and people are not so different from gramophones as they like to +believe. + +In spite, however, of a difficulty in distinguishing the two forms of +memory in practice, there can be no doubt that both forms exist. I can +set to work now to remember things I never remembered before, such +as what I had to eat for breakfast this morning, and it can hardly be +wholly habit that enables me to do this. It is this sort of occurrence +that constitutes the essence of memory Until we have analysed what +happens in such a case as this, we have not succeeded in understanding +memory. + +The sort of memory with which we are here concerned is the sort which is +a form of knowledge. Whether knowledge itself is reducible to habit is +a question to which I shall return in a later lecture; for the present +I am only anxious to point out that, whatever the true analysis of +knowledge may be, knowledge of past occurrences is not proved by +behaviour which is due to past experience. The fact that a man can +recite a poem does not show that he remembers any previous occasion on +which he has recited or read it. Similarly, the performances of animals +in getting out of cages or mazes to which they are accustomed do not +prove that they remember having been in the same situation before. +Arguments in favour of (for example) memory in plants are only arguments +in favour of habit-memory, not of knowledge-memory. Samuel Butler's +arguments in favour of the view that an animal remembers something of +the lives of its ancestors* are, when examined, only arguments in favour +of habit-memory. Semon's two books, mentioned in an earlier lecture, do +not touch knowledge-memory at all closely. They give laws according to +which images of past occurrences come into our minds, but do not discuss +our belief that these images refer to past occurrences, which is what +constitutes knowledge-memory. It is this that is of interest to theory +of knowledge. I shall speak of it as "true" memory, to distinguish it +from mere habit acquired through past experience. Before considering +true memory, it will be well to consider two things which are on the way +towards memory, namely the feeling of familiarity and recognition. + + * See his "Life and Habit and Unconscious Memory." + +We often feel that something in our sensible environment is familiar, +without having any definite recollection of previous occasions on which +we have seen it. We have this feeling normally in places where we have +often been before--at home, or in well-known streets. Most people and +animals find it essential to their happiness to spend a good deal of +their time in familiar surroundings, which are especially comforting +when any danger threatens. The feeling of familiarity has all sorts +of degrees, down to the stage where we dimly feel that we have seen a +person before. It is by no means always reliable; almost everybody +has at some time experienced the well-known illusion that all that is +happening now happened before at some time. There are occasions when +familiarity does not attach itself to any definite object, when there is +merely a vague feeling that SOMETHING is familiar. This is illustrated +by Turgenev's "Smoke," where the hero is long puzzled by a haunting +sense that something in his present is recalling something in his past, +and at last traces it to the smell of heliotrope. Whenever the sense of +familiarity occurs without a definite object, it leads us to search the +environment until we are satisfied that we have found the appropriate +object, which leads us to the judgment: "THIS is familiar." I think +we may regard familiarity as a definite feeling, capable of existing +without an object, but normally standing in a specific relation to some +feature of the environment, the relation being that which we express in +words by saying that the feature in question is familiar. The judgment +that what is familiar has been experienced before is a product of +reflection, and is no part of the feeling of familiarity, such as a +horse may be supposed to have when he returns to his stable. Thus +no knowledge as to the past is to be derived from the feeling of +familiarity alone. + +A further stage is RECOGNITION. This may be taken in two senses, +the first when a thing not merely feels familiar, but we know it is +such-and-such. We recognize our friend Jones, we know cats and dogs +when we see them, and so on. Here we have a definite influence of past +experience, but not necessarily any actual knowledge of the past. When +we see a cat, we know it is a cat because of previous cats we have +seen, but we do not, as a rule, recollect at the moment any particular +occasion when we have seen a cat. Recognition in this sense does not +necessarily involve more than a habit of association: the kind of object +we are seeing at the moment is associated with the word "cat," or with +an auditory image of purring, or whatever other characteristic we may +happen to recognize in the cat of the moment. We are, of course, in +fact able to judge, when we recognize an object, that we have seen it +before, but this judgment is something over and above recognition in +this first sense, and may very probably be impossible to animals that +nevertheless have the experience of recognition in this first sense of +the word. + +There is, however, another sense of the word, in which we mean by +recognition, not knowing the name of a thing or some other property of +it, but knowing that we have seen it before In this sense recognition +does involve knowledge about the Fast. This knowledge is memory in +one sense, though in another it is not. It does not involve a definite +memory of a definite past event, but only the knowledge that something +happening now is similar to something that happened before. It differs +from the sense of familiarity by being cognitive; it is a belief or +judgment, which the sense of familiarity is not. I do not wish to +undertake the analysis of belief at present, since it will be the +subject of the twelfth lecture; for the present I merely wish to +emphasize the fact that recognition, in our second sense, consists in +a belief, which we may express approximately in the words: "This has +existed before." + +There are, however, several points in which such an account of +recognition is inadequate. To begin with, it might seem at first sight +more correct to define recognition as "I have seen this before" than +as "this has existed before." We recognize a thing (it may be urged) as +having been in our experience before, whatever that may mean; we do not +recognize it as merely having been in the world before. I am not sure +that there is anything substantial in this point. The definition of "my +experience" is difficult; broadly speaking, it is everything that is +connected with what I am experiencing now by certain links, of which +the various forms of memory are among the most important. Thus, if I +recognize a thing, the occasion of its previous existence in virtue +of which I recognize it forms part of "my experience" by DEFINITION: +recognition will be one of the marks by which my experience is singled +out from the rest of the world. Of course, the words "this has existed +before" are a very inadequate translation of what actually happens when +we form a judgment of recognition, but that is unavoidable: words are +framed to express a level of thought which is by no means primitive, +and are quite incapable of expressing such an elementary occurrence as +recognition. I shall return to what is virtually the same question in +connection with true memory, which raises exactly similar problems. + +A second point is that, when we recognize something, it was not in fact +the very same thing, but only something similar, that we experienced on +a former occasion. Suppose the object in question is a friend's face. A +person's face is always changing, and is not exactly the same on any two +occasions. Common sense treats it as one face with varying expressions; +but the varying expressions actually exist, each at its proper time, +while the one face is merely a logical construction. We regard two +objects as the same, for common-sense purposes, when the reaction they +call for is practically the same. Two visual appearances, to both +of which it is appropriate to say: "Hullo, Jones!" are treated as +appearances of one identical object, namely Jones. The name "Jones" is +applicable to both, and it is only reflection that shows us that many +diverse particulars are collected together to form the meaning of the +name "Jones." What we see on any one occasion is not the whole series of +particulars that make up Jones, but only one of them (or a few in quick +succession). On another occasion we see another member of the series, +but it is sufficiently similar to count as the same from the standpoint +of common sense. Accordingly, when we judge "I have seen THIS +before," we judge falsely if "this" is taken as applying to the actual +constituent of the world that we are seeing at the moment. The +word "this" must be interpreted vaguely so as to include anything +sufficiently like what we are seeing at the moment. Here, again, we +shall find a similar point as regards true memory; and in connection +with true memory we will consider the point again. It is sometimes +suggested, by those who favour behaviourist views, that recognition +consists in behaving in the same way when a stimulus is repeated as we +behaved on the first occasion when it occurred. This seems to be the +exact opposite of the truth. The essence of recognition is in the +DIFFERENCE between a repeated stimulus and a new one. On the first +occasion there is no recognition; on the second occasion there is. In +fact, recognition is another instance of the peculiarity of causal laws +in psychology, namely, that the causal unit is not a single event, but +two or more events Habit is the great instance of this, but recognition +is another. A stimulus occurring once has a certain effect; occurring +twice, it has the further effect of recognition. Thus the phenomenon +of recognition has as its cause the two occasions when the stimulus has +occurred; either alone is insufficient. This complexity of causes +in psychology might be connected with Bergson's arguments against +repetition in the mental world. It does not prove that there are no +causal laws in psychology, as Bergson suggests; but it does prove that +the causal laws of psychology are Prima facie very different from those +of physics. On the possibility of explaining away the difference as due +to the peculiarities of nervous tissue I have spoken before, but this +possibility must not be forgotten if we are tempted to draw unwarranted +metaphysical deductions. + +True memory, which we must now endeavour to understand, consists of +knowledge of past events, but not of all such knowledge. Some knowledge +of past events, for example what we learn through reading history, is +on a par with the knowledge we can acquire concerning the future: it +is obtained by inference, not (so to speak) spontaneously. There is +a similar distinction in our knowledge of the present: some of it is +obtained through the senses, some in more indirect ways. I know that +there are at this moment a number of people in the streets of New York, +but I do not know this in the immediate way in which I know of the +people whom I see by looking out of my window. It is not easy to state +precisely wherein the difference between these two sorts of knowledge +consists, but it is easy to feel the difference. For the moment, I shall +not stop to analyse it, but shall content myself with saying that, in +this respect, memory resembles the knowledge derived from the senses. +It is immediate, not inferred, not abstract; it differs from perception +mainly by being referred to the past. + +In regard to memory, as throughout the analysis of knowledge, there are +two very distinct problems, namely (1) as to the nature of the present +occurrence in knowing; (2) as to the relation of this occurrence to what +is known. When we remember, the knowing is now, while what is known is +in the past. Our two questions are, in the case of memory: + +(1) What is the present occurrence when we remember? + +(2) What is the relation of this present occurrence to the past event +which is remembered? + +Of these two questions, only the first concerns the psychologist; the +second belongs to theory of knowledge. At the same time, if we accept +the vague datum with which we began, to the effect that, in some sense, +there is knowledge of the past, we shall have to find, if we can, such +an account of the present occurrence in remembering as will make it not +impossible for remembering to give us knowledge of the past. For the +present, however, we shall do well to forget the problems concerning +theory of knowledge, and concentrate upon the purely psychological +problem of memory. + +Between memory-image and sensation there is an intermediate experience +concerning the immediate past. For example, a sound that we have just +heard is present to us in a way which differs both from the sensation +while we are hearing the sound and from the memory-image of something +heard days or weeks ago. James states that it is this way of +apprehending the immediate past that is "the ORIGINAL of our experience +of pastness, from whence we get the meaning of the term"("Psychology," +i, p. 604). Everyone knows the experience of noticing (say) that +the clock HAS BEEN striking, when we did not notice it while it was +striking. And when we hear a remark spoken, we are conscious of the +earlier words while the later ones are being uttered, and this retention +feels different from recollection of something definitely past. A +sensation fades gradually, passing by continuous gradations to the +status of an image. This retention of the immediate past in a condition +intermediate between sensation and image may be called "immediate +memory." Everything belonging to it is included with sensation in what +is called the "specious present." The specious present includes elements +at all stages on the journey from sensation to image. It is this fact +that enables us to apprehend such things as movements, or the order of +the words in a spoken sentence. Succession can occur within the specious +present, of which we can distinguish some parts as earlier and others as +later. It is to be supposed that the earliest parts are those that have +faded most from their original force, while the latest parts are those +that retain their full sensational character. At the beginning of a +stimulus we have a sensation; then a gradual transition; and at the +end an image. Sensations while they are fading are called "akoluthic" +sensations.* When the process of fading is completed (which happens very +quickly), we arrive at the image, which is capable of being revived on +subsequent occasions with very little change. True memory, as opposed to +"immediate memory," applies only to events sufficiently distant to +have come to an end of the period of fading. Such events, if they are +represented by anything present, can only be represented by images, not +by those intermediate stages, between sensations and images, which occur +during the period of fading. + + * See Semon, "Die mnemischen Empfindungen," chap. vi. + +Immediate memory is important both because it provides experience of +succession, and because it bridges the gulf between sensations and +the images which are their copies. But it is now time to resume the +consideration of true memory. + +Suppose you ask me what I ate for breakfast this morning. Suppose, +further, that I have not thought about my breakfast in the meantime, and +that I did not, while I was eating it, put into words what it consisted +of. In this case my recollection will be true memory, not habit-memory. +The process of remembering will consist of calling up images of my +breakfast, which will come to me with a feeling of belief such as +distinguishes memory-images from mere imagination-images. Or sometimes +words may come without the intermediary of images; but in this case +equally the feeling of belief is essential. + +Let us omit from our consideration, for the present, the memories +in which words replace images. These are always, I think, really +habit-memories, the memories that use images being the typical true +memories. + +Memory-images and imagination-images do not differ in their intrinsic +qualities, so far as we can discover. They differ by the fact that +the images that constitute memories, unlike those that constitute +imagination, are accompanied by a feeling of belief which may be +expressed in the words "this happened." The mere occurrence of images, +without this feeling of belief, constitutes imagination; it is the +element of belief that is the distinctive thing in memory.* + + * For belief of a specific kind, cf. Dorothy Wrinch "On the + Nature of Memory," "Mind," January, 1920. + +There are, if I am not mistaken, at least three different kinds of +belief-feeling, which we may call respectively memory, expectation and +bare assent. In what I call bare assent, there is no time-element in +the feeling of belief, though there may be in the content of what is +believed. If I believe that Caesar landed in Britain in B.C. 55, the +time-determination lies, not in the feeling of belief, but in what is +believed. I do not remember the occurrence, but have the same feeling +towards it as towards the announcement of an eclipse next year. But when +I have seen a flash of lightning and am waiting for the thunder, I +have a belief-feeling analogous to memory, except that it refers to the +future: I have an image of thunder, combined with a feeling which may be +expressed in the words: "this will happen." So, in memory, the pastness +lies, not in the content of what is believed, but in the nature of +the belief-feeling. I might have just the same images and expect their +realization; I might entertain them without any belief, as in reading a +novel; or I might entertain them together with a time-determination, and +give bare assent, as in reading history. I shall return to this subject +in a later lecture, when we come to the analysis of belief. For the +present, I wish to make it clear that a certain special kind of belief +is the distinctive characteristic of memory. + + +The problem as to whether memory can be explained as habit or +association requires to be considered afresh in connection with the +causes of our remembering something. Let us take again the case of my +being asked what I had for breakfast this morning. In this case the +question leads to my setting to work to recollect. It is a little +strange that the question should instruct me as to what it is that I am +to recall. This has to do with understanding words, which will be the +topic of the next lecture; but something must be said about it now. Our +understanding of the words "breakfast this morning" is a habit, in spite +of the fact that on each fresh day they point to a different occasion. +"This morning" does not, whenever it is used, mean the same thing, as +"John" or "St. Paul's" does; it means a different period of time on +each different day. It follows that the habit which constitutes +our understanding of the words "this morning" is not the habit of +associating the words with a fixed object, but the habit of associating +them with something having a fixed time-relation to our present. This +morning has, to-day, the same time-relation to my present that yesterday +morning had yesterday. In order to understand the phrase "this morning" +it is necessary that we should have a way of feeling time-intervals, +and that this feeling should give what is constant in the meaning of the +words "this morning." This appreciation of time-intervals is, however, +obviously a product of memory, not a presupposition of it. It will be +better, therefore, if we wish to analyse the causation of memory by +something not presupposing memory, to take some other instance than that +of a question about "this morning." + +Let us take the case of coming into a familiar room where something has +been changed--say a new picture hung on the wall. We may at first +have only a sense that SOMETHING is unfamiliar, but presently we shall +remember, and say "that picture was not on the wall before." In order to +make the case definite, we will suppose that we were only in the room +on one former occasion. In this case it seems fairly clear what happens. +The other objects in the room are associated, through the former +occasion, with a blank space of wall where now there is a picture. They +call up an image of a blank wall, which clashes with perception of the +picture. The image is associated with the belief-feeling which we found +to be distinctive of memory, since it can neither be abolished nor +harmonized with perception. If the room had remained unchanged, we +might have had only the feeling of familiarity without the definite +remembering; it is the change that drives us from the present to memory +of the past. + +We may generalize this instance so as to cover the causes of many +memories. Some present feature of the environment is associated, through +past experiences, with something now absent; this absent something comes +before us as an image, and is contrasted with present sensation. In +cases of this sort, habit (or association) explains why the present +feature of the environment brings up the memory-image, but it does +not explain the memory-belief. Perhaps a more complete analysis could +explain the memory-belief also on lines of association and habit, but +the causes of beliefs are obscure, and we cannot investigate them +yet. For the present we must content ourselves with the fact that the +memory-image can be explained by habit. As regards the memory-belief, +we must, at least provisionally, accept Bergson's view that it cannot be +brought under the head of habit, at any rate when it first occurs, i.e. +when we remember something we never remembered before. + +We must now consider somewhat more closely the content of a +memory-belief. The memory-belief confers upon the memory-image something +which we may call "meaning;" it makes us feel that the image points to +an object which existed in the past. In order to deal with this topic +we must consider the verbal expression of the memory-belief. We might +be tempted to put the memory-belief into the words: "Something like +this image occurred." But such words would be very far from an accurate +translation of the simplest kind of memory-belief. "Something like this +image" is a very complicated conception. In the simplest kind of memory +we are not aware of the difference between an image and the sensation +which it copies, which may be called its "prototype." When the image +is before us, we judge rather "this occurred." The image is not +distinguished from the object which existed in the past: the word "this" +covers both, and enables us to have a memory-belief which does not +introduce the complicated notion "something like this." + +It might be objected that, if we judge "this occurred" when in fact +"this" is a present image, we judge falsely, and the memory-belief, +so interpreted, becomes deceptive. This, however, would be a mistake, +produced by attempting to give to words a precision which they do not +possess when used by unsophisticated people. It is true that the image +is not absolutely identical with its prototype, and if the word "this" +meant the image to the exclusion of everything else, the judgment "this +occurred" would be false. But identity is a precise conception, and no +word, in ordinary speech, stands for anything precise. Ordinary speech +does not distinguish between identity and close similarity. A word +always applies, not only to one particular, but to a group of associated +particulars, which are not recognized as multiple in common thought or +speech. Thus primitive memory, when it judges that "this occurred," is +vague, but not false. + +Vague identity, which is really close similarity, has been a source +of many of the confusions by which philosophy has lived. Of a vague +subject, such as a "this," which is both an image and its prototype, +contradictory predicates are true simultaneously: this existed and does +not exist, since it is a thing remembered, but also this exists and did +not exist, since it is a present image. Hence Bergson's +interpenetration of the present by the past, Hegelian continuity and +identity-in-diversity, and a host of other notions which are thought to +be profound because they are obscure and confused. The contradictions +resulting from confounding image and prototype in memory force us to +precision. But when we become precise, our remembering becomes different +from that of ordinary life, and if we forget this we shall go wrong in +the analysis of ordinary memory. + +Vagueness and accuracy are important notions, which it is very necessary +to understand. Both are a matter of degree. All thinking is vague +to some extent, and complete accuracy is a theoretical ideal not +practically attainable. To understand what is meant by accuracy, it will +be well to consider first instruments of measurement, such as a balance +or a thermometer. These are said to be accurate when they give different +results for very slightly different stimuli.* A clinical thermometer +is accurate when it enables us to detect very slight differences in the +temperature of the blood. We may say generally that an instrument +is accurate in proportion as it reacts differently to very slightly +different stimuli. When a small difference of stimulus produces a great +difference of reaction, the instrument is accurate; in the contrary case +it is not. + + * This is a necessary but not a sufficient condition. The + subject of accuracy and vagueness will be considered again + in Lecture XIII. + +Exactly the same thing applies in defining accuracy of thought +or perception. A musician will respond differently to very minute +differences in playing which would be quite imperceptible to the +ordinary mortal. A negro can see the difference between one negro and +another one is his friend, another his enemy. But to us such different +responses are impossible: we can merely apply the word "negro" +indiscriminately. Accuracy of response in regard to any particular kind +of stimulus is improved by practice. Understanding a language is a +case in point. Few Frenchmen can hear any difference between the sounds +"hall" and "hole," which produce quite different impressions upon us. +The two statements "the hall is full of water" and "the hole is full +of water" call for different responses, and a hearing which cannot +distinguish between them is inaccurate or vague in this respect. + +Precision and vagueness in thought, as in perception, depend upon the +degree of difference between responses to more or less similar stimuli. +In the case of thought, the response does not follow immediately upon +the sensational stimulus, but that makes no difference as regards our +present question. Thus to revert to memory: A memory is "vague" when +it is appropriate to many different occurrences: for instance, "I met a +man" is vague, since any man would verify it. A memory is "precise" when +the occurrences that would verify it are narrowly circumscribed: for +instance, "I met Jones" is precise as compared to "I met a man." A +memory is "accurate" when it is both precise and true, i.e. in the above +instance, if it was Jones I met. It is precise even if it is false, +provided some very definite occurrence would have been required to make +it true. + +It follows from what has been said that a vague thought has more +likelihood of being true than a precise one. To try and hit an object +with a vague thought is like trying to hit the bull's eye with a lump of +putty: when the putty reaches the target, it flattens out all over it, +and probably covers the bull's eye along with the rest. To try and hit +an object with a precise thought is like trying to hit the bull's +eye with a bullet. The advantage of the precise thought is that it +distinguishes between the bull's eye and the rest of the target. For +example, if the whole target is represented by the fungus family and the +bull's eye by mushrooms, a vague thought which can only hit the target +as a whole is not much use from a culinary point of view. And when I +merely remember that I met a man, my memory may be very inadequate to my +practical requirements, since it may make a great difference whether I +met Brown or Jones. The memory "I met Jones" is relatively precise. It +is accurate if I met Jones, inaccurate if I met Brown, but precise in +either case as against the mere recollection that I met a man. + +The distinction between accuracy and precision is however, not +fundamental. We may omit precision from out thoughts and confine +ourselves to the distinction between accuracy and vagueness. We may then +set up the following definitions: + +An instrument is "reliable" with respect to a given set of stimuli when +to stimuli which are not relevantly different it gives always responses +which are not relevantly different. + +An instrument is a "measure" of a set of stimuli which are serially +ordered when its responses, in all cases where they are relevantly +different, are arranged in a series in the same order. + +The "degree of accuracy" of an instrument which is a reliable measurer +is the ratio of the difference of response to the difference of stimulus +in cases where the difference of stimulus is small.* That is to say, if +a small difference of stimulus produces a great difference of response, +the instrument is very accurate; in the contrary case, very inaccurate. + + * Strictly speaking, the limit of this, i.e. the derivative + of the response with respect to the stimulus. + +A mental response is called "vague" in proportion to its lack of +accuracy, or rather precision. + +These definitions will be found useful, not only in the case of memory, +but in almost all questions concerned with knowledge. + +It should be observed that vague beliefs, so far from being necessarily +false, have a better chance of truth than precise ones, though their +truth is less valuable than that of precise beliefs, since they do not +distinguish between occurrences which may differ in important ways. + +The whole of the above discussion of vagueness and accuracy was +occasioned by the attempt to interpret the word "this" when we judge in +verbal memory that "this occurred." The word "this," in such a judgment, +is a vague word, equally applicable to the present memory-image and to +the past occurrence which is its prototype. A vague word is not to be +identified with a general word, though in practice the distinction +may often be blurred. A word is general when it is understood to be +applicable to a number of different objects in virtue of some common +property. A word is vague when it is in fact applicable to a number of +different objects because, in virtue of some common property, they +have not appeared, to the person using the word, to be distinct. I +emphatically do not mean that he has judged them to be identical, but +merely that he has made the same response to them all and has not judged +them to be different. We may compare a vague word to a jelly and +a general word to a heap of shot. Vague words precede judgments +of identity and difference; both general and particular words are +subsequent to such judgments. The word "this" in the primitive +memory-belief is a vague word, not a general word; it covers both the +image and its prototype because the two are not distinguished.