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+Project Gutenberg's The Right of American Slavery, by True Worthy Hoit
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Right of American Slavery
+
+Author: True Worthy Hoit
+
+Release Date: May 1, 2008 [EBook #25277]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE RIGHT OF AMERICAN SLAVERY ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Bryan Ness and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was
+produced from scans of public domain works at the University
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+
+
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+
+[Transcriber's Note: Every effort has been made to replicate this
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+correct an obvious error is noted at the end of this ebook.]
+
+
+
+
+  THE
+
+  RIGHT
+
+  OF
+
+  AMERICAN SLAVERY.
+
+  BY
+
+  T. W. HOIT,
+
+  OF THE ST. LOUIS LITERARY AND PHILOSOPHICAL ASSOCIATION.
+
+  SOUTHERN AND WESTERN EDITION.
+
+
+  FIRST AND SECOND EDITIONS, 500,000 COPIES.
+
+
+  FOR SALE BY THE PRINCIPAL PUBLISHERS THROUGHOUT THE UNION.
+
+
+  ST. LOUIS, MO.:
+  PUBLISHED BY L. BUSHNELL.
+  1860.
+
+
+  Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1860,
+
+  By T. W. HOIT,
+
+  In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States
+  in and for the District of Missouri.
+
+
+  BAKER & GODWIN, PRINTERS,
+  Printing-House Square, opposite City Hall,
+  NEW YORK.
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE.
+
+
+TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE.
+
+_My Fellow Countrymen:_--Upon what manner of times have we fallen? Is
+our supposed experiment of self-government about to prove a failure?
+Are we so blind as not to see the abyss into which we are about to
+plunge? Section hostile against section; States arrayed against the
+Constitution; Churches sundered; the springs of intelligence poisoned
+at their source; treason stalking at noonday; insurrection rife; the
+equality of States and citizens denied, and derided; justice rebuked;
+treachery applauded; traitors canonized; anarchy inaugurated; monarchy
+calculating the end of republicanism; and the wheels of government
+clogged by the minions of despotism! All this, my Countrymen, and you
+passive, silent, sightless; reckless of your own and your children's
+doom? And while all this is true, you go about your usual avocations,
+as though the eyes of the civilized world were not upon you; as though
+the great, the good, the magnanimous of all lands were not breathless,
+and spell-bound, and appalled at the spectacle; as though the
+prophetic admonitions of the Father of our Country were forgotten, and
+nature, with an ominous silence, conspired to lull you into
+forgetfulness, the more to astound you with the wonders and the woes
+of an approaching catastrophe!
+
+What fatal error is there in our Republican principle? What virus
+sickens our body politic? What fascination lures us from the shrine of
+freedom? What infatuation hath seized the American people, that they
+should put to hazard this priceless inheritance,--the home, and
+refuge, and hope, of the down-trodden nations?
+
+I aver there is a fatal fallacy adopted by a large number of the
+American people, which, if not rejected, will lead us down to national
+oblivion. That fallacy is exposed in the following pages, by showing
+what is right, and what is wrong, and explaining the fundamental error
+by which our public opinion is divided, and the way of a reunion
+pointed out. No one can desire to remain in error. It is the desire to
+do right which animates the great mass of the American people. It was,
+perhaps, the _desire_ to do right, that made John Brown a rebel and a
+traitor, and which consigned him to a traitor's doom. There is no
+safety, then, in _desiring_ to do right; but to KNOW what is right,
+and to DO it. The time has now arrived when the American people must
+do right, or suffer the penalty of doing wrong.
+
+Good _intentions_ will not do. Good DEEDS are demanded,--actions
+founded upon truth and justice, and in accordance with nature's
+irrevocable laws. We boast of our greatness, and power, and
+intelligence. Of what avail are all these, if they will not save us
+from national ruin? What boots it that a slumbering giant dreams of
+his strength while he is falling upon the bosom of a burning lake? The
+mightiest empires have sunk to oblivion. Are we soon to follow them?
+
+Our material greatness and vigor seem to forbid the idea of premature
+decay; but let us not be blind to the delusive dream of an immortality
+springing from mental imbecility, nor the chimera of a political
+finality in governmental system which establishes and tolerates
+INJUSTICE, nor the permanence of a State in the midst of
+preponderating elements of fluctuating popular delusion.
+
+Either the institutions under which we live are founded in truth, or
+they are founded in error. Our constitution is the work of wisdom, or
+of folly. It is founded in justice, or injustice; in RIGHT, or
+_wrong_. Shall we honor the astuteness of its founders, and
+perpetuate these institutions to remotest ages? or shall we prove
+recreant to this trust, unworthy of these manifold blessings, and in
+our mental blindness and moral imbecility invoke the scorn of future
+ages, and the just execrations of all mankind?
+
+The _material_ elements of greatness of the Great American Republic,
+must be vivified and enlivened by a corresponding degree of INTELLECT;
+they must be permeated by an adequate element of illuminating soul, or
+they will fall, a lifeless mass, into chaotic ruin. Let us remember
+
+    "That trade's proud empire hastes to swift decay,
+    As ocean sweeps the labored mote away;
+    Whilst self-dependent power can time defy,
+    As rocks resist the billows and the sky."
+
+
+
+
+THE RIGHT OF SLAVERY.
+
+
+INTRODUCTION.
+
+AFRICAN SLAVERY is, at present, the subject of all-absorbing interest
+to the American mind; for, our people, almost intoxicated with their
+own freedom, seem unsatisfied with those manifold blessings acquired
+by the labors of their sires; and while they are conscious of not
+excelling them in wisdom, virtue, or valor, they are becoming ideal,
+and seem willing to sacrifice the practical, safe rules of republican
+action, for mere idealisms, born in the dizzy sphere of their own
+over-wrought imaginations. They tremble at the name of Washington,
+whose purity and moral power shed lustre upon the name of man, and
+they worship him as a god; but while the REAL WASHINGTON commands the
+homage of mankind, and stands the intermediate between the race of men
+and the Infinite, we find the imaginations of men ignoring reason, and
+embarked upon a voyage aerial, amid the clouds. There they revel high
+above the mountain tops of Washington, Jefferson, and Franklin, where
+the atmosphere is pure, where the light is clear, and where the
+lightnings play; but, alas for human weakness and frailty! they are
+there only in imagination, though the splendid illusion is to them a
+reality, and the pleasing dream of ideal beauty, which, by the magic
+power of transmutation, annihilates or obliterates the reason and
+memory, destroys those distinctions of great and little, right and
+wrong, weakness and power, which nature has arbitrarily made, and the
+experience of mankind recognized as fundamental; upon which all law is
+based, and all order and civilization sustained and advanced, for the
+security and elevation of nations and of men.
+
+
+THE IDEAL AND THE REAL
+
+This ideal element so predominates, in consequence of over or false
+_culture_; by the reading of a spurious literature, which dwells in
+the regions of fiction and romance, to the proportionate neglect of
+the stirring incidents of our time, which actually go to make up true
+history--which seem marvellous enough of themselves, without the
+necessity of invention, or the aid of artificial novelties, except for
+mere embellishment.
+
+It would seem that the rise and progress of this Republic; the spread
+of our ocean commerce; the building of a thousand cities; the rush of
+the world to our shores; the peopling of our boundless plains; the
+rapid birth of new States into our Union; the triumph of our arms; our
+repeated accessions of territory; our maritime and commercial
+superiority; our foreign discoveries; our inventions in mechanism; our
+discoveries in science; the use of steam, and electricity; our
+statesmanship, and foreign diplomacy; a thousand miraculous incidents
+of individual enterprise and success; the discovery of gold, of
+silver, and iron; our internal improvements and meliorations; our
+national _prestige_; and finally, our greatness and glory as a
+nation,--ought to suffice for any reasonable conception of the
+marvellous, as they outstrip the more ignoble creations of fancy, and
+absolutely invade the former domain of fiction and romance. Hence the
+seeming puerility of fiction when contrasted with these more wondrous
+phenomena of fact. The substitution of fiction for fact is, therefore,
+unnecessary and absurd, as it defeats the very purpose intended, by
+its own inferiority. Its chief effect, then, is but to mislead the
+mind.
+
+Let us, then, control the imagination; discard the _ideal_ in
+practical affairs, hold it in its sphere, and adopt the REAL, in order
+that by the exercise of right reason we may be enabled to consider the
+present subject as it _is_, and not as it would be when weighed in the
+scale of the ideal; for in this way, and this alone, can we come to
+just conclusions, and our labors result in practical benefit to those
+most concerned in the premises. In the spirit of truth, of candor, of
+sober reality, let us, therefore, approach the subject of American
+Slavery.
+
+
+THE NEGRO EVER A SLAVE.
+
+The Negro has been a slave from time immemorial. This is shown from
+the earliest Egyptian monuments, paintings, and traditions. Herodotus,
+the father of Grecian History, tells us of negro slavery in Ancient
+Greece. It existed in Rome also. During the tenth century of the
+Christian era, the Moors, from Barbary, established an extensive
+traffic in the cities of Nigritia, where they bought large numbers of
+slaves; and the merchants of Seville brought slaves from the western
+coast of Africa, and established slavery in that city, and in
+Andalusia, long before the time of Columbus.[1] It is also a curious
+fact in history, that Hanno, the great Carthagenian commander and
+discoverer, having explored Africa from the Straits of Gibraltar to
+the bounds of Arabia, brought back to Carthage a cargo of
+ourang-outangs, which he supposed to be Negro men and women; _showing
+more historically his estimate of African character, than his
+familiarity with Natural History_. The Negro has ever been a slave;[2]
+and it is to be considered whether his quick and sudden transition
+from slavery to freedom, by emancipation, is probable or possible, or
+is sanctioned by the history of human development and progress.
+
+
+TWO PHASES OF SLAVERY.
+
+Slavery has two phases; the moral, which involves the RIGHT, and the
+prudential, which is the expedient. But strictly, the moral is the
+principal and controlling view of the subject, and that which has made
+and will continually constitute the criterion of action from which the
+expediency is deduced, and the anomaly of slavery in our Republic
+understood, the paradox of a slaveholding democracy explained, and the
+institution of slavery justified with human equality, by justly
+discriminating between barbarism and humanity, civilization and
+savagism, justice and injustice, right and wrong.
+
+
+THE RIGHT OF SLAVERY.
+
+I assert the right and justice of slavery, and found my arguments on
+the subject in right alone. If it can be shown to be right, then it is
+expedient; if wrong, then it cannot be shown to be expedient, and, if
+possible, it ought to be abolished. It is the _idea_ of the _wrong_ of
+slavery which has misled, and is continuing to mislead, the American
+mind.
+
+By what process of reasoning, then, can slavery be shown to be just? I
+answer, because RIGHT holds a just and hereditary control over
+_wrong_. I answer, that it is right that barbarism should subserve
+civilization. I assert that barbarism is _wrong_, and civilization is
+RIGHT; that the former conduces to the misery and the latter to the
+happiness of mankind. Barbarism--with its pagan idolatries, its
+monstrous superstitions, its devil-worship, its false religious rites,
+its heathen orgies, its cruelties, its cannibalism--is wrong. Who will
+deny this? Who are its apologists and advocates? Let them stand forth
+and show the right of barbarism! Let us have a homily on its beauties!
+let them picture to us the meliorations of cannibalism! Will any one
+do it? No; it is a self-evident wrong. To attempt, even, to prove it
+wrong, would seem to be a work of supererogation. Barbarism it
+repugnant to the common sense of the Anglo-Saxon race; a violation of
+the conscience of civilization. Cannibalism is an almost inconceivable
+outrage against all right, in moral, social, or even superior animal
+existence. Few animals or even reptiles devour their kind. It is,
+therefore, an act repugnant to human nature, and in violation of the
+amenities even of a nobler animal existence. In a word, it is
+unmitigated wrong, showing its subjects and votaries to be incarnate
+devils.
+
+
+BARBARISM OF THE AFRICAN RACE.
+
+The African race is a race of barbarians, and civilization to that
+race would be an artificial state of existence.[3] The vestiges of
+barbarism characterize the African, in his normal state. The latent
+principle of cannibalism, lurks, in dormant energy, within the very
+core of his being, and constitutes a prominent characteristic of his
+animal existence. The economy and order of nature is no less marked in
+the _carnivorous_ than in the herbivorous mammalia and quadrumana; and
+although their physical distinctions are not always so marked as to
+render apparent, to superficial observation, the uses and functions of
+their entire organism, yet science has been a tolerably faithful
+interpreter of cause and effect, and has not failed to recognize those
+organic qualities, and the structural adaptability of the African
+race, which qualify it for its mission as the representative of
+barbaric fury and degradation, and the type, in human form, of that
+chaotic element of self-annihilation, which nature has kindly
+restricted to the fewest number of the lowest orders of animated
+being.[4] The inhabitants of Southern and Central Africa, from whence
+our slaves are drawn, the Feejeean, the Caffrarian, the New-Zealander,
+and the Hottentot, are stamped by nature with the unmistakable
+character of unmitigated barbarism, and absolute antagonism to
+civilization; and their improvement when brought in contact with
+civilization is so slow as almost to escape detection. Indeed it is
+doubtful whether the arts of European and American civilization have
+succeeded in so fascinating the African race among us as to warrant
+the expectation of permanency to the colony of Liberia, except from
+the light reflected by constant and continued emigration; and it is
+believed, by many shrewd philanthropists whose efforts have been long
+devoted to the cause of African colonization, that should emigration
+to the colony cease, the Negroes there would immediately relapse into
+their former habits and customs, and ultimately resume their original
+character of cannibals.
+
+
+THE AFRICAN NOT INTENDED FOR FREEDOM.
+
+No race will remain slaves which the God of nature intended, or which
+is fit, to be free; and it is the history of the African in this
+country, that the more fit to be free the more he is inclined to
+remain a slave. That portion of the African race here which have been
+most benefited by our civilization, scorn the false philanthropy which
+would restore them to barbarism, and beg the immunity of perpetual
+thralldom. This is a clear proof that the African is not intended for
+freedom, and at the same time shows that _instinct_ teaches him, as it
+teaches all our domestic animals, to know the path of safety better
+than it can be learned in the school of fanaticism, or from the
+dialect of fools.
+
+It is, therefore, in the philosophical aspect of the subject, in which
+it should be viewed, since philosophy searches down into the deep
+recesses of nature, and drags to light those hideous deformities of a
+race of barbarians, whose inherent passions revel in a sphere
+infinitely beneath the dignity of our domestic animals, and from whose
+frenzied rage for self-annihilation, enkindled by a morbid desire to
+devour their kind, the gentler beasts of the forest turn away in
+disgust, and humanity shrinks back with unmitigated horror!
+
+
+BARBARISM SHOULD SUBSERVE CIVILIZATION.
+
+To say, then, that it is JUST that barbarism should subserve
+civilization is a laconical axiom, which decides a plain question of
+right and wrong. The wrong is, that the African is a barbarian, and
+devours his kind; the right is, that in his service due and rendered
+to civilization, he receives its protection, and is compelled to
+forego the, to him, exquisite pleasure of devouring his kind. It will
+be observed that this view of the subject justifies, not only the
+perpetuation, but the inception of slavery, and renders emancipation
+absurd and cruel, and the inception of slavery just; leaving the
+continued transfer of barbarians to the midst of civilized
+communities, a right, the exercise of which could not involve or
+sacrifice any right of the barbarian, but must depend upon the
+enlightened decision of civilization, as to the reciprocal benefits to
+be derived therefrom. The conscience of civilization is the tribunal
+at which to try barbarism, as well as every other grade of inferior
+subjective existence. It stands above and controls all below it. The
+conscience of civilization decides both the right to summon the
+barbarian, and to hold him subject to its dictates; to weigh the
+benefits to civilization against the evils resulting from the adoption
+of the element of this super-animal force as an aid to civilization.
+Civilization deciding to take and hold the barbarian, it becomes right
+by the decision of the highest arbiter. The taking of the barbarian,
+and his employment as an adjunct of civilization, being in consequence
+of his moral delinquency, and his consequent mental imbecility, is no
+arrogation of right, because it is just; it is no assumption of right,
+because the empire of right is universal; it is no violation of right,
+because the act in itself is the exercise of the prerogative of right,
+of justice, in civilization, to suppress wrong and compel it to
+subserve right. In this view emancipation is no less unjust to the
+African than opposed to the law of right. To seize him and drag him
+away to barbarism, against his will, is an act in favor of barbarism
+and in violation of right. It restores to barbarism its victim, and
+robs the African of his supposed natural prerogative and choice, of
+service to civilization. The act, of itself, is the abnegation of that
+same right which it is designed or intended to assert.
+
+
+THE AFRICAN'S AVERSION TO COLONIZATION.
+
+Go ask the African his opinion of Liberia! Consult him as to the
+choice of his future home. He looks upon this land as a paradise, and
+upon that with instinctive dread and apprehension. Go ask the very
+slaves of the inventor of Central American Colonization (that devout
+apostle of _political philanthropy_, and most zealous advocate of
+emancipation), go ask _his slaves_ their opinion of the merits of
+their master's invention, and their faces will kindle with the half
+ingenuous blush of conscious degradation, as they denounce his
+project, as the last device of insolence to degrade and oppress them.
+
+
+IMPRACTICABILITY OF COLONIZATION.
+
+The impracticability of African colonization[5] had long since become
+a foregone conclusion, so far as it could be made applicable to the
+present or prospective transfer of 4,000,000 of negroes from this
+republic to Liberia. A mathematical solution of that problem shows the
+cost of purchase and transportation to be no less a sum than
+$2,400,000,000, or ten times the amount of all the gold and silver
+coin in the United States. The purchase of these Negroes, alone,
+would cost $2,000,000,000, or eight times the amount of all our coin;
+and if we add to this the cost of transportation to Central America,
+the entire cost would not be less than $2,200,000,000. It will be seen
+that one scheme is as practicable as the other; and the alternative
+remains, of either robbing the people of nearly half the States of the
+Union of their property, or the Negro must remain a slave. No sane man
+will say that the purchase of this property is practicable or
+possible. Fancy, if you please, the Negroes bought and paid for; the
+estates of all the people of this country involved in the vain chimera
+of transferring to our Southern States, in remuneration, all the coin
+in Europe and America, and all that will be added thereto in a hundred
+years to come, and you have a picture not very suggestive of
+practicability or expediency.
+
+But, even if the citizens of our Southern States should magnanimously
+propose the totally improbable act of voluntary and gratuitous
+manumission of their slaves, for the purpose of elevating them to
+political equality, what would be the effect upon our country? Three
+millions and a half of Negroes let loose upon our community, in
+competition, in the main departments of industry, with free white
+labor. Or would you, in accordance with the legislation of many of the
+States, exclude the negro from the Northern, Middle, and Western
+States, and the Territories, and thus, by confining him to the South,
+give him political preponderance over the white man in many of the
+States of the Union? Imagine the pure crystal pillars of this temple
+of freedom turned to ebony; the radiant eyes of Freedom's Goddess
+shocked at the gloomy spectacle of symbolic night, and suffused with
+tears at such a desecration of her shrine!
+
+
+GRADUAL OR PROSPECTIVE EMANCIPATION.
+
+There is another popular idea of emancipation, which is unjust,
+fallacious, and impossible of application. It is known by the specious
+though plausible appellation of gradual or prospective emancipation;
+by which it is proposed to destroy, by legislation, the productiveness
+and the value of this species of property, after a limited period, by
+declaring the _confiscation of its increase_. This has been tried by
+mistaken philanthropy, or by organized duplicity, with no other effect
+but to transfer the slaves from State to State, and from the North to
+the South; but while this process has been going on, the number of
+slaves in the United States has increased more than four-fold,--from
+less than one to more than four millions. This is emancipation with a
+vengeance. In this ratio, prospective or gradual _emancipation_ would
+give us, in seventy years more, 16,000,000 slaves. It will be seen
+that this process is not emancipation, but merely transposition, or
+change of locality. The very name of emancipation, thus applied, is a
+misnomer.
+
+
+OF PARTIAL LEGISLATION.
+
+But of the injustice of that partial legislation which would
+discriminate against the property of one class of citizens, to destroy
+its value, by proposing the confiscation of its increase, or excluding
+it from the State,--this is oppression. It may be submitted to, but it
+is unjust, partial legislation, and an arbitrary act of tyranny, and
+if persisted in will, some day, lead to war. Besides, it does not
+effect the purpose intended. It does not diminish slavery, but only
+changes its locality. What would be said if it were attempted to
+invalidate any other species of property, by the confiscation of its
+increase, or an attempt to legislate it out of the State? To declare
+by legislation a forfeiture of rents of houses or lands, after a
+specified period, or the increase of any species of stocks, or other
+property? What is this but agrarianism? what but the first blow of the
+_levelers_? And if this is done with impunity, how long before some
+other species of property, in the shape of fancied _superfluous_
+individual wealth, will also be confiscated? There is no safety in
+establishing such a precedent.
+
+
+PURPOSES OF BRITISH EMANCIPATION.
+
+Emancipation contemplates the social and political equality of the
+races. It proposes to mix the pure Anglo-Saxon blood with the dark
+blood of Ethiopia! It proposes the amalgamation of civilization with
+barbarism. It proposes the debasement and downfall of this Republic,
+and the erection upon its ruins of a mighty military despotism. The
+alienation of that friendly sentiment and brotherly affection which
+existed among our people in the days of the Revolution, is prophetic
+of this; and unless reason resume her seat, and the convulsed sea of
+American mind, now lashed to fury by blind zealots and European
+emissaries among us, be calmed, and the angry wave of fanaticism be
+stayed, such will most certainly be the sad and startling
+consummation.
+
+
+OF THE RIGHT TO ENSLAVE THE BARBARIAN.
+
+It is pretended by certain sophists and visionary theorists, that the
+RIGHT does not exist to enslave the barbarian; that to assert such
+right is fatal to the principle of human equality. To which I answer,
+that barbarity is not humanity, but its opposite, and the right of the
+one to control the other is supported by law, founded upon the
+immutable principles of justice. The experience of mankind has
+demonstrated, and the judgment of mankind has decided, that certain
+acts are wrong in themselves; that to kill is an act abhorrent to the
+soul of man, and as it is also a violation of natural right, the
+murderer shall die--that in his death an element of chaos and
+destruction, in him, is annihilated--and the principle or element of
+murder in the wicked be thereby repressed. Here is an instance wherein
+the right is asserted, to take, not only the liberty, but the life of
+an individual. Some deny this right, but they do not deny the right to
+deprive the murderer of his liberty. All will agree that the murderer
+shall, at least, be deprived of his liberty. So with other crimes.
+There is a tolerable agreement in civilized communities, that for
+certain crimes men shall be deprived of their natural right to
+freedom. So, the principle is established, that communities have the
+right to deprive men of their liberties. Laws are established and
+executed by this principle. Every State, and almost every small
+community, endorses this principle, and constantly illustrates it by
+the punishment of offenders against law, who are confined in jails and
+prisons. And it is folly to deny a right founded upon the universal
+usage and experience of mankind. So with nations. Did we not repress
+the wrong exercised against us by Mexico and Algeria? Did we not even
+deny the right of maritime isolation to Japan, on the score of cruelty
+or neglected hospitality to our shipwrecked mariners? Suppose she slay
+our ambassador, or our resident minister; would we not still further
+force upon her, in a summary manner, those well-known rules of law,
+and amenities of civilization, and principles of justice, which are
+proclaimed to be right by the united voice of nations?
+
+We are considering the subject of the enslavement of the African race
+in this Republic. We are inquiring into the RIGHT of African Slavery.
+We have asserted the right of slavery, as founded upon the principle
+that universal right holds a just and hereditary control over wrong;
+and as the African is a race of barbarians, and barbarism is wrong,
+it follows that it is the right of civilization to hold the African
+subject to those rules of justice which pertain to civilization, and
+to protect him from the injustice, violence, and degradation, which
+are the concomitants of barbarism. To deny this is to deny the
+superiority of RIGHT over _wrong_. He who denies this, becomes the
+advocate of barbarism; for, barbarism being below civilization, he
+asserts its equality with civilization, and thus becomes its apologist
+and advocate.
+
+
+VIOLATION OF NATURAL RIGHT.
+
+Such an one will claim that involuntary labor performed by the
+African, in behalf of civilization; or the production, by his labor,
+of material or fabrics to hide his nakedness, or adorn the human race,
+or protect them from the cold, degrades the barbarian, because it
+encroaches upon his natural right to go naked and houseless, and
+perish with the cold. He is quite _primitive_ in his ideas of dress,
+and ought to emigrate to a warm climate, like South Africa or South
+America, where the elements of nature do not conspire with
+civilization to degrade and oppress him. He perceives that our unjust
+and oppressive laws actually punish, as an offense, the exposure to
+view of man's natural external beauties! This is about as far as it is
+safe to go on the subject of natural right, both from considerations
+of propriety and modesty, and also, as it almost amounts to a
+digression from the subject immediately under consideration; but we
+are merely following the advocate of emancipation, on the score of
+equality and natural right, just where his principles lead him; and as
+it forcibly suggests the inexpediency of emancipation, and consequent
+barbarism, on the score of morality and decency, it seems entirely
+apposite to the subject.
+
+But it is claimed by some, that the African slave here has ceased to
+be a barbarian, which I deny. His nature is not essentially changed;
+his habits are forced; and he would at once fall, as he has fallen,
+and is falling, in San Domingo, Jamaica, and Canada, but for
+coercion. It is, therefore, an external power which holds him up, and
+no innate principle within him.
+
+
+THE DEBT OF THE BARBARIAN.
+
+But even for argument, admitting the African were civilized, still he
+is not legally entitled to his freedom. Why? Because on account of his
+barbarism he became the property of another, who has a vested right in
+him. His transition from barbarism to civilization was at the expense
+of civilization, and he owes a just equivalent therefor. His debt is
+the difference between barbarism and civilization, and will be
+estimated according as the one in held higher than the other.
+
+
+THE RIGHT OF THE AFRICAN TO REMAIN A SLAVE.
+
+If the African is entitled to his freedom, he is also entitled to the
+privilege of remaining in servitude; a privilege which nine tenths of
+the Negroes in this country are well known to crave. But we deny his
+right of choice in the premises. His barbarism was the oblivion of his
+right to choose his own proper position; and the absence of inherent
+right in him subjects him at once to the dominion of universal or
+external right in civilization. His right of choice, therefore, has no
+real validity, and should not even be tolerated to denounce the
+heinous wrong of his emancipation, and consequent restoration to
+barbarism. His right to remain a slave is not his own, but the right
+of civilization; and even his willingness to remain in servitude,
+though a double evidence of his barbarism and of his appreciation of
+his partially ameliorated condition as an accessory of civilization,
+is not available in deciding as to his present or future condition;
+because the right exercised in his subjection to the rules of
+civilization is primordial, and sovereign, and all-controlling, as
+Universal Right, and is in no case subject to the will of barbarism.
+
+
+THE MELIORATION OF THE AFRICAN.
+
+With regard to the degradation of the African slave, that is admitted;
+but at the same time his position as an accessory to civilization is
+far higher than that wherein he was wholly the subject of barbarism.
+Now, he is dignified to the useful avocations of the civilized race;
+learns their rudimental arts and customs, and methods of subsistence;
+is subject to, and protected by law; becomes semi-civilized, and in
+rare, individual instances, as a _lusus naturę_, even aspires to the
+nobler prerogatives of mind. The meanest slave that wears the shackle
+or feels the whip of civilization, in the reluctant performance of
+coerced labor, is a far nobler being than the African barbarian in his
+native wilds.
+
+
+OF THE DEGRADATION OF LABOR.
+
+Labor degrades no man. Labor is honorable, because the products of
+labor feed and clothe the world, and thus conduce to the welfare and
+happiness of mankind. Coerced labor is better than no labor. Coercion
+itself does not necessarily degrade man; rather may it ennoble and
+elevate, when it is exercised to summon the barbarian to the lessons
+of civilization. Coercion degrades not the man whom it compels to do
+right; it only exposes that degradation which is the result of doing
+wrong. The man only is degraded who, voluntarily or by coercion, does
+wrong, or neglects to do right. To talk of the degradation of labor,
+whether coerced or free, is, therefore, preposterous.
+
+
+HUMAN EQUALITY.
+
+But the question of emancipation is started and agitated on the ground
+of human _equality_. It is the supposed equality of the African with
+the white race, that is the pretext for emancipation, and the
+foundation of the assumed right and expediency of emancipation. It has
+been supposed by some, that the enunciation of human equality in the
+American Declaration of Independence was intended for all the races
+of men in the world. Such a supposition is totally unfounded, and
+unwarrantable in the very nature of things. In the first place, it is
+not true; and in the next place, the writer of that Declaration meant
+no such thing, for he held slaves, and knew their inferiority. What a
+monstrous act of hypocrisy and folly it would have been in the author
+of that instrument, and his cotemporaries, to declare that all men are
+created _free_ when they knew millions are born slaves, or when they
+knew no _equality_ existed, even of right, between the barbarian and
+the man whose sense of justice and perception of RIGHT secured to him
+the approbation of Heaven and his own conscience, by a recognition of
+and obedience to the laws of morality, and conformity to the just
+rules of civilization. They wrote that Declaration for white
+men,--meaning white men,--because it did not and could not apply to
+the barbarous and savage nations. They saw the world in chains, and
+knew the bondage of mankind to be the result of their violation of
+moral right, and their incapacity for self-government. They estimated
+rightly when they announced freedom to the white race in these
+colonies; for, up to this time, the fact of self-government by our
+people has verified their prophetic annunciation; but the sages who
+founded this Republic, excluded, by legislation, the African and the
+Indian from this boon of freedom, and they and their descendants have
+held the African in the condition of servitude.
+
+
+INCAPACITY OF THE MINGLED RACES FOR SELF-GOVERNMENT.
+
+The question of the enfranchisement of the African, therefore,
+involves the question of the capacity of the mingled races for
+self-government; a problem which is already solved in Mexico, in
+Jamaica, in San Domingo, and several of the Spanish American States.
+There, the mixed races have no common bond of union. The predominance
+of one petty State, or military chieftain, is the signal for the
+semi-barbarous hordes of mingled races to combine for the purpose of
+destruction. Urged on by the emissaries of that colossal superstition
+which casts its shadow over this Republic (whose home is a foreign
+kingdom, and whose head is a foreign prince), the semi-barbarous
+hordes of mingled races in the South American States, are a prey to
+successive bloody revolutions, through that imbecility which is the
+sure result of the amalgamation of civilization with barbarism.
+
+
+WRONG SHOULD SUBSERVE RIGHT.
+
+In considering the subject of slavery, there is one principle which
+must not, and cannot be lost sight of, as it underlies all else, and
+is the root from which springs the tree of all knowledge on this
+subject, as well as all others; to wit: That RIGHT holds a just and
+hereditary control over _wrong_. Not because right is the strongest,
+but because it is the BEST. It is very common when right asserts its
+prerogative, that we hear the subjects and votaries of _wrong_
+denounce RIGHT as mere _might_. This is a common foible of vice, to
+conceal its own deformity; a mere subterfuge, which, when pushed to
+the wall, vice adopts, and meets the executioner of justice with the
+accusation that he is the mere instrument of might; the servile tool
+of arbitrary power. This glozing of vice avails not. Justice stands
+erect in the dignity of its own moral beauty, and commends itself to
+the intellect and conscience of mankind. All the affections, all the
+wisdom, and all the experience of men, do homage at the shrine of
+justice, as the arbiter of right. This great moral tribunal,
+established at the dawn of creation, has existed through all time, and
+still exists; and at this tribunal we try barbarism, and find it to be
+wrong, because it conduces to the misery and degradation of men. At
+this tribunal, we find civilization to be right, because it conduces
+to the happiness and welfare of mankind. This being so (and the man
+who denies it, is a barbarian), it follows, that civilization,
+carrying with it the preponderating elements of right and justice,
+holds a just and hereditary control over barbarism, which is wrong.
+When we assert, therefore, the right of slavery, because it is just
+that barbarism shall subserve civilization, we only say it is just
+that wrong should subserve right;--a proposition, which, certainly,
+ought to commend itself to the common sense, the intellect, and the
+conscience of every good man.
+
+Some assert that civilization should subserve barbarism; but when
+tried by our rule, they at once see that it is preposterous to assume
+that right should subserve wrong.
+
+
+FORFEITURE OF NATURAL RIGHT.
