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| author | Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org> | 2025-10-15 02:06:31 -0700 |
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| committer | Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org> | 2025-10-15 02:06:31 -0700 |
| commit | 869a20e9c74b8ad4e322248e49896b6504a2ca1d (patch) | |
| tree | a9467e95b46a3a9c1258ed4cbc6b0078f18b20c0 | |
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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/23691-8.txt b/23691-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..278095a --- /dev/null +++ b/23691-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,12874 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Archeological Expedition to Arizona in 1895, by +Jesse Walter Fewkes + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Archeological Expedition to Arizona in 1895 + Seventeenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American + Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, + 1895-1896, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1898, + pages 519-744 + +Author: Jesse Walter Fewkes + +Release Date: December 3, 2007 [EBook #23691] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EXPEDITION TO ARIZONA *** + + + + +Produced by PM for Bureau of American Ethnology, Carlo +Traverso, Diane Monico, and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was +produced from images generously made available by the +Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF/Gallica) at +http://gallica.bnf.fr) + + + + + + + + + +ARCHEOLOGICAL EXPEDITION TO ARIZONA IN 1895 + +BY + +JESSE WALTER FEWKES + + + + +CONTENTS + + + Page +Introductory note 527 +Plan of the expedition 529 +Ruins in Verde valley 536 + Classification of the ruins 536 + Cavate dwellings 537 + Montezuma Well 546 + Cliff houses of the Red-rocks 548 + Ruins near Schürmann's ranch 550 + Palatki 553 + Honanki 558 + Objects found at Palatki and Honanki 569 + Conclusions regarding the Verde valley ruins 573 +Ruins in Tusayan 577 + General features 577 + The Middle Mesa ruins 582 + Shuñopovi 582 + Mishoñinovi 582 + Chukubi 583 + Payüpki 583 + The East Mesa ruins 585 + Küchaptüvela and Kisakobi 585 + Küküchomo 586 + Kachinba 589 + Tukinobi 589 + Jeditoh valley ruins 589 + Awatobi 592 + Characteristics of the ruin 592 + Nomenclature of Awatobi 594 + Historical knowledge of Awatobi 595 + Legend of the destruction of Awatobi 603 + Evidences of fire in the destruction 606 + The ruins of the mission 606 + The kivas of Awatobi 611 + Old Awatobi 614 + Rooms of the western mound 614 + Smaller Awatobi 617 + Mortuary remains 617 + Shrines 619 + Pottery 621 + Stone implements 625 + Bone objects 627 + Miscellaneous objects 628 + Ornaments in the form of birds and shells 628 + Clay bell 628 + Textile fabrics 629 + Prayer-sticks--Pigments 630 + Objects showing Spanish influence 631 + The ruins of Sikyatki 631 + Traditional knowledge of the pueblo 631 + Nomenclature 636 + Former inhabitants of Sikyatki 636 + General features 637 + The acropolis 643 + Modern gardens 646 + The cemeteries 646 + Pottery 650 + Characteristics--Mortuary pottery 650 + Coiled and indented ware 651 + Smooth undecorated ware 652 + Polished decorated ware 652 + Paleography of the pottery 657 + General features 657 + Human figures 660 + The human hand 666 + Quadrupeds 668 + Reptiles 671 + Tadpoles 677 + Butterflies or moths 678 + Dragon-flies 680 + Birds 682 + Vegetal designs 698 + The sun 699 + Geometric figures 701 + Interpretation of the figures 701 + Crosses 702 + Terraced figures 703 + The crook 703 + The germinative symbol 704 + Broken lines 704 + Decorations on the exterior of food bowls 705 + Pigments 728 + Stone objects 729 + Obsidian 732 + Necklaces, gorgets, and other ornaments 733 + Tobacco pipes 733 + Prayer-sticks 736 + Marine shells and other objects 739 + Perishable contents of mortuary food bowls 741 +FOOTNOTES +APPENDIX 743 +INDEX 745 + + + + +ILLUSTRATIONS + + +PLATE Page +XCI_a_. Cavate dwellings--Rio Verde 537 +XCI_b_. Cavate dwellings--Oak creek 539 +XCII. Entrances to cavate ruins 541 +XCIII. Bowlder with pictographs near Wood's ranch 545 +XCIV. Montezuma Well 547 +XCV. Cliff house, Montezuma Well 549 +XCVI. Ruin on the brink of Montezuma Well 551 +XCVII. Pictographs near Cliff ranch, Verde valley 553 +XCVIII. The Red-rocks; Temple canyon 555 +XCIX. Palatki (Ruin I) 557 +C. Palatki (Ruin I) 559 +CI. Front wall of Palatki (Ruin II) 561 +CII Honanki (Ruin II) 563 +CIII. Walls of Honanki 565 +CIV. Approach to main part of Honanki 567 +CV. Map of the ruins of Tusayan 583 +CVI. The ruins of Küküchomo 587 +CVII. Ground plan of Awatobi 603 +CVIII. Ruins of San Bernardino de Awatobi 607 +CIX. Excavations in the western mound of Awatobi 615 +CX. Excavated room in the western mound of Awatobi 617 +CXI. Vase and mugs from the western mounds of Awatobi 618 +CXII. Paint pots, vase, and dipper from Awatobi 620 +CXIII. Pottery from intramural burial at Awatobi 622 +CXIV. Bone implements from Awatobi and Sikyatki 626 +CXV. Sikyatki mounds from the Kanelba trail 637 +CXVI. Ground plan of Sikyatki 639 +CXVII. Excavated rooms on the acropolis of Sikyatki 643 +CXVIII. Plan of excavated rooms on the acropolis of Sikyatki 644 +CXIX. Coiled and indented pottery from Sikyatki 650 +CXX. Saucers and slipper bowls from Sikyatki 652 +CXXI. Decorated pottery from Sikyatki 654 +CXXII. Decorated pottery from Sikyatki 654 +CXXIII. Decorated pottery from Sikyatki 657 +CXXIV. Decorated pottery from Sikyatki 660 +CXXV. Flat dippers and medicine box from Sikyatki 662 +CXXVI. Double-lobe vases from Sikyatki 664 +CXXVII. Unusual forms of vases from Sikyatki 666 +CXXVIII. Medicine box and pigment pots from Sikyatki 668 +CXXIX. Designs on food bowls from Sikyatki 670 +CXXX. Food bowls with figures of quadrupeds from Sikyatki 672 +CXXXI. Ornamented ladles from Sikyatki 674 +CXXXII. Food bowls with figures of reptiles from Sikyatki 676 +CXXXIII. Bowls and dippers with figures of tadpoles, birds, + etc., from Sikyatki 676 +CXXXIV. Food bowls with figures of sun, butterfly, and flower, + from Sikyatki 676 +CXXXV. Vases with figures of butterflies from Sikyatki 678 +CXXXVI. Vases with figures of birds and feathers from Sikyatki 678 +CXXXVII. Vessels with figures of human hand, birds, turtle, + etc., from Sikyatki 680 +CXXXVIII. Food bowls with figures of birds from Sikyatki 682 +CXXXIX. Food bowls with figures of birds from Sikyatki 684 +CXL. Figures of birds from Sikyatki 686 +CXLI. Food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from + Sikyatki 688 +CXLII. Vases, bowls, and ladle with figures of feathers from + Sikyatki 688 +CXLIII. Vase with figures of birds from Sikyatki 690 +CXLIV. Vase with figures of birds from Sikyatki 690 +CXLV. Vases with figures of birds from Sikyatki 690 +CXLVI. Bowls and potsherd with figures of birds from Sikyatki 692 +CXLVII. Food bowls with figures of birds from Sikyatki 692 +CXLVIII. Food bowls with symbols of feathers from Sikyatki 694 +CXLIX. Food bowls with symbols of feathers from Sikyatki 694 +CL. Figures of birds and feathers from Sikyatki 696 +CLI. Figures of birds and feathers from Sikyatki 696 +CLII. Food bowls with bird, feather, and flower symbols from + Sikyatki 698 +CLIII. Food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from + Sikyatki 698 +CLIV. Food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from + Sikyatki 700 +CLV. Food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from + Sikyatki 700 +CLVI. Food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from + Sikyatki 700 +CLVII. Figures of birds and feathers from Sikyatki 702 +CLVIII. Food bowls with figures of sun and related symbols + from Sikyatki 702 +CLIX. Cross and related designs from Sikyatki 704 +CLX. Cross and other symbols from Sikyatki 704 +CLXI. Star, sun, and related symbols from Sikyatki 704 +CLXII. Geometric ornamentation from Sikyatki 706 +CLXIII. Food bowls with geometric ornamentation from Sikyatki 708 +CLXIV. Food bowls with geometric ornamentation from Sikyatki 710 +CLXV. Food bowls with geometric ornamentation from Sikyatki 714 +CLXVI. Linear figures on food bowls from Sikyatki 718 +CLXVII. Geometric ornamentation from Awatobi 722 +CLXVIII. Geometric ornamentation from Awatobi 726 +CLXIX. Arrowshaft smoothers, selenite, and symbolic corn from + Sikyatki 728 +CLXX. Corn grinder from Sikyatki 730 +CLXXI. Stone implements from Palatki, Awatobi, and Sikyatki 732 +CLXXII. Paint grinder, fetish, lignite, and kaolin disks from + Sikyatki 734 +CLXXIII. Pipes, bell, clay birds, and shells from Awatobi and + Sikyatki 736 +CLXXIV. Pahos or prayer-sticks from Sikyatki 738 +CLXXV. Pahos or prayer-sticks from Sikyatki 738 + +FIGURE +245. Plan of cavate dwelling on Rio Verde 540 +246. Casa Montezuma on Beaver creek 552 +247. Ground plan of Palatki (Ruins I and II) 554 +248. Ground plan of Honanki 559 +249. The main ruin of Honanki 562 +250. Structure of wall of Honanki 564 +251. Stone implement from Honanki 571 +252. Tinder tube from Honanki 572 +253. Küküchomo 587 +254. Defensive wall on the East Mesa 588 +255. Ground plan of San Bernardino de Awatobi 608 +256. Structure of house wall of Awatobi 615 +257. Alosaka shrine at Awatobi 620 +258. Shrine at Awatobi 621 +259. Shrine at Awatobi 621 +260. Shrine at Awatobi 621 +261. Clay bell from Awatobi 629 +262. The acropolis of Sikyatki 644 +263. War god shooting an animal (fragment of food bowl) 665 +264. Mountain sheep 669 +265. Mountain lion 670 +266. Plumed serpent 672 +267. Unknown reptile 674 +268. Unknown reptile 675 +269. Unknown reptile 676 +270. Outline of plate CXXXV, _b_ 678 +271. Butterfly design on upper surface of plate CXXXV, _b_ 679 +272. Man-eagle 683 +273. Pendent feather ornaments on a vase 690 +274. Upper surface of vase with bird decoration 691 +275. Kwataka eating an animal 692 +276. Decoration on the bottom of plate CXLVI, _f_ 694 +277. Oblique parallel line decoration 706 +278. Parallel lines fused at one point 706 +279. Parallel lines with zigzag arrangement 706 +280. Parallel lines connected by middle bar 707 +281. Parallel lines of different width; serrate margin 707 +282. Parallel lines of different width; median serrate 707 +283. Parallel lines of different width; marginal serrate 707 +284. Parallel lines and triangles 708 +285. Line with alternate triangles 708 +286. Single line with alternate spurs 708 +287. Single line with hourglass figures 708 +288. Single line with triangles 709 +289. Single line with alternate triangles and ovals 709 +290. Triangles and quadrilaterals 709 +291. Triangle with spurs 709 +292. Rectangle with single line 709 +293. Double triangle; multiple lines 710 +294. Double triangle; terraced edges 710 +295. Single line; closed fret 710 +296. Single line; open fret 711 +297. Single line; broken fret 711 +298. Single line; parts displaced 711 +299. Open fret; attachment displaced 711 +300. Simple rectangular design 711 +301. Rectangular S-form 712 +302. Rectangular S-form with crooks 712 +303. Rectangular S-form with triangles 712 +304. Rectangular S-form with terraced triangles 712 +305. S-form with interdigitating spurs 713 +306. Square with rectangles and parallel lines 713 +307. Rectangles, triangles, stars, and feathers 713 +308. Crook, feathers, and parallel lines 713 +309. Crooks and feathers 714 +310. Rectangle, triangles, and feathers 714 +311. Terraced crook, triangle, and feathers 714 +312. Double key 715 +313. Triangular terrace 715 +314. Crook, serrate end 715 +315. Key pattern; rectangle and triangles 716 +316. Rectangle and crook 716 +317. Crook and tail-feathers 716 +318. Rectangle, triangle, and serrate spurs 717 +319. W-pattern; terminal crooks 717 +320. W-pattern; terminal rectangles 717 +321. W-pattern; terminal terraces and crooks 718 +322. W-pattern; terminal spurs 718 +323. W-pattern; bird form 719 +324. W-pattern; median triangle 719 +325. Double triangle; two breath feathers 720 +326. Double triangle; median trapezoid 720 +327. Double triangle; median rectangle 720 +328. Double compound triangle; median rectangle 720 +329. Double triangle; median triangle 721 +330. Double compound triangle 721 +331. Double rectangle; median rectangle 721 +332. Double rectangle; median triangle 721 +333. Double triangle with crooks 722 +334. W-shape figure; single line with feathers 722 +335. Compound rectangles, triangles, and feathers 722 +336. Double triangle 722 +337. Double triangle and feathers 723 +338. Twin triangles 723 +339. Triangle with terraced appendages 723 +340. Mosaic pattern 723 +341. Rectangles, stars, crooks, and parallel lines 724 +342. Continuous crooks 724 +343. Rectangular terrace pattern 724 +344. Terrace pattern with parallel lines 725 +345. Terrace pattern 725 +346. Triangular pattern with feathers 725 +347. S-pattern 726 +348. Triangular and terrace figures 726 +349. Crook, terrace, and parallel lines 726 +350. Triangles, squares, and terraces 726 +351. Bifurcated rectangular design 727 +352. Lines of life and triangles 727 +353. Infolded triangles 727 +354. Human hand 728 +355. Animal paw, limb, and triangle 728 +356. Kaolin disk 729 +357. Mortuary prayer-stick 736 + + + + +ARCHEOLOGICAL EXPEDITION TO ARIZONA IN 1895 + +By JESSE WALTER FEWKES + + + + +INTRODUCTORY NOTE + + +About the close of May, 1895, I was invited to make a collection of +objects for the National Museum, illustrating the archeology of the +Southwest, especially that phase of pueblo life pertaining to the +so-called cliff houses. I was specially urged to make as large a +collection as possible, and the choice of locality was generously left +to my discretion. + +Leaving Washington on the 25th of May, I obtained a collection and +returned with it to that city on the 15th of September, having spent +three months in the field. The material brought back by the expedition +was catalogued under 966 entries, numbering somewhat over a thousand +specimens. The majority of these objects are fine examples of mortuary +pottery of excellent character, fully 500 of which are decorated. + +I was particularly fortunate in my scientific collaborators. Mr F. W. +Hodge, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, joined me at Sikyatki, and +remained with the expedition until it disbanded, at the close of +August. Much of my success in the work at that ruin was due to his +advice and aid. He was constantly at the excavations, and the majority +of the beautiful specimens were taken out of the graves by him. It is +with the greatest pleasure that I am permitted to express my +appreciation of his assistance in my archeological investigations at +Sikyatki. Mr G. P. Winship, now librarian of the John Carter Brown +Library at Providence, visited our camp at the ruin mentioned, and +remained with us a few weeks, rendering important aid and adding an +enthusiastic student to our number. Mr James S. Judd was a volunteer +assistant while we were at Sikyatki, aiding me in many ways, +especially in the management of our camp. I need only to refer to the +beautiful drawings which accompany this memoir to show how much I am +indebted to Mrs Hodge for faithful colored figures of the remarkable +pottery uncovered from the Tusayan sands. My party included Mr S. +Goddard, of Prescott, Arizona, who served as cook and driver, and Mr +Erwin Baer, of the same city, as photographer. The manual work at the +ruins was done by a number of young Indians from the East Mesa, who +very properly were employed on the Moki reservation. An all too +prevalent and often unjust criticism that Indians will not work if +paid for their labor, was not voiced by any of our party. They gave +many a weary hour's labor in the hot sun, in their enthusiasm to make +the collection as large as possible. + +On my return to Washington I was invited to prepare a preliminary +account of my work in the field, which the Secretary of the +Smithsonian Institution did me the honor to publish in his report for +1895. This report was of a very general character, and from necessity +limited in pages; consequently it presented only the more salient +features of my explorations. + +The following account was prepared as a more exhaustive discussion of +the results of my summer's work. The memoir is much more extended than +I had expected to make it when I accepted the invitation to collect +archeological objects for the Museum, and betrays, I fear, +imperfections due to the limited time spent in the field. The main +object of the expedition was a collection of specimens, the majority +of which, now on exhibition in the National Museum, tell their own +story regarding its success. + +I am under deep obligations to the officers of the Smithsonian +Institution, the National Museum, and the Bureau of American Ethnology +for many kindnesses, and wish especially to express my thanks to Mr S. +P. Langley, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, for the +opportunity to study the ancient ruins of Tusayan. Nothing had a +greater influence on my final decision to abandon other congenial work +and undertake this, than my profound respect for the late Dr G. Brown +Goode, who suggested the expedition to me and urged me to plan and +undertake it. + + JESSE WALTER FEWKES. + +_Washington, May, 1897._ + + + + +PLAN OF THE EXPEDITION + + +It seemed to me in making a plan for archeological field work in 1895, +that the prehistoric cliff houses, cave dwellings, and ruined pueblos +of Arizona afforded valuable opportunities for research, and past +experience induced me to turn my steps more especially to the northern +and northeastern parts of the territory.[1] The ruins of ancient +habitations in these regions had been partially, and, I believe, +unsatisfactorily explored, especially those in a limited area called +Tusayan, now inhabited by the Moki or Hopi Indians. These agricultural +people claim to be descendants of those who once lived in the now +deserted villages of that province. + +I had some knowledge of the ethnology of the Hopi, derived from +several summers' field work among them, and I believed this +information could be successfully utilized in an attempt to solve +certain archeological questions which presented themselves.[2] I +desired, among other things, to obtain new information on the former +extension, in one direction, of the ancestral abodes of certain clans +of the sedentary people of Tusayan which are now limited to six +pueblos in the northeastern part of the territory. In carrying out +this general plan I made an examination of cliff dwellings and other +ruins in Verde valley, and undertook an exploration of two old pueblos +near the Hopi villages. The reason which determined my choice of the +former as a field for investigation was a wish to obtain archeological +data bearing on certain Tusayan traditions. It is claimed by the +traditionists of Walpi, especially those of the Patki[3] or +Water-house phratry, that their ancestors came from a land far to the +south of Tusayan, to which they give the name Palatkwabi. The +situation of this mythic place is a matter of considerable conjecture, +but it was thought that an archeological examination of the country at +or near the headwaters of the Rio Verde and its tributaries might shed +light on this tradition. + +It is not claimed, however, that all the ancestors of the Tusayan +people migrated from the south, nor do I believe that those who came +from that direction necessarily passed through Verde valley. Some, no +doubt, came from Tonto Basin, but I believe it can be shown that a +continuous line of ruins, similar in details of architecture, extend +along this river from its junction with Salt river to well-established +prehistoric dwelling places of the Hopi people. Similar lines may +likewise be traced along other northern tributaries of the Salt or the +Gila, which may be found to indicate early migration stages. + +The ruins of Verde valley were discovered in 1854 by Antoine Leroux, a +celebrated guide and trapper of his time, and were thus described by +Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner in the following year: + + The river banks were covered with ruins of stone houses and + regular fortifications; which, he [Leroux] says, appeared to + have been the work of civilized men, but had not been + occupied for centuries. They were built upon the most + fertile tracts of the valley, where were signs of acequias + and of cultivation. The walls were of solid masonry, of + rectangular form, some twenty or thirty paces in length, and + yet remaining ten or fifteen feet in height. The buildings + were of two stories, with small apertures or loopholes for + defence when besieged.... In other respects, however, Leroux + says that they reminded him of the great pueblos of the + Moquinos.[4] + +A fragment of folklore, which is widely distributed among both the +aboriginal peoples of Gila valley and the modern Tusayan Indians, +recounts how the latter were at one time in communication with the +people of the south, and traditions of both distinctly connect the +sedentary people of Tusayan with those who formerly inhabited the +great pueblos, now in ruins, dotting the plain in the delta between +Gila and Salt rivers. That archeology might give valuable information +on this question had long been my conviction, and was the main +influence which led me to the studies recorded in the following pages. + +An examination of a map of Arizona will show that one of the pathways +or feasible routes of travel possible to have been used in any +connection between the pueblos of the Gila and those of northern +Arizona would naturally be along Rio Verde valley. Its tributaries +rise at the foot of San Francisco mountains, and the main river +empties into the Salt, traversing from north to south a comparatively +fertile valley, in the main advantageous for the subsistence of +semisedentary bands in their migrations. Here was a natural highway +leading from the Gila pueblos, now in ruins, to the former villages in +the north. + +The study of the archeology of Verde valley had gone far enough to +show that the banks of the river were formerly the sites of many and +populous pueblos, while the neighboring mesas from one end to another +are riddled with cavate dwellings or crowned with stone buildings. +Northward from that famous crater-like depression in the Verde region, +the so-called Montezuma Well on Beaver creek, one of the affluents of +the Rio Verde, little archeological exploration had been attempted. +There was, in other words, a break in the almost continuous series of +ruins from Tusayan as far south as the Gila. Ruined towns had been +reported as existing not far southward from San Francisco +mountains,[5] and from there by easy stages the abodes of a former +race had been detected at intervals all the way to the Tusayan +pueblos. At either end the chain of ruins between the Tusayan towns +and the Gila ruins was unbroken, but middle links were wanting. All +conditions imply former habitations in this untrodden hiatus, the +region between the Verde and the Tusayan series, ending near the +present town of Flagstaff, Arizona; but southward from that town the +country was broken and impassable, a land where the foot of the +archeologist had not trodden. Remains of human habitations had, +however, been reported by ranchmen, but these reports were vague and +unsatisfactory. So far as they went they confirmed my suspicions, and +there were other significant facts looking the same way. The color of +the red cliffs fulfilled the Tusayan tradition of Palatkwabi, or their +former home in the far south. Led by all these considerations, before +I took to the field I had long been convinced that this must have been +one of the homes of certain Hopi clans, and when the occasion +presented itself I determined to follow the northward extension of the +ancient people of the Verde into these rugged rocks. By my discoveries +in this region of ruins indicative of dwellings of great size in +ancient times I have supplied the missing links in the chain of +ancient dwellings extending from the great towns of the Gila to the +ruins west of the modern Tusayan towns. If this line of ruins, +continuous from Gila valley to Tusayan and beyond, be taken in +connection with legends ascribing Casa Grande to the Hopi and those of +certain Tusayan clans which tell of the homes of their ancestors in +the south, a plausible explanation is offered for the many +similarities between two apparently widely different peoples, and the +theory of a kinship between southern and northern sedentary tribes of +Arizona does not seem as unlikely as it might otherwise appear. + +The reader will notice that I accept without question the belief that +the so-called cliff dwellers were not a distinct people, but a +specially adaptive condition of life of a race whose place of +habitation was determined by its environment. We are considering a +people who sometimes built dwellings in caverns and sometimes in the +plains, but often in both places at the same epoch. Moreover, as long +ago pointed out by other students, the existing Pueblo Indians are +descendants of a people who at times lived in cliffs, and some of the +Tusayan clans have inhabited true cliff houses in the historic period. +By intermarriage with nomadic races and from other causes the +character of Pueblo consanguinity is no doubt somewhat different from +that of their ancient kin, but the character of the culture, as shown +by a comparison of cliff-house and modern objects, has not greatly +changed. + +While recognizing the kinship of the Pueblos and the Cliff villagers, +this resemblance is not restricted to any one pueblo or group of +modern pueblos to the exclusion of others. Of all modern +differentiations of this ancient substratum of culture of which cliff +villages are one adaptive expression, the Tusayan Indians are the +nearest of all existing people of the Southwest[6] to the ancient +people of Arizona. + +The more southerly ruins of Tusayan, which I have been able +satisfactorily to identify and to designate by a Hopi name, are those +called Homolobi, situated not far from Winslow, Arizona, near where +the railroad crosses the Little Colorado. These ruins are claimed by +the Hopi as the former residences of their ancestors, and were halting +places in the migration of certain clans from the south. They were +examined by Mr Cosmos Mindeleff, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, +in 1893,[7] but no report on them has yet been published. + +While, however, the Homolobi group of ruins is the most southerly to +which I have been able to affix a Hopi name, others still more to the +southward are claimed by certain of their traditions.[8] The Hopi +likewise regard as homes of their ancestors certain habitations, now +in ruins, near San Francisco mountains. In a report on his exploration +of Zuñi and Little Colorado rivers in 1852, Captain L. Sitgreaves +called attention to several interesting ruins, one of which was not +far from the "cascades" of the latter river. After ascending the +plateau, which he found covered with volcanic detritus, he discovered +that "all the prominent points" were "occupied by the ruins of stone +houses, which were in some instances three stories in height. They are +evidently," he says, "the remains of a large town, as they occurred at +intervals for an extent of eight or nine miles, and the ground was +thickly strewn with fragments of pottery in all directions." + +In 1884 a portion of Colonel James Stevenson's expedition, under F. D. +Bickford, examined the cliff houses in Walnut canyon, and in 1886 +Major J. W. Powell and Colonel Stevenson found scattered ruins north +of San Francisco mountains having one, two, or three rooms, each +"built of basaltic cinders and blocks of lava." These explorers +likewise reported ruins of extensive dwellings in the same region +made of sandstone and limestone. At about 25 miles north of the +mountains mentioned they discovered a small volcanic cone of cinders +and basalt, which was formerly the site of a village or pueblo built +around a crater, and estimated that this little pueblo contained 60 or +70 rooms, with a plaza occupying one-third of an acre of surface.[9] + +Twelve miles eastward from San Francisco mountains they found another +cinder cone resembling a dome, and on its southern slope, in a +coherent cinder mass, were many chambers, of which one hundred and +fifty are said to have been excavated. They mention the existence on +the summit of this cone of a plaza inclosed by a rude wall of volcanic +cinders, with a carefully leveled floor. The former inhabitants of +these rooms apparently lived in underground chambers hewn from the +volcanic formation. Eighteen miles farther eastward was another ruined +village built about the crater of a volcanic cone. Several villages +were discovered in this locality and many natural caves which had been +utilized as dwellings by inclosing them in front with walls of +volcanic rocks and cinders. These cavate rooms were arranged tier +above tier in a very irregular way. + +At this place three distinct kinds of ruins were found--cliff +villages, cave dwellings, and pueblos. Eight miles southeastward from +Flagstaff, in Oak creek canyon, a cliff house of several hundred rooms +was discovered. It was concluded that all these ruins were abandoned +at a comparatively recent date, or not more than three or four +centuries ago, and the Havasupai Indians of Cataract canyon were +regarded as descendants of the former inhabitants of these villages. +The situation of some of these ruins and the published descriptions +would indicate that some of them were similar to those described and +figured by Sitgreaves,[10] to which reference has already been made. + +In 1896 two amateur explorers, George Campbell and Everett Howell, of +Flagstaff, reported that they had found, about eighteen miles from +that place, several well-preserved cliff towns and a remarkable tunnel +excavation. The whole region in the immediate neighborhood of San +Francisco mountains appears, therefore, to have been populated in +ancient times by an agricultural people, and legends ascribe some of +these ruins to ancestors of the Hopi Indians. + +There are several ruins due south of Tusayan which have not been +investigated, but which would furnish important contributions to a +study of Hopi migrations. Near Saint Johns, Arizona, likewise, there +are ruins of considerable size, possibly referable to the Cibolan +series; and south of Holbrook, which lies about due south of Walpi, +there are ruins, the pottery from which I have examined and found to +be of the black-and-white ware typical of the Cliff people. Perhaps, +however, no ruined pueblo presents more interesting problems than the +magnificent Pueblo Grande or Kintiel, about 20 miles north of Navaho +Springs. This large ruin, lying between the Cibolan and Tusayan +groups, has been referred to both of these provinces, and would, if +properly excavated, shed much light on the archeology of the two +provinces.[11] Kinnazinde lies not far from Kintiel. + +The ruins reported from Tonto Basin, of which little is known, may +later be found to be connected with early migrations of those Hopi +clans which claim southern origin. From what I can judge by the +present appearance of ruins just north of the Mogollon mountains, in a +direct line between Tonto Basin and the present Tusayan towns, there +is nothing to show the age of these ruined villages, and it is quite +likely that they may have been inhabited in the middle of the +sixteenth century. While it is commonly agreed that the province of +"Totonteac," which figures extensively in certain early Spanish +narratives, was the same as Tusayan, the linguistic similarity of the +word to "tonto" has been suggested by others. In the troublesome years +between 1860 and 1870 the Hopi, decimated by disease and harried by +nomads, sent delegates to Prescott asking to be removed to Tonto +Basin, and it is not improbable that in making this reasonable request +they simply wished to return to a place which they associated with +their ancestors, who had been driven out by the Apache. Totonteac[12] +is ordinarily thought to be the same as Tusayan, but it may have +included some of the southern pueblos now in ruins west of Zuñi. + +Having determined that the line of Verde ruins was continued into the +Red-rock country, it was desirable to see how the latter compared with +those nearer Tusayan. This necessitated reexamination of many ruins in +Verde valley, which was my aim during the most of June. I followed +this valley from the cavate dwellings near Squaw mountain past the +great ruin in the neighborhood of Old Camp Verde, the unique Montezuma +Well, to the base of the Red-rocks. Throughout this region I saw, as +had been expected, no change in the character of the ruins great +enough to indicate that they originally were inhabited by peoples +racially different. Stopped from further advance by a barrier of +rugged cliffs, I turned westward along their base until I found +similar ruins, which were named Palatki and Honanki. Having satisfied +myself that there was good evidence that the numbers of ancient +people were as great here as at any point in the Verde valley and that +their culture was similar, I continued the work with an examination of +the ruins north of the Red-rocks, where there is substantial evidence +that these were likewise of the same general character. + +The last two months of the summer, July and August, 1895, were devoted +to explorations of two Tusayan ruins, called Awatobi and Sikyatki. In +this work, apparently unconnected with that already outlined, I still +had in mind the light to be shed on the problem of Tusayan origin. The +question which presented itself was: How are these ruins related to +the modern pueblos? Awatobi was a historic ruin, destroyed in 1700, +and therefore somewhat influenced by the Spaniards. Many of the +survivors became amalgamated with pueblos still inhabited. Its kinship +with the surviving villagers was clear. Sikyatki, however, was +overthrown in prehistoric times, and at its destruction part of its +people went to Awatobi. Its culture was prehistoric. The discovery of +what these two ruins teach, by bringing prehistoric Tusayan culture +down to the present time and comparing them with the ruins of Verde +valley and southern Arizona, is of great archeological interest. + +While engaged in preparing this report, having in fact written most of +it, I received Mr Cosmos Mindeleff's valuable article on the Verde +ruins,[13] in which special attention is given to the cavate lodges +and villages of this interesting valley. This contribution anticipates +many of my observations on these two groups of aboriginal habitations, +and renders it unnecessary to describe them in the detailed manner I +had planned. I shall therefore touch but briefly on these ruins, +paying special attention to the cliff houses of Verde valley, situated +in the Red-rock country. This variety of dwelling was overlooked in +both Mearns' and Mindeleff's classifications, from the fact that it +seems to be confined to the region of the valley characterized by the +red-rock formation, which appears not to have been explored by them. +The close resemblance of these cliff houses to those of the region +north of Tusayan is instructive, in view of the ground, well taken, I +believe, by Mr Mindeleff, that there is a close likeness between the +Verde ruins and those farther north, especially in Tusayan. + + + + +RUINS IN VERDE VALLEY + +CLASSIFICATION OF THE RUINS + + +The ruined habitations in the valley of the Rio Verde may be +considered under three divisions or types, differing in form, but +essentially the same in character. In adopting this classification, +which is by no means restricted to this single valley, I do not claim +originality, but follow that used by the best writers on this subject. +My limitation of the types and general definitions may, however, be +found to differ somewhat from those of my predecessors. + +The three groups of ruins in our Southwest are the following: + + I--Pueblos, or Independent habitations. + II--Cliff Houses } +III--Cavate Dwellings } Dependent habitations. + +In the first group are placed those ancient or modern habitations +which are isolated, on all sides, from cliffs. They may be situated in +valleys or on elevations or mesas; they may be constructed of clay, +adobe, or stone of various kinds, but are always isolated from cliffs. +They are single or multiple chambered, circular or rectangular in +shape, and may have been built either as permanent habitations or as +temporary outlooks. Their main feature is freedom, on all sides except +the foundation, from cliffs or walls of rock in place. + +The second group includes those not isolated from natural cliffs, but +with some part of their lateral walls formed by natural rock in situ, +and are built ordinarily in caverns with overhanging roofs, which the +highest courses of their walls do not join. Generally erected in +caves, their front walls never close the entrances to those caverns. +This kind of aboriginal buildings may, like the former, vary in +structural material; but, so far as I know, they are not, for obvious +reasons, made of adobe alone. + +The third kind of pueblo dwellings are called cavate dwellings or +lodges, a group which includes that peculiar kind of aboriginal +dwelling where the rooms are excavated from the cliff wall, forming +caves, where natural rock is a support or more often serves as the +wall itself of the dwelling. The entrance may be partially closed by +masonry, the floor laid with flat stones, and the sides plastered with +clay; but never in this group is there a roof distinct from the top of +the cave. + +Naturally cavate dwellings grade into cliff houses, but neither of +these types can be confounded with the first group, which affords us +no difficulty in identification. All these kinds of dwellings were +made by people of the same culture, the character of the habitation +depending on geological environment. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCI^_a_ + +CAVATE DWELLINGS--RIO VERDE] + +In Verde valley, villages, cliff houses, and cavate dwellings exist +together, and were, I believe, contemporaneously inhabited by a people +of the same culture. + +These types of ancient habitations are not believed to stand in the +relationship of sequence in development; nor is one simpler or less +difficult of construction than the others. Cliff houses display no +less skill and daring than do the villages in the plain, called +pueblos. The cavate dwellings are likewise a form of habitation which +shows considerable workmanship, and are far from caves like those +inhabited by "cave men." These dwellings were laboriously excavated +with rude implements; had floors, banquettes, windows, walled +recesses, and the like. It is hardly proper to regard them, as less +difficult to construct than pueblos or cliff houses. + +Cavate dwellings, like villages or cliff houses, may be single or +multiple, single or many chambered, and a cluster of these troglodytic +dwellings was, in fact, as truly a village as a pueblo or cliff house. +The same principle of seeking safety by crowding together held in all +three instances; and this very naturally, for the culture of the +inhabitants was identical. I shall consider only two of the three +types of dwellings in Verde valley, namely, the second and third +groups. + +It has, I think, been conclusively shown by Mr Cosmos Mindeleff, so +far as types of the first group of ruins on the Verde are concerned, +that they practically do not differ from the modern Tusayan pueblos. +The remaining types, when rightly interpreted, furnish evidence of no +less important character. Notwithstanding Mindeleff's excellent +descriptions of the cavate dwellings of this region, already cited, I +have thought it well to bring into prominence certain features which +seem to me to indicate that this form of aboriginal dwelling was high +in its development, showing considerable skill in its construction, +and was fashioned on the same general plan as the others. For this +demonstration I have chosen one of the most striking clusters in Verde +valley. + + +CAVATE DWELLINGS + +The most accessible cavate dwellings in Verde valley (plate XCI _a_) +are situated on the left bank of the river, about eight miles +southward from Camp Verde and three miles from the mouth of Clear +creek. The general characteristics of this group have been well +described by Mr Mindeleff in the Thirteenth Annual Report of the +Bureau, so that I need but refer to a few additional observations made +on these interesting habitations.[14] + +These cavate lodges afford a fair idea of the best known of these +prehistoric dwellings in this part of Arizona. Although Verde valley +has many fine ranches, the land in immediate proximity to these ruins +is uncultivated. The nearest habitation, however, is not far away, and +it is not difficult to find guides to these caves, so well known are +they to the inhabitants of this part of the valley. It did not take +long to learn that any investigations which I might attempt there had +been anticipated by other archeologists and laymen, for many of the +rooms had been rifled of their contents and their walls thrown down, +while it was also evident that some careful excavations had been made. + +There is, however, abundant opportunity for more detailed scientific +work than has yet been attempted on these ruins, and what has thus far +been accomplished has been more in the nature of reconnoissance. The +cemeteries and burial places of the prehistoric people of the cavate +dwellings are yet to be discovered, and it is probable, judging from +experience gained at other ruins, that when they are found and +carefully investigated much light will be thrown on the character of +ancient cave life. + +The entrances to the cavate dwellings opposite Squaw mountain are +visible from the road for quite a distance, appearing as rows of holes +in the steep walls of the cliff on the opposite or left bank of the +Rio Verde. Owing to their proximity to the river, from which the +precipice in which they are situated rises almost vertically, we were +unable to camp under them, but remained on the right bank of the +river, where a level plain extends for some distance, bordering the +river and stretching back to the distant cliffs. We pitched our camp +on a bluff, about 30 feet above the river, in full sight of the cave +entrances, near a small stone inclosure which bears quite a close +resemblance to a Tusayan shrine. + +Aboriginal people had evidently cultivated the plain where we camped, +for there are many evidences of irrigating ditches and even walls of +former houses. At present, however, this once highly cultivated field +lies unused, and is destitute of any valuable plants save the scanty +grass which served to eke out the fodder of our horses. + +At the time of my visit the water of Rio Verde at this point was +confined to a very narrow channel under the bluff near its right bank, +but the appearance of its bed showed that in heavy freshets during the +rainy season the water filled the interval between the base of the +cliffs in which the cavate dwellings are situated and the bluffs which +form the right bank. + +In visits to the caves it was necessary, on account of the site of the +camp, to ford the stream each time and to climb to their level over +fallen stones, a task of no slight difficulty. The water in places was +shallow and the current only moderately rapid. Considering the fact +that it furnished potable liquid for ourselves and horses, and that +the line of trees which skirted the bluff was available for firewood, +our camp compared well with many which we subsequently made in our +summer's explorations. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCI^_b_ + +CAVATE DWELLINGS--OAK CREEK] + +The section of the cliff which was examined embraced the northern +series of these caves, extending from a promontory forming one side of +a blind or box canyon to nearly opposite our camp. Adjacent to this +series of rooms, but farther down the river, on the same side, there +are two narrow side canyons, in both of which are also numerous caves, +in all respects similar to the series we chose for examination. At +several points on the summit of the cliffs, above the caves, large +rectangular ruins, with fallen walls, were discovered; these ruins +are, however, in no respect peculiar, but closely resemble those +ordinarily found in a similar position throughout this region and +elsewhere in Arizona and New Mexico. From their proximity to the caves +it would seem that the cavate dwellings, and the pueblos on the +summits of the mesas in which they are found, had been inhabited by +one people; but better evidence that such is true is drawn from the +character of the architecture and the nature of the art remains common +to both. + +Let us first consider the series of caves from a point opposite our +camp to the promontory which forms a pinnacle at the mouth of the +first of the two side caverns--a row of caves the entrances to which +are shown in the accompanying illustration (plate XCII). I have +lettered these rooms, as indicated by their entrances, _a_ to _l_, +beginning with the opening on the left. + +The rock in which these caves have been hewn is very soft, and almost +white in color, save for a slightly reddish brown stratum just below +the line of entrances to the cavate chambers. Although, as a general +thing, the wall of the cliff is almost perpendicular, and the caves at +points inaccessible, entrance to the majority of them can be effected +by mounting the heaps of small stones forming the débris, which has +fallen even to the bed of the river at various places, and by +following a ledge which connects the line of entrances. The easiest +approach mounts a steep decline, not far from the promontory at the +lower level of the line, which conducts to a ledge running along in +front of the caves about 150 feet above the bed of the stream. Roughly +speaking, this ledge is about 100 feet below the summit of the cliff. +It was impossible to reach several of the rooms, and it is probable +that when the caves were inhabited access to any one of them was even +more difficult than at present. + +Judging from the number of rooms, the cliffs on the left bank of the +Verde must have had a considerable population when inhabited. These +caverns, no doubt, swarmed with human beings, and their inaccessible +position furnished the inhabitants with a safe refuge from enemies, or +an advantageous outlook or observation shelter for their fields on the +opposite side of the stream. The soft rock of which the mesa is formed +is easily worked, and there are abundant evidences, from the marks of +tools employed, that the greater part of each cave was pecked out by +hand. Fragments of wood were very rarely seen in these cliff dugouts; +and although there is much adobe plastering, only in a few instances +were the mouths of the caves walled or a doorway of usual shape +present. The last room at the southern end, near the promontory at the +right of the entrance to a side canyon, has walls in front resembling +those of true cliff houses and pueblos in the Red-rock country farther +northward, as will be shown in subsequent pages. + +This group of cavate dwellings, while a good example of the cavern +type of ruins, is so closely associated, both in geographical position +and in archeological remains, with other types in Verde valley, that +we are justified in referring them to one and the same people. The +number of these troglodytic dwelling places on the Verde is very +large; indeed the mesas may be said to be fairly honeycombed with +subterranean habitations. Confined as a general thing to the softer +strata of rock, which from its character was readily excavated, they +lie side by side at the same general level, and are entered from a +projecting ledge, formed by the top of the talus which follows the +level of their entrances. + +[Illustration: FIG. 245--Plan of cavate dwelling on Rio Verde] + +This ledge is easily accessible in certain places from the river bed, +where stones have fallen to the base of the cliff; but at most points +no approach is possible, and in their impregnable position the +inhabitants could easily defend themselves from hostile peoples. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCII + +ENTRANCES TO CAVATE RUINS] + +Whether the rock had recesses in it before the caves were enlarged +would seem to be answered in the affirmative, for similar caves +without evidences of habitations were observed. These, however, are as +a rule small, and wherever available the larger caverns have been +appropriated and enlarged by stone implements, as shown by the pecking +on the walls. The enlargement of these caverns, however, would not be +a difficult task, for the rock is very soft and easily worked. + +Entering one of these cavate rooms the visitor finds himself in a dark +chamber, as a rule with side openings or passageways into adjoining +rooms. Broad lateral banquettes are prominent features in the most +complicated caves, and there are many recesses and small closets or +cists. + +The ramifications formed by lateral rooms are often extensive, and the +chambers communicate with others so dark that we can hardly regard +them as once inhabited. In these dimly lighted rooms the walls were +blackened with smoke, as if from former fires, and in many of the +largest the position of fireplaces could plainly be discovered. As a +type of one of the more complicated I have chosen that figured to +illustrate the arrangement of these cavate dwellings (figure 245). +Many are smaller, others have more lateral chambers, but one type is +characteristic of all. + +A main room (_A_, figure 245), or that first entered from outside, is +roughly rectangular in shape, 12 feet long by 6 feet wide, and about 6 +feet high. The floor, however, was covered with very dry débris which +had blown in from the exterior or, in some instances, fallen from the +roof. That part of the floor which was exposed shows that it was +roughly plastered, sometimes paved or formed of solid rock. + +On three sides of this room there is a step 2 feet high, to platforms, +three in number, one in the rear and one on each side. These platforms +are 5, 6, and 6 feet 6 inches wide, respectively, and of the same +length as the corresponding sides of the central room. It would appear +that these platforms are characteristic architectural features of +these habitations, and we find them reproduced in some of the rooms of +the cliff houses of the Red-rocks, while Nordenskiöld has described a +kindred feature in the kivas of the Mesa Verde ruins. A somewhat +similar elevation of the floor in modern Tusayan kivas forms what may +be called the spectator's part, in front of the ladder as one +descends, and the same feature is common to many older Hopi +dwellings.