* + + * On the vague and the general cf. Ribot: "Evolution of + General Ideas," Open Court Co., 1899, p. 32: "The sole + permissible formula is this: Intelligence progresses from + the indefinite to the definite. If 'indefinite' is taken as + synonymous with general, it may be said that the particular + does not appear at the outset, but neither does the general + in any exact sense: the vague would be more appropriate. In + other words, no sooner has the intellect progressed beyond + the moment of perception and of its immediate reproduction + in memory, than the generic image makes its appearance, i.e. + a state intermediate between the particular and the general, + participating in the nature of the one and of the other--a + confused simplification." + +But we have not yet finished our analysis of the memory-belief. The +tense in the belief that "this occurred" is provided by the nature of +the belief-feeling involved in memory; the word "this," as we have seen, +has a vagueness which we have tried to describe. But we must still ask +what we mean by "occurred." The image is, in one sense, occurring now; +and therefore we must find some other sense in which the past event +occurred but the image does not occur. + +There are two distinct questions to be asked: (1) What causes us to say +that a thing occurs? (2) What are we feeling when we say this? As to the +first question, in the crude use of the word, which is what concerns us, +memory-images would not be said to occur; they would not be noticed +in themselves, but merely used as signs of the past event. Images are +"merely imaginary"; they have not, in crude thought, the sort of reality +that belongs to outside bodies. Roughly speaking, "real" things would +be those that can cause sensations, those that have correlations of the +sort that constitute physical objects. A thing is said to be "real" +or to "occur" when it fits into a context of such correlations. The +prototype of our memory-image did fit into a physical context, while +our memory-image does not. This causes us to feel that the prototype was +"real," while the image is "imaginary." + +But the answer to our second question, namely as to what we are feeling +when we say a thing "occurs" or is "real," must be somewhat different. +We do not, unless we are unusually reflective, think about the presence +or absence of correlations: we merely have different feelings which, +intellectualized, may be represented as expectations of the presence +or absence of correlations. A thing which "feels real" inspires us with +hopes or fears, expectations or curiosities, which are wholly absent +when a thing "feels imaginary." The feeling of reality is a feeling akin +to respect: it belongs PRIMARILY to whatever can do things to us without +our voluntary co-operation. This feeling of reality, related to +the memory-image, and referred to the past by the specific kind of +belief-feeling that is characteristic of memory, seems to be what +constitutes the act of remembering in its pure form. + +We may now summarize our analysis of pure memory. + +Memory demands (a) an image, (b) a belief in past existence. The belief +may be expressed in the words "this existed." + +The belief, like every other, may be analysed into (1) the believing, +(2) what is believed. The believing is a specific feeling or sensation +or complex of sensations, different from expectation or bare assent in +a way that makes the belief refer to the past; the reference to the +past lies in the belief-feeling, not in the content believed. There is +a relation between the belief-feeling and the content, making the +belief-feeling refer to the content, and expressed by saying that the +content is what is believed. + +The content believed may or may not be expressed in words. Let us +take first the case when it is not. In that case, if we are merely +remembering that something of which we now have an image occurred, +the content consists of (a) the image, (b) the feeling, analogous +to respect, which we translate by saying that something is "real" as +opposed to "imaginary," (c) a relation between the image and the feeling +of reality, of the sort expressed when we say that the feeling refers +to the image. This content does not contain in itself any +time-determination. + +The time-determination lies in the nature of the belief feeling, which +is that called "remembering" or (better) "recollecting." It is only +subsequent reflection upon this reference to the past that makes us +realize the distinction between the image and the event recollected. +When we have made this distinction, we can say that the image "means" +the past event. + +The content expressed in words is best represented by the words "the +existence of this," since these words do not involve tense, which +belongs to the belief-feeling, not to the content. Here "this" is +a vague term, covering the memory-image and anything very like it, +including its prototype. "Existence" expresses the feeling of a +"reality" aroused primarily by whatever can have effects upon us without +our voluntary co-operation. The word "of" in the phrase "the existence +of this" represents the relation which subsists between the feeling of +reality and the "this." + +This analysis of memory is probably extremely faulty, but I do not know +how to improve it. + +NOTE.-When I speak of a FEELING of belief, I use the word "feeling" in +a popular sense, to cover a sensation or an image or a complex of +sensations or images or both; I use this word because I do not wish to +commit myself to any special analysis of the belief-feeling. + + + + +LECTURE X. WORDS AND MEANING + +The problem with which we shall be concerned in this lecture is the +problem of determining what is the relation called "meaning." The word +"Napoleon," we say, "means" a certain person. In saying this, we are +asserting a relation between the word "Napoleon" and the person so +designated. It is this relation that we must now investigate. + +Let us first consider what sort of object a word is when considered +simply as a physical thing, apart from its meaning. To begin with, there +are many instances of a word, namely all the different occasions when it +is employed. Thus a word is not something unique and particular, but a +set of occurrences. If we confine ourselves to spoken words, a word has +two aspects, according as we regard it from the point of view of the +speaker or from that of the hearer. From the point of view of the +speaker, a single instance of the use of a word consists of a certain +set of movements in the throat and mouth, combined with breath. From +the point of view of the hearer, a single instance of the use of a +word consists of a certain series of sounds, each being approximately +represented by a single letter in writing, though in practice a letter +may represent several sounds, or several letters may represent one +sound. The connection between the spoken word and the word as it reaches +the hearer is causal. Let us confine ourselves to the spoken word, which +is the more important for the analysis of what is called "thought." +Then we may say that a single instance of the spoken word consists of +a series of movements, and the word consists of a whole set of such +series, each member of the set being very similar to each other member. +That is to say, any two instances of the word "Napoleon" are very +similar, and each instance consists of a series of movements in the +mouth. + +A single word, accordingly, is by no means simple it is a class of +similar series of movements (confining ourselves still to the spoken +word). The degree of similarity required cannot be precisely defined: +a man may pronounce the word "Napoleon" so badly that it can hardly be +determined whether he has really pronounced it or not. The instances +of a word shade off into other movements by imperceptible degrees. And +exactly analogous observations apply to words heard or written or read. +But in what has been said so far we have not even broached the +question of the DEFINITION of a word, since "meaning" is clearly what +distinguishes a word from other sets of similar movements, and "meaning" +remains to be defined. + +It is natural to think of the meaning of a word as something +conventional. This, however, is only true with great limitations. A new +word can be added to an existing language by a mere convention, as +is done, for instance, with new scientific terms. But the basis of +a language is not conventional, either from the point of view of the +individual or from that of the community. A child learning to speak is +learning habits and associations which are just as much determined by +the environment as the habit of expecting dogs to bark and cocks to +crow. The community that speaks a language has learnt it, and modified +it by processes almost all of which are not deliberate, but the results +of causes operating according to more or less ascertainable laws. If +we trace any Indo-European language back far enough, we arrive +hypothetically (at any rate according to some authorities) at the stage +when language consisted only of the roots out of which subsequent words +have grown. How these roots acquired their meanings is not known, but a +conventional origin is clearly just as mythical as the social contract +by which Hobbes and Rousseau supposed civil government to have been +established. We can hardly suppose a parliament of hitherto speechless +elders meeting together and agreeing to call a cow a cow and a wolf a +wolf. The association of words with their meanings must have grown up +by some natural process, though at present the nature of the process is +unknown. + +Spoken and written words are, of course, not the only way of conveying +meaning. A large part of one of Wundt's two vast volumes on language in +his "Volkerpsychologie" is concerned with gesture-language. Ants appear +to be able to communicate a certain amount of information by means of +their antennae. Probably writing itself, which we now regard as merely +a way of representing speech, was originally an independent language, +as it has remained to this day in China. Writing seems to have consisted +originally of pictures, which gradually became conventionalized, coming +in time to represent syllables, and finally letters on the telephone +principle of "T for Tommy." But it would seem that writing nowhere +began as an attempt to represent speech it began as a direct pictorial +representation of what was to be expressed. The essence of language +lies, not in the use of this or that special means of communication, +but in the employment of fixed associations (however these may have +originated) in order that something now sensible--a spoken word, a +picture, a gesture, or what not--may call up the "idea" of something +else. Whenever this is done, what is now sensible may be called a "sign" +or "symbol," and that of which it is intended to call up the "idea" may +be called its "meaning." This is a rough outline of what constitutes +"meaning." But we must fill in the outline in various ways. And, +since we are concerned with what is called "thought," we must pay more +attention than we otherwise should do to the private as opposed to the +social use of language. Language profoundly affects our thoughts, and +it is this aspect of language that is of most importance to us in our +present inquiry. We are almost more concerned with the internal speech +that is never uttered than we are with the things said out loud to other +people. + +When we ask what constitutes meaning, we are not asking what is the +meaning of this or that particular word. The word "Napoleon" means a +certain individual; but we are asking, not who is the individual meant, +but what is the relation of the word to the individual which makes the +one mean the other. But just as it is useful to realize the nature of a +word as part of the physical world, so it is useful to realize the sort +of thing that a word may mean. When we are clear both as to what a word +is in its physical aspect, and as to what sort of thing it can mean, we +are in a better position to discover the relation of the two which is +meaning. + +The things that words mean differ more than words do. There are +different sorts of words, distinguished by the grammarians; and there +are logical distinctions, which are connected to some extent, though not +so closely as was formerly supposed, with the grammatical distinctions +of parts of speech. It is easy, however, to be misled by grammar, +particularly if all the languages we know belong to one family. In some +languages, according to some authorities, the distinction of parts of +speech does not exist; in many languages it is widely different from +that to which we are accustomed in the Indo-European languages. These +facts have to be borne in mind if we are to avoid giving metaphysical +importance to mere accidents of our own speech. + +In considering what words mean, it is natural to start with proper +names, and we will again take "Napoleon" as our instance. We commonly +imagine, when we use a proper name, that we mean one definite entity, +the particular individual who was called "Napoleon." But what we know +as a person is not simple. There MAY be a single simple ego which was +Napoleon, and remained strictly identical from his birth to his death. +There is no way of proving that this cannot be the case, but there is +also not the slightest reason to suppose that it is the case. Napoleon +as he was empirically known consisted of a series of gradually changing +appearances: first a squalling baby, then a boy, then a slim and +beautiful youth, then a fat and slothful person very magnificently +dressed This series of appearances, and various occurrences having +certain kinds of causal connections with them, constitute Napoleon as +empirically known, and therefore are Napoleon in so far as he forms +part of the experienced world. Napoleon is a complicated series of +occurrences, bound together by causal laws, not, like instances of a +word, by similarities. For although a person changes gradually, and +presents similar appearances on two nearly contemporaneous occasions, +it is not these similarities that constitute the person, as appears from +the "Comedy of Errors" for example. + +Thus in the case of a proper name, while the word is a set of similar +series of movements, what it means is a series of occurrences bound +together by causal laws of that special kind that makes the occurrences +taken together constitute what we call one person, or one animal or +thing, in case the name applies to an animal or thing instead of to +a person. Neither the word nor what it names is one of the ultimate +indivisible constituents of the world. In language there is no direct +way of designating one of the ultimate brief existents that go to make +up the collections we call things or persons. If we want to speak of +such existents--which hardly happens except in philosophy--we have to do +it by means of some elaborate phrase, such as "the visual sensation +which occupied the centre of my field of vision at noon on January 1, +1919." Such ultimate simples I call "particulars." Particulars MIGHT +have proper names, and no doubt would have if language had been invented +by scientifically trained observers for purposes of philosophy and +logic. But as language was invented for practical ends, particulars have +remained one and all without a name. + +We are not, in practice, much concerned with the actual particulars +that come into our experience in sensation; we are concerned rather +with whole systems to which the particulars belong and of which they +are signs. What we see makes us say "Hullo, there's Jones," and the fact +that what we see is a sign of Jones (which is the case because it is one +of the particulars that make up Jones) is more interesting to us than +the actual particular itself. Hence we give the name "Jones" to the +whole set of particulars, but do not trouble to give separate names to +the separate particulars that make up the set. + +Passing on from proper names, we come next to general names, such as +"man," "cat," "triangle." A word such as "man" means a whole class +of such collections of particulars as have proper names. The several +members of the class are assembled together in virtue of some similarity +or common property. All men resemble each other in certain important +respects; hence we want a word which shall be equally applicable to all +of them. We only give proper names to the individuals of a species when +they differ inter se in practically important respects. In other cases +we do not do this. A poker, for instance, is just a poker; we do not +call one "John" and another "Peter." + +There is a large class of words, such as "eating," "walking," +"speaking," which mean a set of similar occurrences. Two instances of +walking have the same name because they resemble each other, whereas +two instances of Jones have the same name because they are causally +connected. In practice, however, it is difficult to make any precise +distinction between a word such as "walking" and a general name such as +"man." One instance of walking cannot be concentrated into an instant: +it is a process in time, in which there is a causal connection between +the earlier and later parts, as between the earlier and later parts +of Jones. Thus an instance of walking differs from an instance of man +solely by the fact that it has a shorter life. There is a notion that an +instance of walking, as compared with Jones, is unsubstantial, but this +seems to be a mistake. We think that Jones walks, and that there could +not be any walking unless there were somebody like Jones to perform +the walking. But it is equally true that there could be no Jones unless +there were something like walking for him to do. The notion that actions +are performed by an agent is liable to the same kind of criticism as +the notion that thinking needs a subject or ego, which we rejected in +Lecture I. To say that it is Jones who is walking is merely to say that +the walking in question is part of the whole series of occurrences which +is Jones. There is no LOGICAL impossibility in walking occurring as an +isolated phenomenon, not forming part of any such series as we call a +"person." + +We may therefore class with "eating," "walking," "speaking" words +such as "rain," "sunrise," "lightning," which do not denote what would +commonly be called actions. These words illustrate, incidentally, how +little we can trust to the grammatical distinction of parts of speech, +since the substantive "rain" and the verb "to rain" denote precisely the +same class of meteorological occurrences. The distinction between the +class of objects denoted by such a word and the class of objects denoted +by a general name such as "man," "vegetable," or "planet," is that the +sort of object which is an instance of (say) "lightning" is much simpler +than (say) an individual man. (I am speaking of lightning as a sensible +phenomenon, not as it is described in physics.) The distinction is one +of degree, not of kind. But there is, from the point of view of ordinary +thought, a great difference between a process which, like a flash of +lightning, can be wholly comprised within one specious present and a +process which, like the life of a man, has to be pieced together by +observation and memory and the apprehension of causal connections. +We may say broadly, therefore, that a word of the kind we have been +discussing denotes a set of similar occurrences, each (as a rule) much +more brief and less complex than a person or thing. Words themselves, as +we have seen, are sets of similar occurrences of this kind. Thus there +is more logical affinity between a word and what it means in the case of +words of our present sort than in any other case. + +There is no very great difference between such words as we have just +been considering and words denoting qualities, such as "white" or +"round." The chief difference is that words of this latter sort do not +denote processes, however brief, but static features of the world. Snow +falls, and is white; the falling is a process, the whiteness is not. +Whether there is a universal, called "whiteness," or whether white +things are to be defined as those having a certain kind of similarity to +a standard thing, say freshly fallen snow, is a question which need +not concern us, and which I believe to be strictly insoluble. For our +purposes, we may take the word "white" as denoting a certain set of +similar particulars or collections of particulars, the similarity being +in respect of a static quality, not of a process. + +From the logical point of view, a very important class of words +are those that express relations, such as "in," "above," "before," +"greater," and so on. The meaning of one of these words differs very +fundamentally from the meaning of one of any of our previous classes, +being more abstract and logically simpler than any of them. If our +business were logic, we should have to spend much time on these words. +But as it is psychology that concerns us, we will merely note their +special character and pass on, since the logical classification of words +is not our main business. + +We will consider next the question what is implied by saying that a +person "understands" a word, in the sense in which one understands +a word in one's own language, but not in a language of which one is +ignorant. We may say that a person understands a word when (a) suitable +circumstances make him use it, (b) the hearing of it causes suitable +behaviour in him. We may call these two active and passive understanding +respectively. Dogs often have passive understanding of some words, but +not active understanding, since they cannot use words. + +It is not necessary, in order that a man should "understand" a word, +that he should "know what it means," in the sense of being able to say +"this word means so-and-so." Understanding words does not consist in +knowing their dictionary definitions, or in being able to specify the +objects to which they are appropriate. Such understanding as this may +belong to lexicographers and students, but not to ordinary mortals +in ordinary life. Understanding language is more like understanding +cricket*: it is a matter of habits, acquired in oneself and rightly +presumed in others. To say that a word has a meaning is not to say that +those who use the word correctly have ever thought out what the meaning +is: the use of the word comes first, and the meaning is to be distilled +out of it by observation and analysis. Moreover, the meaning of a word +is not absolutely definite: there is always a greater or less degree of +vagueness. The meaning is an area, like a target: it may have a bull's +eye, but the outlying parts of the target are still more or less within +the meaning, in a gradually diminishing degree as we travel further from +the bull's eye. As language grows more precise, there is less and less +of the target outside the bull's eye, and the bull's eye itself grows +smaller and smaller; but the bull's eye never shrinks to a point, and +there is always a doubtful region, however small, surrounding it.** + + * This point of view, extended to the analysis of "thought" + is urged with great force by J. B. Watson, both in his + "Behavior," and in "Psychology from the Standpoint of a + Behaviorist" (Lippincott. 1919), chap. ix. + + ** On the understanding of words, a very admirable little + book is Ribot's "Evolution of General Ideas," Open Court + Co., 1899. Ribot says (p. 131): "We learn to understand a + concept as we learn to walk, dance, fence or play a musical + instrument: it is a habit, i.e. an organized memory. General + terms cover an organized, latent knowledge which is the + hidden capital without which we should be in a state of + bankruptcy, manipulating false money or paper of no value. + General ideas are habits in the intellectual order." + +A word is used "correctly" when the average hearer will be affected +by it in the way intended. This is a psychological, not a literary, +definition of "correctness." The literary definition would substitute, +for the average hearer, a person of high education living a long time +ago; the purpose of this definition is to make it difficult to speak or +write correctly. + +The relation of a word to its meaning is of the nature of a causal law +governing our use of the word and our actions when we hear it used. +There is no more reason why a person who uses a word correctly should +be able to tell what it means than there is why a planet which is moving +correctly should know Kepler's laws. + +To illustrate what is meant by "understanding" words and sentences, let +us take instances of various situations. + +Suppose you are walking in London with an absent-minded friend, and +while crossing a street you say, "Look out, there's a motor coming." +He will glance round and jump aside without the need of any "mental" +intermediary. There need be no "ideas," but only a stiffening of the +muscles, followed quickly by action. He "understands" the words, because +he does the right thing. Such "understanding" may be taken to belong to +the nerves and brain, being habits which they have acquired while the +language was being learnt. Thus understanding in this sense may be +reduced to mere physiological causal laws. + +If you say the same thing to a Frenchman with a slight knowledge of +English he will go through some inner speech which may be represented by +"Que dit-il? Ah, oui, une automobile!" After this, the rest follows as +with the Englishman. Watson would contend that the inner speech must be +incipiently pronounced; we should argue that it MIGHT be merely imaged. +But this point is not important in the present connection. + +If you say the same thing to a child who does not yet know the word +"motor," but does know the other words you are using, you produce a +feeling of anxiety and doubt you will have to point and say, "There, +that's a motor." After that the child will roughly understand the word +"motor," though he may include trains and steam-rollers If this is the +first time the child has heard the word "motor," he may for a long time +continue to recall this scene when he hears the word. + +So far we have found four ways of understanding words: + +(1) On suitable occasions you use the word properly. + +(2) When you hear it you act appropriately. + +(3) You associate the word with another word (say in a different +language) which has the appropriate effect on behaviour. + +(4) When the word is being first learnt, you may associate it with an +object, which is what it "means," or a representative of various objects +that it "means." + +In the fourth case, the word acquires, through association, some of the +same causal efficacy as the object. The word "motor" can make you +leap aside, just as the motor can, but it cannot break your bones. The +effects which a word can share with its object are those which proceed +according to laws other than the general laws of physics, i.e. those +which, according to our terminology, involve vital movements as opposed +to merely mechanical movements. The effects of a word that we understand +are always mnemic phenomena in the sense explained in Lecture IV, in +so far as they are identical with, or similar to, the effects which the +object itself might have. + +So far, all the uses of words that we have considered can be accounted +for on the lines of behaviourism. + +But so far we have only considered what may be called the +"demonstrative" use of language, to point out some feature in the +present environment. This is only one of the ways in which language +may be used. There are also its narrative and imaginative uses, as +in history and novels. Let us take as an instance the telling of some +remembered event. + +We spoke a moment ago of a child who hears the word "motor" for +the first time when crossing a street along which a motor-car is +approaching. On a later occasion, we will suppose, the child remembers +the incident and relates it to someone else. In this case, both the +active and passive understanding of words is different from what it is +when words are used demonstratively. The child is not seeing a motor, +but only remembering one; the hearer does not look round in expectation +of seeing a motor coming, but "understands" that a motor came at some +earlier time. The whole of this occurrence is much more difficult to +account for on behaviourist lines. It is clear that, in so far as the +child is genuinely remembering, he has a picture of the past occurrence, +and his words are chosen so as to describe the picture; and in so far +as the hearer is genuinely apprehending what is said, the hearer is +acquiring a picture more or less like that of the child. It is true that +this process may be telescoped through the operation of the word-habit. +The child may not genuinely remember the incident, but only have the +habit of the appropriate words, as in the case of a poem which we know +by heart, though we cannot remember learning it. And the hearer also +may only pay attention to the words, and not call up any corresponding +picture. But it is, nevertheless, the possibility of a memory-image in +the child and an imagination-image in the hearer that makes the essence +of the narrative "meaning" of the words. In so far as this is absent, +the words are mere counters, capable of meaning, but not at the moment +possessing it. + +Yet this might perhaps be regarded as something of an overstatement. The +words alone, without the use of images, may cause appropriate emotions +and appropriate behaviour. The words have been used in an environment +which produced certain emotions; by a telescoped process, the words +alone are now capable of producing similar emotions. On these lines it +might be sought to show that images are unnecessary. I do not believe, +however, that we could account on these lines for the entirely different +response produced by a narrative and by a description of present facts. +Images, as contrasted with sensations, are the response expected during +a narrative; it is understood that present action is not called +for. Thus it seems that we must maintain our distinction words used +demonstratively describe and are intended to lead to sensations, while +the same words used in narrative describe and are only intended to lead +to images. + +We have thus, in addition to our four previous ways in which words can +mean, two new ways, namely the way of memory and the way of imagination. +That is to say: + +(5) Words may be used to describe or recall a memory-image: to describe +it when it already exists, or to recall it when the words exist as a +habit and are known to be descriptive of some past experience. + +(6) Words may be used to describe or create an imagination-image: to +describe it, for example, in the case of a poet or novelist, or to +create it in the ordinary case for giving information-though, in the +latter case, it is intended that the imagination-image, when created, +shall be accompanied by belief that something of the sort occurred. + +These two ways of using words, including their occurrence in inner +speech, may be spoken of together as the use of words in "thinking." +If we are right, the use of words in thinking depends, at least in its +origin, upon images, and cannot be fully dealt with on behaviourist +lines. And this is really the most essential function of words, namely +that, originally through their connection with images, they bring us +into touch with what is remote in time or space. When they operate +without the medium of images, this seems to be a telescoped process. +Thus the problem of the meaning of words is brought into connection with +the problem of the meaning of images. + +To understand the function that words perform in what is called +"thinking," we must understand both the causes and the effects of their +occurrence. The causes of the occurrence of words require somewhat +different treatment according as the object designated by the word is +sensibly present or absent. When the object is present, it may itself +be taken as the cause of the word, through association. But when it is +absent there is more difficulty in obtaining a behaviourist theory of +the occurrence of the word. The language-habit consists not merely +in the use of words demonstratively, but also in their use to express +narrative or desire. Professor Watson, in his account of the acquisition +of the language-habit, pays very little attention to the use of words in +narrative and desire. He says ("Behavior," pp. 329-330): + +"The stimulus (object) to which the child often responds, a box, e.g. by +movements such as opening and closing and putting objects into it, may +serve to illustrate our argument. The nurse, observing that the child +reacts with his hands, feet, etc., to the box, begins to say 'box' when +the child is handed the box, 'open box' when the child opens it, 'close +box' when he closes it, and 'put doll in box' when that act is executed. +This is repeated over and over again. In the process of time it comes +about that without any other stimulus than that of the box which +originally called out the bodily habits, he begins to say 'box' when he +sees it, 'open box' when he opens it, etc. The visible box now becomes +a stimulus capable of releasing either the bodily habits or the +word-habit, i.e. development has brought about two things: (1) a series +of functional connections among arcs which run from visual receptor to +muscles of throat, and (2) a series of already earlier connected arcs +which run from the same receptor to the bodily muscles.... The object +meets the child's vision. He runs to it and tries to reach it and says +'box.'