+
+Some propose, that the advantages of the great and little, the served
+and the servant, the good and the bad, should be reciprocal; that that
+which is used is, or should be, as much advantaged in the using as is
+the user. I would ask them--what particular advantage it is to the
+oyster to be devoured? or what return can the earth make to the sun
+for his rays, constantly poured upon it? Some assert that every human
+being is unqualifiedly endowed by nature with the right of individual
+freedom. This we deny. We assert that barbarism is not humanity, and
+cannot claim to exercise the prerogative of civilization, which it has
+ignored, or which it never knew. We assert that the murderer has
+forfeited that right; and more than this, with the element of murder
+developed in him, originally, he never was entitled to freedom.
+Prisons, and even dungeons, are as necessary and proper as schools and
+colleges, but not more so than servitude to the barbarian. They are
+all appliances of right and justice and civilization, not to make the
+good subserve the bad, but to make the bad subserve the good.
+
+
+TAKING THE EXCEPTION FOR THE RULE.
+
+It will not do for men to pretend that they do not know which is right
+and which is wrong; what is civilization and what is barbarism. The
+exception for the rule is as proper to adopt in the one case as in the
+other. We cannot condemn civilization for the incidents of bad
+government in some cases, false religion in others, and crime in
+others, when the general tenor of civilization is to protect the weak
+against the strong, give security to life and property, and by
+developing the intellect and cultivating the moral faculties, elevate
+and ennoble the race. Neither can we acquit barbarism if it affords
+occasional instances of _immoderate instinct_, closely approximating
+to intellect, or even intellect itself, and moral worth, or the
+absence of ferocity, or the presence of positive amiability, render it
+possible that the barbarian is not a fiend, or that he may be schooled
+to tolerable docility, while the general tenor of barbarism is to
+wrong, cruelty, violence, and self-annihilation.
+
+
+PASSION; SYMPATHY MISAPPLIED.
+
+Nor will it do to ignore reason, and adopt passion when we consider
+the subject of slavery. Passions have their uses, but how often they
+are perverted! Reason is sometimes perverted too, and never more than
+when exercised against truth, justice, and civilization, and in favor
+of barbarism. There is false sympathy, amounting to passion, that is
+blindly lavished upon objects which neither need nor appreciate it. We
+often see it exercised in behalf of the brute animals, whose proper
+natures are totally unconscious of it; while their gentleness and
+quietness seem to rebuke this shallow, human sentimentality, as
+something wandering from its sphere, or as seed wasted upon the sand.
+Your sympathy has its legitimate uses, and it is against the economy
+of nature to misuse it, or bestow it upon natures foreign to its own.
+If we pity the slave because he is not like ourselves, we shall
+probably receive his pity, in return, for some weakness or power in
+us, that covers an abyss which he cannot fathom, and from which he
+turns away in terror. He is adapted to his place, and so are we, if we
+are content.
+
+
+PERFECTION OF NATURE'S WORK.
+
+It has been said, with how much truth let us consider,
+
+    "Where ignorance is bliss, 'tis folly to be wise;"
+
+the reverse of which is, "Where knowledge is bliss, 'tis folly to be
+ignorant." The first proposition was evidently intended for the Negro,
+and the last for the white man; as intellectual pleasures and
+knowledge are esteemed highest by the latter, and animal pleasures by
+the former. Happiness is the aim of both; the difference is in the
+mode of attaining it, and the degree of it when attained. The negro is
+perfect in his kind. Sympathy will not make him a white man. Would you
+interrogate nature on the wisdom of her works? Would you denounce them
+as imperfect? Can you improve upon the architecture of the honey-bee,
+or the method of his distillation? or on nature's processes of
+germination and vegetation? Your cup of liquid poison is but a mean
+equivalent for his treasured nectar; your hot-house culture yields
+nought for the beauties of Flora, nor the sweetness of her priceless
+perfumes. The spider would not be a butterfly even if you could give
+him wings. The power to fly would only enable him to spin his web in
+air, and obscure the sunlight. His own way is best, both for him and
+man.
+
+
+THE NEGRO SATISFIED WITH HIS CONDITION.
+
+Reason will bring all things right. We must take things as they ARE,
+not as fancy would paint them. It is of no use to get exasperated
+because the Negro is dark of skin, and because his inferiority and
+degradation adapt him to the rougher, or rudimental departments and
+pursuits of civilization. Pity for him on account of the labor which
+makes his sleep sweet, and his digestion perfect, is thrown away. He
+knows nothing of the ennui of sloth, nor the misanthropy of idle
+declaimers. He has his rude affections, and does not hate wrongs which
+he does not know nor feel, nor is he shocked at manacles which he
+cannot see, and which hold him from falling into the abyss of
+barbarism, whence they have lifted him. He loves his condition as a
+slave to civilization, because his instinct tells him it is better
+than subjection to the usages and wrongs of the condition from whence
+he has risen. If he is satisfied with his present condition, it is
+from an intuitive instinct, teaching him his fitness for it, and
+shows, by the slowness of the transition from barbarism to
+civilization, how wide and deep is the gulf which divides the one from
+the other.
+
+
+UNITY OF THE AFRICAN RACES.
+
+I use the term barbarism in contradistinction to civilization, and
+very respectfully refer to authorities of repute in justification of
+this use of the word, both to designate the quality of the _thing_,
+and the precise locality of its fittest application; for although
+Herodotus tells us that the Egyptians and Greeks applied the term
+_barbari_ to all who spoke a language different from their own; and
+even the Hindoos used almost the same word to express the quality
+indicated, differing only by the accidental dissimilarity of the
+Sanskrit orthography, which makes it _varvvarah_ or _varvvaras_, we
+have the authority of Professor Wilson, who says it means "an outcast,
+and in another sense, woolly or curly haired, as the hair of the
+African." And for authorities showing the unity of the Negro races,
+dialects, and languages, in Western, Southern, and Central Africa, I
+refer to the writings of Progart, Ritter, Oldendorf, Marsden,
+Bruseiotti, Harves, Grandpre, Vater, Salt, Ludolf, and Oldfield; who,
+from other motives than those which have prompted the partial accounts
+of more recent travelers and writers on the subject, have shown
+conclusively, that the degrees of barbarism existing in the tribes
+inhabiting the Western and Southern coasts of Africa, and the
+interior, are, in fact, mere modifications of that same barbarism,
+produced by local causes, and mitigated only by the force of nature
+from without, rather than by any inherent quality belonging to any
+portion of the Negro race. I speak of language as the connecting chain
+which links together the various African tribes, showing, if not their
+identity, their immediate connection, and holding to the account of
+barbarism those exceptions to the rule of barbarism which suggest the
+pretext for breaking down the barriers which divide barbarism from
+civilization, and form the basis of all the false philanthropy and
+efforts of political emancipation which are the curse of the age and
+country in which we live.
+
+According to Pritchard, and others familiar with the subject, the
+slaves exported from Congo, which was long the principal resort of the
+Portuguese traders in black men, have always been regarded by
+slave-dealers and planters as genuine Negroes. If the physical traits
+of the Mapoota tribe, who will, as I suppose, be admitted to be
+undoubtedly of the Kafir race, so fairly represent the Negro
+character, it will be less difficult to admit that the natives of
+Mozambique and Congo belong to the same stock. All the inhabitants of
+the great empire of Congo speak one language, though it is divided
+into a number of dialects, including the dialect of Loango in the
+_north_, that of Congo in the south, and _Banda_, or idiom of
+Cassanga, in the interior, forming, collectively, one nearly allied
+family of languages, or, in fact, one language.
+
+
+TRAVELERS IN AFRICA.
+
+Since emancipation contemplates the transfer of the slaves to Africa,
+as the means of mitigating those supposed evils to which they are
+subjected, having already established by way of derision a _republic_
+there, I deem it legitimate to make some inquiry into the nature and
+condition of the inhabitants of Africa, in order to ascertain if such
+a change would be expedient or proper, with a view to the amelioration
+of the condition of the slaves. Of course, to do this, we must take
+the general authorities of history, and not confine ourselves to those
+individual authorities of recent date, which may be influenced by the
+popular delusion of _Negro equality_, or, for purposes of _gain_ or
+from _political motives, have written books to sell, or_ been
+_employed for pay_ to belie the KNOWN TRUTHS OF HISTORY.
+
+
+CANNIBALISM.
+
+With regard to cannibalism, I demand that the advocates of
+emancipation either adopt it as right and proper, or denounce it, as
+I do, as beneath the dignity of ordinary animal existence, and as the
+most disgusting prerogative of barbarism. Probably they will adopt it
+on the very antique authority of Zeno, Diogenes, Chrysippius, and the
+Stoics, who esteemed it perfectly reasonable for men to devour one
+another; or because, in China (and other countries) it is practiced,
+where, according to Herrera, one great market is supplied with human
+flesh alone, for the better sort of people; or because cannibalism was
+universal before the days of Orpheus. I almost fear lest the
+emancipationists, by adopting cannibalism as right, with such high
+authorities and precedents to support their position, may endeavor to
+palliate African cannibalism on the ground that it is not a monopoly,
+and claim exemption from the great verdict of modern civilization
+which denounces, as forfeited and condemned, this disgusting and
+leading custom of barbarism. But if the common sense of the
+Anglo-Saxon race did not almost universally denounce this hideous
+custom, I would bring Sextus Empiricus to show that the first laws
+ever enacted were to prevent men from devouring each other; and even
+this may be declared, by our sophistical emancipationists, to be one
+of the first violations of _natural right_. If the right of
+cannibalism is claimed, then will nature assert its wrong, and
+vindicate civilization. But if cannibalism is rejected by the
+emancipationists, then let us see to what dangers and degradation he
+would expose the now happy and contented slave.
+
+
+CANNIBALISM IN AFRICA.
+
+In the "UNIVERSAL VOCABULARY," which is compiled from the very highest
+authority (p. 218), we learn that the Jagas, of the kingdom of Congo,
+"take pleasure in _eating young women_!" And "a princess was so fond
+of her gallants, that she _ate them successively_!" "Their choicest
+food is _warm human blood_!" "The Jaga chieftain, Cassangi, used to
+have _a young woman killed every day for his table_!" "Five or six
+strong men will at once destroy and share the flesh of a captive."
+"The women are equally as ferocious as the men, _delighting to
+cleave the skull, and suck the warm brain of the slain_!" This is
+solemn history, though almost horribly incredible.
+
+From the same authority, and others, we learn that seven-eighths of
+Africa is at present either savage or barbarous. This is _the present
+condition of Africa_, by nearly the unanimous voice of enlightened
+travelers, and scientific explorers.
+
+According to Pritchard, "the Mumbas, a numerous and savage people who
+live at the east and northeast of Te-te, and at Chicorango, are
+cannibals."
+
+Dos Sanctas says, "They have in their principal town a
+slaughter-house, where they butcher men every day."
+
+We learn from Pritchard, that "the Zimbas, or Mazimbas, are a
+man-eating tribe near Senna." Also, that "the Mślśa tribe slaughter
+fifteen or twenty men every day."
+
+It is a well-authenticated fact, that the subjects of the Great Macaco
+are anthropophagi, or cannibals. "This prince has a court so numerous,
+as to require two hundred men to be butchered every day to supply his
+table; a part of them criminals, and a part slaves furnished in the
+way of tribute." It is a part of history, both ancient and modern,
+that in the market-places in the principal towns and large villages
+throughout southern, and in portions of central Africa, Negro flesh is
+sold by the pound, as commonly as beef or mutton is sold throughout
+these United States; and what is worse, it in only the wealthy or more
+_intelligent_ classes who are able to indulge in so great a luxury;
+while the poorer classes, the mass of the people, are envious
+spectators of the traffic in this so great a luxury, as to tempt them
+to every violence and crime to enable them to indulge in it.
+
+
+SUPREMACY OF PAGANISM IN AFRICA.
+
+This is the fate to which emancipation would consign the Negro. These
+are a few of the selected examples of the horrors of barbarism,
+furnished by historians, scientific travelers, and Christian
+missionaries, whose testimony, as eye-witnesses, has become history
+during the last few hundred years. Meanwhile, the light of
+civilization has blazed upon Africa from three quarters of the globe,
+even as the rays of the sun have enveloped the globe itself.
+Missionaries from Europe and America, from Rome, and London, and New
+York, have striven with a zeal and fidelity known only to religious
+enthusiasm, incited by mutual emulation, and armed with those terrors
+which awe the soul, those allurements which beguile the affections,
+and those fascinations which enkindle hope; but they have striven in
+vain against the colossal power of barbarism; and to-day, those
+heathen orgies which have darkened the annals of the world for four
+thousand years, are as sacred, to paganism in Africa, as are the rites
+and ceremonies of Christianity in London or in Rome.
+
+Is this no evidence of the unfitness of the African for civilization?
+And is it just, in the sight of heaven, to force him from his present
+willing position of service to civilization, and consign him to a fate
+more terrible than even death itself!
+
+
+THE AFRICAN RACE ON THIS CONTINENT.
+
+Look at the African race on this continent, in this Republic, in
+Canada, and in the Islands of San Domingo and Jamaica. Compare the
+African in this Republic, under the wholesome regimen of civilization,
+with his emancipated brethren in the West Indies, or his recusant,
+fugitive brother in the Canadas. Has he not advanced here, and
+retrograded there? Compare his condition in these States, North and
+South. Why do the free States enact laws to prohibit the African from
+coming into them to settle? Is it because he is a civilized man, an
+equal, and a good citizen? Is it not rather, because the Anglo-Saxon
+race shuns the supposed contamination of barbarism? The wisdom of
+these prohibitory laws will be seen in the future time; when the idea
+of Negro equality has become exploded and obsolete; after the question
+of emancipation has served its purpose in political combination; but
+alas! not until the fallacy of negro equality has resulted in a
+mongrel race which will have spread itself like the shadow of a cloud
+over some of the fairest portions of freedom's heritage.
+
+
+THE AFRICAN IS DEEMED A BARBARIAN IN THE NORTHERN STATES.
+
+It will be seen that the arguments here advanced are predicated, to
+some extent, upon the fact that the African is a barbarian. That he is
+so in his native wilds, we have shown by high authority. That he is so
+in this country, is obvious, from the fact that in the South he is
+held a slave, and is satisfied with his condition; and because, as a
+race, the African in this country, and on this continent, shows not
+the least capacity for self-control. In the South, the African, in his
+best estate, is a slave. In the North, laws are wisely enacted to
+prevent him from going there, because of his barbarism, and because
+that portion of the most advanced race on earth shrinks from contact
+with it. The fact, then, of his barbarism is sustained, fully,--by his
+normal condition in Africa; his condition of retrogradation in Jamaica
+and San Domingo, where the experiment of emancipation has proved a
+failure, where the relapse into barbarism is sure and irrevocable; and
+in this country, where common sense and public opinion and public law,
+both North and South, hold him in the condition of social, moral, and
+physical vassalage and servitude, and confine him effectually within
+certain prescribed limits, or hold him in that marked estimation of
+inferiority which makes him forever conscious of his own degradation.
+I have felt justified, therefore, not by way of opprobrium, nor in the
+spirit of invidious or odious comparison, to name the category in
+which he belongs, and then, by fair moral and philosophical argument
+to deduce the justice and right of civilization in holding dominion
+over him.
+
+
+EMANCIPATION IS WRONG.
+
+It is not our purpose to blame the African for being a barbarian; but
+to insist that emancipation is wrong because it restores him to
+barbarism, and that slavery is right because it holds him to those
+roles of justice which pertain to civilization, and protects him from
+the injustice, violence, and degradation which are the concomitants of
+barbarism. As the slave of civilization, he is raised infinitely above
+his former condition as the subject of barbarism. He knows this, and
+it satisfied. His instinct teaches him to love his master, because he
+is his protector, and because, mistrusting his own capacity for
+self-government, he knows the necessity for a master; and instances
+are numerous, of slaves, having misjudged their own capacity for
+self-government, having fled from supposed wrongs, they found they
+were mistaken as to the means of bettering their condition, and
+returned to voluntary servitude, begging, with tears, to be again
+admitted to the sacred precincts of the patriarchial care.
+
+
+FITNESS OF THE AFRICAN FOR SLAVERY.
+
+It is the fitness of things that makes the African a slave. His brawny
+limbs, seconding and aiding the intellect of the superior race,
+constitute the left hand and foot of labor. Slavery is the left hand
+of our body politic. Free labor is the right hand. Intellect is the
+head. All combined, constitute a power which is felt and feared by the
+foes of this Republic. Hence their endeavor to detach one portion from
+the other, and thus weaken the whole. To change the position of the
+slave is to interrupt or reverse the order of nature.
+
+    "What if the foot, ordained the dust to tread,
+    Or hand to toil, aspired to be the head?
+    What if the head, the eye, or ear repined
+    To serve, mere engines of the ruling mind?
+    Just as absurd for any part to claim
+    To be another in this general frame;
+    Just as absurd to mourn the tasks or pains
+    The great directing Mind of All ordains."
+
+
+ABSURDITY OF NEGRO EQUALITY.
+
+The truth is, slavery is right, and is proved to be so,
+notwithstanding all the noisy declamation we hear about human
+equality. The Negro is a barbarian, and barbarism is not humanity but
+inhumanity; hence the unfitness to the case, of such illogical
+reasoning as is adopted by the advocates of Negro equality. Human
+equality, as applied to the Negro, is an idle fantasy, without even
+the shadow or semblance of plausibility. White men are equals in few
+things; certainly not in physical nor mental capacity, nor power. The
+equality declared by our Revolutionary Sires was the political
+equality of white men. Let us arise from that lethargy in which we
+have dreamed of universal equality, and escape the dangers of that
+moral and intellectual somnambulism in which we have been groping to
+the verge of social and political destruction.
+
+
+AMERICAN AND EUROPEAN RADICALISM.
+
+This restless spirit of change, in a portion of our people, this
+craving for universal equality, by the blind victims of popular
+fanaticism, finds its parallel in the destructive element of European
+radicalism, (that bane of European democracy,) which mistakes freedom
+for the right of plunder, and Democracy for the right of popular
+despotism. It is that blind spirit of rage which adapts not the means
+to the end, but overreaches itself, and falls a prey to its own
+cupidity, duplicity, and folly.
+
+
+INEQUALITY OF RACES.
+
+Universal equality,--the equality of the African with the Caucasian,
+or the savage with the civilized races, is no more possible than to
+blend right with wrong. The inequality exists in nature, as
+indubitably as the varied magnitudes of the stars. And the
+characteristics of the various savage races differ as widely as their
+varied physiognomy. There is no equality among them, mental or
+physical,--not even equality of degradation. The gigantic Patagonian,
+and the dwarfish Laplander; the wild Feejeeian, and docile Guinea
+Negro; the stolid Indian, and ant-like plodder of teeming India,--are
+but the outward symbols of that contrariety of moral, or rather
+immoral existence which is the fate of barbarism. They have no
+equality of beauty nor ugliness, leanness nor obesity, vice nor
+virtue, but varying differences, such as the spontaneous growth of
+uncultured nature in different climes exhibits in the vegetable and
+lower orders of the animal creation. What a contrast is this to
+that trained, drilled conformation to the order and proper
+conventionalities of civilized life, which our free schools, free
+press, social rites, laws, and customs impose.
+
+
+QUIBBLE OF THE SOPHIST.--TAKING THE EXCEPTION FOR THE RULE.
+
+And here comes the quibble of the sophist, who singles out instances
+of law violated in civilized communities, and holds them up as the
+criterion by which to judge civilization, and triumphantly exclaims,
+Lo! the fruits of civilization--of that civilization which arrogates
+to itself the right to enslave mankind! But this is merely a bare
+perversion of truth. He deceives no one so much as himself, when he
+imagines the world will take the _exception_ for the RULE of
+civilization, or make it the pretext to sustain barbarism.
+
+
+THE SUPREMACY OF MIND OVER MATTER.
+
+It is safe to assert that right holds a just and hereditary control
+over wrong. _Veritas vincit._ Justice and truth go hand in hand.
+Barbarism must bow before the genius of civilization. And what is not
+found in international law, nor suppressed by it, nor dictated by the
+commercial rivalries of nations, nor the zealous diplomacy of kings,
+will yet continue as it ever has, to recognize the power of mind over
+matter, of reason over passion, of intellect over animal existence;
+and the dominion and supremacy of written constitutions over citizens,
+communities, States, and empires. The right of government in civilized
+States more than suggests the right and supremacy of civilization over
+barbarism. But the right of mind over matter, of intellect over mere
+animal life, of reason over passion, is asserted upon the broadest
+principles of philosophy in nature. The Infinite Spirit, unseen, moves
+the visible material creation as the creature of his will.
+
+    He framed the universe, and instant twirled
+    Upon its orbit, this terrestrial world;
+    Bid chaos flee, and called the glittering train
+    Of constellations to the ethereal plain;
+    He built the fabric of creation fair;
+    Lit every sun that shines in glory there;
+    Strewed with his hand, to deck heaven's argent fields,
+    Each starry atom that refraction yields;
+    And holds in order, as it moves along,
+    Each seraph bright, of the celestial throng!
+
+
+SHALL BARBARISM CONTROL CIVILIZATION?
+
+Behold the order of heaven! Does any passion bear sway there? The
+ponderous globes obey the mandate of spiritual superiority; and shall
+the order of nature be reversed here, and the animal species lord it
+over men? Shall barbarism again come on the track of civilization,
+with fire and sword, and ruthless annihilation? Shall civilization
+invoke the demon of destruction to its own downfall? Shall the frenzy
+and rage of visionary enthusiasts, _or the dark schemes of the
+emissaries of despotism in this Republic_, lay in ruins this fair
+temple of freedom, the home, and refuge, and hope of the down-trodden
+nations?
+
+
+THE RAGE OF PASSION.
+
+What are these dreams of sophists, these vagaries of imagination, this
+rage of passion, this perversion of reason, and high-sounding
+declamation, confounding right with wrong, civilization with
+barbarism, but the paraphernalia of despotism arrayed against the
+liberties of mankind? Emancipation is all a delusion, a foible,
+a fantasy, an idle dream! The soul and intellect of man is
+heaven-derived, and knows its order and beauty, and will hold in
+abeyance these elements of chaos. The barbarian is indeed dark of
+skin, and the radiance of a million constellations in a thousand ages
+will not change him, nor the light of civilization fade to moral
+brightness his gloomy mind!
+
+
+EMANCIPATION OF THE WHITE RACES.
+
+It will be observed that my argument on the subject of slavery is new,
+and is drawn from the actual nature of the case. I offer no antique
+authority to sustain the RIGHT of slavery. The history of the African
+race for four thousand years is sufficient, which is, that in no
+country nor condition has that race shown the capacity for or enjoyed
+self-government. And, indeed, self-government with the superior white
+races is still deemed but an experiment. The great mass of the white
+races ever have been, and still are, governed by the strong hand of
+despotism, or by the more plausible, but ofttimes not less diabolical
+power of constitutional sovereignties, or hereditary or revolutionary
+oligarchies. It is not, then, so great a disparagement to the African
+that he is unfit for freedom, when nine-tenths of the foremost of the
+white races, show not the capacity to enjoy it. Certainly, the African
+is not their superior. Why, then, demand for him more than is allowed
+to the superior white races? If emancipation is to be thought of,
+would it not be well to emancipate the white races first?
+
+
+THE ARGUMENT INVULNERABLE.
+
+I have rested my argument on no antique authority to show the right of
+slavery. I have appealed to no religious dogmas to show this right. I
+have not even availed myself of the whole tenor of sacred history to
+justify it, which has been done heretofore by others, and done in
+vain. I have not labored to produce a voluminous collation of other
+men's opinions to swell my pages. Sacred history is in the hands of
+all, and its teachings need not my endorsement, recommendation, nor
+reiteration. Indeed, if the right of slavery here asserted is not
+based upon truth, and if it does not commend itself to the unbiased
+judgment of my countrymen, then I demand that they discard it. I ask
+if the argument here advanced, has been or can be refuted? If it can
+be, let it be done fairly, openly, and without circumvention. Let it
+be shown that barbarism ought not to subserve civilization. Let it be
+shown that civilization is wrong, because it does not conduce to the
+well-being and happiness of mankind; let it be shown that barbarism is
+right because it does this. Let the apologists and advocates of
+barbarism show its equality with civilization. Let it be denied, and
+the denial proved, that the laws of universal right and justice hold
+true and heaven-derived supremacy over wrong. Let it be shown that the
+slave-owner has no legal right of property in his slaves. Or, if it be
+admitted that he has such right, let any possible process of
+emancipation be pointed out. Will the violent denunciations of
+fanaticism induce him to free his slaves? Does the divided sentiment
+and feeling evinced in even the division of the churches north and
+south, indicate the willingness of the owners to free their slaves? If
+not, then by what means are they to be set free? Is it to be by
+purchase? and if so, is it proposed to pay the value of the slaves?
+and how? Let it be shown that the purchase and transportation of
+4,000,000 of Negroes to Africa will cost less than $2,400,000,000; or
+to Central America less than $2,200,000,000. Let it be shown to be
+expedient, practicable, or possible to do this; and even if done, let
+it be shown to be a benefit to the slave or the master; a benefit
+either to civilization or barbarism.
+
+If none of these things can be shown, and I aver they cannot, then how
+about the last startling alternative of robbing the slave-owner of his
+property? of the freeing of the Negroes by servile insurrection and
+civil war? What would be the cost in blood and treasure to effect
+this? and the probable result of _such_ an effort at emancipation, on
+the freedom and civilization of the world?
+
+
+WHY ENGLAND ABOLISHED THE SLAVE TRADE,--HER DREAD OF OUR GREATNESS AND
+POWER.
+
+The truth is, the slave trade was abolished by British and Tory
+influence, at about the time of the American Revolution, when slavery,
+as an adjunct of colonial vassalage, could no longer subserve the
+interests of British commerce. This was their first success in
+circumventing us. Her complicity in the Cooley trade is an evidence of
+this. She is willing to morally damn herself for purposes of
+monarchical intrigue, in order to supplant us. Our agriculture and
+commerce, and rapidly accumulating wealth and power, and republican
+glory, are too much for her. Our example of success in freedom tempts
+the loyalty of the most enlightened subjects of the British crown. The
+fascinations of freedom beguile the ardent and noble aspirations of
+the English democracy, and Britannia, with her antiquated and wrinkled
+visage, shrinks abashed from the majestic presence of Freedom's
+immortal and fadeless bloom!
+
+This is the true cause of the present British Negro philanthropy, and
+the occasion of her _assumed_ moral turpitude in elevating the heathen
+barbarian of Africa to the primary plane of civilization, to the
+protection of its laws, and the meliorations of its moral, political,
+social, and religious institutions. It is because monarchy was
+beginning to be odious in the eyes of the European democracy, when
+contrasted with our antagonistical system of the divine right of the
+people. It is her policy and her purpose to render our institutions
+unstable by means of a suborned and venal press, and a band of
+mercenary, hireling, political and religious monarchical conspirators,
+parasites and traitors. These her gold can furnish. Her arms having
+repeatedly failed to subjugate the American democracy, she now has
+recourse to her diplomacy, her intrigues, and her gold. Twenty
+millions of money expended in this way in the last twenty years, has
+had its effect, and to her emissaries, and hireling presses and
+scribblers, we are indebted for a dastardly generation of traitors,
+who would barter the liberties of their country for the applause of
+faction, and the complacency of kings.
+
+
+ENGLAND'S SELF-IMPOSED ODIUM.
+
+It is a monstrous absurdity, nay it is an act of egregious hypocrisy,
+for England now to _assume_ for herself an _hypothetical
+guilt_,--after bringing the African to her American Colonies for
+purposes of _gain_, and after exercising an intolerable tyranny over
+the white race in those colonies, and even invoking the aid of the
+tomahawk and scalping knife of the American savage in their attempted
+subjugation,--for the purpose now, when her arms and diplomacy have
+repeatedly failed, of seeking to overthrow the freedom of a Republic,
+which has risen, in despite of her, to such colossal proportions, as,
+in its very existence, to menace the combined monarchies of the world.
+But we hold these 4,000,000 of barbarians subject to the laws of
+civilization; and let England remember that we, even now, have the
+magnanimity to relieve her from the self-imposed odium of doing right!
+We now tell her monarchists, degenerate sons of illustrious sires,
+that in their maritime decadence they have also morally retrograded,
+for they now seek to restore these Africans to barbarism!
+
+
+SLAVERY IS AN INCIDENT OF CIVILIZATION.
+
+Let it not be claimed, even as a sophistical subterfuge, that the
+_motive_ which brought the African here was mercenary, and that,
+therefore, his coming here was not justifiable. Commerce is the
+handmaid of civilization, and if his coming was only incidentally
+right, yet that incident belongs to civilization, which is amenable to
+the moral code, and is also to be commended, with all its incidental,
+as well as more matured blessings. The institutions of civilization
+rescued these 4,000,000 of barbarians from the dangers, degradation,
+and miseries of barbarism, and by causing them to subserve
+civilization, compelled them to do right. The English and American
+false philanthropists, monarchical emissaries, ecclesiastical
+parasites, and pseudo-republican traitors now demand that these
+Africans shall be restored to barbarism, not because it is practicable
+or possible, or right, but because the proposition involves the
+equality of these States, and consequently the existence of the
+American Union. The success of these conspirators depends upon an
+adequate numerical proportion of knaves and monomaniacs, the
+well-adjusted mechanism of monarchy for the overthrow of this
+Republic. Their success would forever settle the long mooted question
+of the capacity of Anglo-Saxon race for self government. Hence the
+lavish employment of British gold to suborn the American press, and
+seduce the American mind from the safe precepts of Washington, whose
+name is, and ever has been, a terror to the British oligarchy.
+
+
+SOLUTION OF THE SUBJECT.
+
+The only tribunal at which to try human actions, is the tribunal of
+justice. That which is right can stand the test of this tribunal; that
+which is wrong will shrink in terror from it. At this tribunal
+American Negro slavery has nothing to fear, because it is founded in
+moral right. Its advocacy is the advocacy of right, and right alone;
+unless, forsooth, we are to confound right with wrong, and declare
+barbarism equal with civilization. Of course, our argument is based
+upon the hypothesis that civilization is one thing, and barbarism
+another. To the mind which is so mentally and morally obtuse as not to
+discover the difference between these two conditions, this appeal must
+be in vain. But to the right-minded man, who is open to conviction of
+truth, who has the mental freedom to act and think independent of his
+prepossessions and prejudices, who is guided by his intellect, and
+reason, and not by passion nor prejudice, this solution of the slavery
+question, though new, must and will be satisfactory, because it is the
+logical result of a trial of the question at the tribunal of justice
+and of rights, because slavery rescues the African from wrong, and
+subjects him to the rule of right; because it rescues him from the
+wrongs and miseries of barbarism, and raises him to the _primary_
+elevation of a progressive and ennobling civilization.
+
+
+EQUALITY OF THE STATES AND CITIZENS.
+
+The equality of the sovereign States which compose the American
+Republic, and the equality of the citizens, both in the States and the
+Territories, constitute the true and only bond of union for the
+American people. This equality is the foundation stone upon which our
+whole social and political superstructure rests. To call this in
+question is to menace the very existence of the Union which is founded
+upon it. The sovereignty of the Union, extending over the Territories,
+where no other sovereignty exists, is the panoply of protection to all
+the inhabitants of the Territories. There they are all equal in person
+and property. There they are not sovereign, but subjects under the
+sovereignty of the united confederacy of States, which have no
+individual superiority and right in the Territories, neither for
+themselves, nor their citizens. For the inhabitants of such
+Territories to _assume_ a sovereignty therein, not in accordance with
+the Constitution of the United States, not in conformity to law, and
+in violation of the equality of the people of the States there
+congregated, is USURPATION. Nor can the democracy of numbers, nor the
+will of the majority of inhabitants congregated in such Territories be
+invoked to decide the rights of the people of the several States
+congregated in such Territories, either as to persons or property;
+because the sovereignty of the Union holds, until superseded by the
+sovereignty of a State constitutionally organized, deriving its
+sovereignty from the supreme authority of the confederated States, by
+whose assent alone the primordial sovereignty of the Union is so far
+abandoned as to admit the exercise of State sovereignty in such
+Territories. There would be no propriety nor justice in allowing an
+_hypothetical sovereignty_ to a few thousands of individuals
+congregated in a large Territory, not one fiftieth part of which they
+occupied; allowing them to establish a rule of exclusion of the
+persons or property of the people of a portion of the States coming to
+settle in the Territories. Such persons have neither the right to
+decide for the present, nor the future; because at present they are
+not sovereign, and certainly they should not be allowed to exercise a
+_usurped_ authority over the millions who shall occupy those
+Territories in the future. It is a morbid desire to forestall the
+future, in its judgment of barbarism, and of its fitness to subserve
+civilization, that creates the present animosity between the citizens
+of the different sections of the Union, going into the Territories.