[15] + +Beginning with the lateral platforms (_B_, figure 245) we first note, +as we step upon it at _c_, about midway of its length, a small +circular depression in the floor of the central room extending +slightly beneath the platform, as indicated by the dotted line. It is +possible that this niche was a receptacle for important household +objects, although it may have been a fireplace. + +In a corner of the right platform a round cist, partially hewn out of +the rock, was found, but its walls (_a_, figure 245) were badly broken +down by some former explorer. The floor of this recess lies below that +of the platform, while the cist itself (_D_) reminds one of the closed +or walled structures, so commonly found in the Verde, attached to the +side of the cliff. On the lateral wall of this chamber, at about the +height of the head, a row of small holes had been drilled into the +solid wall. These holes (_d_, _d_, _d_) are almost too small for the +insertion of roof beams, and were probably made for pegs on which to +rest a beam for hanging blankets and other textile fabrics when not in +use. The roof of the cave was the natural rock, and showed over its +whole surface marks of a pecking implement. + +The left chamber is 6 feet 6 inches broad, and from one corner, +opposite the doorway, a low passageway leads into a circular chamber, +6 feet in diameter, with its floor below the platform of the lateral +room. Between the chamber, on the left of the entrance, and the open +air, the wall of solid rock is broken by a slit-like crevice, which +allows the light to enter, and no doubt served as a window. A recess, +the floor of which is elevated, on a platform opposite the doorway, is +5 feet broad, and has a small circular depression in one corner. The +floor and upraise of this recess is plastered with adobe, which in +several places is smooth and well made. + +In comparing the remaining cavate dwellings of this series with that +described, we find every degree of complication in the arrangement of +rooms, from a simple cave, or irregular hole in the side of the cliff, +to squared chambers with lateral rooms. The room _I_,[16] for +instance, is rectangular, 6 feet long by 3 feet wide, with an entrance +the same width as that of the room itself. + +In room _III_, however, the external opening is very small, and there +is a low, narrow ledge, or platform, opposite the doorway. There is +likewise in this room a small shelf in the left-hand wall. In _IV_ +there is a raised platform on two adjacent sides of the square room, +and the doorway is an irregular orifice broken through the wall to the +open air. + +Room _IV_ is a subterranean chamber, most of the floor of which is +littered with large fragments of rock which have fallen from the roof. +It has numerous small recesses in the wall resembling cubby-holes +where household utensils of various kinds were undoubtedly formerly +kept. This room is instructive, in that the entrance is partially +closed by two walls of masonry, which do not join. The stones are +laid in adobe in which fragments of pottery were detected. These +unjoined walls leave a doorway which is thus flanked on each side by +stone masonry, recalling in every particular the well-known walls of +cliff houses. Here, in fact, we have so close a resemblance to the +masonry of true cliff houses that we can hardly doubt that the +excavators of the cavate dwellings were, in reality, people similar to +those who built the cliff houses of Verde valley. + +Room _VIII_ is a simple cave hewn out of the rock, with a chamber +behind it, entered by a passageway made of masonry, which partially +fills a larger opening. The doorway through this masonry is small +below, but broadens above in much the same manner as some of the +doorways in Tusayan of today. + +Continuing along the left bank of the river, from the row of cavate +rooms, just described, on the first mesa, we round a promontory and +enter a small canyon,[17] which is perforated on each side with +numerous other cavate dwellings, large and small, all of the same +general character as the type described. Here, likewise, are small +external openings which evidently communicated with subterranean +chambers, but many of them are so elevated that access to them from +the floor of the canyon or from the cliff above is not possible. A +marked feature of the whole series is the existence here and there of +small, often inaccessible, stone cists of masonry plastered to the +side of the rocky cliff like swallows' nests. + +All of these cists which are accessible had been opened and plundered +before my visit, but there yet remain a few which are still intact and +would repay examination and study. Similar walled-up cists are +likewise found, as we shall see later, in the cliff-houses of the +Red-rock country, hence are not confined to the Verde system of ruins. + +Cavate dwellings similar to those here described are reported to exist +in the canyons of upper Salado, Gala, and Zuñi rivers, and we may with +reason suspect that the distribution[18] of cavate dwellings is as +wide as that of the pueblos themselves, the sole requisite being a +soft tufaceous rock, capable of being easily worked by people with +stone implements. In none of the different regions in which they exist +is there any probability that these caves were made by people +different in culture from pueblo or cliff dwellers. They are much more +likely to have been permanent than temporary habitations of the same +culture stock of Indians who availed themselves of rock shelters +wherever the nature of the cliff permitted excavation in its walls. + +That the cavate lodges are simple "horticultural outlooks" is an +important suggestion, but one might question whether they were +conveniently placed for that purpose. So far as overlooking the +opposite plain (which had undoubtedly been cultivated in ancient +times) is concerned, the position of some of them may be regarded good +for that purpose, but certainly not so commanding as that of the hill +or mesa above, where well-marked ruins still exist. + +The position of the cavate dwellings is a disadvantageous one to reach +any cultivated fields if defenders were necessary. When the Tusayan +Indian today moves to his _kisi_ or summer brush house shelter he +practically camps in his corn or near it, in easy reach to drive away +crows, or build wind-breaks to shelter the tender sprouts; but to go +to their cornfields the inhabitants of the cavate dwellings I have +described were forced to cross a river before the farm was reached. +That these cavate dwellings were lookouts none can deny, but I incline +to a belief that this does not tell the whole story if we limit them +to such use. It is not wholly clear to me that they were not likewise +an asylum for refuge, possibly not inhabited continuously, but a very +welcome retreat when the agriculturist was sorely pressed by enemies. +Following the analogy of a Hopi custom of building temporary booths +near their fields, may we not suppose that the former inhabitants of +Verde valley may have erected similar shelters in their cornfields +during summer months, retiring to the cavate dwellings and the mesa +tops in winter? All available evidence would indicate that the cavate +dwellings were permanent habitations.[19] + +There are several square ruins on top of the mesa above the cavate +dwellings. The walls of these were massive, but they are now very much +broken down, and the adobe plastering is so eroded from the masonry +that I regard them of considerable antiquity. They do not differ from +other similar ruins, so common elsewhere in New Mexico and Arizona, +and are identical with others in the Verde region. I visited several +of these ruins, but made no excavations in them, nor added any new +data to our knowledge of this type of aboriginal buildings. The +pottery picked up on the surface resembles that of the ruins of the +Little Colorado and Gila. + +The dwellings which I have mentioned above are said[20] to be +duplicated at many other points in the watershed of the Verde, and +many undescribed ruins of this nature were reported to me by ranchmen. +I do not regard them as older than the adjacent ruins on the mesa +above or the plains below them, much less as productions of people of +different stages of culture, for everything about them suggests +contemporaneous occupancy. + +From what little I saw of the village sites on the Verde I believe +that Mindeleff is correct in considering that these ruins represent +a comparatively late period of pueblo architecture. The character +of the cliff houses of the Red-rocks shows no very great antiquity of +occupancy. While it is not possible to give any approximate date when +they were inhabited, their general appearance indicates that they are +not more than two centuries old. There is, however, no reference to +them in the early Spanish history of the Southwest. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCIII + +BOWLDER WITH PICTOGRAPHS NEAR WOOD'S RANCH] + +Few pictographs were found in the immediate neighborhood of the cavate +dwellings; indeed the rock in their vicinity is too soft to preserve +for any considerable time any great number of these rock etchings. +Examples of ancient paleography were, however, discovered a short +distance higher up the river on malpais rock, which is harder and less +rapidly eroded. A half-buried bowlder (plate XCIII) near Wood's ranch +was found to be covered with the well-known spirals with zigzag +attachments, horned animals resembling antelopes, growing corn, rain +clouds, and similar figures. These pictographs occur on a black, +superficial layer of lava rock, or upon lighter stone with a malpais +layer, which had been pecked through, showing a lighter color beneath. +There is little doubt that many examples of aboriginal pictography +exist in this neighborhood, which would reward exploration with +interesting data. The Verde pictographs can not be distinguished, so +far as designs are concerned, from many found elsewhere in Colorado, +Utah, New Mexico, and Arizona. + +An instructive pictograph, different from any which I have elsewhere +seen, was discovered on the upturned side of a bowlder not far from +Hance's ranch, near the road from Camp Verde to the cavate dwellings. +The bowlder upon which they occur lies on top of a low hill, to the +left of the road, near the river. It consists of a rectangular network +of lines, with attached key extensions, crooks, and triangles, all +pecked in the surface. This dĉdalus of lines arises from grooves, +which originate in two small, rounded depressions in the rock, near +which is depicted the figure of a mountain lion. The whole pictograph +is 3-1/2 feet square, and legible in all its parts. + +The intent of the ancient scribe is not wholly clear, but it has been +suggested that he sought to represent the nexus of irrigating ditches +in the plain below. It might have been intended as a chart of the +neighboring fields of corn, and it is highly suggestive, if we adopt +either of these explanations or interpretations, that a figure of the +mountain lion is found near the depressions, which may provisionally +be regarded as representing ancient reservoirs. Among the Tusayan +Indians the mountain lion is looked on as a guardian of cultivated +fields, which he is said to protect, and his stone image is sometimes +placed there for the same purpose. + +In the vicinity of the pictograph last described other bowlders, of +which there are many, were found to be covered with smaller rock +etchings in no respect characteristic, and there is a remnant of an +ancient shrine a few yards away from the bowlder upon which they +occur. + + +MONTEZUMA WELL + +One of the most interesting sites of ancient habitation in Verde +valley is known as Montezuma Well, and it is remarkable how little +attention has been paid to it by archeologists.[21] Dr Mearns, in his +article on the ancient dwellings of Verde valley, does not mention the +well, and Mindeleff simply refers to the brief description by Dr +Hoffman in 1877. These ruins are worthy of more study than I was able +to give them, for like many other travelers I remained but a short +time in the neighborhood. It is possible, however, that some of my +hurried observations at this point may be worthy of record. + +Montezuma Well (plate XCIV) is an irregular, circular depression, +closely resembling a volcanic crater, but evidently, as Dr Hoffman +well points out, due to erosion rather than to volcanic agencies. As +one approaches it from a neighboring ranch the road ascends a low +elevation, and when on top the visitor finds that the crater occupies +the whole interior of the hill. The exact dimensions I did not +accurately determine, but the longest diameter of the excavation is +estimated at about 400 feet; its depth possibly 70 feet. On the +eastern side this depression is separated from Beaver creek by a +precipitous wall which can not be scaled from that side. At the time +of my visit there was considerable water in the "well," which was +reported to be very deep, but did not cover the whole bottom. It is +possible to descend to the water at one point on the eastern side, +where a trail leads to the water's edge. + +There appears to be a subterranean waterway under the eastern rim of +the well, and the water from the spring rushes through this passage +into Beaver creek. At the time of my visit this outflow was very +considerable, and in the rainy season it must be much greater. The +well is never dry, and is supplied by perennial subterranean springs +rather than by surface drainage. + +The geological agency which has been potent in giving the remarkable +crater-like form to Montezuma Well was correctly recognized by Dr +Hoffman[22] and others as the solvent or erosive power of the spring. +There is no evidence of volcanic formation in the neighborhood, and +the surrounding rocks are limestones and sandstones. Not far from +Navaho springs there is a similar circular depression, called Jacob's +Well, but which was dry when visited by me. This may later be found to +have been formed in a similar way. At several places in Arizona there +are formations of like geological character. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCIV + +MONTEZUMA WELL] + +The walls of Montezuma Well are so nearly perpendicular that descent +to the edge of the water is difficult save by a single trail which +follows the detritus to a cave on one side. In this cave, the roof of +which is not much higher than the water level, there are fragments +of masonry, as if structures of some kind had formerly been erected in +it. I have regarded this cave rather as a place of religious rites +than of former habitation, possibly a place of retreat for ancient +priests when praying for rain or moisture, or a shrine for the deposit +of prayer offerings to rain or water gods. + +Several isolated cliff dwellings are built at different levels in the +sides of the cliffs. One of the best of these is diametrically +opposite the cave mentioned above, a few feet below the rim of the +depression. While this house was entered with little difficulty, there +were others which I did not venture to visit. + +The accompanying illustration (plate XCV) gives an idea of the general +appearance of one of these cliff houses of Montezuma Well. It is built +under an overhanging archway of rock in a deep recess, with masonry on +three sides. The openings are shown, one of which overlooks the +spring; the other is an entrance at one side. The face of masonry on +the front is not plastered, and if it was formerly rough cast the mud +has been worn away, leaving the stones exposed. The side wall, which +has been less exposed to the elements, still retains the plastering, +which is likewise found on the inner walls where it is quite smooth in +places. + +The number of cliff rooms in the walls of the well is small and their +capacity, if used as dwellings, very limited. There are, however, +ruins of pueblos of some size on the edge of the well. + +One of the largest of these, shown in the accompanying illustration +(plate XCVI), is situated on the neck of land separating the well from +the valley of Beaver creek. This pueblo was rectangular in form, of +considerable size, built of stones, and although at present almost +demolished, shows perfectly the walls of former rooms. Fragments of +ancient pottery would seem to indicate that the people who once +inhabited this pueblo were in no respect different from other +sedentary occupants of Verde valley. From their housetops they had a +wide view over the creek on one side and the spring on the other, +defending, by the site of their village, the one trail by which +descent to the well was possible. + +The remarkable geological character of Montezuma Well, and the spring +within it, would have profoundly impressed itself on the folklore of +any people of agricultural bent who lived in its neighborhood after +emigrating to more arid lands. About a month after my visit to this +remarkable spring I described the place to some of the old priests at +Walpi and showed them sketches of the ruins. These priests seemed to +have legendary knowledge of a place somewhat like it where they said +the Great Plumed Snake had one of his numerous houses. They reminded +me of a legend they had formerly related to me of how the Snake arose +from a great cavity or depression in the ground, and how, they had +heard, water boiled out of that hole into a neighboring river. The +Hopi have personal knowledge of Montezuma Well, for many of their +number have visited Verde valley, and they claim the ruins there as +the homes of their ancestors. It would not be strange, therefore, if +this marvelous crater was regarded by them as a house of Palülükoñ, +their mythic Plumed Serpent. + +Practically little is known of the pictography of this part of the +Verde valley people, although it has an important bearing on the +distribution of the cliff dwellers of the Southwest. There is evidence +of at least two kinds of petroglyphs, indicative of two distinct +peoples. One of these was of the Apache Mohave; the other, the +agriculturists who built the cliff homes and villages of the plain. +Those of the latter are almost identical with the work of the Pueblo +peoples in the cliff dweller stage, from southern Utah and Colorado to +the Mexican boundary. It is not a difficult task to distinguish the +pictography of these two peoples, wherever found. The pictographs of +the latter are generally pecked into the rock with a sharpened +implement, probably of stone, while those of the former are usually +scratched or painted on the surface of the rocks. Their main +differences, however, are found in the character of the designs and +the objects represented. This difference can be described only by +considering individual rock drawings, but the practiced eye may +readily distinguish the two kinds at a glance. The pictographs which +are pecked in the cliff are, as a rule, older than those which are +drawn or scratched, and resemble more closely those widely spread in +the Pueblo area, for if the cliff-house people ever made painted +pictographs, as there is every reason to believe they did, time has +long ago obliterated them. + +The pictured rocks (plate XCVII) near Cliff's ranch, on Beaver creek, +four miles from Montezuma Well, have a great variety of objects +depicted upon them. These rocks, which rise from the left bank of the +creek opposite Cliff's ranch, bear over a hundred different rock +pictures, figures of which are seen in the accompanying illustration. +The rock surface is a layer of black malpais, through which the totem +signatures have been pecked, showing the light stone beneath, and thus +rendering them very conspicuous. Among these pictographs many familiar +forms are recognizable, among them being the crane or blue heron, +bears' and badgers' paws, turtles, snakes, antelopes, earth symbols, +spirals, and meanders. + +Among these many totems there was an unusual pictograph in the form of +the figure 8, above which was a bear's paw accompanied by a human +figure so common in southwestern rock etchings. A square figure with +interior parallel squares extending to the center is also found, as +elsewhere, in cliff-dweller pictography. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCV + +CLIFF HOUSE, MONTEZUMA WELL] + + +CLIFF HOUSES OF THE RED-ROCKS + +After the road from old Camp Verde to Flagstaff passes a deserted +cabin at Beaver Head, it winds up a steep hill of lava or malpais to +the top of the Mogollones. If, instead of ascending this hill, one +turns to the left, taking an obscure road across the river bed, +which is full of rough lava blocks, and in June, when I traveled its +course, was without water, he soon finds himself penetrating a rugged +country with bright-red cliffs on his right (plate XCVIII). Continuing +through great parks and plains he finally descends to the well-wooded +valley of Oak creek, an affluent of Rio Verde. Here he finds evidences +of aboriginal occupancy on all sides--ruins of buildings, fortified +hilltops, pictographs, and irrigating ditches--testifying that there +was at one time a considerable population in this valley. The fields +of the ancient inhabitants have now given place to many excellent +ranches, one of the most flourishing of which is not far from a lofty +butte of red rock called the Court-house, which from its great size is +a conspicuous object for miles around. In many of these canyons there +are evidences of a former population, but the country is as yet almost +unexplored; there are many difficult places to pass, yet once near the +base of the rocks a way can be picked from the mouth of one canyon to +another. It does not take long to discover that this now uninhabited +region contains, like that along the Verde and its tributaries, many +ancient dwellings, for there is scarcely a single canyon leading into +these red cliffs in which evidences of former human habitations are +not found in the form of ruins. There is little doubt that these +unfrequented canyons have many and extensive cliff houses, the +existence of which has thus far escaped the explorer. The sandstone of +which they are composed is much eroded into caves with overhanging +roofs, forming admirable sites for cliff houses as distinguished from +cavate dwellings like those we have described. They are the only +described ruins of a type hitherto thought to be unrepresented in the +valley of the Verde.[23] + +In our excursion into the Red-rock country we were obliged to make our +own wagon road, as no vehicle had ever penetrated the rugged canyons +visited by us. It was necessary to carry our drinking water with us +from Oak creek, which fact impeded our progress and limited the time +available in our reconnoissance. There was, however, in the pool near +the ruins of Honanki enough water for our horses, and at the time we +were there a limited amount of grass for fodder was found. I was told +that later in the season both forage and water are abundant, so that +these prime necessities being met, there is no reason why successful +archeological investigations may not be successfully conducted in this +part of the Verde region. + +The limited population of this portion of the country rendered it +difficult to get laborers at the time I made my reconnoissance, so +that it would be advisable for one who expects to excavate the ruins +in this region to take with him workmen from the settled portions of +the valley. + + +RUINS NEAR SCHÜRMANN'S RANCH + +The valley of Oak creek, near Court-house butte, especially in the +vicinity of Schürmann's ranch, is dotted with fortifications, mounds +indicative of ruins, and like evidences of aboriginal occupancy. There +is undoubted proof that the former occupants of this plain constructed +elaborate irrigating ditches, and that the waters of Oak creek were +diverted from the stream and conducted over the adjoining valleys. +There are several fortified hills in this locality. One of the best of +these defensive works crowned a symmetrical mountain near Schürmann's +house. The top of this mesa is practically inaccessible from any but +the southern side, and was found to have a flat surface covered with +scattered cacti and scrub cedar, among which were walls of houses +nowhere rising more than two feet. The summit is perhaps 200 feet +above the valley, and the ground plan of the former habitations +extends over an area 100 feet in length, practically occupying the +whole of the summit. Although fragments of pottery are scarce, and +other evidences of long habitation difficult to find, the house walls +give every evidence of being extremely ancient, and most of the rooms +are filled with red soil out of which grow trees of considerable age. + +Descending from this ruin-capped mesa, I noticed on the first terrace +the remains of a roundhouse, or lookout, in the middle of which a +cedar tree had taken root and was growing vigorously. Although the +walls of this structure do not rise above the level of the ground, +there is no doubt that they are the remains of either a lookout or +circular tower formerly situated at this point. + +Many similar ruins are found throughout this vicinity, yet but little +more is known of them than that they antedate the advent of white men. +The majority of them were defensive works, built by the house +dwellers, and their frequency would indicate either considerable +population or long occupancy. Although many of those on the hilltops +differ somewhat from the habitations in the valleys, I think there is +little doubt that both were built by the same people.[24] There are +likewise many caves in this region, which seem to have been camping +places, for their walls are covered with soot and their floors strewn +with charred mescal, evidences, probably, of Apache occupancy. This +whole section of country was a stronghold of this ferocious tribe +within the last few decades, which may account for the modern +appearance of many of the evidences of aboriginal habitation. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCVI + +RUIN ON THE BRINK OF MONTEZUMA WELL] + +There are some good pictographs on the foundation rocks of that great +pinnacle of red rock, called the Court-house, not far from Schürmann's +ranch.[25] Some of these are Apache productions, and the neighboring +caves evidently formed shelters for these nomads, as ash pit and +half-burnt logs would seem to show. This whole land was a stronghold +of the Apache up to a recent date, and from it they were dislodged, +many of the Indians being killed or removed by authority of the +Government. + +From the geological character of the Red-rocks I was led to suspect +that cavate dwellings were not to be expected. The stone is hard and +not readily excavated by the rude implements with which the aborigines +of the region were supplied. But the remarkable erosion shown in this +rock elsewhere had formed many deep caverns or caves, with +overreaching roofs, very favorable for the sites of cliff houses. My +hurried examination confirmed my surmises, for we here found dwellings +of this kind, so similar to the type best illustrated in Mancos canyon +of southern Colorado. There were several smoke-blackened caves without +walls of masonry, but with floors strewn with charred wood, showing +Apache occupancy. No cavate dwellings were found in the section of the +Red-rocks visited by our party. + +The two largest of the Red-rock cliff houses to which I shall refer +were named Honanki or Bear-house and Palatki or Red-house. The former +of these, as I learned from the names scribbled on its walls, had +previously been visited by white men, but so far as I know it has +never been mentioned in archeological literature. My attention was +called to it by Mr Schürmann, at whose hospitable ranch I outfitted +for my reconnoissance into the Red-rock country. The smaller ruin, +Palatki, we discovered by chance during our visit, and while it is +possible that some vaquero in search of a wild steer may have visited +the neighborhood before us, there is every reason to believe that the +ruin had escaped even the notice of these persons, and, like Honanki, +was unknown to the archeologist. + +The two ruins, Honanki and Palatki, are not the only ones in the lone +canyon where we encamped. Following the canyon a short distance from +its entrance, there was found to open into it from the left a +tributary, or so-called box canyon, the walls of which are very +precipitous. Perched on ledges of the cliffs there are several rows of +fortifications or walls of masonry extending for many yards. It was +impossible for us to enter these works, even after we had clambered up +the side of the precipice to their level, so inaccessible were they to +our approach. These "forts" were probably for refuge, but they are ill +adapted as points of observation on account of the configuration of +the canyon. Their masonry, as examined at a distance with a field +glass, resembles that of Palatki and Honanki. + +I was impressed by the close resemblance between the large cliff +houses of the Red-rocks, with their overhanging roof of rock, and +those of the San Juan and its tributaries in northern New Mexico. +While it is recognized that cliff houses have been reported from Verde +valley, I find them nowhere described, and our lack of information +about them, so far as they are concerned, may have justified +Nordenskiöld's belief that "the basin of the Colorado actually +contains almost all the cliff dwellings of the United States." As the +Gila flows into the Colorado near its mouth, the Red-rock ruins may in +a sense be included in the Colorado basin, but there are many and +beautiful cliff houses higher up near the sources of the Gila and its +tributary, the Salt. In calling attention to the characteristic cliff +dwellings of the Red-rocks I am making known a new region of ruins +closely related to those of Canyon de Tségi, or Chelly, the San Juan +and its tributaries. + +Although the cliff houses of Verde valley had been known for many +years, and the ruins here described are of the same general character, +anyone who examines Casa Montezuma, on Beaver creek, and compares it +with Honanki, will note differences of an adaptive nature. The one +feature common to Honanki and the "Cliff Palace" of Mancos canyon is +the great overhanging roof of the cavern, which, in that form, we miss +in Casa Montezuma (figure 246).[26] + +[Illustration: FIG. 246--Casa Montezuma on Beaver creek] + +We made two camps in the Red-rock country, one at the mouth of a wild +canyon near an older camp where a well had been dug and the cellar of +an American house was visible. This camp was fully six miles from +Schürmann's ranch and was surrounded by some of the wildest scenery +that I had ever witnessed. The accompanying view (plate XCVIII) was +taken from a small elevation near by, and gives a faint idea of the +magnificent mountains by which we were surrounded. The colors of the +rocks are variegated, so that the gorgeous cliffs appear to be banded, +rising from 800 to 1,000 feet sheer on all sides. These rocks had +weathered into fantastic shapes suggestive of cathedrals, Greek +temples, and sharp steeples of churches extending like giant needles +into the sky. The scenery compares very favorably with that of the +Garden of the Gods, and is much more extended. This place, I have no +doubt, will sooner or later become popular with the sightseer, and I +regard the discovery of these cliffs one of the most interesting of my +summer's field work. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCVII + +PICTOGRAPHS NEAR CLIFF RANCH, VERDE VALLEY] + +On the sides of these inaccessible cliffs we noticed several cliff +houses, but so high were they perched above us that they were almost +invisible. To reach them at their dizzy altitude was impossible, but +we were able to enter some caves a few hundred feet above our camp, +finding in them nothing but charred mescal and other evidences of +Apache camps. Their walls and entrances are blackened with smoke, but +no sign of masonry was detected. + +We moved our camp westward from this canyon (which, from a great cliff +resembling the Parthenon, I called Temple canyon), following the base +of the precipitous mountains to a second canyon, equally beautiful but +not so grand, and built our fire in a small grove of scrub oak and +cottonwood. In this lonely place Lloyd had lived over a winter, +watching his stock, and had dug a well and erected a corral. We +adopted his name for this camp and called it Lloyd canyon. There was +no water in the well, but a few rods beyond it there was a pool, from +which we watered our horses. On the first evening at this camp we +sighted a bear, which gave the name Honanki, "Bear-house," to the +adjacent ruined dwellings. + +The enormous precipice of red rock west of our camp at Lloyd's corral +hid Honanki from view at first, but we soon found a trail leading +directly to it, and during our short stay in this neighborhood we +remained camped near the cottonwoods at the entrance to the canyon, +not far from the abandoned corral. Our studies of Honanki led to the +discovery of Palatki (figure 247), which we investigated on our return +to Temple canyon. I will, therefore, begin my description of the +Red-rock cliff houses with those last discovered, which, up to the +visit which I made, had never been studied by archeologists. + + +PALATKI + +There are two neighboring ruins which I shall include in my +consideration of Palatki, and these for convenience may be known as +Ruin I and Ruin II, the former situated a little eastward from the +latter. They are but a short distance apart, and are in the same box +canyon. Ruin I (plate XCIX) is the better preserved, and is a fine +type of the compact form of cliff dwellings in the Red-rock country. + +This ruin is perched on the top of a talus which has fallen from the +cliff above, and is visible for some distance above the trees, as one +penetrates the canyon. It is built to the side of a perpendicular +wall of rock which, high above its tallest walls, arches over it, +sheltering the walls from rain or eroding influences. From the dry +character of the earth on the floors I suspect that for years not a +drop of water has penetrated the inclosures, although they are now +roofless. + +A highly characteristic feature of Ruin I is the repetition of rounded +or bow-shape front walls, occurring several times in their length, and +arranged in such a way as to correspond roughly to the inclosures +behind them. By this arrangement the size of the rooms was increased +and possibly additional solidity given to the wall itself. This +departure from a straight wall implies a degree of architectural +skill, which, while not peculiar to the cliff dwellings of the +Red-rocks, is rarely found in southern cliff houses. The total length +of the front wall of the ruin, including the part which has fallen, is +approximately 120 feet, and the altitude of the highest wall is not +far from 30 feet. + +[Illustration: FIG. 247--Ground plan of Palatki (Ruins I and II)] + +From the arrangement of openings in the front wall at the highest part +there is good evidence of the former existence of two stories. At +several points the foundation of the wall is laid on massive bowlders, +which contribute to the height of the wall itself. The masonry is made +up of irregular or roughly squared blocks of red stone laid in red +clay, both evidently gathered in the immediate neighborhood of the +ruin. The building stones vary in size, but are as a rule flat, and +show well directed fractures as if dressed by hammering. In several +places there still remains a superficial plastering, which almost +conceals the masonry. The blocks of stone in the lower courses are +generally more massive than those higher up; this feature, however, +whether considered as occurring here or in the cliff houses of Mesa +Verde, as pointed out by Nordenskiöld, seems to me not to indicate +different builders, but is due simply to convenience. There appears to +be no regularity in the courses of component blocks of stone, and when +necessity compelled, as in the courses laid on bowlders, which serve +as a foundation, thin wedges of stone, or spalls, were inserted in the +crevices. The walls are vertical, but the corners are sometimes far +from perpendicular. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCVIII + +THE RED ROCKS; TEMPLE CANYON] + +The interior of the ruin is divided into a number of inclosures by +partitions at right angles to the front wall, fastening it to the face +of the cliff. This I have lettered, beginning at the extreme right +inclosure with _A_. The inclosure has bounding walls, built on a +bowlder somewhat more than six feet high. It has no external +passageway, and probably the entrance was from the roof. This +inclosure communicates by a doorway directly with the adjoining +chamber, _B_. The corner of this room, or the angle made by the +lateral with the front walls, is rounded, a constant feature in +well-built cliff houses. No windows exist, and the upper edge of both +front and lateral walls is but slightly broken. + +The front wall of inclosure _B_ bulges into bow-shape form, and was +evidently at least two stories high. This wall is a finely laid +section of masonry, composed of large, rough stones in the lower +courses, upon which smaller, roughly hewn stones are built. It is +probable, from the large amount of débris in the neighborhood, that +formerly there were rows of single-story rooms in front of what are +now the standing walls, but the character of their architecture is +difficult to determine with certainty. Their foundations, although +partially covered, are not wholly concealed. + +The front wall of inclosure _B_ is pierced by three openings, the +largest of which is a square passageway into the adjoining room, and +is situated in the middle of the curved wall. A wooden lintel, which +had been well hewn with stone implements, still remains in place above +this passageway, and under it the visitor passes through a low opening +which has the appearance of having been once a doorway. Above this +entrance, on each side, in the wall, is a square hole, which +originally may have been the points of support of floor beams. +Formerly, likewise, there was a large square opening above the middle +passageway, but this has been closed with masonry, leaving in place +the wooden beam which once supported the wall above. The upper edge of +the front wall of inclosure _B_ is level, and is but little broken +except in two places, where there are notches, one above each of the +square holes already mentioned. It is probable that these depressions +were intended for the ends of the beams which once supported a +combined roof and floor. + +On the perpendicular wall which forms the rear of inclosure _B_, many +feet above the top of the standing front walls, there are several +pictographs of Apache origin. The height of these above the level of +the former roof would appear to indicate the existence of a third +story, for the hands which drew them must have been at least 15 feet +above the present top of the standing wall. + +The front of _C_ is curved like that of inclosure _B_, and is much +broken near the foundations, where there is a passageway. There is a +small hole on each side of a middle line, as in _B_, situated at about +the same level as the floor, indicating the former position of a beam. +Within the ruin there is a well-made partition separating inclosures +_B_ and _C_. + +The size of room _D_ is much less than that of _B_ or _C_, but, with +the exception of a section at the left, the front wall has fallen. The +part which remains upright, however, stands like a pinnacle, +unconnected with the face of the cliff or with the second-story wall +of inclosure _C_. It is about 20 feet in height, and possibly its +altitude appears greater than it really is from the fact that its +foundations rest upon a bowlder nearly six feet high (plate CX). + +The foundations of rooms _E_ and _F_ (plate C) are built on a lower +level than those of _B_ and _C_ or _D_, and their front walls, which +are really low, are helped out by similar bowlders, which serve as +foundations. The indications are that both these inclosures were +originally one story in height, forming a wing to the central section +of the ruin, which had an additional tier of rooms. There is an +entrance to _F_ at the extreme left, and the whole room was lower than +the floor of the lower stories of _B_, _C_, and _D_. + +The most conspicuous pictograph on the cliff above Ruin I of Palatki, +is a circular white figure, seen in the accompanying illustration. +This pictograph is situated directly above the first room on the +right, _A_, and was apparently made with chalk, so elevated that at +present it is far above the reach of a person standing on any of the +walls. From its general character I am led to believe that it was made +by the Apache and not by the builders of the pueblo. + +There were no names of white visitors anywhere on the walls of +Palatki, which, so far as it goes, affords substantial support of my +belief that we were the first white men to visit this ruin. While it +can not be positively asserted that we were the original discoverers +of this interesting building, there is no doubt that I was the first +to describe it and to call attention to its highly characteristic +architectural plan. + +The walls of Palatki are not so massive as those of the neighboring +Honanki, and the number of rooms in both ruins which form Palatki is +much smaller. Each of these components probably housed not more than a +few families, while several phratries could readily be accommodated in +Honanki. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCIX + +PALATKI (RUIN I)] + +The second Palatki ruin is well preserved, and as a rule the rooms, +especially those in front, have suffered more from vandalism and from +the elements than have those of Ruin I. The arrangement of the rooms +is somewhat different from that of the more exposed eastern ruin, to +which it undoubtedly formerly belonged. + +Ruin II lies in a deep recess or cave, the roof of which forms a +perfect arch above the walls. It is situated a few hundred feet to the +west, and is easily approached by following the fallen débris at the +foot of a perpendicular cliff. The front walls have all fallen, +exposing the rear wall of what was formerly a row of rooms, as shown +in the accompanying illustration (plate CI). There are evidences that +this row of rooms was but a single story in height, while those behind +it have indications of three stories. Ruin II is more hidden by the +trees and by its obscure position in a cavern than the former, but the +masonry in both is of the same general character. + +On approaching Ruin II from Ruin I there is first observed a well-made +though rough wall, as a rule intact, along which the line of roof and +flooring can readily be traced (plate CI). In front of this upright +wall are fragments of other walls, some standing in unconnected +sections, others fallen, their fragments extending down the sides of +the talus among the bushes. It was observed that this wall is broken +by an entrance which passes into a chamber, which may be called _A_, +and two square holes are visible, one on each side, above it. These +holes were formerly filled by two logs, which once supported the floor +of a second chamber, the line of which still remains on the upright +wall. The small square orifice directly above the entrance is a +peephole. + +In examining the character of the wall it will be noticed that its +masonry is in places rough cast, and that there was little attempt at +regularity in the courses of the component stones, which are neither +dressed nor aligned, although the wall is practically vertical. + +At one point, in full view of the observer, a log is apparently +inserted in the wall, and if the surrounding masonry be examined it +will be found that an opening below it had been filled in after the +wall was erected. It is evident, from its position relatively to the +line indicating the roof, that this opening was originally a +passageway from one room to another. Passing back of the standing wall +an inclosure (room _A_) is entered, one side of which is the rock of +the cliff, while the other three bounding walls are built of masonry, +20 feet high. This inclosure was formerly divided into an upper and a +lower room by a partition, which served as the roof of the lower and +the floor of the upper chambers. Two beams stretched across this +inclosure about six feet above the débris of the present floor, and +the openings in the walls, where these beams formerly rested, are +readily observed. In the same way the beam-holes of the upper story +may also be easily seen on the top of the wall. Between the rear wall +of this inclosure and the perpendicular cliff there was a recess which +appears to have been a dark chamber, probably designed for use as a +storage room or granary. The configuration of the cliff, which forms +the major part of the inclosing wall of this chamber, imparts to it an +irregular or roughly triangular form. + +The entire central portion of the ruin is very much broken down, and +the floor is strewn to a considerable depth with the débris of fallen +walls. On both sides there are nicely aligned, smoothly finished +walls, with traces of beams on the level of former floors. Some of +these bounding walls are curved; others are straight, and in places +they rise 20 feet. Marks of fire are visible everywhere; most of the +beams have been wrenched from their places, as a result of which the +walls have been much mutilated, badly cracked, or thrown down. + +There are no pictographs near this ruin, and no signs of former visits +by white men. + +Midway between Honanki and the second Palatki ruin a small ancient +house of the same character as the latter was discovered. This ruin is +very much exposed, and therefore the walls are considerably worn, but +six well-marked inclosures, indicative of former rooms, were readily +made out. No overarching rock shielded this ruin from the elements, +and rubble from fallen walls covers the talus upon which it stands. +The adobe mortar between the stones is much worn, and no fragment of +plastering is traceable within or without. This evidence of the great +weathering of the walls of the ruin is not considered indicative of +greater age than the better preserved ruins in the neighborhood, but +rather of exposure to the action of the elements. Not only are the +walls in a very poor condition, but also the floors show, from the +absence of dry soil upon them, that the whole ruin has suffered +greatly from the same denudation. There are no fragments of pottery +about it, and small objects indicating former habitation are also +wanting. A cedar had taken root where the floor once was, and its +present great size shows considerable age. If any pictographs formerly +existed in the adjacent cliff they have disappeared. There is likewise +no evidence that the Apache had ever sought it for shelter, or if they +had, their occupancy occurred so long ago that time has effaced all +evidence of their presence. + + +HONANKI + +The largest ruin visited in the Red-rock country was called, following +Hopi etymology, Honanki; but the nomenclature was adopted not because +it was so called by the Hopi, but following the rule elsewhere +suggested. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. C + +PALATKI (RUIN I)] + +This ruin lies under a lofty buttress of rock westward from Lloyd's +canyon, which presented the only available camping place in its +neighborhood. At the time of my visit there was but scanty water in +the canyon and that not potable except for stock. We carried with us +all the water we used, and when this was exhausted were obliged to +retrace our steps to Oak creek. There are groves of trees in the +canyon and evidences that at some seasons there is an abundant water +supply. A corral had been made and a well dug near its mouth, but with +these exceptions there were no evidences of previous occupancy by +white men. We had hardly pitched our camp before tracks of large game +were noticed, and before we left we sighted a bear which had come down +to the water to drink, but which beat a hasty retreat at our approach. +As previously stated, the knowledge of this ruin was communicated to +me by Mr Schürmann. + +[Illustration: FIG. 248--Ground plan of Honanki] + +The Honanki ruin (figure 248) extends along the base of the cliff for +a considerable distance, and may for convenience of description be +divided into two sections, which, although generally similar, differ +somewhat in structural features. The former is lineal in its +arrangement, and consists of a fringe of houses extending along the +base of the cliff at a somewhat lower level than the other. The walls +of this section were for the greater part broken, and at no place +could anything more than the foundation of the front wall be detected, +although fragments of masonry strewed the sides of the declivity near +its base. The house walls which remain are well-built parallel spurs +constructed at right angles to the cliff, which served as the rear of +all the chambers. At the extreme right end of this row of rooms, +situated deep in a large cavern with overhanging roof, portions of a +rear wall of masonry are well preserved, and the lateral walls of one +or two chambers in this portion of the ruin are still intact. +Straggling along from that point, following the contour of the base of +the cliff under which it lies, there extends a long row of rooms, all +destitute of a front wall. + +The first division (plate CII), beginning with the most easterly of +the series, is quite hidden at one end in a deep cavern. At this point +the builders, in order to obtain a good rear wall to their rooms, +constructed a line of masonry parallel with the face of the cliff. At +right angles to this construction, at the eastern extremity, there are +remnants of a lateral wall, but the remainder had tumbled to the +ground. The standing wall of _z_ is not continuous with that of the +next room, _y_, and apparently was simply the rear of a large room +with the remains of a lateral wall at right angles to it. The other +walls of this chamber had tumbled into a deep gorge, overgrown with +bushes which conceal the fragments. This building is set back deeply +in the cave, and is isolated from the remaining parts of the ruin, +although at the level which may have been its roof there runs a kind +of gallery formed by a ledge of rock, plastered with adobe, which +formerly connected the roof with the rest of the pueblo. This ledge +was a means of intercommunication, and a continuation of the same +ledge, in rooms _s_, _t_, and _u_, supported the rafters of these +chambers. At _u_ there are evidences of two stories or two tiers of +rooms, but those in front have fallen to the ground. + +The standing wall at _u_ is about five feet high, connected with the +face of the cliff by masonry. The space between it and the cliff was +not large enough for a habitable chamber, and was used probably as a +storage place. In front of the standing wall of room _u_ there was +another chamber, the walls of which now strew the talus of the cliff. + +The highest and best preserved room of the second series of chambers +at Honanki is that designated _p_, at a point where the ruin reached +an elevation of 20 feet. Here we have good evidence of rooms of two +stories, as indicated by the points of insertion of the beams of a +floor, at the usual levels above the ground. In fact, it is probable +that the whole section of the ruin was two stories high throughout, +the front walls having fallen along the entire length. From the last +room on the left to the eastern extremity of the line of houses which +leads to the main ruin of Honanki, no ground plans were detected at +the base of the cliffs, but fallen rocks and scattered débris are +strewn over the whole interval. + +The eastern part of the main ruin of Honanki, however, lies but a +short distance west of that described, and consists of many similar +chambers, arranged side by side. These are lettered in the diagram _h_ +to _u_, beginning with _h_, which is irregularly circular in form, and +ends with a high wall, the first to be seen as one approaches the ruin +from Lloyd canyon. This range of houses is situated on a lower +foundation and at a lower level than that of the main quarter of +Honanki, and a trail runs along so close to the rooms that the whole +series is easily visited without much climbing. No woodwork remains in +any of these rooms, and the masonry is badly broken in places either +by natural agencies or through vandalism. + +Beginning with _h_, the round room, which adjoins the main quarter of +Honanki, we find much in its shape to remind us of a kiva. The walls +are in part built on foundations of large bowlders, one of which +formed the greater part of the front wall. This circular room was +found to be full of fallen débris, and could not be examined without +considerable excavation. If it were a kiva, which I very much doubt, +it is an exception among the Verde valley ruins, where no true kiva +has yet been detected.[27] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CI + +FRONT WALL OF PALATKI (RUIN II)] + +Following _h_ there is an inclosure which originally may have been a +habitable room, as indicated by the well-constructed front wall, but +it is so filled with large stones that it is difficult to examine its +interior. On one side the wall, which is at right angles to the face +of the cliff, is 10 feet high, and the front wall follows the surface +of a huge bowlder which serves as its foundation. + +Room _i_ is clearly defined, and is in part inclosed by a large rock, +on top of which there still remains a fragment of a portion of the +front wall. A spur of masonry connects this bowlder with the face of +the cliff, indicating all that remains of the former division between +rooms _i_ and _j_. An offshoot from this bowlder, in the form of a +wall 10 feet high, formerly inclosed one side of a room. In the rear +of chamber _j_ there are found two receptacles or spaces left between +the rear wall and the face of the cliff, while the remaining wall, +which is 10 feet high, is a good specimen of pueblo masonry. + +The two side walls of room _k_ are well preserved, but the chamber +resembles the others of the series in the absence of a front wall. In +this room, however, there remains what may have been the fragment of a +rear wall parallel with the face of the cliff. This room has also a +small cist of masonry in one corner, which calls to mind certain +sealed cavities in the cavate dwellings. + +The two side walls of _m_ and _n_ are respectively eight and ten feet +high. There is nothing exceptional in the standing walls of room _o_, +one of which, five feet in altitude, still remains erect. Room _p_ has +a remnant of a rear wall plastered to the face of the cliff. + +Room _r_ (plate CIII) is a finely preserved chamber, with lateral +walls 20 feet high, of well-constructed masonry, that in the rear, +through which there is an opening leading into a dark chamber, +occupying the space between it and the cliff. It is braced by +connecting walls at right angles to the face of the solid rock. + +At _s_, the face of the cliff forms a rear wall of the room, and one +of the side walls is fully 20 feet high. The points of insertion of +the flooring are well shown, about 10 feet from the ground, proving +that the ruin at this point was at least two stories high. + +Two walled inclosures, one within the other, characterize room _u_. On +the cliff above it there is a series of simple pictographs, consisting +of short parallel lines pecked into the rock, and are probably of +Apache origin. This room closes the second series, along the whole +length of which, in front of the lateral walls which mark different +chambers, there are, at intervals, piles of débris, which enabled an +approximate determination of the situation of the former front wall, +fragments of the foundations of which are traceable in situ in several +places. + +The hand of man and the erosion of the elements have dealt harshly +with this portion of Honanki, for not a fragment of timber now remains +in its walls. This destruction, so far as human agency is concerned, +could not have been due to white men, but probably to the Apache, or +possibly to the cliff villagers themselves at the time of or shortly +after the abandonment of the settlement. + +From the second section of Honanki we pass to the third and +best-preserved portion of the ruins (figure 249), indicated in the +diagram from _a_ to _g_. To this section I have referred as the "main +ruin," for it was evidently the most populous quarter of the ancient +cliff dwelling. It is better preserved than the remainder of Honanki, +and is the only part in which all four walls of the chambers still +remain erect. Built at a higher level than the series of rooms already +considered, it must have towered above them, and possibly served as a +place of retreat when danger beset the more exposed quarters of the +village. + +[Illustration: FIG. 249--The main ruin of Honanki] + +Approaching the main ruin of Honanki (plate CIV) from the east, or +the parts already described, one passes between the buttress on which +the front wall of the rounded room _h_ is built and a fragment of +masonry on the left, by a natural gateway through which the trail is +very steep. On the right there towers above the visitor a +well-preserved wall of masonry, the front of room _a_, and he soon +passes abreast of the main portion of the ruin of Honanki. This +section is built in a huge cavern, the overhanging roof of which, is +formed by natural rock, arching far above the tops of the highest +walls of the pueblo and suggesting the surroundings of the "Cliff +Palace" of Mesa Verde, so well described by the late Baron G. +Nordenskiöld in his valuable monograph on the ruins of that section of +southern Colorado. The main ruin of Honanki is one of the largest and +best preserved architectural monuments of the former people of Verde +valley that has yet been described. Although somewhat resembling its +rival, the well-known "Casa Montezuma" of Beaver creek, its +architecture is dissimilar on account of the difference in the form of +the cavern in which it is built and the geological character of the +surrounding cliffs. Other Verde ruins may have accommodated more +people, when inhabited, but none of its type south of Canyon de Chelly +have yet been described which excel it in size and condition of +preservation. I soon found that our party were not the first whites +who had seen this lonely village, as the names scribbled on its walls +attested; but so far as I know it had not previously been visited by +archeologists. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CII + +HONANKI (RUIN II)] + +In the main portion of Honanki we found that the two ends of the +crescentic row of united rooms which compose it are built on rocky +elevations, with foundations considerably higher than those of the +rooms in the middle portion of the ruins. The line of the front wall +is, therefore, not exactly crescentic, but irregularly curved (figure +249), conforming to the rear of the cavern in which the houses are +situated. About midway in the curve of the front walls two walls +indicative of former rooms extend at an angle of about 25° to the main +front wall. All the component rooms of the main part of Honanki can be +entered, some by external passageways, others by doorways +communicating with adjacent chambers. None of the inclosures have +roofs or upper floors, although indications of the former existence of +both these structural features may readily be seen in several places. +Although wooden beams are invariably wanting, fragments of these still +project from the walls, almost always showing on their free ends, +inside the rooms, the effect of fire. I succeeded in adding to the +collection a portion of one of these beams, the extremity of which had +been battered off, evidently with a stone implement. In the alkaline +dust which covered the floor several similar specimens were seen. + +The stones which form the masonry of the wall (figure 250) were not, +as a rule, dressed or squared before they were laid with adobe mortar, +but were generally set in place in the rough condition in which they +may still be obtained anywhere under the cliff. + +All the mortar used was of adobe or the tenacious clay which serves so +many purposes among the Pueblos. The walls of the rooms were plastered +with a thick layer of the same material. The rear wall of each room is +the natural rock of the cliff, which rises vertically and has a very +smooth surface. The great natural archway which covers the whole +pueblo protects it from wind and rain, and as a consequence, save on +the front face, there are few signs of natural erosion. The hand of +man, however, has dealt rudely with this venerable building, and many +of the walls, especially of rooms which formerly stood before the +central portion, lie prone upon the earth; but so securely were the +component stones held together by the adobe that even after their fall +sections of masonry still remain intact. + +[Illustration: FIG. 250--Structure of wall of Honanki] + +There are seven walled inclosures in the main part of Honanki, and as +each of these was formerly at least two stories high there is +substantial evidence of the former existence of fourteen rooms in this +part of the ruin. There can be little doubt that there were other +rooms along the front of the central portion, and the fallen walls +show them to have been of large size. It would likewise appear that +the middle part was higher than the two wings, which would increase +the number of chambers, so that with these additions it may safely be +said that this part of Honanki alone contained not far from twenty +rooms. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CIII + +WALLS OF HONANKI] + +The recess in the cliff in which the ruin is situated is lower in the +middle than at either side, where there are projecting ledges of rock +which were utilized by the builders in the construction of the +foundations, the line of the front wall following the inequalities of +the ground. It thus results that rooms _g_, _a_, _b_, and a part of +_c_, rise from a foundation about breast high, or a little higher than +the base of rooms _d_, _e_, and _f_. + +The front wall of _a_ has for its foundation a spur or ledge of rock, +which is continued under _b_ and a part of _c_. The corner or angle of +this wall, facing the round chamber, is curved in the form of a tower, +a considerable section of its masonry being intact. Near the +foundation and following the inequalities of the rock surface the +beginning of a wall at right angles to the face of the ruin at this +point is seen. A small embrasure, high above the base of the front +wall, on the side by which one approaches the ruin from the east, and +two smaller openings on the same level, looking out over the valley, +suggest a floor and lookouts. The large square orifice in the middle +of the face of the wall has a wooden lintel, still in place; the +opening is large enough for use as a door or passageway. The upper +edge of the front wall is somewhat irregular, but a notch in it above +the square opening is conspicuous. + +The rear wall of room _a_ was the face of the cliff, formed of solid +rock without masonry and very much blackened by smoke from former +fires. As, however, there is evidence that since its destruction or +abandonment by its builders this ruin has been occupied as a camping +place by the Apache, it is doubtful to which race we should ascribe +this discoloration of the walls by soot. + +On the ground floor there is a passageway into chamber _b_, which is +considerably enlarged, although the position of the lintel is clearly +indicated by notches in the wall. The beam which was formed there had +been torn from its place and undoubtedly long ago used for firewood by +nomadic visitors. The open passageway, measured externally, is about +15 feet above the foundation of the wall, through which it is broken, +and about 8 feet below the upper edge of the wall. + +Room _b_ is an irregular, square chamber, two stories high, +communicating with _a_ and _c_ by passages which are enlarged by +breakage in the walls. A small hole in the front wall, about 6 feet +from the floor, opens externally to the air. The walls are, in +general, about 2 feet thick, and are composed of flat red stones laid +in clay of the same color. The cliff forms the rear wall of the +chamber. The clay at certain places in the walls, especially near the +insertions of the beams and about the window openings, appears to have +been mixed with a black pitch, which serves to harden the mixture. + +Room _c_ is the first of a series of chambers, with external +passageways, but its walls are very much broken down, and the openings +thereby enlarged. The front wall is almost straight and in one place +stands 30 feet, the maximum height of the standing wall of the ruins. +In one corner a considerable quantity of ashes and many evidences of +fire, some of which may be ascribed to Apache occupants, was detected. +A wooden beam, marking the line of the floor of a second story, was +seen projecting from the front wall, and there are other evidences of +a floor at this level. Large beams apparently extended from the front +wall to the rear of the chamber, where they rested on a ledge in the +cliff, and over these smaller sticks were laid side by side and at +right angles to the beams. These in turn supported either flat stones +or a layer of mud or clay. The method of construction of one of these +roofs is typical of a Tusayan kiva, where ancient architectural forms +are adhered to and best preserved. + +The entrance to room _d_ is very much enlarged by the disintegration +of the wall, and apparently there was at this point a difference in +level of the front wall, for there is evidence of rooms in advance of +those connected with the chambers described, as shown by a line of +masonry, still standing, parallel to the front face of inclosures _c_ +and _d_. + +Room _e_ communicates by a doorway with the chamber marked _f_, and +there is a small window in the same partition. This room had a raised +banquette on the side toward the cliff, recalling an arrangement of +the floor similar to that in the cavate dwellings opposite Squaw +mountain which I have described. This platform is raised about three +feet above the remainder of the floor of _f_, and, like it, is strewn +with large slabs of stone, which have fallen from the overhanging +roof. In the main floor, at one corner, near the platform, there is a +rectangular box-like structure made of thin slabs of stone set on +edge, suggesting the grinding bins of the Pueblos. Room _f_ +communicates with _g_ by a passageway which has a stone lintel. The +holes in the walls, in which beams were once inserted, are seen in +several places at different levels above the floor. The ends of +several beams, one extremity of which is invariably charred, were +found set in the masonry, and others were dug from the débris in the +floor. + +As a result of the curve in the front wall of the ruin at that point, +the shape of room _f_ is roughly quadrate, with banquettes on two +sides. There are six large beam holes in the walls, and the position +of the first floor is well shown on the face of the partition, +separating _f_ from _g_. The passageway from one of these rooms to the +other is slightly arched. + +Room _g_ is elongated, without an external entrance, and communicates +with _f_ by a small opening, through which it is very difficult to +crawl. Its longest dimension is almost at right angles to the front +face of the remaining rooms, and it is raised above them by its +foundation on an elevated rock like that of _a_, _b_, and _c_. There +is a small, square, external opening which may have served as the +position of a former beam or log. The upper level of the front wall is +more or less broken down in places, and formerly may have been much +higher. Beyond _g_ a spur of masonry is built at right angles to the +cliff, inclosing a rectangular chamber at the end of the ruin which +could not be entered. Possibly in former times it was accessible by +means of a ladder from the roof, whence communication with other +portions of the structure was also had. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CIV + +APPROACH TO MAIN PART OF HONANKI] + +A short distance beyond the westernmost rooms of Honanki, almost +covered with bushes and adjoining the base of the cliff, there is a +large ash heap in which are many fragments of pottery and the bones of +various animals. It is probable that excavation in this quarter would +reveal many interesting objects. In the cliffs above this ash heap, +far beyond reach, there is a walled niche which has never been +disturbed. This structure is similar to those near the cavate +dwellings, and when opened will probably be found to contain buried +mortuary objects of interesting character. I did not disturb this +inclosure, inasmuch as I had no ladders or ropes with which to +approach it. + +It is very difficult to properly estimate, from the number of rooms in +a cliff house, the former population, and as a general thing the +tendency is rather to overstate than to fall short of the true total. +In a pueblo like Hano, on the first or east mesa of Tusayan, for +instance, there are many uninhabited rooms, and others serve as +storage chambers, while in places the pueblo has so far fallen into +ruin as to be uninhabitable. If a pueblo is very much concentrated the +population varies at different seasons of the year. In summer it is +sparsely inhabited; in winter it is rather densely populated. While +Palatki and Honanki together had rooms sufficient to house 500 people, +I doubt whether their aggregate population, ever exceeded 200. This +estimate, of course, is based on the supposition that these villages +were contemporaneously inhabited. + +The evidences all point to a belief, however, that they were both +permanent dwelling places and not temporary resorts at certain seasons +of the year. + +The pictographs on the face of the cliff above Honanki are for the +greater part due to the former Apache occupants of the rooms, and are +situated high above the tops of the walls of the ruin. They are, as a +rule, drawn with white chalk, which shows very clearly on the red +rock, and are particularly numerous above room _g_. The figure of a +circle, with lines crossing one another diametrically and continued as +rays beyond the periphery, possibly represent the sun. Many spiral +figures, almost constant pictographs in cliff ruins, are found in +several places. Another strange design, resembling some kind of +insect, is very conspicuous. + +A circle painted green and inclosed in a border of yellow is +undoubtedly of Apache origin. There is at one point a row of small +pits, arranged in line, suggesting a score or enumeration of some +kind, and a series of short parallel lines of similar import was found +not far away. This latter method of recording accounts is commonly +used at the present time in Tusayan, both in houses and on cliffs; and +one of the best of these, said to enumerate the number of Apache +killed by the Hopi in a raid many years ago, may be seen above the +trail by which the visitor enters the pueblo of Hano on the East Mesa. +The names of several persons scratched on the face of the cliff +indicate that Americans had visited Honanki before me. + +The majority of the paleoglyphs at both Palatki and Honanki are of +Apache origin, and are of comparatively modern date, as would +naturally be expected. In some instances their colors are as fresh as +if made a few years ago, and there is no doubt that they were drawn +after the building was deserted by its original occupants. The +positions of the pictographs on the cliffs imply that they were drawn +before the roofs and flooring had been destroyed, thus showing how +lately the ruin preserved its ancient form. In their sheltered +position there seems to be no reason why the ancient pictographs +should not have been preserved, and the fact that so few of the +figures pecked in the cliff now remain is therefore instructive. + +One of the first tendencies of man in visiting a ruin is to inscribe +his name on its walls or on neighboring cliffs. This is shared by both +Indians and whites, and the former generally makes his totem on the +rock surface, or adds that of his gods, the sun, rain-cloud, or +katcinas. Inscriptions recording events are less common, as they are +more difficult to indicate with exactitude in this system of +pictography. The majority of ancient pictographs in the Red-rock +country, like those I have considered in other parts of Verde valley, +are identical with picture writings now made in Tusayan, and are +recognized and interpreted without hesitation by the Hopi Indians. In +their legends, in which the migrations of their ancestors are +recounted, the traditionists often mention the fact that their +ancestors left their totem signatures at certain points in their +wanderings. The Patki people say that you will find on the rocks of +Palatkwabi, the "Red Land of the South" from which they came, totems +of the rain-cloud, sun, crane, parrot, etc. If we find these markings +in the direction which they are thus definitely declared to exist, and +the Hopi say similar pictures were made by their ancestors, there +seems no reason to question such circumstantial evidence that some of +the Hopi clans once came from this region.[28] + +One of the most interesting of the pictographs pecked in the rock is a +figure which, variously modified, is a common decoration on +cliff-dweller pottery from the Verde valley region to the ruins of the +San Juan and its tributaries. This figure has the form of two +concentric spirals, the ends of which do not join. As this design +assumes many modifications, it may be well to consider a few forms +which it assumes on the pottery of the cliff people and on that of +their descendants, the Pueblos. + +The so-called black-and-white ware, or white pottery decorated with +black lines, which is so characteristic of the ceramics of the +cliff-dwellers, is sometimes, as we shall see, found in ruins like +Awatobi and Sikyatki; but it is so rare, as compared with other +varieties, that it may be regarded as intrusive. + +One of the simplest forms of the broken-line motive is a Greek fret, +in which there is a break in the component square figures or where the +line is noncontinuous. In the simplest form, which appears prominently +on modern pottery, but which is rare or wanting on true +black-and-white ware, we have two crescentic figures, the concavities +of which face in different directions, but the horns overlap. This is +a symbol which the participants in the dance called the Húmiskatcina +still paint with pigments on their breasts, and which is used on +shields and various religious paraphernalia. + +A study of any large collection of decorated Pueblo ware, ancient or +modern, will show many modifications of this broken line, a number of +which I shall discuss more in detail when pottery ornamentation is +considered. A design so distinctive and so widespread as this must +certainly have a symbolic interpretation. The concentric spirals with +a broken line, the Hopi say, are symbols of the whirlpool, and it is +interesting to find in the beautiful plates of Chavero's _Antigüedades +Mexicanas_ that the water in the lagoon surrounding the ancient Aztec +capital was indicated by the Nahuatl Indians with similar symbols. + + +OBJECTS FOUND AT PALATKI AND HONANKI + +The isolation of these ruins and the impossibility of obtaining +workmen, combined with the brief visit which I was able to make to +them, rendered it impossible to collect very many specimens of ancient +handiwork. The few excavations which were made were limited almost +wholly to Honanki, and from their success I can readily predict a rich +harvest for anyone who may attempt systematic work in this virgin +field. We naturally chose the interior of the rooms for excavation, +and I will say limited our work to these places. Every chamber was +more or less filled with débris--fragments of overturned walls, +detached rock from the cliff above, dry alkaline soil, drifted sand, +dust, and animal excreta. In those places where digging was possible +we found the dust and guano so dry and alkaline that it was next to +impossible to work for any length of time in the rooms, for the air +became so impure that the workmen could hardly breathe, especially +where the inclosing walls prevented ventilation. Notwithstanding this +obstacle, however, we removed the accumulated débris down to the floor +in one or two chambers, and examined with care the various objects of +aboriginal origin which were revealed. + +In studying the specimens found in cliff-houses due attention has not +always been given to the fact that occupants have oftentimes camped in +them subsequently to their abandonment by the original builders. As a +consequence of this temporary habitation objects owned by unrelated +Indians have frequently been confused with those of the cliff-dwellers +proper. We found evidences that both Honanki and Palatki had been +occupied by Apache Mohave people for longer or shorter periods of +time, and some of the specimens were probably left there by these +inhabitants. + +The ancient pottery found in the rooms, although fragmentary, is +sufficiently complete to render a comparison with known ceramics from +the Verde ruins. Had we discovered the cemeteries, for which we +zealously searched in vain, no doubt entire vessels, deposited as +mortuary offerings, would have been found; but the kind of ware of +which they were made would undoubtedly have been the same as that of +the fragments. + +No pottery distinctively different from that which has already been +reported from the Verde valley ruins was found, and the majority +resembled so closely in texture and symbolism that of the cliff houses +of the San Juan, in northern New Mexico and southern Utah, that they +may be regarded as practically identical. + +The following varieties of pottery were found at Honanki: + + I. Coiled ware. + II. Indented ware. +III. Smooth ware. + IV. Smooth ware painted white, with black geometric figures. + V. Smooth red ware, with black decoration. + +By far the largest number of fragments belong to the first division, +and these, as a rule, are blackened by soot, as if used in cooking. +The majority are parts of large open-mouth jars with flaring rims, +corrugated or often indented with the thumb-nail or some hard +substance, the coil becoming obscure on the lower surface. The inside +of these jars is smooth, but never polished, and in one instance the +potter used the corrugations of the coil as an ornamental motive. The +paste of which this coiled ware was composed is coarse, with +argillaceous grains scattered through it; but it was well fired and is +still hard and durable. When taken in connection with its tenuity, +these features show a highly developed potter's technique. A single +fragment is ornamented with an S-shape coil of clay fastened to the +corrugations in much the same way as in similar ware from the ruins +near the Colorado Chiquito. + +The fragments of smooth ware show that they, too, had been made +originally in the same way as coiled ware, and that their outer as +well as their inner surface had been rubbed smooth before firing. As a +rule, however, they are coarse in texture and have little symmetry of +form. Fragments identified as parts of bowls, vases, jars, and dippers +are classed under this variety. As a rule they are badly or unevenly +fired, although evidently submitted to great heat. There was seldom an +effort made to smooth the outer surface to a polish, and no attempt at +pictorial ornamentation was made. + +The fragments represented in classes IV and V were made of a much +finer clay, and the surface bears a gloss, almost a glaze. The +ornamentation on the few fragments which were found is composed of +geometric patterns, and is identical with the sherds from other ruins +of Verde valley. A fragment each of a dipper and a ladle, portions of +a red bowl, and a rim of a large vase of the same color were picked up +near the ruin. Most of the fragments, however, belong to the first +classes--the coiled and indented wares. + +There was no evidence that the former inhabitants of these buildings +were acquainted with metals. The ends of the beams had been hacked off +evidently with blunt stone axes, aided by fire, and the lintels of the +houses were of split logs which showed no evidence that any metal +implement was used in fashioning them. We found, however, several +stone tools, which exhibit considerable skill in the art of stone +working. These include a single ax, blunt at one end, sharpened at the +other, and girt by a single groove. The variety of stone from which +the ax was made does not occur in the immediate vicinity of the ruin. +There were one or two stone hammers, grooved for hafting, like the ax. +A third stone maul, being grooveless, was evidently a hand tool for +breaking other stones or for grinding pigments. + +[Illustration: FIG. 251--Stone implement from Honanki] + +Perhaps the most interesting stone implement which was found was +uncovered in the excavation of one of the middle rooms of the western +part of the ruin, about three feet below the surface. It consists of a +wooden handle rounded at each end and slightly curved, with a +sharpened stone inserted midway of its length and cemented to the wood +with pitch or asphaltum. The stone of this implement would hardly bear +rough usage, or sustain, without fracture, a heavy blow. The edge is +tolerably sharp, and it therefore may have been used in skinning +animals. Judging from the form of the handle, the implement is better +suited for use as a scraper than for any other purpose which has +occurred to me (figure 251). + +The inhabitants of the two ruins of the Red-rocks used obsidian +arrowpoints with shafts of reeds, and evidently highly regarded +fragments of the former material for knives, spearheads, and one or +two other purposes. + +The stone metates from these ruins are in no respect characteristic, +and several fine specimens were found in place on the floors of the +rooms. One of these was a well-worn specimen of lava, which must have +been brought from a considerable distance, since none of that +material occurs in the neighborhood. The existence of these grinding +stones implies the use of maize as food, and this evidence was much +strengthened by the finding of corncobs, kernels of corn, and charred +fragments at several points below the surface of the débris in the +chambers of Honanki. One of these grinding stones was found set in the +floor of one of the rooms in the same way that similar metates may be +seen in Walpi today. + +Of bone implements, our limited excavations revealed only a few +fragments. Leg bones of the turkey were used for awls, bodkins, +needles, and similar objects. In general character the implements of +this kind which were found are almost identical in form with the bone +implements from Awatobi and Sikyatki, which are later figured and +described. Although the bone implements unearthed were not numerous, +we were well repaid for our excavations by finding an ancient +fireboard, identical with those now used at Tusayan in the ceremony of +kindling "new fire," and probably universally used for that purpose in +former times. The only shell was a fragment of a bracelet made from a +_Pectunculus_, a Pacific coast mollusk highly esteemed in ancient +times among prehistoric Pueblos. The majority of the wooden objects +found showed marks of fire, which were especially evident on the ends +of the roof and floor beams projecting from the walls. + +[Illustration: FIG. 252--Tinder tube from Honanki] + +A considerable collection of objects made of wickerwork and woven +vegetal fiber was found in the alkaline dust and ashes of the Red-rock +cliff houses, and while there is some difficulty here as elsewhere, in +deciding whether certain specimens belonged to the original builders +or to later temporary occupants, there is little doubt that most of +them were the property of the latter. + +There were many specimens of basketry found on the surface of the +rubbish of the floors which, from the position of their occurrence and +from their resemblance to the wickerwork still used by the Apache, +seem without doubt to have been left there by temporary occupants of +the rooms. There were likewise many wisps of yucca fiber tied in knots +which must probably be regarded as of identical origin. The _Yucca +baccata_ affords the favorite fiber used by the natives at the present +time, and it appears to have been popular for that purpose among the +ancients. + +Several specimens of sandals, some of which are very much worn on the +soles, were found buried at the floor level. These are all of the same +kind, and are made of yucca leaves plaited in narrow strips. The mode +of attachment to the foot was evidently by a loop passing over the +toes. Hide and cloth sandals have as yet not been reported from the +Red-rock ruins of Verde valley. These sandals belonged to the original +occupants of the cliff houses. + +Fabrics made of cotton are common in the ruins of the Red-rocks, and +at times this fiber was combined with yucca. Some of the specimens of +cotton cloth were finely woven and are still quite strong, although +stained dark or almost black. Specimens of netting are also common, +and an open-mesh legging, similar to the kind manufactured in ancient +times by the Hopi and still worn by certain personators in their +sacred dances, were taken from the western room of Honanki. There were +also many fragments of rope, string, cord, and loosely twisted bands, +resembling head bands for carrying burdens. + +A reed (figure 252) in which was inserted a fragment of cotton fiber +was unlike anything yet reported from cliff houses, and as the end of +the cotton which projected beyond the cavity of the reed was charred, +it possibly was used as a slow-match or tinder-box. + +Several shell and turquois beads were found, but my limited studies of +the cliff-houses revealed only a few other ornaments, among them being +beads of turkey-bone and a single wristlet fashioned from a +_Pectunculus_. One or two fragments of prayer-sticks were discovered +in a rock inclosure in a cleft to the west of the ruin. + + +CONCLUSIONS REGARDING THE VERDE VALLEY RUINS + +The ruins of the Verde region closely resemble those of Tusayan, and +seem to support the claim of the Hopi that some of their ancestors +formerly lived in that region. This is true more especially of the +villages of the plains and mesa tops, for neither cave-houses nor +cavate dwellings are found in the immediate vicinity of the inhabited +Tusayan pueblos. The objects taken from the ruins are similar to those +found universally over the pueblo area, and from them alone we can not +say more than that they probably indicate the same substratum of +culture as that from which modern pueblo life with its many +modifications has sprung. + +The symbolism of the decorations on the fragments of pottery found in +the Verde ruins is the same as that of the ancient pueblos of the +Colorado Chiquito, and it remains to be shown whether the ancestors of +these were Hopi or Zuñi. I believe it will be found that they were +both, or that when the villages along the Colorado Chiquito[29] were +abandoned part of the inhabitants went to the mesas of Tusayan and +others migrated farther up the river to the Zuñi villages. + +Two centers of distribution of cliff houses occur in our Southwest: +those of the upper tributaries of the Colorado in the north and the +cliff houses of the affluents of the Salt and the Gila in the south. +The watershed of the Rio Grande is, so far as is known, destitute of +this kind of aboriginal dwellings. Between the two centers of +distribution lie the pueblos of the Little Colorado and its +tributaries, the home of the ancestors of the Hopi and the Zuñi. The +many resemblances between the cliff houses of the north and those of +the south indicate that the stage of culture of both was uniform, and +probably the same conditions of environment led both peoples to build +similar dwellings. All those likenesses which can be found between the +modern Zuñi and the Hopi to the former cliff peoples of the San Juan +region in the north, apply equally to those of the upper Salado and +the Gila and their tributaries to the south; and so far as arguments +of a northern origin of either, built on architectural or +technological resemblances, are concerned, they are not conclusive, +since they are also applicable to the cliff peoples of the south. The +one important difference between the northern and the southern tier of +cliff houses is the occurrence of the circular kiva, which has never +been reported south of the divide between the Little Colorado and the +Gila-Salado drainage. If a kiva was a feature in southern cliff +houses, which I doubt, it appears to have been a rectangular chamber +similar to a dwelling room. The circular kiva exists in neither the +modern Hopi nor the Zuñi pueblos, and it has not been found in +adjacent Tusayan ruins; therefore, if these habitations were +profoundly influenced by settlers from the north, it is strange that +such a radical change in the form of this room resulted. The arguments +advanced that one of the two component stocks of the Zuñi, and that +the aboriginal, came from the cliff peoples of the San Juan, are not +conclusive, although I have no doubt that the Zuñi may have received +increment from that direction. + +Cushing has, I believe, furnished good evidence that some of the +ancestors of the Zuñi population came from the south and southwest; +and that some of these came from pueblos now in ruins on the Little +Colorado is indicated by the great similarity in the antiquities of +ancient Zuñi and the Colorado Chiquito ruins. Part of the Patki people +of the Hopi went to Zuñi and part to Tusayan, from the same abandoned +pueblo, and the descendants of this family in Walpi still recognize +this ancient kinship; but I do not know, and so far as can be seen +there is no way of determining, the relative antiquity of the pueblos +in Zuñi valley and those on the lower Colorado. + +The approximate date of the immigration of the Patki people to Tusayan +is as yet a matter of conjecture. It may have been in prehistoric +times, or more likely at a comparatively late period in the history of +the people. It seems well substantiated, however, that when this +Water-house people joined the other Hopi, the latter inhabited pueblos +and were to all intents a pueblo people. If this hypothesis be a +correct one, the Snake, Horn, and Bear peoples, whom the southern +colonists found in Tusayan, had a culture of their own similar to that +of the people from the south. Whence that culture came must be +determined by studies of the component clans of the Hopi before the +arrival of the Patki people.[30] + +The origin of the round shape of the estufa, according to Nordenskiöld +(p. 168), is most easily explained on the hypothesis that it is a +reminiscence of the cliff-dwellers' nomadic period. "There must be +some very cogent reason for the employment of this shape," he says, +"for the construction of a cylindrical chamber within a block of +rectangular rooms involves no small amount of labor. We know how +obstinately primitive nations cling to everything connected with their +religious ideas. Then what is more natural than the retention, for the +room where religious ceremonies were performed, of the round shape +characteristic of the original dwelling place, the nomadic hut? This +assumption is further corroborated by the situation of the hearth and +the structure of the roof of the estufa, when we find points of +analogy to the method employed by certain nomadic Indians in the +erection of their huts." This theory of the origin of the round form +of dwelling and its retention in the architecture of the kiva, +advanced by Nordenskiöld in 1893, has much in its favor, but the +rectangular form, which, so far as known, is the only shape of these +sacred rooms in the Tusayan region, is still unexplained. From +Castañeda's narrative of the Coronado expedition it appears that in +the middle of the sixteenth century the eastern pueblos had both +square and round estufas or kivas, and that these kivas belonged to +the men while the rooms of the pueblo were in the possession of the +women. The apparent reason why we find no round rooms or kivas in the +southern cliff houses and in Tusayan may be due to several causes. +Local conditions, including the character of the building sites on the +Hopi mesa, made square rooms more practical, or the nomadic stage was +so far removed that the form of the inclosure in which the ancients +held their rites had not been preserved. Moreover, some of the most +ancient and secret observances at Walpi, as the Flute ceremony, are +not performed in special kivas, but take place in ordinary living +rooms. + +As in all the other ruins of Verde valley, circular kivas are absent +in the Red-rock country, and this fact, which has attracted the +attention of several observers, is, I believe, very significant. +Although as yet our knowledge of the cliff houses of the upper Gila +and Salado and their numerous tributaries is very fragmentary, and +generalization on that account unsafe, it may be stated provisionally +that no circular kivas have yet been found in any ruins of the +Gila-Salado watershed. This form of kiva, however, is an essential +feature of the cliff dwellings of Rio Colorado, especially of those +along its affluents in southern Colorado and northern New Mexico. +Roughly speaking, then, the circular kiva is characteristic of the +ruins of this region and of certain others in the valley of the Rio +Grande, where they still survive in inhabited pueblos. + +Circular ruins likewise are limited in their distribution in the +Southwest, and it is an interesting fact that the geographic +distribution of ancient pueblos of this form is in a general way the +same as that of circular kivas. There are, of course, many exceptions, +but so far as I know these can readily be explained. No ruins of +circular dwellings occur in the Gila-Salado drainage area, where +likewise no circular kivas have been observed. Moreover, the circular +form of dwelling and kiva is distinctively characteristic of +prehistoric peoples east of Tusayan, and the few instances of their +occurrence on its eastern border can readily be explained as +extra-Hopi. + +The explanation of these circular kivas advanced by Nordenskiöld and +the Mindeleffs, that they are survivals of round habitations of +nomads, has much to commend it; but whether sufficient or not, the +geographic limitation of these structures tells in favor of the +absence of any considerable migration of the prehistoric peoples of +the upper Colorado and Rio Grande watersheds southward into the +drainage area of the Gila-Salado. Had the migration been in that +direction it may readily be believed that the round kiva and the +circular form of dwelling would have been brought with it. + +The round kiva has been regarded as a survival of the form of the +original homes of the nomad, when he became a sedentary agriculturist +by conquest and marriage. + +The presence of rectangular kivas in the same areas in which round +kivas occur does not necessarily militate against this theory, nor +does it oblige us to offer an explanation of a necessarily radical +change in architecture if we would derive it from a circular form. It +would indeed be very unusual to find such a change in a structure +devoted to religious purposes where conservatism is so strong. The +rectangular kiva is the ancient form, or rather the original form; the +round kiva is not a development from it, but an introduction from an +alien people. It never penetrated southward of the Colorado and upper +Rio Grande drainage areas because the element which introduced it in +the north was never strong enough to influence the house builders of +the Gila-Salado and tributary valleys. + + + + + +RUINS IN TUSAYAN + +GENERAL FEATURES + + +No region of our Southwest presents more instructive antiquities than +the ancient province of Tusayan, more widely known as the Moki +reservation. In the more limited use of the term, Tusayan is applied +to the immediate surroundings of the Hopi pueblos, to which "province" +it was given in the middle of the sixteenth century. In a broader +sense the name would include an as yet unbounded country claimed by +the component clans of this people as the homes of their ancestors. + +The general character and distribution of Tusayan ruins (plate XVI) +has been ably presented by Mr Victor Mindeleff in a previous +report.