... Finally the word is uttered without the movement of going +towards the box being executed.... Habits are formed of going to the +box when the arms are full of toys. The child has been taught to deposit +them there. When his arms are laden with toys and no box is there, the +word-habit arises and he calls 'box'; it is handed to him, and he opens +it and deposits the toys therein. This roughly marks what we would call +the genesis of a true language-habit."(pp. 329-330).* + + * Just the same account of language is given in Professor + Watson's more recent book (reference above). + +We need not linger over what is said in the above passage as to the use +of the word "box" in the presence of the box. But as to its use in the +absence of the box, there is only one brief sentence, namely: "When his +arms are laden with toys and no box is there, the word-habit arises and +he calls 'box.'" This is inadequate as it stands, since the habit has +been to use the word when the box is present, and we have to explain its +extension to cases in which the box is absent. + +Having admitted images, we may say that the word "box," in the absence +of the box, is caused by an image of the box. This may or may not +be true--in fact, it is true in some cases but not in others. Even, +however, if it were true in all cases, it would only slightly shift our +problem: we should now have to ask what causes an image of the box to +arise. We might be inclined to say that desire for the box is the cause. +But when this view is investigated, it is found that it compels us to +suppose that the box can be desired without the child's having either an +image of the box or the word "box." This will require a theory of desire +which may be, and I think is, in the main true, but which removes desire +from among things that actually occur, and makes it merely a convenient +fiction, like force in mechanics.* With such a view, desire is no longer +a true cause, but merely a short way of describing certain processes. + + * See Lecture III, above. + +In order to explain the occurrence of either the word or the image +in the absence of the box, we have to assume that there is something, +either in the environment or in our own sensations, which has frequently +occurred at about the same time as the word "box." One of the laws which +distinguish psychology (or nerve-physiology?) from physics is the +law that, when two things have frequently existed in close temporal +contiguity, either comes in time to cause the other.* This is the basis +both of habit and of association. Thus, in our case, the arms full of +toys have frequently been followed quickly by the box, and the box in +turn by the word "box." The box itself is subject to physical laws, and +does not tend to be caused by the arms full of toys, however often it +may in the past have followed them--always provided that, in the case in +question, its physical position is such that voluntary movements cannot +lead to it. But the word "box" and the image of the box are subject to +the law of habit; hence it is possible for either to be caused by the +arms full of toys. And we may lay it down generally that, whenever we +use a word, either aloud or in inner speech, there is some sensation +or image (either of which may be itself a word) which has frequently +occurred at about the same time as the word, and now, through habit, +causes the word. It follows that the law of habit is adequate to account +for the use of words in the absence of their objects; moreover, it would +be adequate even without introducing images. Although, therefore, images +seem undeniable, we cannot derive an additional argument in their favour +from the use of words, which could, theoretically, be explained without +introducing images. + + *For a more exact statement of this law, with the + limitations suggested by experiment, see A. Wohlgemuth, "On + Memory and the Direction of Associations," "British Journal + of Psychology," vol. v, part iv (March, 1913). + +When we understand a word, there is a reciprocal association between +it and the images of what it "means." Images may cause us to use words +which mean them, and these words, heard or read, may in turn cause the +appropriate images. Thus speech is a means of producing in our hearers +the images which are in us. Also, by a telescoped process, words come in +time to produce directly the effects which would have been produced +by the images with which they were associated. The general law of +telescoped processes is that, if A causes B and B causes C, it will +happen in time that A will cause C directly, without the intermediary +of B. This is a characteristic of psychological and neural causation. +In virtue of this law, the effects of images upon our actions come to +be produced by words, even when the words do not call up appropriate +images. The more familiar we are with words, the more our "thinking" +goes on in words instead of images. We may, for example, be able to +describe a person's appearance correctly without having at any time had +any image of him, provided, when we saw him, we thought of words which +fitted him; the words alone may remain with us as a habit, and enable +us to speak as if we could recall a visual image of the man. In this and +other ways the understanding of a word often comes to be quite free from +imagery; but in first learning the use of language it would seem that +imagery always plays a very important part. + +Images as well as words may be said to have "meaning"; indeed, the +meaning of images seems more primitive than the meaning of words. What +we call (say) an image of St. Paul's may be said to "mean" St. Paul's. +But it is not at all easy to say exactly what constitutes the meaning of +an image. A memory-image of a particular occurrence, when accompanied +by a memory-belief, may be said to mean the occurrence of which it is an +image. But most actual images do not have this degree of definiteness. +If we call up an image of a dog, we are very likely to have a vague +image, which is not representative of some one special dog, but of dogs +in general. When we call up an image of a friend's face, we are not +likely to reproduce the expression he had on some one particular +occasion, but rather a compromise expression derived from many +occasions. And there is hardly any limit to the vagueness of which +images are capable. In such cases, the meaning of the image, if defined +by relation to the prototype, is vague: there is not one definite +prototype, but a number, none of which is copied exactly.* + + * Cf. Semon, Mnemische Empfindungen, chap. xvi, especially + pp. 301-308. + +There is, however, another way of approaching the meaning of images, +namely through their causal efficacy. What is called an image "of" +some definite object, say St. Paul's, has some of the effects which the +object would have. This applies especially to the effects that depend +upon association. The emotional effects, also, are often similar: +images may stimulate desire almost as strongly as do the objects they +represent. And conversely desire may cause images*: a hungry man will +have images of food, and so on. In all these ways the causal laws +concerning images are connected with the causal laws concerning the +objects which the images "mean." An image may thus come to fulfil the +function of a general idea. The vague image of a dog, which we spoke of +a moment ago, will have effects which are only connected with dogs in +general, not the more special effects which would be produced by some +dogs but not by others. Berkeley and Hume, in their attack on general +ideas, do not allow for the vagueness of images: they assume that every +image has the definiteness that a physical object would have This is not +the case, and a vague image may well have a meaning which is general. + + * This phrase is in need of interpretation, as appears from + the analysis of desire. But the reader can easily supply the + interpretation for himself. + +In order to define the "meaning" of an image, we have to take account +both of its resemblance to one or more prototypes, and of its causal +efficacy. If there were such a thing as a pure imagination-image, +without any prototype whatever, it would be destitute of meaning. But +according to Hume's principle, the simple elements in an image, +at least, are derived from prototypes-except possibly in very rare +exceptional cases. Often, in such instances as our image of a friend's +face or of a nondescript dog, an image is not derived from one +prototype, but from many; when this happens, the image is vague, and +blurs the features in which the various prototypes differ. To arrive +at the meaning of the image in such a case, we observe that there are +certain respects, notably associations, in which the effects of images +resemble those of their prototypes. If we find, in a given case, that +our vague image, say, of a nondescript dog, has those associative +effects which all dogs would have, but not those belonging to any +special dog or kind of dog, we may say that our image means "dog" in +general. If it has all the associations appropriate to spaniels but +no others, we shall say it means "spaniel"; while if it has all the +associations appropriate to one particular dog, it will mean that dog, +however vague it may be as a picture. The meaning of an image, according +to this analysis, is constituted by a combination of likeness and +associations. It is not a sharp or definite conception, and in many +cases it will be impossible to decide with any certainty what an image +means. I think this lies in the nature of things, and not in defective +analysis. + +We may give somewhat more precision to the above account of the meaning +of images, and extend it to meaning in general. We find sometimes that, +IN MNEMIC CAUSATION, an image or word, as stimulus, has the same effect +(or very nearly the same effect) as would belong to some object, say, +a certain dog. In that case we say that the image or word means that +object. In other cases the mnemic effects are not all those of one +object, but only those shared by objects of a certain kind, e.g. by all +dogs. In this case the meaning of the image or word is general: it means +the whole kind. Generality and particularity are a matter of degree. If +two particulars differ sufficiently little, their mnemic effects will be +the same; therefore no image or word can mean the one as opposed to the +other; this sets a bound to the particularity of meaning. On the other +hand, the mnemic effects of a number of sufficiently dissimilar objects +will have nothing discoverable in common; hence a word which aims at +complete generality, such as "entity" for example, will have to be +devoid of mnemic effects, and therefore of meaning. In practice, this is +not the case: such words have VERBAL associations, the learning of which +constitutes the study of metaphysics. + +The meaning of a word, unlike that of an image, is wholly constituted +by mnemic causal laws, and not in any degree by likeness (except in +exceptional cases). The word "dog" bears no resemblance to a dog, but +its effects, like those of an image of a dog, resemble the effects of an +actual dog in certain respects. It is much easier to say definitely +what a word means than what an image means, since words, however they +originated, have been framed in later times for the purpose of having +meaning, and men have been engaged for ages in giving increased +precision to the meanings of words. But although it is easier to +say what a word means than what an image means, the relation which +constitutes meaning is much the same in both cases. A word, like an +image, has the same associations as its meaning has. In addition to +other associations, it is associated with images of its meaning, so that +the word tends to call up the image and the image tends to call up the +word., But this association is not essential to the intelligent use of +words. If a word has the right associations with other objects, we shall +be able to use it correctly, and understand its use by others, even if +it evokes no image. The theoretical understanding of words involves only +the power of associating them correctly with other words; the practical +understanding involves associations with other bodily movements. + +The use of words is, of course, primarily social, for the purpose of +suggesting to others ideas which we entertain or at least wish them to +entertain. But the aspect of words that specially concerns us is their +power of promoting our own thought. Almost all higher intellectual +activity is a matter of words, to the nearly total exclusion of +everything else. The advantages of words for purposes of thought are so +great that I should never end if I were to enumerate them. But a few of +them deserve to be mentioned. + +In the first place, there is no difficulty in producing a word, whereas +an image cannot always be brought into existence at will, and when it +comes it often contains much irrelevant detail. In the second place, +much of our thinking is concerned with abstract matters which do not +readily lend themselves to imagery, and are apt to be falsely conceived +if we insist upon finding images that may be supposed to represent them. +The word is always concrete and sensible, however abstract its +meaning may be, and thus by the help of words we are able to dwell on +abstractions in a way which would otherwise be impossible. In the third +place, two instances of the same word are so similar that neither has +associations not capable of being shared by the other. Two instances of +the word "dog" are much more alike than (say) a pug and a great dane; +hence the word "dog" makes it much easier to think about dogs in +general. When a number of objects have a common property which is +important but not obvious, the invention of a name for the common +property helps us to remember it and to think of the whole set of +objects that possess it. But it is unnecessary to prolong the catalogue +of the uses of language in thought. + +At the same time, it is possible to conduct rudimentary thought by +means of images, and it is important, sometimes, to check purely verbal +thought by reference to what it means. In philosophy especially the +tyranny of traditional words is dangerous, and we have to be on our +guard against assuming that grammar is the key to metaphysics, or that +the structure of a sentence corresponds at all accurately with the +structure of the fact that it asserts. Sayce maintained that all +European philosophy since Aristotle has been dominated by the fact that +the philosophers spoke Indo-European languages, and therefore supposed +the world, like the sentences they were used to, necessarily divisible +into subjects and predicates. When we come to the consideration of truth +and falsehood, we shall see how necessary it is to avoid assuming too +close a parallelism between facts and the sentences which assert them. +Against such errors, the only safeguard is to be able, once in a way, to +discard words for a moment and contemplate facts more directly through +images. Most serious advances in philosophic thought result from some +such comparatively direct contemplation of facts. But the outcome has +to be expressed in words if it is to be communicable. Those who have +a relatively direct vision of facts are often incapable of translating +their vision into words, while those who possess the words have +usually lost the vision. It is partly for this reason that the highest +philosophical capacity is so rare: it requires a combination of vision +with abstract words which is hard to achieve, and too quickly lost in +the few who have for a moment achieved it. + + + + +LECTURE XI. GENERAL IDEAS AND THOUGHT + +It is said to be one of the merits of the human mind that it is capable +of framing abstract ideas, and of conducting nonsensational thought. +In this it is supposed to differ from the mind of animals. From Plato +onward the "idea" has played a great part in the systems of idealizing +philosophers. The "idea" has been, in their hands, always something +noble and abstract, the apprehension and use of which by man confers +upon him a quite special dignity. + +The thing we have to consider to-day is this: seeing that there +certainly are words of which the meaning is abstract, and seeing that we +can use these words intelligently, what must be assumed or inferred, or +what can be discovered by observation, in the way of mental content to +account for the intelligent use of abstract words? + +Taken as a problem in logic, the answer is, of course, that absolutely +nothing in the way of abstract mental content is inferable from the +mere fact that we can use intelligently words of which the meaning +is abstract. It is clear that a sufficiently ingenious person could +manufacture a machine moved by olfactory stimuli which, whenever a dog +appeared in its neighbourhood, would say, "There is a dog," and when +a cat appeared would throw stones at it. The act of saying "There is a +dog," and the act of throwing stones, would in such a case be equally +mechanical. Correct speech does not of itself afford any better evidence +of mental content than the performance of any other set of biologically +useful movements, such as those of flight or combat. All that is +inferable from language is that two instances of a universal, even when +they differ very greatly, may cause the utterance of two instances +of the same word which only differ very slightly. As we saw in the +preceding lecture, the word "dog" is useful, partly, because two +instances of this word are much more similar than (say) a pug and a +great dane. The use of words is thus a method of substituting for two +particulars which differ widely, in spite of being instances of the same +universal, two other particulars which differ very little, and which +are also instances of a universal, namely the name of the previous +universal. Thus, so far as logic is concerned, we are entirely free to +adopt any theory as to general ideas which empirical observation may +recommend. + +Berkeley and Hume made a vigorous onslaught on "abstract ideas." They +meant by an idea approximately what we should call an image. Locke +having maintained that he could form an idea of triangle in general, +without deciding what sort of triangle it was to be, Berkeley contended +that this was impossible. He says: + +"Whether others, have this wonderful faculty of abstracting their ideas, +they best can tell: for myself, I dare be confident I have it not. I +find, indeed, I have indeed a faculty of imagining, or representing to +myself, the ideas of those particular things I have perceived, and of +variously compounding and dividing them. I can imagine a man with two +heads, or the upper parts of a man joined to the body of a horse. I +can consider the hand, the eye, the nose, each by itself abstracted or +separated from the rest of the body. But, then, whatever hand or eye +I imagine, it must have some particular shape and colour. Likewise the +idea of a man that I frame to myself must be either of a white, or a +black, or a tawny, a straight, or a crooked, a tall, or a low, or +a middle-sized man. I cannot by any effort of thought conceive the +abstract idea above described. And it is equally impossible for me to +form the abstract idea of motion distinct from the body moving, and +which is neither swift nor slow, curvilinear nor rectilinear; and the +like may be said of all other abstract general ideas whatsoever. To be +plain, I own myself able to abstract in one sense, as when I consider +some particular parts of qualities separated from others, with which, +though they are united in some object, yet it is possible they may +really exist without them. But I deny that I can abstract from one +another, or conceive separately, those qualities which it is impossible +should exist so separated; or that I can frame a general notion, by +abstracting from particulars in the manner aforesaid--which last are +the two proper acceptations of ABSTRACTION. And there is ground to think +most men will acknowledge themselves to be in my case. The generality of +men which are simple and illiterate never pretend to ABSTRACT NOTIONS. +It is said they are difficult and not to be attained without pains and +study; we may therefore reasonably conclude that, if such there be, they +are confined only to the learned. + +"I proceed to examine what can be alleged in defence of the doctrine of +abstraction, and try if I can discover what it is that inclines the men +of speculation to embrace an opinion so remote from common sense as that +seems to be. There has been a late excellent and deservedly esteemed +philosopher who, no doubt, has given it very much countenance, by +seeming to think the having abstract general ideas is what puts the +widest difference in point of understanding betwixt man and beast. +'The having of general ideas,' saith he, 'is that which puts a perfect +distinction betwixt man and brutes, and is an excellency which the +faculties of brutes do by no means attain unto. For, it is evident +we observe no footsteps in them of making use of general signs for +universal ideas; from which we have reason to imagine that they have not +the faculty of abstracting, or making general ideas, since they have +no use of words or any other general signs.' And a little after: +'Therefore, I think, we may suppose that it is in this that the species +of brutes are discriminated from men, and it is that proper difference +wherein they are wholly separated, and which at last widens to so wide a +distance. For, if they have any ideas at all, and are not bare machines +(as some would have them), we cannot deny them to have some reason. It +seems as evident to me that they do, some of them, in certain instances +reason as that they have sense; but it is only in particular ideas, just +as they receive them from their senses. They are the best of them tied +up within those narrow bounds, and have not (as I think) the faculty +to enlarge them by any kind of abstraction.* ("Essay on Human +Understanding," Bk. II, chap. xi, paragraphs 10 and 11.) I readily agree +with this learned author, that the faculties of brutes can by no means +attain to abstraction. But, then, if this be made the distinguishing +property of that sort of animals, I fear a great many of those that +pass for men must be reckoned into their number. The reason that is here +assigned why we have no grounds to think brutes have abstract general +ideas is, that we observe in them no use of words or any other general +signs; which is built on this supposition-that the making use of words +implies the having general ideas. From which it follows that men who use +language are able to abstract or generalize their ideas. That this is +the sense and arguing of the author will further appear by his answering +the question he in another place puts: 'Since all things that exist are +only particulars, how come we by general terms?' His answer is: 'Words +become general by being made the signs of general ideas.' ("Essay on +Human Understanding," Bk. III, chap. III, paragraph 6.) But it seems +that a word becomes general by being made the sign, not of an abstract +general idea, but of several particular ideas, any one of which it +indifferently suggests to the mind. For example, when it is said 'the +change of motion is proportional to the impressed force,' or that +'whatever has extension is divisible,' these propositions are to be +understood of motion and extension in general; and nevertheless it will +not follow that they suggest to my thoughts an idea of motion without +a body moved, or any determinate direction and velocity, or that I must +conceive an abstract general idea of extension, which is neither line, +surface, nor solid, neither great nor small, black, white, nor red, +nor of any other determinate colour. It is only implied that +whatever particular motion I consider, whether it be swift or slow, +perpendicular, horizontal, or oblique, or in whatever object, the axiom +concerning it holds equally true. As does the other of every particular +extension, it matters not whether line, surface, or solid, whether of +this or that magnitude or figure. + +"By observing how ideas become general, we may the better judge how +words are made so. And here it is to be noted that I do not deny +absolutely there are general ideas, but only that there are any ABSTRACT +general ideas; for, in the passages we have quoted wherein there is +mention of general ideas, it is always supposed that they are formed by +abstraction, after the manner set forth in sections 8 and 9. Now, if +we will annex a meaning to our words, and speak only of what we can +conceive, I believe we shall acknowledge that an idea which, considered +in itself, is particular, becomes general by being made to represent +or stand for all other particular ideas of the same sort. To make this +plain by an example, suppose a geometrician is demonstrating the method +of cutting a line in two equal parts. He draws, for instance, a black +line of an inch in length: this, which in itself is a particular line, +is nevertheless with regard to its signification general, since, as it +is there used, it represents all particular lines whatsoever; so that +what is demonstrated of it is demonstrated of all lines, or, in other +words, of a line in general. And, as THAT PARTICULAR LINE becomes +general by being made a sign, so the NAME 'line,' which taken absolutely +is particular, by being a sign is made general. And as the former owes +its generality not to its being the sign of an abstract or general line, +but of all particular right lines that may possibly exist, so the latter +must be thought to derive its generality from the same cause, namely, +the various particular lines which it indifferently denotes." * + + * Introduction to "A Treatise concerning the Principles of + Human Knowledge," paragraphs 10, 11, and 12. + +Berkeley's view in the above passage, which is essentially the same as +Hume's, does not wholly agree with modern psychology, although it comes +nearer to agreement than does the view of those who believe that there +are in the mind single contents which can be called abstract ideas. The +way in which Berkeley's view is inadequate is chiefly in the fact that +images are as a rule not of one definite prototype, but of a number of +related similar prototypes. On this subject Semon has written well. +In "Die Mneme," pp. 217 ff., discussing the effect of repeated similar +stimuli in producing and modifying our images, he says: "We choose a +case of mnemic excitement whose existence we can perceive for ourselves +by introspection, and seek to ekphore the bodily picture of our nearest +relation in his absence, and have thus a pure mnemic excitement before +us. At first it may seem to us that a determinate quite concrete picture +becomes manifest in us, but just when we are concerned with a person +with whom we are in constant contact, we shall find that the ekphored +picture has something so to speak generalized. It is something like +those American photographs which seek to display what is general about a +type by combining a great number of photographs of different heads over +each other on one plate. In our opinion, the generalizations happen by +the homophonic working of different pictures of the same face which we +have come across in the most different conditions and situations, once +pale, once reddened, once cheerful, once earnest, once in this +light, and once in that. As soon as we do not let the whole series +of repetitions resound in us uniformly, but give our attention to one +particular moment out of the many... this particular mnemic stimulus at +once overbalances its simultaneously roused predecessors and successors, +and we perceive the face in question with concrete definiteness in that +particular situation." A little later he says: "The result is--at least +in man, but probably also in the higher animals--the development of a +sort of PHYSIOLOGICAL abstraction. Mnemic homophony gives us, without +the addition of other processes of thought, a picture of our friend +X which is in a certain sense abstract, not the concrete in any one +situation, but X cut loose from any particular point of time. If the +circle of ekphored engrams is drawn even more widely, abstract pictures +of a higher order appear: for instance, a white man or a negro. In my +opinion, the first form of abstract concepts in general is based upon +such abstract pictures. The physiological abstraction which takes +place in the above described manner is a predecessor of purely logical +abstraction. It is by no means a monopoly of the human race, but shows +itself in various ways also among the more highly organized animals." +The same subject is treated in more detail in Chapter xvi of "Die +mnemischen Empfindungen," but what is said there adds nothing vital to +what is contained in the above quotations. + +It is necessary, however, to distinguish between the vague and the +general. So long as we are content with Semon's composite image, we MAY +get no farther than the vague. The question whether this image takes us +to the general or not depends, I think, upon the question whether, in +addition to the generalized image, we have also particular images +of some of the instances out of which it is compounded. Suppose, for +example, that on a number of occasions you had seen one negro, and +that you did not know whether this one was the same or different on +the different occasions. Suppose that in the end you had an abstract +memory-image of the different appearances presented by the negro on +different occasions, but no memory-image of any one of the single +appearances. In that case your image would be vague. If, on the other +hand, you have, in addition to the generalized image, particular images +of the several appearances, sufficiently clear to be recognized as +different, and as instances of the generalized picture, you will then +not feel the generalized picture to be adequate to any one particular +appearance, and you will be able to make it function as a general +idea rather than a vague idea. If this view is correct, no new general +content needs to be added to the generalized image. What needs to be +added is particular images compared and contrasted with the generalized +image. So far as I can judge by introspection, this does occur in +practice. Take for example Semon's instance of a friend's face. Unless +we make some special effort of recollection, the face is likely to come +before us with an average expression, very blurred and vague, but we can +at will recall how our friend looked on some special occasion when he +was pleased or angry or unhappy, and this enables us to realize the +generalized character of the vague image. + +There is, however, another way of distinguishing between the vague, the +particular and the general, and this is not by their content, but by +the reaction which they produce. A word, for example, may be said to be +vague when it is applicable to a number of different individuals, but to +each as individuals; the name Smith, for example, is vague: it is always +meant to apply to one man, but there are many men to each of whom it +applies.