+This is all wrong. The sovereignty of the Union is the present, and
+the sovereignty of States the future arbiter of the rights of the
+people in the Territories; all other power is assumed, arbitrary,
+gratuitous, and in violation of legitimate, delegated constitutional
+power.
+
+The wisdom of the sages who founded the American Union left nothing
+for experiment to their successors, so far as the absolute equality of
+American citizens is concerned; and there is no safety but in the
+recognition of that perfect equality which the spirit of our race
+demands, and which the power of the civilized world will be invoked to
+maintain.
+
+
+THE NECESSITY OF OUR ONWARD PROGRESS AS A NATION.
+
+The intimate commercial relations existing between this Republic and
+the principal maritime and warlike nations of the globe, mainly by
+means of the products of slave labor, constitute a necessity for our
+onward, uninterrupted progress, as the great agricultural and
+commercial almoner of civilization, and cannot be disturbed, except at
+the peril of that civilization which they have been so instrumental
+and conspicuous to promote. The proposed annihilation of the hand of
+labor whose products amount to $250,000,000 per annum, and those
+products constituting the articles of prime necessity to civilization,
+is a matter which involves other interests than our own; and however
+willing monarchists and their minions may be to disrupt our political
+system, and destroy this temple of freedom, they will find the genius
+of commerce and the genius of liberty will continue to go hand in hand
+to uphold the principles of right and justice, which demand that
+barbarism shall subserve civilization.
+
+
+AMERICAN COTTON.
+
+American cotton, the product of slave labor, clothes, to a large
+extent, one-fourth part of the human race; without it the glory of
+civilization would vanish. It embellishes the denizen of the city, and
+hides the nakedness of barbarism. It is the tablet on which is
+inscribed the history of the present, and rescues from oblivion the
+mouldering records of the past. It is the talisman of thought, and the
+vehicle of those electric currents that blaze athwart the sky of mind,
+with which intellect binds together, with silver thread, the mind's
+great empire, where kings do homage at the shrine of genius, and bow
+in awe, and humble reverence before the majesty of mind. It is the
+medium through which the internal and external domains of thought are
+blended, and truth made universal, and obvious to the apprehension of
+a world!
+
+
+WASHINGTON NOT OPPOSED TO SLAVERY AS WRONG.
+
+It has been urged, that because Washington regretted the impossibility
+of devising some feasible means of emancipation, that, therefore, he
+was opposed to slavery, as wrong. The precise opposite was the case.
+He was too wise to oppose that which he could not overcome. His whole
+career was success in overcoming opposition. He might, with us, regret
+the barbarism of the African and the impracticability of his release
+from servitude, on account of his unfitness for freedom; but he never
+could logically or reasonably oppose, as wrong, that which made the
+African better and happier, and which protects him from the dangers
+and miseries of barbarism, though it placed him in the position to
+learn only the rudiments of civilization. To assert that Washington
+deemed slavery a wrong to the slave, is to accuse him of knowingly
+doing wrong, for he held slaves to the day of his death; and if he
+emancipated them then, it was more with the hope than the reasonable
+expectation, that even HIS slaves, with all the force of his example
+during his whole life, had become fitted for freedom, or that they
+would be benefited by the experiment of their own attempted
+self-control. Washington could not, therefore, consistently oppose
+slavery as a wrong to the slave, nor conscientiously believe it to be
+wrong; because he would not oppose that which he could not overcome,
+and because his whole life was occupied in doing right. It is against
+the prophetic character of Washington's mission, ever crowned with
+success; against his wisdom, which was most profound; and against his
+judgment, which was unerring,--to presume his hostility to slavery as
+wrong, or his opposition to it in a moral point of view, when he knew,
+as we know, the emancipation of the slaves to be wrong in itself, and
+impossible, even if right or desirable. It is plain, then, that if
+Washington had any real aversion to Negro slavery, it was not because
+it was wrong so far as any natural right of the slave was involved,
+but because of his ability to do without slaves; and notwithstanding
+his fortune was ample, he _held_ his slaves during the whole course of
+his life; whereas, if he had deemed slavery a wrong to the slaves, he
+would undoubtedly have granted them their liberty. What right would he
+have had, as a just man, to bestow his generosity upon the public, by
+refusing the emoluments of office, justly due him, and unjustly
+appropriating the proceeds or avails of the labor of his slaves, if he
+knew, or believed they were justly entitled to their freedom. If our
+moral view of slavery is clear, he was _just_, as well as _generous_,
+and wise as well as successful.
+
+
+WASHINGTON REPROACHES THE EMANCIPATIONISTS.
+
+It is well known how powerful the secret influence of the British and
+Tory abolitionists was in this country immediately after the American
+Revolution, as well as before and since that time; and that at about
+that time, or soon after, the question was seriously entertained of
+abolishing slavery in Virginia by legislation, as was done in other
+States of the Union; and it was on account of the annoying
+importunities of these _disinterested philanthropists_ (_?_), and the
+apparent inclination of the people of the State of Virginia to
+experiment in their theories, that Washington expressed his
+willingness to see slavery abolished by legislative enactment. But in
+what characteristic terms of manly reproach did he address the
+Emancipation Society on the subject when he found their principles and
+practices to be that "_the end justifies the means_." He says:
+
+"_But when slaves, who are happy and contented with their present
+masters, are tampered with and seduced to leave them; when masters are
+taken unawares by these practices; when a conduct of this kind begets
+discontent on one side, and resentment on the other; and when it
+happens to fall on a man whose purse will not measure with that of the
+Society, and he loses his property for want of means to defend it,--it
+is oppression in such a case, *AND NOT HUMANITY IN ANY*, because it
+introduces more evils than it can cure._"[6]
+
+
+OUR FATHERS ON THE RIGHT OF SLAVERY.
+
+It is not to be concealed, however, that some of the sages who framed
+this Republic, in their zeal for freedom, overlooked the fact of
+African barbarism, or failed to be explicit in their unpremeditated
+enunciations of human freedom. Perhaps, however, they had more
+astuteness than has been supposed by some. Perchance they considered
+barbarity not humanity, but its opposite, and would have deemed it a
+work of supererogation to explain that which natural history, the
+history of the African ram for four thousand years, and common sense,
+and common observation, had established as a self-evident
+proposition; to wit, that equality was a _political_, and not a
+social, nor moral, nor even physical condition; and that, especially,
+neither equality nor freedom were to be construed to be the
+prerogatives nor the right of barbarism. And the Constitution of the
+United States, the work of their own hands, sanctions this
+supposition, by recognizing the existence, and providing for the right
+of Negro slavery, and rescues the Fathers of the Republic from the
+absurd and opprobrious imputation of advocating Negro equality.
+Whatever opinions they may have expressed under the varying aspects of
+our Revolutionary epoch, the Constitution of these United States was
+the finality of their arduous toils, heroic achievements, and sublime
+wisdom; and that Constitution, the very sublimation and quintessence
+of a hundred civilizations, exhibiting the onward progress of the
+human race, recognizes the Right of Slavery, founded upon the
+immutable principles of justice.
+
+
+MONARCHICAL SCHEMES TO DESTROY THIS REPUBLIC.
+
+Is it strange, however, that since this Republic is the mighty
+antagonism of monarchy, and since it is invincible in arms, is it
+strange, that civil dissension, and the appropriate means to produce
+it, should be employed by despotism to subvert this government? What
+else should they do; What is the interest of monarchy in relation to
+the existence and onward progress of this Empire of Freedom? What, but
+its subversion, its disseverment, by its own internal antagonism? And
+what other means could monarchy and its parasites employ to accomplish
+this, but precisely the means and agency which have been employed, at
+vast expense, especially for the last twenty-five years, first to
+divide, and finally to destroy that which no external force, nor
+combination of external forces could subdue? Is it not already the
+boast of the minions of despotism that they have rendered our
+government insecure? With what jubilation did they catch the tidings
+of our recent rebellion, as the harbinger of their own redemption
+from the fate of political decadence and downfall, which our
+all-absorbing greatness was beginning to make so manifest to the
+willing apprehension of mankind? Their ears were charmed, even at the
+supposed triumphant voice of barbarism over a civilization as stable
+as the sun, which is immortal in its every individual microcosm, and
+to which they are conscious their own unequal systems of government
+never can attain.
+
+
+OUR VINDICATION.
+
+Need we inquire further what is the interest of monarchy? Can we any
+longer be blind to our own interest? Are we not arraigned at the
+tribunal of civilization, by the helots of despotism? Are we not
+accused of wrong? Are not we, and our sainted and godlike ancestors,
+held as amenable to moral law for a violation of Right? And shall we
+submit in silence to all this clamor: this false and slanderous
+accusation, when all history, all knowledge, all experience, all
+reason, and all nature, are voluble in our defense, and pronounce our
+just and triumphant vindication!
+
+Let us, then, henceforth cultivate and encourage friendship and
+cordial co-operation between the different sections of the Union, and
+a patriotic emulation for its continuance; not upon any such visionary
+and deceptive hypothesis as the superiority and predominance of
+sectional partiality, but upon the equable and fundamental principles
+of justice, and of the absolute equality of these sovereign States,
+and the equality of the citizens of a well-compacted and glorious
+confederacy.
+
+
+THE PHILOSOPHICAL POSTULATES OF AMERICAN SLAVERY.
+
+1. Right holds a just and heaven-derived supremacy over wrong.
+
+2. Barbarism is wrong. It conduces to the misery and degradation of
+mankind. Africa is barbarous. The African race is a race of
+barbarians.
+
+3. Civilization is right. It conduces to the elevation and happiness
+of mankind.
+
+4. Civilization carries with it the right of supremacy over barbarism.
+
+5. It is right to summon the barbarian to the lessons of civilization,
+and to teach him its _primary_ lessons; to elevate him to the dignity
+of labor.
+
+6. It is right to HOLD the barbarian subject to the rules of
+civilization; to protect him by its laws, and rescue him from the
+wrongs and miseries of barbarism. In this way, only, he can be made
+happier and better. He falls, if unsupported by external power.
+
+7. American Slavery promotes civilization by the production of
+materials wherewith to clothe the nakedness of mankind, and the useful
+medium or knowledge and intelligence, through books, and literature,
+printed upon materials which are the product of slave labor.
+
+8. It is just that barbarism should subserve civilization; that Wrong
+should subserve Right.
+
+9. The African is not equal to the white man, but is a barbarian, and
+as such has no political rights.
+
+10. American Slavery is Right.
+
+
+CONCLUSION.
+
+If, then, it is not right, nor practicable, nor possible, to restore
+these 4,000,000 of Africans to barbarism, why any longer agitate the
+subject? Why keep the negro in perpetual dread of change, and the
+owner dubious of the future? Why, by this negro agitation, create
+apprehension in the minds of our own people for the stability and
+permanence of this government, and hope in the minds of all the
+monarchists of the world that this agitation will divide and destroy
+this last great bulwark of human freedom?
+
+Why shall we put to hazard that freedom which is already secure? Why
+involve in experiments those tangible acquisitions which we have made
+to this priceless inheritance of freedom? Washington is gone, but he
+has left us his bright example, and his solemn admonitions. Let those
+who are greater, and wiser, and purer than Washington, impeach him.
+Let those whose precepts or examples excel his, question the
+superiority of his virtue and valor. Let those who have done more for
+human freedom, denounce him as the enemy of mankind, and erect for
+themselves a standard of moral action, which shall rise to the
+stupendous height of their own boundless egotism!
+
+But if it is found to be inexpedient and wrong to agitate the subject
+of slavery, when it is known to be impracticable, impossible, and
+unjust to emancipate the slaves, then let us go on in our career of
+greatness, with success and tranquility. Let us watch with jealous
+care the honor of our country, and scorn the aspersions of its
+vilifiers. Let us honor and vindicate our country in its attitude of
+justice, and in its mission of civilization, and mark with the
+imputation of opprobrium every recreant defamer of our government and
+its institutions. Let the emissaries of despotism find some other
+means of subduing us than to "divide and conquer." Let the name of
+Washington be revered; let his admonitions be heeded: let his commands
+be obeyed, and his example followed. Let barbarism still be blessed
+with the light of civilization; let the glory and dominion of freedom
+be established, and the citizens of this Republic rest in security and
+peace within their patriarchal bowers!
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Leo Africanus says, Book vii., "The King of Borno sent for the
+merchants of Barbary, and willed them to bring the great store of
+horses; for in this country they used to exchange horses for slaves,
+and to give fifteen and sometimes twenty slaves for one horse; and by
+this means there were abundance of horses brought; howbeit, the
+merchants were constrained to stay for their slaves till the king
+returned home with a great number of captives and satisfied his
+creditors for their horses." "The king maketh invasions but every year
+once, and that at one set and appointed time of the year."--_Geogr.
+Hist. of Africa, trans. by Pory, pp. 293, 294, Lon., 1600._
+
+[2] "From Abyssinia, the caravans carry yearly to Cairo nearly two
+thousand Negroes, those poor creatures having unfortunately been
+captured in war. Most of the chiefs and sovereigns in the interior of
+Africa sell or put to death all their prisoners."--_Narrative of a Ten
+Years' Residence at Tripoli, p. 185, London, 1816._
+
+[3] Hegel, the distinguished German philosopher, in his Philosophy of
+History, says, pp. 102, 103:
+
+An English traveler states that when a war is determined on in
+Ashantee, solemn ceremonies precede it. Among other things, the bones
+of the king's mother are laved with human blood. As a prelude to the
+war, the king ordains an onslaught upon his own metropolis, as if to
+excite the due degree of frenzy.
+
+In Dahomey, when the king dies, the bonds of society are loosed; in
+his palace begins indiscriminate havoc and disorganization. All the
+wives of the king (in Dahomey their number is exactly 3,333) are
+massacred, and through the whole town plunder and carnage run riot.
+The wives of the king regard their deaths as a necessity; they go
+richly attired to meet it. The authorities have to hasten to proclaim
+the new governor, simply to put a stop to massacre.
+
+The only essential connection that has existed and continued between
+the Negroes and Europeans is that of slavery. In this the Negroes see
+nothing unbecoming them; and the English, who have done most for
+abolishing the slave trade and slavery, are treated by the Negroes
+themselves as enemies. For it is a point of first importance with the
+kings to sell their captured enemies, or even their own subjects; and
+viewed in the light of such facts, we may conclude _slavery_ to have
+been the occasion of the increase of human feeling among Negroes.
+
+Tyranny is regarded as no wrong, and _cannibalism is looked upon as
+quite customary and proper_. Among us, instinct deters from it, if we
+can speak of instinct at all as appertaining to man. But with the
+Negro this is not the case, and the _devouring of human flesh is
+altogether consistent with the general principles of the African
+race_; to the sensual Negro, human flesh is but an object of
+sense,--mere flesh. At the death of a king, hundreds are killed and
+eaten; prisoners are butchered, and _their flesh is sold in the
+markets_. The victor is accustomed to eat the heart of his slain foe.
+When magical rites are performed, it frequently happens that the
+sorcerer kills the first that comes in his way, _and divides his body
+among the bystanders_.
+
+[4] Says Herder,--But the peculiar formation of the members of the
+human body says more than all these; and this appears to me applicable
+in the African organization. According to various physiological
+observations, the lips, breasts, and private parts, are proportionate
+to each other; and as nature, agreeably to the simple principle of her
+plastic art, must have conferred on these people, to whom she was
+obliged to deny nobler gifts, an ampler measure of sensual enjoyment,
+this could not but have appeared to the physiologist. _According to
+the rules of physiognomy, thick lips are held to indicate a sensual
+disposition_; as thin lips, displaying a slender, rosy line, are
+deemed symptoms of chaste and delicate taste; not to mention other
+circumstances. _What wonder, then, that in a nation for whom the
+sensual appetite is the height of happiness, external marks of it
+should appear?_ A Negro child is born white; the skin round the nails,
+the nipples, and private parts, first become colored; and the same
+consent of parts in the disposition to color is observable in other
+nations. _A hundred children are a trifle to a Negro; and an old man
+who had not above seventy, lamented his fate with tears._
+
+With this oleaginous organization to sensual pleasure, the profile and
+whole frame of the body must alter. _The projection of the mouth would
+render the nose short and small, the forehead would incline backwards,
+and the face would have at a distance the resemblance of that of an
+ape._ Conformably to this would be the position of the neck, the
+transition to the occiput, and the elastic structure of the whole
+body, which is formed, even to the nose and skin, for sensual, animal
+enjoyment.--_Herder's Philosophy of the History of Man, pp. 150, 151.
+Translated by Churchill, London, 1800._
+
+[5] Witness the following extract from the Report of the Committee of
+the Maryland Legislature in 1860, recommending the discontinuance of
+the annual appropriation of $5,000 to the Colonization Society for the
+purpose of sending free Negroes back to Africa. It will be seen by
+this extract, that the expense of transporting Negroes to Africa is
+much greater than I have stated, owing, perhaps, to an extravagant use
+or waste of the money by the Colonization Society; for if it costs
+$500,000 to transport 300 Negroes, it would certainly cost
+$6,668,000,000 to send away the 4,000,000 of Negroes in the United
+States. Add to this the value of the Negroes, to be paid in
+remuneration to the owners for their property, $2,000,000,000, and the
+total cost of purchase and transportation, based upon the experience
+and the statistics of the State of Maryland, would be $8,668,000,000!
+or more than forty times the amount of all the gold and silver in the
+United States! It will be seen that my own is a low estimate compared
+with this, and either of those estimates shows the utter futility of
+the advocacy of emancipation. That Report says:--
+
+"The passage of the act of 1831, ch. 281, was framed with the design
+of removing our free Negroes beyond the limits of this State. But
+experience has shown that they will not willingly leave us. That act
+has been in operation for twenty-seven years, at an expense to the
+State of about $280,000, raised by taxation upon our citizen
+population. It is safe to say that $75,000 more has been cleared by
+the profits in trade to the coast of Africa in that time; and that
+$145,000 has probably been bestowed by voluntary contribution for the
+same object--making in all the sum of $500,000. And yet, with all this
+vast outlay of money, not over _three hundred free Negroes_ have been
+removed. Slaves to a larger number have been set free and sent to
+Africa. During the last year not one single free Negro was sent to
+Africa from this State. When this law went into effect, we had 52,000
+free Negroes in the State; and after a trial of twenty-seven years, we
+now have 90,000 or 100,000. The inefficiency of this enterprise being
+so obvious to every one of the least reflection, your committee
+propose the repeal of all laws taxing the people for colonization
+purposes."
+
+[6] Scroeder's Max. of Washington, p. 256.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+[Transcriber's Notes:
+
+Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully as
+possible, including obsolete and variant spellings and other
+inconsistencies.
+
+The transcriber noted the following issues and made changes as
+indicated to the text to correct obvious errors:
+
+  1. p. 14, "sieze" changed to "seize"
+  2. p. 30, "Iagas" changed to "Jagas"
+  3. p. 30, "Iaga" changed to "Jaga"
+  4. p. 31, "Macoco" partially illegible, changed to "Macaco"
+  5. p. 41, "retrogaded" changed to "retrograded"
+  6. p. 42, "psuedo-" changed to "pseudo-"
+  7. p. 51, "opprobium" changed to "opprobrium"
+  8. various, The source document for this ebook contains several
+              handwritten changes. They have not been incorporated
+              into this ebook, except as noted above.
+  9. various, text in bold is marked as *BOLD*.
+
+End of Transcriber's Notes]
+
+
+
+
+
+End of Project Gutenberg's The Right of American Slavery, by True Worthy Hoit
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+Project Gutenberg's The Right of American Slavery, by True Worthy Hoit
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
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+Title: The Right of American Slavery
+
+Author: True Worthy Hoit
+
+Release Date: May 1, 2008 [EBook #25277]
+
+Language: English
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+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE RIGHT OF AMERICAN SLAVERY ***
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+
+
+<div class="trans-note">
+<p class="heading">Transcriber's Note</p>
+<p>Every effort has been made to replicate this text as
+faithfully as possible, including obsolete and variant spellings and other
+inconsistencies. Text that has been changed to correct an obvious error
+is noted at the <a href="#END">end</a> of this ebook.</p>
+</div>
+
+<h1><small>THE</small><br />
+<br />
+<span class="spacious">RIGHT</span><br />
+<br />
+<small>OF</small><br />
+<br />
+<span class="spacious">AMERICAN SLAVERY</span>.</h1>
+
+<h5>BY</h5>
+
+<h3>T. W. HOIT,</h3>
+
+<h5>OF THE ST. LOUIS LITERARY AND PHILOSOPHICAL ASSOCIATION.</h5>
+
+<br />
+
+<h4>SOUTHERN AND WESTERN EDITION.</h4>
+
+<br />
+
+<h5>FIRST AND SECOND EDITIONS, 500,000 COPIES.</h5>
+
+<br />
+
+<h4>FOR SALE BY THE PRINCIPAL PUBLISHERS THROUGHOUT THE UNION.</h4>
+
+<br />
+
+<h4>ST. LOUIS, MO.:<br />
+<span class="spacious">PUBLISHED BY L. BUSHNELL.</span><br />
+1860.</h4>
+
+<br />
+
+<h5>Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1860,<br />
+By T. W. HOIT,<br />
+In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States
+in and for the District of Missouri.</h5>
+
+<br />
+
+<h5><span class="sc">Baker &amp; Godwin, Printers</span>,<br />
+Printing-House Square, opposite City Hall,<br />
+<span class="sc">New York</span>.</h5>
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span></p>
+<h2 class="spacious"><a name="PREFACE" id="PREFACE"></a>PREFACE.</h2>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">To the American People.</span></p>
+
+<p><i>My Fellow Countrymen:</i>&mdash;Upon what manner of times have we fallen? Is
+our supposed experiment of self-government about to prove a failure?
+Are we so blind as not to see the abyss into which we are about to
+plunge? Section hostile against section; States arrayed against the
+Constitution; Churches sundered; the springs of intelligence poisoned
+at their source; treason stalking at noonday; insurrection rife; the
+equality of States and citizens denied, and derided; justice rebuked;
+treachery applauded; traitors canonized; anarchy inaugurated; monarchy
+calculating the end of republicanism; and the wheels of government
+clogged by the minions of despotism! All this, my Countrymen, and you
+passive, silent, sightless; reckless of your own and your children's
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span>doom? And while all this is true, you go about your usual avocations,
+as though the eyes of the civilized world were not upon you; as though
+the great, the good, the magnanimous of all lands were not breathless,
+and spell-bound, and appalled at the spectacle; as though the
+prophetic admonitions of the Father of our Country were forgotten, and
+nature, with an ominous silence, conspired to lull you into
+forgetfulness, the more to astound you with the wonders and the woes
+of an approaching catastrophe!</p>
+
+<p>What fatal error is there in our Republican principle? What virus
+sickens our body politic? What fascination lures us from the shrine of
+freedom? What infatuation hath seized the American people, that they
+should put to hazard this priceless inheritance,&mdash;the home, and
+refuge, and hope, of the down-trodden nations?</p>
+
+<p>I aver there is a fatal fallacy adopted by a large number of the
+American people, which, if not rejected, will lead us down to national
+oblivion. That fallacy is exposed in the following pages, by showing
+what is right, and what is wrong, and explaining the fundamental error
+by which our public opinion is divided, and the way of a reunion
+pointed out. No one can desire to remain in error. It is the desire to
+do right which animates the great mass of the American people. It was,
+perhaps, the <i>desire</i> to do right, that made John Brown a rebel and a
+traitor, and which consigned<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span> him to a traitor's doom. There is no
+safety, then, in <i>desiring</i> to do right; but to <span class="smcap">know</span> what is right,
+and to <span class="smcap">do</span> it. The time has now arrived when the American people must
+do right, or suffer the penalty of doing wrong.</p>
+
+<p>Good <i>intentions</i> will not do. Good <span class="smcap">deeds</span> are demanded,&mdash;actions
+founded upon truth and justice, and in accordance with nature's
+irrevocable laws. We boast of our greatness, and power, and
+intelligence. Of what avail are all these, if they will not save us
+from national ruin? What boots it that a slumbering giant dreams of
+his strength while he is falling upon the bosom of a burning lake? The
+mightiest empires have sunk to oblivion. Are we soon to follow them?</p>
+
+<p>Our material greatness and vigor seem to forbid the idea of premature
+decay; but let us not be blind to the delusive dream of an immortality
+springing from mental imbecility, nor the chimera of a political
+finality in governmental system which establishes and tolerates
+<span class="smcap">injustice</span>, nor the permanence of a State in the midst of
+preponderating elements of fluctuating popular delusion.</p>
+
+<p>Either the institutions under which we live are founded in truth, or
+they are founded in error. Our constitution is the work of wisdom, or
+of folly. It is founded in justice, or injustice; in <span class="smcap">right</span>, or
+<i>wrong</i>.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span> Shall we honor the astuteness of its founders, and
+perpetuate these institutions to remotest ages? or shall we prove
+recreant to this trust, unworthy of these manifold blessings, and in
+our mental blindness and moral imbecility invoke the scorn of future
+ages, and the just execrations of all mankind?</p>
+
+<p>The <i>material</i> elements of greatness of the Great American Republic,
+must be vivified and enlivened by a corresponding degree of <span class="smcap">intellect</span>;
+they must be permeated by an adequate element of illuminating soul, or
+they will fall, a lifeless mass, into chaotic ruin. Let us remember</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"That trade's proud empire hastes to swift decay,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">As ocean sweeps the labored mote away;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Whilst self-dependent power can time defy,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">As rocks resist the billows and the sky."<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span></p>
+<h2 class="spacious"><a name="THE_RIGHT_OF_SLAVERY" id="THE_RIGHT_OF_SLAVERY"></a>THE RIGHT OF SLAVERY.</h2>
+
+
+<h3>INTRODUCTION.</h3>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">African Slavery</span> is, at present, the subject of all-absorbing interest
+to the American mind; for, our people, almost intoxicated with their
+own freedom, seem unsatisfied with those manifold blessings acquired
+by the labors of their sires; and while they are conscious of not
+excelling them in wisdom, virtue, or valor, they are becoming ideal,
+and seem willing to sacrifice the practical, safe rules of republican
+action, for mere idealisms, born in the dizzy sphere of their own
+over-wrought imaginations. They tremble at the name of Washington,
+whose purity and moral power shed lustre upon the name of man, and
+they worship him as a god; but while the <span class="smcap">real Washington</span> commands the
+homage of mankind, and stands the intermediate between the race of men
+and the Infinite, we find the imaginations of men ignoring reason, and
+embarked upon a voyage aerial, amid the clouds. There they revel high
+above the mountain tops of Washington, Jefferson, and Franklin, where
+the atmosphere is pure, where the light is clear, and where the
+lightnings play; but, alas for human weakness and frailty! they are
+there only in imagination, though the splendid illusion is to them a
+reality, and the pleasing dream of ideal beauty, which, by the magic
+power of transmutation, annihilates or obliterates the reason and
+memory, destroys those distinctions of great and little, right and
+wrong, weakness and power, which nature has arbitrarily made, and the
+experience of mankind recognized as fundamental; upon which all law is
+based, and all order and civilization sustained and advanced, for the
+security and elevation of nations and of men.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<h3>THE IDEAL AND THE REAL</h3>
+
+<p>This ideal element so predominates, in consequence of over or false
+<i>culture</i>; by the reading of a spurious literature, which dwells in
+the regions of fiction and romance, to the proportionate neglect of
+the stirring incidents of our time, which actually go to make up true
+history&mdash;which seem marvellous enough of themselves, without the
+necessity of invention, or the aid of artificial novelties, except for
+mere embellishment.</p>
+
+<p>It would seem that the rise and progress of this Republic; the spread
+of our ocean commerce; the building of a thousand cities; the rush of
+the world to our shores; the peopling of our boundless plains; the
+rapid birth of new States into our Union; the triumph of our arms; our
+repeated accessions of territory; our maritime and commercial
+superiority; our foreign discoveries; our inventions in mechanism; our
+discoveries in science; the use of steam, and electricity; our
+statesmanship, and foreign diplomacy; a thousand miraculous incidents
+of individual enterprise and success; the discovery of gold, of
+silver, and iron; our internal improvements and meliorations; our
+national <i>prestige</i>; and finally, our greatness and glory as a
+nation,&mdash;ought to suffice for any reasonable conception of the
+marvellous, as they outstrip the more ignoble creations of fancy, and
+absolutely invade the former domain of fiction and romance. Hence the
+seeming puerility of fiction when contrasted with these more wondrous
+phenomena of fact. The substitution of fiction for fact is, therefore,
+unnecessary and absurd, as it defeats the very purpose intended, by
+its own inferiority. Its chief effect, then, is but to mislead the
+mind.</p>
+
+<p>Let us, then, control the imagination; discard the <i>ideal</i> in
+practical affairs, hold it in its sphere, and adopt the <span class="smcap">real</span>, in order
+that by the exercise of right reason we may be enabled to consider the
+present subject as it <i>is</i>, and not as it would be when weighed in the
+scale of the ideal; for in this way, and this alone, can we come to
+just conclusions, and our labors result in practical<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span> benefit to those
+most concerned in the premises. In the spirit of truth, of candor, of
+sober reality, let us, therefore, approach the subject of American
+Slavery.</p>
+
+
+<h3>THE NEGRO EVER A SLAVE.</h3>
+
+<p>The Negro has been a slave from time immemorial. This is shown from
+the earliest Egyptian monuments, paintings, and traditions. Herodotus,
+the father of Grecian History, tells us of negro slavery in Ancient
+Greece. It existed in Rome also. During the tenth century of the
+Christian era, the Moors, from Barbary, established an extensive
+traffic in the cities of Nigritia, where they bought large numbers of
+slaves; and the merchants of Seville brought slaves from the western
+coast of Africa, and established slavery in that city, and in
+Andalusia, long before the time of Columbus.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> It is also a curious
+fact in history, that Hanno, the great Carthagenian commander and
+discoverer, having explored Africa from the Straits of Gibraltar to
+the bounds of Arabia, brought back to Carthage a cargo of
+ourang-outangs, which he supposed to be Negro men and women; <i>showing
+more historically his estimate of African character, than his
+familiarity with Natural History</i>. The Negro has ever been a slave;<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
+and it is to be considered whether his quick and sudden transition
+from slavery to freedom, by emancipation, is probable or possible, or
+is sanctioned by the history of human development and progress.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<h3>TWO PHASES OF SLAVERY.</h3>
+
+<p>Slavery has two phases; the moral, which involves the <span class="smcap">right</span>, and the
+prudential, which is the expedient. But strictly, the moral is the
+principal and controlling view of the subject, and that which has made
+and will continually constitute the criterion of action from which the
+expediency is deduced, and the anomaly of slavery in our Republic
+understood, the paradox of a slaveholding democracy explained, and the
+institution of slavery justified with human equality, by justly
+discriminating between barbarism and humanity, civilization and
+savagism, justice and injustice, right and wrong.</p>
+
+
+<h3>THE RIGHT OF SLAVERY.</h3>
+
+<p>I assert the right and justice of slavery, and found my arguments on
+the subject in right alone. If it can be shown to be right, then it is
+expedient; if wrong, then it cannot be shown to be expedient, and, if
+possible, it ought to be abolished. It is the <i>idea</i> of the <i>wrong</i> of
+slavery which has misled, and is continuing to mislead, the American
+mind.</p>
+
+<p>By what process of reasoning, then, can slavery be shown to be just? I
+answer, because <span class="smcap">right</span> holds a just and hereditary control over
+<i>wrong</i>. I answer, that it is right that barbarism should subserve
+civilization. I assert that barbarism is <i>wrong</i>, and civilization is
+<span class="smcap">right</span>; that the former conduces to the misery and the latter to the
+happiness of mankind. Barbarism&mdash;with its pagan idolatries, its
+monstrous superstitions, its devil-worship, its false religious rites,
+its heathen orgies, its cruelties, its cannibalism&mdash;is wrong. Who will
+deny this? Who are its apologists and advocates? Let them stand forth
+and show the right of barbarism! Let us have a homily on its beauties!