[31] While this memoir is not regarded as exhaustive, it +considers most of the large ruins in immediate proximity to the three +mesas on which the pueblos inhabited by the Hopi are situated. It is +not my purpose here to consider all Tusayan ruins, even if I were able +to do so, but to supplement with additional data the observations +already published on two of the most noteworthy pueblo settlements. +Broadly speaking, I have attempted archeological excavations in order +to obtain more light on the nature of prehistoric life in Tusayan. It +may be advantageous, however, to refer briefly to some of the ruins +thus far discovered in the Tusayan region as preliminary to more +systematic descriptions of the two which I have chosen for special +description. + +The legends of the surviving Hopi contain constant references to +former habitations of different clans in the country round about their +present villages. These clans, which by consolidation make up the +present population of the Hopi pueblos, are said to have originally +entered Tusayan from regions as far eastward as the Rio Grande, and +from the southern country included within the drainage of the Gila, +the Salt, and their affluents. Other increments are reputed to have +come from the northward and the westward, so that the people we now +find in Tusayan are descendants from an aggregation of stocks from +several directions, some of them having migrated from considerable +distances. Natives of other regions have settled among the ancient +Hopi, built pueblos, and later returned to their former homes; and the +Hopi in turn have sent colonists into the eastern pueblo country. + +These legends of former movements of the tribal clans of Tusayan are +supplemented and supported by historical documents, and we know from +this evidence that there has been a continual interchange between the +people of Tusayan and almost every large pueblo of New Mexico and +Arizona. Some of the ruins of this region were abandoned in historic +times; others are prehistoric; many were simply temporary halting +places in Hopi migrations, and were abandoned as the clans drifted +together in friendship or destroyed as a result of internecine +conflicts. + +There is documentary evidence that in the years following the great +rebellion of the Pueblo tribes in 1680, which were characterized by +catastrophes of all kinds among the Rio Grande villagers, many Tanoan +people fled to Tusayan to escape from their troubles. According to +Niel, 4,000 Tanoan refugees, under Frasquillo, loaded with booty which +they had looted from the churches, went to Oraibi by way of Zuñi, and +there established a "kingdom," with their chief as ruler. How much +reliance may be placed on this account is not clear to me, but there +is no doubt that many Tanoan people joined the Hopi about this time, +and among them were the Asa people, the ancestors of the present +inhabitants of Hano pueblo, and probably the accolents of Payüpki. The +ease with which two Franciscan fathers, in 1742, persuaded 441 of +these to return to the Rio Grande, implies that they were not very +hostile to Christianity, and it is possible that one reason they +sought Tusayan in the years after the Spaniards were expelled may have +been their friendship for the church party. + +With the exception of Oraibi, not one of the present inhabited pueblos +of Tusayan occupies the site on which it stood in the sixteenth +century, and the majority of them do not antedate the beginning of the +eighteenth century. The villages have shifted their positions but +retained their names. + +At the time of the advent of Tobar, in 1540, there was but one of the +present three villages of East Mesa. This was Walpi, and at the period +referred to it was situated on the terrace below the site of the +present town, near the northwestern base of the mesa proper. Two +well-defined ruins, called Kisakobi and Küchaptüvela, are now pointed +out as the sites of Old Walpi. Of these Küchaptüvela is regarded as +the older. + +Judging by their ruins these towns were of considerable size. From +their exposed situation they were open to the inroads of predatory +tribes, and from these hostile raids their abandonment became +necessary. From Küchaptüvela the ancient Walpians moved to a point +higher on the mesa, nearer its western limit, and built Kisakobi, +where the pueblo stood in the seventeenth century. There is evidence +that a Spanish mission was erected at this point, and the place is +sometimes called Nüshaki, a corruption of "Missa-ki," Mass-house. From +this place the original nucleus of Walpians moved to the present site +about the close of the seventeenth century. Later the original +population was joined by other phratries, some of which, as the Asa, +had lived in the cliff-houses of Tségi, or Canyon de Chelly, as late +as the beginning of the eighteenth century. This, however, is not the +place to trace the composition of the different modern villages. + +Sichomovi was a colony from Walpi, founded about 1750, and Hano was +built not earlier than 1700. The former was settled by the Badger +people, later joined by a group of Tanoan clans called the Asa, from +the Rio Grande, who were invited to Tusayan to aid the Hopi in +resisting the invasions of northern nomads. + +By the middle of the eighteenth century the population of the province +of Tusayan was for the first time distributed in the seven pueblos now +inhabited. No village has been deserted since that time, nor has any +new site been occupied. + +In order that the reader may have an idea of the Tusayan pueblos at +the time mentioned, an account of them from a little-known description +by Morfi in 1782 is introduced:[32] + + _Morfi's account of the Tusayan pueblos_ + + Quarenta y seis leguas al Poniente de Zuñi, con alguna + inclinacion al N. O. están los tres primeros pueblos de la + provincia de Moqui, que en el dia en el corto distrito de + 4-1/2 leguas (112 recto) tiene siete pueblos en tres mesas ó + peñoles que corren linea recta de Oriente á Poniente. + + _Tanos_[33] + + En la punta occidental de la primera, y en la mas estrecho + de su eminencia están situados tres de los quales el primero + es el de Tanos (alli dicen Tegüas), cuyas moradores tienen + idioma particular y distinto del Moquino. Es pueblo regular + con un plaza en el centro, y un formacion de calles. Tendrá + 110 familias. + + El segundo[34] pueblo dista del precedente como un tiro de + piedra, es de fundacion moderna, y se compondrá de mas 15 + familias que se retiraron aqui de: + + _Gualpi_ + + Gualpi que dista del anterior un tiro de fusil, es mas + grande y populoso que los dos anteriores, puede tener hasta + 200 familias. Estas tres pueblos tienen poco caballada, y + algunas vacas; pero mucho ganado lanar. + + _Mosasnabi_[35] + + Al poniente de esta mesa, y á legua y media de distancia + está la segunda, cuyo intermedio es un (112 v.) arenal, que + ertrando un poco en ella la divide en dos brazas. En el + septentrional, que es el mas inmediata á Gualpi hay dos + anillos distantes entre si un tiro de piedra. En la cima del + primero está situado el pueblo de Mosasnabi compuesto de 50 + familias poco mas ó menos. + + _Xipaolabi_[36] + + En la cumbre del secundo cerrito se fundó el quinto pueblo + llamado Xipaolabi, que tendrá solo 14 familias: está casi + arruinado, porque sus vecinos se han trasladado al brazo + austral de la mesa y formaron el sexto pueblo llamado: + + _Xongopabi_[37] + + Xongopabi goza mejor situacion que todos los demas, tienen + tres quarteles mui bien dispuestos y en ellas unas 60 + familias. Estos tres pueblos tienen mas caballada que los + primeros y mucho ganado menor. + + + _Oraybe_ + + Dos y media leguas al Poniente de esta mesa, está la + tercera, y en sucima el septimo pueblo que llaman Oraybe. Es + como la capital de la provincia, el mayor y mas bien formado + de toda ella, y acaso de todas las provincias internas. + Tiene once quarteles ó manzanas bien largas y dispuestos con + calles á cordel yá (113 r.) todos vientos, y puede llegar su + poblacion á 800 familias. Tienen buena caballada, mucho + ganado menor y algun vacuno. Aunque no gozan sino una + pequeña fuente de buena agua, distante del pueblo mas de una + milla al Norte, han construido para suplir esta escasez, en + la misma mesa, y mui inmediato à las casas seis cisternas + grandes donde recoger la agua de las lluvias y nieves. + +The distribution of the population of Tusayan in the seven pueblos +mentioned above remained practically the same during the century +between 1782 and 1882. Summer settlements for farming purposes were +inhabited by the Oraibi for brief periods. Between the years 1880 and +1890 a beginning of a new distribution of Hopi families began, when +one or two of the less timid erected houses near Coyote spring, at the +East Mesa. The Tewa, represented by Polaka and Jakwaina, took the lead +in this movement. From 1890 to the present time a large number of +Walpi, Sichomovi, and Hano families have built houses in the foothills +of the East Mesa and in the plain beyond the "wash." A large +schoolhouse has been erected at Sun spring and a considerable number +of East Mesa villagers have abandoned their mesa dwellings. In this +shifting of the population the isolated house is always adopted and +the aboriginal method of roof building is abandoned. The indications +are that in a few years the population of the East Mesa will be +settled in unconnected farmhouses with little resemblance to the +ancient communal pueblo. + +This movement is shared to a less extent by the Middle Mesa and Oraibi +people. On my first visit to the pueblos of these mesas, in 1890, +there was not a single permanent dwelling save in the ancient pueblos; +but now numerous small farmhouses have been erected at or near the +springs in the foothills. I mention these facts as a matter of record +of progress in the life of these people in adapting themselves to the +new conditions or influences by which they are surrounded. I believe +that if this exodus of Hopi families from the old pueblo to the plain +continues during the next two decades as it has in the last ten years, +there are children now living in Walpi who will some day see it +uninhabited. + +This disintegration of the Hopi phratries, by which families are +separated from one another, is, I believe, a return to the prehistoric +distribution of the clans, and as Walpi grew into a pueblo by a union +of kindred people, so now it is again being divided and distributed, +still preserving family ties in new clusters or groupings. It is thus +not impossible that the sites of certain old ruins, as Sikyatki, +deserted for many years, will again be built upon if better suited for +new modes of life. The settlement near Coyote spring, for instance, is +not far from the old site of a former home of the Tanoan families, who +went to Tusayan in the beginning of the eighteenth century, and the +people who inhabit these new houses are all Tanoan descendants of the +original contingent. + +In order to become familiar with the general character of Tusayan +ruins, I made a brief reconnoissance of those mentioned in the +following list, from which I selected Awatobi and Sikyatki as places +for a more exhaustive exploration. This list is followed by a brief +mention of those which I believe would offer fair opportunities for a +continuation of the work inaugurated. The ruins near Oraibi were not +examined and are therefore omitted, not that they are regarded as less +important, but because I was unable to undertake a study of them in +the limited time at my disposal. There are also many ruins in Tusayan, +north of the inhabited pueblos, which have never been described, and +would well repay extended investigation. Some of these, as the ruins +at the sacred spring called Kishuba, are of the utmost traditional +importance. + + I. _Middle Mesa ruins_--(1) Old Shuñopovi; (2) Old + Mishoñinovi; (3) Shitaumû; (4) Chukubi; (5) Payüpki. + + II. _East Mesa ruins_--(1) Kisakobi; (2) Küchaptüvela; (3) + Küküchomo; (4) Tukinobi; (5) Kachinba; (6) Sikyatki. + + III. _Ruins in Keam's canyon_. + + IV. _Jeditoh valley ruins_--(1) Bat-house; (2) Jeditoh, + Kawaika; (3) Horn-house; (4) Awatobi; Smaller Awatobi. + +This method of classification is purely geographical, and is adopted +simply for convenience; but there are one or two facts worthy of +mention in regard to the distribution of ruins in these four sections. +The inhabited pueblos, like the ruins, are, as a rule, situated on the +eastern side of their respective mesas, or on the cliffs or hills +which border the adjacent plains on the west. This uniformity is +thought to have resulted from a desire to occupy a sunny site for +warmth and for other reasons. + +The pueblos at or nearest the southern ends of the mesas were found to +be best suited for habitation, consequently the present towns occupy +those sites, or, as in the case of the Jeditoh series, the pueblo at +that point was the last abandoned. The reason for this is thought to +be an attempt to concentrate on the most inaccessible sites available, +which implies inroads of hostile peoples. For the same reason, +likewise, the tendency was to move from the foothills to the mesa tops +when these invasions began. + +Early settlers near East Mesa appeared to have chosen exposed sites +for their pueblos. This would imply that they feared no invasion, and +legendary history indicates that the first pueblos were erected before +the hostile Ute, Apache, and Navaho appeared. The early settlements on +Middle Mesa were also apparently not made with an absorbing idea of +inaccessibility. All the Jeditoh villages, however, were on the mesa +tops, these sites having been selected evidently with a view to +protection, since they were not convenient to the farms. + +For many reasons it would seem that the people who occupied the now +ruined Jeditoh villages were later arrivals in Tusayan than those of +East and Middle Mesas, and that, as a rule, they came from the +eastward, while those of Middle Mesa arrived from the south. The first +colonists of all, however, appear to have been the East Mesa clans, +the Bear and Snake families. If this conjecture be true, we may +believe that the oldest pueblos in Tusayan were probably the house +groups of the Snake clan of East Mesa, for whom their traditionists +claim a northern origin. + + +THE MIDDLE MESA RUINS + +SHUÑOPOVI + +The site of Old Shuñopovi (plate CV) at the advent of the first +Spaniards, and for a century or more afterward, was at the foot of the +mesa on which the present village stands. The site of the old pueblo +is easily detected by the foundations of the ancient houses and their +overturned walls, surrounded by mounds of soil filled with fragments +of the finest pottery. + +The old village was situated on a ridge of foothills east of the +present town and near the spring, which is still used. On the highest +point of the ridge there rise to a considerable height the massive +walls of the old Spanish mission church, forming an inclosure, now +used as a sheep corral. The cemeteries are near by, close to the outer +walls, and among a clump of peach trees about half a mile east of the +old houses. The pottery,[38] as shown by the fragments, is of the +finest old Tusayan ware, cream and red being the predominating colors, +while fragments of coiled and black-and-white ware are likewise +common. + + +MISHOÑINOVI + +The ruins of Old Mishoñinovi lie west of the present pueblo in the +foothills, not far from the two rocky pinnacles at that point and +adjacent to a spring. In strolling over the site of the old town I +have noted its ground plan, and have picked up many sherds which +indicate that the pottery made at that place was the fine cream-color +ware for which Tusayan has always been famous. The site offers unusual +opportunities for archeological studies, but excavation there is not +practicable on account of the opposition of the chiefs. + +Old Mishoñinovi was a pueblo of considerable size, and was probably +inhabited up to the close of the seventeenth century. It was probably +on this site that the early Spanish explorers found the largest pueblo +of the Middle Mesa. The ruin of Shitaimovi, in the foothills near +Mishoñinovi, mentioned by Mindeleff, was not visited by our party. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY. + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CV. + +SKETCH MAP OF THE MESA COUNTRY +OCCUPIED BY THE +HOPI INDIANS] + + +CHUKUBI + +The ruin of Chukubi bears every evidence of antiquity. It is situated +on one of the eastward projecting spurs of Middle Mesa, midway between +Payüpki and Shipaulovi, near an excellent spring at the base of the +mesa. + +Chukubi was built in rectangular form, with a central plaza surrounded +by rooms, two deep. There are many indications of outlying chambers, +some of which are arranged in rows. The house walls are almost wholly +demolished, and in far poorer state of preservation than those of the +neighboring ruin of Payüpki. The evidence now obtainable indicates +that it was an ancient habitation of a limited period of occupancy. It +is said to have been settled by the Patuñ or Squash people, whose +original home was far to the south, on Little Colorado river. A fair +ground plan is given by Mindeleff in his memoir on Pueblo +Architecture; but so far as known no studies of the pottery of this +pueblo have ever been made. + + +PAYÜPKI + +One of the best-preserved ruins on Middle Mesa is called Payüpki by +the Hopi, and is interesting in connection with the traditions of the +migration of peoples from the Rio Grande, which followed the +troublesome years at the close of the seventeenth century. In the +reconquest of New Mexico by the Spaniards we can hardly say that +Tusayan was conquered; the province was visited and nominally +subjugated after the great rebellion, but with the exception of +repeated expeditions, which were often repulsed, the Hopi were +practically independent and were so regarded. No adequate punishment +was inflicted on the inhabitants of Walpi for the destruction of the +town of Awatobi, and although there were a few military expeditious to +Tusayan no effort at subjugation was seriously made. + +Tusayan was regarded as an asylum for the discontented or apostate, +and about the close of the seventeenth century many people from the +Rio Grande fled there for refuge. Some of these refugees appear to +have founded pueblos of their own; others were amalgamated with +existing villages. Payüpki seems to have been founded about this +period, for we find no account of it before this time, and it is not +mentioned in connection with ancient migrations. In 1706 Holguin is +said to have attacked the "Tanos" village between Walpi and Oraibi and +forced the inhabitants to give hostages, but he was later set upon by +the Tano and driven back to Zuñi. It would hardly seem possible that +the pueblo mentioned could have been Hano, for this village does not +lie between Oraibi and Walpi and could not have been surrounded in the +way indicated in the account. Payüpki, however, not only lay on the +trail between Walpi and Oraibi--about midway, as the chronicler +states--but was so situated on a projecting promontory that it could +easily have been surrounded and isolated from the other pueblos. + +The Hopi legends definitely assert that the Payüpki people came from +the "great river," the Rio Grande, and spoke a language allied to that +of the people of Hano. They were probably apostates, who came from the +east about 1680, but did not seem to agree well with the people of the +Middle Mesa, and about 1750 returned to the river and were domiciled +in Sandia, where their descendants still live. The name Payüpki is +applied by the Hopi to the pueblo of Sandia as well as to the ruin on +the Middle Mesa. The general appearance of the ruin of Payüpki +indicates that it was not long inhabited, and that it was abandoned at +a comparatively recent date. The general plan is not that common to +ancient Tusayan ruins, but more like that of Hano and Sichomovi, which +were erected about the time Payüpki was built. Many fragments of a +kind of pottery which in general appearance is foreign to Tusayan, but +which resembles the Rio Grande ware, were found on the mounds, and the +walls are better preserved than those of the ancient Tusayan ruins. + +A notable absence of fragments of obsidian, the presence of which in +abundance is characteristic of ancient ruins, was observed on the site +of Payüpki. All these evidences substantiate the Hopi legend that the +Tanoan inhabitants of the village of Middle Mesa, above the trail from +Walpi to Oraibi, made but a short stay in Tusayan.[39] + +There is good documentary evidence that Sandia was settled by Tanoan +people from Tusayan. Morfi in 1782 so states,[40] and in a copy of the +acts of possession of the pueblo grants of 1748 we find still further +proof of the settlement of "Moquinos" in Sandia.[41] + +When Otermin returned to New Mexico in his attempted reconquest, in +1681, he reached Isleta on December 6, and on the 8th Dominguez +encamped in sight of Sandia, but found the inhabitants had fled. The +discord following this event drove the few surviving families of the +Tiwa on their old range to Tusayan, for they were set upon by Keres +and Jemez warriors on the plea that they received back the Spaniards. +Possibly these families formed the nucleus of Payüpki. It was about +this time, also, if we can believe Niel's story, that 4,000 Tanos went +to Tusayan. It would thus appear that the Hopi Payüpki was settled in +the decade 1680-1690. + + +THE EAST MESA RUINS + +KÜCHAPTÜVELA AND KISAKOBI + +The two ruins of Küchaptüvela and Kisakobi mark the sites of Walpi +during the period of Spanish exploration and occupancy between 1540 +and 1700. The former was the older. In all probability the latter had +a mission church and was inhabited at the time of the great rebellion +in 1680, having been founded about fifty years previously. + +The former or more ancient[42] pueblo was situated on the first or +lowest terrace of East Mesa, below the present pueblo, on the northern +and western sides. The name Küchaptüvela signifies "Ash-hill terrace," +and probably the old settlement, like the modern, was known as Walpi, +"Place-of-the-gap," referring to the gap or notch (_wala_) in the mesa +east of Hano. + +Old Walpi is said to have been abandoned because it was in the shade +of the mesa, but doubtless the true cause of its removal was that the +site was too much exposed, commanded as it was by the towering mesa +above it, and easily approached on three sides. The Walpi which was +contemporary with Sikyatki was built in an exposed location, for at +that time the Hopi were comparatively secure from invaders. Later, +however, Apache, Ute, and Navaho began to raid their fields, and the +Spaniards came in their midst again and again, forcing them to work +like slaves. A more protected site was necessary, and late in the +seventeenth century the Walpians began to erect houses on the mesa, +which formed the nucleus of the present town. The standing walls of +Old Walpi are buried in the débris, but the plans of the rooms may +readily be traced. Comparatively speaking, it was a large, compact, +well-built pueblo, and, from the great piles of débris in the +neighborhood, would seem to have been occupied during several +generations. + +The pottery found in the neighborhood is the fine, ancient Tusayan +ware, like that of Sikyatki and Shuñopovi. Extended excavations would +reveal, I am sure, many beautiful objects and shed considerable light +on the obscure history of Walpi and its early population. + +After moving from Old Walpi it seems that the people first built +houses on the terrace above, or on the platform extending westward +from the western limits of the summit of East Mesa. The whole top of +that part of the mesa is covered with house walls, showing the former +existence of a large pueblo. Here, no doubt, if we can trust +tradition, the mission of Walpi was built, and I have found in the +débris fragments of pottery similar to that used in Mexico, and very +different from ancient or modern Pueblo ware. But even Kisakobi[43] +was not a safe site for the Walpians to choose for their village, so +after they destroyed the mission and killed the priest they moved up +to their present site and abandoned both of their former villages. + +It is said that with this removal of the villagers there were found to +be no easy means of climbing the precipitous walls, and that the +stairway trails were made as late as the beginning of the present +century. In those early days there was a ladder near where the +stairway trail is now situated, and some of the older men of Walpi +have pointed out to me where this ladder formerly stood. + +The present plan of Walpi shows marked differences from that made +twenty years ago, and several houses between the stairway trail and +the Wikwaliobi kiva, on the edge of the mesa, which have now fallen +into ruin, were inhabited when I first visited Walpi in 1890. The +buildings between the Snake kiva and the Nacab kiva are rapidly +becoming unsafe for habitation, and most of these rooms will soon be +deserted. As many Walpi families are building new houses on the plain, +it needs no prophet to predict that the desertion of the present site +of Walpi will progress rapidly in the next few years, and possibly by +the end of our generation the pueblo may be wholly deserted--one more +ruin added to the multitudes in the Southwest. + +The site of Old Walpi, at Küchaptüvela, is the scene of an interesting +rite in the New-fire ceremony at Walpi, for not far from it is a +shrine dedicated to a supernatural being called Tüwapoñtumsi, +"Earth-altar-woman." This shrine, or house, as it is called, is about +230 feet from the ruin, among the neighboring bowlders, and consists +of four flat slabs set upright, forming an inclosure in which stands a +log of fossil wood. + +The ceremonials at Old Walpi in the New-fire rites are described in my +account[44] of this observance, and from their nature I suspect that +the essential part of this episode is the deposit of offerings at this +shrine. The circuits about the old ruin are regarded as survivals of +the rites which took place in former times at Old Walpi. The ruin was +spoken of in the ceremony as the _Sipapüni_, the abode of the dead who +had become _katcinas_, to whom the prayers said in the circuits were +addressed. + + +KÜKÜCHOMO + +The two conical mounds on the mesa above Sikyatki are often referred +to that ancient pueblo, but from their style of architecture and from +other considerations I am led to connect them with other phratries of +Tusayan. From limited excavations made in these mounds in 1891, I was +led to believe that they were round pueblos, similar to those east of +Tusayan, and that they were temporary habitations, possibly vantage +points, occupied for defense. Plate CVI illustrates their general +appearance, while the rooms of which they are composed are shown in +figure 253. At the place where the mesa narrows between these mounds +and the pueblos to the west, a wall was built from one edge of the +mesa to the other to defend the trail on this side. This wall appears +to have had watch towers or houses at intervals, which are now in +ruins, as shown in figure 254. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CVI + +THE RUINS OF KÜKÜCHOMO] + +[Illustration: FIG. 253--Küküchomo] + +The legends concerning the ancient inhabitants of Küküchomo are +conflicting. The late A. M. Stephen stated that tradition ascribes +them to the Coyote and Pikya (Corn) peoples, with whom the denizens of +Sikyatki made friendship, and whom the latter induced to settle there +to protect them from the Walpians. He regarded them as the last +arrivals of the Water-house phratry, while the Coyote people came from +the north at nearly the same time. From his account it would appear +that the twin mounds, Küküchomo, were abandoned before the destruction +of Sikyatki. The Coyote people were, I believe, akin to the Kokop or +Firewood phratry, and as the pueblo of Sikyatki was settled by the +latter, it is highly probable that the inhabitants of the two villages +were friendly and naturally combined against the Snake pueblo of +Walpi. I believe, however, there is some doubt that any branch of the +Patki people settled in Küküchomo, and the size of the town as +indicated by the ruin was hardly large enough to accommodate more than +one clan. Still, as there are two Küküchomo ruins, there may have been +a different family in each of the two house clusters. + +[Illustration: FIG. 254--Defensive wall on the East Mesa] + +It has been said that in ancient times, before the twin mounds of +Küküchomo were erected, the people of Sikyatki were greatly harassed +by the young slingers and archers of Walpi, who would come across to +the edge of the high cliff and assail them with impunity. Anyone, +however, who contemplates the great distance from Sikyatki to the edge +of the mesa may well doubt whether it was possible for the Walpi +bowmen to inflict much harm in that way. + +Moreover, if the word "slingers" is advisedly chosen, it introduces a +kind of warfare which is not mentioned in other Tusayan legends, +although apparently throwing stones at their enemies was practiced +among Pueblos of other stocks in early historic times.[45] + +We may suppose, however, that the survivors of both Küküchomo and +Sikyatki sought refuge in Awatobi after the prehistoric destruction of +their pueblos, for both were peopled by clans which came from the +east, and naturally went to that village, the founders of which +migrated from the same direction. + + +KACHINBA + +The small ruin at Kachinba, the halting place of the Kachina people, +seems to have escaped the attention of students of Tusayan archeology. +It lies about six miles from Sikyatki, about east of Walpi, and is +approached by following the trail at the foot of the same mesa upon +which Küküchomo is situated. The ruin is located on a small foothill +and has a few standing walls. It was evidently diminutive in size and +only temporarily inhabited. The best wall found at this ruin lies at +the base of the hill, where the spring formerly was. This spring is +now filled in, but a circular wall of masonry indicates its great size +in former times. + + +TUKINOBI + +There are evidences that the large hill on top of East Mesa, not far +from the twin mounds, was once the site of a pueblo of considerable +size, but I have not been able to gather any definite legend about it. +Near this ruin is the "Eagle shrine" in which round wooden imitations +of eagle eggs are ceremonially deposited, and in the immediate +vicinity of which is another shrine near which tracks are cut in the +rock, and which were evidently considered by the Indian who pointed +them out to me as having been made by some bird.[46] It is probably +from these footprints, which are elsewhere numerous, that the two +ruins called Küküchomo ("footprints mound") takes its name. + + +JEDITOH VALLEY RUINS + +As one enters Antelope valley, following the Holbrook road, he finds +himself in what was formerly a densely populated region of Tusayan. +This valley in former times was regarded as a garden spot, and the +plain was covered with patches of corn, beans, squashes, and chile. +The former inhabitants lived in pueblos on the northern side, high up +on the mesa which separates Jeditoh valley from Keam's canyon. All of +these pueblos are now in ruins, and only a few Navaho and Hopi +families cultivate small tracts in the once productive fields. + +The majority of the series of ruins along the northern rim of Antelope +valley resemble Awatobi, which is later described in detail. It is +interesting to note that in the abandonment of villages the same law +appears to have prevailed here as in the other Tusayan mesas, for in +the shrinkage of the Hopi people they concentrated more and more to +the points of the mesas. Thus, at East Mesa, Sikyatki, Kachinba, and +Küküchomo were destroyed, while Walpi remained. At Middle Mesa, +Chukubi and Payüpki became ruins, and in Antelope valley Awatobi was +the last of the Jeditoh series to fall. There has thus been a gradual +tendency to drift from readily accessible locations to the most +impregnable sites, which indicates how severely the Hopi must have +been harassed by their foes. It is significant that some of the oldest +pueblos were originally built in the most exposed positions, and it +may rightly be conjectured that the pressure on the villagers came +long after these sites were chosen. The ancient or original Hopi had a +sense of security when they built their first houses, and they, +therefore, did not find it necessary to seek the protection of cliffs. +Many of them lived in the valley of the Colorado Chiquito, others at +Kishuba. As time went on, however, they were forced, as were their +kindred in other pueblos, to move to inaccessible mesas guarded by +vertical cliffs. + +Of the several ruins of Antelope valley, that on the mesa above +Jeditoh or Antelope spring is one of the largest and most interesting. +Stephen calls this ruin Mishiptonga, and a plan of the old house is +given by Mindeleff. + +The spring called Kawaika, situated near the former village of the +same name, was evidently much used by the ancient accolents of +Antelope valley. From this neighborhood there was excavated a few +years ago a beautiful collection of ancient mortuary pottery objects, +which was purchased by Mrs Mary Hemenway, of Boston, and is now in the +Peabody Museum at Cambridge. These objects have never been adequately +described, although a good illustration of some of the specimens, with +a brief reference thereto, was published by James Mooney[47] a few +years ago. + +Among the most striking objects in this collection are clay models of +houses, dishes, and small vases with rims pierced with holes, and +rectangular vessels ornamented with pictures of birds. There are +specimens of cream, yellow, red, and white pottery in the collection +which, judging by the small size of most of the specimens, was +apparently votive in character. + +The ruins called by Stephen "Horn-house" and "Bat-house," as well as +the smaller ruin between them, have been described by Mindeleff, who +has likewise published plans of the first two. From their general +appearance I should judge they were not occupied for so long a time as +Awatobi, and by a population considerably smaller. If all these +Jeditoh pueblos were built by peoples from the Rio Grande, it is +possible that those around Jeditoh spring were the first founded and +that Awatobi was of later construction; but from the data at hand the +relative age of the ruins of this part of Tusayan can not be +determined. + +There are many ruins situated on the periphery of Tusayan which are +connected traditionally with the Hopi, but are not here mentioned. Of +these, the so-called "Fire-house" is said to have been the home of +the ancestors of Sikyatki, and Kintiel of certain Zuñi people akin to +the Hopi. Both of the ruins mentioned differ in their architectural +features from characteristic prehistoric Tusayan ruins, for they are +circular in form, as are many of the ruins in the middle zone of the +pueblo area. With these exceptions there are no circular ruins within +the area over which the Hopi lay claim, and it is probable that the +accolents of Kintiel were more Zuñi than Hopi in kinship. + +Many ruins north of Oraibi and in the neighborhood of the farming +village of Moenkopi are attributed to the Hopi by their traditionists. +The ruins about Kishyuba, connected with the Kachina people, also +belong to Tusayan. These and many others doubtless offer most +important contributions to an exact knowledge of the prehistoric +migrations of this most interesting people. + +Among the many Tusayan ruins which offer good facilities for +archeological work, the two which I chose for that purpose are Awatobi +and Sikyatki. My reasons for this choice may briefly be stated. + +Awatobi is a historic pueblo of the Hopi, which was more or less under +Spanish influence between the years 1540 and 1700. When properly +investigated, in the light of archeology, it ought to present a good +picture of Tusayan life before the beginning of the modifications +which appear in the modern villages of that isolated province. While I +expected to find evidences of Spanish occupancy, I also sought facts +bearing on the character of Tusayan life in the seventeenth century. + +Sikyatki, however, showed us the character of Tusayan life in the +fifteenth century, or the unmodified aboriginal pueblo culture of this +section of the Southwest. Here we expected to find Hopi culture +unmodified by Spanish influence. + +The three pueblos of Sikyatki, Awatobi, and Walpi, when properly +studied, will show the condition of pueblo culture in three +centuries--in Sikyatki, pure, unmodified pueblo culture; in Awatobi, +pueblo life as slightly modified by the Spaniards, and in Walpi, those +changes resulting from the advent of Americans superadded. While +special attention has thus far been given by ethnologists mainly to +the last-mentioned pueblo, a study of the ruins of the other two +villages is of great value in showing how the modern life developed +and what part of it is due to foreign influence. + +A knowledge of the inner life of the inhabitants of Tusayan as it +exists today is a necessary prerequisite to the interpretation of the +ancient culture of that province; but we must always bear in mind the +evolution of society and the influences of foreign origin which have +been exerted on it. Many, possibly the majority, of modern customs at +Walpi are inherited, but others are incorporated and still others, of +ancient date, have become extinct. + +As much stress is laid in this memoir on the claim that objects from +Sikyatki indicate a culture uninfluenced by the Spaniards, it is well +to present the evidence on which this assertion is based. + +(1) Hopi legends all declare that Sikyatki was destroyed before the +Spaniards, called the "long-gowned" and "iron-shirted" men, came to +Tusayan. (2) Sikyatki is not mentioned by name in any documentary +account of Tusayan, although the other villages are named and are +readily identifiable with existing pueblos. (3) No fragment of glass, +metal, or other object indicative of the contact of European +civilization was found anywhere in the ruin. If we add to the above +the general appearance of age in the mounds and the depth of the +débris which has accumulated in the rooms and over the graves, we have +the main facts on which I have relied to support my belief that +Sikyatki is a prehistoric ruin. + + +AWATOBI + +CHARACTERISTICS OF THE RUIN + +No Tusayan ruin offers to the archeologist a better picture of the +character of Hopi village life in the seventeenth century than that +known as Awatobi (plate CVII).[48] It is peculiarly interesting as +connecting the prehistoric culture of Sikyatki and modern Tusayan +life, with which we have become well acquainted through recent +research. Awatobi was one of the largest Tusayan pueblos in the middle +of the sixteenth century, and continued to exist to the close of the +seventeenth. It was therefore a historic pueblo. It had a mission, +notices of which occur in historical documents of the period. From its +preponderance in size, no less than from its position, we may suspect +that it held relatively the same leadership among the other Antelope +valley ruins that Walpi does today to Sichomovi and Hano. + +The present condition of the ruins of Awatobi is in no respect +peculiar or different from that of the remains of prehistoric +structures, except that its mounds occupy a position on a mesa top +commanding a wide outlook over a valley. On its east it is hemmed in +by extensive sand dunes, which also stretch to the north and west, +receding from the village all the way from a few hundred yards to a +quarter of a mile. On the south the ruins overlook the plain, and the +sands on the west separate it from a canyon in which there are several +springs, some cornfields, and one or two modern Hopi houses. There is +no water in the valley which stretches away from the mesa on which +Awatobi is situated, and the foothills are only sparingly clothed with +desert vegetation. The mounds of the ruin have numerous clumps of +_sibibi_ (_Rhus trilobata_), and are a favorite resort of Hopi women +for the berries of this highly prized shrub. There is a solitary tree +midway between the sand dunes west of the village and the western +mounds, near which we found it convenient to camp. The only +inhabitants of the Awatobi mesa are a Navaho family, who have +appropriated, for the shade it affords, a dwarf cedar east of the old +mission walls. No land is cultivated, save that in the canyons above +mentioned, west of the sand hills; some fair harvests are, however, +still gathered from Antelope valley by the Navaho, especially in the +section higher up, near Jeditoh spring. + +The ruin may be approached from the road between Holbrook and Keam's +Canyon, turning to the left after climbing the mesa. This road, +however, is not usually traveled, since it trends through the +difficult sand hills. As Keam's Canyon is the only place in this +region at which to provision an expedition, it is usual to approach +Awatobi from that side, the road turning to the right shortly after +one ascends the steep hill out of the canyon near Keam's trading post. + +My archeological work at Awatobi began on July 6, 1895, and was +continued for two weeks, being abandoned on account of the defection +of my Hopi workmen, who left their work to attend the celebration of +the _Niman_ or "Farewell" _katcina_,[49] a July festival in which many +of them participated. The ruin is conveniently situated for the best +archeological results; it has a good spring near by, and is not far +from Keam's Canyon, the base of supplies. The soil covering the rooms, +however, is almost as hard as cement, and fragile objects, such as +pottery, were often broken before their removal from the matrix. A +considerable quantity of débris had to be removed before the floors +were reached, and as this was firmly impacted great difficulty was +encountered in successful excavations. + +With a corps of trained workmen much better results than those we +obtained might have been expected, and the experience which the +Indians subsequently had at Sikyatki would have made my excavations at +Awatobi, had they been carried on later in the season, more +remunerative. While my archeological work at certain points in these +interesting mounds of Awatobi was more or less superficial, it was in +other places thorough, and revealed many new facts in regard to the +culture of the inhabitants of this most important pueblo. + +I found it inexpedient to dig in the burial places among the sand +dunes, on account of the religious prejudices of my workmen. This fear +they afterward overcame to a certain extent, but never completely +outgrew, although the cemeteries at Sikyatki were quite thoroughly +excavated, yielding some of the most striking results of the summer's +exploration. The sand hills west of Sikyatki are often swept by +violent gales, by which the surface is continually changing, and +mortuary pottery is frequently exposed. This has always been a +favorite place for the collector, and many a beautiful food bowl has +been carried by the Indians from this cemetery to the trading store, +for the natives do not seem to object to selling a vase or other +object which they find on the surface, but rarely dig in the ground +for the purpose of obtaining specimens. + + +NOMENCLATURE OF AWATOBI + +The name Awatobi is evidently derived from _awata_, a bow (referring +to the Bow clan, one of the strongest in the ancient pueblo), and +_obi_, "high place of." A derivation from _owa_, rock, has also been +suggested, but it seems hardly distinctive enough to be applicable, +and is not accepted by the Hopi themselves. + +While the different pueblos of Tusayan were not specially mentioned +until forty years after they were first visited, the name Awatobi is +readily recognized in the account of Espejo in 1583, where it is +called Aguato,[50] which appears as Zaguato and Ahuato in Hakluyt.[51] +In the time of Oñate (1598) the same name is written Aguatuybá.[52] +Vetancurt,[53] about 1680, mentions the pueblo under the names +Aguatobi and Ahuatobi, and in 1692, or twelve years after the great +rebellion, Vargas visited "San Bernardo de Aguatuvi," ten leagues from +Zuñi. The name appears on maps up to the middle of the eighteenth +century, several years after its destruction. In more modern times +various older spellings have been adopted or new ones introduced. +Among these may be mentioned: + +AGUATUVÍ. Buschmann, Neu-Mexico, 231, 1858. +AGUATUYA. Bandelier in Journal of American Ethnology and Archĉology, III, 85, 1892 (misquoting Oñate). +AGUITOBI. Bandelier in Archĉological Institute Papers, Am. series, III, pt. 1, 115, 1890. +AHUATU. Bandelier, ibid., 115, 135. +AHUATUYBA. Bandelier, ibid., 109. +AH-WAT-TENNA. Bourke, Snake Dance of the Moquis of Arizona, 195, 1884 (so called by a Tusayan Indian). +AQUATASI. Walch, Charte America, 1805. +AQUATUBI. Davis, Spanish Conquest of New Mexico, 368, 1869. +ATABI-HOGANDI. Bourke, op. cit., 84, 1884 (Navaho name). +AUA-TU-UI. Bandelier in Archĉological Institute Papers, op. cit., IV, pt. 2, 368, 1892. +A-WA-TE-U. Cushing in Atlantic Monthly, 367, September, 1882. +AWATÚBI. Bourke, op. cit., 91, 1884. +Á WAT U I. Cushing in Fourth Report Bureau of Ethnology, 493, 1886 (or Aguatóbi). +ZAGNATO. Brackenridge, Early Spanish Discoveries, 19, 1857 (misprint of Hakluyt's Zaguato). +ZAGUATE. Prince, New Mexico, 34, 1883 (misquoting Hakluyt). +ZUGUATO. Hinton, Handbook to Arizona, 388, 1878 (misquoting Hakluyt). + +The Navaho name of the ruin, as is well known, is Talla-hogan, +ordinarily translated "Singing-house," and generally interpreted to +refer to the mass said by the padres in the ancient church. It is +probable, however, that kivas were used as chambers where songs were +sung in ceremonials prior to the introduction of Christianity. +Therefore why Awatobi should preeminently be designated as the +"Singing-house" is not quite apparent. + +The name of the mission, San Bernardino,[54] or San Bernardo, refers +to its patron saint, and was first applied by Porras in honor of the +natal day of this saint, on which day, in 1629, he and his companions +arrived in Tusayan. + + +HISTORICAL KNOWLEDGE OF AWATOBI + +The identification of Tusayan with the present country of the Hopi +depends in great measure on the correct determination of the situation +of Cibola. I have regarded as conclusive Bandelier's argument that +Cibola comprised the group of pueblos inhabited by the Zuñi in the +sixteenth century.[55] Regarding this as proven, Tusayan corresponds +with the Hopi villages, of which Awatobi was one of the largest. It +lies in the same direction and about the same distance from Zuñi as +stated in Castañeda's narrative. The fact that Cardenas passed through +Tusayan when he went from Cibola to the Grand Canyon in 1540 is in +perfect harmony with the identification of the Hopi villages with +Tusayan, and Zuñi with Cibola. Tobar, in Tusayan, heard of the great +river to the west, and when he returned to the headquarters of +Coronado at Cibola the general dispatched Cardenas to investigate the +truth of the report. Cardenas naturally went to Tusayan where Tobar +had heard the news, and from there took guides who conducted him to +the Grand Canyon. Had the general been in any Hopi town at the time he +sent Tobar, and later Cardenas, it is quite impossible to find any +cluster of ruins which we can identify as Tusayan in the direction +indicated. There can be no doubt that Tusayan was the modern Hopi +country, and with this in mind the question as to which Hopi pueblo +was the one first visited by Tobar is worthy of investigation. + +In order to shed what light is possible on this question, I have +examined the account by Castañeda, the letter of Coronado to Mendoza, +and the description in the "Relacion del Suceso," but find it +difficult to determine that point definitely. + +In Hakluyt's translation of Coronado's letter, it is stated that the +houses of the "cities" which Tobar was sent to examine were "of +earth," and the "chiefe" of these towns is called "Tucano." As this +letter was written before Coronado had received word from Tobar +concerning his discoveries, naturally we should not expect definite +information concerning the new province. Capt. Juan Jaramillo's +account speaks of "Tucayan" as a province composed of seven towns, and +states that the houses are terraced. + +In the "Relacion del Suceso" we likewise find the province called +"Tuzan" (Tusayan), and the author notes the resemblance of the +villages to Cibola, but he distinctly states that the inhabitants +cultivated cotton. + +Castañeda's account, which is the most detailed, is that on which I +have relied in my identification of Awatobi as the first Hopi pueblo +seen by the Spaniards. + +It seems that Don Pedro de Tobar was dispatched by Coronado to explore +a province called Tusayan which was reported to be twenty-five leagues +from Cibola. He had in his command seventeen horsemen and one or two +foot-soldiers, and was accompanied by Friar Juan de Padilla. They +arrived in the new province after dark and concealed themselves under +the edge of the mesa, so near that they heard the voices of the +Indians in their houses. The natives, however, discovered them at +daylight drawn up in order, and came out to meet them armed with +wooden clubs, bow and arrows, and carrying shields. The chief drew a +line of sacred meal across the trail, and in that way symbolized that +the entrance to their pueblo was closed to the intruders. During a +parley, however, one of the men made a move to cross the line of meal, +and an Indian struck his horse on the bridle. This opened hostilities, +in which the Hopi were worsted, but apparently without loss of life. +The vanquished brought presents of various kinds--cotton cloth, +cornmeal, birds, skins, piñon nuts, and a few turquoises--and finding +a good camping place near their pueblo, Tobar established headquarters +and received homage from all the province. They allowed the Spaniards +to enter their villages and traded with them.