* The word "man," on the other hand, is general. We say, "This +is Smith," but we do not say "This is man," but "This is a man." Thus +we may say that a word embodies a vague idea when its effects are +appropriate to an individual, but are the same for various similar +individuals, while a word embodies a general idea when its effects are +different from those appropriate to individuals. In what this difference +consists it is, however, not easy to say. I am inclined to think that it +consists merely in the knowledge that no one individual is represented, +so that what distinguishes a general idea from a vague idea is merely +the presence of a certain accompanying belief. If this view is correct, +a general idea differs from a vague one in a way analogous to that in +which a memory-image differs from an imagination-image. There also +we found that the difference consists merely of the fact that a +memory-image is accompanied by a belief, in this case as to the past. + + * "Smith" would only be a quite satisfactory representation + of vague words if we failed to discriminate between + different people called Smith. + +It should also be said that our images even of quite particular +occurrences have always a greater or a less degree of vagueness. That is +to say, the occurrence might have varied within certain limits without +causing our image to vary recognizably. To arrive at the general it +is necessary that we should be able to contrast it with a number of +relatively precise images or words for particular occurrences; so long +as all our images and words are vague, we cannot arrive at the contrast +by which the general is defined. This is the justification for the +view which I quoted on p. 184 from Ribot (op. cit., p. 32), viz. that +intelligence progresses from the indefinite to the definite, and that +the vague appears earlier than either the particular or the general. + +I think the view which I have been advocating, to the effect that a +general idea is distinguished from a vague one by the presence of a +judgment, is also that intended by Ribot when he says (op. cit., p. 92): +"The generic image is never, the concept is always, a judgment. We know +that for logicians (formerly at any rate) the concept is the simple +and primitive element; next comes the judgment, uniting two or several +concepts; then ratiocination, combining two or several judgments. For +the psychologists, on the contrary, affirmation is the fundamental +act; the concept is the result of judgment (explicit or implicit), of +similarities with exclusion of differences." + +A great deal of work professing to be experimental has been done in +recent years on the psychology of thought. A good summary of such +work up to the year agog is contained in Titchener's "Lectures on the +Experimental Psychology of the Thought Processes" (1909). Three articles +in the "Archiv fur die gesammte Psychologie" by Watt,* Messer** and +Buhler*** contain a great deal of the material amassed by the methods +which Titchener calls experimental. + + * Henry J. Watt, "Experimentelle Beitrage zu einer Theorie + des Denkens," vol. iv (1905) pp. 289-436. + + ** August Messer, "Experimentell-psychologische Untersuchu + gen uber das Denken," vol. iii (1906), pp. 1-224. + + *** Karl Buhler, "Uber Gedanken," vol. ix (1907), pp. 297-365. + +For my part I am unable to attach as much importance to this work as +many psychologists do. The method employed appears to me hardly to +fulfil the conditions of scientific experiment. Broadly speaking, what +is done is, that a set of questions are asked of various people, their +answers are recorded, and likewise their own accounts, based upon +introspection, of the processes of thought which led them to give +those answers. Much too much reliance seems to me to be placed upon the +correctness of their introspection. On introspection as a method I have +spoken earlier (Lecture VI). I am not prepared, like Professor Watson, +to reject it wholly, but I do consider that it is exceedingly fallible +and quite peculiarly liable to falsification in accordance with +preconceived theory. It is like depending upon the report of a +shortsighted person as to whom he sees coming along the road at a moment +when he is firmly convinced that Jones is sure to come. If everybody +were shortsighted and obsessed with beliefs as to what was going to be +visible, we might have to make the best of such testimony, but we should +need to correct its errors by taking care to collect the simultaneous +evidence of people with the most divergent expectations. There is no +evidence that this was done in the experiments in question, nor indeed +that the influence of theory in falsifying the introspection was at all +adequately recognized. I feel convinced that if Professor Watson had +been one of the subjects of the questionnaires, he would have given +answers totally different from those recorded in the articles in +question. Titchener quotes an opinion of Wundt on these investigations, +which appears to me thoroughly justified. "These experiments," he says, +"are not experiments at all in the sense of a scientific methodology; +they are counterfeit experiments, that seem methodical simply because +they are ordinarily performed in a psychological laboratory, and involve +the co-operation of two persons, who purport to be experimenter and +observer. In reality, they are as unmethodical as possible; they possess +none of the special features by which we distinguish the introspections +of experimental psychology from the casual introspections of everyday +life."* Titchener, of course, dissents from this opinion, but I cannot +see that his reasons for dissent are adequate. My doubts are only +increased by the fact that Buhler at any rate used trained psychologists +as his subjects. A trained psychologist is, of course, supposed to have +acquired the habit of observation, but he is at least equally likely to +have acquired a habit of seeing what his theories require. We may take +Buhler's "Uber Gedanken" to illustrate the kind of results arrived at +by such methods. Buhler says (p. 303): "We ask ourselves the general +question: 'WHAT DO WE EXPERIENCE WHEN WE THINK?' Then we do not at all +attempt a preliminary determination of the concept 'thought,' but choose +for analysis only such processes as everyone would describe as +processes of thought." The most important thing in thinking, he says, is +"awareness that..." (Bewusstheit dass), which he calls a thought. It +is, he says, thoughts in this sense that are essential to thinking. +Thinking, he maintains, does not need language or sensuous +presentations. "I assert rather that in principle every object can be +thought (meant) distinctly, without any help from sensuous presentation +(Anschauungshilfen). Every individual shade of blue colour on the +picture that hangs in my room I can think with complete distinctness +unsensuously (unanschaulich), provided it is possible that the object +should be given to me in another manner than by the help of sensations. +How that is possible we shall see later." What he calls a thought +(Gedanke) cannot be reduced, according to him, to other psychic +occurrences. He maintains that thoughts consist for the most part of +known rules (p. 342). It is clearly essential to the interest of this +theory that the thought or rule alluded to by Buhler should not need to +be expressed in words, for if it is expressed in words it is immediately +capable of being dealt with on the lines with which the behaviourists +have familiarized us. It is clear also that the supposed absence of +words rests solely upon the introspective testimony of the persons +experimented upon. I cannot think that there is sufficient certainty +of their reliability in this negative observation to make us accept a +difficult and revolutionary view of thought, merely because they have +failed to observe the presence of words or their equivalent in their +thinking. I think it far more likely, especially in view of the fact +that the persons concerned were highly educated, that we are concerned +with telescoped processes, in which habit has caused a great many +intermediate terms to be elided or to be passed over so quickly as to +escape observation. + + * Titchener, op. cit., p. 79. + +I am inclined to think that similar remarks apply to the general idea of +"imageless thinking," concerning which there has been much controversy. +The advocates of imageless thinking are not contending merely that there +can be thinking which is purely verbal; they are contending that there +can be thinking which proceeds neither in words nor in images. My own +feeling is that they have rashly assumed the presence of thinking in +cases where habit has rendered thinking unnecessary. When Thorndike +experimented with animals in cages, he found that the associations +established were between a sensory stimulus and a bodily movement (not +the idea of it), without the need of supposing any non-physiological +intermediary (op. cit., p. 100 ff.). The same thing, it seems to me, +applies to ourselves. A certain sensory situation produces in us a +certain bodily movement. Sometimes this movement consists in uttering +words. Prejudice leads us to suppose that between the sensory +stimulus and the utterance of the words a process of thought must have +intervened, but there seems no good reason for such a supposition. Any +habitual action, such as eating or dressing, may be performed on the +appropriate occasion, without any need of thought, and the same seems +to be true of a painfully large proportion of our talk. What applies to +uttered speech applies of course equally to the internal speech which is +not uttered. I remain, therefore, entirely unconvinced that there is +any such phenomenon as thinking which consists neither of images nor of +words, or that "ideas" have to be added to sensations and images as part +of the material out of which mental phenomena are built. + +The question of the nature of our consciousness of the universal is +much affected by our view as to the general nature of the relation of +consciousness to its object. If we adopt the view of Brentano, according +to which all mental content has essential reference to an object, it +is then natural to suppose that there is some peculiar kind of mental +content of which the object is a universal, as oppose to a particular. +According to this view, a particular cat can be PERceived or imagined, +while the universal "cat" is CONceived. But this whole manner of viewing +our dealings with universals has to be abandoned when the relation of +a mental occurrence to its "object" is regarded as merely indirect and +causal, which is the view that we have adopted. The mental content is, +of course, always particular, and the question as to what it "means" +(in case it means anything) is one which cannot be settled by merely +examining the intrinsic character of the mental content, but only by +knowing its causal connections in the case of the person concerned. To +say that a certain thought "means" a universal as opposed to either a +vague or a particular, is to say something exceedingly complex. A horse +will behave in a certain manner whenever he smells a bear, even if +the smell is derived from a bearskin. That is to say, any environment +containing an instance of the universal "smell of a bear" produces +closely similar behaviour in the horse, but we do not say that the horse +is conscious of this universal. There is equally little reason to +regard a man as conscious of the same universal, because under the same +circumstances he can react by saying, "I smell a bear." This reaction, +like that of the horse, is merely closely similar on different occasions +where the environment affords instances of the same universal. Words +of which the logical meaning is universal can therefore be employed +correctly, without anything that could be called consciousness of +universals. Such consciousness in the only sense in which it can be +said to exist is a matter of reflective judgment consisting in the +observation of similarities and differences. A universal never appears +before the mind as a single object in the sort of way in which something +perceived appears. I THINK a logical argument could be produced to show +that universals are part of the structure of the world, but they are +an inferred part, not a part of our data. What exists in us consists of +various factors, some open to external observation, others only visible +to introspection. The factors open to external observation are primarily +habits, having the peculiarity that very similar reactions are produced +by stimuli which are in many respects very different from each other. Of +this the reaction of the horse to the smell of the bear is an instance, +and so is the reaction of the man who says "bear" under the same +circumstances. The verbal reaction is, of course, the most important +from the point of view of what may be called knowledge of universals. A +man who can always use the word "dog" when he sees a dog may be said, +in a certain sense, to know the meaning of the word "dog," and IN THAT +SENSE to have knowledge of the universal "dog." But there is, of course, +a further stage reached by the logician in which he not merely reacts +with the word "dog," but sets to work to discover what it is in the +environment that causes in him this almost identical reaction on +different occasions. This further stage consists in knowledge of +similarities and differences: similarities which are necessary to the +applicability of the word "dog," and differences which are compatible +with it. Our knowledge of these similarities and differences is never +exhaustive, and therefore our knowledge of the meaning of a universal is +never complete. + +In addition to external observable habits (including the habit of +words), there is also the generic image produced by the superposition, +or, in Semon's phrase, homophony, of a number of similar perceptions. +This image is vague so long as the multiplicity of its prototypes is not +recognized, but becomes universal when it exists alongside of the more +specific images of its instances, and is knowingly contrasted with them. +In this case we find again, as we found when we were discussing words +in general in the preceding lecture, that images are not logically +necessary in order to account for observable behaviour, i.e. in this +case intelligent speech. Intelligent speech could exist as a motor +habit, without any accompaniment of images, and this conclusion applies +to words of which the meaning is universal, just as much as to words of +which the meaning is relatively particular. If this conclusion is valid, +it follows that behaviourist psychology, which eschews introspective +data, is capable of being an independent science, and of accounting +for all that part of the behaviour of other people which is commonly +regarded as evidence that they think. It must be admitted that this +conclusion considerably weakens the reliance which can be placed upon +introspective data. They must be accepted simply on account of the +fact that we seem to perceive them, not on account of their supposed +necessity for explaining the data of external observation. + +This, at any rate, is the conclusion to which we are forced, so long +as, with the behaviourists, we accept common-sense views of the physical +world. But if, as I have urged, the physical world itself, as known, +is infected through and through with subjectivity, if, as the theory +of relativity suggests, the physical universe contains the diversity of +points of view which we have been accustomed to regard as distinctively +psychological, then we are brought back by this different road to the +necessity for trusting observations which are in an important sense +private. And it is the privacy of introspective data which causes much +of the behaviourists' objection to them. + +This is an example of the difficulty of constructing an adequate +philosophy of any one science without taking account of other sciences. +The behaviourist philosophy of psychology, though in many respects +admirable from the point of view of method, appears to me to fail in +the last analysis because it is based upon an inadequate philosophy of +physics. In spite, therefore, of the fact that the evidence for images, +whether generic or particular, is merely introspective, I cannot +admit that images should be rejected, or that we should minimize their +function in our knowledge of what is remote in time or space. + + + + +LECTURE XII. BELIEF + +Belief, which is our subject to-day, is the central problem in the +analysis of mind. Believing seems the most "mental" thing we do, +the thing most remote from what is done by mere matter. The whole +intellectual life consists of beliefs, and of the passage from one +belief to another by what is called "reasoning." Beliefs give knowledge +and error; they are the vehicles of truth and falsehood. Psychology, +theory of knowledge and metaphysics revolve about belief, and on the +view we take of belief our philosophical outlook largely depends. + +Before embarking upon the detailed analysis of belief, we shall do well +to note certain requisites which any theory must fulfil. + +(1) Just as words are characterized by meaning, so beliefs are +characterized by truth or falsehood. And just as meaning consists in +relation to the object meant, so truth and falsehood consist in +relation to something that lies outside the belief. You may believe that +such-and-such a horse will win the Derby. The time comes, and your horse +wins or does not win; according to the outcome, your belief was true or +false. You may believe that six times nine is fifty-six; in this case +also there is a fact which makes your belief false. You may believe that +America was discovered in 1492, or that it was discovered in 1066. In +the one case your belief is true, in the other false; in either case +its truth or falsehood depends upon the actions of Columbus, not upon +anything present or under your control. What makes a belief true or +false I call a "fact." The particular fact that makes a given belief +true or false I call its "objective,"* and the relation of the belief to +its objective I call the "reference" or the "objective reference" of the +belief. Thus, if I believe that Columbus crossed the Atlantic in 1492, +the "objective" of my belief is Columbus's actual voyage, and the +"reference" of my belief is the relation between my belief and the +voyage--that relation, namely, in virtue of which the voyage makes my +belief true (or, in another case, false). "Reference" of beliefs differs +from "meaning" of words in various ways, but especially in the fact that +it is of two kinds, "true" reference and "false" reference. The truth +or falsehood of a belief does not depend upon anything intrinsic to +the belief, but upon the nature of its relation to its objective. The +intrinsic nature of belief can be treated without reference to what +makes it true or false. In the remainder of the present lecture I shall +ignore truth and falsehood, which will be the subject of Lecture XIII. +It is the intrinsic nature of belief that will concern us to-day. + + * This terminology is suggested by Meinong, but is not + exactly the same as his. + +(2) We must distinguish between believing and what is believed. I may +believe that Columbus crossed the Atlantic, that all Cretans are liars, +that two and two are four, or that nine times six is fifty-six; in +all these cases the believing is just the same, and only the contents +believed are different. I may remember my breakfast this morning, my +lecture last week, or my first sight of New York. In all these cases the +feeling of memory-belief is just the same, and only what is remembered +differs. Exactly similar remarks apply to expectations. Bare assent, +memory and expectation are forms of belief; all three are different from +what is believed, and each has a constant character which is independent +of what is believed. + +In Lecture I we criticized the analysis of a presentation into act, +content and object. But our analysis of belief contains three very +similar elements, namely the believing, what is believed and the +objective. The objections to the act (in the case of presentations) +are not valid against the believing in the case of beliefs, because the +believing is an actual experienced feeling, not something postulated, +like the act. But it is necessary first to complete our preliminary +requisites, and then to examine the content of a belief. After that, we +shall be in a position to return to the question as to what constitutes +believing. + +(3) What is believed, and the believing, must both consist of present +occurrences in the believer, no matter what may be the objective of +the belief. Suppose I believe, for example, "that Caesar crossed the +Rubicon." The objective of my belief is an event which happened long +ago, which I never saw and do not remember. This event itself is not in +my mind when I believe that it happened. It is not correct to say that +I am believing the actual event; what I am believing is something now +in my mind, something related to the event (in a way which we shall +investigate in Lecture XIII), but obviously not to be confounded with +the event, since the event is not occurring now but the believing is. +What a man is believing at a given moment is wholly determinate if we +know the contents of his mind at that moment; but Caesar's crossing of +the Rubicon was an historical physical event, which is distinct from the +present contents of every present mind. What is believed, however true +it may be, is not the actual fact that makes the belief true, but a +present event related to the fact. This present event, which is what is +believed, I shall call the "content" of the belief. We have already had +occasion to notice the distinction between content and objective in the +case of memory-beliefs, where the content is "this occurred" and the +objective is the past event. + +(4) Between content and objective there is sometimes a very wide gulf, +for example in the case of "Caesar crossed the Rubicon." This gulf may, +when it is first perceived, give us a feeling that we cannot really +"know" anything about the outer world. All we can "know," it may be +said, is what is now in our thoughts. If Caesar and the Rubicon cannot +be bodily in our thoughts, it might seem as though we must remain cut +off from knowledge of them. I shall not now deal at length with this +feeling, since it is necessary first to define "knowing," which cannot +be done yet. But I will say, as a preliminary answer, that the feeling +assumes an ideal of knowing which I believe to be quite mistaken. It +assumes, if it is thought out, something like the mystic unity of knower +and known. These two are often said to be combined into a unity by the +fact of cognition; hence when this unity is plainly absent, it may +seem as if there were no genuine cognition. For my part, I think such +theories and feelings wholly mistaken: I believe knowing to be a very +external and complicated relation, incapable of exact definition, +dependent upon causal laws, and involving no more unity than there is +between a signpost and the town to which it points. I shall return to +this question on a later occasion; for the moment these provisional +remarks must suffice. + +(5) The objective reference of a belief is connected with the fact that +all or some of the constituents of its content have meaning. If I say +"Caesar conquered Gaul," a person who knows the meaning of the three +words composing my statement knows as much as can be known about the +nature of the objective which would make my statement true. It is clear +that the objective reference of a belief is, in general, in some way +derivative from the meanings of the words or images that occur in its +content. There are, however, certain complications which must be borne +in mind. In the first place, it might be contended that a memory-image +acquires meaning only through the memory-belief, which would seem, at +least in the case of memory, to make belief more primitive than the +meaning of images. In the second place, it is a very singular thing that +meaning, which is single, should generate objective reference, which is +dual, namely true and false. This is one of the facts which any theory +of belief must explain if it is to be satisfactory. + +It is now time to leave these preliminary requisites, and attempt the +analysis of the contents of beliefs. + +The first thing to notice about what is believed, i.e. about the content +of a belief, is that it is always complex: We believe that a certain +thing has a certain property, or a certain relation to something else, +or that it occurred or will occur (in the sense discussed at the end of +Lecture IX); or we may believe that all the members of a certain class +have a certain property, or that a certain property sometimes occurs +among the members of a class; or we may believe that if one thing +happens, another will happen (for example, "if it rains I shall bring my +umbrella"), or we may believe that something does not happen, or did not +or will not happen (for example, "it won't rain"); or that one of two +things must happen (for example, "either you withdraw your accusation, +or I shall bring a libel action"). The catalogue of the sorts of things +we may believe is infinite, but all of them are complex. + +Language sometimes conceals the complexity of a belief. We say that a +person believes in God, and it might seem as if God formed the whole +content of the belief. But what is really believed is that God exists, +which is very far from being simple. Similarly, when a person has a +memory-image with a memory-belief, the belief is "this occurred," in +the sense explained in Lecture IX; and "this occurred" is not simple. +In like manner all cases where the content of a belief seems simple at +first sight will be found, on examination, to confirm the view that the +content is always complex. + +The content of a belief involves not merely a plurality of constituents, +but definite relations between them; it is not determinate when its +constituents alone are given. For example, "Plato preceded Aristotle" +and "Aristotle preceded Plato" are both contents which may be believed, +but, although they consist of exactly the same constituents, they are +different, and even incompatible. + +The content of a belief may consist of words only, or of images only, or +of a mixture of the two, or of either or both together with one or more +sensations. It must contain at least one constituent which is a word +or an image, and it may or may not contain one or more sensations as +constituents. Some examples will make these various possibilities clear. + +We may take first recognition, in either of the forms "this is of +such-and-such a kind" or "this has occurred before." In either case, +present sensation is a constituent. For