+let them picture to us the meliorations of cannibalism! Will any one
+do it? No; it is a self-evident wrong. To attempt, even, to prove it
+wrong, would seem to be a work of supererogation. Barbarism it
+repugnant to the common sense of the Anglo-Saxon race; a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span> violation of
+the conscience of civilization. Cannibalism is an almost inconceivable
+outrage against all right, in moral, social, or even superior animal
+existence. Few animals or even reptiles devour their kind. It is,
+therefore, an act repugnant to human nature, and in violation of the
+amenities even of a nobler animal existence. In a word, it is
+unmitigated wrong, showing its subjects and votaries to be incarnate
+devils.</p>
+
+
+<h3>BARBARISM OF THE AFRICAN RACE.</h3>
+
+<p>The African race is a race of barbarians, and civilization to that
+race would be an artificial state of existence.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> The vestiges of
+barbarism characterize the African, in his normal state. The latent
+principle of cannibalism, lurks, in dormant energy, within the very
+core of his being, and constitutes a prominent characteristic<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span> of his
+animal existence. The economy and order of nature is no less marked in
+the <i>carnivorous</i> than in the herbivorous mammalia and quadrumana; and
+although their physical distinctions are not always so marked as to
+render apparent, to superficial observation, the uses and functions of
+their entire organism, yet science has been a tolerably faithful
+interpreter of cause and effect, and has not failed to recognize those
+organic qualities, and the structural adaptability of the African
+race, which qualify it for its mission as the representative of
+barbaric fury and degradation, and the type, in human form, of that
+chaotic element of self-annihilation, which nature has kindly
+restricted to the fewest number of the lowest orders of animated
+being.<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> The inhabitants of Southern and Central Africa, from whence
+our slaves are drawn, the Feejeean, the Caffrarian, the New-Zealander,
+and the Hottentot, are stamped by nature with the unmistakable
+character of unmitigated barbarism, and absolute antagonism to
+civilization; and their improvement when brought in contact<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span> with
+civilization is so slow as almost to escape detection. Indeed it is
+doubtful whether the arts of European and American civilization have
+succeeded in so fascinating the African race among us as to warrant
+the expectation of permanency to the colony of Liberia, except from
+the light reflected by constant and continued emigration; and it is
+believed, by many shrewd philanthropists whose efforts have been long
+devoted to the cause of African colonization, that should emigration
+to the colony cease, the Negroes there would immediately relapse into
+their former habits and customs, and ultimately resume their original
+character of cannibals.</p>
+
+
+<h3>THE AFRICAN NOT INTENDED FOR FREEDOM.</h3>
+
+<p>No race will remain slaves which the God of nature intended, or which
+is fit, to be free; and it is the history of the African in this
+country, that the more fit to be free the more he is inclined to
+remain a slave. That portion of the African race here which have been
+most benefited by our civilization, scorn the false philanthropy which
+would restore them to barbarism, and beg the immunity of perpetual
+thralldom. This is a clear proof that the African is not intended for
+freedom, and at the same time shows that <i>instinct</i> teaches him, as it
+teaches all our domestic animals, to know the path of safety better
+than it can be learned in the school of fanaticism, or from the
+dialect of fools.</p>
+
+<p>It is, therefore, in the philosophical aspect of the subject, in which
+it should be viewed, since philosophy searches down into the deep
+recesses of nature, and drags to light those hideous deformities of a
+race of barbarians, whose inherent passions revel in a sphere
+infinitely beneath the dignity of our domestic animals, and from whose
+frenzied rage for self-annihilation, enkindled by a morbid desire to
+devour their kind, the gentler beasts of the forest turn away in
+disgust, and humanity shrinks back with unmitigated horror!<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<h3>BARBARISM SHOULD SUBSERVE CIVILIZATION.</h3>
+
+<p>To say, then, that it is <span class="smcap">just</span> that barbarism should subserve
+civilization is a laconical axiom, which decides a plain question of
+right and wrong. The wrong is, that the African is a barbarian, and
+devours his kind; the right is, that in his service due and rendered
+to civilization, he receives its protection, and is compelled to
+forego the, to him, exquisite pleasure of devouring his kind. It will
+be observed that this view of the subject justifies, not only the
+perpetuation, but the inception of slavery, and renders emancipation
+absurd and cruel, and the inception of slavery just; leaving the
+continued transfer of barbarians to the midst of civilized
+communities, a right, the exercise of which could not involve or
+sacrifice any right of the barbarian, but must depend upon the
+enlightened decision of civilization, as to the reciprocal benefits to
+be derived therefrom. The conscience of civilization is the tribunal
+at which to try barbarism, as well as every other grade of inferior
+subjective existence. It stands above and controls all below it. The
+conscience of civilization decides both the right to summon the
+barbarian, and to hold him subject to its dictates; to weigh the
+benefits to civilization against the evils resulting from the adoption
+of the element of this super-animal force as an aid to civilization.
+Civilization deciding to take and hold the barbarian, it becomes right
+by the decision of the highest arbiter. The taking of the barbarian,
+and his employment as an adjunct of civilization, being in consequence
+of his moral delinquency, and his consequent mental imbecility, is no
+arrogation of right, because it is just; it is no assumption of right,
+because the empire of right is universal; it is no violation of right,
+because the act in itself is the exercise of the prerogative of right,
+of justice, in civilization, to suppress wrong and compel it to
+subserve right. In this view emancipation is no less unjust to the
+African than opposed to the law of right. To seize him and drag him
+away to barbarism, against his will, is an act in favor of barbarism
+and in violation of right.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span> It restores to barbarism its victim, and
+robs the African of his supposed natural prerogative and choice, of
+service to civilization. The act, of itself, is the abnegation of that
+same right which it is designed or intended to assert.</p>
+
+
+<h3>THE AFRICAN'S AVERSION TO COLONIZATION.</h3>
+
+<p>Go ask the African his opinion of Liberia! Consult him as to the
+choice of his future home. He looks upon this land as a paradise, and
+upon that with instinctive dread and apprehension. Go ask the very
+slaves of the inventor of Central American Colonization (that devout
+apostle of <i>political philanthropy</i>, and most zealous advocate of
+emancipation), go ask <i>his slaves</i> their opinion of the merits of
+their master's invention, and their faces will kindle with the half
+ingenuous blush of conscious degradation, as they denounce his
+project, as the last device of insolence to degrade and oppress them.</p>
+
+
+<h3>IMPRACTICABILITY OF COLONIZATION.</h3>
+
+<p>The impracticability of African colonization<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> had long since become
+a foregone conclusion, so far as it could be made applicable to the
+present or prospective transfer of 4,000,000 of negroes from this
+republic to Liberia. A mathematical solution of that problem shows the
+cost of purchase and transportation to be no less a sum than
+$2,400,000,000, or ten times the amount of all the gold and silver
+coin in the United States. The purchase of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span> these Negroes, alone,
+would cost $2,000,000,000, or eight times the amount of all our coin;
+and if we add to this the cost of transportation to Central America,
+the entire cost would not be less than $2,200,000,000. It will be seen
+that one scheme is as practicable as the other; and the alternative
+remains, of either robbing the people of nearly half the States of the
+Union of their property, or the Negro must remain a slave. No sane man
+will say that the purchase of this property is practicable or
+possible. Fancy, if you please, the Negroes bought and paid for; the
+estates of all the people of this country involved in the vain chimera
+of transferring to our Southern States, in remuneration, all the coin
+in Europe and America, and all that will be added thereto in a hundred
+years to come, and you have a picture not very suggestive of
+practicability or expediency.</p>
+
+<p>But, even if the citizens of our Southern States should magnanimously
+propose the totally improbable act of voluntary and gratuitous
+manumission of their slaves, for the purpose of elevating them to
+political equality, what would be the effect upon our country? Three
+millions and a half of Negroes let loose upon our community, in
+competition, in the main departments of industry, with free white
+labor. Or would you, in accordance with the legislation of many of the
+States, exclude the negro from the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span> Northern, Middle, and Western
+States, and the Territories, and thus, by confining him to the South,
+give him political preponderance over the white man in many of the
+States of the Union? Imagine the pure crystal pillars of this temple
+of freedom turned to ebony; the radiant eyes of Freedom's Goddess
+shocked at the gloomy spectacle of symbolic night, and suffused with
+tears at such a desecration of her shrine!</p>
+
+
+<h3>GRADUAL OR PROSPECTIVE EMANCIPATION.</h3>
+
+<p>There is another popular idea of emancipation, which is unjust,
+fallacious, and impossible of application. It is known by the specious
+though plausible appellation of gradual or prospective emancipation;
+by which it is proposed to destroy, by legislation, the productiveness
+and the value of this species of property, after a limited period, by
+declaring the <i>confiscation of its increase</i>. This has been tried by
+mistaken philanthropy, or by organized duplicity, with no other effect
+but to transfer the slaves from State to State, and from the North to
+the South; but while this process has been going on, the number of
+slaves in the United States has increased more than four-fold,&mdash;from
+less than one to more than four millions. This is emancipation with a
+vengeance. In this ratio, prospective or gradual <i>emancipation</i> would
+give us, in seventy years more, 16,000,000 slaves. It will be seen
+that this process is not emancipation, but merely transposition, or
+change of locality. The very name of emancipation, thus applied, is a
+misnomer.</p>
+
+
+<h3>OF PARTIAL LEGISLATION.</h3>
+
+<p>But of the injustice of that partial legislation which would
+discriminate against the property of one class of citizens, to destroy
+its value, by proposing the confiscation of its increase, or excluding
+it from the State,&mdash;this is oppression. It may be submitted to, but it
+is unjust, partial legislation, and an arbitrary act of tyranny, and
+if persisted in will, some day, lead to war. Besides,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span> it does not
+effect the purpose intended. It does not diminish slavery, but only
+changes its locality. What would be said if it were attempted to
+invalidate any other species of property, by the confiscation of its
+increase, or an attempt to legislate it out of the State? To declare
+by legislation a forfeiture of rents of houses or lands, after a
+specified period, or the increase of any species of stocks, or other
+property? What is this but agrarianism? what but the first blow of the
+<i>levelers</i>? And if this is done with impunity, how long before some
+other species of property, in the shape of fancied <i>superfluous</i>
+individual wealth, will also be confiscated? There is no safety in
+establishing such a precedent.</p>
+
+
+<h3>PURPOSES OF BRITISH EMANCIPATION.</h3>
+
+<p>Emancipation contemplates the social and political equality of the
+races. It proposes to mix the pure Anglo-Saxon blood with the dark
+blood of Ethiopia! It proposes the amalgamation of civilization with
+barbarism. It proposes the debasement and downfall of this Republic,
+and the erection upon its ruins of a mighty military despotism. The
+alienation of that friendly sentiment and brotherly affection which
+existed among our people in the days of the Revolution, is prophetic
+of this; and unless reason resume her seat, and the convulsed sea of
+American mind, now lashed to fury by blind zealots and European
+emissaries among us, be calmed, and the angry wave of fanaticism be
+stayed, such will most certainly be the sad and startling
+consummation.</p>
+
+
+<h3>OF THE RIGHT TO ENSLAVE THE BARBARIAN.</h3>
+
+<p>It is pretended by certain sophists and visionary theorists, that the
+<span class="smcap">right</span> does not exist to enslave the barbarian; that to assert such
+right is fatal to the principle of human equality. To which I answer,
+that barbarity is not humanity, but its opposite, and the right of the
+one to control the other is supported by law,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span> founded upon the
+immutable principles of justice. The experience of mankind has
+demonstrated, and the judgment of mankind has decided, that certain
+acts are wrong in themselves; that to kill is an act abhorrent to the
+soul of man, and as it is also a violation of natural right, the
+murderer shall die&mdash;that in his death an element of chaos and
+destruction, in him, is annihilated&mdash;and the principle or element of
+murder in the wicked be thereby repressed. Here is an instance wherein
+the right is asserted, to take, not only the liberty, but the life of
+an individual. Some deny this right, but they do not deny the right to
+deprive the murderer of his liberty. All will agree that the murderer
+shall, at least, be deprived of his liberty. So with other crimes.
+There is a tolerable agreement in civilized communities, that for
+certain crimes men shall be deprived of their natural right to
+freedom. So, the principle is established, that communities have the
+right to deprive men of their liberties. Laws are established and
+executed by this principle. Every State, and almost every small
+community, endorses this principle, and constantly illustrates it by
+the punishment of offenders against law, who are confined in jails and
+prisons. And it is folly to deny a right founded upon the universal
+usage and experience of mankind. So with nations. Did we not repress
+the wrong exercised against us by Mexico and Algeria? Did we not even
+deny the right of maritime isolation to Japan, on the score of cruelty
+or neglected hospitality to our shipwrecked mariners? Suppose she slay
+our ambassador, or our resident minister; would we not still further
+force upon her, in a summary manner, those well-known rules of law,
+and amenities of civilization, and principles of justice, which are
+proclaimed to be right by the united voice of nations?</p>
+
+<p>We are considering the subject of the enslavement of the African race
+in this Republic. We are inquiring into the <span class="smcap">right</span> of African Slavery.
+We have asserted the right of slavery, as founded upon the principle
+that universal right holds a just and hereditary control over wrong;
+and as the African is a race of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span> barbarians, and barbarism is wrong,
+it follows that it is the right of civilization to hold the African
+subject to those rules of justice which pertain to civilization, and
+to protect him from the injustice, violence, and degradation, which
+are the concomitants of barbarism. To deny this is to deny the
+superiority of <span class="smcap">right</span> over <i>wrong</i>. He who denies this, becomes the
+advocate of barbarism; for, barbarism being below civilization, he
+asserts its equality with civilization, and thus becomes its apologist
+and advocate.</p>
+
+
+<h3>VIOLATION OF NATURAL RIGHT.</h3>
+
+<p>Such an one will claim that involuntary labor performed by the
+African, in behalf of civilization; or the production, by his labor,
+of material or fabrics to hide his nakedness, or adorn the human race,
+or protect them from the cold, degrades the barbarian, because it
+encroaches upon his natural right to go naked and houseless, and
+perish with the cold. He is quite <i>primitive</i> in his ideas of dress,
+and ought to emigrate to a warm climate, like South Africa or South
+America, where the elements of nature do not conspire with
+civilization to degrade and oppress him. He perceives that our unjust
+and oppressive laws actually punish, as an offense, the exposure to
+view of man's natural external beauties! This is about as far as it is
+safe to go on the subject of natural right, both from considerations
+of propriety and modesty, and also, as it almost amounts to a
+digression from the subject immediately under consideration; but we
+are merely following the advocate of emancipation, on the score of
+equality and natural right, just where his principles lead him; and as
+it forcibly suggests the inexpediency of emancipation, and consequent
+barbarism, on the score of morality and decency, it seems entirely
+apposite to the subject.</p>
+
+<p>But it is claimed by some, that the African slave here has ceased to
+be a barbarian, which I deny. His nature is not essentially changed;
+his habits are forced; and he would at once fall, as he has fallen,
+and is falling, in San Domingo, Jamaica, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span> Canada, but for
+coercion. It is, therefore, an external power which holds him up, and
+no innate principle within him.</p>
+
+
+<h3>THE DEBT OF THE BARBARIAN.</h3>
+
+<p>But even for argument, admitting the African were civilized, still he
+is not legally entitled to his freedom. Why? Because on account of his
+barbarism he became the property of another, who has a vested right in
+him. His transition from barbarism to civilization was at the expense
+of civilization, and he owes a just equivalent therefor. His debt is
+the difference between barbarism and civilization, and will be
+estimated according as the one in held higher than the other.</p>
+
+
+<h3>THE RIGHT OF THE AFRICAN TO REMAIN A SLAVE.</h3>
+
+<p>If the African is entitled to his freedom, he is also entitled to the
+privilege of remaining in servitude; a privilege which nine tenths of
+the Negroes in this country are well known to crave. But we deny his
+right of choice in the premises. His barbarism was the oblivion of his
+right to choose his own proper position; and the absence of inherent
+right in him subjects him at once to the dominion of universal or
+external right in civilization. His right of choice, therefore, has no
+real validity, and should not even be tolerated to denounce the
+heinous wrong of his emancipation, and consequent restoration to
+barbarism. His right to remain a slave is not his own, but the right
+of civilization; and even his willingness to remain in servitude,
+though a double evidence of his barbarism and of his appreciation of
+his partially ameliorated condition as an accessory of civilization,
+is not available in deciding as to his present or future condition;
+because the right exercised in his subjection to the rules of
+civilization is primordial, and sovereign, and all-controlling, as
+Universal Right, and is in no case subject to the will of barbarism.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<h3>THE MELIORATION OF THE AFRICAN.</h3>
+
+<p>With regard to the degradation of the African slave, that is admitted;
+but at the same time his position as an accessory to civilization is
+far higher than that wherein he was wholly the subject of barbarism.
+Now, he is dignified to the useful avocations of the civilized race;
+learns their rudimental arts and customs, and methods of subsistence;
+is subject to, and protected by law; becomes semi-civilized, and in
+rare, individual instances, as a <i>lusus natur&aelig;</i>, even aspires to the
+nobler prerogatives of mind. The meanest slave that wears the shackle
+or feels the whip of civilization, in the reluctant performance of
+coerced labor, is a far nobler being than the African barbarian in his
+native wilds.</p>
+
+
+<h3>OF THE DEGRADATION OF LABOR.</h3>
+
+<p>Labor degrades no man. Labor is honorable, because the products of
+labor feed and clothe the world, and thus conduce to the welfare and
+happiness of mankind. Coerced labor is better than no labor. Coercion
+itself does not necessarily degrade man; rather may it ennoble and
+elevate, when it is exercised to summon the barbarian to the lessons
+of civilization. Coercion degrades not the man whom it compels to do
+right; it only exposes that degradation which is the result of doing
+wrong. The man only is degraded who, voluntarily or by coercion, does
+wrong, or neglects to do right. To talk of the degradation of labor,
+whether coerced or free, is, therefore, preposterous.</p>
+
+
+<h3>HUMAN EQUALITY.</h3>
+
+<p>But the question of emancipation is started and agitated on the ground
+of human <i>equality</i>. It is the supposed equality of the African with
+the white race, that is the pretext for emancipation, and the
+foundation of the assumed right and expediency of emancipation. It has
+been supposed by some, that the enunciation of human equality in the
+American Declaration of Independence<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span> was intended for all the races
+of men in the world. Such a supposition is totally unfounded, and
+unwarrantable in the very nature of things. In the first place, it is
+not true; and in the next place, the writer of that Declaration meant
+no such thing, for he held slaves, and knew their inferiority. What a
+monstrous act of hypocrisy and folly it would have been in the author
+of that instrument, and his cotemporaries, to declare that all men are
+created <i>free</i> when they knew millions are born slaves, or when they
+knew no <i>equality</i> existed, even of right, between the barbarian and
+the man whose sense of justice and perception of <span class="smcap">right</span> secured to him
+the approbation of Heaven and his own conscience, by a recognition of
+and obedience to the laws of morality, and conformity to the just
+rules of civilization. They wrote that Declaration for white
+men,&mdash;meaning white men,&mdash;because it did not and could not apply to
+the barbarous and savage nations. They saw the world in chains, and
+knew the bondage of mankind to be the result of their violation of
+moral right, and their incapacity for self-government. They estimated
+rightly when they announced freedom to the white race in these
+colonies; for, up to this time, the fact of self-government by our
+people has verified their prophetic annunciation; but the sages who
+founded this Republic, excluded, by legislation, the African and the
+Indian from this boon of freedom, and they and their descendants have
+held the African in the condition of servitude.</p>
+
+
+<h3>INCAPACITY OF THE MINGLED RACES FOR SELF-GOVERNMENT.</h3>
+
+<p>The question of the enfranchisement of the African, therefore,
+involves the question of the capacity of the mingled races for
+self-government; a problem which is already solved in Mexico, in
+Jamaica, in San Domingo, and several of the Spanish American States.
+There, the mixed races have no common bond of union. The predominance
+of one petty State, or military chieftain, is the signal for the
+semi-barbarous hordes of mingled races to combine for the purpose of
+destruction. Urged on by the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span> emissaries of that colossal superstition
+which casts its shadow over this Republic (whose home is a foreign
+kingdom, and whose head is a foreign prince), the semi-barbarous
+hordes of mingled races in the South American States, are a prey to
+successive bloody revolutions, through that imbecility which is the
+sure result of the amalgamation of civilization with barbarism.</p>
+
+
+<h3>WRONG SHOULD SUBSERVE RIGHT.</h3>
+
+<p>In considering the subject of slavery, there is one principle which
+must not, and cannot be lost sight of, as it underlies all else, and
+is the root from which springs the tree of all knowledge on this
+subject, as well as all others; to wit: That <span class="smcap">right</span> holds a just and
+hereditary control over <i>wrong</i>. Not because right is the strongest,
+but because it is the <span class="smcap">best</span>. It is very common when right asserts its
+prerogative, that we hear the subjects and votaries of <i>wrong</i>
+denounce <span class="smcap">right</span> as mere <i>might</i>. This is a common foible of vice, to
+conceal its own deformity; a mere subterfuge, which, when pushed to
+the wall, vice adopts, and meets the executioner of justice with the
+accusation that he is the mere instrument of might; the servile tool
+of arbitrary power. This glozing of vice avails not. Justice stands
+erect in the dignity of its own moral beauty, and commends itself to
+the intellect and conscience of mankind. All the affections, all the
+wisdom, and all the experience of men, do homage at the shrine of
+justice, as the arbiter of right. This great moral tribunal,
+established at the dawn of creation, has existed through all time, and
+still exists; and at this tribunal we try barbarism, and find it to be
+wrong, because it conduces to the misery and degradation of men. At
+this tribunal, we find civilization to be right, because it conduces
+to the happiness and welfare of mankind. This being so (and the man
+who denies it, is a barbarian), it follows, that civilization,
+carrying with it the preponderating elements of right and justice,
+holds a just and hereditary control over barbarism, which is wrong.
+When we assert, therefore, the right of slavery, because<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span> it is just
+that barbarism shall subserve civilization, we only say it is just
+that wrong should subserve right;&mdash;a proposition, which, certainly,
+ought to commend itself to the common sense, the intellect, and the
+conscience of every good man.</p>
+
+<p>Some assert that civilization should subserve barbarism; but when
+tried by our rule, they at once see that it is preposterous to assume
+that right should subserve wrong.</p>
+
+
+<h3>FORFEITURE OF NATURAL RIGHT.</h3>
+
+<p>Some propose, that the advantages of the great and little, the served
+and the servant, the good and the bad, should be reciprocal; that that
+which is used is, or should be, as much advantaged in the using as is
+the user. I would ask them&mdash;what particular advantage it is to the
+oyster to be devoured? or what return can the earth make to the sun
+for his rays, constantly poured upon it? Some assert that every human
+being is unqualifiedly endowed by nature with the right of individual
+freedom. This we deny. We assert that barbarism is not humanity, and
+cannot claim to exercise the prerogative of civilization, which it has
+ignored, or which it never knew. We assert that the murderer has
+forfeited that right; and more than this, with the element of murder
+developed in him, originally, he never was entitled to freedom.
+Prisons, and even dungeons, are as necessary and proper as schools and
+colleges, but not more so than servitude to the barbarian. They are
+all appliances of right and justice and civilization, not to make the
+good subserve the bad, but to make the bad subserve the good.</p>
+
+
+<h3>TAKING THE EXCEPTION FOR THE RULE.</h3>
+
+<p>It will not do for men to pretend that they do not know which is right
+and which is wrong; what is civilization and what is barbarism. The
+exception for the rule is as proper to adopt in the one case as in the
+other. We cannot condemn civilization for the incidents of bad
+government in some cases, false religion in others, and crime in
+others, when the general tenor of civilization<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span> is to protect the weak
+against the strong, give security to life and property, and by
+developing the intellect and cultivating the moral faculties, elevate
+and ennoble the race. Neither can we acquit barbarism if it affords
+occasional instances of <i>immoderate instinct</i>, closely approximating
+to intellect, or even intellect itself, and moral worth, or the
+absence of ferocity, or the presence of positive amiability, render it
+possible that the barbarian is not a fiend, or that he may be schooled
+to tolerable docility, while the general tenor of barbarism is to
+wrong, cruelty, violence, and self-annihilation.</p>
+
+
+<h3>PASSION; SYMPATHY MISAPPLIED.</h3>
+
+<p>Nor will it do to ignore reason, and adopt passion when we consider
+the subject of slavery. Passions have their uses, but how often they
+are perverted! Reason is sometimes perverted too, and never more than
+when exercised against truth, justice, and civilization, and in favor
+of barbarism. There is false sympathy, amounting to passion, that is
+blindly lavished upon objects which neither need nor appreciate it. We
+often see it exercised in behalf of the brute animals, whose proper
+natures are totally unconscious of it; while their gentleness and
+quietness seem to rebuke this shallow, human sentimentality, as
+something wandering from its sphere, or as seed wasted upon the sand.
+Your sympathy has its legitimate uses, and it is against the economy
+of nature to misuse it, or bestow it upon natures foreign to its own.
+If we pity the slave because he is not like ourselves, we shall
+probably receive his pity, in return, for some weakness or power in
+us, that covers an abyss which he cannot fathom, and from which he
+turns away in terror. He is adapted to his place, and so are we, if we
+are content.</p>
+
+
+<h3>PERFECTION OF NATURE'S WORK.</h3>
+
+<p>It has been said, with how much truth let us consider,</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"Where ignorance is bliss, 'tis folly to be wise;"<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>the reverse of which is, "Where knowledge is bliss, 'tis folly to be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span>
+ignorant." The first proposition was evidently intended for the Negro,
+and the last for the white man; as intellectual pleasures and
+knowledge are esteemed highest by the latter, and animal pleasures by
+the former. Happiness is the aim of both; the difference is in the
+mode of attaining it, and the degree of it when attained. The negro is
+perfect in his kind. Sympathy will not make him a white man. Would you
+interrogate nature on the wisdom of her works? Would you denounce them
+as imperfect? Can you improve upon the architecture of the honey-bee,
+or the method of his distillation? or on nature's processes of
+germination and vegetation? Your cup of liquid poison is but a mean
+equivalent for his treasured nectar; your hot-house culture yields
+nought for the beauties of Flora, nor the sweetness of her priceless
+perfumes. The spider would not be a butterfly even if you could give
+him wings. The power to fly would only enable him to spin his web in
+air, and obscure the sunlight. His own way is best, both for him and
+man.</p>
+
+
+<h3>THE NEGRO SATISFIED WITH HIS CONDITION.</h3>
+
+<p>Reason will bring all things right. We must take things as they <span class="smcap">are</span>,
+not as fancy would paint them. It is of no use to get exasperated
+because the Negro is dark of skin, and because his inferiority and
+degradation adapt him to the rougher, or rudimental departments and
+pursuits of civilization. Pity for him on account of the labor which
+makes his sleep sweet, and his digestion perfect, is thrown away. He
+knows nothing of the ennui of sloth, nor the misanthropy of idle
+declaimers. He has his rude affections, and does not hate wrongs which
+he does not know nor feel, nor is he shocked at manacles which he
+cannot see, and which hold him from falling into the abyss of
+barbarism, whence they have lifted him. He loves his condition as a
+slave to civilization, because his instinct tells him it is better
+than subjection to the usages and wrongs of the condition from whence
+he has<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span> risen. If he is satisfied with his present condition, it is
+from an intuitive instinct, teaching him his fitness for it, and
+shows, by the slowness of the transition from barbarism to
+civilization, how wide and deep is the gulf which divides the one from
+the other.</p>
+
+
+<h3>UNITY OF THE AFRICAN RACES.</h3>
+
+<p>I use the term barbarism in contradistinction to civilization, and
+very respectfully refer to authorities of repute in justification of
+this use of the word, both to designate the quality of the <i>thing</i>,
+and the precise locality of its fittest application; for although
+Herodotus tells us that the Egyptians and Greeks applied the term
+<i>barbari</i> to all who spoke a language different from their own; and
+even the Hindoos used almost the same word to express the quality
+indicated, differing only by the accidental dissimilarity of the
+Sanskrit orthography, which makes it <i>varvvarah</i> or <i>varvvaras</i>, we
+have the authority of Professor Wilson, who says it means "an outcast,
+and in another sense, woolly or curly haired, as the hair of the
+African." And for authorities showing the unity of the Negro races,
+dialects, and languages, in Western, Southern, and Central Africa, I
+refer to the writings of Progart, Ritter, Oldendorf, Marsden,
+Bruseiotti, Harves, Grandpre, Vater, Salt, Ludolf, and Oldfield; who,
+from other motives than those which have prompted the partial accounts
+of more recent travelers and writers on the subject, have shown
+conclusively, that the degrees of barbarism existing in the tribes
+inhabiting the Western and Southern coasts of Africa, and the
+interior, are, in fact, mere modifications of that same barbarism,
+produced by local causes, and mitigated only by the force of nature
+from without, rather than by any inherent quality belonging to any
+portion of the Negro race. I speak of language as the connecting chain
+which links together the various African tribes, showing, if not their
+identity, their immediate connection, and holding to the account of
+barbarism those exceptions to the rule of barbarism which suggest the
+pretext for breaking down the barriers which divide barbarism<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span> from
+civilization, and form the basis of all the false philanthropy and
+efforts of political emancipation which are the curse of the age and
+country in which we live.</p>
+
+<p>According to Pritchard, and others familiar with the subject, the
+slaves exported from Congo, which was long the principal resort of the
+Portuguese traders in black men, have always been regarded by
+slave-dealers and planters as genuine Negroes. If the physical traits
+of the Mapoota tribe, who will, as I suppose, be admitted to be
+undoubtedly of the Kafir race, so fairly represent the Negro
+character, it will be less difficult to admit that the natives of
+Mozambique and Congo belong to the same stock. All the inhabitants of
+the great empire of Congo speak one language, though it is divided
+into a number of dialects, including the dialect of Loango in the
+<i>north</i>, that of Congo in the south, and <i>Banda</i>, or idiom of
+Cassanga, in the interior, forming, collectively, one nearly allied
+family of languages, or, in fact, one language.</p>
+
+
+<h3>TRAVELERS IN AFRICA.</h3>
+
+<p>Since emancipation contemplates the transfer of the slaves to Africa,
+as the means of mitigating those supposed evils to which they are
+subjected, having already established by way of derision a <i>republic</i>
+there, I deem it legitimate to make some inquiry into the nature and
+condition of the inhabitants of Africa, in order to ascertain if such
+a change would be expedient or proper, with a view to the amelioration
+of the condition of the slaves. Of course, to do this, we must take
+the general authorities of history, and not confine ourselves to those
+individual authorities of recent date, which may be influenced by the
+popular delusion of <i>Negro equality</i>, or, for purposes of <i>gain</i> or
+from <i>political motives, have written books to sell, or</i> been
+<i>employed for pay</i> to belie the <span class="smcap">known truths of history</span>.</p>
+
+
+<h3>CANNIBALISM.</h3>
+
+<p>With regard to cannibalism, I demand that the advocates of
+emancipation either adopt it as right and proper, or denounce it,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span> as
+I do, as beneath the dignity of ordinary animal existence, and as the
+most disgusting prerogative of barbarism. Probably they will adopt it
+on the very antique authority of Zeno, Diogenes, Chrysippius, and the
+Stoics, who esteemed it perfectly reasonable for men to devour one
+another; or because, in China (and other countries) it is practiced,
+where, according to Herrera, one great market is supplied with human
+flesh alone, for the better sort of people; or because cannibalism was
+universal before the days of Orpheus. I almost fear lest the
+emancipationists, by adopting cannibalism as right, with such high
+authorities and precedents to support their position, may endeavor to
+palliate African cannibalism on the ground that it is not a monopoly,
+and claim exemption from the great verdict of modern civilization
+which denounces, as forfeited and condemned, this disgusting and
+leading custom of barbarism. But if the common sense of the
+Anglo-Saxon race did not almost universally denounce this hideous
+custom, I would bring Sextus Empiricus to show that the first laws
+ever enacted were to prevent men from devouring each other; and even
+this may be declared, by our sophistical emancipationists, to be one
+of the first violations of <i>natural right</i>. If the right of
+cannibalism is claimed, then will nature assert its wrong, and
+vindicate civilization. But if cannibalism is rejected by the
+emancipationists, then let us see to what dangers and degradation he
+would expose the now happy and contented slave.</p>
+
+
+<h3>CANNIBALISM IN AFRICA.</h3>
+
+<p>In the "<span class="smcap">Universal Vocabulary</span>," which is compiled from the very highest
+authority (p. 218), we learn that the Jagas, of the kingdom of Congo,
+"take pleasure in <i>eating young women</i>!" And "a princess was so fond
+of her gallants, that she <i>ate them successively</i>!" "Their choicest
+food is <i>warm human blood</i>!" "The Jaga chieftain, Cassangi, used to
+have <i>a young woman killed every day for his table</i>!" "Five or six
+strong men will at once destroy and share the flesh of a captive."