[56] + +Espejo's reference to Awatobi in 1583 leaves no doubt that the pueblo +was in existence in that year, and while, of course, we can not +definitely say that it was not built between 1540 and 1583, the +indications are that it was not. Hopi traditions assert that it was in +existence when the Spaniards came, and the statement of the legendists +whom I have consulted are definite that the survivors of Sikyatki went +to Awatobi after the overthrow of the former pueblo. It would not +appear, however, that Awatobi was founded prior to Sikyatki, nor is it +stated that the refugees from Sikyatki built Awatobi, which is within +the bounds of possibility, but it seems to be quite generally conceded +that the Sikyatki tragedy antedated the arrival of the first +Spaniards. + +There can, I think, be no doubt that the Hopi pueblo first entered by +Pedro de Tobar, in 1540, was Awatobi, and that the first conflict of +Spanish soldiers and Hopi warriors, which occurred at that time, took +place on the well-known Zuñi trail in Antelope valley, not far from +Jeditoh or Antelope spring. This pueblo is the nearest village to +Cibola (Zuñi), from which Tobar came, and as he took the Zuñi trail he +would naturally first approach this village, even if the other pueblos +on the rim of this valley were inhabited. It is interesting to +consider a few lines from Castañeda, describing the event of that +episode, to see how closely the site of Awatobi conforms to the +narrative. In Castañeda's account of Tobar's visit we find that the +latter with his command entered Tusayan so secretly that their +presence was unknown to the inhabitants, and they traversed a +cultivated plain without being seen, so that, we are told, they +approached the village near enough to hear the voices of the Indians +without being discovered. Moreover, the Indians, the narrative says, +had a habit of descending to their cultivated fields, which implies +that they lived on a mesa top. Awatobi was situated on a mesa, and the +cultivated fields were in exactly the position indicated. The habit of +retiring to their pueblo at night is still observed, or was to within +a few years. Tobar arrived at the edge of Antelope valley after dark +(otherwise he would have been discovered), crossed the cultivated +fields under cover of night, and camped under the town at the base of +the mesa. The soldiers from that point could readily hear the voices +of the villagers above them. Even at the base of the lofty East Mesa I +have often heard the Walpi people talking, while the words of the town +crier are intelligible far out on the plain. From the configuration of +the valley it would not, however, have been easier for Awatobians to +have seen the approaching Spaniards than for the Walpians; still it +was possible for the invaders to conceal their approach to Walpi in +the same way. If, however, the first pueblo approached was Walpi, and +Tobar followed the Zuñi trail, I think he would have been discovered +by the Awatobi people before nightfall if he entered the cultivated +fields early in the evening. It would be incredible to believe that he +wandered from the trail; much more likely he went directly to Awatobi, +the first village en route, and then encamped until the approach of +day before entering the pueblo. At sunrise the inhabitants, early +stirring, detected the presence of the intruders, and the warriors +went down the mesa to meet them. They had already heard from Cibola of +the strange beings, men mounted on animals which were said to devour +enemies. + +It may seem strange that the departure of an expedition against +Tusayan was unknown to the Hopi, but the narrative leads us to believe +that such was the fact. The warriors descended to the plain, and their +chief drew a line of sacred meal across the trail to symbolize that +the way to their pueblo was closed; whoever crossed it was an enemy, +and punishment should be meted out to him. This custom is still +preserved in several ceremonials at the present day, as, for instance, +in the New-fire rites[57] in November and in the Flute observance in +July.[58] The priests say that in former times whoever crossed a line +of meal drawn on the trail at that festival was killed, and even now +they insist that no one is allowed to pass a closed trail. The Awatobi +warriors probably warned Tobar and his comrades not to advance, but +the symbolic barrier was not understood by them. The Spaniards were +not there to parley long, and it is probable that their purpose was to +engage in a quarrel with the Indians. Urged on by the priest, Juan de +Padilla, "who had been a soldier in his youth," they charged the +Indians and overthrew a number, driving the others before them. The +immediate provocation for this, according to the historian, was that +an Indian struck one of the horses on the bridle, at which the holy +father, losing patience, exclaimed to his captain, "Why are we here?" +which was interpreted as a sign for the assault. + +It must, however, be confessed that if the pueblo of Walpi was the +first discovered an approach by stealth without being seen would have +been easier for Tobar if the village referred to was Walpi then +situated on the Ash-hill terrace, with the East Mesa between it and +the Zuñi trail. To offset this probability, however, is the fact that +the Zuñi trail now runs through Awatobi, or in full view of it and +there is hardly a possibility that Tobar left that trail to avoid +Awatobi. He would naturally visit the first village, and not go out of +his way seven miles beyond it, seeking a more distant pueblo. + +The effect of this onslaught on men armed with spears, clubs, and +leather shields can be imagined, and the encounter seems to have +discouraged the Awatobi warriors from renewed resistance. They fled, +but shortly afterward brought presents as a sign of submission, when +Tobar called off his men. Thus was the entry of the Spaniards into +Tusayan marked with bloodshed for a trifling offense. Shortly +afterward Tobar entered the village and received the complete +submission of the people. + +The names of the Tusayan pueblos visited by Tobar in this first +entrance are nowhere mentioned in the several accounts which have come +down to us. Forty years later, however, the Spaniards returned and +found the friendly feeling of Awatobi to the visitors had not lapsed. +When Espejo approached the town in 1583, over the same Zuñi trail, the +multitudes with their caciques met him with great joy and poured maize +(sacred meal?) on the ground for the horses to walk upon. This was +symbolic of welcome; they "made" the trail, a ceremony which is still +kept up when entrance to the pueblo is formally offered.[59] + +The people, considering their poverty, were generous, and gave Espejo +"hand towels with tassels" at the corners. These were probably dance +kilts and ceremonial blankets, which then, as now, the Hopi made of +cotton. + +The pueblo, called "Aguato" in the account of that visit, was without +doubt Awatobi. The name Aguatuybá, mentioned by Oñate, is also +doubtless the same, although, as pointed out to me by Mr Hodge, +"through an error probably of the copyist or printer, the name +Aguatuybá is inadvertently given by Oñate among his list of Hopi +chiefs, while Esperiez is mentioned among the pueblos." In Oñate's +list we recognize Oraibi in "Naybi," and Shuñopovi in "Xumupamí" and +"Comupaví," the most westerly town of the Middle Mesa. "Cuanrabi" and +"Esperiez" are not recognizable as pueblos. + +Espejo, therefore, appears to have been the first to mention Awatobi +as "Aguato," which is metamorphosed in Hakluyt into "Zaguato or +"Ahuzto,"[60] although evidently Oñate's "Aguatuybá" was intended as a +name of a pueblo. + +I have not been able to determine satisfactorily the date of the +erection of the mission building of San Bernardino at Awatobi, but the +name is mentioned as early as 1629. In that year three friars went to +Tusayan and began active efforts to convert the Hopi.[61] + +It is recorded[62] that Padre Porras, with Andres Gutierrez, Cristoval +de la Concepcion, and ten soldiers, arrived in Tusayan, "dia del +glorioso San Bernardo (que és el apellido que aora tiene aquel +pueblo)," which leaves no doubt why the mission at Awatobi was so +named. Although an apostate Indian had spread the report, previously +to the advent of these priests in Tusayan, that the Spaniards were +coming among them to burn their pueblos, rob their homes, and +devour[63] their children, the zealous missionaries in 1629 converted +many of the chiefs and baptized their children. The cacique, Don +Augustin, who appears to have been baptized at Awatobi, apparently +lived in Walpi or at the Middle Mesa, and returning to his pueblo, +prepared the way for a continuation of the apostolic work in the +villages of the other mesas. + +But the missionary labors of Porras came to an untimely end. It is +written that by 1633 he had made great progress in converting the +Hopi, but in that year, probably at Awatobi, he was poisoned. Of the +fate of his two companions and the success of their work little is +known, but it is recorded that the succession of padres was not +broken up to the great rebellion in 1680. Figueroa, who was massacred +at Awatobi in that year, went to Tusayan in 1674 with Aug. Sta. Marie. +Between the death of Porras and the arrival of Figueroa there was an +interval of eleven years, during which time the two comrades of Porras +or Espeleta, who went to Tusayan in 1650, took charge of the spiritual +welfare of the Hopi. Espeleta and Aug. Sta. Marie were killed in 1680 +at San Francisco de Oraibi and Walpi, respectively, and José Trujillo +probably lost his life at Old Shuñopovi at the same time. As there is +no good reason to suppose that Awatobi, one of the most populous +Tusayan pueblos, was neglected by the Spanish missionaries after the +death of Porras in 1633, and as it was the first pueblo encountered on +the trail from Zuñi, doubtless San Bernardino was one of the earliest +missions erected in Tusayan. From 1680 until 1692, the period of +independence resulting from the great Pueblo revolt, there was no +priest in Tusayan, nor, indeed, in all New Mexico. Possibly the +mission was repaired between 1692 and 1700, but it is probable that it +was built as early as the time Porras lived in Awatobi. It is +explicitly stated that in the destruction of Awatobi in 1700 no +missionaries were killed, although it is recorded that early in that +year Padre Garaycoechea made it a visit. + +The disputes between the Jesuits and Franciscans to obtain the Hopi +field for missionary work during the eighteenth century naturally +falls in another chapter of Spanish-Tusayan history. Aside from +sporadic visits to the pueblos, nothing tangible appears to have +resulted from the attempts at conversion in this epoch. True, many +apostates were induced to return to their old homes on the Rio Grande +and some of the Hopi frequently asked for resident priests, making +plausible offers to protect them; but the people as a whole were +hostile, and the mission churches were never rebuilt, nor did the +fathers again live in this isolated province. + +In 1692 Awatobi was visited by Don Diego de Vargas, the reconquerer of +New Mexico, who appears to have had no difficulty bringing to terms +the pueblos of Awatobi, Walpi, Mishoñinovi, and Shuñopovi.[64] He +found, however, that Awatobi was "fortified," and the entrance so +narrow that but one man could enter at a time. The description leads +us to conclude that the fortification was the wall at the eastern end, +and the entrance the gateway, the sides of which are still to be seen. +The plaza in which the cross was erected was probably just north of +the walls of the mission. + +There would seem to be no doubt that a mission building was standing +at Awatobi before 1680, for Vetancurt, writing about the year named, +states that in the uprising it was burned.[65] At the time of the +visit of Garaycoechea, in the spring of 1700, he found that the +mission had been rebuilt. In this connection it is instructive, as +bearing on the probable cause of the destruction of Awatobi, to find +that while the inhabitants of this pueblo desired to have the mission +rehabilitated, the other Tusayan pueblos were so hostile that the +friends of the priest in Awatobi persuaded him not to attempt to visit +the other villages. This warning was no doubt well advised, and the +tragic fate which befell Awatobi before the close of the year shows +that the trouble was brewing when the padre was there, and possibly +Garaycoechea's visit hastened the catastrophe or intensified the +hatred of the other pueblos. + +At the time of Garaycoechea's visit he baptized, it is said, 73 +persons. This rite was particularly obnoxious[66] to the Hopi, as +indeed to the other Pueblo Indians, notwithstanding they performed +practically the same ceremony in initiations into their own secret +societies. The Awatobians, however, or at least some of them, allowed +this rite of the Christians, thus intensifying the hatred of the more +conservative of their own village and of the neighboring pueblos. +These and other facts seem to indicate that the real cause of the +destruction of Awatobi was the reception of Christianity by its +inhabitants, which the other villagers regarded as sorcery. The +conservative party, led by Tapolo, opened the gate of the town to the +warriors of Walpi and Mishoñinovi, who slaughtered the liberals, thus +effectually rooting out the new faith from Tusayan, for after that +time it never again obtained a foothold. + +The visit of Padre Juan Garaycoechea to Tusayan was at the invitation +of Espeleta, chief of Oraibi, but he went no farther than Awatobi, +where he baptized the 73 Hopi. He then returned to the "governor," and +arrived at Zuñi in June. According to Bancroft (p. 222), "In the +'Moqui Noticias' MS., 669, it is stated that the other Moquis, angry +that Aguatuvi had received the padres, came and attacked the pueblo, +killed all the men, and carried off all the women and children, +leaving the place for many years deserted." Although I have not been +able to consult the document quoted, this conclusion corresponds so +closely with Hopi tradition that I believe it is practically true, +although Bancroft unfortunately closes the quotation I have made from +his account with the words, "I think this must be an error." Espeleta, +the Oraibi chief, and 20 companions were in Santa Fé in October, 1700, +and proposed a peace in which the Hopi asked for religious toleration, +which Governor Cubero refused. As a final appeal he desired that the +fathers should not permanently reside with them, but should visit one +pueblo each year for six years; but this request was also rejected. +Espeleta returned to Oraibi, and immediately on his appearance an +unsuccessful attempt was made to destroy Awatobi, followed, as +recounted in the legend, by a union with Walpi and Mishoñinovi, by +which the liberal-minded villagers of the Antelope mesa were +overthrown. Documentary and legendary accounts are thus in strict +accord regarding the cause of the destruction. + +The meager fragmentary historical evidence that can be adduced shows +that the destruction of Awatobi occurred in the autumn or early winter +of 1700. In May of that year we have the account of the visiting +padre, and in the summer when Espeleta was at Santa Fé, the pueblo was +flourishing. The month of November would have been a favorable one for +the destruction of the town for the reason that during this time the +warriors would all be engaged in secret kiva rites. The legend relates +that the overthrow of the pueblo was at the _Naacnaiya_,[67] which now +takes place in November. + +For many years after its destruction the name of Awatobi was still +retained on maps including the Tusayan province, and there exist +several published references to the place as if still inhabited; but +these appear to be compilations, as no traveler visited the site +subsequently to 1700. It is never referred to in writings of the +eighteenth or first half of the nineteenth centuries, and its site +attracted no attention. The ruins remained unidentified until about +1884, when the late Captain J. G. Bourke published his book on the +"Snake Dance of the Moquis," in which he showed that the ruin called +by the Navaho Tally-hogan was the old Awatobi which played such a +prominent part in early Tusayan history. + +The ruin was described and figured a few years later by Mr Victor +Mindeleff in his valuable memoir on Cibola and Tusayan architecture. +Bourke's reference is very brief and Mindeleff's plan deficient, as it +includes only a portion of the ruin, namely, the conspicuous mission +walls and adjacent buildings, overlooking entirely the older or +western mounds, which are the most characteristic. In 1892 I published +the first complete ground-plan of the ruins of Awatobi, including both +eastern and western sections. As Mindeleff's plan is defective, his +characterization of the architectural features of the pueblo is +consequently faulty. He says: "The plan suggests that the original +pueblo was built about three sides of a rectangular court, the fourth +or southeast side, later occupied by the mission buildings, being left +open or protected by a low wall." While the eastern portion +undoubtedly supports this conclusion, had he examined the western or +main section he would doubtless have qualified his conclusion (plate +CVII). This portion was compact, without a rectangular court, and was +of pyramidal form. The eastern section was probably of later +construction, and the mission was originally built outside the main +pueblo, although probably a row of rooms of very ancient date extended +along the northern side opposite the church. As it was customary in +Tusayan to isolate the kivas, these rooms in Awatobi were probably +extramural and may have been situated in this eastern court, but the +majority of the people lived in the western section. The architecture +of the mission and adjacent rooms shows well-marked Spanish influence, +which is wholly absent in the buildings forming the western mounds. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CVII + +GROUND PLAN OF AWATOBI] + + +LEGEND OF THE DESTRUCTION OF AWATOBI + +The legend of the overthrow of Awatobi is preserved in detail among +the living villagers of Tusayan, and like all stories which have been +transmitted for several generations exist in several variants, +differing in episodes, but coinciding in general outlines. In the +absence of contemporary documentary history, which some time may +possibly be brought to light, the legends are the only available data +regarding an event of great importance in the modern history of +Tusayan. + +I have obtained the legends from Supela, Shimo,[68] Masiumptiwa, and +Saliko, and the most complete appears to be that of the last +mentioned. The others dilated more on the atrocities which were +committed on the bodies of the unfortunate captives, and the tortures +endured before they were killed. All show traces of modification, +incorporation, and modern invention. + + +_Destruction of Awatobi as related by Saliko_[69] + + "The chiefs Wiki and Shimo, and others, have told you their + stories, and surely their ancestors were living here at Walpi + when Awatobi was occupied. It was a large village, and many + people lived there, and the village chief was called Tapolo, + but he was not at peace with his people, and there were + quarreling and trouble. Owing to this conflict only a little + rain fell, but the land was fertile and fair harvests were + still gathered. The Awatobi men were bad (_powako_, + sorcerers). Sometimes they went in small bands among the + fields of the other villagers and cudgeled any solitary + worker they found. If they overtook any woman they ravished + her, and they waylaid hunting parties, taking the game, after + beating and sometimes killing the hunters. There was + considerable trouble in Awatobi, and Tapolo sent to the + Oraibi chief asking him to bring his people and kill the evil + Awatobians. The Oraibi came and fought with them, and many + were killed on both sides, but the Oraibi were not strong + enough to enter the village, and were compelled to withdraw. + On his way back the Oraibi chief stopped at Walpi and talked + with the chiefs there. Said he, 'I can not tell why Tapolo + wants the Oraibi to kill his folks, but we have tried and + have not succeeded very well. Even if we did succeed, what + benefit would come to us who live too far away to occupy the + land? You Walpi people live close to them and have suffered + most at their hands; it is for you to try.' While they were + talking Tapolo had also come, and it was then decided that + other chiefs of all the villages should convene at Walpi to + consult. Couriers were sent out, and when all the chiefs had + arrived Tapolo declared that his people had become sorcerers + (Christians), and hence should all be destroyed. + + "It was then arranged that in four days large bands from all + the other villages should prepare themselves, and assemble at + a spring not far from Awatobi. A long while before this, when + the Spaniards lived there, they had built a wall on the side + of the village that needed protection, and in this wall was a + great, strong door. Tapolo proposed that the assailants + should come before dawn, and he would be at this door ready + to admit them, and under this compact he returned to his + village. During the fourth night after this, as agreed upon, + the various bands assembled at the deep gulch spring, and + every man carried, besides his weapons, a cedar-bark torch + and a bundle of greasewood. Just before dawn they moved + silently up to the mesa summit, and, going directly to the + east side of the village, they entered the gate, which opened + as they approached. In one of the courts was a large kiva, + and in it were a number of men engaged in sorcerer's rites. + The assailants at once made for the kiva, and plucking up the + ladder, they stood around the hatchway, shooting arrows down + among the entrapped occupants. In the numerous cooking pits + fire had been maintained through the night for the + preparation of food for a feast on the appointed morning, and + from these they lighted their torches. Great numbers of these + and the bundles of greasewood being set on fire, they were + cast down the hatchway, and firewood from stacks upon the + house terraces were also thrown into the kiva. The red + peppers for which Awatobi was famous were hanging in thick + clusters along the fronts of the houses, and these they + crushed in their hands and flung upon the blazing fire in the + kiva to further torment their burning occupants. After this, + all who were capable of moving were compelled to travel or + drag themselves until they came to the sand-hills of + Mishoñinovi, and there the final disposition of the prisoners + was made. + + "My maternal ancestor had recognized a woman chief (_Mamzrau + moñwi_), and saved her at the place of massacre called Maski, + and now he asked her whether she would be willing to initiate + the woman of Walpi in the rites of the _Mamzrau_. She + complied, and thus the observance of the ceremonial called + the Mamzráuti came to Walpi. I can not tell how it came to + the other villages. This Mamzrau-moñwi had no children, and + hence my maternal ancestor's sister became chief, and her + _tiponi_ (badge of office) came to me. Some of the other + Awatobi women knew how to bring rain, and such of them as + were willing to teach their songs were spared and went to + different villages. The Oraibi chief saved a man who knew how + to cause peaches to grow, and that is why Oraibi has such an + abundance of peaches now. The Mishoñinovi chief saved a + prisoner who knew how to make the sweet, small-ear corn grow, + and that is why it is more abundant there than elsewhere. All + the women who knew song prayers and were willing to teach + them were spared, and no children were designedly killed, but + were divided among the villages, most of them going to + Mishoñinovi. The remainder of the prisoners, men and women, + were again tortured and dismembered and left to die on the + sand hills, and there their bones are, and that is the reason + the place is called _Maschomo_ (Death-mound). This is the + story of Awatobi told by my old people." + +All variants of the legend are in harmony in this particular, that +Awatobi was destroyed by the other Tusayan pueblos, and that +Mishoñinovi, Walpi, and probably Oraibi and Shuñopovi participated in +the deed. A grievance that would unite the other villagers against +Awatobi must have been a great one, indeed, and not a mere dispute +about water or lands. The more I study the real cause, hidden in the +term _powako_, "wizard" or "sorcerer," the more I am convinced that +the progress Christianity was making in Awatobi, after the reconquest +of the Pueblos in 1692, explains the hostility of the other villagers. +The party favoring the Catholic fathers in Awatobi was increasing, and +the other Tusayan pueblos watched its growth with alarm. They foresaw +that it heralded the return of the hated domination of the priests, +associated in their minds with practical slavery, and they decided on +the tragedy, which was carried out with all the savagery of which +their natures were capable. + +They greatly feared the return of the Spanish soldiers, as the epoch +of Spanish rule, mild though it may have been, was held in universal +detestation. Moreover, after the reconquest of the Rio Grande pueblos, +many apostates fled to Tusayan and fanned the fires of hatred against +the priests. Walpi received these malcontents, who came in numbers a +few years later. Among these arrivals were Tanoan warriors and their +families, part of whom were ancestors of the present inhabitants of +Hano. + +It was no doubt hoped that the destruction of Awatobi would +effectually root out the growing Christian influence, which it in fact +did; and for fifty years afterward Tusayan successfully resisted all +efforts to convert it. Franciscans from the east and Jesuits from the +Gila in the south strove to get a new hold, but they never succeeded +in rebuilding the missions in this isolated province, which was +generally regarded as independent. + +From the scanty data I have been able to collect from historical and +legendary sources, it seems probable that Awatobi was always more +affected by the padres than were the other Tusayan pueblos. This was +the village which was said to have been "converted" by Padre Porras, +whose work, after his death by poison in 1633, was no doubt continued +by his associates and successors. About 1680, as we learn from +documentary accounts, the population of Awatobi was 800,[70] and it +was probably not much smaller in 1700, the time of its destruction. + + +EVIDENCES OF FIRE IN THE DESTRUCTION + +Wherever excavations were conducted in the eastern section of Awatobi, +we could not penetrate far below the surface without encountering +unmistakable evidences of a great conflagration. The effect of the +fire was particularly disastrous in the rooms of the eastern section, +or that part of the pueblo contiguous to the mission. Hardly a single +object was removed from this part of Awatobi that had not been +charred. Many of the beams were completely burned; others were charred +only on their surfaces. The rooms were filled with ashes and scoriĉ, +while the walls had been cracked as if by intense heat. + +Perhaps the most significant fact in regard to the burning of Awatobi +was seen in some of the houses where the fire seems to have been less +intense. In many chambers of the eastern section, which evidently were +used as granaries, the corn was stacked in piles just as it is today +under many of the living rooms at Walpi, a fact which tends to show +that there was no attempt to pillage the pueblo before its +destruction. The ears of corn in these store-rooms were simply +charred, but so well preserved that entire ears of maize were +collected in great numbers. It may here be mentioned that upon one of +the stacks of corn I found during my excavations for the Hemenway +Expedition in 1892, a rusty iron knife-blade, showing that the owner +of the room was acquainted with objects of Spanish manufacture. This +blade is now deposited with the Hemenway collection in the Peabody +Museum at Cambridge. + + +THE RUINS OF THE MISSION + +The mission church of San Bernardino de Awatobi was erected very early +in the history of the Spanish occupancy, and its ruined walls are the +only ones now standing above the surface. This building was +constructed by the padres on a mesa top, while the churches at Walpi +and Shuñopovi were built in the foothills near those pueblos. The +mission at Oraibi likewise stood on a mesa top, so that we must +qualify Mindeleff's statement[71] that "at Tusayan there is no +evidence that a church or mission house ever formed part of the +villages on the mesa summits.... These summits have been extensively +occupied only in comparatively recent time, although one or more +churches may have been built here at an early date as outlooks over +the fields in the valley below." + +At the time of the Spanish invasion three of the Hopi villages stood +on the foothills or lower terraces of the mesas on which they now +stand, and the other two, Awatobi and Oraibi, occupied the same sites +as today, on the summits of the mesas. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CVIII + +RUINS OF SAN BERNARDINO DE AWATOBI] + +I believe that at the time of the Spanish discovery of Tusayan by +Pedro de Tobar in 1540, there were only five Tusayan towns--Walpi, +Awatobi, Shuñopovi, Mishoñinovi, and Oraibi. Later, Awatobi was +destroyed, and shortly after 1680 Walpi, the only East Mesa town, +together with Mishoñinovi and Shuñopovi, on the Middle Mesa, were +moved to the elevated sites they now occupy. Oraibi, therefore, is +probably the only Tusayan pueblo, at present inhabited, which occupies +practically the same site that it did in 1540. + +In their excavations for the foundations of new houses the present +inhabitants of Oraibi often find, as I am informed by Mr H. R. Voth, +the missionary at that place, vessels or potsherds of ancient Tusayan +ware closely resembling that which is found in the ruins of Sikyatki +and Awatobi. + +The mission building at Awatobi, known in the church history of New +Mexico and Arizona as San Bernardo or San Bernardino, was reputed to +be the largest in Tusayan, and its walls are still the best preserved +of any mission structure in that province. This, however, does not +imply that the church structures of Tusayan are well preserved, for +the mission buildings at Walpi have wholly disappeared, while at +Oraibi little more than a pile of stones remains. Of the Shuñopovi +mission of San Bernabe there are no standing walls save at one end, +which are now used as a sheep corral. + +The mission of San Bernardino de Awatobi was built on the southern +side of the eastern part of the pueblo on the edge of the cliff, and +its walls are the only ones of Awatobi now standing above ground. From +the situation of these walls, as compared with the oldest part of +Awatobi--the western mounds--I believe that San Bernardino mission +was, when erected, beyond the limits of the pueblo proper--a custom +almost universally followed in erecting pueblo mission +churches--necessary in this instance, since from the compactness of +the village there was no other available site. The same was true of +the missions of Oraibi and Shuñopovi, and probably of Old Walpi. As +time passed additional buildings were erected near it, this eastward +extension altering the original plan of the town, but in no way +affecting the configuration of the older portion. + +From its commanding position on the edge of the mesa the mission walls +must have presented an imposing appearance from the plain below, +rising as they did almost continuously with the side of the cliff, +making a conspicuous structure for miles across Antelope valley, from +which its crumbling walls are still visible (plate CVIII). + +When compared with the masonry of unmodified pueblo ruins the walls of +the mission may be designated massive, and excavation at their +foundations was very difficult on account of the great amount of +débris which had fallen about them. With the limited force of laborers +at my command the excavations could not be conducted with a great +degree of thoroughness. + +In the middle of what I supposed to have been the main church there +was much sand, evidently drift, and in it I sank a trench 10 feet +below the surface without reaching anything which I considered a +floor. We found in excavations at the foundation of the church walls +fragments of glass, several copper nails, a much-corroded iron hook, a +copper bell pivot, and fragments of Spanish pottery. From the +character of these objects alone there is no doubt in my mind of the +former existence of Spanish influence, and the method of construction +of the mission walls and the addition constructed of adobe containing +chopped straw, substantiate this conclusion. Supposing, from the +architecture and orientation of other New Mexican missions, that the +altar was at the western end, opposite the entrance to the church, I +sank a trench along the foundation of the wall on that side, but +encountered such a mass of fallen stone at that point that I found it +impossible to make much progress, and the fact that the floor was more +than 10 feet below the surface of the central depression led me to +abandon, as impossible with my little band of native excavators, the +laying bare of the floor of the church. + +[Illustration: FIG. 255--Ground plan of San Bernardino de Awatobi] + +The ground plan (figure 255) of the mission resembles that of the Zuñi +church, and is not unlike the plans of the churches in the Rio Grande +pueblos. The tall buttresses, which rise 15 or 20 feet above the trail +up the mesa on the southern corner, are, I believe, remnants of +towers which formerly supported a balcony. During a previous visit to +Tusayan I obtained fragments[72] of the ancient bell, which are now on +exhibition in the Hemenway section of the Peabody Museum at Cambridge. + +The stone walls of the mission were rarely dressed or carefully +fitted, the interstices being filled in with loose rubble laid in +adobe. There was apparently a gallery over the entrance to the +building overlooking many smaller buildings, which evidently were the +quarters of the resident priest. The construction of the walls was +apparently a laborious task, as many of the stones are large and must +have been brought a considerable distance. These stones were laid in +adobe, and apparently were plastered without and within, although +little evidence of the former plastering may now be seen. At the +northwestern corner, however, there still remain well-made adobe +walls, the clay having been intermixed with straw. From the general +appearance of these walls I regard them as of late construction, +probably long after the destruction of the mission. + +An examination of the plan of the mission building shows that it was +oriented about north and south, with the entrance toward the latter +direction. Compared with many other pueblo missions, this would seem +to be an exceptional position. In my excavations I naturally sought +the probable position of the entrance and, opposite it, the recess for +the altar. It is evident, from the form of the standing walls, that an +entrance from the east would be blocked by standing walls, and the +axis of the building is north and south. The theory that the door was +at the south has much in its favor, but there are several almost fatal +objections to this conclusion. + +If, however, we suppose that the entrance was in the south wall, the +high walls still standing above the trail up the mesa would then +recall the façades of other missions. The rooms east of the largest +inclosure, by this interpretation, would be outbuildings--residence +rooms for the padres--one side of which forms the eastern walls of the +church edifice. The form of the Awatobi church, as indicated by the +walls still standing, is very similar to that of Zuñi, notwithstanding +the orientation appears to be somewhat different. + +Excavations failed to reveal any sign of the altar recess at either +the northern or the western end, which is not surprising, since the +walls are so poorly preserved in both these directions. It was, +moreover, very difficult to make a satisfactory examination of the +foundations of the walls at any point on account of the fallen +stories, which encumbered the floor at their bases. + +From the appearance of antiquity it seems probable that long before +the mission buildings were erected a ridge of many-storied houses +extended eastward from the pueblo on the northern side of a level +space or court, in which there were, either then or later, ceremonial +chambers or kivas. The southern side of this open space was the site +of the mission, but was then unoccupied. This open space recalls the +large court at Walpi, where the Snake dance occurs, but it was +considerably broader, one side being formed by the structures which +rose from the edge of the mesa. In course of time, however, the +mission buildings were erected on this site, and a wall connecting the +ridge of houses on the north and the outhouses of the mission was +made, thus inclosing the court on all four sides. It was into this +inclosure, through a gateway, the buttresses of which still remain, +that the assailants passed on that eventful night when Awatobi was +destroyed. + +There is good evidence that a massacre of Awatobians occurred in the +southeastern angle of the eastern part of the pueblo, just east of the +mission. If so, it is probable that many of the unfortunates sought +refuge in the outbuildings of the church. Suspecting that such was the +case, I excavated a considerable space of ground at these places and +found many human skulls and other bones thrown together in confusion. +The earth was literally filled with bones, evidently hastily placed +there or left where the dead fell. These bodies were not buried with +pious care, for there were no fragments of mortuary pottery or other +indication of burial objects. Many of the skulls were broken, some +pierced with sharp implements. While it is true that possibly this may +have been a potter's field, or, from its position east of the mission, +a Christian burial place, as at Zuñi, the evidence from the appearance +of the bodies points to a different conclusion. According to the +legends, the hostiles entered the pueblo through the adjacent gateway; +their anger led them especially against those of the inhabitants who +were regarded as _powako_ or sorcerers, and their first acts of +violence would naturally have been toward those who sought refuge in +the buildings adjacent the church. Near this hated "Singing-house" the +slaughter began, soon extending to the kivas and the whole of the +eastern section of the village. There was no evidence of murderous +deeds in the rooms of the western section of the old pueblo, and the +legends agree in relating that most of the men were in kivas, not far +from the mission, when the village was overthrown. There is no +legendary evidence that there were any Spanish priests in the mission +at the time of its destruction, and there is no record extant of any +Spaniards losing their lives at Awatobi at the time of its +destruction, although the fact of the occurrence, according to +Bandelier,[73] was recorded. + +The traditional clans which inhabited Awatobi were the Awata (Bow), +Honani (Badger), Piba (Tobacco), and Buli (Butterfly). The Bow people +appear to have been the most important of these, since their name was +applied to the village. Their totemic signatures, in pictographic +form, may still be seen on the sides of the cliff under Awatobi, and +in the ruins was found a fine arrowshaft polisher on which was an +incised drawing of a bow and an arrow, suggesting that the owner was a +member of the Bow phratry. Saliko, the chief of the woman's society +known as the Mamzrautû, insists that this priesthood was strong in the +fated pueblo, and that a knowledge of its mysteries was brought to +Walpi by one of the women who was saved. + +It is claimed by the folklorists of the Tataukyamû, a priesthood +which, controls the New-fire ceremonies at Walpi, and is prominent in +the Soyaluña, or the rites of the winter solstice, that the Piba or +Tobacco phratry brought the fetishes of that society to Walpi, and +there are many obscurely known resemblances between the Mamzrauti and +the Wüwütcimti celebrations in Walpi which appear to support that +claim. The Piba phratry is likewise said to have come to Walpi +comparatively late in the history of the village, which fact points +the same way. + +Undoubtedly Awatobi received additions to its population from the +south when the pueblos on the Little Colorado were abandoned, and +there are obscure legends which support that belief; but the largest +numbers were recruited from the pueblos in the eastern section of the +country.[74] + + +THE KIVAS OF AWATOBI + +A pueblo of the size of Awatobi, with so many evidences of long +occupancy, would no doubt have several ceremonial chambers or kivas, +but as yet no one has definitely indicated their positions. I have +already called attention to evidences that if they existed they were +probably to be looked for in the open court east of the western mounds +and in the space north of the mission. In all the inhabited Tusayan +pueblos the kivas are separated from the house clusters and are +surrounded by courts or dance plazas. No open spaces existed in the +main or western mounds of Awatobi, and there was no place there for +kivas unless the pueblo was exceptional in having such structures +built among the dwellings, as at Zuñi. A tradition has survived that +Awatobi had regular kivas, partially subterranean, of rectangular +shape, and that they were situated in open courts. This would indicate +that the space east of the oldest part of the ruin may have been the +sites of these chambers. The old priests whom I have consulted in +regard to the probable positions of Awatobi kivas have invariably +pointed out the mounds north of the mission walls in the eastern +section of the ruin as the location of the kivas, and in 1892 I proved +to my satisfaction that these directions were correct. + +There is no reason to suppose that the kiva was a necessity in the +ancient performance of the Tusayan ritual, and there are still +performed many ceremonials as secret and as sacred as any others which +occur in rooms used as dwellings or for the storage of corn. Thus, the +Flute ceremony, one of the most complicated in Tusayan, is not, and +according to legends never was, performed in a kiva. On the contrary, +the secret rites of the Flute society are performed in the ancestral +Flute chamber or home of the oldest woman of the Flute clan. +Originally, I believe, the same was true in the case of other +ceremonials, and that the kiva was of comparatively recent +introduction into Tusayan.[75] + +Speaking of the sacred rooms of Awatobi, Mindeleff says: "No traces of +kivas were visible at the time the ruin was surveyed," but Stephen is +quoted in a legend that "the people of Walpi had partly cleaned out +one of these chambers and used it as a depository for ceremonial +plume-sticks, but the Navaho carried off their sacred deposits, +tempted probably by their market value as ethnologic specimens." It is +true that while from a superficial examination of the Awatobi mounds +the position of the kivas is difficult to locate, a little excavation +brings their walls to light. It is likewise quite probable that the +legend reported by Stephen has a basis in fact, and that the people at +Walpi may have used old shrines in Awatobi, after its destruction, as +the priests of Mishoñinovi do at the present time; but I very much +doubt if the Navaho sold any of the sacred prayer emblems from these +fanes. It is hardly characteristic of these people to barter such +objects among one another, and no specimens from the shrines appear to +have made their way into the numerous collections of traders known to +me. There is, however, archeological evidence revealed by excavations +that the room centrally placed in the court north of the mission +contained a shrine in its floor on the night Awatobi fell. + +In 1892, while removing the soil from a depression about the middle of +the eastern court of Awatobi, about 100 feet north of the northern +wall of the mission, I laid bare a room 28 by 14 feet, in which were +found a skull and many other human bones which, from their +disposition, had not been buried with care. The discovery of these +skeletons accorded with the Hopi traditions that this was one of the +rooms in which the men of Awatobi were gathered on the fatal night, +and the inclosure where many died. I was deterred from further +excavation at that place by the horror of my workmen at the +desecration of the chamber. In 1895, however, I determined to continue +my earlier excavations and to trace the course of the walls of +adjacent rooms. The results obtained in this work led to a new phase +of the question, which sheds more light on the character of the rooms +in the middle of the eastern court of Awatobi. Instead of a single +room at this point, there are three rectangular chambers side by side, +all of about the same size (plate CVIII). In the center of the floor +of the middle room, 6 feet below the surface, I came upon a cist or +stone shrine. As the workmen approached the floor they encountered a +stone slab, horizontally placed in the pavement of the room. This slab +was removed, and below it was another flat stone which was perforated +by a rectangular hole just large enough to admit the hand and forearm. +This second slab was found to cover a stone box, the sides of which +were formed of stone slabs about 2-1/2 feet square. On the inner faces +of the upright slabs rain-cloud symbols were painted. These symbols +were of terrace form, in different colors outlined with black lines. +One of the stones bore a yellow figure, another a red, and a third +white. The color of the fourth was not determinable, but evidently, +from its position relatively to the others, was once green. This +arrangement corresponds with the present ceremonial assignment of +colors to the cardinal points, or at least the north and south, as at +the present time, were yellow and red, respectively, and presumably +the white and green were on the east and west sides of the cist. The +colors are still fairly bright and may be seen in the restoration of +this shrine now in the National Museum. + +There was no stone floor to this shrine, but within it were found +fragments of prayer-plumes or pahos painted green, but so decayed +that, when exposed to sunlight, some of them fell into dust. There +were likewise fragments of green carbonate of copper and kaolin, a +yellow ocher, and considerable vegetal matter mixed with the sand. All +these facts tend to the belief that this crypt was an ancient shrine +in the floor of a chamber which may have been a kiva. + +The position of this room with a shrine in the middle of the court is +interesting in comparison with that of similar shrines in some of the +modern Hopi pueblos. Shrines occupy the same relative position in +Sichomovi, Hano, Shipaulovi, and elsewhere, and within them sacred +prayer-offerings are still deposited on ceremonial occasions. At +Walpi, in the middle of the plaza, there is a subterranean crypt in +which offerings are often placed, as I have elsewhere described in +treating of certain ceremonies. This shrine is not visible, for a slab +of stone which is placed over it lies on a level with the plaza, and +is securely luted in place with adobe. There are similar subterranean +prayer crypts in other Tusayan villages. They represent the +traditional opening, or _sipapu_, through which, in Pueblo cosmogony, +races crawled to the surface of the earth from an underworld. In +Awatobi also there is a similar shrine, for the deposit of +prayer-offerings, almost in the middle of a plaza bounded on three +sides by the mission, the spur of many-storied houses, and the wall +with a gateway, while the remaining side was formed by the great +communal houses of the western part of the pueblo. + +While we were taking from their ancient resting places the slabs of +stone which formed this Awatobi shrine, the workmen reminded me how +closely it resembled the _pahoki_ used by the _katcinas_, and when, a +month later, I witnessed the _Nimán-katcina_ ceremony at Walpi, and +accompanied the chief, Intiwa, when he deposited the prayer-sticks in +that shrine,[76] I was again impressed by the similarity of the two, +one in a ruin deserted two centuries ago, the other still used in the +performance of ancient rites, no doubt much older than the overthrow +of the great pueblo of Antelope mesa. + + +OLD AWATOBI + +The western mounds of Awatobi afford satisfactory evidence that they +cover the older rooms of the pueblo, and show by their compact form +that the ancient village in architectural plan was similar to modern +Walpi. They indicate that Awatobi was of pyramidal form, was +symmetrical, three or four stories high,[77] without a central plaza, +but probably penetrated by narrow courts or passages. No great +ceremonial dance could have taken place in the heart of the pueblo, +since there was not sufficient space for its celebration, but it must +have occurred outside the village, probably in the open space to the +east, near where the ruined walls of the mission now stand. + +From the nature of the western mounds I found it advantageous to begin +the work of excavation in the steep decline on the southern side, and +to penetrate the mound on the level of its base or the rock formation +which forms its foundation. In this way all the débris could +advantageously be moved and thrown over the side of the mesa. We began +to open the mounds, therefore, on the southern side, making converging +trenches at intervals, working toward their center. We found that +these trenches followed continuous walls connected by cross +partitions, forming rooms, and that these were continued as far as we +penetrated. The evidence is good that these rooms are followed by +others which extend into the deepest part of the mound. We likewise +excavated at intervals over the whole surface of the western area of +Awatobi, and wherever we dug, walls of former rooms, which diminished +in altitude on the northern side, were found. From these excavations I +concluded that if any part of the western mound was higher than the +remainder, it was on the southern side just above the edge of the +mesa, and from that highest point the pueblo diminished in altitude to +the north, in which direction it was continued for some distance in +low, single-story rooms. + + +ROOMS OF THE WESTERN MOUND + +The older or western portion of Awatobi is thus believed to be made up +of a number of high mounds which rise steeply, and for a considerable +height from the southern edge of the cliff, from which it slopes more +gradually to the north and west. On account of this steep declivity we +were able to examine, in vertical section, the arrangement of the +rooms, one above the other (figure 256). By beginning excavations on +the rocky foundation and working into the mound, parallel walls were +encountered at intervals as far as we penetrated. From the edge of the +cliff there seemed to extend a series of these parallel walls, +which were united by cross partitions, forming a series of rooms, +one back of another. The deeper we penetrated the mound the higher the +walls were found to be, and this was true of the excavations along the +whole southern side of the elevation (plate CIX). If, as I suspect, +these parallel walls extend to the heart of the mounds, the greatest +elevation of the former buildings must have been four stories. It +would likewise seem probable that the town was more or less pyramidal, +with the highest point somewhat back from the one- or two-story walls +at the edge of the cliff, a style of architecture still preserved in +Walpi. The loftiest wall, which was followed down to the floor, was 15 +feet high, but as that was measured over 20 feet below the apex of the +mound, it would seem that, from a distance, there would be a wall 30 +feet high in the center of the mound. Even counting 7 feet as the +height of each story we would have four stories above the foundation, +and this, I believe, was the height of the old pueblo. But probably +the wall did not rise to this height at the edge of the mesa, where it +could not have been more than one or two stories high. There is no +evidence of the former existence of an inclosed court of any +considerable size between the buildings and the cliff, although a +passage probably skirted the brink of the precipice, and house ladders +may have been placed on that side for ready access to upper rooms. By +a series of platforms or terraces, which were in fact the roofs of the +houses, one mounted to the upper stories which formed the apex of the +pueblo. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CIX + +EXCAVATIONS IN THE WESTERN MOUND OF AWATOBI] + +[Illustration: FIG. 256--Structure of house wall of Awatobi] + +On the western, northern, and eastern sides the slope is more gradual, +and while there are many obscurely marked house plans visible over the +surface, even quite near the top of the elevation, they are doubtless +the remains of single-story structures. This leads me to suspect that +when Awatobi was built it was reared on a mound of soil or sand, and +not on the solid rock surface of the mesa. The configuration, then, +shows that the pueblo sloped by easy decline to the plain to the +north, but rose more abruptly from the south and west. There are low +extramural mounds to the north, showing that on this side the +dwellings were composed of straggling chambers. The general character +of the rooms on the level slope at the western side of old Awatobi is +shown in the accompanying illustration (plate CX). The peculiarity of +these rooms appears by a comparison with the many-story chambers of +the southern declivity of the ruin. Extending the excavations four +feet below the surface we encountered a floor which rested on solid +earth, and there were no signs of walls beneath it. This was without +doubt a single-story house, the roof of which had disappeared. The +surrounding surface of the ground is level, but the tops of adjoining +walls of rooms may readily be traced near by. + +The room was rectangular, twice as long as wide, and without +passageways into adjoining chambers. The northern, eastern, and +western walls were unbroken, and there was nothing peculiar in the +floor of these sections; but we found a well-preserved, elevated +settle at the southern side, extending two-thirds of the length of the +main wall to a small side wall, inclosing a square recess, the object +of which is unknown to me. + +All walls were smoothly plastered, and the floor was paved with flat +stones set in adobe. The singular inclosure at the southern corner +could not be regarded as a fireplace, for there was no trace of soot +upon its walls. I incline to the belief that it may have served as a +closet, or possibly as a granary. Its arrangement is not unlike that +in certain modern rooms at Walpi. + +An examination of the masonry of the rooms of the western mounds of +Awatobi shows that the component stones were in a measure dressed into +shape, which was, as a rule, cubical. In this respect they differ from +the larger stones of which the mission walls were built, for in this +masonry the natural cleavage is utilized for the face of the wall. + +The differences between the masonry of the mission and that of the +room in which we found a chief buried were very marked. In the former, +elongated slabs of stone, without pecking or dressing, were universal, +while in the latter the squared stones were laid in courses and neatly +fitted together. The partitions likewise are narrower, being not more +than 6 inches thick. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CX + +EXCAVATED ROOM IN THE WESTERN MOUND OF AWATOBI] + + +SMALLER AWATOBI + +About an eighth of a mile west of the great mounds of Awatobi there is +a small rectangular ruin, the ground plan of which is well marked, and +in which individual houses are easy to trace. Like its larger +neighbor, it stands on the very edge of the mesa. None of its walls +rise above the surface of the mounds, which, however, are considerably +elevated and readily distinguished for some distance. The pueblo was +built in the form of a rectangle of single-story houses surrounding a +plaza. There was an opening or entrance on the southern side, near +which is a mound, possibly the remains of a kiva. A trail now passes +directly through the ruin and down the mesa side to Jeditoh valley, +probably the pathway by which the ancient inhabitants ascended the +cliff. The Hopi Indians employed by me in excavating Awatobi had no +name for this ruin and were not familiar with its existence before I +pointed it out to them. For want of a better interpretation I have +regarded it as a colony of old Awatobi, possibly of later +construction. + +Excavations in its mounds revealed no objects of interest, although +fragments of beautiful pottery, related to that found at Awatobi and +Sikyatki, show that it must have been made by people of the older or +best epoch[78] of Tusayan ceramics. + + +MORTUARY REMAINS + +Although it is well known that the ancient inhabitants of the great +houses of the Gila-Salado drainage buried some of their dead within +their dwellings, or in other rooms, and that the same mortuary +practice was observed in ancient Zuñi-Cibola, up to the time of my +excavations this form of burial had never been found in Tusayan. I am +now able to record that the same custom was practiced at Awatobi. + +Excavation made in the southeastern declivity of the western mounds +led to a burial chamber in which we found the well-preserved skeleton +of an old man, apparently a priest. The body was laid on the floor, at +full length, and at his head, which pointed southward, had been +placed, not mortuary offerings of food in bowls, but insignia of his +priestly office. Eight small objects of pottery were found on his left +side (plate CXII, _a_, _b_, _d_, _e_). Among these was a symmetrical +vase of beautiful red ware (plate CXI, _a_) richly decorated with +geometric patterns, and four globular paint pots, each full of pigment +of characteristic color. These paint pots were of black-and-white +ware, and contained, respectively, yellow ocher, sesquioxide of iron, +green copper carbonate, and micaceous hematite (plate CXIII, _a_, +_d_, _e_) such as is now called _yayala_ and used by the Snake priests +in the decoration of their faces. There were also many arrowpoints in +an earthen colander, and a ladle was luted over the mouth of the red +vase. My native excavators pronounced this the grave of a warrior +priest. The passageways into this chamber of death had all been +closed, and there were no other mortuary objects in the room. This was +the only instance of intramural interment which I discovered in the +excavations at Awatobi, but a human bone was found on the floor of +another chamber. So far as known the Awatobi people buried most of +their dead outside the town, either in the foothills at the base of +the mesa, or in the adjacent sand-dunes. + +The work of excavating the graves at the foot of the mesa was +desultory, as I found no single place where many interments had been +made. Several food vessels were dug up at a grave opened by Kópeli, +the Snake chief. I was not with him when he found the grave, but he +called me to see it soon after its discovery. We took from this +excavation a sandstone fetish of a mountain-lion, a fragment of the +bottom of a basin perforated with holes as if used as a colander. +Deposited in this fragment were many stone arrowheads, several +fragments of green paint, a flat green paho ornamented with figures of +dragon-flies in black. In addition to a single complete prayer-stick +there were fragments of many others too much broken to be identified. +One of these was declared by Kópeli to be a chief's paho. The grave in +which these objects were found was situated about halfway down the +side of the mesa to the southward of the highest mounds of the western +division of the pueblo. + +Here and there along the base of all the foothills south of Awatobi +are evidences of former burials, and complete bowls, dippers, and +vases were unearthed (plate CXIII, _b_, _c_). The soil is covered with +fragments of pottery, and in places, where the water has washed +through them, exposing a vertical section of the ground, it was found +that the fragments of pottery extended through the soil sometimes to a +depth of fifty feet below the surface. There was evidence, however, +that this soil had been transported more or less by rain water, which +often courses down the sides of the mesa in impetuous torrents. + +Human bones and mortuary vessels were found south of the mission near +the trail, at the foot of the mesa. In a single grave, a foot below +the surface, there were two piles of food bowls, each pile containing +six vessels, all broken. + +The cemetery northwest of Awatobi, where the soil is sandy and easy to +excavate, had been searched by others, and many beautiful objects of +pottery taken from it. This burial place yielded many bowls (plates +CLXVII, CLXVIII) and jars, as well as several interesting pahos +similar to those from Sikyatki, which I shall later describe but which +have never before been reported from Awatobi. It was found that one of +these prayer-sticks was laid over the heart of the deceased, and as +the skeleton was in a sitting posture, with the hand on the breast, +the prayer-stick may thus have been held at the time of burial. Our +success in finding places of interment on all sides of Sikyatki, +irrespective of direction, leads me to suspect that further +investigation of the sand-dunes north of Awatobi will reveal graves at +that point. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXI + +VASE AND MUGS FROM THE WESTERN MOUNDS OF AWATOBI] + +I have already called attention to the great abundance of charred corn +found in the rooms north of the mission. Renewed work in this quarter +revealed still greater quantities of this corn stacked in piles, +sometimes filling the entire side of a room. Evidently, as I have +elsewhere shown, the row of rooms at this part of the ruin were burned +with all their contents. The corn was not removed from the granaries, +as it would have been if the place had been gradually abandoned. When +an Indian burns stored corn in such quantities as were found at +Awatobi we can not believe he was bent on pillage, and it is an +instructive fact that thus far no stacked corn has been found in the +western or most ancient section of Awatobi. + + +SHRINES + +Although Awatobi was destroyed almost two centuries ago, the shrines +of the old pueblo were used for many years afterward, and are even now +frequented by some of the Mishoñinovi priests. In one of these ancient +depositories two wooden figurines sat in state up to within a few +years ago. + +This shrine lies below the ruins of the mission, among the bowlders on +the side of the cliff, about fifty feet from the edge of the mesa, and +is formed in an eroded cavity in the side of a bowlder of unusual +size. A rude wall had been built before this recess, which opened to +the east, and apparently the orifice was closed with logs, which have +now fallen in. The present appearance of this shrine is shown in the +accompanying illustration (figure 257). + +In former times two wooden idols, called the _Alosaka_, were kept in +this crypt, in much the same manner as the Dawn Maid is now sealed up +by the Walpians, when not used in the New-fire ceremony, as I have +described in my account of _Naacnaiya_.[79] Mr Thomas V. Keam, not +knowing that the Awatobi idols were still used in the Mishoñinovi +ritual, had removed them to his residence, but when this was known a +large number of priests begged him to return them, saying that they +were still used in religious exercises. With that consideration which +he has always shown to the Indians, Mr Keam allowed the priests to +take the images of _Alosaka_. The figurines were this time carried to +Mishoñinovi, the priests sprinkling a line of meal along the trail +over which they carried them. The two idols[80] have not been seen by +white people since that time, and are now, no doubt, in some hidden +crypt near the Mishoñinovi village. + +There is a shrine of simple character, near the ruins of smaller +Awatobi, which bears evidence of antiquity (figure 258). It consisted, +in 1892, of a circle of small stones in which were two large +water-worn stones and a fragment of petrified wood. There was no +evidence that it had lately been used. + +[Illustration: FIG. 257--Alosaka shrine at Awatobi] + +On the extreme western point of the mesa, at the very edge of the +cliff, there was also a simple shrine (figure 259). Judging from its +general appearance, this, likewise, had not been used in modern times, +but there were several old prayer-sticks not far away. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXII + +PAINT POTS, BOWL, AND DIPPER FROM AWATOBI] + +At the foot of the mesa, below the point last mentioned, however, +there is a shrine (figure 260), the earth of which contained hundreds +of prayer-sticks, in all stages of decay, while some of them had been +placed there only a few days before my visit. This shrine, I was +told, is still used by the Mishoñinovi priests in their sacred +observances. Among other forms of prayer offerings there were many +small wooden cylinders with radiating sticks connected with yarn, the +symbolic prayer offering for squashes.[81] In former times Antelope +valley was the garden spot of Tusayan, and from what we know of the +antiquity of the cultivation of squashes in the Southwest, there is +little doubt that they were cultivated by the Awatobians, and that +similar offerings were made by the ancient farmers for a good crop of +these vegetables. + +[Illustration: FIG. 258--Shrine at Awatobi] + +[Illustration: FIG. 259--Shrine at Awatobi] + + +POTTERY + +The mounds of Awatobi are entirely covered with fragments of pottery +of all the various kinds and colors known to ancient Tusayan. There +were found coiled and indented ware, coarse undecorated vessels, fine +yellow and smooth ware with black-and-white and red decorations. There +is no special kind of pottery peculiar to Awatobi, but it shares with +the other Tusayan ruins all types, save a few fragments of black +glazed ware, which occur elsewhere. + +[Illustration: FIG. 260--Shrine at Awatobi] + +It is highly probable that the few specimens of black-and-white ware +found in this ruin were not manufactured in the village, and the red +ware probably came from settlements to the south, on the Little +Colorado. These colors are in part due to the character of the paste +which was used, and the clay most often selected by Awatobi potters +made a fine yellow vessel. The material from which most of the vessels +were manufactured came, no doubt, from a bank near the ruin, where +there is good evidence that it was formerly quarried. + +Three coarse clay objects, such as might have been used for roof +drains, were found. The use of these objects, possibly indicated by +their resemblance, is not, however, perfectly clear. Their capacity +would not be equal to the torrents of rain which, no doubt, often fell +on the housetops of Awatobi, and they can hardly be identified as +spouts of large bowls, since they are attached to a circular disk with +smooth edges. In want of a satisfactory explanation I have +provisionally regarded them as water spouts, but whether they are from +ancient vessels or from the roofs of houses I am in much doubt.[82] + +One of the most instructive fragments of pottery taken from the ruins +is that of a coarse clay vessel, evidently a part of a flat basin or +saucer. The rim of this vessel is punctured with numerous holes, the +intervals between which are not greater than the diameter of the +perforations. + +Several platter-like vessels with similar holes about their rims have +been taken from other ruins of Jeditoh valley and mesa, the holes +being regarded as having been made as a means of suspension. Near a +sacred spring called Kawaika,[83] not far from Jeditoh, near Awatobi, +a large number of beautiful vessels with similar holes in their rims +were excavated by Mr T. V. Keam, and later passed into the collections +of the Hemenway Expedition, now installed at Cambridge. They are of +all kinds of ware, widely different in shape, the number of marginal +perforations varying greatly. As they were found in large numbers near +a spring they are regarded as sacrificial vessels, in which food or +sacred meal was deposited as an offering to some water deity. The +handle of a mug (plate CXI, _f_) from Awatobi, so closely resembles +the handles of certain drinking cups taken from the cliff-houses of +San Juan valley that it should be specially mentioned. There is in the +handle of this mug a T-shape opening quite similar in form to the +peculiar doorways of certain cliff-dwellings. The mug is made of the +finest white ware, decorated with black lines arranged in geometric +patterns. So close is its likeness in form and texture to cliff-house +pottery that the two may be regarded as identical. Moreover, it is not +impossible that the object may have been brought to Tusayan from Tségi +canyon, in the cliff-houses of which Hopi clans[84] lived while +Awatobi was in its prime, and, indeed, possibly after the tragedy of +1700. The few fragments of Tségi canyon pottery known to me have +strong resemblances to ancient Hopi ware, although the black-and-white +variety predominates. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXIII + +POTTERY FROM INTRAMURAL BURIAL AT AWATOBI] + +The collection of pottery from Awatobi is, comparatively speaking, +small, but it shows many interesting forms. Awatobi pottery may be +classed under the same groups as other old Tusayan ceramics, but most +of the specimens collected belong to the yellow, black-and-white, and +red varieties. It resembles that of Sikyatki, but bears little +likeness to modern ware in texture or symbolism. One is impressed by +the close resemblance between the Awatobi pottery and that from the +ruins of the Little Colorado and Zuñi,[85] which no doubt is +explained, in part, by the identity in the constituents of the +potter's clay near Awatobi with that in more southerly regions. + +Evidences of Spanish influence may be traced on certain objects of +pottery from Awatobi, especially on those obtained from the eastern +mounds of the ruin. In most essentials, however, the Awatobi ware +resembles that of the neighboring ruins, and is characteristically +Tusayan. + +The differentiation in modern Cibolan and Tusayan symbolism is much +greater than that of the ancient pottery from the same provinces, a +fact which is believed to point to a similarity, possibly identity, of +culture in ancient times. With this thought in mind, it would be +highly instructive to study the ancient ruins of the Rio Grande +region, as unfortunately no large collections of archeological objects +from that part of the Southwest have been made.[86] + +The majority of the bowls from Awatobi are decorated in geometric +patterns and a few have animal or human figures. The symbols, as well +as the pottery itself, can not be distinguished from those of +Sikyatki. Fragments of glazed ware are not unknown at Awatobi, but so +far as recorded, entire specimens have never been obtained from the +latter ruin. + +In order that the character of the geometric designs on Awatobi +pottery may be better understood, two plates are introduced to +illustrate their modifications in connection with my discussion of the +geometric forms figured on Sikyatki ware. The figures on these bowls +(plates CLXVI, CLXVII), with one or two exceptions, need no special +description in addition to what is said of Sikyatki geometric designs, +which they closely resemble. + +The cross-shape figure (plate CLXVI, _b_) may profitably be studied in +connection with the account of the modification of Sikyatki sun +symbols. Evidences of the use of a white pigment as a slip were found +on one or two fragments of fine pottery from Awatobi, but no +decoration of this kind was observed on the Sikyatki vessels. The red +ware is the same as that found in ancient Cibola, while one or two +fragments of glossy black recall the type common to modern Santa +Clara. + +Two bird-shape vessels, one made of black-and-white ware, the other +red with black-and-white decoration, were found at Awatobi. Large +masses of clay suited to the potter's art were not uncommonly found in +the corners of the rooms or in the niches in their walls. Some of +these masses are of fine paste, the others coarse with grains of sand. +The former variety was used in making the finest Tusayan ceramics; the +latter was employed in modeling cooking pots and other vessels of +ruder finish. + +Several flute-shape objects of clay, with flaring extremities, were +found on the surface of the mounds of Awatobi, and one was taken from +a Sikyatki grave. The use of these objects is unknown to me. + +Among the fragments of dippers from Awatobi are several with +perforations in the bottom, irregularly arranged or in geometric form, +as that of a cross. These colanders were rare at Sikyatki, but I find +nothing in them to betray Spanish influence.[87] Handled dippers or +mugs have been found so often by me in the prehistoric ruins of our +Southwest that I can not accept the dictum that the mug form was not +prehistoric, and the conclusion is legitimate that the Tusayan Indians +were familiar with mugs when the Spaniards came among them. The +handles of the dippers or ladles are single or double, solid or +hollow, simply turned up at one end or terminating with the head of an +animal. The upper side of the ladle handle may be grooved or convex. +No ladle handle decorated with an image of a "mud-head" or clown +priest, so common on modern ladles, was found either at Awatobi or +Sikyatki. + +Rudely made imitations in miniature of all kinds of pottery, +especially of ladles, were common. These are regarded as votive +offerings, from the fact that they were found usually in the graves of +children, and were apparently used as playthings before they were +buried. + +A common decoration on the handles of ladles is a series of short +parallel lines arranged in alternating longitudinal and transverse +zones. This form of decoration of ladle handles I have observed on +similar vessels from the Casas Grandes of Chihuahua, and it reappears +on pottery in all the ruins I have studied between Mexico and Tusayan. +In the exhibit of the Mexican Government at Madrid in 1892-93 a fine +collection of ancient pottery from Oaxaca was shown, and I have +drawings of one of these ladles with the same parallel marks on the +handle that are found on Pueblo ware from the Gila-Salado, the Cibola, +and the Tusayan regions. + +The only fragment of pottery from Awatobi or Sikyatki with designs +which could be identified with any modern picture of a _katcina_ was +found, as might be expected, in the former ruin. This small fragment +is instructive, in that it indicates the existence of the _katcina_ +cult in Tusayan before 1700; but the rarity of the figures of these +supernatural beings is very suggestive. The fragment in question is of +ancient ware, resembling the so-called orange type of pottery, and is +apparently a part of the neck of a vase. The figure represents Wupamo, +the Great-cloud _katcina_, and is marked like the doll of the same as +it appears in the _Powamû_ or February celebration at Walpi.[88] + +The associates of the _katcinas_ are the so-called "mud-heads" or +clowns, an order of priests as widely distributed as the Pueblo area. +In Tusayan villages they are called the Tcukuwympkia, and are +variously personated. As they belong especially to the _katcina_ cult, +which is naturally supposed to have been in vogue at Awatobi, I was +greatly interested in the finding of a fragment representing a +grotesque head which reminded me of a glutton of the division of the +Tcukuwympkia called Tcuckutû. While there may be some doubt of the +validity of my identification, yet, taken in connection with the +fragment of a vase with the face of Wupamo, I think there is no doubt +that the _katcina_ cult was practiced at Awatobi. + + +STONE IMPLEMENTS + +Comparatively few stone implements, such as mauls, hammers, axes, and +spearpoints, were found; but some of those unearthed from the mounds +are finely finished, being regular in form and highly polished. There +were many spherical stones, resembling those still sometimes used in +Tusayan on important occasions as badges of authority. These stones +were tied in a buckskin bag, which was attached to a stick and used as +a warclub. Many of the axes were grooved for hafting; one of the +specimens was doubly grooved and had two cutting edges. By far the +largest number were blunt at one pole and sharpened at the opposite +end. A single highly polished specimen (plate CLXXI, _f_) resembles a +type very common in the Gila Salado ruins. + +Arrowheads, some of finely chipped obsidian, were common, being +frequently found in numbers in certain mortuary bowls. Three or four +specimens of other kinds of implements fashioned from this volcanic +glass were picked up on the surface of the mounds. + +Metates, or flat stones for grinding corn, were dug up in several +houses; they were in some instances much worn, and were eagerly sought +by the Indian women who visited our camp. These specimens differ in no +respect from similar mealing stones still used at Walpi and other +modern Tusayan pueblos. Many were made of very coarse stone[89] for +use in hulling corn preparatory to grinding; others were of finer +texture, and both kinds were accompanied by the corresponding mano or +muller held in the hand in grinding meal. + +The modern Hopi often use as seats in their kivas cubical blocks of +stone with depressions in two opposite sides which serve as handholds +by which they are carried from place to place. Two of these stones, +about a cubic foot in size, were taken out of the chamber which I have +supposed to be the Awatobi kiva. In modern Tusayan these seats are +commonly made of soft sandstone, and are so few in number that we can +hardly regard them as common. They are often used to support the +uprights of altars when they are erected, and I have seen priests +grind pigments in the depressions. Incidentally, it may be said that I +have never seen priests use chairs in any kiva celebration; nor do +they have boxes to sit upon. During the droning of the tedious songs +they have nothing under them except a folded blanket or sheepskin. + +Excavations in the Awatobi rooms revealed several interesting shallow +mortars used for grinding pigments, but no one of these is comparable +in finish with that shown in the accompanying illustration (plate +CLXXII, _a_). This object is made of a hard stone in the form of a +perfect parallelopipedon with slightly rounded faces. The depression +is shallow, and when found there was a discoloration of pigment upon +its surface. + +In almost every house that bore evidence of former occupancy, +beautifully made mullers and metates were exhumed. These were +ordinarily in place in the corner of the chamber, and were much worn, +as if by constant use. In one grave there was found a metate reversed +over a skeleton, probably that of a woman--although the bones were so +disintegrated that the determination of the sex of the individual was +impossible. Several of these metates were taken by Indian women, who +prized them so highly that they loaded the stones on burros and +carried them ten miles to Walpi, where they are now applied to the +same purpose for which they were used over two centuries ago. + +On the surface of the mesa, beyond the extension of the ground plan of +the ruin, there are many depressions worn in the rocks where the +Awatobi women formerly whetted their grinding stones, doubtless in the +manner practiced by the modern villagers of Tusayan. These depressions +are especially numerous near the edge of the cliff, between the +eastern and western sections of the ruin.[90] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXIV + +BONE IMPLEMENTS FROM AWATOBI AND SIKYATKI] + + +BONE OBJECTS + +A large and varied collection of bone implements was gathered at +Awatobi, and a few additional specimens were exhumed from Sikyatki. It +is worthy of note that, as a rule, bone implements are more common in +houses than in graves; and since the Awatobi excavations were +conducted mostly in living rooms, while those at Sikyatki were largely +in the cemeteries, the bone implements from the former pueblo far +outnumber those from the latter. + +The collection consists of awls, bodkins, needles, whistles, and tubes +made of the bones of birds and quadrupeds. The two animals which +contributed more than others to these objects were the turkey and the +rabbit, although there were fragments of the horns and shin-bones of +the antelope or deer. Several of these specimens were blackened by +fire, and one was stained with green pigment. There was also evidence +of an attempt at ornamenting the implements by incised lines, while +one was bound with string. Bones of animals which had served for food +were very common in all the excavations at Awatobi, especially near +the floors of the houses. With the exception of a number of large +bones of a bear, found in one of the houses in the northern range of +the eastern section, these bones were not carefully collected. + +Plate CXIV gives a general idea of some of the forms of worked bone +which were obtained. Figure _a_ shows an awl, for the handle of which +one of the trochanters was used, the point at the opposite end being +very sharp; _b_ and _c_ are similar objects, but slighter, and more +carefully worked; _d_ is a flattened bone implement perforated with +two holes, and may have been used as a needle. There are similar +implements in the collection, but with a single terminal perforation. +Other forms of bone awls are shown in _e_, _f_, _g_, and _j_. + +There are a number of bone objects the use of which is problematical. +One of the best of these is a section of the tibia of a bird, cut +longitudinally, convex on the side represented in plate CXIV, _h_, and +concave on the opposite side. When found this bone fragment was tied +to a second similar section by a string (remnants of which can be seen +in the figure), thus forming a short tube. The use of this object is +not known to me, nor were any satisfactory suggestions made by the +Indians whom I consulted in relation to it. This does not apply, +however, to the object illustrated in plate CXIV, _i_, which was +declared by several Hopi to be a bird whistle, similar to that used in +ceremonials connected with medicine making. + +The manner in which a bone whistle is used in imitation of a bird's +call has been noticed by me in the accounts of several ceremonials, +and I will therefore quote the description of its use in the +_Nimankatcina_ at Walpi.[91] + + Then followed an interval of song and accompanying rattle, at + the termination of which Intiwa's associate took the bird + whistle (_tatükpi_) and blew three times into the liquid, + making a noise not unlike that produced by a toy bird + whistle. This was repeated four times, accompanied by song + and rattle. He first inserted the bone whistle on the north + side, then on the other cardinal points in turn. The + monotonous song and rattle then ceased, and Intiwa sprinkled + corn pollen on the ears of corn in the water, and upon the + line of pahos. + +The object of the whistle is to call the summer birds which are +associated with planting and harvesting. The whistle figures in many +rites, especially in those connected with the making of medicine or +charm liquid. + + +MISCELLANEOUS OBJECTS + +ORNAMENTS IN THE FORM OF BIRDS AND SHELLS + +In the excavations, as well as on the surface of the mounds at +Awatobi, were found many imitations of marine shells made of clay, +often painted red and ranging from the size of half a dollar to that +of the thumb nail (plate CLXXIII, _j-m_). On the convex surface of +these objects parallel lines are etched, and they are pierced at the +valves for suspension. I have never found them suspended from the neck +of a skeleton, although their general appearance indicates that they +were used as ornaments. Similarly made clay images of birds (plate +CLXXIII, _g_, _h_, _i_) with extended wings were also found, and of +these there are several different forms in the collection. A small +perforated knob at the breast served for attachment. In the absence of +any better explanation of these objects, I have regarded them as +gorgets, or pendants, for personal decoration. + +In the Awatobi collections there are several small disks made +apparently of pipe clay, which also were probably used as ornaments. +These are very smooth and wonderfully regular in shape--in one case +with a perforation near the rim. Turquois and shell beads were found +in considerable numbers in the excavations at Awatobi, but, as they +are similar to those from Sikyatki, I have reserved a discussion of +them for following pages. A few fragments of shell armlets and +wristlets were also exhumed. These were made generally of the Pacific +coast _Pectunculus_, so common in the ruins of the Little +Colorado.[92] + + +CLAY BELL + +Copper bells are said to be used in the secret ceremonials of the +modern Tusayan villages, and in certain of the ceremonial foot races +metal bells of great age and antique pattern are sometimes tied about +the waists of the runners. Small copper hawk bells,[93] found in +southern Arizonian ruins, are identical in form and make with those +used by the ancient Nahuatl people. So far as the study of the +antiquities of the ruins of Tusayan immediately about the inhabited +towns has gone, we have no record of the finding of copper bells of +any great age. It was, therefore, with considerable interest that I +exhumed from one of the rooms of the westernmost or oldest section of +Awatobi a clay bell (figure 261) made in exact imitation of one of the +copper bells that have been reported from several southern ruins +(plate CLXXIII, _a_). While it may be said that it would be more +decisive evidence of the prehistoric character of this object if +Awatobi had not been under Spanish influence for over a century, +still, from the position where it was dug up and its resemblance to +metal bells which are undoubtedly prehistoric, there seems to be +little reason to question its age. As with the imitation of marine +shells in clay, it is probable that in this bell we have a facsimile +of a metal bell with which the ancient Tusayan people were undoubtedly +familiar.[94] + +[Illustration: FIG. 261--Clay Bell from Awatobi (natural size)] + + +TEXTILE FABRICS + +In the very earliest accounts which we have of Tusayan the Hopi are +said to raise cotton and to weave it into mantles. These mantles, or +"towels" as they were styled by Espejo, were, according to Castañeda, +ornamented with embroidery, and had tassels at the corners. In early +times garments were made of the fiber of the maguey, and of feathers +and rabbit skins. Fabrics made of animal fiber are mentioned by Friar +Marcos de Niza, and he was told that the inhabitants of Totonteac +obtained the material from which they were made from animals as large +as the greyhounds which the father had with him. The historical +references which can be mentioned to prove that the Tusayan people, +when they were first visited, knew how to spin and weave are numerous, +and need not be quoted here. That the people of Awatobi made cotton +fabrics there is no doubt, for it is distinctly stated by early +visitors that they were acquainted with the art of weaving, and some +of the presents made to the first Spanish explorers were of native +cotton. + +The archeological evidence supports the historical in this particular, +and several fragments of cloth were found in our excavations in the +western mounds of the village. These fragments were of cotton and +agave fiber, of cotton alone, and in one instance of the hair of some +unknown animal. No signs of the famous rabbit-skin blankets were seen, +and from the perishable nature of the material of which they were made +it would be strange if any traces had been discovered. At Sikyatki a +small textile fragment made of feathers was found in one of the +burial vases, but no feather garments or even fragments of the same +were unearthed at Awatobi. + +A woven rope of agave fiber and many charred strings of the same +material were found in a niche in the wall of a house in the eastern +section, and from the same room there was taken a string, over a yard +long, made of human hair. It was suggested to me by one of the Hopi +that this string was part of the coiffure of an Awatobi maid, and that +it was probably used to tie up her hair in whorls above the ears, as +is still the Hopi custom. + +The whole number of specimens of textile fabrics found at Awatobi was +small, and their character disappointing for study, for the conditions +of burial in the soil are not so good for their preservation as in the +dry caves or cliff houses, from which beautifully preserved cloth, +made at a contemporary period, has been taken. + + +PRAYER-STICKS--PIGMENTS + +Among the most significant mortuary objects used by the ancient +Tusayan people may be mentioned the so-called prayer-sticks or pahos. +These were found in several graves, placed on the breast, in the hand, +or at the side of the person interred, and have a variety of form, as +shown in the accompanying illustrations (plates CLXXIV, CLXXV). As I +shall discuss the forms and meaning of prayer-sticks in my account of +Sikyatki, where a much larger number were found, I will simply mention +a few of the more striking varieties from Awatobi. + +One of the most instructive of these objects is flat in shape, painted +green, and decorated with figures of a dragon-fly. As this insect is a +symbol of rain, its occurrence on mortuary objects is in harmony with +the Hopi conception of the dead which will later be explained. + +Pahos, in the form of flat slats with a notched extension at one end +were common, but generally were poorly preserved. The prayer-sticks +from the shrine in the middle of the rooms in the plaza of the eastern +section crumbled into fragments when exposed to the air, but they were +apparently small, painted green, and decorated with black spots. On +several of the prayer-sticks the impressions of the string and +feathers that were formerly attached are still readily seen. It is +probable that the solution of a carbonate of copper, with which the +green pahos were so colored, contributed to the preservation of the +wood of which they had been manufactured. + +The only pigments detected on the prayer-sticks are black, red, and +green, and traces of red are found also on the inner surface of a +stone implement from a grave at the base of the mesa. All the pigments +used by the modern Tusayan Indians were found in the intramural burial +already described. My Hopi workmen urged me to give them small +fragments of these paints, regarding them efficacious in their +ceremonials. + + +OBJECTS SHOWING SPANISH INFLUENCE + +We would naturally expect to find many objects of Caucasian origin in +the ruins of a pueblo which had been under Spanish influence for a +century. I have already spoken of certain architectural features in +the eastern part of Awatobi which may be traced to the influence of +the Spanish missionaries, and of small objects there were several +different kinds which show the same thing. The old iron knife-blade +already mentioned as having been found among the corn in a storage +chamber in the northern row of houses was not the only metallic object +found. Not far from the mission there were unearthed many corroded +iron nails, a small hook of the same metal, a piece of cast copper, +and a fragment of what appeared to be a portion of a bell. There were +several pieces of glass, the surfaces of which had become ground by +the sand which had beaten upon them during the years in which they had +been exposed. There was found also a fragment of a green glazed cup, +which was undoubtedly of Spanish or Mexican make, and sherds of white +china similar to that sold today by the traders. These latter +specimens were, as a rule, found on the surface of the ground. + +It will therefore appear that the archeology of Awatobi supports the +documentary evidence that the pueblo was under Spanish influence for +some time, and the fact that all the above-mentioned objects were +taken on or in the eastern mounds emphasizes the conclusion that this +section of the town was the part directly under Spanish influences. +Nothing of Spanish manufacture was found in the rooms of the western +mounds, but from this negative evidence there is no reason to suspect +that this section of Awatobi was not inhabited contemporaneously with +that in the vicinity of the mission. + + +THE RUINS OF SIKYATKI + +TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE PUEBLO + +Very vague ideas are current regarding the character of Hopi culture +prior to Tobar's visit to Tusayan in 1540, and with the exception of +the most meager information nothing concerning it has come down to us +from early historical references in the sixteenth century. It is +therefore interesting to record all possible information in regard to +these people prior to the period mentioned, and this must be done +mainly through archeology. + +Although there are many Tusayan ruins which we have every reason to +believe are older than the time of Coronado, no archeologist has +gathered from them the evidences bearing on prehistoric Tusayan +culture which they will undoubtedly yield. Large and beautiful +collections of pottery ascribed to Tusayan ruins have shown the +excellent artistic taste of the ancient potters of this region, +indicating that in the ceramic art they were far in advance of their +descendants. But these collections have failed to teach, the lesson +they might have taught, from the fact that data concerning the objects +composing them are so indefinite. Very little care had been taken to +label these collections accurately or to collect any specimens but +those which were strikingly beautiful or commercially valuable. It was +therefore with the hope of giving a more precise and comprehensive +character to our knowledge of Tusayan antiquities that I wished to +excavate one of the ruins of this province which was undoubtedly +prehistoric. Conditions were favorable for success at the mounds +called by the Indians Sikyatki.[95] These ruins are situated near the +modern Tusayan pueblos of East Mesa, from which I could hire workmen, +and not far from Keam's Canyon, which could be made a base of +supplies. The existing legends bearing on these ruins, although +obscure, are sufficiently definite for all practical purposes. + +I find no mention of Sikyatki in early historical documents, nor can +the name be even remotely identified with any which has been given to +a Tusayan pueblo. My knowledge of the mounds which mark the site of +this ancient village dates back to 1892, when I visited them with one +of the old men of Walpi, who then and there narrated the legend of its +destruction by the Walpians previously to the advent of the Spaniards. +I was at that time impressed by the extent of the mounds, and prepared +a rough sketch of the ground plan of the former houses, but from lack +of means was unable to conduct any systematic excavation of the ruin. + +Comparatively nothing concerning the ruin of Sikyatki has been +published, although its existence had been known for several years +previously to my visit. In his brief account Mr Victor Mindeleff[96] +speaks of it as two prominent knolls, "about 400 yards apart," the +summits of which are covered with house walls. He also found portions +of walls on intervening hummocks, but gives no plan of the ruin. The +name, Sikyatki, is referred to the color of the sandstone of which the +walls were built. He found some of the rooms were constructed of small +stones, dressed by rubbing, and laid in mud. The largest chamber was +stated to be 9-1/2 by 4-1/2 feet, and it was considered that many of +the houses were "built in excavated places around the rocky summits of +the knolls."