example, you hear a noise, and +you say to yourself "tram." Here the noise and the word "tram" are both +constituents of your belief; there is also a relation between them, +expressed by "is" in the proposition "that is a tram." As soon as your +act of recognition is completed by the occurrence of the word "tram," +your actions are affected: you hurry if you want the tram, or cease to +hurry if you want a bus. In this case the content of your belief is a +sensation (the noise) and a word ("tram") related in a way which may be +called predication. + +The same noise may bring into your mind the visual image of a tram, +instead of the word "tram." In this case your belief consists of a +sensation and an image suitable related. Beliefs of this class are what +are called "judgments of perception." As we saw in Lecture VIII, the +images associated with a sensation often come with such spontaneity +and force that the unsophisticated do not distinguish them from the +sensation; it is only the psychologist or the skilled observer who is +aware of the large mnemic element that is added to sensation to make +perception. It may be objected that what is added consists merely of +images without belief. This is no doubt sometimes the case, but +is certainly sometimes not the case. That belief always occurs in +perception as opposed to sensation it is not necessary for us to +maintain; it is enough for our purposes to note that it sometimes +occurs, and that when it does, the content of our belief consists of a +sensation and an image suitably related. + +In a PURE memory-belief only images occur. But a mixture of words +and images is very common in memory. You have an image of the past +occurrence, and you say to yourself: "Yes, that's how it was." Here the +image and the words together make up the content of the belief. And +when the remembering of an incident has become a habit, it may be purely +verbal, and the memory-belief may consist of words alone. + +The more complicated forms of belief tend to consist only of words. +Often images of various kinds accompany them, but they are apt to +be irrelevant, and to form no part of what is actually believed. For +example, in thinking of the Solar System, you are likely to have vague +images of pictures you have seen of the earth surrounded by clouds, +Saturn and his rings, the sun during an eclipse, and so on; but none of +these form part of your belief that the planets revolve round the sun +in elliptical orbits. The only images that form an actual part of such +beliefs are, as a rule, images of words. And images of words, for the +reasons considered in Lecture VIII, cannot be distinguished with any +certainty from sensations, when, as is often, if not usually, the case, +they are kinaesthetic images of pronouncing the words. + +It is impossible for a belief to consist of sensations alone, except +when, as in the case of words, the sensations have associations which +make them signs possessed of meaning. The reason is that objective +reference is of the essence of belief, and objective reference is +derived from meaning. When I speak of a belief consisting partly of +sensations and partly of words, I do not mean to deny that the words, +when they are not mere images, are sensational, but that they occur as +signs, not (so to speak) in their own right. To revert to the noise of +the tram, when you hear it and say "tram," the noise and the word are +both sensations (if you actually pronounce the word), but the noise is +part of the fact which makes your belief true, whereas the word is not +part of this fact. It is the MEANING of the word "tram," not the actual +word, that forms part of the fact which is the objective of your +belief. Thus the word occurs in the belief as a symbol, in virtue of +its meaning, whereas the noise enters into both the belief and its +objective. It is this that distinguishes the occurrence of words as +symbols from the occurrence of sensations in their own right: the +objective contains the sensations that occur in their own right, but +contains only the meanings of the words that occur as symbols. + +For the sake of simplicity, we may ignore the cases in which sensations +in their own right form part of the content of a belief, and confine +ourselves to images and words. We may also omit the cases in which +both images and words occur in the content of a belief. Thus we become +confined to two cases: (a) when the content consists wholly of images, +(b) when it consists wholly of words. The case of mixed images and words +has no special importance, and its omission will do no harm. + +Let us take in illustration a case of memory. Suppose you are thinking +of some familiar room. You may call up an image of it, and in your image +the window may be to the left of the door. Without any intrusion of +words, you may believe in the correctness of your image. You then have a +belief, consisting wholly of images, which becomes, when put into words, +"the window is to the left of the door." You may yourself use these +words and proceed to believe them. You thus pass from an image-content +to the corresponding word-content. The content is different in the two +cases, but its objective reference is the same. This shows the relation +of image-beliefs to word-beliefs in a very simple case. In more +elaborate cases the relation becomes much less simple. + +It may be said that even in this very simple case the objective +reference of the word-content is not quite the same as that of the +image-content, that images have a wealth of concrete features which are +lost when words are substituted, that the window in the image is not a +mere window in the abstract, but a window of a certain shape and size, +not merely to the left of the door, but a certain distance to the left, +and so on. In reply, it may be admitted at once that there is, as a +rule, a certain amount of truth in the objection. But two points may be +urged to minimize its force. First, images do not, as a rule, have that +wealth of concrete detail that would make it IMPOSSIBLE to express +them fully in words. They are vague and fragmentary: a finite number +of words, though perhaps a large number, would exhaust at least their +SIGNIFICANT features. For--and this is our second point--images enter +into the content of a belief through the fact that they are capable of +meaning, and their meaning does not, as a rule, have as much complexity +as they have: some of their characteristics are usually devoid of +meaning. Thus it may well be possible to extract in words all that +has meaning in an image-content; in that case the word-content and the +image-content will have exactly the same objective reference. + +The content of a belief, when expressed in words, is the same thing (or +very nearly the same thing) as what in logic is called a "proposition." +A proposition is a series of words (or sometimes a single word) +expressing the kind of thing that can be asserted or denied. "That all +men are mortal," "that Columbus discovered America," "that Charles I +died in his bed," "that all philosophers are wise," are propositions. +Not any series of words is a proposition, but only such series of words +as have "meaning," or, in our phraseology, "objective reference." Given +the meanings of separate words, and the rules of syntax, the meaning of +a proposition is determinate. This is the reason why we can understand +a sentence we never heard before. You probably never heard before the +proposition "that the inhabitants of the Andaman Islands habitually +eat stewed hippopotamus for dinner," but there is no difficulty in +understanding the proposition. The question of the relation between +the meaning of a sentence and the meanings of the separate words is +difficult, and I shall not pursue it now; I brought it up solely as +being illustrative of the nature of propositions. + +We may extend the term "proposition" so as to cover the image-contents +of beliefs consisting of images. Thus, in the case of remembering a +room in which the window is to the left of the door, when we believe the +image-content the proposition will consist of the image of the window +on the left together with the image of the door on the right. We will +distinguish propositions of this kind as "image-propositions" +and propositions in words as "word-propositions." We may identify +propositions in general with the contents of actual and possible +beliefs, and we may say that it is propositions that are true or false. +In logic we are concerned with propositions rather than beliefs, since +logic is not interested in what people do in fact believe, but only +in the conditions which determine the truth or falsehood of possible +beliefs. Whenever possible, except when actual beliefs are in question, +it is generally a simplification to deal with propositions. + +It would seem that image-propositions are more primitive than +word-propositions, and may well ante-date language. There is no reason +why memory-images, accompanied by that very simple belief-feeling which +we decided to be the essence of memory, should not have occurred before +language arose; indeed, it would be rash to assert positively that +memory of this sort does not occur among the higher animals. Our more +elementary beliefs, notably those that are added to sensation to make +perception, often remain at the level of images. For example, most of +the visual objects in our neighbourhood rouse tactile images: we have a +different feeling in looking at a sofa from what we have in looking at +a block of marble, and the difference consists chiefly in different +stimulation of our tactile imagination. It may be said that the tactile +images are merely present, without any accompanying belief; but I think +this view, though sometimes correct, derives its plausibility as a +general proposition from our thinking of explicit conscious belief only. +Most of our beliefs, like most of our wishes, are "unconscious," in the +sense that we have never told ourselves that we have them. Such beliefs +display themselves when the expectations that they arouse fail in any +way. For example, if someone puts tea (without milk) into a glass, and +you drink it under the impression that it is going to be beer; or if you +walk on what appears to be a tiled floor, and it turns out to be a soft +carpet made to look like tiles. The shock of surprise on an occasion of +this kind makes us aware of the expectations that habitually enter into +our perceptions; and such expectations must be classed as beliefs, in +spite of the fact that we do not normally take note of them or put them +into words. I remember once watching a cock pigeon running over and over +again to the edge of a looking-glass to try to wreak vengeance on the +particularly obnoxious bird whom he expected to find there, judging by +what he saw in the glass. He must have experienced each time the sort of +surprise on finding nothing, which is calculated to lead in time to +the adoption of Berkeley's theory that objects of sense are only in the +mind. His expectation, though not expressed in words, deserved, I think, +to be called a belief. + +I come now to the question what constitutes believing, as opposed to the +content believed. + +To begin with, there are various different attitudes that may be taken +towards the same content. Let us suppose, for the sake of argument, that +you have a visual image of your breakfast-table. You may expect it while +you are dressing in the morning; remember it as you go to your work; +feel doubt as to its correctness when questioned as to your powers of +visualizing; merely entertain the image, without connecting it with +anything external, when you are going to sleep; desire it if you are +hungry, or feel aversion for it if you are ill. Suppose, for the sake of +definiteness, that the content is "an egg for breakfast." Then you have +the following attitudes "I expect there will be an egg for breakfast"; +"I remember there was an egg for breakfast"; "Was there an egg for +breakfast?" "An egg for breakfast: well, what of it?" "I hope there +will be an egg for breakfast"; "I am afraid there will be an egg for +breakfast and it is sure to be bad." I do not suggest that this is a +list of all possible attitudes on the subject; I say only that they +are different attitudes, all concerned with the one content "an egg for +breakfast." + +These attitudes are not all equally ultimate. Those that involve desire +and aversion have occupied us in Lecture III. For the present, we are +only concerned with such as are cognitive. In speaking of memory, we +distinguished three kinds of belief directed towards the same +content, namely memory, expectation and bare assent without any +time-determination in the belief-feeling. But before developing this +view, we must examine two other theories which might be held concerning +belief, and which, in some ways, would be more in harmony with a +behaviourist outlook than the theory I wish to advocate. + +(1) The first theory to be examined is the view that the differentia of +belief consists in its causal efficacy I do not wish to make any author +responsible for this theory: I wish merely to develop it hypothetically +so that we may judge of its tenability. + +We defined the meaning of an image or word by causal efficacy, namely by +associations: an image or word acquires meaning, we said, through having +the same associations as what it means. + +We propose hypothetically to define "belief" by a different kind +of causal efficacy, namely efficacy in causing voluntary movements. +(Voluntary movements are defined as those vital movements which are +distinguished from reflex movements as involving the higher nervous +centres. I do not like to distinguish them by means of such notions as +"consciousness" or "will," because I do not think these notions, in any +definable sense, are always applicable. Moreover, the purpose of the +theory we are examining is to be, as far as possible, physiological and +behaviourist, and this purpose is not achieved if we introduce such a +conception as "consciousness" or "will." Nevertheless, it is necessary +for our purpose to find some way of distinguishing between voluntary and +reflex movements, since the results would be too paradoxical, if we were +to say that reflex movements also involve beliefs.) According to this +definition, a content is said to be "believed" when it causes us to +move. The images aroused are the same if you say to me, "Suppose there +were an escaped tiger coming along the street," and if you say to me, +"There is an escaped tiger coming along the street." But my actions will +be very different in the two cases: in the first, I shall remain calm; +in the second, it is possible that I may not. It is suggested, by the +theory we are considering, that this difference of effects constitutes +what is meant by saying that in the second case I believe the +proposition suggested, while in the first case I do not. According +to this view, images or words are "believed" when they cause bodily +movements. + +I do not think this theory is adequate, but I think it is suggestive +of truth, and not so easily refutable as it might appear to be at first +sight. + +It might be objected to the theory that many things which we certainly +believe do not call for any bodily movements. I believe that Great +Britain is an island, that whales are mammals, that Charles I was +executed, and so on; and at first sight it seems obvious that such +beliefs, as a rule, do not call for any action on my part. But when we +investigate the matter more closely, it becomes more doubtful. To begin +with, we must distinguish belief as a mere DISPOSITION from actual +active belief. We speak as if we always believed that Charles I was +executed, but that only means that we are always ready to believe it +when the subject comes up. The phenomenon we are concerned to analyse +is the active belief, not the permanent disposition. Now, what are +the occasions when, we actively believe that Charles I was executed? +Primarily: examinations, when we perform the bodily movement of writing +it down; conversation, when we assert it to display our historical +erudition; and political discourses, when we are engaged in showing what +Soviet government leads to. In all these cases bodily movements (writing +or speaking) result from our belief. + +But there remains the belief which merely occurs in "thinking." One may +set to work to recall some piece of history one has been reading, and +what one recalls is believed, although it probably does not cause any +bodily movement whatever. It is true that what we believe always MAY +influence action. Suppose I am invited to become King of Georgia: I find +the prospect attractive, and go to Cook's to buy a third-class ticket to +my new realm. At the last moment I remember Charles I and all the other +monarchs who have come to a bad end; I change my mind, and walk out +without completing the transaction. But such incidents are rare, and +cannot constitute the whole of my belief that Charles I was executed. +The conclusion seems to be that, although a belief always MAY influence +action if it becomes relevant to a practical issue, it often exists +actively (not as a mere disposition) without producing any voluntary +movement whatever. If this is true, we cannot define belief by the +effect on voluntary movements. + +There is another, more theoretical, ground for rejecting the view we +are examining. It is clear that a proposition can be either believed or +merely considered, and that the content is the same in both cases. We +can expect an egg for breakfast, or merely entertain the supposition +that there may be an egg for breakfast. A moment ago I considered the +possibility of being invited to become King of Georgia, but I do not +believe that this will happen. Now, it seems clear that, since believing +and considering have different effects if one produces bodily movements +while the other does not, there must be some intrinsic difference +between believing and considering*; for if they were precisely similar, +their effects also would be precisely similar. We have seen that the +difference between believing a given proposition and merely considering +it does not lie in the content; therefore there must be, in one case +or in both, something additional to the content which distinguishes the +occurrence of a belief from the occurrence of a mere consideration +of the same content. So far as the theoretical argument goes, this +additional element may exist only in belief, or only in consideration, +or there may be one sort of additional element in the case of belief, +and another in the case of consideration. This brings us to the second +view which we have to examine. + + * Cf. Brentano, "Psychologie vom empirischen Standpunkte," + p. 268 (criticizing Bain, "The Emotions and the Will"). + +(1) The theory which we have now to consider regards belief as belonging +to every idea which is entertained, except in so far as some positive +counteracting force interferes. In this view belief is not a positive +phenomenon, though doubt and disbelief are so. What we call belief, +according to this hypothesis, involves only the appropriate content, +which will have the effects characteristic of belief unless something +else operating simultaneously inhibits them. James (Psychology, vol. +ii, p. 288) quotes with approval, though inaccurately, a passage from +Spinoza embodying this view: + +"Let us conceive a boy imagining to himself a horse, and taking note of +nothing else. As this imagination involves the existence of the horse, +AND THE BOY HAS NO PERCEPTION WHICH ANNULS ITS EXISTENCE [James's +italics], he will necessarily contemplate the horse as present, nor will +he be able to doubt of its existence, however little certain of it he +may be. I deny that a man in so far as he imagines [percipit] affirms +nothing. For what is it to imagine a winged horse but to affirm that the +horse [that horse, namely] has wings? For if the mind had nothing before +it but the winged horse, it would contemplate the same as present, would +have no cause to doubt of its existence, nor any power of dissenting +from its existence, unless the imagination of the winged horse were +joined to an idea which contradicted [tollit] its existence" ("Ethics," +vol. ii, p. 49, Scholium). + +To this doctrine James entirely assents, adding in italics: + +"ANY OBJECT WHICH REMAINS UNCONTRADICTED IS IPSO FACTO BELIEVED AND +POSITED AS ABSOLUTE REALITY." + +If this view is correct, it follows (though James does not draw +the inference) that there is no need of any specific feeling called +"belief," and that the mere existence of images yields all that is +required. The state of mind in which we merely consider a proposition, +without believing or disbelieving it, will then appear as a +sophisticated product, the result of some rival force adding to the +image-proposition a positive feeling which may be called suspense or +non-belief--a feeling which may be compared to that of a man about to +run a race waiting for the signal. Such a man, though not moving, is in +a very different condition from that of a man quietly at rest And so the +man who is considering a proposition without believing it will be in +a state of tension, restraining the natural tendency to act upon the +proposition which he would display if nothing interfered. In this view +belief primarily consists merely in the existence of the appropriate +images without any counteracting forces. + +There is a great deal to be said in favour of this view, and I have some +hesitation in regarding it as inadequate. It fits admirably with the +phenomena of dreams and hallucinatory images, and it is recommended by +the way in which it accords with mental development. Doubt, suspense +of judgment and disbelief all seem later and more complex than a wholly +unreflecting assent. Belief as a positive phenomenon, if it exists, +may be regarded, in this view, as a product of doubt, a decision after +debate, an acceptance, not merely of THIS, but of THIS-RATHER-THAN-THAT. +It is not difficult to suppose that a dog has images (possible +olfactory) of his absent master, or of the rabbit that he dreams of +hunting. But it is very difficult to suppose that he can entertain mere +imagination-images to which no assent is given. + +I think it must be conceded that a mere image, without the addition of +any positive feeling that could be called "belief," is apt to have a +certain dynamic power, and in this sense an uncombated image has the +force of a belief. But although this may be true, it accounts only for +some of the simplest phenomena in the region of belief. It will not, for +example, explain memory. Nor can it explain beliefs which do not issue +in any proximate action, such as those of mathematics. I conclude, +therefore, that there must be belief-feelings of the same order as those +of doubt or disbelief, although phenomena closely analogous to those of +belief can be produced by mere uncontradicted images. + +(3) I come now to the view of belief which I wish to advocate. It seems +to me that there are at least three kinds of belief, namely memory, +expectation and bare assent. Each of these I regard as constituted by +a certain feeling or complex of sensations, attached to the content +believed. We may illustrate by an example. Suppose I am believing, +by means of images, not words, that it will rain. We have here two +interrelated elements, namely the content and the expectation. The +content consists of images of (say) the visual appearance of rain, the +feeling of wetness, the patter of drops, interrelated, roughly, as the +sensations would be if it were raining. Thus the content is a complex +fact composed of images. Exactly the same content may enter into the +memory "it was raining" or the assent "rain occurs." The difference of +these cases from each other and from expectation does not lie in the +content. The difference lies in the nature of the belief-feeling. +I, personally, do not profess to be able to analyse the sensations +constituting respectively memory, expectation and assent; but I am +not prepared to say that they cannot be analysed. There may be other +belief-feelings, for example in disjunction and implication; also a +disbelief-feeling. + +It is not enough that the content and the belief-feeling should coexist: +it is necessary that there should be a specific relation between them, +of the sort expressed by saying that the content is what is believed. +If this were not obvious, it could be made plain by an argument. If +the mere co-existence of the content and the belief-feeling sufficed, +whenever we were having (say) a memory-feeling we should be remembering +any proposition which came into our minds at the same time. But this is +not the case, since we may simultaneously remember one proposition and +merely consider another. + +We may sum up our analysis, in the case of bare assent to a proposition +not expressed in words, as follows: (a) We have a proposition, +consisting of interrelated images, and possibly partly of sensations; +(b) we have the feeling of assent, which is presumably a complex +sensation demanding analysis; (c) we have a relation, actually +subsisting, between the assent and the proposition, such as is expressed +by saying that the proposition in question is what is assented to. For +other forms of belief-feeling or of content, we have only to make the +necessary substitutions in this analysis. + +If we are right in our analysis of belief, the use of words in +expressing beliefs is apt to be misleading. There is no way of +distinguishing, in words, between a memory and an assent to a +proposition about the past: "I ate my breakfast" and "Caesar conquered +Gaul" have the same verbal form, though (assuming that I remember my +breakfast) they express occurrences which are psychologically very +different. In the one case, what happens is that I remember the content +"eating my breakfast"; in the other case, I assent to the content +"Caesar's conquest of Gaul occurred." In the latter case, but not in the +former, the pastness is part of the content believed. Exactly similar +remarks apply to the difference between expectation, such as we have +when waiting for the thunder after a flash of lightning, and assent to a +proposition about the future, such as we have in all the usual cases of +inferential knowledge as to what will occur. I think this difficulty in +the verbal expression of the temporal aspects of beliefs is one among +the causes which have hampered philosophy in the consideration of time. + +The view of belief which I have been advocating contains little that is +novel except the distinction of kinds of belief-feeling--such as memory +and expectation. Thus James says: "Everyone knows the difference between +imagining a thing and believing in its existence, between supposing a +proposition and acquiescing in its truth...IN ITS INNER NATURE, BELIEF, +OR THE SENSE OF REALITY, IS A SORT OF FEELING MORE ALLIED TO THE +EMOTIONS THAN TO ANYTHING ELSE" ("Psychology," vol. ii, p. 283. James's +italics). He proceeds to point out that drunkenness, and, still more, +nitrous-oxide intoxication, will heighten the sense of belief: in the +latter case, he says, a man's very soul may sweat with conviction, and +he be all the time utterly unable to say what he is convinced of. It +would seem that, in such cases, the feeling of belief exists unattached, +without its usual relation to a content believed, just as the feeling +of familiarity may sometimes occur without being related to any definite +familiar object. The feeling of belief, when it occurs in this separated +heightened form, generally leads us to look for a content to which to +attach it. Much of what passes for revelation or mystic insight probably +comes in this way: the belief-feeling, in abnormal strength, attaches +itself, more or less accidentally, to some content which we happen to +think of at the appropriate moment. But this is only a speculation, upon +which I do not wish to lay too much stress. + + + + +LECTURE XIII. TRUTH AND FALSEHOOD + +The definition of truth and falsehood, which is our topic to-day, lies +strictly outside our general subject, namely the analysis of mind. From +the psychological standpoint, there may be different kinds of belief, +and different degrees of certainty, but there cannot be any purely +psychological means of distinguishing between true and false beliefs. +A belief is rendered true or false by relation to a fact, which may lie +outside the experience of the person entertaining the belief. Truth and +falsehood, except in the case of beliefs about our own minds, depend +upon the relations of mental occurrences to outside things, and thus +take us beyond the analysis of mental occurrences as they are in +themselves. Nevertheless, we can hardly avoid the consideration of truth +and falsehood. We wish to believe that our beliefs, sometimes at least, +yield KNOWLEDGE, and a belief does not yield knowledge unless it is +true. The question whether our minds are instruments of knowledge, and, +if so, in what sense, is so vital that any suggested analysis of mind +must be examined in relation to this question. To ignore this question +would be like describing a chronometer without regard to its accuracy +as a time-keeper, or a thermometer without mentioning the fact that it +measures temperature. + +Many difficult questions arise in connection with knowledge. It is +difficult to define knowledge, difficult to decide whether we have any +knowledge, and difficult, even if it is conceded that we sometimes have +knowledge to discover whether we can ever know that we have knowledge +in this or that particular case. I shall divide the discussion into four +parts: + +I. We may regard knowledge, from a behaviourist standpoint, as exhibited +in a certain kind of response to the environment. This response must +have some characteristics which it shares with those of scientific +instruments, but must also have others that are peculiar to knowledge. +We shall find that this point of view is important, but not exhaustive +of the nature of knowledge. + +II. We may hold that the beliefs that constitute knowledge are +distinguished from such as are erroneous or uncertain by properties +which are intrinsic either to single beliefs or to systems of beliefs, +being in either case discoverable without reference to outside fact. +Views of this kind have been widely held among philosophers, but we +shall find no reason to accept them. + +III. We believe that some beliefs are true, and some false. This raises +the problem of VERIFIABILITY: are there any circumstances which can +justifiably give us an unusual degree of certainty that such and such a +belief is true? It is obvious that there are circumstances which in fact +cause a certainty of this sort, and we wish to learn what we can from +examining these