+"The women are<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span> equally as ferocious as the men, <i>delighting to
+cleave the skull, and suck the warm brain of the slain</i>!" This is
+solemn history, though almost horribly incredible.</p>
+
+<p>From the same authority, and others, we learn that seven-eighths of
+Africa is at present either savage or barbarous. This is <i>the present
+condition of Africa</i>, by nearly the unanimous voice of enlightened
+travelers, and scientific explorers.</p>
+
+<p>According to Pritchard, "the Mumbas, a numerous and savage people who
+live at the east and northeast of Te-te, and at Chicorango, are
+cannibals."</p>
+
+<p>Dos Sanctas says, "They have in their principal town a
+slaughter-house, where they butcher men every day."</p>
+
+<p>We learn from Pritchard, that "the Zimbas, or Mazimbas, are a
+man-eating tribe near Senna." Also, that "the M&uacute;l&uacute;a tribe slaughter
+fifteen or twenty men every day."</p>
+
+<p>It is a well-authenticated fact, that the subjects of the Great Macaco
+are anthropophagi, or cannibals. "This prince has a court so numerous,
+as to require two hundred men to be butchered every day to supply his
+table; a part of them criminals, and a part slaves furnished in the
+way of tribute." It is a part of history, both ancient and modern,
+that in the market-places in the principal towns and large villages
+throughout southern, and in portions of central Africa, Negro flesh is
+sold by the pound, as commonly as beef or mutton is sold throughout
+these United States; and what is worse, it in only the wealthy or more
+<i>intelligent</i> classes who are able to indulge in so great a luxury;
+while the poorer classes, the mass of the people, are envious
+spectators of the traffic in this so great a luxury, as to tempt them
+to every violence and crime to enable them to indulge in it.</p>
+
+
+<h3>SUPREMACY OF PAGANISM IN AFRICA.</h3>
+
+<p>This is the fate to which emancipation would consign the Negro. These
+are a few of the selected examples of the horrors of barbarism,
+furnished by historians, scientific travelers, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span> Christian
+missionaries, whose testimony, as eye-witnesses, has become history
+during the last few hundred years. Meanwhile, the light of
+civilization has blazed upon Africa from three quarters of the globe,
+even as the rays of the sun have enveloped the globe itself.
+Missionaries from Europe and America, from Rome, and London, and New
+York, have striven with a zeal and fidelity known only to religious
+enthusiasm, incited by mutual emulation, and armed with those terrors
+which awe the soul, those allurements which beguile the affections,
+and those fascinations which enkindle hope; but they have striven in
+vain against the colossal power of barbarism; and to-day, those
+heathen orgies which have darkened the annals of the world for four
+thousand years, are as sacred, to paganism in Africa, as are the rites
+and ceremonies of Christianity in London or in Rome.</p>
+
+<p>Is this no evidence of the unfitness of the African for civilization?
+And is it just, in the sight of heaven, to force him from his present
+willing position of service to civilization, and consign him to a fate
+more terrible than even death itself!</p>
+
+
+<h3>THE AFRICAN RACE ON THIS CONTINENT.</h3>
+
+<p>Look at the African race on this continent, in this Republic, in
+Canada, and in the Islands of San Domingo and Jamaica. Compare the
+African in this Republic, under the wholesome regimen of civilization,
+with his emancipated brethren in the West Indies, or his recusant,
+fugitive brother in the Canadas. Has he not advanced here, and
+retrograded there? Compare his condition in these States, North and
+South. Why do the free States enact laws to prohibit the African from
+coming into them to settle? Is it because he is a civilized man, an
+equal, and a good citizen? Is it not rather, because the Anglo-Saxon
+race shuns the supposed contamination of barbarism? The wisdom of
+these prohibitory laws will be seen in the future time; when the idea
+of Negro equality has become exploded and obsolete; after the question
+of emancipation has served its purpose in political combination;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span> but
+alas! not until the fallacy of negro equality has resulted in a
+mongrel race which will have spread itself like the shadow of a cloud
+over some of the fairest portions of freedom's heritage.</p>
+
+
+<h3>THE AFRICAN IS DEEMED A BARBARIAN IN THE NORTHERN STATES.</h3>
+
+<p>It will be seen that the arguments here advanced are predicated, to
+some extent, upon the fact that the African is a barbarian. That he is
+so in his native wilds, we have shown by high authority. That he is so
+in this country, is obvious, from the fact that in the South he is
+held a slave, and is satisfied with his condition; and because, as a
+race, the African in this country, and on this continent, shows not
+the least capacity for self-control. In the South, the African, in his
+best estate, is a slave. In the North, laws are wisely enacted to
+prevent him from going there, because of his barbarism, and because
+that portion of the most advanced race on earth shrinks from contact
+with it. The fact, then, of his barbarism is sustained, fully,&mdash;by his
+normal condition in Africa; his condition of retrogradation in Jamaica
+and San Domingo, where the experiment of emancipation has proved a
+failure, where the relapse into barbarism is sure and irrevocable; and
+in this country, where common sense and public opinion and public law,
+both North and South, hold him in the condition of social, moral, and
+physical vassalage and servitude, and confine him effectually within
+certain prescribed limits, or hold him in that marked estimation of
+inferiority which makes him forever conscious of his own degradation.
+I have felt justified, therefore, not by way of opprobrium, nor in the
+spirit of invidious or odious comparison, to name the category in
+which he belongs, and then, by fair moral and philosophical argument
+to deduce the justice and right of civilization in holding dominion
+over him.</p>
+
+
+<h3>EMANCIPATION IS WRONG.</h3>
+
+<p>It is not our purpose to blame the African for being a barbarian; but
+to insist that emancipation is wrong because it restores<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</a></span> him to
+barbarism, and that slavery is right because it holds him to those
+roles of justice which pertain to civilization, and protects him from
+the injustice, violence, and degradation which are the concomitants of
+barbarism. As the slave of civilization, he is raised infinitely above
+his former condition as the subject of barbarism. He knows this, and
+it satisfied. His instinct teaches him to love his master, because he
+is his protector, and because, mistrusting his own capacity for
+self-government, he knows the necessity for a master; and instances
+are numerous, of slaves, having misjudged their own capacity for
+self-government, having fled from supposed wrongs, they found they
+were mistaken as to the means of bettering their condition, and
+returned to voluntary servitude, begging, with tears, to be again
+admitted to the sacred precincts of the patriarchial care.</p>
+
+
+<h3>FITNESS OF THE AFRICAN FOR SLAVERY.</h3>
+
+<p>It is the fitness of things that makes the African a slave. His brawny
+limbs, seconding and aiding the intellect of the superior race,
+constitute the left hand and foot of labor. Slavery is the left hand
+of our body politic. Free labor is the right hand. Intellect is the
+head. All combined, constitute a power which is felt and feared by the
+foes of this Republic. Hence their endeavor to detach one portion from
+the other, and thus weaken the whole. To change the position of the
+slave is to interrupt or reverse the order of nature.</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"What if the foot, ordained the dust to tread,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Or hand to toil, aspired to be the head?<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">What if the head, the eye, or ear repined<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">To serve, mere engines of the ruling mind?<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Just as absurd for any part to claim<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">To be another in this general frame;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Just as absurd to mourn the tasks or pains<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">The great directing Mind of All ordains."<br /></span>
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span></div></div>
+
+
+<h3>ABSURDITY OF NEGRO EQUALITY.</h3>
+
+<p>The truth is, slavery is right, and is proved to be so,
+notwithstanding all the noisy declamation we hear about human
+equality. The Negro is a barbarian, and barbarism is not humanity but
+inhumanity; hence the unfitness to the case, of such illogical
+reasoning as is adopted by the advocates of Negro equality. Human
+equality, as applied to the Negro, is an idle fantasy, without even
+the shadow or semblance of plausibility. White men are equals in few
+things; certainly not in physical nor mental capacity, nor power. The
+equality declared by our Revolutionary Sires was the political
+equality of white men. Let us arise from that lethargy in which we
+have dreamed of universal equality, and escape the dangers of that
+moral and intellectual somnambulism in which we have been groping to
+the verge of social and political destruction.</p>
+
+
+<h3>AMERICAN AND EUROPEAN RADICALISM.</h3>
+
+<p>This restless spirit of change, in a portion of our people, this
+craving for universal equality, by the blind victims of popular
+fanaticism, finds its parallel in the destructive element of European
+radicalism, (that bane of European democracy,) which mistakes freedom
+for the right of plunder, and Democracy for the right of popular
+despotism. It is that blind spirit of rage which adapts not the means
+to the end, but overreaches itself, and falls a prey to its own
+cupidity, duplicity, and folly.</p>
+
+
+<h3>INEQUALITY OF RACES.</h3>
+
+<p>Universal equality,&mdash;the equality of the African with the Caucasian,
+or the savage with the civilized races, is no more possible than to
+blend right with wrong. The inequality exists in nature, as
+indubitably as the varied magnitudes of the stars. And the
+characteristics of the various savage races differ as widely as their
+varied physiognomy. There is no equality among them, mental or
+physical,&mdash;not even equality of degradation. The gigantic Patagonian,
+and the dwarfish Laplander; the wild Feejeeian, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span> docile Guinea
+Negro; the stolid Indian, and ant-like plodder of teeming India,&mdash;are
+but the outward symbols of that contrariety of moral, or rather
+immoral existence which is the fate of barbarism. They have no
+equality of beauty nor ugliness, leanness nor obesity, vice nor
+virtue, but varying differences, such as the spontaneous growth of
+uncultured nature in different climes exhibits in the vegetable and
+lower orders of the animal creation. What a contrast is this to that
+trained, drilled conformation to the order and proper
+conventionalities of civilized life, which our free schools, free
+press, social rites, laws, and customs impose.</p>
+
+
+<h3>QUIBBLE OF THE SOPHIST.&mdash;TAKING THE EXCEPTION FOR THE RULE.</h3>
+
+<p>And here comes the quibble of the sophist, who singles out instances
+of law violated in civilized communities, and holds them up as the
+criterion by which to judge civilization, and triumphantly exclaims,
+Lo! the fruits of civilization&mdash;of that civilization which arrogates
+to itself the right to enslave mankind! But this is merely a bare
+perversion of truth. He deceives no one so much as himself, when he
+imagines the world will take the <i>exception</i> for the <span class="smcap">rule</span> of
+civilization, or make it the pretext to sustain barbarism.</p>
+
+
+<h3>THE SUPREMACY OF MIND OVER MATTER.</h3>
+
+<p>It is safe to assert that right holds a just and hereditary control
+over wrong. <i>Veritas vincit.</i> Justice and truth go hand in hand.
+Barbarism must bow before the genius of civilization. And what is not
+found in international law, nor suppressed by it, nor dictated by the
+commercial rivalries of nations, nor the zealous diplomacy of kings,
+will yet continue as it ever has, to recognize the power of mind over
+matter, of reason over passion, of intellect over animal existence;
+and the dominion and supremacy of written constitutions over citizens,
+communities, States, and empires. The right of government in civilized
+States more than suggests the right and supremacy of civilization over
+barbarism.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span> But the right of mind over matter, of intellect over mere
+animal life, of reason over passion, is asserted upon the broadest
+principles of philosophy in nature. The Infinite Spirit, unseen, moves
+the visible material creation as the creature of his will.</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">He framed the universe, and instant twirled<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Upon its orbit, this terrestrial world;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Bid chaos flee, and called the glittering train<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Of constellations to the ethereal plain;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">He built the fabric of creation fair;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Lit every sun that shines in glory there;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Strewed with his hand, to deck heaven's argent fields,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Each starry atom that refraction yields;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">And holds in order, as it moves along,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Each seraph bright, of the celestial throng!<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+
+<h3>SHALL BARBARISM CONTROL CIVILIZATION?</h3>
+
+<p>Behold the order of heaven! Does any passion bear sway there? The
+ponderous globes obey the mandate of spiritual superiority; and shall
+the order of nature be reversed here, and the animal species lord it
+over men? Shall barbarism again come on the track of civilization,
+with fire and sword, and ruthless annihilation? Shall civilization
+invoke the demon of destruction to its own downfall? Shall the frenzy
+and rage of visionary enthusiasts, <i>or the dark schemes of the
+emissaries of despotism in this Republic</i>, lay in ruins this fair
+temple of freedom, the home, and refuge, and hope of the down-trodden
+nations?</p>
+
+
+<h3>THE RAGE OF PASSION.</h3>
+
+<p>What are these dreams of sophists, these vagaries of imagination, this
+rage of passion, this perversion of reason, and high-sounding
+declamation, confounding right with wrong, civilization with
+barbarism, but the paraphernalia of despotism arrayed against the
+liberties of mankind? Emancipation is all a delusion, a foible, a
+fantasy, an idle dream! The soul and intellect of man is
+heaven-derived, and knows its order and beauty, and will hold<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span> in
+abeyance these elements of chaos. The barbarian is indeed dark of
+skin, and the radiance of a million constellations in a thousand ages
+will not change him, nor the light of civilization fade to moral
+brightness his gloomy mind!</p>
+
+
+<h3>EMANCIPATION OF THE WHITE RACES.</h3>
+
+<p>It will be observed that my argument on the subject of slavery is new,
+and is drawn from the actual nature of the case. I offer no antique
+authority to sustain the <span class="smcap">right</span> of slavery. The history of the African
+race for four thousand years is sufficient, which is, that in no
+country nor condition has that race shown the capacity for or enjoyed
+self-government. And, indeed, self-government with the superior white
+races is still deemed but an experiment. The great mass of the white
+races ever have been, and still are, governed by the strong hand of
+despotism, or by the more plausible, but ofttimes not less diabolical
+power of constitutional sovereignties, or hereditary or revolutionary
+oligarchies. It is not, then, so great a disparagement to the African
+that he is unfit for freedom, when nine-tenths of the foremost of the
+white races, show not the capacity to enjoy it. Certainly, the African
+is not their superior. Why, then, demand for him more than is allowed
+to the superior white races? If emancipation is to be thought of,
+would it not be well to emancipate the white races first?</p>
+
+
+<h3>THE ARGUMENT INVULNERABLE.</h3>
+
+<p>I have rested my argument on no antique authority to show the right of
+slavery. I have appealed to no religious dogmas to show this right. I
+have not even availed myself of the whole tenor of sacred history to
+justify it, which has been done heretofore by others, and done in
+vain. I have not labored to produce a voluminous collation of other
+men's opinions to swell my pages. Sacred history is in the hands of
+all, and its teachings need not<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</a></span> my endorsement, recommendation, nor
+reiteration. Indeed, if the right of slavery here asserted is not
+based upon truth, and if it does not commend itself to the unbiased
+judgment of my countrymen, then I demand that they discard it. I ask
+if the argument here advanced, has been or can be refuted? If it can
+be, let it be done fairly, openly, and without circumvention. Let it
+be shown that barbarism ought not to subserve civilization. Let it be
+shown that civilization is wrong, because it does not conduce to the
+well-being and happiness of mankind; let it be shown that barbarism is
+right because it does this. Let the apologists and advocates of
+barbarism show its equality with civilization. Let it be denied, and
+the denial proved, that the laws of universal right and justice hold
+true and heaven-derived supremacy over wrong. Let it be shown that the
+slave-owner has no legal right of property in his slaves. Or, if it be
+admitted that he has such right, let any possible process of
+emancipation be pointed out. Will the violent denunciations of
+fanaticism induce him to free his slaves? Does the divided sentiment
+and feeling evinced in even the division of the churches north and
+south, indicate the willingness of the owners to free their slaves? If
+not, then by what means are they to be set free? Is it to be by
+purchase? and if so, is it proposed to pay the value of the slaves?
+and how? Let it be shown that the purchase and transportation of
+4,000,000 of Negroes to Africa will cost less than $2,400,000,000; or
+to Central America less than $2,200,000,000. Let it be shown to be
+expedient, practicable, or possible to do this; and even if done, let
+it be shown to be a benefit to the slave or the master; a benefit
+either to civilization or barbarism.</p>
+
+<p>If none of these things can be shown, and I aver they cannot, then how
+about the last startling alternative of robbing the slave-owner of his
+property? of the freeing of the Negroes by servile insurrection and
+civil war? What would be the cost in blood and treasure to effect
+this? and the probable result of <i>such</i> an effort at emancipation, on
+the freedom and civilization of the world?<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<h3>WHY ENGLAND ABOLISHED THE SLAVE TRADE,&mdash;HER DREAD OF OUR GREATNESS AND
+POWER.</h3>
+
+<p>The truth is, the slave trade was abolished by British and Tory
+influence, at about the time of the American Revolution, when slavery,
+as an adjunct of colonial vassalage, could no longer subserve the
+interests of British commerce. This was their first success in
+circumventing us. Her complicity in the Cooley trade is an evidence of
+this. She is willing to morally damn herself for purposes of
+monarchical intrigue, in order to supplant us. Our agriculture and
+commerce, and rapidly accumulating wealth and power, and republican
+glory, are too much for her. Our example of success in freedom tempts
+the loyalty of the most enlightened subjects of the British crown. The
+fascinations of freedom beguile the ardent and noble aspirations of
+the English democracy, and Britannia, with her antiquated and wrinkled
+visage, shrinks abashed from the majestic presence of Freedom's
+immortal and fadeless bloom!</p>
+
+<p>This is the true cause of the present British Negro philanthropy, and
+the occasion of her <i>assumed</i> moral turpitude in elevating the heathen
+barbarian of Africa to the primary plane of civilization, to the
+protection of its laws, and the meliorations of its moral, political,
+social, and religious institutions. It is because monarchy was
+beginning to be odious in the eyes of the European democracy, when
+contrasted with our antagonistical system of the divine right of the
+people. It is her policy and her purpose to render our institutions
+unstable by means of a suborned and venal press, and a band of
+mercenary, hireling, political and religious monarchical conspirators,
+parasites and traitors. These her gold can furnish. Her arms having
+repeatedly failed to subjugate the American democracy, she now has
+recourse to her diplomacy, her intrigues, and her gold. Twenty
+millions of money expended in this way in the last twenty years, has
+had its effect, and to her emissaries, and hireling presses and
+scribblers, we are indebted for a dastardly generation of traitors,
+who would barter<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</a></span> the liberties of their country for the applause of
+faction, and the complacency of kings.</p>
+
+
+<h3>ENGLAND'S SELF-IMPOSED ODIUM.</h3>
+
+<p>It is a monstrous absurdity, nay it is an act of egregious hypocrisy,
+for England now to <i>assume</i> for herself an <i>hypothetical
+guilt</i>,&mdash;after bringing the African to her American Colonies for
+purposes of <i>gain</i>, and after exercising an intolerable tyranny over
+the white race in those colonies, and even invoking the aid of the
+tomahawk and scalping knife of the American savage in their attempted
+subjugation,&mdash;for the purpose now, when her arms and diplomacy have
+repeatedly failed, of seeking to overthrow the freedom of a Republic,
+which has risen, in despite of her, to such colossal proportions, as,
+in its very existence, to menace the combined monarchies of the world.
+But we hold these 4,000,000 of barbarians subject to the laws of
+civilization; and let England remember that we, even now, have the
+magnanimity to relieve her from the self-imposed odium of doing right!
+We now tell her monarchists, degenerate sons of illustrious sires,
+that in their maritime decadence they have also morally retrograded,
+for they now seek to restore these Africans to barbarism!</p>
+
+
+<h3>SLAVERY IS AN INCIDENT OF CIVILIZATION.</h3>
+
+<p>Let it not be claimed, even as a sophistical subterfuge, that the
+<i>motive</i> which brought the African here was mercenary, and that,
+therefore, his coming here was not justifiable. Commerce is the
+handmaid of civilization, and if his coming was only incidentally
+right, yet that incident belongs to civilization, which is amenable to
+the moral code, and is also to be commended, with all its incidental,
+as well as more matured blessings. The institutions of civilization
+rescued these 4,000,000 of barbarians from the dangers, degradation,
+and miseries of barbarism, and by causing them to subserve
+civilization, compelled them to do right. The English and American
+false philanthropists, monarchical emissaries,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</a></span> ecclesiastical
+parasites, and pseudo-republican traitors now demand that these
+Africans shall be restored to barbarism, not because it is practicable
+or possible, or right, but because the proposition involves the
+equality of these States, and consequently the existence of the
+American Union. The success of these conspirators depends upon an
+adequate numerical proportion of knaves and monomaniacs, the
+well-adjusted mechanism of monarchy for the overthrow of this
+Republic. Their success would forever settle the long mooted question
+of the capacity of Anglo-Saxon race for self government. Hence the
+lavish employment of British gold to suborn the American press, and
+seduce the American mind from the safe precepts of Washington, whose
+name is, and ever has been, a terror to the British oligarchy.</p>
+
+
+<h3>SOLUTION OF THE SUBJECT.</h3>
+
+<p>The only tribunal at which to try human actions, is the tribunal of
+justice. That which is right can stand the test of this tribunal; that
+which is wrong will shrink in terror from it. At this tribunal
+American Negro slavery has nothing to fear, because it is founded in
+moral right. Its advocacy is the advocacy of right, and right alone;
+unless, forsooth, we are to confound right with wrong, and declare
+barbarism equal with civilization. Of course, our argument is based
+upon the hypothesis that civilization is one thing, and barbarism
+another. To the mind which is so mentally and morally obtuse as not to
+discover the difference between these two conditions, this appeal must
+be in vain. But to the right-minded man, who is open to conviction of
+truth, who has the mental freedom to act and think independent of his
+prepossessions and prejudices, who is guided by his intellect, and
+reason, and not by passion nor prejudice, this solution of the slavery
+question, though new, must and will be satisfactory, because it is the
+logical result of a trial of the question at the tribunal of justice
+and of rights, because slavery rescues the African from wrong, and
+subjects him to the rule of right;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</a></span> because it rescues him from the
+wrongs and miseries of barbarism, and raises him to the <i>primary</i>
+elevation of a progressive and ennobling civilization.</p>
+
+
+<h3>EQUALITY OF THE STATES AND CITIZENS.</h3>
+
+<p>The equality of the sovereign States which compose the American
+Republic, and the equality of the citizens, both in the States and the
+Territories, constitute the true and only bond of union for the
+American people. This equality is the foundation stone upon which our
+whole social and political superstructure rests. To call this in
+question is to menace the very existence of the Union which is founded
+upon it. The sovereignty of the Union, extending over the Territories,
+where no other sovereignty exists, is the panoply of protection to all
+the inhabitants of the Territories. There they are all equal in person
+and property. There they are not sovereign, but subjects under the
+sovereignty of the united confederacy of States, which have no
+individual superiority and right in the Territories, neither for
+themselves, nor their citizens. For the inhabitants of such
+Territories to <i>assume</i> a sovereignty therein, not in accordance with
+the Constitution of the United States, not in conformity to law, and
+in violation of the equality of the people of the States there
+congregated, is <span class="smcap">usurpation</span>. Nor can the democracy of numbers, nor the
+will of the majority of inhabitants congregated in such Territories be
+invoked to decide the rights of the people of the several States
+congregated in such Territories, either as to persons or property;
+because the sovereignty of the Union holds, until superseded by the
+sovereignty of a State constitutionally organized, deriving its
+sovereignty from the supreme authority of the confederated States, by
+whose assent alone the primordial sovereignty of the Union is so far
+abandoned as to admit the exercise of State sovereignty in such
+Territories. There would be no propriety nor justice in allowing an
+<i>hypothetical sovereignty</i> to a few thousands of individuals
+congregated in a large Territory, not one<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</a></span> fiftieth part of which they
+occupied; allowing them to establish a rule of exclusion of the
+persons or property of the people of a portion of the States coming to
+settle in the Territories. Such persons have neither the right to
+decide for the present, nor the future; because at present they are
+not sovereign, and certainly they should not be allowed to exercise a
+<i>usurped</i> authority over the millions who shall occupy those
+Territories in the future. It is a morbid desire to forestall the
+future, in its judgment of barbarism, and of its fitness to subserve
+civilization, that creates the present animosity between the citizens
+of the different sections of the Union, going into the Territories.
+This is all wrong. The sovereignty of the Union is the present, and
+the sovereignty of States the future arbiter of the rights of the
+people in the Territories; all other power is assumed, arbitrary,
+gratuitous, and in violation of legitimate, delegated constitutional
+power.</p>
+
+<p>The wisdom of the sages who founded the American Union left nothing
+for experiment to their successors, so far as the absolute equality of
+American citizens is concerned; and there is no safety but in the
+recognition of that perfect equality which the spirit of our race
+demands, and which the power of the civilized world will be invoked to
+maintain.</p>
+
+
+<h3>THE NECESSITY OF OUR ONWARD PROGRESS AS A NATION.</h3>
+
+<p>The intimate commercial relations existing between this Republic and
+the principal maritime and warlike nations of the globe, mainly by
+means of the products of slave labor, constitute a necessity for our
+onward, uninterrupted progress, as the great agricultural and
+commercial almoner of civilization, and cannot be disturbed, except at
+the peril of that civilization which they have been so instrumental
+and conspicuous to promote. The proposed annihilation of the hand of
+labor whose products amount to $250,000,000 per annum, and those
+products constituting the articles of prime necessity to civilization,
+is a matter which involves other interests than our own; and however
+willing monarchists<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</a></span> and their minions may be to disrupt our political
+system, and destroy this temple of freedom, they will find the genius
+of commerce and the genius of liberty will continue to go hand in hand
+to uphold the principles of right and justice, which demand that
+barbarism shall subserve civilization.</p>
+
+
+<h3>AMERICAN COTTON.</h3>
+
+<p>American cotton, the product of slave labor, clothes, to a large
+extent, one-fourth part of the human race; without it the glory of
+civilization would vanish. It embellishes the denizen of the city, and
+hides the nakedness of barbarism. It is the tablet on which is
+inscribed the history of the present, and rescues from oblivion the
+mouldering records of the past. It is the talisman of thought, and the
+vehicle of those electric currents that blaze athwart the sky of mind,
+with which intellect binds together, with silver thread, the mind's
+great empire, where kings do homage at the shrine of genius, and bow
+in awe, and humble reverence before the majesty of mind. It is the
+medium through which the internal and external domains of thought are
+blended, and truth made universal, and obvious to the apprehension of
+a world!</p>
+
+
+<h3>WASHINGTON NOT OPPOSED TO SLAVERY AS WRONG.</h3>
+
+<p>It has been urged, that because Washington regretted the impossibility
+of devising some feasible means of emancipation, that, therefore, he
+was opposed to slavery, as wrong. The precise opposite was the case.
+He was too wise to oppose that which he could not overcome. His whole
+career was success in overcoming opposition. He might, with us, regret
+the barbarism of the African and the impracticability of his release
+from servitude, on account of his unfitness for freedom; but he never
+could logically or reasonably oppose, as wrong, that which made the
+African better and happier, and which protects him from the dangers
+and miseries of barbarism, though it placed him in the position to
+learn only the rudiments of civilization. To assert that Washington<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</a></span>
+deemed slavery a wrong to the slave, is to accuse him of knowingly
+doing wrong, for he held slaves to the day of his death; and if he
+emancipated them then, it was more with the hope than the reasonable
+expectation, that even HIS slaves, with all the force of his example
+during his whole life, had become fitted for freedom, or that they
+would be benefited by the experiment of their own attempted
+self-control. Washington could not, therefore, consistently oppose
+slavery as a wrong to the slave, nor conscientiously believe it to be
+wrong; because he would not oppose that which he could not overcome,
+and because his whole life was occupied in doing right. It is against
+the prophetic character of Washington's mission, ever crowned with
+success; against his wisdom, which was most profound; and against his
+judgment, which was unerring,&mdash;to presume his hostility to slavery as
+wrong, or his opposition to it in a moral point of view, when he knew,
+as we know, the emancipation of the slaves to be wrong in itself, and
+impossible, even if right or desirable. It is plain, then, that if
+Washington had any real aversion to Negro slavery, it was not because
+it was wrong so far as any natural right of the slave was involved,
+but because of his ability to do without slaves; and notwithstanding
+his fortune was ample, he <i>held</i> his slaves during the whole course of
+his life; whereas, if he had deemed slavery a wrong to the slaves, he
+would undoubtedly have granted them their liberty. What right would he
+have had, as a just man, to bestow his generosity upon the public, by
+refusing the emoluments of office, justly due him, and unjustly
+appropriating the proceeds or avails of the labor of his slaves, if he
+knew, or believed they were justly entitled to their freedom. If our
+moral view of slavery is clear, he was <i>just</i>, as well as <i>generous</i>,
+and wise as well as successful.</p>
+
+
+<h3>WASHINGTON REPROACHES THE EMANCIPATIONISTS.</h3>
+
+<p>It is well known how powerful the secret influence of the British and
+Tory abolitionists was in this country immediately<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</a></span> after the American
+Revolution, as well as before and since that time; and that at about
+that time, or soon after, the question was seriously entertained of
+abolishing slavery in Virginia by legislation, as was done in other
+States of the Union; and it was on account of the annoying
+importunities of these <i>disinterested philanthropists</i> (<i>?</i>), and the
+apparent inclination of the people of the State of Virginia to
+experiment in their theories, that Washington expressed his
+willingness to see slavery abolished by legislative enactment. But in
+what characteristic terms of manly reproach did he address the
+Emancipation Society on the subject when he found their principles and
+practices to be that "<i>the end justifies the means</i>." He says:</p>
+
+<p>"<i>But when slaves, who are happy and contented with their present
+masters, are tampered with and seduced to leave them; when masters are
+taken unawares by these practices; when a conduct of this kind begets
+discontent on one side, and resentment on the other; and when it
+happens to fall on a man whose purse will not measure with that of the
+Society, and he loses his property for want of means to defend it,&mdash;it
+is oppression in such a case</i>, <span class="spacious">AND NOT HUMANITY IN ANY</span>, <i>because it
+introduces more evils than it can cure.</i>"<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p>
+
+
+<h3>OUR FATHERS ON THE RIGHT OF SLAVERY.</h3>
+
+<p>It is not to be concealed, however, that some of the sages who framed
+this Republic, in their zeal for freedom, overlooked the fact of
+African barbarism, or failed to be explicit in their unpremeditated
+enunciations of human freedom. Perhaps, however, they had more
+astuteness than has been supposed by some. Perchance they considered
+barbarity not humanity, but its opposite, and would have deemed it a
+work of supererogation to explain that which natural history, the
+history of the African ram for four thousand years, and common sense,
+and common<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</a></span> observation, had established as a self-evident
+proposition; to wit, that equality was a <i>political</i>, and not a
+social, nor moral, nor even physical condition; and that, especially,
+neither equality nor freedom were to be construed to be the
+prerogatives nor the right of barbarism. And the Constitution of the
+United States, the work of their own hands, sanctions this
+supposition, by recognizing the existence, and providing for the right
+of Negro slavery, and rescues the Fathers of the Republic from the
+absurd and opprobrious imputation of advocating Negro equality.
+Whatever opinions they may have expressed under the varying aspects of
+our Revolutionary epoch, the Constitution of these United States was
+the finality of their arduous toils, heroic achievements, and sublime
+wisdom; and that Constitution, the very sublimation and quintessence
+of a hundred civilizations, exhibiting the onward progress of the
+human race, recognizes the Right of Slavery, founded upon the
+immutable principles of justice.</p>
+
+
+<h3>MONARCHICAL SCHEMES TO DESTROY THIS REPUBLIC.</h3>
+
+<p>Is it strange, however, that since this Republic is the mighty
+antagonism of monarchy, and since it is invincible in arms, is it
+strange, that civil dissension, and the appropriate means to produce
+it, should be employed by despotism to subvert this government? What
+else should they do; What is the interest of monarchy in relation to
+the existence and onward progress of this Empire of Freedom? What, but
+its subversion, its disseverment, by its own internal antagonism? And
+what other means could monarchy and its parasites employ to accomplish
+this, but precisely the means and agency which have been employed, at
+vast expense, especially for the last twenty-five years, first to
+divide, and finally to destroy that which no external force, nor
+combination of external forces could subdue? Is it not already the
+boast of the minions of despotism that they have rendered our
+government insecure? With what jubilation did they catch the tidings
+of our recent rebellion, as the harbinger of their own<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</a></span> redemption
+from the fate of political decadence and downfall, which our
+all-absorbing greatness was beginning to make so manifest to the
+willing apprehension of mankind? Their ears were charmed, even at the
+supposed triumphant voice of barbarism over a civilization as stable
+as the sun, which is immortal in its every individual microcosm, and
+to which they are conscious their own unequal systems of government
+never can attain.</p>
+
+
+<h3>OUR VINDICATION.</h3>
+
+<p>Need we inquire further what is the interest of monarchy? Can we any
+longer be blind to our own interest? Are we not arraigned at the
+tribunal of civilization, by the helots of despotism? Are we not
+accused of wrong? Are not we, and our sainted and godlike ancestors,
+held as amenable to moral law for a violation of Right? And shall we
+submit in silence to all this clamor: this false and slanderous
+accusation, when all history, all knowledge, all experience, all
+reason, and all nature, are voluble in our defense, and pronounce our
+just and triumphant vindication!</p>
+
+<p>Let us, then, henceforth cultivate and encourage friendship and
+cordial co-operation between the different sections of the Union, and
+a patriotic emulation for its continuance; not upon any such visionary
+and deceptive hypothesis as the superiority and predominance of
+sectional partiality, but upon the equable and fundamental principles
+of justice, and of the absolute equality of these sovereign States,
+and the equality of the citizens of a well-compacted and glorious
+confederacy.</p>
+
+
+<h3>THE PHILOSOPHICAL POSTULATES OF AMERICAN SLAVERY.</h3>
+
+<p>1. Right holds a just and heaven-derived supremacy over wrong.</p>
+
+<p>2. Barbarism is wrong. It conduces to the misery and degradation of
+mankind. Africa is barbarous. The African race is a race of
+barbarians.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>3. Civilization is right. It conduces to the elevation and happiness
+of mankind.</p>
+
+<p>4. Civilization carries with it the right of supremacy over barbarism.</p>
+
+<p>5. It is right to summon the barbarian to the lessons of civilization,
+and to teach him its <i>primary</i> lessons; to elevate him to the dignity
+of labor.</p>
+
+<p>6. It is right to <span class="smcap">hold</span> the barbarian subject to the rules of
+civilization; to protect him by its laws, and rescue him from the
+wrongs and miseries of barbarism. In this way, only, he can be made
+happier and better. He falls, if unsupported by external power.</p>
+
+<p>7. American Slavery promotes civilization by the production of
+materials wherewith to clothe the nakedness of mankind, and the useful
+medium or knowledge and intelligence, through books, and literature,
+printed upon materials which are the product of slave labor.</p>
+
+<p>8. It is just that barbarism should subserve civilization; that Wrong
+should subserve Right.</p>
+
+<p>9. The African is not equal to the white man, but is a barbarian, and
+as such has no political rights.</p>
+
+<p>10. American Slavery is Right.</p>
+
+
+<h3>CONCLUSION.</h3>
+
+<p>If, then, it is not right, nor practicable, nor possible, to restore
+these 4,000,000 of Africans to barbarism, why any longer agitate the
+subject? Why keep the negro in perpetual dread of change, and the
+owner dubious of the future? Why, by this negro agitation, create
+apprehension in the minds of our own people for the stability and
+permanence of this government, and hope in the minds of all the
+monarchists of the world that this agitation will divide and destroy
+this last great bulwark of human freedom?<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Why shall we put to hazard that freedom which is already secure? Why
+involve in experiments those tangible acquisitions which we have made
+to this priceless inheritance of freedom? Washington is gone, but he
+has left us his bright example, and his solemn admonitions. Let those
+who are greater, and wiser, and purer than Washington, impeach him.
+Let those whose precepts or examples excel his, question the
+superiority of his virtue and valor. Let those who have done more for
+human freedom, denounce him as the enemy of mankind, and erect for
+themselves a standard of moral action, which shall rise to the
+stupendous height of their own boundless egotism!</p>
+
+<p>But if it is found to be inexpedient and wrong to agitate the subject
+of slavery, when it is known to be impracticable, impossible, and
+unjust to emancipate the slaves, then let us go on in our career of
+greatness, with success and tranquility. Let us watch with jealous
+care the honor of our country, and scorn the aspersions of its
+vilifiers. Let us honor and vindicate our country in its attitude of
+justice, and in its mission of civilization, and mark with the
+imputation of opprobrium every recreant defamer of our government and
+its institutions. Let the emissaries of despotism find some other
+means of subduing us than to "divide and conquer." Let the name of
+Washington be revered; let his admonitions be heeded: let his commands
+be obeyed, and his example followed. Let barbarism still be blessed
+with the light of civilization; let the glory and dominion of freedom
+be established, and the citizens of this Republic rest in security and
+peace within their patriarchal bowers!</p>
+
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Leo Africanus says, Book vii., "The King of Borno sent
+for the merchants of Barbary, and willed them to bring the great store
+of horses; for in this country they used to exchange horses for
+slaves, and to give fifteen and sometimes twenty slaves for one horse;
+and by this means there were abundance of horses brought; howbeit, the
+merchants were constrained to stay for their slaves till the king
+returned home with a great number of captives and satisfied his
+creditors for their horses." "The king maketh invasions but every year
+once, and that at one set and appointed time of the year."&mdash;<i>Geogr.
+Hist. of Africa, trans. by Pory, pp. 293, 294, Lon., 1600.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "From Abyssinia, the caravans carry yearly to Cairo
+nearly two thousand Negroes, those poor creatures having unfortunately
+been captured in war. Most of the chiefs and sovereigns in the
+interior of Africa sell or put to death all their
+prisoners."&mdash;<i>Narrative of a Ten Years' Residence at Tripoli, p. 185,
+London, 1816.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Hegel, the distinguished German philosopher, in his
+Philosophy of History, says, pp. 102, 103:
+</p><p>
+An English traveler states that when a war is determined on in
+Ashantee, solemn ceremonies precede it. Among other things, the bones
+of the king's mother are laved with human blood. As a prelude to the
+war, the king ordains an onslaught upon his own metropolis, as if to
+excite the due degree of frenzy.
+</p><p>
+In Dahomey, when the king dies, the bonds of society are loosed; in
+his palace begins indiscriminate havoc and disorganization. All the
+wives of the king (in Dahomey their number is exactly 3,333) are
+massacred, and through the whole town plunder and carnage run riot.
+The wives of the king regard their deaths as a necessity; they go
+richly attired to meet it. The authorities have to hasten to proclaim
+the new governor, simply to put a stop to massacre.
+</p><p>
+The only essential connection that has existed and continued between
+the Negroes and Europeans is that of slavery. In this the Negroes see
+nothing unbecoming them; and the English, who have done most for
+abolishing the slave trade and slavery, are treated by the Negroes
+themselves as enemies. For it is a point of first importance with the
+kings to sell their captured enemies, or even their own subjects; and
+viewed in the light of such facts, we may conclude <i>slavery</i> to have
+been the occasion of the increase of human feeling among Negroes.
+</p><p>
+Tyranny is regarded as no wrong, and <i>cannibalism is looked upon as
+quite customary and proper</i>. Among us, instinct deters from it, if we
+can speak of instinct at all as appertaining to man. But with the
+Negro this is not the case, and the <i>devouring of human flesh is
+altogether consistent with the general principles of the African
+race</i>; to the sensual Negro, human flesh is but an object of
+sense,&mdash;mere flesh. At the death of a king, hundreds are killed and
+eaten; prisoners are butchered, and <i>their flesh is sold in the
+markets</i>. The victor is accustomed to eat the heart of his slain foe.
+When magical rites are performed, it frequently happens that the
+sorcerer kills the first that comes in his way, <i>and divides his body
+among the bystanders</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Says Herder,&mdash;But the peculiar formation of the members
+of the human body says more than all these; and this appears to me
+applicable in the African organization. According to various
+physiological observations, the lips, breasts, and private parts, are
+proportionate to each other; and as nature, agreeably to the simple
+principle of her plastic art, must have conferred on these people, to
+whom she was obliged to deny nobler gifts, an ampler measure of
+sensual enjoyment, this could not but have appeared to the
+physiologist. <i>According to the rules of physiognomy, thick lips are
+held to indicate a sensual disposition</i>; as thin lips, displaying a
+slender, rosy line, are deemed symptoms of chaste and delicate taste;
+not to mention other circumstances. <i>What wonder, then, that in a
+nation for whom the sensual appetite is the height of happiness,
+external marks of it should appear?</i> A Negro child is born white; the
+skin round the nails, the nipples, and private parts, first become
+colored; and the same consent of parts in the disposition to color is
+observable in other nations. <i>A hundred children are a trifle to a
+Negro; and an old man who had not above seventy, lamented his fate
+with tears.</i>
+</p><p>
+With this oleaginous organization to sensual pleasure, the profile and
+whole frame of the body must alter. <i>The projection of the mouth would
+render the nose short and small, the forehead would incline backwards,
+and the face would have at a distance the resemblance of that of an
+ape.</i> Conformably to this would be the position of the neck, the
+transition to the occiput, and the elastic structure of the whole
+body, which is formed, even to the nose and skin, for sensual, animal
+enjoyment.&mdash;<i>Herder's Philosophy of the History of Man, pp. 150, 151.
+Translated by Churchill, London, 1800.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Witness the following extract from the Report of the
+Committee of the Maryland Legislature in 1860, recommending the
+discontinuance of the annual appropriation of $5,000 to the
+Colonization Society for the purpose of sending free Negroes back to
+Africa. It will be seen by this extract, that the expense of
+transporting Negroes to Africa is much greater than I have stated,
+owing, perhaps, to an extravagant use or waste of the money by the
+Colonization Society; for if it costs $500,000 to transport 300
+Negroes, it would certainly cost $6,668,000,000 to send away the
+4,000,000 of Negroes in the United States. Add to this the value of
+the Negroes, to be paid in remuneration to the owners for their
+property, $2,000,000,000, and the total cost of purchase and
+transportation, based upon the experience and the statistics of the
+State of Maryland, would be $8,668,000,000! or more than forty times
+the amount of all the gold and silver in the United States! It will be
+seen that my own is a low estimate compared with this, and either of
+those estimates shows the utter futility of the advocacy of
+emancipation. That Report says:&mdash;
+</p><p>
+"The passage of the act of 1831, ch. 281, was framed with the design
+of removing our free Negroes beyond the limits of this State. But
+experience has shown that they will not willingly leave us. That act
+has been in operation for twenty-seven years, at an expense to the
+State of about $280,000, raised by taxation upon our citizen
+population. It is safe to say that $75,000 more has been cleared by
+the profits in trade to the coast of Africa in that time; and that
+$145,000 has probably been bestowed by voluntary contribution for the
+same object&mdash;making in all the sum of $500,000. And yet, with all this
+vast outlay of money, not over <i>three hundred free Negroes</i> have been
+removed. Slaves to a larger number have been set free and sent to
+Africa. During the last year not one single free Negro was sent to
+Africa from this State. When this law went into effect, we had 52,000
+free Negroes in the State; and after a trial of twenty-seven years, we
+now have 90,000 or 100,000. The inefficiency of this enterprise being
+so obvious to every one of the least reflection, your committee
+propose the repeal of all laws taxing the people for colonization
+purposes."</p></div>
+</div>
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Scr&oelig;der's Max. of Washington, p. 256.</p></div>
+
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<a name="END" id="END"></a>
+<div class="trans-note">
+<p class="heading">Transcriber's Notes</p>
+<p>Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully as
+possible, including obsolete and variant spellings and other
+inconsistencies.</p>
+
+<p>The transcriber noted the following issues and made changes as
+indicated to the text to correct obvious errors:</p>
+
+<pre class="note">
+ 1. p. 14,  "sieze" changed to "seize"
+ 2. p. 30,  "Iagas" changed to "Jagas"
+ 3. p. 30,  "Iaga" changed to "Jaga"
+ 4. p. 31,  "Macoco" partially illegible, changed to "Macaco"
+ 5. p. 41,  "retrogaded" changed to "retrograded"
+ 6. p. 42,  "psuedo-" changed to "pseudo-"
+ 7. p. 51,  "opprobium" changed to "opprobrium"
+ 8. various, The source document for this ebook contains
+             several handwritten changes.  They have not
+             been incorporated into this ebook, except
+             as noted above.
+</pre>
+</div>
+
+<hr class="full" />
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of Project Gutenberg's The Right of American Slavery, by True Worthy Hoit
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diff --git a/25277.txt b/25277.txt
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+Project Gutenberg's The Right of American Slavery, by True Worthy Hoit
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Right of American Slavery
+
+Author: True Worthy Hoit
+
+Release Date: May 1, 2008 [EBook #25277]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE RIGHT OF AMERICAN SLAVERY ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Bryan Ness and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was
+produced from scans of public domain works at the University
+of Michigan's Making of America collection.)
+
+
+
+
+
+[Transcriber's Note: Every effort has been made to replicate this
+text as faithfully as possible, including obsolete and variant
+spellings and other inconsistencies. Text that has been changed to
+correct an obvious error is noted at the end of this ebook.]
+
+
+
+
+  THE
+
+  RIGHT
+
+  OF
+
+  AMERICAN SLAVERY.
+
+  BY
+
+  T. W. HOIT,
+
+  OF THE ST. LOUIS LITERARY AND PHILOSOPHICAL ASSOCIATION.
+
+  SOUTHERN AND WESTERN EDITION.
+
+
+  FIRST AND SECOND EDITIONS, 500,000 COPIES.
+
+
+  FOR SALE BY THE PRINCIPAL PUBLISHERS THROUGHOUT THE UNION.
+
+
+  ST. LOUIS, MO.:
+  PUBLISHED BY L. BUSHNELL.
+  1860.
+
+
+  Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1860,
+
+  By T. W. HOIT,
+
+  In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States
+  in and for the District of Missouri.
+
+
+  BAKER & GODWIN, PRINTERS,
+  Printing-House Square, opposite City Hall,
+  NEW YORK.
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE.
+
+
+TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE.
+
+_My Fellow Countrymen:_--Upon what manner of times have we fallen? Is
+our supposed experiment of self-government about to prove a failure?
+Are we so blind as not to see the abyss into which we are about to
+plunge? Section hostile against section; States arrayed against the
+Constitution; Churches sundered; the springs of intelligence poisoned
+at their source; treason stalking at noonday; insurrection rife; the
+equality of States and citizens denied, and derided; justice rebuked;
+treachery applauded; traitors canonized; anarchy inaugurated; monarchy
+calculating the end of republicanism; and the wheels of government
+clogged by the minions of despotism! All this, my Countrymen, and you
+passive, silent, sightless; reckless of your own and your children's
+doom? And while all this is true, you go about your usual avocations,
+as though the eyes of the civilized world were not upon you; as though
+the great, the good, the magnanimous of all lands were not breathless,
+and spell-bound, and appalled at the spectacle; as though the
+prophetic admonitions of the Father of our Country were forgotten, and
+nature, with an ominous silence, conspired to lull you into
+forgetfulness, the more to astound you with the wonders and the woes
+of an approaching catastrophe!
+
+What fatal error is there in our Republican principle? What virus
+sickens our body politic? What fascination lures us from the shrine of
+freedom? What infatuation hath seized the American people, that they
+should put to hazard this priceless inheritance,--the home, and
+refuge, and hope, of the down-trodden nations?
+
+I aver there is a fatal fallacy adopted by a large number of the
+American people, which, if not rejected, will lead us down to national
+oblivion. That fallacy is exposed in the following pages, by showing
+what is right, and what is wrong, and explaining the fundamental error
+by which our public opinion is divided, and the way of a reunion
+pointed out. No one can desire to remain in error. It is the desire to
+do right which animates the great mass of the American people. It was,
+perhaps, the _desire_ to do right, that made John Brown a rebel and a
+traitor, and which consigned him to a traitor's doom. There is no
+safety, then, in _desiring_ to do right; but to KNOW what is right,
+and to DO it. The time has now arrived when the American people must
+do right, or suffer the penalty of doing wrong.
+
+Good _intentions_ will not do. Good DEEDS are demanded,--actions
+founded upon truth and justice, and in accordance with nature's
+irrevocable laws. We boast of our greatness, and power, and
+intelligence. Of what avail are all these, if they will not save us
+from national ruin? What boots it that a slumbering giant dreams of
+his strength while he is falling upon the bosom of a burning lake? The
+mightiest empires have sunk to oblivion. Are we soon to follow them?
+
+Our material greatness and vigor seem to forbid the idea of premature
+decay; but let us not be blind to the delusive dream of an immortality
+springing from mental imbecility, nor the chimera of a political
+finality in governmental system which establishes and tolerates
+INJUSTICE, nor the permanence of a State in the midst of
+preponderating elements of fluctuating popular delusion.
+
+Either the institutions under which we live are founded in truth, or
+they are founded in error. Our constitution is the work of wisdom, or
+of folly. It is founded in justice, or injustice; in RIGHT, or
+_wrong_. Shall we honor the astuteness of its founders, and
+perpetuate these institutions to remotest ages? or shall we prove
+recreant to this trust, unworthy of these manifold blessings, and in
+our mental blindness and moral imbecility invoke the scorn of future
+ages, and the just execrations of all mankind?
+
+The _material_ elements of greatness of the Great American Republic,
+must be vivified and enlivened by a corresponding degree of INTELLECT;
+they must be permeated by an adequate element of illuminating soul, or
+they will fall, a lifeless mass, into chaotic ruin. Let us remember
+
+    "That trade's proud empire hastes to swift decay,
+    As ocean sweeps the labored mote away;
+    Whilst self-dependent power can time defy,
+    As rocks resist the billows and the sky."
+
+
+
+
+THE RIGHT OF SLAVERY.
+
+
+INTRODUCTION.
+
+AFRICAN SLAVERY is, at present, the subject of all-absorbing interest
+to the American mind; for, our people, almost intoxicated with their
+own freedom, seem unsatisfied with those manifold blessings acquired
+by the labors of their sires; and while they are conscious of not
+excelling them in wisdom, virtue, or valor, they are becoming ideal,
+and seem willing to sacrifice the practical, safe rules of republican
+action, for mere idealisms, born in the dizzy sphere of their own
+over-wrought imaginations. They tremble at the name of Washington,
+whose purity and moral power shed lustre upon the name of man, and
+they worship him as a god; but while the REAL WASHINGTON commands the
+homage of mankind, and stands the intermediate between the race of men
+and the Infinite, we find the imaginations of men ignoring reason, and
+embarked upon a voyage aerial, amid the clouds. There they revel high
+above the mountain tops of Washington, Jefferson, and Franklin, where
+the atmosphere is pure, where the light is clear, and where the
+lightnings play; but, alas for human weakness and frailty! they are
+there only in imagination, though the splendid illusion is to them a
+reality, and the pleasing dream of ideal beauty, which, by the magic
+power of transmutation, annihilates or obliterates the reason and
+memory, destroys those distinctions of great and little, right and
+wrong, weakness and power, which nature has arbitrarily made, and the
+experience of mankind recognized as fundamental; upon which all law is
+based, and all order and civilization sustained and advanced, for the
+security and elevation of nations and of men.
+
+
+THE IDEAL AND THE REAL
+
+This ideal element so predominates, in consequence of over or false
+_culture_; by the reading of a spurious literature, which dwells in
+the regions of fiction and romance, to the proportionate neglect of
+the stirring incidents of our time, which actually go to make up true
+history--which seem marvellous enough of themselves, without the
+necessity of invention, or the aid of artificial novelties, except for
+mere embellishment.
+
+It would seem that the rise and progress of this Republic; the spread
+of our ocean commerce; the building of a thousand cities; the rush of
+the world to our shores; the peopling of our boundless plains; the
+rapid birth of new States into our Union; the triumph of our arms; our
+repeated accessions of territory; our maritime and commercial
+superiority; our foreign discoveries; our inventions in mechanism; our
+discoveries in science; the use of steam, and electricity; our
+statesmanship, and foreign diplomacy; a thousand miraculous incidents
+of individual enterprise and success; the discovery of gold, of
+silver, and iron; our internal improvements and meliorations; our
+national _prestige_; and finally, our greatness and glory as a
+nation,--ought to suffice for any reasonable conception of the
+marvellous, as they outstrip the more ignoble creations of fancy, and
+absolutely invade the former domain of fiction and romance. Hence the
+seeming puerility of fiction when contrasted with these more wondrous
+phenomena of fact. The substitution of fiction for fact is, therefore,
+unnecessary and absurd, as it defeats the very purpose intended, by
+its own inferiority. Its chief effect, then, is but to mislead the
+mind.
+
+Let us, then, control the imagination; discard the _ideal_ in
+practical affairs, hold it in its sphere, and adopt the REAL, in order
+that by the exercise of right reason we may be enabled to consider the
+present subject as it _is_, and not as it would be when weighed in the
+scale of the ideal; for in this way, and this alone, can we come to
+just conclusions, and our labors result in practical benefit to those
+most concerned in the premises. In the spirit of truth, of candor, of
+sober reality, let us, therefore, approach the subject of American
+Slavery.
+
+
+THE NEGRO EVER A SLAVE.
+
+The Negro has been a slave from time immemorial. This is shown from
+the earliest Egyptian monuments, paintings, and traditions. Herodotus,
+the father of Grecian History, tells us of negro slavery in Ancient
+Greece. It existed in Rome also. During the tenth century of the
+Christian era, the Moors, from Barbary, established an extensive
+traffic in the cities of Nigritia, where they bought large numbers of
+slaves; and the merchants of Seville brought slaves from the western
+coast of Africa, and established slavery in that city, and in
+Andalusia, long before the time of Columbus.[1] It is also a curious
+fact in history, that Hanno, the great Carthagenian commander and
+discoverer, having explored Africa from the Straits of Gibraltar to
+the bounds of Arabia, brought back to Carthage a cargo of
+ourang-outangs, which he supposed to be Negro men and women; _showing
+more historically his estimate of African character, than his
+familiarity with Natural History_. The Negro has ever been a slave;[2]
+and it is to be considered whether his quick and sudden transition
+from slavery to freedom, by emancipation, is probable or possible, or
+is sanctioned by the history of human development and progress.
+
+
+TWO PHASES OF SLAVERY.
+
+Slavery has two phases; the moral, which involves the RIGHT, and the
+prudential, which is the expedient. But strictly, the moral is the
+principal and controlling view of the subject, and that which has made
+and will continually constitute the criterion of action from which the
+expediency is deduced, and the anomaly of slavery in our Republic
+understood, the paradox of a slaveholding democracy explained, and the
+institution of slavery justified with human equality, by justly
+discriminating between barbarism and humanity, civilization and
+savagism, justice and injustice, right and wrong.
+
+
+THE RIGHT OF SLAVERY.
+
+I assert the right and justice of slavery, and found my arguments on
+the subject in right alone. If it can be shown to be right, then it is
+expedient; if wrong, then it cannot be shown to be expedient, and, if
+possible, it ought to be abolished. It is the _idea_ of the _wrong_ of
+slavery which has misled, and is continuing to mislead, the American
+mind.
+
+By what process of reasoning, then, can slavery be shown to be just? I
+answer, because RIGHT holds a just and hereditary control over
+_wrong_. I answer, that it is right that barbarism should subserve
+civilization. I assert that barbarism is _wrong_, and civilization is
+RIGHT; that the former conduces to the misery and the latter to the
+happiness of mankind. Barbarism--with its pagan idolatries, its
+monstrous superstitions, its devil-worship, its false religious rites,
+its heathen orgies, its cruelties, its cannibalism--is wrong. Who will
+deny this? Who are its apologists and advocates? Let them stand forth
+and show the right of barbarism! Let us have a homily on its beauties!
+let them picture to us the meliorations of cannibalism! Will any one
+do it? No; it is a self-evident wrong. To attempt, even, to prove it
+wrong, would seem to be a work of supererogation. Barbarism it
+repugnant to the common sense of the Anglo-Saxon race; a violation of
+the conscience of civilization. Cannibalism is an almost inconceivable
+outrage against all right, in moral, social, or even superior animal
+existence. Few animals or even reptiles devour their kind. It is,
+therefore, an act repugnant to human nature, and in violation of the
+amenities even of a nobler animal existence. In a word, it is
+unmitigated wrong, showing its subjects and votaries to be incarnate
+devils.
+
+
+BARBARISM OF THE AFRICAN RACE.
+
+The African race is a race of barbarians, and civilization to that
+race would be an artificial state of existence.[3] The vestiges of
+barbarism characterize the African, in his normal state. The latent
+principle of cannibalism, lurks, in dormant energy, within the very
+core of his being, and constitutes a prominent characteristic of his
+animal existence. The economy and order of nature is no less marked in
+the _carnivorous_ than in the herbivorous mammalia and quadrumana; and
+although their physical distinctions are not always so marked as to
+render apparent, to superficial observation, the uses and functions of
+their entire organism, yet science has been a tolerably faithful
+interpreter of cause and effect, and has not failed to recognize those
+organic qualities, and the structural adaptability of the African
+race, which qualify it for its mission as the representative of
+barbaric fury and degradation, and the type, in human form, of that
+chaotic element of self-annihilation, which nature has kindly
+restricted to the fewest number of the lowest orders of animated
+being.[4] The inhabitants of Southern and Central Africa, from whence
+our slaves are drawn, the Feejeean, the Caffrarian, the New-Zealander,
+and the Hottentot, are stamped by nature with the unmistakable
+character of unmitigated barbarism, and absolute antagonism to
+civilization; and their improvement when brought in contact with
+civilization is so slow as almost to escape detection. Indeed it is
+doubtful whether the arts of European and American civilization have
+succeeded in so fascinating the African race among us as to warrant
+the expectation of permanency to the colony of Liberia, except from
+the light reflected by constant and continued emigration; and it is
+believed, by many shrewd philanthropists whose efforts have been long
+devoted to the cause of African colonization, that should emigration
+to the colony cease, the Negroes there would immediately relapse into
+their former habits and customs, and ultimately resume their original
+character of cannibals.
+
+
+THE AFRICAN NOT INTENDED FOR FREEDOM.
+
+No race will remain slaves which the God of nature intended, or which
+is fit, to be free; and it is the history of the African in this
+country, that the more fit to be free the more he is inclined to
+remain a slave. That portion of the African race here which have been
+most benefited by our civilization, scorn the false philanthropy which
+would restore them to barbarism, and beg the immunity of perpetual
+thralldom. This is a clear proof that the African is not intended for
+freedom, and at the same time shows that _instinct_ teaches him, as it
+teaches all our domestic animals, to know the path of safety better
+than it can be learned in the school of fanaticism, or from the
+dialect of fools.
+
+It is, therefore, in the philosophical aspect of the subject, in which
+it should be viewed, since philosophy searches down into the deep
+recesses of nature, and drags to light those hideous deformities of a
+race of barbarians, whose inherent passions revel in a sphere
+infinitely beneath the dignity of our domestic animals, and from whose
+frenzied rage for self-annihilation, enkindled by a morbid desire to
+devour their kind, the gentler beasts of the forest turn away in
+disgust, and humanity shrinks back with unmitigated horror!
+
+
+BARBARISM SHOULD SUBSERVE CIVILIZATION.
+
+To say, then, that it is JUST that barbarism should subserve
+civilization is a laconical axiom, which decides a plain question of
+right and wrong. The wrong is, that the African is a barbarian, and
+devours his kind; the right is, that in his service due and rendered
+to civilization, he receives its protection, and is compelled to
+forego the, to him, exquisite pleasure of devouring his kind. It will
+be observed that this view of the subject justifies, not only the
+perpetuation, but the inception of slavery, and renders emancipation
+absurd and cruel, and the inception of slavery just; leaving the
+continued transfer of barbarians to the midst of civilized
+communities, a right, the exercise of which could not involve or
+sacrifice any right of the barbarian, but must depend upon the
+enlightened decision of civilization, as to the reciprocal benefits to
+be derived therefrom. The conscience of civilization is the tribunal
+at which to try barbarism, as well as every other grade of inferior
+subjective existence. It stands above and controls all below it. The
+conscience of civilization decides both the right to summon the
+barbarian, and to hold him subject to its dictates; to weigh the
+benefits to civilization against the evils resulting from the adoption
+of the element of this super-animal force as an aid to civilization.
+Civilization deciding to take and hold the barbarian, it becomes right
+by the decision of the highest arbiter. The taking of the barbarian,
+and his employment as an adjunct of civilization, being in consequence
+of his moral delinquency, and his consequent mental imbecility, is no
+arrogation of right, because it is just; it is no assumption of right,
+because the empire of right is universal; it is no violation of right,
+because the act in itself is the exercise of the prerogative of right,
+of justice, in civilization, to suppress wrong and compel it to
+subserve right. In this view emancipation is no less unjust to the
+African than opposed to the law of right. To seize him and drag him
+away to barbarism, against his will, is an act in favor of barbarism
+and in violation of right. It restores to barbarism its victim, and
+robs the African of his supposed natural prerogative and choice, of
+service to civilization. The act, of itself, is the abnegation of that
+same right which it is designed or intended to assert.
+
+
+THE AFRICAN'S AVERSION TO COLONIZATION.
+
+Go ask the African his opinion of Liberia! Consult him as to the
+choice of his future home. He looks upon this land as a paradise, and
+upon that with instinctive dread and apprehension. Go ask the very
+slaves of the inventor of Central American Colonization (that devout
+apostle of _political philanthropy_, and most zealous advocate of
+emancipation), go ask _his slaves_ their opinion of the merits of
+their master's invention, and their faces will kindle with the half
+ingenuous blush of conscious degradation, as they denounce his
+project, as the last device of insolence to degrade and oppress them.
+
+
+IMPRACTICABILITY OF COLONIZATION.
+
+The impracticability of African colonization[5] had long since become
+a foregone conclusion, so far as it could be made applicable to the
+present or prospective transfer of 4,000,000 of negroes from this
+republic to Liberia. A mathematical solution of that problem shows the
+cost of purchase and transportation to be no less a sum than
+$2,400,000,000, or ten times the amount of all the gold and silver
+coin in the United States. The purchase of these Negroes, alone,
+would cost $2,000,000,000, or eight times the amount of all our coin;
+and if we add to this the cost of transportation to Central America,
+the entire cost would not be less than $2,200,000,000. It will be seen
+that one scheme is as practicable as the other; and the alternative
+remains, of either robbing the people of nearly half the States of the
+Union of their property, or the Negro must remain a slave. No sane man
+will say that the purchase of this property is practicable or
+possible. Fancy, if you please, the Negroes bought and paid for; the
+estates of all the people of this country involved in the vain chimera
+of transferring to our Southern States, in remuneration, all the coin
+in Europe and America, and all that will be added thereto in a hundred
+years to come, and you have a picture not very suggestive of
+practicability or expediency.
+
+But, even if the citizens of our Southern States should magnanimously
+propose the totally improbable act of voluntary and gratuitous
+manumission of their slaves, for the purpose of elevating them to
+political equality, what would be the effect upon our country? Three
+millions and a half of Negroes let loose upon our community, in
+competition, in the main departments of industry, with free white
+labor. Or would you, in accordance with the legislation of many of the
+States, exclude the negro from the Northern, Middle, and Western
+States, and the Territories, and thus, by confining him to the South,
+give him political preponderance over the white man in many of the
+States of the Union? Imagine the pure crystal pillars of this temple
+of freedom turned to ebony; the radiant eyes of Freedom's Goddess
+shocked at the gloomy spectacle of symbolic night, and suffused with
+tears at such a desecration of her shrine!
+
+
+GRADUAL OR PROSPECTIVE EMANCIPATION.
+
+There is another popular idea of emancipation, which is unjust,
+fallacious, and impossible of application. It is known by the specious
+though plausible appellation of gradual or prospective emancipation;
+by which it is proposed to destroy, by legislation, the productiveness
+and the value of this species of property, after a limited period, by
+declaring the _confiscation of its increase_. This has been tried by
+mistaken philanthropy, or by organized duplicity, with no other effect
+but to transfer the slaves from State to State, and from the North to
+the South; but while this process has been going on, the number of
+slaves in the United States has increased more than four-fold,--from
+less than one to more than four millions. This is emancipation with a
+vengeance. In this ratio, prospective or gradual _emancipation_ would
+give us, in seventy years more, 16,000,000 slaves. It will be seen
+that this process is not emancipation, but merely transposition, or
+change of locality. The very name of emancipation, thus applied, is a
+misnomer.