circumstances. + +IV. Finally, there is the formal problem of defining truth and +falsehood, and deriving the objective reference of a proposition from +the meanings of its component words. + +We will consider these four problems in succession. + +I. We may regard a human being as an instrument, which makes various +responses to various stimuli. If we observe these responses from +outside, we shall regard them as showing knowledge when they display +two characteristics, ACCURACY and APPROPRIATENESS. These two are quite +distinct, and even sometimes incompatible. If I am being pursued by +a tiger, accuracy is furthered by turning round to look at him, but +appropriateness by running away without making any search for +further knowledge of the beast. I shall return to the question of +appropriateness later; for the present it is accuracy that I wish to +consider. + +When we are viewing a man from the outside, it is not his beliefs, +but his bodily movements, that we can observe. His knowledge must be +inferred from his bodily movements, and especially from what he says +and writes. For the present we may ignore beliefs, and regard a man's +knowledge as actually consisting in what he says and does. That is to +say, we will construct, as far as possible, a purely behaviouristic +account of truth and falsehood. + +If you ask a boy "What is twice two?" and the boy says "four," you take +that as prima facie evidence that the boy knows what twice two is. But +if you go on to ask what is twice three, twice four, twice five, and so +on, and the boy always answers "four," you come to the conclusion that +he knows nothing about it. Exactly similar remarks apply to scientific +instruments. I know a certain weather-cock which has the pessimistic +habit of always pointing to the north-east. If you were to see it first +on a cold March day, you would think it an excellent weather-cock; but +with the first warm day of spring your confidence would be shaken. The +boy and the weather-cock have the same defect: they do not vary their +response when the stimulus is varied. A good instrument, or a person +with much knowledge, will give different responses to stimuli which +differ in relevant ways. This is the first point in defining accuracy of +response. + +We will now assume another boy, who also, when you first question him, +asserts that twice two is four. But with this boy, instead of asking him +different questions, you make a practice of asking him the same question +every day at breakfast. You find that he says five, or six, or seven, or +any other number at random, and you conclude that he also does not know +what twice two is, though by good luck he answered right the first time. +This boy is like a weather-cock which, instead of being stuck fast, is +always going round and round, changing without any change of wind. This +boy and weather-cock have the opposite defect to that of the previous +pair: they give different responses to stimuli which do not differ in +any relevant way. + +In connection with vagueness in memory, we already had occasion to +consider the definition of accuracy. Omitting some of the niceties of +our previous discussion, we may say that an instrument is ACCURATE when +it avoids the defects of the two boys and weather-cocks, that is to say, +when-- + +(a) It gives different responses to stimuli which differ in relevant +ways; + +(b) It gives the same response to stimuli which do not differ in +relevant ways. + +What are relevant ways depends upon the nature and purpose of the +instrument. In the case of a weather-cock, the direction of the wind is +relevant, but not its strength; in the case of the boy, the meaning of +the words of your question is relevant, but not the loudness of your +voice, or whether you are his father or his schoolmaster If, however, +you were a boy of his own age, that would be relevant, and the +appropriate response would be different. + +It is clear that knowledge is displayed by accuracy of response to +certain kinds of stimuli, e.g. examinations. Can we say, conversely, +that it consists wholly of such accuracy of response? I do not think +we can; but we can go a certain distance in this direction. For this +purpose we must define more carefully the kind of accuracy and the kind +of response that may be expected where there is knowledge. + +From our present point of view, it is difficult to exclude perception +from knowledge; at any rate, knowledge is displayed by actions based +upon perception. A bird flying among trees avoids bumping into their +branches; its avoidance is a response to visual sensations. This +response has the characteristic of accuracy, in the main, and leads +us to say that the bird "knows," by sight, what objects are in its +neighbourhood. For a behaviourist, this must certainly count as +knowledge, however it may be viewed by analytic psychology. In this +case, what is known, roughly, is the stimulus; but in more advanced +knowledge the stimulus and what is known become different. For example, +you look in your calendar and find that Easter will be early next year. +Here the stimulus is the calendar, whereas the response concerns the +future. Even this can be paralleled among instruments: the behaviour of +the barometer has a present stimulus but foretells the future, so that +the barometer might be said, in a sense, to know the future. However +that may be, the point I am emphasizing as regards knowledge is that +what is known may be quite different from the stimulus, and no part of +the cause of the knowledge-response. It is only in sense-knowledge that +the stimulus and what is known are, with qualifications, identifiable. +In knowledge of the future, it is obvious that they are totally +distinct, since otherwise the response would precede the stimulus. In +abstract knowledge also they are distinct, since abstract facts have no +date. In knowledge of the past there are complications, which we must +briefly examine. + +Every form of memory will be, from our present point of view, in one +sense a delayed response. But this phrase does not quite clearly +express what is meant. If you light a fuse and connect it with a heap of +dynamite, the explosion of the dynamite may be spoken of, in a sense, +as a delayed response to your lighting of the fuse. But that only means +that it is a somewhat late portion of a continuous process of which the +earlier parts have less emotional interest. This is not the case +with habit. A display of habit has two sorts of causes: (a) the past +occurrences which generated the habit, (b) the present occurrence which +brings it into play. When you drop a weight on your toe, and say what +you do say, the habit has been caused by imitation of your undesirable +associates, whereas it is brought into play by the dropping of the +weight. The great bulk of our knowledge is a habit in this sense: +whenever I am asked when I was born, I reply correctly by mere habit. It +would hardly be correct to say that getting born was the stimulus, and +that my reply is a delayed response But in cases of memory this way +of speaking would have an element of truth. In an habitual memory, the +event remembered was clearly an essential part of the stimulus to the +formation of the habit. The present stimulus which brings the habit into +play produces a different response from that which it would produce if +the habit did not exist. Therefore the habit enters into the causation +of the response, and so do, at one remove, the causes of the habit. It +follows that an event remembered is an essential part of the causes of +our remembering. + +In spite, however, of the fact that what is known is SOMETIMES an +indispensable part of the cause of the knowledge, this circumstance is, +I think, irrelevant to the general question with which we are concerned, +namely What sort of response to what sort of stimulus can be regarded +as displaying knowledge? There is one characteristic which the response +must have, namely, it must consist of voluntary movements. The need +of this characteristic is connected with the characteristic of +APPROPRIATENESS, which I do not wish to consider as yet. For the present +I wish only to obtain a clearer idea of the sort of ACCURACY that a +knowledge-response must have. It is clear from many instances that +accuracy, in other cases, may be purely mechanical. The most complete +form of accuracy consists in giving correct answers to questions, an +achievement in which calculating machines far surpass human beings. In +asking a question of a calculating machine, you must use its language: +you must not address it in English, any more than you would address +an Englishman in Chinese. But if you address it in the language it +understands, it will tell you what is 34521 times 19987, without a +moment's hesitation or a hint of inaccuracy. We do not say the machine +KNOWS the answer, because it has no purpose of its own in giving the +answer: it does not wish to impress you with its cleverness, or feel +proud of being such a good machine. But as far as mere accuracy goes, +the machine leaves nothing to be desired. + +Accuracy of response is a perfectly clear notion in the case of answers +to questions, but in other cases it is much more obscure. We may say +generally that an object whether animate or inanimate, is "sensitive" to +a certain feature of the environment if it behaves differently according +to the presence or absence of that feature. Thus iron is sensitive to +anything magnetic. But sensitiveness does not constitute knowledge, and +knowledge of a fact which is not sensible is not sensitiveness to +that fact, as we have seen in distinguishing the fact known from the +stimulus. As soon as we pass beyond the simple case of question and +answer, the definition of knowledge by means of behaviour demands the +consideration of purpose. A carrier pigeon flies home, and so we say +it "knows" the way. But if it merely flew to some place at random, we +should not say that it "knew" the way to that place, any more than a +stone rolling down hill knows the way to the valley. + +On the features which distinguish knowledge from accuracy of response in +general, not much can be said from a behaviourist point of view without +referring to purpose. But the necessity of SOMETHING besides accuracy of +response may be brought out by the following consideration: Suppose +two persons, of whom one believed whatever the other disbelieved, +and disbelieved whatever the other believed. So far as accuracy and +sensitiveness of response alone are concerned, there would be nothing to +choose between these two persons. A thermometer which went down for warm +weather and up for cold might be just as accurate as the usual kind; and +a person who always believes falsely is just as sensitive an instrument +as a person who always believes truly. The observable and practical +difference between them would be that the one who always believed +falsely would quickly come to a bad end. This illustrates once more that +accuracy of response to stimulus does not alone show knowledge, but must +be reinforced by appropriateness, i.e. suitability for realizing one's +purpose. This applies even in the apparently simple case of answering +questions: if the purpose of the answers is to deceive, their falsehood, +not their truth, will be evidence of knowledge. The proportion of +the combination of appropriateness with accuracy in the definition +of knowledge is difficult; it seems that both enter in, but that +appropriateness is only required as regards the general type of +response, not as regards each individual instance. + +II. I have so far assumed as unquestionable the view that the truth or +falsehood of a belief consists in a relation to a certain fact, +namely the objective of the belief. This view has, however, been often +questioned. Philosophers have sought some intrinsic criterion by which +true and false beliefs could be distinguished.* I am afraid their chief +reason for this search has been the wish to feel more certainty than +seems otherwise possible as to what is true and what is false. If +we could discover the truth of a belief by examining its intrinsic +characteristics, or those of some collection of beliefs of which it +forms part, the pursuit of truth, it is thought, would be a less arduous +business than it otherwise appears to be. But the attempts which +have been made in this direction are not encouraging. I will take two +criteria which have been suggested, namely, (1) self-evidence, (2) +mutual coherence. If we can show that these are inadequate, we may +feel fairly certain that no intrinsic criterion hitherto suggested will +suffice to distinguish true from false beliefs. + + * The view that such a criterion exists is generally held by + those whose views are in any degree derived from Hegel. It + may be illustrated by the following passage from Lossky, + "The Intuitive Basis of Knowledge" (Macmillan, 1919), p. + 268: "Strictly speaking, a false judgment is not a judgment + at all. The predicate does not follow from the subject S + alone, but from the subject plus a certain addition C, WHICH + IN NO SENSE BELONGS TO THE CONTENT OF THE JUDGMENT. What + takes place may be a process of association of ideas, of + imagining, or the like, but is not a process of judging. An + experienced psychologist will be able by careful observation + to detect that in this process there is wanting just the + specific element of the objective dependence of the + predicate upon the subject which is characteristic of a + judgment. It must be admitted, however, that an exceptional + power of observation is needed in order to distinguish, by + means of introspection, mere combination of ideas from + judgments." + + +(1) Self-evidence.--Some of our beliefs seem to be peculiarly +indubitable. One might instance the belief that two and two are four, +that two things cannot be in the same place at the same time, nor one +thing in two places, or that a particular buttercup that we are seeing +is yellow. The suggestion we are to examine is that such: beliefs have +some recognizable quality which secures their truth, and the truth of +whatever is deduced from them according to self-evident principles of +inference. This theory is set forth, for example, by Meinong in his +book, "Ueber die Erfahrungsgrundlagen unseres Wissens." + +If this theory is to be logically tenable, self-evidence must not +consist merely in the fact that we believe a proposition. We believe +that our beliefs are sometimes erroneous, and we wish to be able to +select a certain class of beliefs which are never erroneous. If we +are to do this, it must be by some mark which belongs only to certain +beliefs, not to all; and among those to which it belongs there must be +none that are mutually inconsistent. If, for example, two propositions +p and q were self-evident, and it were also self-evident that p and q +could not both be true, that would condemn self-evidence as a guarantee +of truth. Again, self-evidence must not be the same thing as the absence +of doubt or the presence of complete certainty. If we are completely +certain of a proposition, we do not seek a ground to support our belief. +If self-evidence is alleged as a ground of belief, that implies that +doubt has crept in, and that our self-evident proposition has not +wholly resisted the assaults of scepticism. To say that any given person +believes some things so firmly that he cannot be made to doubt them is +no doubt true. Such beliefs he will be willing to use as premisses in +reasoning, and to him personally they will seem to have as much evidence +as any belief can need. But among the propositions which one man finds +indubitable there will be some that another man finds it quite possible +to doubt. It used to seem self-evident that there could not be men at +the Antipodes, because they would fall off, or at best grow giddy from +standing on their heads. But New Zealanders find the falsehood of this +proposition self-evident. Therefore, if self-evidence is a guarantee of +truth, our ancestors must have been mistaken in thinking their beliefs +about the Antipodes self-evident. Meinong meets this difficulty by +saying that some beliefs are falsely thought to be self-evident, but in +the case of others it is self-evident that they are self-evident, and +these are wholly reliable. Even this, however, does not remove the +practical risk of error, since we may mistakenly believe it self-evident +that a certain belief is self-evident. To remove all risk of error, we +shall need an endless series of more and more complicated self-evident +beliefs, which cannot possibly be realized in practice. It would seem, +therefore, that self-evidence is useless as a practical criterion for +insuring truth. + +The same result follows from examining instances. If we take the four +instances mentioned at the beginning of this discussion, we shall +find that three of them are logical, while the fourth is a judgment of +perception. The proposition that two and two are four follows by purely +logical deduction from definitions: that means that its truth results, +not from the properties of objects, but from the meanings of symbols. +Now symbols, in mathematics, mean what we choose; thus the feeling of +self-evidence, in this case, seems explicable by the fact that the whole +matter is within our control. I do not wish to assert that this is +the whole truth about mathematical propositions, for the question is +complicated, and I do not know what the whole truth is. But I do wish to +suggest that the feeling of self-evidence in mathematical propositions +has to do with the fact that they are concerned with the meanings of +symbols, not with properties of the world such as external observation +might reveal. + +Similar considerations apply to the impossibility of a thing being in +two places at once, or of two things being in one place at the same +time. These impossibilities result logically, if I am not mistaken, from +the definitions of one thing and one place. That is to say, they are not +laws of physics, but only part of the intellectual apparatus which we +have manufactured for manipulating physics. Their self-evidence, if this +is so, lies merely in the fact that they represent our decision as to +the use of words, not a property of physical objects. + +Judgments of perception, such as "this buttercup is yellow," are in +a quite different position from judgments of logic, and their +self-evidence must have a different explanation. In order to arrive at +the nucleus of such a judgment, we will eliminate, as far as possible, +the use of words which take us beyond the present fact, such as +"buttercup" and "yellow." The simplest kind of judgment underlying the +perception that a buttercup is yellow would seem to be the perception of +similarity in two colours seen simultaneously. Suppose we are seeing +two buttercups, and we perceive that their colours are similar. This +similarity is a physical fact, not a matter of symbols or words; and it +certainly seems to be indubitable in a way that many judgments are not. + +The first thing to observe, in regard to such judgments, is that as they +stand they are vague. The word "similar" is a vague word, since there +are degrees of similarity, and no one can say where similarity ends +and dissimilarity begins. It is unlikely that our two buttercups have +EXACTLY the same colour, and if we judged that they had we should have +passed altogether outside the region of self-evidence. To make our +proposition more precise, let us suppose that we are also seeing a +red rose at the same time. Then we may judge that the colours of the +buttercups are more similar to each other than to the colour of the +rose. This judgment seems more complicated, but has certainly gained +in precision. Even now, however, it falls short of complete precision, +since similarity is not prima facie measurable, and it would require +much discussion to decide what we mean by greater or less similarity. To +this process of the pursuit of precision there is strictly no limit. + +The next thing to observe (although I do not personally doubt that most +of our judgments of perception are true) is that it is very difficult to +define any class of such judgments which can be known, by its intrinsic +quality, to be always exempt from error. Most of our judgments of +perception involve correlations, as when we judge that a certain noise +is that of a passing cart. Such judgments are all obviously liable to +error, since there is no correlation of which we have a right to be +certain that it is invariable. Other judgments of perception are derived +from recognition, as when we say "this is a buttercup," or even merely +"this is yellow." All such judgments entail some risk of error, +though sometimes perhaps a very small one; some flowers that look like +buttercups are marigolds, and colours that some would call yellow others +might call orange. Our subjective certainty is usually a result of +habit, and may lead us astray in circumstances which are unusual in ways +of which we are unaware. + +For such reasons, no form of self-evidence seems to afford an absolute +criterion of truth. Nevertheless, it is perhaps true that judgments +having a high degree of subjective certainty are more apt to be true +than other judgments. But if this be the case, it is a result to be +demonstrated, not a premiss from which to start in defining truth and +falsehood. As an initial guarantee, therefore, neither self-evidence nor +subjective certainty can be accepted as adequate. + +(2) Coherence.--Coherence as the definition of truth is advocated by +idealists, particularly by those who in the main follow Hegel. It is set +forth ably in Mr. Joachim's book, "The Nature of Truth" (Oxford, 1906). +According to this view, any set of propositions other than the whole +of truth can be condemned on purely logical grounds, as internally +inconsistent; a single proposition, if it is what we should ordinarily +call false, contradicts itself irremediably, while if it is what we +should ordinarily call true, it has implications which compel us to +admit other propositions, which in turn lead to others, and so on, until +we find ourselves committed to the whole of truth. One might illustrate +by a very simple example: if I say "so-and-so is a married man," that +is not a self-subsistent proposition. We cannot logically conceive of a +universe in which this proposition constituted the whole of truth. There +must be also someone who is a married woman, and who is married to +the particular man in question. The view we are considering regards +everything that can be said about any one object as relative in the same +sort of way as "so-and-so is a married man." But everything, according +to this view, is relative, not to one or two other things, but to all +other things, so that from one bit of truth the whole can be inferred. + +The fundamental objection to this view is logical, and consists in a +criticism of its doctrine as to relations. I shall omit this line of +argument, which I have developed elsewhere.* For the moment I will +content myself with saying that the powers of logic seem to me very +much less than this theory supposes. If it were taken seriously, its +advocates ought to profess that any one truth is logically inferable +from any other, and that, for example, the fact that Caesar conquered +Gaul, if adequately considered, would enable us to discover what the +weather will be to-morrow. No such claim is put forward in practice, and +the necessity of empirical observation is not denied; but according to +the theory it ought to be. + + * In the article on "The Monistic Theory of Truth" in + "Philosophical Essays" (Longmans, 1910), reprinted from the + "Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society," 1906-7. + +Another objection is that no endeavour is made to show that we cannot +form a consistent whole composed partly or wholly of false propositions, +as in a novel. Leibniz's conception of many possible worlds seems to +accord much better with modern logic and with the practical empiricism +which is now universal. The attempt to deduce the world by pure thought +is attractive, and in former times was largely supposed capable of +success. But nowadays most men admit that beliefs must be tested by +observation, and not merely by the fact that they harmonize with other +beliefs. A consistent fairy-tale is a different thing from truth, +however elaborate it may be. But to pursue this topic would lead us +into difficult technicalities; I shall therefore assume, without further +argument, that coherence is not sufficient as a definition of truth. + +III. Many difficult problems arise as regards the verifiability of +beliefs. We believe various things, and while we believe them we think +we know them. But it sometimes turns out that we were mistaken, or at +any rate we come to think we were. We must be mistaken either in our +previous opinion or in our subsequent recantation; therefore our beliefs +are not all correct, and there are cases of belief which are not cases +of knowledge. The question of verifiability is in essence this: can we +discover any set of beliefs which are never mistaken or any test which, +when applicable, will always enable us to discriminate between true +and false beliefs? Put thus broadly and abstractly, the answer must be +negative. There is no way hitherto discovered of wholly eliminating the +risk of error, and no infallible criterion. If we believe we have found +a criterion, this belief itself may be mistaken; we should be begging +the question if we tried to test the criterion by applying the criterion +to itself. + +But although the notion of an absolute criterion is chimerical, there +may be relative criteria, which increase the probability of truth. +Common sense and science hold that there are. Let us see what they have +to say. + +One of the plainest cases of verification, perhaps ultimately the only +case, consists in the happening of something expected. You go to the +station believing that there will be a train at a certain time; you +find the train, you get into it, and it starts at the expected time This +constitutes verification, and is a perfectly definite experience. It is, +in a sense, the converse of memory instead of having first sensations +and then images accompanied by belief, we have first images accompanied +by belief and then sensations. Apart from differences as to the +time-order and the accompanying feelings, the relation between image and +sensation is closely similar in the two cases of memory and expectation; +it is a relation of similarity, with difference as to causal +efficacy--broadly, the image has the psychological but not the physical +effects that the sensation would have. When an image accompanied by +an expectation-belief is thus succeeded by a sensation which is the +"meaning" of the image, we say that the expectation-belief has been +verified. The experience of verification in this sense is exceedingly +familiar; it happens every time that accustomed activities have results +that are not surprising, in eating and walking and talking and all our +daily pursuits. + +But although the experience in question is common, it is not wholly easy +to give a theoretical account of it. How do we know that the sensation +resembles the previous image? Does the image persist in presence of the +sensation, so that we can compare the two? And even if SOME image does +persist, how do we know that it is the previous image unchanged? It does +not seem as if this line of inquiry offered much hope of a successful +issue. It is better, I think, to take a more external and causal view of +the relation of expectation to expected occurrence. If the occurrence, +when it comes, gives us the feeling of expectedness, and if the +expectation, beforehand, enabled us to act in a way which proves +appropriate to the occurrence, that must be held to constitute the +maximum of verification. We have first an expectation, then a sensation +with the feeling of expectedness related to memory of the expectation. +This whole experience, when it occurs, may be defined as verification, +and as constituting the truth of the expectation. Appropriate action, +during the period of expectation, may be regarded as additional +verification, but is not essential. The whole process may be illustrated +by looking up a familiar quotation, finding it in the expected words, +and in the expected part of the book. In this case we can strengthen +the verification by writing down beforehand the words which we expect to +find. + +I think all verification is ultimately of the above sort. We verify a +scientific hypothesis indirectly, by deducing consequences as to the +future, which subsequent experience confirms. If somebody were to doubt +whether Caesar had crossed the Rubicon, verification could only be +obtained from the future. We could proceed to display manuscripts to our +historical sceptic, in which it was said that Caesar had behaved in this +way. We could advance arguments, verifiable by future experience, to +prove the antiquity of the manuscript from its texture, colour, etc. We +could find inscriptions agreeing with the historian on other points, +and tending to show his general accuracy. The causal laws which our +arguments would assume could be verified by the future occurrence of +events inferred by means of them. The existence and persistence of +causal laws, it is true, must be regarded as a fortunate accident, and +how long it will continue we cannot tell. Meanwhile verification remains +often practically possible. And since it is sometimes possible, we +can gradually discover what kinds of beliefs tend to be verified by +experience, and what kinds tend to be falsified; to the former kinds +we give an increased degree of assent, to the latter kinds a diminished +degree. The process is not absolute or infallible, but it has been +found capable of sifting beliefs and building up science. It affords +no theoretical refutation of the sceptic, whose position must remain +logically unassailable; but if complete scepticism is rejected, it gives +the practical method by which the system of our beliefs grows gradually +towards the unattainable ideal of impeccable knowledge. + +IV. I come now to the purely formal definition of the truth or falsehood +of a belief. For this definition it is necessary first of all to +consider the derivation of the objective reference of a proposition from +the meanings of its component words or images. + +Just as a word has meaning, so a proposition has an objective reference. +The objective reference of a proposition is a function (in the +mathematical sense) of the meanings of its component words. But the +objective reference differs from the meaning of a word through the +duality of truth and falsehood. You may believe the proposition "to-day +is Tuesday" both when, in fact, to-day is Tuesday, and when to-day is +not Tuesday. If to-day is not Tuesday, this fact is the objective of +your belief that to-day is Tuesday. But obviously the relation of your +belief to the fact is different in this case from what it is in the case +when to-day is Tuesday. We may say, metaphorically, that when to-day is +Tuesday, your belief that it is Tuesday points TOWARDS the fact, whereas +when to-day is not Tuesday your belief points AWAY FROM the fact. Thus +the objective reference of a belief is not determined by the fact alone, +but by the direction of the belief towards or away from the fact.