+
+
+OF PARTIAL LEGISLATION.
+
+But of the injustice of that partial legislation which would
+discriminate against the property of one class of citizens, to destroy
+its value, by proposing the confiscation of its increase, or excluding
+it from the State,--this is oppression. It may be submitted to, but it
+is unjust, partial legislation, and an arbitrary act of tyranny, and
+if persisted in will, some day, lead to war. Besides, it does not
+effect the purpose intended. It does not diminish slavery, but only
+changes its locality. What would be said if it were attempted to
+invalidate any other species of property, by the confiscation of its
+increase, or an attempt to legislate it out of the State? To declare
+by legislation a forfeiture of rents of houses or lands, after a
+specified period, or the increase of any species of stocks, or other
+property? What is this but agrarianism? what but the first blow of the
+_levelers_? And if this is done with impunity, how long before some
+other species of property, in the shape of fancied _superfluous_
+individual wealth, will also be confiscated? There is no safety in
+establishing such a precedent.
+
+
+PURPOSES OF BRITISH EMANCIPATION.
+
+Emancipation contemplates the social and political equality of the
+races. It proposes to mix the pure Anglo-Saxon blood with the dark
+blood of Ethiopia! It proposes the amalgamation of civilization with
+barbarism. It proposes the debasement and downfall of this Republic,
+and the erection upon its ruins of a mighty military despotism. The
+alienation of that friendly sentiment and brotherly affection which
+existed among our people in the days of the Revolution, is prophetic
+of this; and unless reason resume her seat, and the convulsed sea of
+American mind, now lashed to fury by blind zealots and European
+emissaries among us, be calmed, and the angry wave of fanaticism be
+stayed, such will most certainly be the sad and startling
+consummation.
+
+
+OF THE RIGHT TO ENSLAVE THE BARBARIAN.
+
+It is pretended by certain sophists and visionary theorists, that the
+RIGHT does not exist to enslave the barbarian; that to assert such
+right is fatal to the principle of human equality. To which I answer,
+that barbarity is not humanity, but its opposite, and the right of the
+one to control the other is supported by law, founded upon the
+immutable principles of justice. The experience of mankind has
+demonstrated, and the judgment of mankind has decided, that certain
+acts are wrong in themselves; that to kill is an act abhorrent to the
+soul of man, and as it is also a violation of natural right, the
+murderer shall die--that in his death an element of chaos and
+destruction, in him, is annihilated--and the principle or element of
+murder in the wicked be thereby repressed. Here is an instance wherein
+the right is asserted, to take, not only the liberty, but the life of
+an individual. Some deny this right, but they do not deny the right to
+deprive the murderer of his liberty. All will agree that the murderer
+shall, at least, be deprived of his liberty. So with other crimes.
+There is a tolerable agreement in civilized communities, that for
+certain crimes men shall be deprived of their natural right to
+freedom. So, the principle is established, that communities have the
+right to deprive men of their liberties. Laws are established and
+executed by this principle. Every State, and almost every small
+community, endorses this principle, and constantly illustrates it by
+the punishment of offenders against law, who are confined in jails and
+prisons. And it is folly to deny a right founded upon the universal
+usage and experience of mankind. So with nations. Did we not repress
+the wrong exercised against us by Mexico and Algeria? Did we not even
+deny the right of maritime isolation to Japan, on the score of cruelty
+or neglected hospitality to our shipwrecked mariners? Suppose she slay
+our ambassador, or our resident minister; would we not still further
+force upon her, in a summary manner, those well-known rules of law,
+and amenities of civilization, and principles of justice, which are
+proclaimed to be right by the united voice of nations?
+
+We are considering the subject of the enslavement of the African race
+in this Republic. We are inquiring into the RIGHT of African Slavery.
+We have asserted the right of slavery, as founded upon the principle
+that universal right holds a just and hereditary control over wrong;
+and as the African is a race of barbarians, and barbarism is wrong,
+it follows that it is the right of civilization to hold the African
+subject to those rules of justice which pertain to civilization, and
+to protect him from the injustice, violence, and degradation, which
+are the concomitants of barbarism. To deny this is to deny the
+superiority of RIGHT over _wrong_. He who denies this, becomes the
+advocate of barbarism; for, barbarism being below civilization, he
+asserts its equality with civilization, and thus becomes its apologist
+and advocate.
+
+
+VIOLATION OF NATURAL RIGHT.
+
+Such an one will claim that involuntary labor performed by the
+African, in behalf of civilization; or the production, by his labor,
+of material or fabrics to hide his nakedness, or adorn the human race,
+or protect them from the cold, degrades the barbarian, because it
+encroaches upon his natural right to go naked and houseless, and
+perish with the cold. He is quite _primitive_ in his ideas of dress,
+and ought to emigrate to a warm climate, like South Africa or South
+America, where the elements of nature do not conspire with
+civilization to degrade and oppress him. He perceives that our unjust
+and oppressive laws actually punish, as an offense, the exposure to
+view of man's natural external beauties! This is about as far as it is
+safe to go on the subject of natural right, both from considerations
+of propriety and modesty, and also, as it almost amounts to a
+digression from the subject immediately under consideration; but we
+are merely following the advocate of emancipation, on the score of
+equality and natural right, just where his principles lead him; and as
+it forcibly suggests the inexpediency of emancipation, and consequent
+barbarism, on the score of morality and decency, it seems entirely
+apposite to the subject.
+
+But it is claimed by some, that the African slave here has ceased to
+be a barbarian, which I deny. His nature is not essentially changed;
+his habits are forced; and he would at once fall, as he has fallen,
+and is falling, in San Domingo, Jamaica, and Canada, but for
+coercion. It is, therefore, an external power which holds him up, and
+no innate principle within him.
+
+
+THE DEBT OF THE BARBARIAN.
+
+But even for argument, admitting the African were civilized, still he
+is not legally entitled to his freedom. Why? Because on account of his
+barbarism he became the property of another, who has a vested right in
+him. His transition from barbarism to civilization was at the expense
+of civilization, and he owes a just equivalent therefor. His debt is
+the difference between barbarism and civilization, and will be
+estimated according as the one in held higher than the other.
+
+
+THE RIGHT OF THE AFRICAN TO REMAIN A SLAVE.
+
+If the African is entitled to his freedom, he is also entitled to the
+privilege of remaining in servitude; a privilege which nine tenths of
+the Negroes in this country are well known to crave. But we deny his
+right of choice in the premises. His barbarism was the oblivion of his
+right to choose his own proper position; and the absence of inherent
+right in him subjects him at once to the dominion of universal or
+external right in civilization. His right of choice, therefore, has no
+real validity, and should not even be tolerated to denounce the
+heinous wrong of his emancipation, and consequent restoration to
+barbarism. His right to remain a slave is not his own, but the right
+of civilization; and even his willingness to remain in servitude,
+though a double evidence of his barbarism and of his appreciation of
+his partially ameliorated condition as an accessory of civilization,
+is not available in deciding as to his present or future condition;
+because the right exercised in his subjection to the rules of
+civilization is primordial, and sovereign, and all-controlling, as
+Universal Right, and is in no case subject to the will of barbarism.
+
+
+THE MELIORATION OF THE AFRICAN.
+
+With regard to the degradation of the African slave, that is admitted;
+but at the same time his position as an accessory to civilization is
+far higher than that wherein he was wholly the subject of barbarism.
+Now, he is dignified to the useful avocations of the civilized race;
+learns their rudimental arts and customs, and methods of subsistence;
+is subject to, and protected by law; becomes semi-civilized, and in
+rare, individual instances, as a _lusus naturae_, even aspires to the
+nobler prerogatives of mind. The meanest slave that wears the shackle
+or feels the whip of civilization, in the reluctant performance of
+coerced labor, is a far nobler being than the African barbarian in his
+native wilds.
+
+
+OF THE DEGRADATION OF LABOR.
+
+Labor degrades no man. Labor is honorable, because the products of
+labor feed and clothe the world, and thus conduce to the welfare and
+happiness of mankind. Coerced labor is better than no labor. Coercion
+itself does not necessarily degrade man; rather may it ennoble and
+elevate, when it is exercised to summon the barbarian to the lessons
+of civilization. Coercion degrades not the man whom it compels to do
+right; it only exposes that degradation which is the result of doing
+wrong. The man only is degraded who, voluntarily or by coercion, does
+wrong, or neglects to do right. To talk of the degradation of labor,
+whether coerced or free, is, therefore, preposterous.
+
+
+HUMAN EQUALITY.
+
+But the question of emancipation is started and agitated on the ground
+of human _equality_. It is the supposed equality of the African with
+the white race, that is the pretext for emancipation, and the
+foundation of the assumed right and expediency of emancipation. It has
+been supposed by some, that the enunciation of human equality in the
+American Declaration of Independence was intended for all the races
+of men in the world. Such a supposition is totally unfounded, and
+unwarrantable in the very nature of things. In the first place, it is
+not true; and in the next place, the writer of that Declaration meant
+no such thing, for he held slaves, and knew their inferiority. What a
+monstrous act of hypocrisy and folly it would have been in the author
+of that instrument, and his cotemporaries, to declare that all men are
+created _free_ when they knew millions are born slaves, or when they
+knew no _equality_ existed, even of right, between the barbarian and
+the man whose sense of justice and perception of RIGHT secured to him
+the approbation of Heaven and his own conscience, by a recognition of
+and obedience to the laws of morality, and conformity to the just
+rules of civilization. They wrote that Declaration for white
+men,--meaning white men,--because it did not and could not apply to
+the barbarous and savage nations. They saw the world in chains, and
+knew the bondage of mankind to be the result of their violation of
+moral right, and their incapacity for self-government. They estimated
+rightly when they announced freedom to the white race in these
+colonies; for, up to this time, the fact of self-government by our
+people has verified their prophetic annunciation; but the sages who
+founded this Republic, excluded, by legislation, the African and the
+Indian from this boon of freedom, and they and their descendants have
+held the African in the condition of servitude.
+
+
+INCAPACITY OF THE MINGLED RACES FOR SELF-GOVERNMENT.
+
+The question of the enfranchisement of the African, therefore,
+involves the question of the capacity of the mingled races for
+self-government; a problem which is already solved in Mexico, in
+Jamaica, in San Domingo, and several of the Spanish American States.
+There, the mixed races have no common bond of union. The predominance
+of one petty State, or military chieftain, is the signal for the
+semi-barbarous hordes of mingled races to combine for the purpose of
+destruction. Urged on by the emissaries of that colossal superstition
+which casts its shadow over this Republic (whose home is a foreign
+kingdom, and whose head is a foreign prince), the semi-barbarous
+hordes of mingled races in the South American States, are a prey to
+successive bloody revolutions, through that imbecility which is the
+sure result of the amalgamation of civilization with barbarism.
+
+
+WRONG SHOULD SUBSERVE RIGHT.
+
+In considering the subject of slavery, there is one principle which
+must not, and cannot be lost sight of, as it underlies all else, and
+is the root from which springs the tree of all knowledge on this
+subject, as well as all others; to wit: That RIGHT holds a just and
+hereditary control over _wrong_. Not because right is the strongest,
+but because it is the BEST. It is very common when right asserts its
+prerogative, that we hear the subjects and votaries of _wrong_
+denounce RIGHT as mere _might_. This is a common foible of vice, to
+conceal its own deformity; a mere subterfuge, which, when pushed to
+the wall, vice adopts, and meets the executioner of justice with the
+accusation that he is the mere instrument of might; the servile tool
+of arbitrary power. This glozing of vice avails not. Justice stands
+erect in the dignity of its own moral beauty, and commends itself to
+the intellect and conscience of mankind. All the affections, all the
+wisdom, and all the experience of men, do homage at the shrine of
+justice, as the arbiter of right. This great moral tribunal,
+established at the dawn of creation, has existed through all time, and
+still exists; and at this tribunal we try barbarism, and find it to be
+wrong, because it conduces to the misery and degradation of men. At
+this tribunal, we find civilization to be right, because it conduces
+to the happiness and welfare of mankind. This being so (and the man
+who denies it, is a barbarian), it follows, that civilization,
+carrying with it the preponderating elements of right and justice,
+holds a just and hereditary control over barbarism, which is wrong.
+When we assert, therefore, the right of slavery, because it is just
+that barbarism shall subserve civilization, we only say it is just
+that wrong should subserve right;--a proposition, which, certainly,
+ought to commend itself to the common sense, the intellect, and the
+conscience of every good man.
+
+Some assert that civilization should subserve barbarism; but when
+tried by our rule, they at once see that it is preposterous to assume
+that right should subserve wrong.
+
+
+FORFEITURE OF NATURAL RIGHT.
+
+Some propose, that the advantages of the great and little, the served
+and the servant, the good and the bad, should be reciprocal; that that
+which is used is, or should be, as much advantaged in the using as is
+the user. I would ask them--what particular advantage it is to the
+oyster to be devoured? or what return can the earth make to the sun
+for his rays, constantly poured upon it? Some assert that every human
+being is unqualifiedly endowed by nature with the right of individual
+freedom. This we deny. We assert that barbarism is not humanity, and
+cannot claim to exercise the prerogative of civilization, which it has
+ignored, or which it never knew. We assert that the murderer has
+forfeited that right; and more than this, with the element of murder
+developed in him, originally, he never was entitled to freedom.
+Prisons, and even dungeons, are as necessary and proper as schools and
+colleges, but not more so than servitude to the barbarian. They are
+all appliances of right and justice and civilization, not to make the
+good subserve the bad, but to make the bad subserve the good.
+
+
+TAKING THE EXCEPTION FOR THE RULE.
+
+It will not do for men to pretend that they do not know which is right
+and which is wrong; what is civilization and what is barbarism. The
+exception for the rule is as proper to adopt in the one case as in the
+other. We cannot condemn civilization for the incidents of bad
+government in some cases, false religion in others, and crime in
+others, when the general tenor of civilization is to protect the weak
+against the strong, give security to life and property, and by
+developing the intellect and cultivating the moral faculties, elevate
+and ennoble the race. Neither can we acquit barbarism if it affords
+occasional instances of _immoderate instinct_, closely approximating
+to intellect, or even intellect itself, and moral worth, or the
+absence of ferocity, or the presence of positive amiability, render it
+possible that the barbarian is not a fiend, or that he may be schooled
+to tolerable docility, while the general tenor of barbarism is to
+wrong, cruelty, violence, and self-annihilation.
+
+
+PASSION; SYMPATHY MISAPPLIED.
+
+Nor will it do to ignore reason, and adopt passion when we consider
+the subject of slavery. Passions have their uses, but how often they
+are perverted! Reason is sometimes perverted too, and never more than
+when exercised against truth, justice, and civilization, and in favor
+of barbarism. There is false sympathy, amounting to passion, that is
+blindly lavished upon objects which neither need nor appreciate it. We
+often see it exercised in behalf of the brute animals, whose proper
+natures are totally unconscious of it; while their gentleness and
+quietness seem to rebuke this shallow, human sentimentality, as
+something wandering from its sphere, or as seed wasted upon the sand.
+Your sympathy has its legitimate uses, and it is against the economy
+of nature to misuse it, or bestow it upon natures foreign to its own.
+If we pity the slave because he is not like ourselves, we shall
+probably receive his pity, in return, for some weakness or power in
+us, that covers an abyss which he cannot fathom, and from which he
+turns away in terror. He is adapted to his place, and so are we, if we
+are content.
+
+
+PERFECTION OF NATURE'S WORK.
+
+It has been said, with how much truth let us consider,
+
+    "Where ignorance is bliss, 'tis folly to be wise;"
+
+the reverse of which is, "Where knowledge is bliss, 'tis folly to be
+ignorant." The first proposition was evidently intended for the Negro,
+and the last for the white man; as intellectual pleasures and
+knowledge are esteemed highest by the latter, and animal pleasures by
+the former. Happiness is the aim of both; the difference is in the
+mode of attaining it, and the degree of it when attained. The negro is
+perfect in his kind. Sympathy will not make him a white man. Would you
+interrogate nature on the wisdom of her works? Would you denounce them
+as imperfect? Can you improve upon the architecture of the honey-bee,
+or the method of his distillation? or on nature's processes of
+germination and vegetation? Your cup of liquid poison is but a mean
+equivalent for his treasured nectar; your hot-house culture yields
+nought for the beauties of Flora, nor the sweetness of her priceless
+perfumes. The spider would not be a butterfly even if you could give
+him wings. The power to fly would only enable him to spin his web in
+air, and obscure the sunlight. His own way is best, both for him and
+man.
+
+
+THE NEGRO SATISFIED WITH HIS CONDITION.
+
+Reason will bring all things right. We must take things as they ARE,
+not as fancy would paint them. It is of no use to get exasperated
+because the Negro is dark of skin, and because his inferiority and
+degradation adapt him to the rougher, or rudimental departments and
+pursuits of civilization. Pity for him on account of the labor which
+makes his sleep sweet, and his digestion perfect, is thrown away. He
+knows nothing of the ennui of sloth, nor the misanthropy of idle
+declaimers. He has his rude affections, and does not hate wrongs which
+he does not know nor feel, nor is he shocked at manacles which he
+cannot see, and which hold him from falling into the abyss of
+barbarism, whence they have lifted him. He loves his condition as a
+slave to civilization, because his instinct tells him it is better
+than subjection to the usages and wrongs of the condition from whence
+he has risen. If he is satisfied with his present condition, it is
+from an intuitive instinct, teaching him his fitness for it, and
+shows, by the slowness of the transition from barbarism to
+civilization, how wide and deep is the gulf which divides the one from
+the other.
+
+
+UNITY OF THE AFRICAN RACES.
+
+I use the term barbarism in contradistinction to civilization, and
+very respectfully refer to authorities of repute in justification of
+this use of the word, both to designate the quality of the _thing_,
+and the precise locality of its fittest application; for although
+Herodotus tells us that the Egyptians and Greeks applied the term
+_barbari_ to all who spoke a language different from their own; and
+even the Hindoos used almost the same word to express the quality
+indicated, differing only by the accidental dissimilarity of the
+Sanskrit orthography, which makes it _varvvarah_ or _varvvaras_, we
+have the authority of Professor Wilson, who says it means "an outcast,
+and in another sense, woolly or curly haired, as the hair of the
+African." And for authorities showing the unity of the Negro races,
+dialects, and languages, in Western, Southern, and Central Africa, I
+refer to the writings of Progart, Ritter, Oldendorf, Marsden,
+Bruseiotti, Harves, Grandpre, Vater, Salt, Ludolf, and Oldfield; who,
+from other motives than those which have prompted the partial accounts
+of more recent travelers and writers on the subject, have shown
+conclusively, that the degrees of barbarism existing in the tribes
+inhabiting the Western and Southern coasts of Africa, and the
+interior, are, in fact, mere modifications of that same barbarism,
+produced by local causes, and mitigated only by the force of nature
+from without, rather than by any inherent quality belonging to any
+portion of the Negro race. I speak of language as the connecting chain
+which links together the various African tribes, showing, if not their
+identity, their immediate connection, and holding to the account of
+barbarism those exceptions to the rule of barbarism which suggest the
+pretext for breaking down the barriers which divide barbarism from
+civilization, and form the basis of all the false philanthropy and
+efforts of political emancipation which are the curse of the age and
+country in which we live.
+
+According to Pritchard, and others familiar with the subject, the
+slaves exported from Congo, which was long the principal resort of the
+Portuguese traders in black men, have always been regarded by
+slave-dealers and planters as genuine Negroes. If the physical traits
+of the Mapoota tribe, who will, as I suppose, be admitted to be
+undoubtedly of the Kafir race, so fairly represent the Negro
+character, it will be less difficult to admit that the natives of
+Mozambique and Congo belong to the same stock. All the inhabitants of
+the great empire of Congo speak one language, though it is divided
+into a number of dialects, including the dialect of Loango in the
+_north_, that of Congo in the south, and _Banda_, or idiom of
+Cassanga, in the interior, forming, collectively, one nearly allied
+family of languages, or, in fact, one language.
+
+
+TRAVELERS IN AFRICA.
+
+Since emancipation contemplates the transfer of the slaves to Africa,
+as the means of mitigating those supposed evils to which they are
+subjected, having already established by way of derision a _republic_
+there, I deem it legitimate to make some inquiry into the nature and
+condition of the inhabitants of Africa, in order to ascertain if such
+a change would be expedient or proper, with a view to the amelioration
+of the condition of the slaves. Of course, to do this, we must take
+the general authorities of history, and not confine ourselves to those
+individual authorities of recent date, which may be influenced by the
+popular delusion of _Negro equality_, or, for purposes of _gain_ or
+from _political motives, have written books to sell, or_ been
+_employed for pay_ to belie the KNOWN TRUTHS OF HISTORY.
+
+
+CANNIBALISM.
+
+With regard to cannibalism, I demand that the advocates of
+emancipation either adopt it as right and proper, or denounce it, as
+I do, as beneath the dignity of ordinary animal existence, and as the
+most disgusting prerogative of barbarism. Probably they will adopt it
+on the very antique authority of Zeno, Diogenes, Chrysippius, and the
+Stoics, who esteemed it perfectly reasonable for men to devour one
+another; or because, in China (and other countries) it is practiced,
+where, according to Herrera, one great market is supplied with human
+flesh alone, for the better sort of people; or because cannibalism was
+universal before the days of Orpheus. I almost fear lest the
+emancipationists, by adopting cannibalism as right, with such high
+authorities and precedents to support their position, may endeavor to
+palliate African cannibalism on the ground that it is not a monopoly,
+and claim exemption from the great verdict of modern civilization
+which denounces, as forfeited and condemned, this disgusting and
+leading custom of barbarism. But if the common sense of the
+Anglo-Saxon race did not almost universally denounce this hideous
+custom, I would bring Sextus Empiricus to show that the first laws
+ever enacted were to prevent men from devouring each other; and even
+this may be declared, by our sophistical emancipationists, to be one
+of the first violations of _natural right_. If the right of
+cannibalism is claimed, then will nature assert its wrong, and
+vindicate civilization. But if cannibalism is rejected by the
+emancipationists, then let us see to what dangers and degradation he
+would expose the now happy and contented slave.
+
+
+CANNIBALISM IN AFRICA.
+
+In the "UNIVERSAL VOCABULARY," which is compiled from the very highest
+authority (p. 218), we learn that the Jagas, of the kingdom of Congo,
+"take pleasure in _eating young women_!" And "a princess was so fond
+of her gallants, that she _ate them successively_!" "Their choicest
+food is _warm human blood_!" "The Jaga chieftain, Cassangi, used to
+have _a young woman killed every day for his table_!" "Five or six
+strong men will at once destroy and share the flesh of a captive."
+"The women are equally as ferocious as the men, _delighting to
+cleave the skull, and suck the warm brain of the slain_!" This is
+solemn history, though almost horribly incredible.
+
+From the same authority, and others, we learn that seven-eighths of
+Africa is at present either savage or barbarous. This is _the present
+condition of Africa_, by nearly the unanimous voice of enlightened
+travelers, and scientific explorers.
+
+According to Pritchard, "the Mumbas, a numerous and savage people who
+live at the east and northeast of Te-te, and at Chicorango, are
+cannibals."
+
+Dos Sanctas says, "They have in their principal town a
+slaughter-house, where they butcher men every day."
+
+We learn from Pritchard, that "the Zimbas, or Mazimbas, are a
+man-eating tribe near Senna." Also, that "the Mulua tribe slaughter
+fifteen or twenty men every day."
+
+It is a well-authenticated fact, that the subjects of the Great Macaco
+are anthropophagi, or cannibals. "This prince has a court so numerous,
+as to require two hundred men to be butchered every day to supply his
+table; a part of them criminals, and a part slaves furnished in the
+way of tribute." It is a part of history, both ancient and modern,
+that in the market-places in the principal towns and large villages
+throughout southern, and in portions of central Africa, Negro flesh is
+sold by the pound, as commonly as beef or mutton is sold throughout
+these United States; and what is worse, it in only the wealthy or more
+_intelligent_ classes who are able to indulge in so great a luxury;
+while the poorer classes, the mass of the people, are envious
+spectators of the traffic in this so great a luxury, as to tempt them
+to every violence and crime to enable them to indulge in it.
+
+
+SUPREMACY OF PAGANISM IN AFRICA.
+
+This is the fate to which emancipation would consign the Negro. These
+are a few of the selected examples of the horrors of barbarism,
+furnished by historians, scientific travelers, and Christian
+missionaries, whose testimony, as eye-witnesses, has become history
+during the last few hundred years. Meanwhile, the light of
+civilization has blazed upon Africa from three quarters of the globe,
+even as the rays of the sun have enveloped the globe itself.
+Missionaries from Europe and America, from Rome, and London, and New
+York, have striven with a zeal and fidelity known only to religious
+enthusiasm, incited by mutual emulation, and armed with those terrors
+which awe the soul, those allurements which beguile the affections,
+and those fascinations which enkindle hope; but they have striven in
+vain against the colossal power of barbarism; and to-day, those
+heathen orgies which have darkened the annals of the world for four
+thousand years, are as sacred, to paganism in Africa, as are the rites
+and ceremonies of Christianity in London or in Rome.
+
+Is this no evidence of the unfitness of the African for civilization?
+And is it just, in the sight of heaven, to force him from his present
+willing position of service to civilization, and consign him to a fate
+more terrible than even death itself!
+
+
+THE AFRICAN RACE ON THIS CONTINENT.
+
+Look at the African race on this continent, in this Republic, in
+Canada, and in the Islands of San Domingo and Jamaica. Compare the
+African in this Republic, under the wholesome regimen of civilization,
+with his emancipated brethren in the West Indies, or his recusant,
+fugitive brother in the Canadas. Has he not advanced here, and
+retrograded there? Compare his condition in these States, North and
+South. Why do the free States enact laws to prohibit the African from
+coming into them to settle? Is it because he is a civilized man, an
+equal, and a good citizen? Is it not rather, because the Anglo-Saxon
+race shuns the supposed contamination of barbarism? The wisdom of
+these prohibitory laws will be seen in the future time; when the idea
+of Negro equality has become exploded and obsolete; after the question
+of emancipation has served its purpose in political combination; but
+alas! not until the fallacy of negro equality has resulted in a
+mongrel race which will have spread itself like the shadow of a cloud
+over some of the fairest portions of freedom's heritage.
+
+
+THE AFRICAN IS DEEMED A BARBARIAN IN THE NORTHERN STATES.
+
+It will be seen that the arguments here advanced are predicated, to
+some extent, upon the fact that the African is a barbarian. That he is
+so in his native wilds, we have shown by high authority. That he is so
+in this country, is obvious, from the fact that in the South he is
+held a slave, and is satisfied with his condition; and because, as a
+race, the African in this country, and on this continent, shows not
+the least capacity for self-control. In the South, the African, in his
+best estate, is a slave. In the North, laws are wisely enacted to
+prevent him from going there, because of his barbarism, and because
+that portion of the most advanced race on earth shrinks from contact
+with it. The fact, then, of his barbarism is sustained, fully,--by his
+normal condition in Africa; his condition of retrogradation in Jamaica
+and San Domingo, where the experiment of emancipation has proved a
+failure, where the relapse into barbarism is sure and irrevocable; and
+in this country, where common sense and public opinion and public law,
+both North and South, hold him in the condition of social, moral, and
+physical vassalage and servitude, and confine him effectually within
+certain prescribed limits, or hold him in that marked estimation of
+inferiority which makes him forever conscious of his own degradation.
+I have felt justified, therefore, not by way of opprobrium, nor in the
+spirit of invidious or odious comparison, to name the category in
+which he belongs, and then, by fair moral and philosophical argument
+to deduce the justice and right of civilization in holding dominion
+over him.
+
+
+EMANCIPATION IS WRONG.
+
+It is not our purpose to blame the African for being a barbarian; but
+to insist that emancipation is wrong because it restores him to
+barbarism, and that slavery is right because it holds him to those
+roles of justice which pertain to civilization, and protects him from
+the injustice, violence, and degradation which are the concomitants of
+barbarism. As the slave of civilization, he is raised infinitely above
+his former condition as the subject of barbarism. He knows this, and
+it satisfied. His instinct teaches him to love his master, because he
+is his protector, and because, mistrusting his own capacity for
+self-government, he knows the necessity for a master; and instances
+are numerous, of slaves, having misjudged their own capacity for
+self-government, having fled from supposed wrongs, they found they
+were mistaken as to the means of bettering their condition, and
+returned to voluntary servitude, begging, with tears, to be again
+admitted to the sacred precincts of the patriarchial care.
+
+
+FITNESS OF THE AFRICAN FOR SLAVERY.
+
+It is the fitness of things that makes the African a slave. His brawny
+limbs, seconding and aiding the intellect of the superior race,
+constitute the left hand and foot of labor. Slavery is the left hand
+of our body politic. Free labor is the right hand. Intellect is the
+head. All combined, constitute a power which is felt and feared by the
+foes of this Republic. Hence their endeavor to detach one portion from
+the other, and thus weaken the whole. To change the position of the
+slave is to interrupt or reverse the order of nature.
+
+    "What if the foot, ordained the dust to tread,
+    Or hand to toil, aspired to be the head?
+    What if the head, the eye, or ear repined
+    To serve, mere engines of the ruling mind?
+    Just as absurd for any part to claim
+    To be another in this general frame;
+    Just as absurd to mourn the tasks or pains
+    The great directing Mind of All ordains."
+
+
+ABSURDITY OF NEGRO EQUALITY.
+
+The truth is, slavery is right, and is proved to be so,
+notwithstanding all the noisy declamation we hear about human
+equality. The Negro is a barbarian, and barbarism is not humanity but
+inhumanity; hence the unfitness to the case, of such illogical
+reasoning as is adopted by the advocates of Negro equality. Human
+equality, as applied to the Negro, is an idle fantasy, without even
+the shadow or semblance of plausibility. White men are equals in few
+things; certainly not in physical nor mental capacity, nor power. The
+equality declared by our Revolutionary Sires was the political
+equality of white men. Let us arise from that lethargy in which we
+have dreamed of universal equality, and escape the dangers of that
+moral and intellectual somnambulism in which we have been groping to
+the verge of social and political destruction.
+
+
+AMERICAN AND EUROPEAN RADICALISM.
+
+This restless spirit of change, in a portion of our people, this
+craving for universal equality, by the blind victims of popular
+fanaticism, finds its parallel in the destructive element of European
+radicalism, (that bane of European democracy,) which mistakes freedom
+for the right of plunder, and Democracy for the right of popular
+despotism. It is that blind spirit of rage which adapts not the means
+to the end, but overreaches itself, and falls a prey to its own
+cupidity, duplicity, and folly.
+
+
+INEQUALITY OF RACES.
+
+Universal equality,--the equality of the African with the Caucasian,
+or the savage with the civilized races, is no more possible than to
+blend right with wrong. The inequality exists in nature, as
+indubitably as the varied magnitudes of the stars. And the
+characteristics of the various savage races differ as widely as their
+varied physiognomy. There is no equality among them, mental or
+physical,--not even equality of degradation. The gigantic Patagonian,
+and the dwarfish Laplander; the wild Feejeeian, and docile Guinea
+Negro; the stolid Indian, and ant-like plodder of teeming India,--are
+but the outward symbols of that contrariety of moral, or rather
+immoral existence which is the fate of barbarism. They have no
+equality of beauty nor ugliness, leanness nor obesity, vice nor
+virtue, but varying differences, such as the spontaneous growth of
+uncultured nature in different climes exhibits in the vegetable and
+lower orders of the animal creation. What a contrast is this to
+that trained, drilled conformation to the order and proper
+conventionalities of civilized life, which our free schools, free
+press, social rites, laws, and customs impose.
+
+
+QUIBBLE OF THE SOPHIST.--TAKING THE EXCEPTION FOR THE RULE.
+
+And here comes the quibble of the sophist, who singles out instances
+of law violated in civilized communities, and holds them up as the
+criterion by which to judge civilization, and triumphantly exclaims,
+Lo! the fruits of civilization--of that civilization which arrogates
+to itself the right to enslave mankind! But this is merely a bare
+perversion of truth. He deceives no one so much as himself, when he
+imagines the world will take the _exception_ for the RULE of
+civilization, or make it the pretext to sustain barbarism.
+
+
+THE SUPREMACY OF MIND OVER MATTER.
+
+It is safe to assert that right holds a just and hereditary control
+over wrong. _Veritas vincit._ Justice and truth go hand in hand.