* If, +on a Tuesday, one man believes that it is Tuesday while another believes +that it is not Tuesday, their beliefs have the same objective, namely +the fact that it is Tuesday but the true belief points towards the fact +while the false one points away from it. Thus, in order to define the +reference of a proposition we have to take account not only of the +objective, but also of the direction of pointing, towards the objective +in the case of a true proposition and away from it in the case of a +false one. + + * I owe this way of looking at the matter to my friend + Ludwig Wittgenstein. + +This mode of stating the nature of the objective reference of a +proposition is necessitated by the circumstance that there are true and +false propositions, but not true and false facts. If to-day is Tuesday, +there is not a false objective "to-day is not Tuesday," which could be +the objective of the false belief "to-day is not Tuesday." This is the +reason why two beliefs which are each other's contradictories have the +same objective. There is, however, a practical inconvenience, namely +that we cannot determine the objective reference of a proposition, +according to this definition, unless we know whether the proposition +is true or false. To avoid this inconvenience, it is better to adopt +a slightly different phraseology, and say: The "meaning" of the +proposition "to-day is Tuesday" consists in pointing to the fact "to-day +is Tuesday" if that is a fact, or away from the fact "to-day is not +Tuesday" if that is a fact. The "meaning" of the proposition "to-day is +not Tuesday" will be exactly the opposite. By this hypothetical form +we are able to speak of the meaning of a proposition without knowing +whether it is true or false. According to this definition, we know the +meaning of a proposition when we know what would make it true and what +would make it false, even if we do not know whether it is in fact true +or false. + +The meaning of a proposition is derivative from the meanings of its +constituent words. Propositions occur in pairs, distinguished (in +simple cases) by the absence or presence of the word "not." Two such +propositions have the same objective, but opposite meanings: when one is +true, the other is false, and when one is false, the other is true. + +The purely formal definition of truth and falsehood offers little +difficulty. What is required is a formal expression of the fact that a +proposition is true when it points towards its objective, and false when +it points away from it, In very simple cases we can give a very simple +account of this: we can say that true propositions actually resemble +their objectives in a way in which false propositions do not. But for +this purpose it is necessary to revert to image-propositions instead of +word-propositions. Let us take again the illustration of a memory-image +of a familiar room, and let us suppose that in the image the window is +to the left of the door. If in fact the window is to the left of the +door, there is a correspondence between the image and the objective; +there is the same relation between the window and the door as between +the images of them. The image-memory consists of the image of the window +to the left of the image of the door. When this is true, the very same +relation relates the terms of the objective (namely the window and +the door) as relates the images which mean them. In this case the +correspondence which constitutes truth is very simple. + +In the case we have just been considering the objective consists of +two parts with a certain relation (that of left-to-right), and the +proposition consists of images of these parts with the very same +relation. The same proposition, if it were false, would have a less +simple formal relation to its objective. If the image-proposition +consists of an image of the window to the left of an image of the door, +while in fact the window is not to the left of the door, the proposition +does not result from the objective by the mere substitution of images +for their prototypes. Thus in this unusually simple case we can say that +a true proposition "corresponds" to its objective in a formal sense in +which a false proposition does not. Perhaps it may be possible to modify +this notion of formal correspondence in such a way as to be more widely +applicable, but if so, the modifications required will be by no means +slight. The reasons for this must now be considered. + +To begin with, the simple type of correspondence we have been exhibiting +can hardly occur when words are substituted for images, because, in +word-propositions, relations are usually expressed by words, which are +not themselves relations. Take such a proposition as "Socrates +precedes Plato." Here the word "precedes" is just as solid as the words +"Socrates" and "Plato"; it MEANS a relation, but is not a relation. Thus +the objective which makes our proposition true consists of TWO terms +with a relation between them, whereas our proposition consists of THREE +terms with a relation of order between them. Of course, it would be +perfectly possible, theoretically, to indicate a few chosen relations, +not by words, but by relations between the other words. "Socrates-Plato" +might be used to mean "Socrates precedes Plato"; "Plato-Socrates" might +be used to mean "Plato was born before Socrates and died after him"; and +so on. But the possibilities of such a method would be very limited. For +aught I know, there may be languages that use it, but they are not among +the languages with which I am acquainted. And in any case, in view of +the multiplicity of relations that we wish to express, no language could +advance far without words for relations. But as soon as we have words +for relations, word-propositions have necessarily more terms than the +facts to which they refer, and cannot therefore correspond so simply +with their objectives as some image-propositions can. + +The consideration of negative propositions and negative facts introduces +further complications. An image-proposition is necessarily positive: +we can image the window to the left of the door, or to the right of the +door, but we can form no image of the bare negative "the window not to +the left of the door." We can DISBELIEVE the image-proposition expressed +by "the window to the left of the door," and our disbelief will be true +if the window is not to the left of the door. But we can form no image +of the fact that the window is not to the left of the door. Attempts +have often been made to deny such negative facts, but, for reasons which +I have given elsewhere,* I believe these attempts to be mistaken, and I +shall assume that there are negative facts. + + * "Monist," January, 1919, p. 42 ff. + +Word-propositions, like image-propositions, are always positive facts. +The fact that Socrates precedes Plato is symbolized in English by the +fact that the word "precedes" occurs between the words "Socrates" and +"Plato." But we cannot symbolize the fact that Plato does not precede +Socrates by not putting the word "precedes" between "Plato" and +"Socrates." A negative fact is not sensible, and language, being +intended for communication, has to be sensible. Therefore we symbolize +the fact that Plato does not precede Socrates by putting the words "does +not precede" between "Plato" and "Socrates." We thus obtain a series of +words which is just as positive a fact as the series "Socrates precedes +Plato." The propositions asserting negative facts are themselves +positive facts; they are merely different positive facts from those +asserting positive facts. + +We have thus, as regards the opposition of positive and negative, three +different sorts of duality, according as we are dealing with facts, +image-propositions, or word-propositions. We have, namely: + +(1) Positive and negative facts; + +(2) Image-propositions, which may be believed or disbelieved, but do +not allow any duality of content corresponding to positive and negative +facts; + +(3) Word-propositions, which are always positive facts, but are of two +kinds: one verified by a positive objective, the other by a negative +objective. + +Owing to these complications, the simplest type of correspondence is +impossible when either negative facts or negative propositions are +involved. + +Even when we confine ourselves to relations between two terms which are +both imaged, it may be impossible to form an image-proposition in which +the relation of the terms is represented by the same relation of the +images. Suppose we say "Caesar was 2,000 years before Foch," we express +a certain temporal relation between Caesar and Foch; but we cannot allow +2,000 years to elapse between our image of Caesar and our image of Foch. +This is perhaps not a fair example, since "2,000 years before" is not a +direct relation. But take a case where the relation is direct, say, "the +sun is brighter than the moon." We can form visual images of sunshine +and moonshine, and it may happen that our image of the sunshine is +the brighter of the two, but this is by no means either necessary or +sufficient. The act of comparison, implied in our judgment, is something +more than the mere coexistence of two images, one of which is in fact +brighter than the other. It would take us too far from our main topic if +we were to go into the question what actually occurs when we make this +judgment. Enough has been said to show that the correspondence between +the belief and its objective is more complicated in this case than in +that of the window to the left of the door, and this was all that had to +be proved. + +In spite of these complications, the general nature of the formal +correspondence which makes truth is clear from our instances. In the +case of the simpler kind of propositions, namely those that I call +"atomic" propositions, where there is only one word expressing a +relation, the objective which would verify our proposition, assuming +that the word "not" is absent, is obtained by replacing each word +by what it means, the word meaning a relation being replaced by this +relation among the meanings of the other words. For example, if the +proposition is "Socrates precedes Plato," the objective which verifies +it results from replacing the word "Socrates" by Socrates, the word +"Plato" by Plato, and the word "precedes" by the relation of preceding +between Socrates and Plato. If the result of this process is a fact, +the proposition is true; if not, it is false. When our proposition is +"Socrates does not precede Plato," the conditions of truth and falsehood +are exactly reversed. More complicated propositions can be dealt with on +the same lines. In fact, the purely formal question, which has occupied +us in this last section, offers no very formidable difficulties. + +I do not believe that the above formal theory is untrue, but I do +believe that it is inadequate. It does not, for example, throw any +light upon our preference for true beliefs rather than false ones. This +preference is only explicable by taking account of the causal efficacy +of beliefs, and of the greater appropriateness of the responses +resulting from true beliefs. But appropriateness depends upon purpose, +and purpose thus becomes a vital part of theory of knowledge. + + + + +LECTURE XIV. EMOTIONS AND WILL + +On the two subjects of the present lecture I have nothing original to +say, and I am treating them only in order to complete the discussion of +my main thesis, namely that all psychic phenomena are built up out of +sensations and images alone. + +Emotions are traditionally regarded by psychologists as a separate +class of mental occurrences: I am, of course, not concerned to deny +the obvious fact that they have characteristics which make a special +investigation of them necessary. What I am concerned with is the +analysis of emotions. It is clear that an emotion is essentially +complex, and we have to inquire whether it ever contains any +non-physiological material not reducible to sensations and images and +their relations. + +Although what specially concerns us is the analysis of emotions, we +shall find that the more important topic is the physiological causation +of emotions. This is a subject upon which much valuable and exceedingly +interesting work has been done, whereas the bare analysis of emotions +has proved somewhat barren. In view of the fact that we have defined +perceptions, sensations, and images by their physiological causation, it +is evident that our problem of the analysis of the emotions is bound up +with the problem of their physiological causation. + +Modern views on the causation of emotions begin with what is called +the James-Lange theory. James states this view in the following terms +("Psychology," vol. ii, p. 449): + +"Our natural way of thinking about these coarser emotions, grief, fear, +rage, love, is that the mental perception of some fact excites the +mental affection called the emotion, and that this latter state of mind +gives rise to the bodily expression. My theory, on the contrary, is that +THE BODILY CHANGES FOLLOW DIRECTLY THE PERCEPTION OF THE EXCITING FACT, +AND THAT OUR FEELING OF THE SAME CHANGES AS THEY OCCUR _IS_ THE EMOTION +(James's italics). Common sense says: we lose our fortune, are sorry +and weep; we meet a bear, are frightened and run; we are insulted by +a rival, are angry and strike. The hypothesis here to be defended says +that this order of sequence is incorrect, that the one mental state is +not immediately induced by the other, that the bodily manifestations +must first be interposed between, and that the more rational statement +is that we feel sorry because we cry, angry because we strike, afraid +because we tremble, and not that we cry, strike, or tremble, because +we are sorry, angry, or fearful, as the case may be. Without the bodily +states following on the perception, the latter would be purely cognitive +in form, pale, colourless, destitute of emotional warmth." + +Round this hypothesis a very voluminous literature has grown up. The +history of its victory over earlier criticism, and its difficulties with +the modern experimental work of Sherrington and Cannon, is well told +by James R. Angell in an article called "A Reconsideration of James's +Theory of Emotion in the Light of Recent Criticisms."* In this article +Angell defends James's theory and to me--though I speak with diffidence +on a question as to which I have little competence--it appears that his +defence is on the whole successful. + + * "Psychological Review," 1916. + +Sherrington, by experiments on dogs, showed that many of the usual marks +of emotion were present in their behaviour even when, by severing the +spinal cord in the lower cervical region, the viscera were cut off from +all communication with the brain, except that existing through certain +cranial nerves. He mentions the various signs which "contributed to +indicate the existence of an emotion as lively as the animal had ever +shown us before the spinal operation had been made."* He infers that +the physiological condition of the viscera cannot be the cause of the +emotion displayed under such circumstances, and concludes: "We are +forced back toward the likelihood that the visceral expression of +emotion is SECONDARY to the cerebral action occurring with the psychical +state.... We may with James accept visceral and organic sensations +and the memories and associations of them as contributory to primitive +emotion, but we must regard them as re-enforcing rather than as +initiating the psychosis."* + + * Quoted by Angell, loc. cit. + + +Angell suggests that the display of emotion in such cases may be due +to past experience, generating habits which would require only the +stimulation of cerebral reflex arcs. Rage and some forms of fear, +however, may, he thinks, gain expression without the brain. Rage and +fear have been especially studied by Cannon, whose work is of the +greatest importance. His results are given in his book, "Bodily Changes +in Pain, Hunger, Fear and Rage" (D. Appleton and Co., 1916). + +The most interesting part of Cannon's book consists in the investigation +of the effects produced by secretion of adrenin. Adrenin is a substance +secreted into the blood by the adrenal glands. These are among the +ductless glands, the functions of which, both in physiology and in +connection with the emotions, have only come to be known during recent +years. Cannon found that pain, fear and rage occurred in circumstances +which affected the supply of adrenin, and that an artificial injection +of adrenin could, for example, produce all the symptoms of fear. He +studied the effects of adrenin on various parts of the body; he found +that it causes the pupils to dilate, hairs to stand erect, blood vessels +to be constricted, and so on. These effects were still produced if +the parts in question were removed from the body and kept alive +artificially.* + + * Cannon's work is not unconnected with that of Mosso, who + maintains, as the result of much experimental work, that + "the seat of the emotions lies in the sympathetic nervous + system." An account of the work of both these men will be + found in Goddard's "Psychology of the Normal and Sub-normal" + (Kegan Paul, 1919), chap. vii and Appendix. + +Cannon's chief argument against James is, if I understand him rightly, +that similar affections of the viscera may accompany dissimilar +emotions, especially fear and rage. Various different emotions make +us cry, and therefore it cannot be true to say, as James does, that we +"feel sorry because we cry," since sometimes we cry when we feel glad. +This argument, however, is by no means conclusive against James, because +it cannot be shown that there are no visceral differences for different +emotions, and indeed it is unlikely that this is the case. + +As Angell says (loc. cit.): "Fear and joy may both cause cardiac +palpitation, but in one case we find high tonus of the skeletal muscles, +in the other case relaxation and the general sense of weakness." + +Angell's conclusion, after discussing the experiments of Sherrington +and Cannon, is: "I would therefore submit that, so far as concerns +the critical suggestions by these two psychologists, James's essential +contentions are not materially affected." If it were necessary for me to +take sides on this question, I should agree with this conclusion; but I +think my thesis as to the analysis of emotion can be maintained without +coming to a probably premature conclusion upon the doubtful parts of +the physiological problem. + +According to our definitions, if James is right, an emotion may be +regarded as involving a confused perception of the viscera concerned +in its causation, while if Cannon and Sherrington are right, an emotion +involves a confused perception of its external stimulus. This follows +from what was said in Lecture VII. We there defined a perception as an +appearance, however irregular, of one or more objects external to the +brain. And in order to be an appearance of one or more objects, it is +only necessary that the occurrence in question should be connected +with them by a continuous chain, and should vary when they are varied +sufficiently. Thus the question whether a mental occurrence can be +called a perception turns upon the question whether anything can be +inferred from it as to its causes outside the brain: if such inference +is possible, the occurrence in question will come within our definition +of a perception. And in that case, according to the definition in +Lecture VIII, its non-mnemic elements will be sensations. Accordingly, +whether emotions are caused by changes in the viscera or by sensible +objects, they contain elements which are sensations according to our +definition. + +An emotion in its entirety is, of course, something much more complex +than a perception. An emotion is essentially a process, and it will be +only what one may call a cross-section of the emotion that will be a +perception, of a bodily condition according to James, or (in certain +cases) of an external object according to his opponents. An emotion in +its entirety contains dynamic elements, such as motor impulses, desires, +pleasures and pains. Desires and pleasures and pains, according to the +theory adopted in Lecture III, are characteristics of processes, not +separate ingredients. An emotion--rage, for example--will be a certain +kind of process, consisting of perceptions and (in general) bodily +movements. The desires and pleasures and pains involved are properties +of this process, not separate items in the stuff of which the emotion +is composed. The dynamic elements in an emotion, if we are right in our +analysis, contain, from our point of view, no ingredients beyond those +contained in the processes considered in Lecture III. The ingredients +of an emotion are only sensations and images and bodily movements +succeeding each other according to a certain pattern. With this +conclusion we may leave the emotions and pass to the consideration of +the will. + +The first thing to be defined when we are dealing with Will is a +VOLUNTARY MOVEMENT. We have already defined vital movements, and we have +maintained that, from a behaviourist standpoint, it is impossible to +distinguish which among such movements are reflex and which voluntary. +Nevertheless, there certainly is a distinction. When we decide in the +morning that it is time to get up, our consequent movement is voluntary. +The beating of the heart, on the other hand, is involuntary: we can +neither cause it nor prevent it by any decision of our own, except +indirectly, as e.g. by drugs. Breathing is intermediate between the two: +we normally breathe without the help of the will, but we can alter or +stop our breathing if we choose. + +James ("Psychology," chap. xxvi) maintains that the only distinctive +characteristic of a voluntary act is that it involves an idea of the +movement to be performed, made up of memory-images of the kinaesthetic +sensations which we had when the same movement occurred on some former +occasion. He points out that, on this view, no movement can be made +voluntarily unless it has previously occurred involuntarily.* + + * "Psychology," Vol. ii, pp. 492-3. + +I see no reason to doubt the correctness of this view. We shall say, +then, that movements which are accompanied by kinaesthetic sensations +tend to be caused by the images of those sensations, and when so caused +are called VOLUNTARY. + +Volition, in the emphatic sense, involves something more than +voluntary movement. The sort of case I am thinking of is decision after +deliberation. Voluntary movements are a part of this, but not the whole. +There is, in addition to them, a judgment: "This is what I shall +do"; there is also a sensation of tension during doubt, followed by a +different sensation at the moment of deciding. I see no reason whatever +to suppose that there is any specifically new ingredient; sensations and +images, with their relations and causal laws, yield all that seems to +be wanted for the analysis of the will, together with the fact that +kinaesthetic images tend to cause the movements with which they are +connected. Conflict of desires is of course essential in the causation +of the emphatic kind of will: there will be for a time kinaesthetic +images of incompatible movements, followed by the exclusive image of +the movement which is said to be willed. Thus will seems to add no new +irreducible ingredient to the analysis of the mind. + + + + +LECTURE XV. CHARACTERISTICS OF MENTAL PHENOMENA + +At the end of our journey it is time to return to the question from +which we set out, namely: What is it that characterizes mind as opposed +to matter? Or, to state the same question in other terms: How is +psychology to be distinguished from physics? The answer provisionally +suggested at the outset of our inquiry was that psychology and physics +are distinguished by the nature of their causal laws, not by their +subject matter. At the same time we held that there is a certain subject +matter, namely images, to which only psychological causal laws are +applicable; this subject matter, therefore, we assigned exclusively to +psychology. But we found no way of defining images except through +their causation; in their intrinsic character they appeared to have no +universal mark by which they could be distinguished from sensations. + +In this last lecture I propose to pass in review various suggested +methods of distinguishing mind from matter. I shall then briefly sketch +the nature of that fundamental science which I believe to be the true +metaphysic, in which mind and matter alike are seen to be constructed +out of a neutral stuff, whose causal laws have no such duality as that +of psychology, but form the basis upon which both physics and psychology +are built. + +In search for the definition of "mental phenomena," let us begin with +"consciousness," which is often thought to be the essence of mind. +In the first lecture I gave various arguments against the view that +consciousness is fundamental, but I did not attempt to say what +consciousness is. We must find a definition of it, if we are to feel +secure in deciding that it is not fundamental. It is for the sake of the +proof that it is not fundamental that we must now endeavour to decide +what it is. + +"Consciousness," by those who regard it as fundamental, is taken to be a +character diffused throughout our mental life, distinct from sensations +and images, memories, beliefs and desires, but present in all of +them.* Dr. Henry Head, in an article which I quoted in Lecture III, +distinguishing sensations from purely physiological occurrences, says: +"Sensation, in the strict sense of the term, demands the existence of +consciousness." This statement, at first sight, is one to which we feel +inclined to assent, but I believe we are mistaken if we do so. Sensation +is the sort of thing of which we MAY be conscious, but not a thing +of which we MUST be conscious. We have been led, in the course of our +inquiry, to admit unconscious beliefs and unconscious desires. There is, +so far as I can see, no class of mental or other occurrences of which we +are always conscious whenever they happen. + + * Cf. Lecture VI. + +The first thing to notice is that consciousness must be of something. In +view of this, I should define "consciousness" in terms of that relation +of an image of a word to an object which we defined, in Lecture XI, as +"meaning." When a sensation is followed by an image which is a "copy" of +it, I think it may be said that the existence of the image constitutes +consciousness of the sensation, provided it is accompanied by that sort +of belief which, when we reflect upon it, makes us feel that the image +is a "sign" of something other than itself. This is the sort of belief +which, in the case of memory, we expressed in the words "this occurred"; +or which, in the case of a judgment of perception, makes us believe +in qualities correlated with present sensations, as e.g., tactile and +visual qualities are correlated. The addition of some element of belief +seems required, since mere imagination does not involve consciousness of +anything, and there can be no consciousness which is not of something. +If images alone constituted consciousness of their prototypes, +such imagination-images as in fact have prototypes would involve +consciousness of them; since this is not the case, an element of belief +must be added to the images in defining consciousness. The belief must +be of that sort that constitutes objective reference, past or +present. An image, together with a belief of this sort concerning it, +constitutes, according to our definition, consciousness of the prototype +of the image. + +But when we pass from consciousness of sensations to consciousness of +objects of perception, certain further points arise which demand an +addition to our definition. A judgment of perception, we may say, +consists of a core of sensation, together with associated images, with +belief in the present existence of an object to which sensation and +images are referred in a way which is difficult to analyse. Perhaps we +might say that the belief is not fundamentally in any PRESENT existence, +but is of the nature of an expectation: for example, when we see an +object, we expect certain sensations to result if we proceed to touch +it. Perception, then, will consist of a present sensation together with +expectations of future sensations. (This, of course, is a reflective +analysis, not an account of the way perception appears to unchecked +introspection.) But all such expectations are liable to be erroneous, +since they are based upon correlations which are usual but not +invariable. Any such correlation may mislead us in a particular case, +for example, if we try to touch a reflection in a looking-glass under +the impression that it is "real." Since memory is fallible, a similar +difficulty arises as regards consciousness of past objects. It would +seem odd to say that we can be "conscious" of a thing which does not or +did not exist. The only way to avoid this awkwardness is to add to our +definition the proviso that the beliefs involved in consciousness must +be TRUE. + +In the second place, the question arises as to whether we can be +conscious of images. If we apply our definition to this case, it seems +to demand images of images. In order, for example, to be conscious of +an image of a cat, we shall require, according to the letter of the +definition, an image which is a copy of our image of the cat, and has +this image for its prototype. Now, it hardly seems probable, as a matter +of observation, that there are images of images, as opposed to images +of sensations. We may meet this difficulty in two ways, either by boldly +denying consciousness of images, or by finding a sense in which, by +means of a different accompanying belief, an image, instead of meaning +its prototype, can mean another image of the same prototype. + +The first alternative, which denies consciousness of images, has already +been discussed when we were dealing with Introspection in Lecture VI. We +then decided that there must be, in some sense, consciousness of images. +We are therefore left with the second suggested way of dealing with +knowledge of images. According to this second hypothesis, there may be +two