+Barbarism must bow before the genius of civilization. And what is not
+found in international law, nor suppressed by it, nor dictated by the
+commercial rivalries of nations, nor the zealous diplomacy of kings,
+will yet continue as it ever has, to recognize the power of mind over
+matter, of reason over passion, of intellect over animal existence;
+and the dominion and supremacy of written constitutions over citizens,
+communities, States, and empires. The right of government in civilized
+States more than suggests the right and supremacy of civilization over
+barbarism. But the right of mind over matter, of intellect over mere
+animal life, of reason over passion, is asserted upon the broadest
+principles of philosophy in nature. The Infinite Spirit, unseen, moves
+the visible material creation as the creature of his will.
+
+    He framed the universe, and instant twirled
+    Upon its orbit, this terrestrial world;
+    Bid chaos flee, and called the glittering train
+    Of constellations to the ethereal plain;
+    He built the fabric of creation fair;
+    Lit every sun that shines in glory there;
+    Strewed with his hand, to deck heaven's argent fields,
+    Each starry atom that refraction yields;
+    And holds in order, as it moves along,
+    Each seraph bright, of the celestial throng!
+
+
+SHALL BARBARISM CONTROL CIVILIZATION?
+
+Behold the order of heaven! Does any passion bear sway there? The
+ponderous globes obey the mandate of spiritual superiority; and shall
+the order of nature be reversed here, and the animal species lord it
+over men? Shall barbarism again come on the track of civilization,
+with fire and sword, and ruthless annihilation? Shall civilization
+invoke the demon of destruction to its own downfall? Shall the frenzy
+and rage of visionary enthusiasts, _or the dark schemes of the
+emissaries of despotism in this Republic_, lay in ruins this fair
+temple of freedom, the home, and refuge, and hope of the down-trodden
+nations?
+
+
+THE RAGE OF PASSION.
+
+What are these dreams of sophists, these vagaries of imagination, this
+rage of passion, this perversion of reason, and high-sounding
+declamation, confounding right with wrong, civilization with
+barbarism, but the paraphernalia of despotism arrayed against the
+liberties of mankind? Emancipation is all a delusion, a foible,
+a fantasy, an idle dream! The soul and intellect of man is
+heaven-derived, and knows its order and beauty, and will hold in
+abeyance these elements of chaos. The barbarian is indeed dark of
+skin, and the radiance of a million constellations in a thousand ages
+will not change him, nor the light of civilization fade to moral
+brightness his gloomy mind!
+
+
+EMANCIPATION OF THE WHITE RACES.
+
+It will be observed that my argument on the subject of slavery is new,
+and is drawn from the actual nature of the case. I offer no antique
+authority to sustain the RIGHT of slavery. The history of the African
+race for four thousand years is sufficient, which is, that in no
+country nor condition has that race shown the capacity for or enjoyed
+self-government. And, indeed, self-government with the superior white
+races is still deemed but an experiment. The great mass of the white
+races ever have been, and still are, governed by the strong hand of
+despotism, or by the more plausible, but ofttimes not less diabolical
+power of constitutional sovereignties, or hereditary or revolutionary
+oligarchies. It is not, then, so great a disparagement to the African
+that he is unfit for freedom, when nine-tenths of the foremost of the
+white races, show not the capacity to enjoy it. Certainly, the African
+is not their superior. Why, then, demand for him more than is allowed
+to the superior white races? If emancipation is to be thought of,
+would it not be well to emancipate the white races first?
+
+
+THE ARGUMENT INVULNERABLE.
+
+I have rested my argument on no antique authority to show the right of
+slavery. I have appealed to no religious dogmas to show this right. I
+have not even availed myself of the whole tenor of sacred history to
+justify it, which has been done heretofore by others, and done in
+vain. I have not labored to produce a voluminous collation of other
+men's opinions to swell my pages. Sacred history is in the hands of
+all, and its teachings need not my endorsement, recommendation, nor
+reiteration. Indeed, if the right of slavery here asserted is not
+based upon truth, and if it does not commend itself to the unbiased
+judgment of my countrymen, then I demand that they discard it. I ask
+if the argument here advanced, has been or can be refuted? If it can
+be, let it be done fairly, openly, and without circumvention. Let it
+be shown that barbarism ought not to subserve civilization. Let it be
+shown that civilization is wrong, because it does not conduce to the
+well-being and happiness of mankind; let it be shown that barbarism is
+right because it does this. Let the apologists and advocates of
+barbarism show its equality with civilization. Let it be denied, and
+the denial proved, that the laws of universal right and justice hold
+true and heaven-derived supremacy over wrong. Let it be shown that the
+slave-owner has no legal right of property in his slaves. Or, if it be
+admitted that he has such right, let any possible process of
+emancipation be pointed out. Will the violent denunciations of
+fanaticism induce him to free his slaves? Does the divided sentiment
+and feeling evinced in even the division of the churches north and
+south, indicate the willingness of the owners to free their slaves? If
+not, then by what means are they to be set free? Is it to be by
+purchase? and if so, is it proposed to pay the value of the slaves?
+and how? Let it be shown that the purchase and transportation of
+4,000,000 of Negroes to Africa will cost less than $2,400,000,000; or
+to Central America less than $2,200,000,000. Let it be shown to be
+expedient, practicable, or possible to do this; and even if done, let
+it be shown to be a benefit to the slave or the master; a benefit
+either to civilization or barbarism.
+
+If none of these things can be shown, and I aver they cannot, then how
+about the last startling alternative of robbing the slave-owner of his
+property? of the freeing of the Negroes by servile insurrection and
+civil war? What would be the cost in blood and treasure to effect
+this? and the probable result of _such_ an effort at emancipation, on
+the freedom and civilization of the world?
+
+
+WHY ENGLAND ABOLISHED THE SLAVE TRADE,--HER DREAD OF OUR GREATNESS AND
+POWER.
+
+The truth is, the slave trade was abolished by British and Tory
+influence, at about the time of the American Revolution, when slavery,
+as an adjunct of colonial vassalage, could no longer subserve the
+interests of British commerce. This was their first success in
+circumventing us. Her complicity in the Cooley trade is an evidence of
+this. She is willing to morally damn herself for purposes of
+monarchical intrigue, in order to supplant us. Our agriculture and
+commerce, and rapidly accumulating wealth and power, and republican
+glory, are too much for her. Our example of success in freedom tempts
+the loyalty of the most enlightened subjects of the British crown. The
+fascinations of freedom beguile the ardent and noble aspirations of
+the English democracy, and Britannia, with her antiquated and wrinkled
+visage, shrinks abashed from the majestic presence of Freedom's
+immortal and fadeless bloom!
+
+This is the true cause of the present British Negro philanthropy, and
+the occasion of her _assumed_ moral turpitude in elevating the heathen
+barbarian of Africa to the primary plane of civilization, to the
+protection of its laws, and the meliorations of its moral, political,
+social, and religious institutions. It is because monarchy was
+beginning to be odious in the eyes of the European democracy, when
+contrasted with our antagonistical system of the divine right of the
+people. It is her policy and her purpose to render our institutions
+unstable by means of a suborned and venal press, and a band of
+mercenary, hireling, political and religious monarchical conspirators,
+parasites and traitors. These her gold can furnish. Her arms having
+repeatedly failed to subjugate the American democracy, she now has
+recourse to her diplomacy, her intrigues, and her gold. Twenty
+millions of money expended in this way in the last twenty years, has
+had its effect, and to her emissaries, and hireling presses and
+scribblers, we are indebted for a dastardly generation of traitors,
+who would barter the liberties of their country for the applause of
+faction, and the complacency of kings.
+
+
+ENGLAND'S SELF-IMPOSED ODIUM.
+
+It is a monstrous absurdity, nay it is an act of egregious hypocrisy,
+for England now to _assume_ for herself an _hypothetical
+guilt_,--after bringing the African to her American Colonies for
+purposes of _gain_, and after exercising an intolerable tyranny over
+the white race in those colonies, and even invoking the aid of the
+tomahawk and scalping knife of the American savage in their attempted
+subjugation,--for the purpose now, when her arms and diplomacy have
+repeatedly failed, of seeking to overthrow the freedom of a Republic,
+which has risen, in despite of her, to such colossal proportions, as,
+in its very existence, to menace the combined monarchies of the world.
+But we hold these 4,000,000 of barbarians subject to the laws of
+civilization; and let England remember that we, even now, have the
+magnanimity to relieve her from the self-imposed odium of doing right!
+We now tell her monarchists, degenerate sons of illustrious sires,
+that in their maritime decadence they have also morally retrograded,
+for they now seek to restore these Africans to barbarism!
+
+
+SLAVERY IS AN INCIDENT OF CIVILIZATION.
+
+Let it not be claimed, even as a sophistical subterfuge, that the
+_motive_ which brought the African here was mercenary, and that,
+therefore, his coming here was not justifiable. Commerce is the
+handmaid of civilization, and if his coming was only incidentally
+right, yet that incident belongs to civilization, which is amenable to
+the moral code, and is also to be commended, with all its incidental,
+as well as more matured blessings. The institutions of civilization
+rescued these 4,000,000 of barbarians from the dangers, degradation,
+and miseries of barbarism, and by causing them to subserve
+civilization, compelled them to do right. The English and American
+false philanthropists, monarchical emissaries, ecclesiastical
+parasites, and pseudo-republican traitors now demand that these
+Africans shall be restored to barbarism, not because it is practicable
+or possible, or right, but because the proposition involves the
+equality of these States, and consequently the existence of the
+American Union. The success of these conspirators depends upon an
+adequate numerical proportion of knaves and monomaniacs, the
+well-adjusted mechanism of monarchy for the overthrow of this
+Republic. Their success would forever settle the long mooted question
+of the capacity of Anglo-Saxon race for self government. Hence the
+lavish employment of British gold to suborn the American press, and
+seduce the American mind from the safe precepts of Washington, whose
+name is, and ever has been, a terror to the British oligarchy.
+
+
+SOLUTION OF THE SUBJECT.
+
+The only tribunal at which to try human actions, is the tribunal of
+justice. That which is right can stand the test of this tribunal; that
+which is wrong will shrink in terror from it. At this tribunal
+American Negro slavery has nothing to fear, because it is founded in
+moral right. Its advocacy is the advocacy of right, and right alone;
+unless, forsooth, we are to confound right with wrong, and declare
+barbarism equal with civilization. Of course, our argument is based
+upon the hypothesis that civilization is one thing, and barbarism
+another. To the mind which is so mentally and morally obtuse as not to
+discover the difference between these two conditions, this appeal must
+be in vain. But to the right-minded man, who is open to conviction of
+truth, who has the mental freedom to act and think independent of his
+prepossessions and prejudices, who is guided by his intellect, and
+reason, and not by passion nor prejudice, this solution of the slavery
+question, though new, must and will be satisfactory, because it is the
+logical result of a trial of the question at the tribunal of justice
+and of rights, because slavery rescues the African from wrong, and
+subjects him to the rule of right; because it rescues him from the
+wrongs and miseries of barbarism, and raises him to the _primary_
+elevation of a progressive and ennobling civilization.
+
+
+EQUALITY OF THE STATES AND CITIZENS.
+
+The equality of the sovereign States which compose the American
+Republic, and the equality of the citizens, both in the States and the
+Territories, constitute the true and only bond of union for the
+American people. This equality is the foundation stone upon which our
+whole social and political superstructure rests. To call this in
+question is to menace the very existence of the Union which is founded
+upon it. The sovereignty of the Union, extending over the Territories,
+where no other sovereignty exists, is the panoply of protection to all
+the inhabitants of the Territories. There they are all equal in person
+and property. There they are not sovereign, but subjects under the
+sovereignty of the united confederacy of States, which have no
+individual superiority and right in the Territories, neither for
+themselves, nor their citizens. For the inhabitants of such
+Territories to _assume_ a sovereignty therein, not in accordance with
+the Constitution of the United States, not in conformity to law, and
+in violation of the equality of the people of the States there
+congregated, is USURPATION. Nor can the democracy of numbers, nor the
+will of the majority of inhabitants congregated in such Territories be
+invoked to decide the rights of the people of the several States
+congregated in such Territories, either as to persons or property;
+because the sovereignty of the Union holds, until superseded by the
+sovereignty of a State constitutionally organized, deriving its
+sovereignty from the supreme authority of the confederated States, by
+whose assent alone the primordial sovereignty of the Union is so far
+abandoned as to admit the exercise of State sovereignty in such
+Territories. There would be no propriety nor justice in allowing an
+_hypothetical sovereignty_ to a few thousands of individuals
+congregated in a large Territory, not one fiftieth part of which they
+occupied; allowing them to establish a rule of exclusion of the
+persons or property of the people of a portion of the States coming to
+settle in the Territories. Such persons have neither the right to
+decide for the present, nor the future; because at present they are
+not sovereign, and certainly they should not be allowed to exercise a
+_usurped_ authority over the millions who shall occupy those
+Territories in the future. It is a morbid desire to forestall the
+future, in its judgment of barbarism, and of its fitness to subserve
+civilization, that creates the present animosity between the citizens
+of the different sections of the Union, going into the Territories.
+This is all wrong. The sovereignty of the Union is the present, and
+the sovereignty of States the future arbiter of the rights of the
+people in the Territories; all other power is assumed, arbitrary,
+gratuitous, and in violation of legitimate, delegated constitutional
+power.
+
+The wisdom of the sages who founded the American Union left nothing
+for experiment to their successors, so far as the absolute equality of
+American citizens is concerned; and there is no safety but in the
+recognition of that perfect equality which the spirit of our race
+demands, and which the power of the civilized world will be invoked to
+maintain.
+
+
+THE NECESSITY OF OUR ONWARD PROGRESS AS A NATION.
+
+The intimate commercial relations existing between this Republic and
+the principal maritime and warlike nations of the globe, mainly by
+means of the products of slave labor, constitute a necessity for our
+onward, uninterrupted progress, as the great agricultural and
+commercial almoner of civilization, and cannot be disturbed, except at
+the peril of that civilization which they have been so instrumental
+and conspicuous to promote. The proposed annihilation of the hand of
+labor whose products amount to $250,000,000 per annum, and those
+products constituting the articles of prime necessity to civilization,
+is a matter which involves other interests than our own; and however
+willing monarchists and their minions may be to disrupt our political
+system, and destroy this temple of freedom, they will find the genius
+of commerce and the genius of liberty will continue to go hand in hand
+to uphold the principles of right and justice, which demand that
+barbarism shall subserve civilization.
+
+
+AMERICAN COTTON.
+
+American cotton, the product of slave labor, clothes, to a large
+extent, one-fourth part of the human race; without it the glory of
+civilization would vanish. It embellishes the denizen of the city, and
+hides the nakedness of barbarism. It is the tablet on which is
+inscribed the history of the present, and rescues from oblivion the
+mouldering records of the past. It is the talisman of thought, and the
+vehicle of those electric currents that blaze athwart the sky of mind,
+with which intellect binds together, with silver thread, the mind's
+great empire, where kings do homage at the shrine of genius, and bow
+in awe, and humble reverence before the majesty of mind. It is the
+medium through which the internal and external domains of thought are
+blended, and truth made universal, and obvious to the apprehension of
+a world!
+
+
+WASHINGTON NOT OPPOSED TO SLAVERY AS WRONG.
+
+It has been urged, that because Washington regretted the impossibility
+of devising some feasible means of emancipation, that, therefore, he
+was opposed to slavery, as wrong. The precise opposite was the case.
+He was too wise to oppose that which he could not overcome. His whole
+career was success in overcoming opposition. He might, with us, regret
+the barbarism of the African and the impracticability of his release
+from servitude, on account of his unfitness for freedom; but he never
+could logically or reasonably oppose, as wrong, that which made the
+African better and happier, and which protects him from the dangers
+and miseries of barbarism, though it placed him in the position to
+learn only the rudiments of civilization. To assert that Washington
+deemed slavery a wrong to the slave, is to accuse him of knowingly
+doing wrong, for he held slaves to the day of his death; and if he
+emancipated them then, it was more with the hope than the reasonable
+expectation, that even HIS slaves, with all the force of his example
+during his whole life, had become fitted for freedom, or that they
+would be benefited by the experiment of their own attempted
+self-control. Washington could not, therefore, consistently oppose
+slavery as a wrong to the slave, nor conscientiously believe it to be
+wrong; because he would not oppose that which he could not overcome,
+and because his whole life was occupied in doing right. It is against
+the prophetic character of Washington's mission, ever crowned with
+success; against his wisdom, which was most profound; and against his
+judgment, which was unerring,--to presume his hostility to slavery as
+wrong, or his opposition to it in a moral point of view, when he knew,
+as we know, the emancipation of the slaves to be wrong in itself, and
+impossible, even if right or desirable. It is plain, then, that if
+Washington had any real aversion to Negro slavery, it was not because
+it was wrong so far as any natural right of the slave was involved,
+but because of his ability to do without slaves; and notwithstanding
+his fortune was ample, he _held_ his slaves during the whole course of
+his life; whereas, if he had deemed slavery a wrong to the slaves, he
+would undoubtedly have granted them their liberty. What right would he
+have had, as a just man, to bestow his generosity upon the public, by
+refusing the emoluments of office, justly due him, and unjustly
+appropriating the proceeds or avails of the labor of his slaves, if he
+knew, or believed they were justly entitled to their freedom. If our
+moral view of slavery is clear, he was _just_, as well as _generous_,
+and wise as well as successful.
+
+
+WASHINGTON REPROACHES THE EMANCIPATIONISTS.
+
+It is well known how powerful the secret influence of the British and
+Tory abolitionists was in this country immediately after the American
+Revolution, as well as before and since that time; and that at about
+that time, or soon after, the question was seriously entertained of
+abolishing slavery in Virginia by legislation, as was done in other
+States of the Union; and it was on account of the annoying
+importunities of these _disinterested philanthropists_ (_?_), and the
+apparent inclination of the people of the State of Virginia to
+experiment in their theories, that Washington expressed his
+willingness to see slavery abolished by legislative enactment. But in
+what characteristic terms of manly reproach did he address the
+Emancipation Society on the subject when he found their principles and
+practices to be that "_the end justifies the means_." He says:
+
+"_But when slaves, who are happy and contented with their present
+masters, are tampered with and seduced to leave them; when masters are
+taken unawares by these practices; when a conduct of this kind begets
+discontent on one side, and resentment on the other; and when it
+happens to fall on a man whose purse will not measure with that of the
+Society, and he loses his property for want of means to defend it,--it
+is oppression in such a case, *AND NOT HUMANITY IN ANY*, because it
+introduces more evils than it can cure._"[6]
+
+
+OUR FATHERS ON THE RIGHT OF SLAVERY.
+
+It is not to be concealed, however, that some of the sages who framed
+this Republic, in their zeal for freedom, overlooked the fact of
+African barbarism, or failed to be explicit in their unpremeditated
+enunciations of human freedom. Perhaps, however, they had more
+astuteness than has been supposed by some. Perchance they considered
+barbarity not humanity, but its opposite, and would have deemed it a
+work of supererogation to explain that which natural history, the
+history of the African ram for four thousand years, and common sense,
+and common observation, had established as a self-evident
+proposition; to wit, that equality was a _political_, and not a
+social, nor moral, nor even physical condition; and that, especially,
+neither equality nor freedom were to be construed to be the
+prerogatives nor the right of barbarism. And the Constitution of the
+United States, the work of their own hands, sanctions this
+supposition, by recognizing the existence, and providing for the right
+of Negro slavery, and rescues the Fathers of the Republic from the
+absurd and opprobrious imputation of advocating Negro equality.
+Whatever opinions they may have expressed under the varying aspects of
+our Revolutionary epoch, the Constitution of these United States was
+the finality of their arduous toils, heroic achievements, and sublime
+wisdom; and that Constitution, the very sublimation and quintessence
+of a hundred civilizations, exhibiting the onward progress of the
+human race, recognizes the Right of Slavery, founded upon the
+immutable principles of justice.
+
+
+MONARCHICAL SCHEMES TO DESTROY THIS REPUBLIC.
+
+Is it strange, however, that since this Republic is the mighty
+antagonism of monarchy, and since it is invincible in arms, is it
+strange, that civil dissension, and the appropriate means to produce
+it, should be employed by despotism to subvert this government? What
+else should they do; What is the interest of monarchy in relation to
+the existence and onward progress of this Empire of Freedom? What, but
+its subversion, its disseverment, by its own internal antagonism? And
+what other means could monarchy and its parasites employ to accomplish
+this, but precisely the means and agency which have been employed, at
+vast expense, especially for the last twenty-five years, first to
+divide, and finally to destroy that which no external force, nor
+combination of external forces could subdue? Is it not already the
+boast of the minions of despotism that they have rendered our
+government insecure? With what jubilation did they catch the tidings
+of our recent rebellion, as the harbinger of their own redemption
+from the fate of political decadence and downfall, which our
+all-absorbing greatness was beginning to make so manifest to the
+willing apprehension of mankind? Their ears were charmed, even at the
+supposed triumphant voice of barbarism over a civilization as stable
+as the sun, which is immortal in its every individual microcosm, and
+to which they are conscious their own unequal systems of government
+never can attain.
+
+
+OUR VINDICATION.
+
+Need we inquire further what is the interest of monarchy? Can we any
+longer be blind to our own interest? Are we not arraigned at the
+tribunal of civilization, by the helots of despotism? Are we not
+accused of wrong? Are not we, and our sainted and godlike ancestors,
+held as amenable to moral law for a violation of Right? And shall we
+submit in silence to all this clamor: this false and slanderous
+accusation, when all history, all knowledge, all experience, all
+reason, and all nature, are voluble in our defense, and pronounce our
+just and triumphant vindication!
+
+Let us, then, henceforth cultivate and encourage friendship and
+cordial co-operation between the different sections of the Union, and
+a patriotic emulation for its continuance; not upon any such visionary
+and deceptive hypothesis as the superiority and predominance of
+sectional partiality, but upon the equable and fundamental principles
+of justice, and of the absolute equality of these sovereign States,
+and the equality of the citizens of a well-compacted and glorious
+confederacy.
+
+
+THE PHILOSOPHICAL POSTULATES OF AMERICAN SLAVERY.
+
+1. Right holds a just and heaven-derived supremacy over wrong.
+
+2. Barbarism is wrong. It conduces to the misery and degradation of
+mankind. Africa is barbarous. The African race is a race of
+barbarians.
+
+3. Civilization is right. It conduces to the elevation and happiness
+of mankind.
+
+4. Civilization carries with it the right of supremacy over barbarism.
+
+5. It is right to summon the barbarian to the lessons of civilization,
+and to teach him its _primary_ lessons; to elevate him to the dignity
+of labor.
+
+6. It is right to HOLD the barbarian subject to the rules of
+civilization; to protect him by its laws, and rescue him from the
+wrongs and miseries of barbarism. In this way, only, he can be made
+happier and better. He falls, if unsupported by external power.
+
+7. American Slavery promotes civilization by the production of
+materials wherewith to clothe the nakedness of mankind, and the useful
+medium or knowledge and intelligence, through books, and literature,
+printed upon materials which are the product of slave labor.
+
+8. It is just that barbarism should subserve civilization; that Wrong
+should subserve Right.
+
+9. The African is not equal to the white man, but is a barbarian, and
+as such has no political rights.
+
+10. American Slavery is Right.
+
+
+CONCLUSION.
+
+If, then, it is not right, nor practicable, nor possible, to restore
+these 4,000,000 of Africans to barbarism, why any longer agitate the
+subject? Why keep the negro in perpetual dread of change, and the
+owner dubious of the future? Why, by this negro agitation, create
+apprehension in the minds of our own people for the stability and
+permanence of this government, and hope in the minds of all the
+monarchists of the world that this agitation will divide and destroy
+this last great bulwark of human freedom?
+
+Why shall we put to hazard that freedom which is already secure? Why
+involve in experiments those tangible acquisitions which we have made
+to this priceless inheritance of freedom? Washington is gone, but he
+has left us his bright example, and his solemn admonitions. Let those
+who are greater, and wiser, and purer than Washington, impeach him.
+Let those whose precepts or examples excel his, question the
+superiority of his virtue and valor. Let those who have done more for
+human freedom, denounce him as the enemy of mankind, and erect for
+themselves a standard of moral action, which shall rise to the
+stupendous height of their own boundless egotism!
+
+But if it is found to be inexpedient and wrong to agitate the subject
+of slavery, when it is known to be impracticable, impossible, and
+unjust to emancipate the slaves, then let us go on in our career of
+greatness, with success and tranquility. Let us watch with jealous
+care the honor of our country, and scorn the aspersions of its
+vilifiers. Let us honor and vindicate our country in its attitude of
+justice, and in its mission of civilization, and mark with the
+imputation of opprobrium every recreant defamer of our government and
+its institutions. Let the emissaries of despotism find some other
+means of subduing us than to "divide and conquer." Let the name of
+Washington be revered; let his admonitions be heeded: let his commands
+be obeyed, and his example followed. Let barbarism still be blessed
+with the light of civilization; let the glory and dominion of freedom
+be established, and the citizens of this Republic rest in security and
+peace within their patriarchal bowers!
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Leo Africanus says, Book vii., "The King of Borno sent for the
+merchants of Barbary, and willed them to bring the great store of
+horses; for in this country they used to exchange horses for slaves,
+and to give fifteen and sometimes twenty slaves for one horse; and by
+this means there were abundance of horses brought; howbeit, the
+merchants were constrained to stay for their slaves till the king
+returned home with a great number of captives and satisfied his
+creditors for their horses." "The king maketh invasions but every year
+once, and that at one set and appointed time of the year."--_Geogr.
+Hist. of Africa, trans. by Pory, pp. 293, 294, Lon., 1600._
+
+[2] "From Abyssinia, the caravans carry yearly to Cairo nearly two
+thousand Negroes, those poor creatures having unfortunately been
+captured in war. Most of the chiefs and sovereigns in the interior of
+Africa sell or put to death all their prisoners."--_Narrative of a Ten
+Years' Residence at Tripoli, p. 185, London, 1816._
+
+[3] Hegel, the distinguished German philosopher, in his Philosophy of
+History, says, pp. 102, 103:
+
+An English traveler states that when a war is determined on in
+Ashantee, solemn ceremonies precede it. Among other things, the bones
+of the king's mother are laved with human blood. As a prelude to the
+war, the king ordains an onslaught upon his own metropolis, as if to
+excite the due degree of frenzy.
+
+In Dahomey, when the king dies, the bonds of society are loosed; in
+his palace begins indiscriminate havoc and disorganization. All the
+wives of the king (in Dahomey their number is exactly 3,333) are
+massacred, and through the whole town plunder and carnage run riot.
+The wives of the king regard their deaths as a necessity; they go
+richly attired to meet it. The authorities have to hasten to proclaim
+the new governor, simply to put a stop to massacre.
+
+The only essential connection that has existed and continued between
+the Negroes and Europeans is that of slavery. In this the Negroes see
+nothing unbecoming them; and the English, who have done most for
+abolishing the slave trade and slavery, are treated by the Negroes
+themselves as enemies. For it is a point of first importance with the
+kings to sell their captured enemies, or even their own subjects; and
+viewed in the light of such facts, we may conclude _slavery_ to have
+been the occasion of the increase of human feeling among Negroes.
+
+Tyranny is regarded as no wrong, and _cannibalism is looked upon as
+quite customary and proper_. Among us, instinct deters from it, if we
+can speak of instinct at all as appertaining to man. But with the
+Negro this is not the case, and the _devouring of human flesh is
+altogether consistent with the general principles of the African
+race_; to the sensual Negro, human flesh is but an object of
+sense,--mere flesh. At the death of a king, hundreds are killed and
+eaten; prisoners are butchered, and _their flesh is sold in the
+markets_. The victor is accustomed to eat the heart of his slain foe.
+When magical rites are performed, it frequently happens that the
+sorcerer kills the first that comes in his way, _and divides his body
+among the bystanders_.
+
+[4] Says Herder,--But the peculiar formation of the members of the
+human body says more than all these; and this appears to me applicable
+in the African organization. According to various physiological
+observations, the lips, breasts, and private parts, are proportionate
+to each other; and as nature, agreeably to the simple principle of her
+plastic art, must have conferred on these people, to whom she was
+obliged to deny nobler gifts, an ampler measure of sensual enjoyment,
+this could not but have appeared to the physiologist. _According to
+the rules of physiognomy, thick lips are held to indicate a sensual
+disposition_; as thin lips, displaying a slender, rosy line, are
+deemed symptoms of chaste and delicate taste; not to mention other
+circumstances. _What wonder, then, that in a nation for whom the
+sensual appetite is the height of happiness, external marks of it
+should appear?_ A Negro child is born white; the skin round the nails,
+the nipples, and private parts, first become colored; and the same
+consent of parts in the disposition to color is observable in other
+nations. _A hundred children are a trifle to a Negro; and an old man
+who had not above seventy, lamented his fate with tears._
+
+With this oleaginous organization to sensual pleasure, the profile and
+whole frame of the body must alter. _The projection of the mouth would
+render the nose short and small, the forehead would incline backwards,
+and the face would have at a distance the resemblance of that of an
+ape._ Conformably to this would be the position of the neck, the
+transition to the occiput, and the elastic structure of the whole
+body, which is formed, even to the nose and skin, for sensual, animal
+enjoyment.--_Herder's Philosophy of the History of Man, pp. 150, 151.
+Translated by Churchill, London, 1800._
+
+[5] Witness the following extract from the Report of the Committee of
+the Maryland Legislature in 1860, recommending the discontinuance of
+the annual appropriation of $5,000 to the Colonization Society for the
+purpose of sending free Negroes back to Africa. It will be seen by
+this extract, that the expense of transporting Negroes to Africa is
+much greater than I have stated, owing, perhaps, to an extravagant use
+or waste of the money by the Colonization Society; for if it costs
+$500,000 to transport 300 Negroes, it would certainly cost
+$6,668,000,000 to send away the 4,000,000 of Negroes in the United
+States. Add to this the value of the Negroes, to be paid in
+remuneration to the owners for their property, $2,000,000,000, and the
+total cost of purchase and transportation, based upon the experience
+and the statistics of the State of Maryland, would be $8,668,000,000!
+or more than forty times the amount of all the gold and silver in the
+United States! It will be seen that my own is a low estimate compared
+with this, and either of those estimates shows the utter futility of
+the advocacy of emancipation. That Report says:--
+
+"The passage of the act of 1831, ch. 281, was framed with the design
+of removing our free Negroes beyond the limits of this State. But
+experience has shown that they will not willingly leave us. That act
+has been in operation for twenty-seven years, at an expense to the
+State of about $280,000, raised by taxation upon our citizen
+population. It is safe to say that $75,000 more has been cleared by
+the profits in trade to the coast of Africa in that time; and that
+$145,000 has probably been bestowed by voluntary contribution for the
+same object--making in all the sum of $500,000. And yet, with all this
+vast outlay of money, not over _three hundred free Negroes_ have been
+removed. Slaves to a larger number have been set free and sent to
+Africa. During the last year not one single free Negro was sent to
+Africa from this State. When this law went into effect, we had 52,000
+free Negroes in the State; and after a trial of twenty-seven years, we
+now have 90,000 or 100,000. The inefficiency of this enterprise being
+so obvious to every one of the least reflection, your committee
+propose the repeal of all laws taxing the people for colonization
+purposes."
+
+[6] Scroeder's Max. of Washington, p. 256.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+[Transcriber's Notes:
+
+Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully as
+possible, including obsolete and variant spellings and other
+inconsistencies.
+
+The transcriber noted the following issues and made changes as
+indicated to the text to correct obvious errors:
+
+  1. p. 14, "sieze" changed to "seize"
+  2. p. 30, "Iagas" changed to "Jagas"
+  3. p. 30, "Iaga" changed to "Jaga"
+  4. p. 31, "Macoco" partially illegible, changed to "Macaco"
+  5. p. 41, "retrogaded" changed to "retrograded"
+  6. p. 42, "psuedo-" changed to "pseudo-"
+  7. p. 51, "opprobium" changed to "opprobrium"
+  8. various, The source document for this ebook contains several
+              handwritten changes. They have not been incorporated
+              into this ebook, except as noted above.
+  9. various, text in bold is marked as *BOLD*.
+
+End of Transcriber's Notes]
+
+
+
+
+
+End of Project Gutenberg's The Right of American Slavery, by True Worthy Hoit
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