images of the same prototype, such that one of them means the other, +instead of meaning the prototype. It will be remembered that we defined +meaning by association a word or image means an object, we said, when it +has the same associations as the object. But this definition must not be +interpreted too absolutely: a word or image will not have ALL the +same associations as the object which it means. The word "cat" may +be associated with the word "mat," but it would not happen except by +accident that a cat would be associated with a mat. And in like manner +an image may have certain associations which its prototype will not +have, e.g. an association with the word "image." When these associations +are active, an image means an image, instead of meaning its prototype. +If I have had images of a given prototype many times, I can mean one of +these, as opposed to the rest, by recollecting the time and place or any +other distinctive association of that one occasion. This happens, for +example, when a place recalls to us some thought we previously had in +that place, so that we remember a thought as opposed to the occurrence +to which it referred. Thus we may say that we think of an image A when +we have a similar image B associated with recollections of circumstances +connected with A, but not with its prototype or with other images of the +same prototype. In this way we become aware of images without the +need of any new store of mental contents, merely by the help of new +associations. This theory, so far as I can see, solves the problems of +introspective knowledge, without requiring heroic measures such as those +proposed by Knight Dunlap, whose views we discussed in Lecture VI. + +According to what we have been saying, sensation itself is not an +instance of consciousness, though the immediate memory by which it is +apt to be succeeded is so. A sensation which is remembered becomes an +object of consciousness as soon as it begins to be remembered, which +will normally be almost immediately after its occurrence (if at all); +but while it exists it is not an object of consciousness. If, however, +it is part of a perception, say of some familiar person, we may say that +the person perceived is an object of consciousness. For in this case +the sensation is a SIGN of the perceived object in much the same way +in which a memory-image is a sign of a remembered object. The essential +practical function of "consciousness" and "thought" is that they enable +us to act with reference to what is distant in time or space, even +though it is not at present stimulating our senses. This reference +to absent objects is possible through association and habit. Actual +sensations, in themselves, are not cases of consciousness, because they +do not bring in this reference to what is absent. But their connection +with consciousness is very close, both through immediate memory, and +through the correlations which turn sensations into perceptions. + +Enough has, I hope, been said to show that consciousness is far too +complex and accidental to be taken as the fundamental characteristic +of mind. We have seen that belief and images both enter into it. Belief +itself, as we saw in an earlier lecture, is complex. Therefore, if any +definition of mind is suggested by our analysis of consciousness, images +are what would naturally suggest themselves. But since we found +that images can only be defined causally, we cannot deal with this +suggestion, except in connection with the difference between physical +and psychological causal laws. + +I come next to those characteristics of mental phenomena which arise out +of mnemic causation. The possibility of action with reference to what +is not sensibly present is one of the things that might be held to +characterize mind. Let us take first a very elementary example. Suppose +you are in a familiar room at night, and suddenly the light goes out. +You will be able to find your way to the door without much difficulty +by means of the picture of the room which you have in your mind. In this +case visual images serve, somewhat imperfectly it is true, the purpose +which visual sensations would otherwise serve. The stimulus to the +production of visual images is the desire to get out of the room, which, +according to what we found in Lecture III, consists essentially of +present sensations and motor impulses caused by them. Again, words heard +or read enable you to act with reference to the matters about which they +give information; here, again, a present sensible stimulus, in virtue of +habits formed in the past, enables you to act in a manner appropriate +to an object which is not sensibly present. The whole essence of the +practical efficiency of "thought" consists in sensitiveness to signs: +the sensible presence of A, which is a sign of the present or future +existence of B, enables us to act in a manner appropriate to B. Of +this, words are the supreme example, since their effects as signs are +prodigious, while their intrinsic interest as sensible occurrences on +their own account is usually very slight. The operation of signs may or +may not be accompanied by consciousness. If a sensible stimulus A calls +up an image of B, and we then act with reference to B, we have what may +be called consciousness of B. But habit may enable us to act in a manner +appropriate to B as soon as A appears, without ever having an image of +B. In that case, although A operates as a sign, it operates without the +help of consciousness. Broadly speaking, a very familiar sign tends to +operate directly in this manner, and the intervention of consciousness +marks an imperfectly established habit. + +The power of acquiring experience, which characterizes men and animals, +is an example of the general law that, in mnemic causation, the causal +unit is not one event at one time, but two or more events at two or more +times.& A burnt child fears the fire, that is to say, the neighbourhood +of fire has a different effect upon a child which has had the sensations +of burning than upon one which has not. More correctly, the observed +effect, when a child which has been burnt is put near a fire, has for +its cause, not merely the neighbourhood of the fire, but this together +with the previous burning. The general formula, when an animal has +acquired experience through some event A, is that, when B occurs at some +future time, the animal to which A has happened acts differently from +an animal which A has not happened. Thus A and B together, not either +separately, must be regarded as the cause of the animal's behaviour, +unless we take account of the effect which A has had in altering the +animal's nervous tissue, which is a matter not patent to external +observation except under very special circumstances. With this +possibility, we are brought back to causal laws, and to the suggestion +that many things which seem essentially mental are really neural. +Perhaps it is the nerves that acquire experience rather than the mind. +If so, the possibility of acquiring experience cannot be used to define +mind.* + + * Cf. Lecture IV. + +Very similar considerations apply to memory, if taken as the essence of +mind. A recollection is aroused by something which is happening now, +but is different from the effect which the present occurrence would +have produced if the recollected event had not occurred. This may be +accounted for by the physical effect of the past event on the brain, +making it a different instrument from that which would have resulted +from a different experience. The causal peculiarities of memory may, +therefore, have a physiological explanation. With every special class of +mental phenomena this possibility meets us afresh. If psychology is +to be a separate science at all, we must seek a wider ground for its +separateness than any that we have been considering hitherto. + +We have found that "consciousness" is too narrow to characterize mental +phenomena, and that mnemic causation is too wide. I come now to a +characteristic which, though difficult to define, comes much nearer to +what we require, namely subjectivity. + +Subjectivity, as a characteristic of mental phenomena, was considered in +Lecture VII, in connection with the definition of perception. We there +decided that those particulars which constitute the physical world can +be collected into sets in two ways, one of which makes a bundle of all +those particulars that are appearances of a given thing from different +places, while the other makes a bundle of all those particulars which +are appearances of different things from a given place. A bundle of +this latter sort, at a given time, is called a "perspective"; taken +throughout a period of time, it is called a "biography." Subjectivity is +the characteristic of perspectives and biographies, the characteristic +of giving the view of the world from a certain place. We saw in Lecture +VII that this characteristic involves none of the other characteristics +that are commonly associated with mental phenomena, such as +consciousness, experience and memory. We found in fact that it is +exhibited by a photographic plate, and, strictly speaking, by any +particular taken in conjunction with those which have the same "passive" +place in the sense defined in Lecture VII. The particulars forming one +perspective are connected together primarily by simultaneity; +those forming one biography, primarily by the existence of direct +time-relations between them. To these are to be added relations +derivable from the laws of perspective. In all this we are clearly not +in the region of psychology, as commonly understood; yet we are also +hardly in the region of physics. And the definition of perspectives +and biographies, though it does not yet yield anything that would +be commonly called "mental," is presupposed in mental phenomena, for +example in mnemic causation: the causal unit in mnemic causation, which +gives rise to Semon's engram, is the whole of one perspective--not of +any perspective, but of a perspective in a place where there is nervous +tissue, or at any rate living tissue of some sort. Perception also, +as we saw, can only be defined in terms of perspectives. Thus the +conception of subjectivity, i.e. of the "passive" place of a particular, +though not alone sufficient to define mind, is clearly an essential +element in the definition. + +I have maintained throughout these lectures that the data of psychology +do not differ in, their intrinsic character from the data of physics. +I have maintained that sensations are data for psychology and +physics equally, while images, which may be in some sense exclusively +psychological data, can only be distinguished from sensations by their +correlations, not by what they are in themselves. It is now necessary, +however, to examine the notion of a "datum," and to obtain, if possible, +a definition of this notion. + +The notion of "data" is familiar throughout science, and is usually +treated by men of science as though it were perfectly clear. +Psychologists, on the other hand, find great difficulty in the +conception. "Data" are naturally defined in terms of theory of +knowledge: they are those propositions of which the truth is known +without demonstration, so that they may be used as premisses in proving +other propositions. Further, when a proposition which is a datum asserts +the existence of something, we say that the something is a datum, as +well as the proposition asserting its existence. Thus those objects +of whose existence we become certain through perception are said to be +data. + +There is some difficulty in connecting this epistemological definition +of "data" with our psychological analysis of knowledge; but until such +a connection has been effected, we have no right to use the conception +"data." + +It is clear, in the first place, that there can be no datum apart from a +belief. A sensation which merely comes and goes is not a datum; it only +becomes a datum when it is remembered. Similarly, in perception, we do +not have a datum unless we have a JUDGMENT of perception. In the sense +in which objects (as opposed to propositions) are data, it would seem +natural to say that those objects of which we are conscious are data. +But consciousness, as we have seen, is a complex notion, involving +beliefs, as well as mnemic phenomena such as are required for perception +and memory. It follows that no datum is theoretically indubitable, since +no belief is infallible; it follows also that every datum has a greater +or less degree of vagueness, since there is always some vagueness in +memory and the meaning of images. + +Data are not those things of which our consciousness is earliest in +time. At every period of life, after we have become capable of thought, +some of our beliefs are obtained by inference, while others are not. +A belief may pass from either of these classes into the other, and may +therefore become, or cease to be, a belief giving a datum. When, in what +follows, I speak of data, I do not mean the things of which we feel sure +before scientific study begins, but the things which, when a science +is well advanced, appear as affording grounds for other parts of +the science, without themselves being believed on any ground except +observation. I assume, that is to say, a trained observer, with an +analytic attention, knowing the sort of thing to look for, and the sort +of thing that will be important. What he observes is, at the stage of +science which he has reached, a datum for his science. It is just as +sophisticated and elaborate as the theories which he bases upon it, +since only trained habits and much practice enable a man to make +the kind of observation that will be scientifically illuminating. +Nevertheless, when once it has been observed, belief in it is not based +on inference and reasoning, but merely upon its having been seen. In +this way its logical status differs from that of the theories which are +proved by its means. + +In any science other than psychology the datum is primarily a +perception, in which only the sensational core is ultimately and +theoretically a datum, though some such accretions as turn the sensation +into a perception are practically unavoidable. But if we postulate an +ideal observer, he will be able to isolate the sensation, and treat this +alone as datum. There is, therefore, an important sense in which we +may say that, if we analyse as much as we ought, our data, outside +psychology, consist of sensations, which include within themselves +certain spatial and temporal relations. + +Applying this remark to physiology, we see that the nerves and brain +as physical objects are not truly data; they are to be replaced, in +the ideal structure of science, by the sensations through which the +physiologist is said to perceive them. The passage from these sensations +to nerves and brain as physical objects belongs really to the initial +stage in the theory of physics, and ought to be placed in the reasoned +part, not in the part supposed to be observed. To say we see the +nerves is like saying we hear the nightingale; both are convenient but +inaccurate expressions. We hear a sound which we believe to be causally +connected with the nightingale, and we see a sight which we believe +to be causally connected with a nerve. But in each case it is only +the sensation that ought, in strictness, to be called a datum. Now, +sensations are certainly among the data of psychology. Therefore all the +data of the physical sciences are also psychological data. It remains +to inquire whether all the data of psychology are also data of physical +science, and especially of physiology. + +If we have been right in our analysis of mind, the ultimate data of +psychology are only sensations and images and their relations. Beliefs, +desires, volitions, and so on, appeared to us to be complex phenomena +consisting of sensations and images variously interrelated. Thus (apart +from certain relations) the occurrences which seem most distinctively +mental, and furthest removed from physics, are, like physical objects, +constructed or inferred, not part of the original stock of data in the +perfected science. From both ends, therefore, the difference between +physical and psychological data is diminished. Is there ultimately +no difference, or do images remain as irreducibly and exclusively +psychological? In view of the causal definition of the difference +between images and sensations, this brings us to a new question, namely: +Are the causal laws of psychology different from those of any other +science, or are they really physiological? + +Certain ambiguities must be removed before this question can be +adequately discussed. + +First, there is the distinction between rough approximate laws and +such as appear to be precise and general. I shall return to the former +presently; it is the latter that I wish to discuss now. + +Matter, as defined at the end of Lecture V, is a logical fiction, +invented because it gives a convenient way of stating causal laws. +Except in cases of perfect regularity in appearances (of which we can +have no experience), the actual appearances of a piece of matter are not +members of that ideal system of regular appearances which is defined +as being the matter in question. But the matter is, after all, inferred +from its appearances, which are used to VERIFY physical laws. Thus, in +so far as physics is an empirical and verifiable science, it must assume +or prove that the inference from appearances to matter is, in general, +legitimate, and it must be able to tell us, more or less, what +appearances to expect. It is through this question of verifiability and +empirical applicability to experience that we are led to a theory of +matter such as I advocate. From the consideration of this question it +results that physics, in so far as it is an empirical science, not a +logical phantasy, is concerned with particulars of just the same sort +as those which psychology considers under the name of sensations. The +causal laws of physics, so interpreted, differ from those of psychology +only by the fact that they connect a particular with other appearances +in the same piece of matter, rather than with other appearances in the +same perspective. That is to say, they group together particulars having +the same "active" place, while psychology groups together those having +the same "passive" place. Some particulars, such as images, have no +"active" place, and therefore belong exclusively to psychology. + +We can now understand the distinction between physics and psychology. +The nerves and brain are matter: our visual sensations when we look +at them may be, and I think are, members of the system constituting +irregular appearances of this matter, but are not the whole of the +system. Psychology is concerned, inter alia, with our sensations when we +see a piece of matter, as opposed to the matter which we see. Assuming, +as we must, that our sensations have physical causes, their causal laws +are nevertheless radically different from the laws of physics, since +the consideration of a single sensation requires the breaking up of +the group of which it is a member. When a sensation is used to verify +physics, it is used merely as a sign of a certain material phenomenon, +i.e. of a group of particulars of which it is a member. But when it is +studied by psychology, it is taken away from that group and put +into quite a different context, where it causes images or voluntary +movements. It is primarily this different grouping that is +characteristic of psychology as opposed to all the physical sciences, +including physiology; a secondary difference is that images, which +belong to psychology, are not easily to be included among the aspects +which constitute a physical thing or piece of matter. + +There remains, however, an important question, namely: Are mental events +causally dependent upon physical events in a sense in which the converse +dependence does not hold? Before we can discuss the answer to this +question, we must first be clear as to what our question means. + +When, given A, it is possible to infer B, but given B, it is not +possible to infer A, we say that B is dependent upon A in a sense in +which A is not dependent upon B. Stated in logical terms, this amounts +to saying that, when we know a many-one relation of A to B, B is +dependent upon A in respect of this relation. If the relation is a +causal law, we say that B is causally dependent upon A. The illustration +that chiefly concerns us is the system of appearances of a physical +object. We can, broadly speaking, infer distant appearances from near +ones, but not vice versa. All men look alike when they are a mile away, +hence when we see a man a mile off we cannot tell what he will look like +when he is only a yard away. But when we see him a yard away, we can +tell what he will look like a mile away. Thus the nearer view gives us +more valuable information, and the distant view is causally dependent +upon it in a sense in which it is not causally dependent upon the +distant view. + +It is this greater causal potency of the near appearance that leads +physics to state its causal laws in terms of that system of regular +appearances to which the nearest appearances increasingly approximate, +and that makes it value information derived from the microscope or +telescope. It is clear that our sensations, considered as irregular +appearances of physical objects, share the causal dependence belonging +to comparatively distant appearances; therefore in our sensational life +we are in causal dependence upon physical laws. + +This, however, is not the most important or interesting part of our +question. It is the causation of images that is the vital problem. We +have seen that they are subject to mnenic causation, and that mnenic +causation may be reducible to ordinary physical causation in nervous +tissue. This is the question upon which our attitude must turn towards +what may be called materialism. One sense of materialism is the view +that all mental phenomena are causally dependent upon physical phenomena +in the above-defined sense of causal dependence. Whether this is the +case or not, I do not profess to know. The question seems to me the +same as the question whether mnemic causation is ultimate, which we +considered without deciding in Lecture IV. But I think the bulk of the +evidence points to the materialistic answer as the more probable. + +In considering the causal laws of psychology, the distinction between +rough generalizations and exact laws is important. There are many rough +generalizations in psychology, not only of the sort by which we +govern our ordinary behaviour to each other, but also of a more nearly +scientific kind. Habit and association belong among such laws. I will +give an illustration of the kind of law that can be obtained. Suppose a +person has frequently experienced A and B in close temporal contiguity, +an association will be established, so that A, or an image of A, tends +to cause an image of B. The question arises: will the association work +in either direction, or only from the one which has occurred earlier +to the one which has occurred later? In an article by Mr. Wohlgemuth, +called "The Direction of Associations" ("British Journal of Psychology," +vol. v, part iv, March, 1913), it is claimed to be proved by experiment +that, in so far as motor memory (i.e. memory of movements) is concerned, +association works only from earlier to later, while in visual and +auditory memory this is not the case, but the later of two neighbouring +experiences may recall the earlier as well as the earlier the later. +It is suggested that motor memory is physiological, while visual and +auditory memory are more truly psychological. But that is not the point +which concerns us in the illustration. The point which concerns us +is that a law of association, established by purely psychological +observation, is a purely psychological law, and may serve as a sample +of what is possible in the way of discovering such laws. It is, however, +still no more than a rough generalization, a statistical average. It +cannot tell us what will result from a given cause on a given occasion. +It is a law of tendency, not a precise and invariable law such as those +of physics aim at being. + +If we wish to pass from the law of habit, stated as a tendency or +average, to something more precise and invariable, we seem driven to the +nervous system. We can more or less guess how an occurrence produces a +change in the brain, and how its repetition gradually produces something +analogous to the channel of a river, along which currents flow more +easily than in neighbouring paths. We can perceive that in this way, if +we had more knowledge, the tendency to habit through repetition might +be replaced by a precise account of the effect of each occurrence +in bringing about a modification of the sort from which habit would +ultimately result. It is such considerations that make students of +psychophysiology materialistic in their methods, whatever they may be in +their metaphysics. There are, of course, exceptions, such as Professor +J. S. Haldane,* who maintains that it is theoretically impossible to +obtain physiological explanations of psychical phenomena, or physical +explanations of physiological phenomena. But I think the bulk of expert +opinion, in practice, is on the other side. + + *See his book, "The New Physiology and Other Addresses" + (Charles Griffin & Co., 1919). + +The question whether it is possible to obtain precise causal laws in +which the causes are psychological, not material, is one of detailed +investigation. I have done what I could to make clear the nature of the +question, but I do not believe that it is possible as yet to answer it +with any confidence. It seems to be by no means an insoluble question, +and we may hope that science will be able to produce sufficient grounds +for regarding one answer as much more probable than the other. But for +the moment I do not see how we can come to a decision. + +I think, however, on grounds of the theory of matter explained in +Lectures V and VII, that an ultimate scientific account of what goes on +in the world, if it were ascertainable, would resemble psychology rather +than physics in what we found to be the decisive difference between +them. I think, that is to say, that such an account would not be content +to speak, even formally, as though matter, which is a logical fiction, +were the ultimate reality. I think that, if our scientific knowledge +were adequate to the task, which it neither is nor is likely to become, +it would exhibit the laws of correlation of the particulars constituting +a momentary condition of a material unit, and would state the causal +laws* of the world in terms of these particulars, not in terms of +matter. Causal laws so stated would, I believe, be applicable to +psychology and physics equally; the science in which they were stated +would succeed in achieving what metaphysics has vainly attempted, namely +a unified account of what really happens, wholly true even if not the +whole of truth, and free from all convenient fictions or unwarrantable +assumptions of metaphysical entities. A causal law applicable to +particulars would count as a law of physics if it could be stated in +terms of those fictitious systems of regular appearances which are +matter; if this were not the case, it would count as a law of psychology +if one of the particulars were a sensation or an image, i.e. were +subject to mnemic causation. I believe that the realization of the +complexity of a material unit, and its analysis into constituents +analogous to sensations, is of the utmost importance to philosophy, and +vital for any understanding of the relations between mind and matter, +between our perceptions and the world which they perceive. It is in this +direction, I am convinced, that we must look for the solution of many +ancient perplexities. + + * In a perfected science, causal laws will take the form of + differential equations--or of finite-difference equations, + if the theory of quanta should prove correct. + +It is probable that the whole science of mental occurrences, especially +where its initial definitions are concerned, could be simplified by the +development of the fundamental unifying science in which the causal laws +of particulars are sought, rather than the causal laws of those systems +of particulars that constitute the material units of physics. This +fundamental science would cause physics to become derivative, in the +sort of way in which theories of the constitution of the atom make +chemistry derivative from physics; it would also cause psychology to +appear less singular and isolated among sciences. If we are right in +this, it is a wrong philosophy of matter which has caused many of the +difficulties in the philosophy of mind--difficulties which a right +philosophy of matter would cause to disappear. + +The conclusions at which we have arrived may be summed up as follows: + +I. Physics and psychology are not distinguished by their material. Mind +and matter alike are logical constructions; the particulars out of which +they are constructed, or from which they are inferred, have various +relations, some of which are studied by physics, others by psychology. +Broadly speaking, physics group particulars by their active places, +psychology by their passive places. + +II. The two most essential characteristics of the causal laws which +would naturally be called psychological are SUBJECTIVITY and MNEMIC +CAUSATION; these are not unconnected, since the causal unit in mnemic +causation is the group of particulars having a given passive place at +a given time, and it is by this manner of grouping that subjectivity is +defined. + +III. Habit, memory and thought are all developments of mnemic causation. +It is probable, though not certain, that mnemic causation is derivative +from ordinary physical causation in nervous (and other) tissue. + +IV. Consciousness is a complex and far from universal characteristic of +mental phenomena. + +V. Mind is a matter of degree, chiefly exemplified in number and +complexity of habits. + +VI. All our data, both in physics and psychology, are subject to +psychological causal laws; but physical causal laws, at least in +traditional physics, can only be stated in terms of matter, which is +both inferred and constructed, never a datum. In this respect psychology +is nearer to what actually exists. + + + + + +End of Project Gutenberg's The Analysis of Mind, by Bertrand Russell + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE ANALYSIS OF MIND *** + +***** This file should be named 2529.txt or 2529.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/2/5/2/2529/ + +Produced by Dianne Bean + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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