[97] Mr Mindeleff identified the former inhabitants with +the ancestors of the Kokop people, and mentioned the more important +details of their legend concerning the destruction of the village. + +We can rely on the statement that Sikyatki was inhabited by the Kokop +or Firewood people of Tusayan, who were so named because they obtained +fire from wood by the use of drills. These people are represented +today at Walpi by Katci, whose totem is a picture of Masauwû, the God +of Fire. It is said that the home of the Firewood people before they +built Sikyatki was at Tebuñki, or Fire-house, a round ruin +northeastward from Keam's canyon. They were late arrivals in Tusayan, +coming at least after the Flute people, and probably before the Honani +or Badger people, who brought, I believe, the _katcina_ cult. Although +we can not definitely assert that this cultus was unknown at Sikyatki, +it is significant that in the ruins no ornamental vessel was found +with a figure of a _katcina_ mask, although these figures occur on +modern bowls. The original home of the Kokop people is not known, but +indefinite legends ascribe their origin to Rio Grande valley. They are +reputed to have had kindred in Antelope valley and at the Fire-house, +above alluded to, near Eighteen-mile spring. + +The ruin of Fire-house, one of the pueblos where the Kokop people are +reputed to have lived before they built Sikyatki, is situated on the +periphery of Tusayan. It is built of massive stones and differs from +all other ruins in that province in that it is circular in form. The +round type of ruin is, however, to be seen in the two conical mounds +on the mesa above Sikyatki, which was connected in some way with the +inhabitants who formerly lived at its base. + +The reason the Kokop people left Fire-house is not certain, but it is +said that they came in conflict with Bear clans who were entering the +province from the east. Certain it is that if the Kokop people once +inhabited Fire-house they must have been joined by other clans when +they lived at Sikyatki, for the mounds of this pueblo indicate a +village much larger than the round ruin on the brink of the mesa +northeast of Keam's canyon. The general ground plan of the ruin +indicates an inclosed court with surrounding tiers of houses, +suggesting the eastern type of pueblo architecture. + +The traditional knowledge of the destruction of Sikyatki is very +limited among the present Hopi, but the best folklorists all claim +that it was destroyed by warriors from Walpi and possibly from Middle +Mesa. Awatobi seems not to have taken part in the tragedy, while Hano +and Sichomovi did not exist when the catastrophe took place. + +The cause of the destruction of Sikyatki is not clearly known, and +probably was hardly commensurate with the result. Its proximity to +Walpi may have led to disputes over the boundaries of fields or the +ownership of the scanty water supply. The people who lived there were +intruders and belonged to clans not represented in Walpi, which in all +probability kept hostility alive. The early Tusayan peoples did not +readily assimilate, but quarreled with one another even when sorely +oppressed by common enemies. + +There is current in Walpi a romantic story connected with the +overthrow of Sikyatki. It is said that a son of a prominent chief, +disguised as a _katcina_, offered a prayer-stick to a maiden, and as +she received it he cut her throat with a stone knife. He is said to +have escaped to the mesa top and to have made his way along its edge +to his own town, taunting his pursuers. It is also related that the +Walpians fell upon the village of Sikyatki to avenge this bloody deed, +but it is much more likely that there was ill feeling between the two +villages for other reasons, probably disputes about farm limits or the +control of the water supply, inflamed by other difficulties. The +inhabitants of the two pueblos came into Tusayan from different +directions, and as they may have spoken different languages and thus +have failed to understand each other, they may have been mutually +regarded as interlopers. Petty quarrels no doubt ripened into +altercations, which probably led to bloodshed. The forays of the +Apache from the south and the Ute from the north, which began at a +later period, should naturally have led to a defensive alliance; but +in those early days confederation was not dreamed of and the feeling +between the two pueblos culminated in the destruction of Sikyatki. +This was apparently the result of a quarrel between two pueblos of +East Mesa, or at least there is no intimation that the other pueblos +took prominent part in it. It is said that after the destruction some +of those who escaped fled to Oraibi, which would imply that the Walpi +and Oraibi peoples, even at that early date, were not on very friendly +terms. If, however, the statement that Oraibi was then a distinct +pueblo be true, it in a way affords a suggestion of the approximate +age[98] of this village. + +There was apparently a more or less intimate connection between the +inhabitants of old Sikyatki and those of Awatobi, but whether or not +it indicates that the latter was founded by the refugees from the +former I have not been able definitely to make out. All my informants +agree that on the destruction of Sikyatki some of its people fled to +Awatobi, but no one has yet stated that the Kokop people were +represented in the latter pueblo. The distinctive clans of the pueblo +of Antelope mesa are not mentioned as living in Sikyatki, and yet the +two pueblos are said to have been kindred. The indications are that +the inhabitants of both came from the east--possibly were intruders, +which may have been the cause of the hostility entertained by both +toward the Walpians. The problem is too complex to be solved with our +present limited knowledge in this direction, and archeology seems not +to afford very satisfactory evidence one way or the other. We may +never know whether the Sikyatki refugees founded Awatobi or simply +fled to that pueblo for protection. + +There appears to be no good evidence that Sikyatki was destroyed by +fire, nor would it seem that it was gradually abandoned. The larger +beams of the houses have disappeared from many rooms, evidently having +been appropriated in building or enlarging other pueblos. + +There is nothing to show that any considerable massacre of the people +took place when the village was destroyed, in which respect it differs +considerably from Awatobi. There is little doubt that many Sikyatki +women were appropriated by the Walpians, and in support of this it is +stated that the Kokop people of the present Walpi are the descendants +of the people of that clan who dwelt at Sikyatki. This conclusion is +further substantiated by the statements of one of the oldest members +of the Kokop phratry who frequently visited me while the excavations +were in progress. + +The destruction of Sikyatki and its consequent abandonment doubtless +occurred before the Spaniards obtained a foothold in the country. The +aged Hopi folklorists insist that such is the case, and the +excavations did not reveal any evidence to the contrary. If we add to +the negative testimony that Sikyatki is not mentioned in any of the +early writings, and that no fragment of metal, glass, or Spanish +glazed pottery has been taken from it, we appear to have substantial +proof of its prehistoric character. + +In the early times when Sikyatki was a flourishing pueblo, Walpi was +still a small settlement on the terrace of the mesa just below the +present town that bears its name. Two ruins are pointed out as the +sites of Old Walpi, one to the northward of the modern town, and a +second more to the westward. The former is called at present the +Ash-heap house or pueblo, the latter Kisakobi. It is said that the +people whose ancestors formed the nucleus of the more northerly town +moved from there to Kisakobi on account of the cold weather, for it +was too much in the shadow of the mesa. Its general appearance would +indicate it to be older than the more westerly ruin, higher up on the +mesa. It was a pueblo of some size, and was situated on the edge of +the terrace. The refuse from the settlement was thrown over the edge +of the decline, where it accumulated in great quantities. This débris +contains many fragments of characteristic pottery, similar to that +from Sikyatki, and would well repay systematic investigation. No walls +of the old town rise more than a few feet above the surface, for most +of the stones have long ago been used in rebuilding the pueblo on +other sites. Kisakobi was situated higher up on the mesa, and bears +every appearance of being more modern than the ruin below. Its site +may readily be seen from the road to Keam's canyon, on the +terrace-like prolongation of the mesa. Some of the walls are still +erect, and the house visible for a great distance is part of the old +pueblo. This, I believe, was the site of Walpi at the time the +Spaniards visited Tusayan, and I have found here a fragment of pottery +which I believe is of Spanish origin. The ancient pueblo crowned the +ridge of the terrace which narrows here to 30 or 40 feet, so that +ancient Walpi was an elongated pueblo, with narrow passageways and no +rectangular court. I should judge, however, that the pueblo was not +inhabited for a great period, but was moved to its present site after +a few generations of occupancy. The Ash-hill village was inhabited +contemporaneously with Sikyatki, but Kisakobi was of later +construction. Neither Sichomovi nor Hano was in existence when +Sikyatki was in its prime, nor, indeed, at the time of its +abandonment. In 1782 Morfi spoke of Sichomovi as a pueblo recently +founded, with but fifteen families. Hano, although older, was +certainly not established before 1700.[99] + +The assertions of all Hopi traditionists that Sikyatki is a +prehistoric ruin, as well as the scientific evidence looking the same +way, are most important facts in considering the weight of deductions +in regard to the character of prehistoric Tusayan culture. + +Although we have no means of knowing how long a period has elapsed +since the occupancy and abandonment of Sikyatki, we are reasonably +sure that objects taken from it are purely aboriginal in character and +antedate the inception of European influence. It is certain, however, +that the Sikyatki people lived long enough in that pueblo to develop a +ceramic art essentially peculiar to Tusayan. + + +NOMENCLATURE + +The commonly accepted definition of Sikyatki is "yellow house" +(_sikya_, yellow; _ki_, house). One of the most reliable chiefs of +Walpi, however, called my attention to the fact that the hills in the +locality were more or less parallel, and that there might be a +relationship between the parallel valleys and the name. The +application of the term "yellow" would not seem to be very appropriate +so far as it is distinctive of the general color of the pueblo. The +neighboring spring, however, contains water which after standing some +time has a yellowish tinge, and it was not unusual to name pueblos +from the color of the adjacent water or from some peculiarity of the +spring, which was one of the most potent factors in the determination +of the site of a village. Although the name may also refer to a +cardinal point, a method of nomenclature followed in some regions of +the Southwest, if such were the case in regard to Sikyatki it would be +exceptional in Tusayan. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXV + +SIKYATKI MOUNDS FROM THE KANELBA TRAIL] + + +FORMER INHABITANTS OF SIKYATKI + +The origin of the pueblo settlement at Sikyatki is doubtful, but as I +have shown in my enumeration of the clans of Walpi, the Kokop +(Firewood) and the Isauûh (Coyote) phratries which lived there are +supposed to have come into Tusayan from the far east or the valley +of the Rio Grande. The former phratry is not regarded as one of the +earliest arrivals in Tusayan, for when its members arrived at Walpi +they found living there the Flute, Snake, and Water-house phratries. +It is highly probable that the Firewood, or as they are sometimes +called the Fire, people, once lived in the round pueblo known as +Fire-house, and as the form of this ruin is exceptional in Tusayan, +and highly characteristic of the region east of this province, there +is archeological evidence of the eastern origin of the Fire people. +Perhaps the most intelligent folklorist of the Kokop people was +Nasyuñweve, who died a few years ago--unfortunately before I had been +able to record all the traditions which he knew concerning his +ancestors. At the present day Katci, his successor[100] in these +sacerdotal duties in the Antelope-Snake mysteries, claims that his +people formerly occupied Sikyatki, and indeed the contiguous fields +are still cultivated by members of that phratry. + +It is hardly possible to do more than estimate the population of +Sikyatki when in its prime, but I do not believe that it was more than +500;[101] probably 300 inhabitants would be a closer estimate if we +judge from the relative population to the size of the pueblo of Walpi +at the present time. On the basis of population given, the evidences +from the size of the Sikyatki cemeteries would not point to an +occupancy of the village for several centuries, although, of course, +the strict confines of these burial places may not have been +determined by our excavations. The comparatively great depth at which +some of the human remains were found does not necessarily mean great +antiquity, for the drifting sands of the region may cover or uncover +the soil or rocks in a very short time, and the depth at which an +object is found below the surface is a very uncertain medium for +estimating the antiquity of buried remains. + + +GENERAL FEATURES + +The ruin of Sikyatki (plates CXV, CXVI) lies about three miles east of +the recent settlement of Tanoan families at Isba or Coyote spring, +near the beginning of the trail to Hano. Its site is in full view from +the road extending from the last-mentioned settlement to Keam's +canyon, and lies among the hills just below the two pyramidal +elevations called Küküchomo, which are visible for a much greater +distance. When seen from this road the mounds of Sikyatki are observed +to be elevated at least 300 feet above the adjacent cultivated plain, +but at the ruin itself this elevation is scarcely appreciable, so +gradual is the southerly decline to the arroyo which drains the plain. +The ruin is situated among foothills a few hundred yards from the base +of the mesa, and in the depression between it and the mesa there is a +stretch of sand in which grow peach trees and a few stunted cedars. At +this point, likewise, there is a spring, now feeble in its flow from +the gradually drifting sand, yet sufficient to afford a trickling +stream by means of which an enterprising native, named Tcino, +irrigates a small garden of melons and onions. On all sides of the +ruin there are barren stretches of sand relieved in some places by +stunted trees and scanty vegetation similar to that of the adjacent +plains. The soil in the plaza of the ruin is cultivated, yielding a +fair crop of squashes, but is useless for corn or beans. + +Here and there about the ruins stand great jagged bowlders, relieving +what would otherwise be a monotonous waste of sand. One of these stony +outcrops forms what I have called the "acropolis" of Sikyatki, which +will presently be described. On the eastern side the drifting sand has +so filled in around the elevation on which the ruin stands that the +ascent is gradual, and the same drift extends to the rim of the mesa, +affording access to the summit that otherwise would necessitate +difficult climbing. Along the ridge of this great drift there runs a +trail which passes over the mesa top to a beautiful spring, on the +other side, called Kanelba.[102] + +The highest point of the ruin as seen from the plain is the rocky +eminence rising at the western edge, familiarly known among the +members of my party as the "acropolis." As one approaches the ruin +from a deep gulch on the west, the acropolis appears quite lofty, and +a visitor would hardly suspect that it marks the culminating point of +a ruin, so similar does it appear to surrounding hills of like +geologic character where no vestiges of former house-walls appear. + +The spring from which the inhabitants of the old pueblo obtained their +water supply lies between the ruin and the foot of the mesa, nearer +the latter. The water is yellow in color, especially after it has +remained undisturbed for some time, and the quantity is very limited. +It trickles out of a bed of clay in several places and forms a pool +from which it is drawn to irrigate a small garden and a grove of peach +trees. It is said that when Sikyatki was in its prime this spring was +larger than at present, and I am sure that a little labor spent in +digging out the accumulation of sand would make the water more +wholesome and probably sufficiently abundant for the needs of a +considerable population. + +The nearest spring of potable water available for our excavation camp +at Sikyatki was Kanelba, or Sheep spring, one of the best sources of +water supply in Tusayan. The word Kanelba, containing a Spanish +element, must have replaced a Hopi name, for it is hardly to be +supposed that this spring was not known before sheep were brought into +the country. There is a legend that formerly the site of this spring +was dry, when an ancient priest, who had deposited his _tiponi_, or +chieftain's badge, at the place, caused the water to flow from the +ground; at present however the water rushes from a hole as large as +the arm in the face of the rock, as well as from several minor +openings. It is situated on the opposite side of the mesa from +Sikyatki, a couple of miles northeastward from the ruin. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXVI + +GROUND PLAN OF SIKYATKI] + +Half-way up the side of the mesa, about opposite Sikyatki, there is a +large reservoir, used as a watering place for sheep. The splash of the +water, as it falls into this reservoir, is an unusual sound in this +arid region, and is worth a tramp of many miles. There are many +evidences that this spring was a popular one in former times. As it is +approached from the top of the mesa, a brief inspection of the +surroundings shows that for about a quarter of a mile, on either side, +there are signs of ancient terraced gardens, walled in with rows of +stones. These gardens have today greatly diminished in size, as +compared with the ancient outlines, and only that portion which is +occupied by a grove of peach trees is now under cultivation, although +there is plenty of water for the successful irrigation of a much +larger tract of land than the gardens now cover.[103] Judging from +their size, many of the peach trees are very old, although they still +bear their annual crop of fruit. Everything indicates, as the legends +relate, that these Kanelba gardens, the walls of which now form sheep +corrals, were long ago abandoned. + +The terraces south of the Kanelba peach grove resemble the lower +terraces of Wipo. About 100 rods farther south, along the foot of the +mesa, on the same level, are a number of unused fields, and a cluster +of house remains. The whole of this terrace is of a type which shows +greater action of the weather than the others, but the boundaries of +the fields are still marked with rows of stones. The adjacent +foothills contain piles of ashes in several places, as if the sites of +ancient pottery kilns, and very old stone inclosures occur on the top +of the mesa above Kanelba. All indications seem to point to the +ancient occupancy of the region about Kanelba by many more farmers +than today. Possibly the inhabitants of Sikyatki, which is only two or +three miles away, frequented this place and cultivated these ancient +gardens. Kanelba is regarded as a sacred spring by several Hopi +religious societies of East Mesa. The Snake priests of Walpi always +celebrate a feast there on the day of the snake hunt to the east in +odd years,[104] while in the alternate years it is visited by the +Flute men. + +The present appearance of Sikyatki (plate CXV) is very desolate, and +when visited by our party previously to the initiation of the work, +seemed to promise little in the way of archeological results. No walls +were standing above ground, and the outlines of the rooms were very +indistinct. All we saw at that time was a series of mounds, +irregularly rectangular in shape, of varying altitude, with here and +there faint traces of walls. Prominent above all these mounds, +however, was the pinnacle of rock on the northwestern corner, rising +abruptly from the remainder of the ruin, easily approached from the +west and sloping more gradually to the south. This rocky elevation, +which we styled the acropolis, was doubtless once covered with houses. + +On the western edge of the ruin a solitary farmhouse, used during the +summer season, had been constructed of materials from the old walls, +and was inhabited by an Indian named Lelo and his family during our +excavations. He is the recognized owner of the farm land about +Sikyatki and the cultivator of the soil in the old plaza of the ruins. +Jakwaina, an enterprising Tewan who lives not far from Isba, the +spring near the trail to Hano, has also erected a modern house near +the Sikyatki spring, but it had not been completed at the time of our +stay. Probably never since its destruction in prehistoric times have +so many people as there were in our party lived for so long a time at +this desolate place. + +The disposition of the mounds show that the ground plan of Sikyatki +(plate CXVI) was rectangular in shape, the houses inclosing a court in +which are several mounds that may be the remains of kivas. The highest +range of rooms, and we may suppose the most populous part of the +ancient pueblo, was on the same side as the acropolis, where a large +number of walled chambers in several series were traced. + +The surface of what was formerly the plaza is crossed by rows of +stones regularly arranged to form gardens, in which several kinds of +gourds are cultivated. In the sands north of the ruin there are many +peach trees, small and stunted, but yearly furnishing a fair crop. +These are owned by Tcino,[105] and of course were planted long after +the destruction of the pueblo. + +In order to obtain legends of the former occupancy and destruction of +Sikyatki, I consulted Nasyuñweve, the former head of the Kokop people, +and while the results were not very satisfactory, I learned that the +land about Sikyatki is still claimed by that phratry. Nasyuñweve,[106] +Katci, and other prominent Kokop people occupy and cultivate the land +about Sikyatki on the ground of inheritance from their ancestors who +once inhabited the place. + +Two routes were taken to approach Sikyatki--one directly across the +sandy plain from the entrance to Keam's canyon, following for some +distance the road to East Mesa; the other along the edge of the mesa, +on the first terrace, to the cluster of houses at Coyote spring. The +trail to the pueblos of East Mesa ascends the cliff just above +Sikyatki spring, and joins that to Kanelba or Sheep spring, not far +from Küküchomo, the twin mounds. By keeping along the first terrace a +well-traveled trail, with interesting views of the plain and the ruin, +joins the old wagon road to _Wala_, the "gap" of East Mesa, at a +higher level than the cluster of Tewan houses at Isba. In going and +returning from their homes our Hopi workmen preferred the trail along +the mesa, which we also often used; but the climb to the mesa top from +the ruin is very steep and somewhat tiresome. + +We prosecuted our excavations at Sikyatki for a few days over three +weeks, choosing as a site for our camp a small depression to the east +of the ruin near a dwarf cedar at the point where the trail to Kanelba +passes the ruin. The place was advantageously near the cemeteries, and +not too far from water. For purposes other than cooking and drinking +the Sikyatki spring was used, the remainder of the supply being +brought from Kanelba by means of a burro. + +I employed Indian workmen at the ruin, and found them, as a rule, +efficient helpers. The zeal which they manifested at the beginning of +the work did not flag, but it must be confessed that toward the close +of the excavations it became necessary to incite their enthusiasm by +prizes, and, to them, extraordinary offers of overalls and calico. +They at first objected to working in the cemeteries, regarding it as a +desecration of the dead, but several of their number overcame their +scruples, even handling skulls and other parts of skeletons. The Snake +chief, Kopeli, however, never worked with the others, desiring not to +dig in the graves. Respecting his feelings, I allotted him the special +task of excavating the rooms of the acropolis, which he performed with +much care, showing great interest in the results. At the close of our +daily work prayer-offerings were placed in the trenches by the Indian +workmen, as conciliatory sacrifices to Masauwûh, the dread God of +Death, to offset any malign influence which might result from our +desecration of his domain. A superstitious feeling that this god was +not congenial to the work which was going on, seemed always to haunt +the minds of the laborers, and once or twice I was admonished by old +men, visitors from Walpi, not to persist in my excavations. The +excavators, at times, paused in their work and called my attention to +strange voices echoing from the cliffs, which they ascribed, half in +earnest, to Masauwûh. + +The Indians faithfully delivered to me all objects which they found in +their digging, with the exception of turquoises, many of which, I +have good reason to suspect, they concealed while our backs were +turned and, in a few instances, even before our eyes. + +The accompanying plan of Sikyatki (plate CXVI) shows that it was a +rectangular ruin with an inclosed plaza. It is evident that the +ancient pueblo was built on a number of low hills and that the eastern +portion was the highest. In this respect it resembled Awatobi, but +apparently differed from the latter pueblo in having the inclosed +plaza. In the same way it was unlike Walpi or the ancient and modern +pueblos of Middle Mesa and Oraibi. In fact, there is no Tusayan ruin +which resembles it in ground plan, except Payüpki, a Tanoan town of +much later construction. The typical Tusayan form of architecture is +the pyramidal, especially in the most ancient pueblos. The ground plan +of Sikyatki is of a type more common in the eastern pueblo region and +in those towns of Tusayan which were built by emigrants from the Rio +Grande region. Sikyatki and some of the villages overlooking Antelope +valley are of this type. + +In studying the ground plans of the three modern villages on East +Mesa, the fact is noted that both Sichomovi and Hano differ +architecturally from Walpi. The forms of the former smaller pueblos +are primarily rectangular with an inclosed plaza in which is situated +the kiva; Walpi, on the other hand, although furnished with a small +plaza at the western end, has kivas located peripherally rather than +in an open space between the highest house clusters. Sichomovi is +considered by the Hopi as like Zuñi, and is sometimes called by the +Hano people, Sionimone, "Zuñi court," because to the Tewan mind it +resembles Zuñi; but the term is never applied to Walpi.[107] The +distinction thus recognized is, I believe, architecturally valid. The +inclosed court or plaza in Tusayan is an intrusion from the east, and +as eastern colonists built both Hano and Sichomovi, they preserved the +form to which they were accustomed. The Sikyatki builders drew their +architectural inspiration likewise from the east, hence the inclosed +court in the ruins of that village. + +The two most considerable house clusters of Sikyatki are at each end +of a longer axis, connected by a narrow row of houses on the other +sides. The western rows of houses face the plain, and were of one +story, with a gateway at one point. The opposite row was more +elevated, no doubt overlooking cultivated fields beyond the confines +of the ruin. No kivas were discovered, but if such exist they ought to +be found in the mass of houses at the southern end. I thought we had +found circular rooms in that region, but cursory excavations did not +demonstrate their existence. As there is no reason to suspect the +existence of circular kivas in ancient Tusayan, it would be difficult +to decide whether or not any one of the large rectangular rooms was +used for ceremonial purposes, for it is an interesting fact that some +of the oldest secret rites in the Hopi villages occur, not in kivas, +but in ordinary dwelling rooms in the village. It has yet to be shown +that there were special kivas in prehistoric Tusayan. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXVII + +EXCAVATED ROOMS ON THE ACROPOLIS OF SIKYATKI] + +The longer axis of the ruin is about north and south; the greatest +elevation is approximately 50 feet. Rocks outcrop only at one place, +the remainder of the ruin being covered with rubble, sand, stones, and +fragments of pottery. The mounds are not devoid of vegetation, for +sagebrush, cacti, and other desert genera grow quite profusely over +their surface; but they are wholly barren of trees or large bushes, +and except in the plaza the ruin area is uncultivated. As previously +stated, Sikyatki is situated about 250 or 300 feet above the plain, +and when approached from Keam's canyon appears to be about halfway up +the mesa height. On several adjacent elevations evidences of former +fires, or places where pottery was burned, were found, and one has not +to go far to discover narrow seams of an impure lignite. Here and +there are considerable deposits of selenite, which, as pointed out by +Sitgreaves in his report on the exploration of the Little Colorado, +looks like frost exuding from the ground in early spring. + + +THE ACROPOLIS + +During the limited time devoted to the excavation of Sikyatki it was +impossible, in a ruin so large, to remove the soil covering any +considerable number of rooms. The excavations at different points over +such a considerable area as that covered by the mounds would have been +more or less desultory and unsatisfactory, but a limited section +carefully opened would be much more instructive and typical. While, +therefore, the majority of the Indian workmen were kept employed at +the cemeteries, Kopeli, the Snake chief, a man in whom I have great +confidence, was assigned to the excavation of a series of rooms at the +highest point of the ruin, previously referred to as the acropolis +(figure 262). Although his work in these chambers did not yield such +rich results as the others, so far as the number of objects was +concerned, he succeeded in uncovering a number of rooms to their +floors, and unearthed many interesting objects of clay and stone. A +brief description of these excavations will show the nature of the +work at that point. + +The acropolis, or highest point of Sikyatki, is a prominent rocky +elevation at the western angle, and overlooks the entire ruin. On the +side toward the western cemetery it rises quite abruptly, but the +ascent is more gradual from the other sides. The surface of this +elevation, on which the houses stood, is of rock, and originally was +as destitute of soil as the plaza of Walpi. This surface supported a +double series of rooms, and the highest point is a bare, rocky +projection. + +From the rooms of the acropolis there was a series of chambers, +probably terraced, sloping to the modern gardens now occupying the old +plaza, and the broken walls of these rooms still protrude from the +surface in many places (plate CXVIII). When the excavations on the +acropolis were begun, no traces of the biserial rows of rooms were +detected, although the remains of the walls were traceable. The +surface was strewn with fragments of pottery and other evidences of +former occupancy. + +On leveling the ground and throwing off the surface stones, it was +found that the narrow ridge which formed the top of the acropolis was +occupied by a double line of well-built chambers which show every +evidence of having been living rooms. The walls were constructed of +squared stones set in adobe, with the inner surface neatly plastered. +Many of the rooms communicated by means of passageways with adjacent +chambers, some of them being provided with niches and shelves. The +average height of the standing walls revealed by excavation, as +indicated by the distance of the floor below the surface of the soil, +was about 5 feet. + +[Illustration: FIG. 262--The acropolis of Sikyatki] + +The accompanying illustration (plate CXVIII) shows a ground plan of +nine of these rooms, which, for purposes of reference, are lettered +_a_ to _l_. A description of each, it is hoped, will give an idea of a +typical room of Sikyatki. Room _a_ is rectangular in shape, 5 feet 3 +inches by 6 feet 8 inches, and is 5 feet 8 inches deep. It has two +depressions in the floor at the southeastern corner, and there is a +small niche in the side wall above them. Some good specimens of mural +plastering, much blackened by soot, are found on the eastern wall. +Room _a_ has no passageway into room _b_, but it opens into the +adjoining room _c_ by an opening in the wall 3 feet 4 inches wide, +with a threshold 9 inches high. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXVIII + +PLAN OF EXCAVATED ROOMS ON THE ACROPOLIS OF SIKYATKI + +(Dimensions in feet and inches)] + +The shape of room _b_ is more irregular. It is 8 feet 1 inch long by 4 +feet 5 inches wide, and the floor is 5 feet 2 inches below the +surface. In one corner there is a raised triangular platform 2 feet 7 +inches above the floor. A large cooking pot, blackened with soot, was +found in one corner of this room, and near it was a circular +depression in the floor 17 inches in diameter, evidently a fireplace. + +Room _c_ is smaller than either of the preceding, and is the only one +with two passageways into adjoining chambers. Remains of wooden beams +in a fair state of preservation were found on the floors of rooms _c_ +and _b_, but they were not charred, as is so often the case, nor were +there any ashes except in the supposed fireplace. + +Room _d_ is larger than those already mentioned, being 7 feet 8 inches +by 5 feet, and connects with room _c_ by means of a passageway. Rooms +_e_ and _f_ communicate with each other by an opening 16 inches wide. +We found the floors of these rooms 4 feet below the surface. The +length of room _e_ is 8 feet. + +Room _f_ is 6 feet 8 inches long and of the same width as _e_. The +three chambers _g_, _h_, and _i_ are each 6 feet 9 inches wide, but of +varying width. Room _g_ is 5 feet 2 inches, _h_ is 8 feet 6 inches, +and _i_, the smallest of all, only a foot wide. These three rooms have +no intercommunication. + +The evidence of former fires in some of these rooms, afforded by soot +on the walls and ashes in the depressions identified as old +fireplaces, is most important. In one or two places I broke off a +fragment of the plastering and found it to be composed of many strata +of alternating black and adobe color, indicating successive +plasterings of the room. Apparently when the surface wall became +blackened by smoke it was renewed by a fresh layer or wash of adobe in +the manner followed in renovating the kiva walls today.[108] + +An examination of the dimensions of the rooms of the acropolis will +show that, while small, they are about the average size of the +chambers in most other southwestern ruins. They are, however, much +smaller than the rooms of the modern pueblo of Walpi or those of the +cliff ruins in the Red-rock region, elsewhere described. Evidently the +roof was 2 or 3 feet higher than the top of the present walls, and the +absence of external passageways would seem to indicate that entrance +was through the roof. The narrow chamber, _i_, is no smaller than some +of those which were excavated at Awatobi, but unless it was a storage +bin or dark closet for ceremonial paraphernalia its function is not +known to me. The mural plastering was especially well done in rooms +_g_ and _h_, a section thereof showing many successive thin strata of +soot and clay, implying long occupancy. No chimneys were found, the +smoke, as is the case with that from kiva fires today, doubtless +finding an exit through the hatchway in the roof. + + +MODERN GARDENS + +The whole surface of the ancient plaza of Sikyatki is occupied by +rectangular gardens outlined by rows of stones. These are of modern +construction and are cultivated by an enterprising Hopi who, as +previously mentioned, has erected a habitable dwelling on one of the +western mounds from the stones of the old ruin. These gardens are +planted yearly with melons and squashes, and stones forming the +outlines serve as wind-breaks to protect the growing plants from +drifting sand. The plotting of the plan of these gardens was made in +1891, when a somewhat larger part of the plaza was under cultivation +than in 1895.[109] + +There is a grove of dwarf peach trees in the sands between the +northern side of the ruin and the mesa along the run through which +sometimes trickles a little stream from the spring. These trees belong +to an inhabitant of Sichomovi named Tcino, who, it is claimed, is a +descendant of the ancient Sikyatkians. The trees were of course +planted there since the fall of the village, on land claimed by the +Kokop phratry by virtue of their descent from the same phratral +organization of the ancient pueblo.[110] The spring shows no evidence +of having been walled up, but apparently has been filled in by +drifting sand since the time that it formed the sole water supply of +the neighboring pueblo. It still preserves the yellow color mentioned +in traditions of the place. + + +THE CEMETERIES + +By far the largest number of objects found at Sikyatki were gathered +from the cemeteries outside the ruin, and were therefore mortuary in +character. It would seem that the people buried their dead a short +distance beyond the walls, at the three cardinal points. The first of +these cemeteries was found in the dune between the ruin and the peach +trees below the spring, and from its relative position from the pueblo +has been designated the northern cemetery. The cemetery proper lies on +the edge of the sandy tract, and was first detected by the finding of +the long-bones of a human skeleton projecting from the soil. The +position of individual graves was indicated usually by small, oblong +piles of stones; but, as this was not an invariable sign, it was +deemed advisable to extend long trenches across the lower part of the +dune. As a rule, the deeper the excavations the more numerous and +elaborate were the objects revealed. Most of the skeletons were in a +poor state of preservation, but several could have been saved had we +the proper means at our disposal to care for them. + +No evidence of cremation of the dead was found, either at Awatobi or +Sikyatki, nor have I yet detected any reference to this custom among +the modern Hopi Indians. They have, however, a strange concept of the +purification of the breath-body, or shade of the dead, by fire, which, +although I have always regarded it as due to the teaching of Christian +missionaries, may be aboriginal in character. This account of the +judgment of the dead is as follows: + +There are two roads from the grave to the Below. One of these is a +straight way connected with the path of the sun into the Underworld. +There is a branch trail which divides from this straight way, passing +from fires to a lake or ocean (_patübha_). At the fork of the road +sits Tokonaka, and when the breath-body comes to this place this chief +looks it over and, if satisfied, he says "_Üm-pac lo-la-mai, ta ai_," +"You are very good; go on." Then the breath-body passes along the +straight way to the far west, to the early _Sipapû_, the Underworld +from which it came, the home of Müiyinwû. Another breath-body comes to +the fork in the road, and the chief says, "You are bad," and he +conducts it along the crooked path to the place of the first fire pit, +where sits a second chief, Tokonaka, who throws the bad breath-body +into the fire, and after a time it emerges purified, for it was not +wholly bad. The chief says, "You are good now," and carries it back to +the first chief, who accepts the breath-body and sends it along the +straight road to the west. + +If, on emerging from the first fire, the soul is still unpurified, or +not sufficiently so to be accepted, it is taken to the second fire pit +and cast into it. If it emerges from this thoroughly purified, in the +opinion of the judge, it is immediately transformed into a +_ho-ho-ya-üh_, or prayer-beetle. All the beetles we now see in the +valleys or among the mesas were once evil Hopi. If, on coming out of +the second fire pit, the breath-body is still considered bad by the +chief, he takes it to the third fire, and, if there be no evil in it +when it emerges from this pit, it is metamorphosed into an ant, but if +unpurified by these three fires--that is, if the chief still finds +evil left in the breath-body--he takes it to a fourth fire and again +casts it into the flames, where it is utterly consumed, the only +residue being soot on the side of the pit. + +I have not recorded this as a universal or an aboriginal belief among +the Hopi, but rather to show certain current ideas which may have been +brought to Tusayan by missionaries or others. The details of the +purification of the evil soul are characteristic. + +The western cemetery of Sikyatki is situated among the hillocks +covered with surface rubble below a house occupied in summer by a +Hopi and his family. From the nature of the soil the excavation of +this cemetery was very difficult, although the mortuary objects were +more numerous. Repeated attempts to make the Indians work in a +systematic manner failed, partly on account of the hard soil and +partly from other reasons. Although the lower we went the more +numerous and beautiful were the objects exhumed, the Indians soon +tired of deep digging, preferring to confine their work to within two +or three feet of the surface. At many places we found graves under and +between the huge bowlders, which are numerous in this cemetery. + +The southern cemetery lies between the outer edge of the ruin on that +side and the decline to the plain, a few hundred feet from the +southern row of houses. Two conspicuous bowlders mark the site of most +of the excavations in that direction. The mortuary objects from this +cemetery are not inferior in character or number to those from the +other burial places. All attempts to discover a cemetery on the +eastern side of the pueblo failed, although a single food basin was +brought to the camp by an Indian who claimed he had dug it out of the +deep sand on the eastern side of the ruins. Another bowl was found in +the sand drift near the trail over the mesa to Kanelba, but careful +investigation failed to reveal any systematic deposit of mortuary +vessels east of the ruin.[111] + +The method of excavation pursued in the cemeteries was not so +scientific as I had wished, but it was the only practicable one to be +followed with native workmen. Having found the location of the graves +by means of small prospecting holes sunk at random, the workmen were +aligned and directed to excavate a single long, deep trench, removing +all the earth as they advanced. It was with great difficulty that the +Indians were taught the importance of excavating to a sufficient +depth, and even to the end of the work they refused to be taught not +to burrow. In their enthusiasm to get the buried treasures they worked +very well so long as objects were found, but became at once +discouraged when relics were not so readily forthcoming and went off +prospecting in other places when our backs were turned. A shout that +anyone had discovered a new grave in the trench was a signal for the +others to stop work, gather around the place, light cigarettes, and +watch me or my collaborators dig out the specimens with knives. This +we always insisted on doing, for the reason that in their haste the +Indians at first often broke fragile pottery after they had discovered +it, and in spite of all precautions several fine jars and bowls were +thus badly damaged by them. It is therefore not too much to say that +most of the vessels which are now entire were dug out of the impacted +sand by Mr Hodge or myself. + +No rule could be formulated in regard to the place where the pottery +would occur, and often the first indication of its presence was the +stroke of a shovel on the fragile edge of a vase or bowl. Having once +found a skeleton, or discolored sand which indicated the former +presence of human remains, the probability that burial objects were +near by was almost a certainty, although in several instances even +these signs failed. + +A considerable number of the pottery objects had been broken when the +soil and stones were thrown on the corpse at interment. So many were +entire, however, that I do not believe any considerable number were +purposely broken at that time, and none were found with holes made in +them to "kill" or otherwise destroy their utility. + +No evidences of cremation--no charred bones of man or animal in or +near the mortuary vessels--were found. From the character of the +objects obtained from neighboring graves, rich and poor were +apparently buried side by side in the same soil. Absolutely no +evidence of Spanish influence was encountered in all the excavations +at Sikyatki--no trace of metal, glass, or other object of Caucasian +manufacture such as I have mentioned as having been taken from the +ruins of Awatobi--thus confirming the native tradition that the +catastrophe of Sikyatki antedated the middle of the sixteenth century, +when the first Spaniards entered the country. + +It is remarkable that in Sikyatki we found no fragments of basketry or +cloth, the fame of which among the Pueblo Indians was known to +Coronado before he left Mexico. That the people of Sikyatki wore +cotton kilts no one can doubt, but these fabrics, if they were buried +with the dead, had long since decayed. Specimens of strings and ropes +of yucca, which were comparatively abundant at Awatobi, were not found +at Sikyatki; yet their absence by no means proves that they were not +used, for the marks of the strings used to bind feathers to the +mortuary pahos, on the green paint with which the wood was covered, +may still be readily seen. + +The insight into ancient beliefs and practices afforded by the +numerous objects found at Sikyatki is very instructive, and while it +shows the antiquity of some of the modern symbols, it betrays a still +more important group of conventionalized figures, the meaning of which +may always remain in doubt. This is particularly true of the +decoration on many specimens of the large collection of highly +ornamented pottery found in the Sikyatki cemeteries. + +If we consider the typical designs on modern Hopi pottery and compare +them with the ancient, as illustrated by the collections from Awatobi +and Sikyatki, it is noted, in the first place, how different they are, +and secondly, how much better executed the ancient objects are than +the modern. Nor is it always clear how the modern symbols are derived +from the ancient, so widely do they depart from them in all their +essential characters. + + +POTTERY + +CHARACTERISTICS--MORTUARY POTTERY + +The pottery exhumed from the burial places of Sikyatki falls in the +divisions known as-- + + I--Coiled and indented ware. + II--Smooth undecorated ware. + III--Polished decorated ware. + _a_. Yellow. + _b_. Red. + _c_. Black-and-white. + +By far the largest number of ancient pottery objects from this +locality belong to the yellow-ware group in the above classification. +This is the characteristic pottery of Tusayan, although coiled and +indented ware is well represented in the collection. The few pieces of +red ware are different from that found in the ruins of the Little +Colorado, while the black-and-white pottery closely resembles the +archaic ware of northern cliff houses. Although the Sikyatki pottery +bears resemblance to that of Awatobi, it can be distinguished from it +without difficulty. The paste of both is of the finest character and +was most carefully prepared. Some of the ancient specimens are much +superior to those at present made, and are acknowledged by the finest +potters of East Mesa to be beyond their power of ceramic production. +The coloration is generally in red, brown, yellow, and black. +Decorative treatment by spattering is common in the food basins, and +this was no doubt performed, Chinese fashion, by means of the mouth. +The same method is still employed by the Hopi priests in painting +their masks. + +The Sikyatki collection of pottery shows little or no duplication in +decorative design, and every ornamented food basin bears practically +different symbols. The decoration of the food basins is mainly on the +interior, but there is almost invariably a geometrical design of some +kind on the outside, near the rim. The ladles, likewise, are +ornamented on their interior, and their handles also are generally +decorated. When the specimens were removed from the graves their +colors, as a rule, were apparently as well preserved as at the time of +their burial; nor, indeed, do they appear to have faded since their +deposit in the National Museum. + +The best examples of ceramic art from the graves of Sikyatki, in +texture, finish, and decoration, are, in my judgment, superior to any +pottery made by ancient or modern Indians north of Mexico. Indeed, in +these respects the old Tusayan pottery will bear favorable comparison +even with Central American ware. It is far superior to the rude +pottery of the eastern pueblos, and is also considerably better than +that of the great villages of the Gila and Salado. Among the Hopi +themselves the ceramic art has degenerated, as the few remaining +potters confess. These objects can hardly be looked upon as products +of a savage people destitute of artistic feeling, but of a race which +has developed in this line of work, through the plane of savagery, to +a high stage of barbarism. While, as a whole, we can hardly regard the +modern Hopi as a degenerate people with a more cultured ancestry, +certainly the entire Pueblo culture in the Southwest, judged by the +character of their pottery manufacture, has greatly deteriorated since +the middle of the sixteenth century. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXIX + +COILED AND INDENTED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI] + + +COILED AND INDENTED WARE + +The rudest type of pottery from Sikyatki has been classed as coiled +and indented ware. It is coarse in texture, not polished, and usually +not decorated. Although the outer surface of the pottery of this class +is rough, the general form of the ware is not less symmetrical than +that of the finer vessels. The objects belonging to this group are +mostly jars and moccasin-shape vessels, there being no bowls of this +type. As a rule, the vessels are blackened with soot, although some of +the specimens are light-brown in color. The former variety were +undoubtedly once used in cooking; the latter apparently for containing +water or food. In the accompanying illustration (plate CXIX, _a_) is +shown one of the best specimens of indented ware, the pits forming an +equatorial zone about the vessel. All traces of the coil of clay with +which the jar was built up have been obliterated save on the bottom. +The vessel is symmetrical and the indentations regular, as if made +with a pointed stone, bone, or stick. + +In another form of coarse pottery (plate CXIX, _b_) the rim merges +into two ears or rudimentary handles on opposite sides. Traces of the +original coiling are readily observable on the sides of this vessel. + +Another illustration (plate CXIX, _c_) shows an amphora or jar with +diametrically opposite handles extending from the rim to the side of +the bowl. The surface of this rude jar is rough and without +decoration, but the form is regular and symmetrical. In another +amphora (plate CXIX, _d_) the opposite handles appear below the neck +of the vessel; they are broader and apparently more serviceable. + +The jar shown in plate CXIX, _e_, has two ear-like extensions or +projections from the neck of the jar, which are perforated for +suspension. This vessel is decorated with an incised zigzag line, +which surrounds it just above its equator. This is a fair example of +ornamented rough ware. + +Several of the vessels made of coarse clay mixed with sand, the grains +of which make the surface very rough, are of slipper or moccasin +shape. These are covered with soot or blackened by fire, indicating +their former use as cooking pots. By adopting this form the ancients +were practically enabled to use the principle of the dutch-oven, the +coals being piled about the vessels containing the food to be cooked +much more advantageously than in the vase-like forms. + +The variations in slipper-shape cooking pots are few and simple. The +blind end is sometimes of globular form, as in the example illustrated +in plate CXX, _a_, and sometimes pointed as in figures _b_ and _c_ of +the same plate. One of the specimens of this type has a handle on the +rim and another has a flaring lip. Slipper-form vessels are always of +coarse ware for the obvious reason that, being somewhat more porous, +they are more readily heated than polished utensils. They are not +decorated for equally obvious reasons. + + +SMOOTH UNDECORATED WARE + +There are many specimens of undecorated ware of all shapes and sizes, +a type of which is shown in plate CXX, _d_. These include food bowls, +saucers, ladles, and jars, and were taken from many graves. These +utensils differ from the coarse-ware vessels not only in the character +of the clay from which they are made, but also in their superficial +polish, which, in some instances, is as fine as that of vessels with +painted designs. Several very good spoons of half-gourd shape were +found, and there are many undecorated food bowls and vases. The first +attempts at ornamentation appear to have been a simple spattering of +the surface with liquid pigment or a drawing of simple encircling +bands. In one instance (plate CXX, _d_) a blackening of the surface by +exposure to smoke was detected, but no superficial gloss, as in the +Santa Clara ware, was noted. + + +POLISHED DECORATED WARE + +By far the greater number of specimens of mortuary pottery from +Sikyatki are highly polished and decorated with more or less +complicated designs. Of these there are at least three different +groups, based on the color of the ware. Most of the vessels are light +yellow or of cream color; the next group in point of color is the red +ware, the few remaining specimens being white with black decorations +in geometric patterns. These types naturally fall into divisions +consisting of vases, jars, bowls, square boxes, cups, ladles, and +spoons. + +In the group called vases (plates CXXI, CXXII) many varieties are +found; some of these are double, with an equatorial constriction; +others are rounded below, flat above, with an elevated neck and a +recurved lip. It is noteworthy that these jars or vases are destitute +of handles, and that their decoration is always confined to the +equatorial and upper sections about the opening. In the specimens of +this group which were found at Sikyatki there is no basal rim and no +depression on the pole opposite the opening. No decoration is found on +the interior of the vases, although in several instances the inside of +the lip bears lines or markings of various kinds. The opening is +always circular, sometimes small, often large; the neck of a vessel is +occasionally missing, although the specimens bear evidence of use +after having been thus broken. In one or two instances the equatorial +constriction is so deep that the jar is practically double; in other +cases the constriction is so shallow that it is hardly perceptible +(plate CXXVI, _a, b_). The size varies from a simple globular vessel +not larger than a walnut to a jar of considerable size. Many show +marks of previous use; others are as fresh as if made but yesterday. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXX + +SAUCERS AND SLIPPER BOWLS FROM SIKYATKI] + +One of the most fragile of all the globular vessels is a specimen of +very thin black-and-white ware, perforated near the rim for suspension +(plate CXXXII). This form, although rare at Sikyatki, is represented +by several specimens, and in mode of decoration is very similar to the +cliff-house pottery. From its scarcity in Tusayan I am inclined to +believe that this and related specimens were not made of clay found in +the immediate vicinity of Sikyatki, but that the vessels were brought +to the ancient pueblo from distant places. As at least some of the +cliff houses were doubtless inhabited contemporaneously with and long +after the destruction of Sikyatki, I do not hesitate to say that the +potters of that pueblo were familiar with the cliff-dweller type of +pottery and acquainted with the technic which gave the black-and-white +ware its distinctive colors. + +By far the largest number of specimens of smooth decorated pottery +from Sikyatki graves are food bowls or basins, evidently the dishes in +which food was placed on the floor before the members of a family at +their meals. As the mortuary offerings were intended as food for the +deceased it is quite natural that this form of pottery should far +outnumber any and all the others. In no instance do the food bowls +exhibit marks of smoke blackening, an indication that they had not +been used in the cooking of food, but merely as receptacles of the +same. + +The beautiful decoration of these vessels speaks highly for the +artistic taste of the Sikyatki women, and a feast in which they were +used must have been a delight to the native eye so far as dishes were +concerned. When filled with food, however, much of the decoration of +the bowls must have been concealed, a condition avoided in the mode of +ornamentation adopted by modern Tusayan potters; but there is no doubt +that when not in use the decoration of the vessels was effectually +exhibited in their arrangement on the floor or convenient shelves. + +The forms of these food bowls are hemispherical, gracefully rounded +below, and always without an attached ring of clay on which to stand +to prevent rocking. Their rims are seldom flaring, but sometimes have +a slight constriction, and while the rims of the majority are +perfectly circular, oblong variations are not wanting. Many of the +bowls are of saucer shape, with almost vertical sides and flat bases; +several are double, with rounded or flat base. + +The surface, inside and out, is polished to a fine gloss, and when +exteriorly decorated, the design is generally limited to one side just +below the rim, which is often ornamented with double or triple +parallel lines, drawn in equidistant, quaternary, and other forms. +Most of the bowls show signs of former use, either wear on the inner +surface or on the base where they rested on the floor in former +feasts. + +These mortuary vessels were discovered generally at one side of the +chest or neck of the person whose remains they were intended to +accompany, and a single specimen was found inverted over the head of +the deceased. The number of vessels in each grave was not constant, +and as many as ten were found with one skeleton, while in other graves +only one or two were found. In one instance a nest of six of these +basins, one inside another, was exhumed. While many of these mortuary +offerings were broken and others chipped, there were still a large +number as perfect as when made. Some of the bowls had been mended +before burial, as holes drilled on each side of a crack clearly +indicate. Fragments of various vessels, which evidently had been +broken before they were thrown into the graves, were common. + +There is a general similarity in the artistic decoration of bowls +found in the same grave, as if they were made by the same potter; and +persons of distinction, as shown by other mortuary objects, were, as a +rule, more honored than some of their kindred in the character and +number of pottery objects deposited with their remains. There were +also a number of skeletons without ceramic offerings of any kind. + +In one or two interments two or more small jars were found placed +inside of a food bowl, and in many instances votive offerings, like +turquois, beads, stones, and arrowpoints, had been deposited with the +dead. The bowls likewise contained, in some instances, prayer-sticks +and other objects, which will later be described. + +One of the most interesting modifications in the form of the rim of +one of these food bowls is shown in plate CXX, _e_, which illustrates +a variation from the circular shape, forming a kind of handle or +support for the thumb in lifting the vessel. The utility of this +projection in handling a bowl of hot food is apparent. This form of +vessel is very rare, it being the only one of its kind in the +collection. + +A considerable number of cups were found at Sikyatki; these vary in +size and shape from a flat-bottom saucer like specimen to a mug-shape +variety, always with a single handle (plate CXXV). Many of these +resemble small bowls with rounded sides, but there are others in which +the sides are vertical, and still others the sides of which incline at +an angle to the flattened base. + +The handles of these cups are generally smooth, and in one instance +adorned with a figure in relief. The rims of these dippers are never +flaring, either inward or outward. As a rule they are decorated on the +exterior; indeed there is only one instance of interior decoration. +The handles of the dippers are generally attached at both ends, but +sometimes the handle is free at the end near the body of the utensil +and attached at the tip. These handles are usually flat, but sometimes +they are round, and often are decorated. Traces of imitations of the +braiding of two coils of clay are seen in a single specimen.[112] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXI + +DECORATED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXII + +DECORATED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI] + +Small and large ladles, with long handles, occurred in large numbers +in Sikyatki graves, but there was little variation among them except +in the forms of their handles. Many of these utensils were much worn +by use, especially on the rim opposite the attachment of the handle, +and in some specimens the handle itself had evidently been broken and +the end rounded off by rubbing long before it was placed in the grave. +From the comparatively solid character of the bowls of these dippers +they were rarely fractured, and were commonly found to contain smaller +mortuary objects, such as paint, arrowheads, or polishing stones. + +The ladles, unlike most of the cups, are generally decorated on the +interior as well as on the exterior. Their handles vary in size and +shape, are usually hollow, and sometimes are perforated at the end. In +certain specimens the extremity is prolonged into a pointed, recurved +tip, and sometimes is coiled in a spiral. A groove in the upper +surface of one example is an unusual variation, and a right-angle bend +of the tip is a unique feature of another specimen. The Sikyatki +potters, like their modern descendants,[113] sometimes ornamented the +tip of a single handle with the head of an animal and painted the +upper surface of the shaft with alternate parallel bars, zigzags, +terraces, and frets. + +Several spoons or scoops of earthenware, which evidently had been used +in much the same way as similar objects in the modern pueblos, were +found. Some of these have the shape of a half gourd--a natural object +which no doubt furnished the pattern. These spoons, as a rule, were +not decorated, but on a single specimen bars and parallel lines may be +detected. In the innovations of modern times pewter spoons serve the +same purpose, and their form is sometimes imitated in earthenware. +More often, in modern and probably also in ancient usage, a roll of +paper-bread or _piki_ served the same purpose, being dipped into the +stew and then eaten with the fingers. Possibly the Sikyatkian drank +from the hollow handle of a gourd ladle, as is frequently done in +Walpi today, but he generally slaked his thirst by means of a clay +substitute.[114] + +Several box-like articles of pottery of both cream and red ware were +found in the Sikyatki graves, some of them having handles, others +being without them (plate CXXV). They are ornamented on the exterior +and on the rim, and the handle, when not lacking, is attached to the +longer side of the rectangular vessel. Not a single bowl was found +with a terraced rim, a feature so common in the medicine bowls of +Tusayan at the present time.[115] + +In addition to the various forms of pottery which have been mentioned, +there are also pieces made in the form of birds, one of the most +typical of which is figured in plate CXII, _c_. In these objects the +wings are represented by elevations in the form of ridges on the +sides, and the tail and head by prolongations, which unfortunately +were broken off. + +Toys or miniature reproductions of all the above-mentioned ceramic +specimens occurred in several graves. These are often very roughly +made, and in some cases contained pigments of different colors. The +finding of a few fragments of clay in the form of animal heads, and +one or two rude images of quadrupeds, would seem to indicate that +sometimes such objects were likewise deposited with the dead. A clay +object resembling the flaring end of a flageolet and ornamented with a +zigzag decoration is unique in the collections from Sikyatki, although +in the western cemetery there was found a fragment of an earthenware +tube, possibly a part of a flute. + +In order to show more clearly the association of mortuary objects in +single graves a few examples of the grouping of these deposits will be +given. + +In a grave in the western cemetery the following specimens were found: +1, ladle; 2, paint grinder; 3, paint slab; 4, arrowpoints; 5, +fragments of a marine shell (_Pectunculus_); 6, pipe, with fragments +of a second pipe, and 7, red paint (sesquioxide of iron). + +In the grave which contained the square medicine bowl shown in plate +CXXVIII, _a_, a ladle containing food was also unearthed. + +The bowl decorated with a picture of a girl's head was associated with +fragments of another bowl and four ladles. + +Another single grave contained four large and small cooking pots and a +broken metate. + +In a grave 8 feet below the surface in the western cemetery we found: +1, decorated food vessel; 2, black shoe-shape cooking pot resting in a +food bowl and containing a small rude ladle; 3, coarse undecorated +basin. + +A typical assemblage of mortuary objects comprised: 1, small decorated +bowl containing polishing stones; 2, miniature cooking pot blackened +by soot; 3, two small food bowls. + +In modern Hopi burials the food bowls with the food for the dead are +not buried with the deceased, but are placed on the mound of soil and +stones which covers the remains. From the position of the mortuary +pottery as regards the skeletons in the Sikyatki interments, it is +probable that this custom is of modern origin. Whether in former times +food bowls were placed on the burial mounds as well as in the grave I +am not able to say. The number of food bowls in ancient graves exceeds +those placed on modern burials. + +The Sikyatki dead were apparently wrapped in coarse fabrics, possibly +matting. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXIII + +DECORATED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI] + + +PALEOGRAPHY OF THE POTTERY + +GENERAL FEATURES + +The pottery from Sikyatki is especially rich in picture writing, and +imperfect as these designs are as a means of transmitting a knowledge +of manners, customs, and religious conceptions, they can be +interpreted with good results. + +One of the most important lessons drawn from the pottery is to be had +from a study of the symbols used in its decoration, as indicative of +current beliefs and practices when it was made. The ancient +inhabitants of Sikyatki have left no written records, for, unlike the +more cultured people of Central America, they had no codices; but they +have left on their old mortuary pottery a large body of picture +writings or paleography which reveals many instructive phases of their +former culture. The decipherment of these symbols is in part made +possible by the aid of a knowledge of modern survivals, and when +interpreted rightly they open a view of ancient Tusayan myths, and in +some cases of prehistoric practices.[116] + +Students of Pueblo mythology and ritual are accumulating a +considerable body of literature bearing on modern beliefs and +practices. This is believed to be the right method of determining +their aboriginal status, and is therefore necessary as a basis of our +knowledge of their customs and beliefs. It is reasonable to suppose +that what is now practiced in Pueblo ritual contains more or less of +what has survived from prehistoric times, but from Taos to Tusayan +there is no pueblo which does not show modifications in mythology and +ritual due to European contact. Modern Pueblo life resembles the +ancient, but is not a facsimile of it, and until we have rightly +measured the effects of incorporated elements, we are more or less +inexact in our estimation of the character of prehistoric culture. The +vein of similarity in the old and the new can be used in an +interpretation of ancient paleography, but we overstep natural +limitations if by so doing we ascribe to prehistoric culture every +concept which we find current among the modern survivors. To show how +much the paleography of Tusayan has changed since Sikyatki was +destroyed, I need only say that most of the characteristic figures of +deities which are used today in the decoration of pottery are not +found on the Sikyatki ware. Perhaps the most common figures on modern +food bowls is the head of a mythologic being, the Corn-maid, +_Calako-mana_, but this picture, or any which resembles it, is not +found on the bowls from Sikyatki. A knowledge of the cult of the +Corn-maid possibly came into Tusayan, through foreign influences, +after the fall of Sikyatki, and there is no doubt that the picture +decoration of modern Tusayan pottery, made within a league of +Sikyatki, is so different from the ancient that it indicates a +modification of the culture of the Hopi in historic times, and implies +how deceptive it may be to present modern beliefs and practices as +facsimiles of ancient culture. + +The main subjects chosen by the native women for the decoration of +their pottery are symbolic, and the most abundant objects which bear +these decorations are food bowls and water vases. Many mythic concepts +are depicted, among which may be mentioned the Plumed Snake, various +birds, reptiles, frogs, tadpoles, and insects. Plants or leaves are +seldom employed as decorative motives, but the flower is sometimes +used. The feather was perhaps the most common object utilized, and it +may likewise be said the most highly conventionalized. + +An examination of the decorations of modern food basins used in the +villages of East Mesa shows that the mythologic personages most +commonly chosen for the ornamentation of their interiors are the Corn +or Germ goddesses.[117] These assume a number of forms, yet all are +reducible to one type, although known by very different names, as +Hewüqti, "Old Woman," Kokle, and the like. + +Figures of reptiles, birds, the antelope, and like animals do not +occur on any of the food bowls from the large collection of modern +Tusayan pottery which I have studied, and as these figures are well +represented in the decorations on Sikyatki food bowls, we may suppose +their use has been abandoned or replaced by figures of the +Corn-maids.[118] This fact, like so many others drawn from a study of +the Tusayan ritual, indicates that the cult of the Corn-maids is more +vigorous today than it was when Sikyatki was in its prime. + +Many pictures of masks on modern Tusayan bowls are identified as +_Tacab_ or Navaho _katcinas_.[119] Their symbolism is well +characterized by chevrons on the cheeks or curved markings for eyes. +None of these figures, however, have yet been found on ancient Tusayan +ceramics. Taken in connection with facts adduced by Hodge indicative +of a recent advent of this vigorous Athapascan tribe into Tusayan, it +would seem that the use of the _Tacab katcina_ pictures was of recent +date, and is therefore not to be expected on the prehistoric pottery +of the age of that found in Sikyatki. + +In the decoration of ancient pottery I find no trace of figures of the +clown-priests, or _tcukuwympkiya_, who are so prominent in modern +Tusayan _katcina_ celebrations. These personages, especially the +Tatcukti, often called by a corruption of the Zuñi name Kóyimse +(Kóyomäshi), are very common on modern bowls, especially at the +extremities of ladles or smaller objects of pottery. + +Many handles of ladles made at Hano in late times are modeled in the +form of the Paiakyamu,[120] a glutton priesthood peculiar to that +Tanoan pueblo. From the data at hand we may legitimately conclude that +the conception of the clown-priest is modern in Tusayan, so far as the +ornamentation of pottery is concerned. + +The large collections of so-called modern Hopi pottery in our museums +is modified Tanoan ware, made in Tusayan. Most of the component +specimens were made by Hano potters, who painted upon them figures of +_katcinas_, a cult which they and their kindred introduced. + +Several of the food bowls had evidently cracked during their firing or +while in use, and had been mended before they were buried in the +graves. This repairing was accomplished either by filling the crack +with gum or by boring a hole on each side of the fracture for tying. +In one specimen of black-and-white ware a perfectly round hole was +made in the bottom, as if purposely to destroy the usefulness of the +bowl before burial. This hole had been covered inside with a rounded +disk of old pottery, neatly ground on the edge. It was not observed +that any considerable number of mortuary pottery objects were "killed" +before burial, although a large number were chipped on the edges. It +is a great wonder that any of these fragile objects were found entire, +the stones and soil covering the corpse evidently having been thrown +into the grave without regard to care. + +The majority of the ancient symbols are incomprehensible to the +present Hopi priests whom I have been able to consult, although they +are ready to suggest many interpretations, sometimes widely divergent. +The only reasonable method that can be pursued in determining the +meaning of the conventional signs with which the modern Tusayan +Indians are unfamiliar seems, therefore, to be a comparative one. This +method I have attempted to follow so far as possible. + +There is a closer similarity between the symbolism of the Sikyatki +pottery and that of the Awatobi ware than there is between the +ceramics of either of these two pueblos and that of Walpi, and the +same likewise may be said of the other Tusayan ruins so far as known. +It is desirable, however, that excavations be made at the site of Old +Walpi in order to determine, if possible, how widely different the +ceramics of that village are from the towns whose ruins were studied +in 1895. There are certain practical difficulties in regard to work at +Old Walpi, one of the greatest of which is its proximity to modern +burial places and shrines still used. Moreover, it is +probable--indeed, quite certain--that most of the portable objects +were carried from the abandoned pueblo to the present village when the +latter was founded; but the old cemeteries of Walpi contain many +ancient mortuary bowls which, when exhumed, will doubtless contribute +a most interesting chapter to the history of modern Tusayan decorative +art. + +One of the largest, and, so far as form goes, one of the most unique +vessels, is shown in plate CXXVI, _b_. This was not exhumed from +Sikyatki, but was said to have been found in the vicinity of that +ruin. While the ware is very old, I do not believe it is ancient, and +it is introduced in order to show how cleverly ancient patterns maybe +simulated by more modern potters. The sole way in which modern +imitations of ancient vessels may be distinguished is by the peculiar +crackled or crazed surface which the former always has. This is due, I +believe, to the method of firing and the unequal contraction or +expansion of the slip employed. All modern imitations are covered with +a white slip which, after firing, becomes crackled, a characteristic +unknown to ancient ware. The most expert modern potter at East Mesa is +Nampéo, a Tanoan woman who is a thorough artist in her line of work. +Finding a better market for ancient than for modern ware, she cleverly +copies old decorations, and imitates the Sikyatki ware almost +perfectly. She knows where the Sikyatki potters obtained their clay, +and uses it in her work. Almost any Hopi who has a bowl to sell will +say that it is ancient, and care must always be exercised in accepting +such claims. + +An examination of the ornamentation of the jar above referred to shows +a series of birds drawn in the fashion common to early pottery +decoration. This has led me to place this large vessel among the old +ware, although the character of the pottery is different from that of +the best examples found at Sikyatki. I believe this vessel was exhumed +from a ruin of more modern date than Sikyatki. The woman who sold it +to me has farming interests near Awatobi, which leads me to conjecture +that she or possibly one of her ancestors found it at or near that +ruin. She admitted that it had been in the possession of her family +for some time, but that the story she had heard concerning it +attributed its origin to Sikyatki. + + +HUMAN FIGURES + +Very few figures of men or women are found on the pottery, and these +are confined to the interior of food basins (plate CXXIX).[121] They +are ordinarily very roughly drawn, apparently with less care and with +much less detail than are the figures of animals. From their character +I am led to the belief that the drawing of human figures on pottery +was a late development in Tusayan art, and postdates the use of animal +figures on their earthenware. There are, however, a few decorations in +which human figures appear, and these afford an interesting although +meager contribution to our knowledge of ancient Tusayan art and +custom. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXIV + +DECORATED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI] + +As is well known, the Hopi maidens wear their hair in two whorls, one +over each ear, and that on their marriage it is tied in two coils +falling on the breast. The whorl is arranged on a U-shape stick called +a _gñela_; it is commonly done up by a sister, the mother, or some +friend of the maiden, and is stiffened with an oil pressed from squash +seeds. The curved stick is then withdrawn and the two puffs held in +place by a string tightly wound between them and the head. The habit +of dressing the hair in whorls is adopted after certain puberty +ceremonials, which have elsewhere been described. When on betrothal a +Hopi maid takes her gifts of finely ground cornmeal to the house of +her future mother-in-law, her hair is dressed in this fashion for the +last time, because on her return she is attacked by the women of the +pueblo, drawn hither and thither, her hair torn down, and her body +smeared with dirt. If her gifts are accepted she immediately becomes +the wife of her lover, and her hair is thenceforth dressed in the +fashion common to matrons. + +The symbolic meaning of the whorls of hair worn by the maidens is said +to be the squash-flower, or, perhaps more accurately speaking, the +potential power of fructification. There is legendary and other +evidence that this custom is very ancient among the Tusayan Indians, +and the data obtainable from their ritual point the same way. In the +personification of ancestral "breath-bodies," or spirits by men, +called _katcinas_, the female performers are termed _katcina-manas_ +(katcina-virgins), and it is their custom to wear the hair in the +characteristic coiffure of maidens. In the personification of the +Corn-maid by symbolic figures, such as graven images,[122] pictures, +and the like, in secret rites, the style of coiffure worn by the +maidens is common, as I have elsewhere shown in the descriptions of +the ceremonials known as the Flute, _Lalakonti_, _Mamzrauti_, +_Palülükoñti_, and others. The same symbol is found in images used as +dolls of Calako-mana, the equivalent, as the others, of the same +Corn-maid. From the nature of these images there can hardly be a doubt +of the great antiquity of this practice, and that it has been brought +down, through their ritual, to the present day. This style of hair +dressing was mentioned by the early Spanish explorers, and is +represented in pictographs of ancient date; but if all these evidences +of its antiquity are insufficient the testimony afforded by the +pictures on certain food-basins from Sikyatki leaves no doubt on this +point.[123] + +Plate CXXIX, _b_, represents a food-basin, on the inside of which is +drawn, in brown, the head and shoulders of a woman. On either side the +hair is done up in coils which bear some likeness to the whorls worn +by the present Hopi maidens. It must be borne in mind, however, that +similar coils are sometimes made after ceremonial head-washing, and +certain other rites, when the hair is tied with corn husks. The face +is painted reddish, and the ears have square pendants similar to the +turquois mosaics worn by Hopi women at the present day. Although there +is other evidence than this of the use of square ear-pendants, set +with mosaic, among the ancient people--and traditions point the same +way--this figure of the head of a woman from Sikyatki leaves no doubt +of the existence of this form of ornament in that ancient pueblo. + +However indecisive the last-mentioned picture may be in regard to the +coiffure of the ancient Sikyatki women, plate CXXIX, _a_, affords +still more conclusive evidence. This picture represents a woman of +remarkable form which, from likenesses to figures at present made in +sand on an altar in the _Lalakonti_ ceremony,[124] I have no +hesitation in ascribing to the Corn-maid. The head has the two whorls +of hair very similar to those made in that rite on the picture of the +Goddess of Germs, and the square body is likewise paralleled in the +same figure. The peculiar form is employed to represent the +outstretched blanket, a style of art which is common in Mayan +codices.[125] On each lower corner representations of feathered +strings, called in the modern ritual _nakwákwoci_,[126] are appended. +The figure is represented as kneeling, and the four parallel lines are +possibly comparable with the prayer-sticks placed in the belt of the +Germ goddess on the _Lalakonti_ altar. In her left hand (which, among +the Hopi, is the ceremonial hand or that in which sacred objects are +always carried) she holds an ear of corn, symbolic of germs, of which +she is the deity. The many coincidences between this figure and that +used in the ceremonials of the September moon, called Lalakonti, would +seem to show that in both instances it was intended to represent the +same mythic being. + +There is, however, another aspect of this question which is of +interest. In modern times there is a survival among the Hopi of the +custom of decorating the inside of a food basin with a figure of the +Corn-maid, and this is, therefore, a direct inheritance of ancient +methods represented by the specimen under consideration. A large +majority of modern food bowls are ornamented with an elaborate figure +of Calako-mana, the Corn-maid, very elaborately worked out, but still +retaining the essential symbolism figured in the Sikyatki bowl.[127] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXV + +FLAT DIPPERS AND MEDICINE BOX FROM SIKYATKI] + +While one of the two figures shown in plate CXXIX, _e_, is valuable as +affording additional and corroborative evidence of the character of +the ancient coiffure of the women, its main interest is of a somewhat +different kind. Two figures are rudely drawn on the inside of the +basin, one of which represents a woman, the other, judging from the +character of the posterior extremity of the body, a reptilian +conception in which a single foreleg is depicted, and the tail is +articulated at the end, recalling a rattlesnake. Upon the head is a +single feather;[128] the two eyes are represented on one side of the +head, and the line of the alimentary tract is roughly drawn. The +figure is represented as standing before that of the woman. + +With these few lines the potter no doubt intended to depict one of +those many legends, still current, of the cultus hero and heroine of +her particular family or priesthood. Supposing the reptilian figure to +be a totemic one, our minds naturally recall the legend of the +Snake-hero and the Corn-mist-maid[129] whom he brought from a mythic +land to dwell with his people. + +The peculiar hairdress is likewise represented in the figures on the +food basin illustrated in plate CXXIX, _c_, which represent a man and +a woman. Although the figures are partly obliterated, it can easily be +deciphered that the latter figure wears a garment similar to the +_kwaca_ or dark-blue blanket for which Tusayan is still famous, and +that this blanket was bound by a girdle, the ends of which hang from +the woman's left hip. While the figure of the man is likewise +indistinct (the vessel evidently having been long in use), the nature +of the act in which he is engaged is not left in doubt.[130] + +Among the numerous deities of the modern Hopi Olympus there is one +called Kokopeli,[131] often represented in wooden dolls and clay +images. From the obscurity of the symbolism, these dolls are never +figured in works on Tusayan images. The figure in plate CXXIX, _d_, +bears a resemblance to Kokopeli. It represents a man with arms raised +in the act of dancing, and the head is destitute of hair as if covered +by one of the peculiar helmets, used by the clowns in modern +ceremonials. As many of the acts of these priests may be regarded as +obscene from our point of view, it is not improbable that this figure +may represent an ancient member of this archaic priesthood. + +The three human figures on the food basin illustrated in plate CXXIX, +_f_, are highly instructive as showing the antiquity of a curious and +revolting practice almost extinct in Tusayan. + +As an accompaniment of certain religious ceremonials among the Pueblo +and the Navaho Indians, it was customary for certain priests to insert +sticks into the esophagus. These sticks are still used to some extent +and may be obtained by the collector. The ceremony of stick-swallowing +has led to serious results, so that now in the decline of this cult a +deceptive method is often adopted. + +In Tusayan the stick-swallowing ceremony has been practically +abandoned at the East Mesa, but I have been informed by reliable +persons that it has not wholly been given up at Oraibi. The +illustration above referred to indicates its former existence in +Sikyatki. The middle figure represents the stick-swallower forcing the +stick down his esophagus, while a second figure holds before him an +unknown object. The principal performer is held by a third figure, an +attendant, who stands behind him. This instructive pictograph thus +illustrates the antiquity of this custom in Tusayan, and would seem to +indicate that it was once a part of the Pueblo ritual.[132] It is +possible that the Navaho, who have a similar practice, derived it from +the Pueblos, but there are not enough data at hand to demonstrate this +beyond question. + +Regarding the pose of the three figures in this picture, I have been +reminded by Dr Walter Hough of the performers who carry the wad of +cornstalks in the Antelope dance. In this interpretation we have the +"carrier," "hugger," and possibly an Antelope priest with the unknown +object in his hand. This interpretation appears more likely to be a +correct one than that which I have suggested; and yet Kopeli, the +Snake chief, declares that the Snake family was not represented at +Sikyatki. Possibly a dance similar to the Antelope performance on the +eighth day of the Snake dance may have been celebrated at that pueblo, +and the discovery of a rattlesnake's rattle in a Sikyatki grave is yet +to be explained. + +One of the most prominent of all the deities in the modern Tusayan +Olympus is the cultus-hero called Püükoñhoya, the Little War God. Hopi +mythology teems with legends of this god and his deeds in killing +monsters and aiding the people in many ways. He is reputed to have +been one of twins, children of the Sun and a maid by parthenogenetic +conception. His adventures are told with many variants and he +reappears with many aliases. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXVI + +DOUBLE-LOBE VASES FROM SIKYATKI] + +The symbolism of Püükoñhoya at the present day consists of parallel +marks on the face or body, and when personated by a man the figure +is always represented as carrying weapons of war, such as a bow and +arrows. Images of the same hero are used in ceremonies, and are +sometimes found as household gods or penates, which are fed as if +human beings. A fragment of pottery represented in the accompanying +illustration (figure 263), shows enough of the head of a personage to +indicate that Püükoñhoya was intended, for it bears on the cheek the +two parallel marks symbolic of that deity, while in his hands he holds +a bow and a jointed arrow as if shooting an unknown animal. All of +these features are in harmony with the identification of the figure +with that of the cultus-hero mentioned, and seem to indicate the truth +of the current legend that as a mythologic conception he is of great +antiquity in Tusayan. + +[Illustration: FIG. 263--War god shooting an animal. (Fragment of food +bowl.)] + +In this connection it may be instructive to call attention to two +figures on a food bowl collected by Mr H. R. Voth from a ruin near +Oraibi. It represents a man and a woman, the former with two horns, a +crescent on the forehead, and holding in his outstretched hand a +staff. The woman has a curious gorget, similar to some which I have +found in ruins near Tusayan, and a belt like those still worn by +Pueblo Indians. This smaller figure likewise has a crescent on its +face and three strange appendages on each side of the head. + +Another food basin in Mr Voth's collection is also instructive, and is +different in its decoration from any which I have found. The character +of the ware is ancient, but the figure is decidedly modern. If, +however, it should prove to be an ancient vessel it would carry back +to the time of its manufacture the existence of the _katcina_ cult in +Tusayan, no actual proof of the existence of which, at a time when +Sikyatki was in its prime, has yet been discovered. + +The three figures represent Hahaiwüqti, Hewüqti, and Natacka exactly +as these supernatural beings are now personated at Walpi in the +_Powamû_, as described and figured in a former memoir.[133] + +It is unfortunate that the antiquity of this specimen, suggestive as +it is, must be regarded as doubtful, for it was not exhumed from the +ruin by an archeologist, and the exact locality in which it was found +is not known. + + +THE HUMAN HAND + +Excepting the figure of the maid's head above described, the human +hand, for some unknown reason, is the only part of the body chosen by +the ancient Hopi for representation in the decoration of their +pottery. Among the present Tusayan Indians the human hand is rarely +used, but oftentimes the beams of the kivas are marked by the girls +who have plastered them with impressions of their muddy hands, and +there is a _katcina_ mask which has a hand painted in white on the +face. As in the case of the decoration of all similar sacred +paraphernalia, there is a legend which accounts for the origin of the +_katcina_ with the imprint of the hand on its mask. The following +tale, collected by the late A. M. Stephen, from whose manuscript I +quote, is interesting in this connection: + +"The figure of a hand with extended fingers is very common, in the +vicinity of ruins, as a rock etching, and is also frequently seen +daubed on the rocks with colored pigments or white clay. These are +vestiges of a test formerly practiced by the young men who aspired for +admission to the fraternity of the Calako. The Calako is a trinity of +two women and a man from whom the Hopi obtained the first corn, and of +whom the following legend is told: + + "In the early days, before houses were built, the earth was + devastated by a whirlwind. There was then neither springs nor + streams, although water was so near the surface that it could + be found by pulling up a tuft of grass. The people had but + little food, however, and they besought Masauwûh to help + them, but he could not. + + "There came a little old man, a dwarf, who said that he had + two sisters who were the wives of Calako, and it might be + well to petition them. So they prepared an altar, every man + making a _paho_, and these were set in the ground so as to + encircle a sand hillock, for this occurred before houses were + known. + + "Masauwûh's brother came and told them that when Calako came + to the earth's surface wherever he placed his foot a deep + chasm was made; then they brought to the altar a huge rock, + on which Calako might stand, and they set it between the two + pahos placed for his wives. + + "Then the people got their rattles and stood around the + altar, each man in front of his own paho; but they stood in + silence, for they knew no song with which to invoke this + strange god. They stood there for a long while, for they were + afraid to begin the ceremonies until a young lad, selecting + the largest rattle, began to shake it and sing. Presently a + sound like rushing water was heard, but no water was seen; a + sound also like great winds, but the air was perfectly still, + and it was seen that the rock was pierced with a great hole + through the center. The people were frightened and ran away, + all save the young lad who had sung the invocation. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXVII + +UNUSUAL FORMS OF VASES FROM SIKYATKI] + + "The lad soon afterward rejoined them, and they saw that his + back was cut and bleeding and covered with splinters of yucca + and willow. The flagellation, he told them, had been + administered by Calako, who told him that he must endure this + laceration before he could look upon the beings he had + invoked; that only to those who passed through his ordeals + could Calako become visible; and, as the lad had braved the + test so well, he should thenceforth be chief of the Calako + altar. The lad could not describe Calako, but said that his + two wives were exceedingly beautiful and arrayed with all + manner of fine garments. They wore great headdresses of + clouds and every kind of corn which they were to give to the + Hopi to plant for food. There were white, red, yellow, blue, + black, blue-and-white speckled, and red-and-yellow speckled + corn, and a seeded grass (_kwapi_). + + "The lad returned to the altar and shook his rattle over the + hole in the rock, and from its interior Calako conversed with + him and gave him instructions. In accordance with these he + gathered all the Hopi youths and brought them to the rock, + that Calako might select certain of them to be his priests. + The first test was that of putting their hands in the mud and + impressing them upon the rock. Only those were chosen as + novices the imprints of whose hands had dried on the instant. + + "The selected youths then moved within the altar and + underwent the test of flagellation. Calako lashed them with + yucca and willow. Those who made no outcry were told to + remain in the altar, to abstain from salt and flesh for ten + days, when Calako would return and instruct them concerning + the rites to be performed when they sought his aid. + + "Calako and his two wives appeared at the appointed time, and + after many ceremonials gave to each of the initiated five + grains of each of the different kinds of corn. The Hopi women + had been instructed to place baskets woven of grass at the + foot of the rock, and in these Calako's wives placed the + seeds of squashes, melons, beans, and all the other + vegetables which the Hopi have since possessed. + + "Calako and his wives, after announcing that they would again + return, took off their masks and garments, and laying them on + the rock disappeared within it. + + "Some time after this, when the initiated were assembled in + the altar, the Great Plumed Snake appeared to them and said + that Calako could not return unless one of them was brave + enough to take the mask and garments down into the hole and + give them to him. They were all afraid, but the oldest man of + the Hopi took them down and was deputed to return and + represent Calako. + + "Shortly afterward Masauwûh stole the paraphernalia, and with + his two brothers masqueraded as Calako and his wives. This + led the Hopi into great trouble, and they incurred the wrath + of Muiyinwûh, who withered all their grain and corn. + + "One of the Hopi finally discovered that the supposed Calako + carried a cedar bough in his hand, when it should have been + willow; then they knew that it was Masauwûh who had been + misleading them. + + "The boy hero one day found Masauwûh asleep, and so regained + possession of the mask. Muiyinwûh then withdrew his + punishments and sent Palülükoñ (the Plumed Snake) to tell + the Hopi that Calako would never return to them, but that the + boy hero should wear his mask and represent him, and his + festival should be celebrated when they had a proper number + of novices to be initiated."[134] + +Several food basins from Sikyatki have a human hand depicted upon +them, and in one of these both hands are represented. On the most +perfect of these hand figures (plate CXXXVII, _c_) a wristlet is well +represented, with two triangular figures, which impart to it an +unusual form. From between the index and second finger there arises a +triangular appendage, which joins a graceful curve, extending on one +side to the base of the thumb and continued on the other side to the +arm. The whole inside of the basin, except the figure of the hand and +its appendage, is decorated with spattering,[135] and on the outside +there is a second figure, evidently a hand or the paw of some animal. +This external decoration also has a triangular figure in which are two +terraces, recalling rain-cloud symbols. + +One of the most interesting representations of the human hand (figure +354) is found on the exterior of a beautiful bowl. The four fingers +and the thumb are shown with representations of nails, a unique +feature in such decorations. From between the index finger and the +next, or rather from the tip of the former, arises an appendage +comparable with that before mentioned, but of much simpler form. The +palm of the hand is crossed by a number of parallel lines, which +recall a custom of using the palm lines in measuring ceremonial prayer +sticks, as I have described in a memoir on the Snake dance. In place +of the arm this hand has many parallel lines, the three medial ones +being continued far beyond the others, as shown in the figure. + + +QUADRUPEDS + +Figures of quadrupeds are sparingly used in the decoration of food +bowls or basins, but the collection shows several fine specimens on +which appear some of the mammalia with which the Hopi are familiar. +Most of these are so well drawn that there appears to be no question +as to their identification. + +One of the most instructive of these figures is shown in plate CXXX, +_a_, which is much worn, and indistinct in detail, although from what +can be traced it was probably intended to represent a mythic creature +known as the Giant Elk. The head bears two branched horns, drawn +without perspective, and the neck has a number of short parallel marks +similar to those occurring on the figure of an antelope on the walls +of one of the kivas at Walpi. The hoofs are bifid, and from a short +stunted tail there arises a curved line which encircles the whole +figure, connecting a series of round spots and terminating in a +triangular figure with three parallel lines representing feathers. +Perhaps the strangest of all appendages to this animal is at the tail, +which is forked, recalling the tail of certain birds. Its meaning is +unknown to me. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXVIII + +MEDICINE BOX AND PIGMENT POTS FROM SIKYATKI] + +There can be no doubt that the delineator sought to represent in this +figure one of the numerous horned _Cervidĉ_ with which the ancient +Hopi were familiar, but the drawing is so incomplete that to choose +between the antelope, deer, and elk seems impossible. It may be +mentioned, however, that the Horn people are reputed to have been +early arrivals in Tusayan, and it is not improbable that +representatives of the Horn clans lived in Sikyatki previous to its +overthrow. + +Two faintly drawn animals, evidently intended for quadrupeds, appear +on the interior of the food bowl shown in plate CXXX, _b_. These are +interesting from the method in which they were drawn. They are not +outlined with defined lines, but are of the original color of the +bowl, and appear as two ghost-like figures surrounded by a dense +spattering of red spots, similar in technic to the figure of the human +hand. I am unable to identify these animals, but provisionally refer +them to the rabbit. They have no distinctive symbolism, however, and +are destitute of the characteristic spots which members of the Rabbit +clan now invariably place on their totemic signatures. + +[Illustration: FIG. 264--Mountain sheep] + +The animal design on the bowl illustrated in plate CXXX, _c_, probably +represents a rabbit or hare, quite well drawn in profile, with a +feathered appendage from the head. Behind it is the ordinary symbol of +the dragon-fly. Several crosses are found in an opposite hemisphere, +separated from that occupied by the two animal pictures by a series of +geometric figures ornamented with crooks and other designs. + +The interior of the food bowl shown in plate CXXX, _d_, as well as the +inner sides of the two ladles represented in plate CXXXI, _b_, _d_, +are decorated with peculiar figures which suggest the porcupine. The +body is crescentic and covered with spines, and only a single leg, +with claws, is represented. It is worthy of mention that so many of +these animal forms have only one leg, representative, no doubt, of a +single pair, and that many of these have plantigrade paws like those +of the bear and badger. The appendages to the head in this figure +remind one of those of certain forms regarded as reptiles, with which +this may be identical. + +[Illustration: FIG. 265--Mountain lion] + +In another decoration we have what is apparently the same animal +furnished with both fore and hind legs, the tail curving upward like +that of a cottontail rabbit, which it resembles in other particulars +as well. This figure also hangs by a band from a geometric design +formed of two crescents and bearing four parallel marks representing +feathers. The single crescent depicted on the inside of the ladle +shown in plate CXXXI, _b_, is believed to represent the same +conception, or the moon; and in this connection the very close +phonetic resemblance between the Hopi name for moon[136] and that for +the mammal may be mentioned. In the decoration last described the same +crescentic figure is elaborated into its zoömorphic equivalent. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXIX + +DESIGNS ON FOOD BOWLS FROM SIKYATKI] + +An enumeration of the pictographic representations of mammalia +includes the beautiful food bowl shown in plate CXXX, _e_, which is +made of fine clay spattered with brown pigment. This design +(reproduced in figure 264) represents probably some ruminant, as the +mountain sheep or possibly the antelope, both of which gave names to +clans said to have resided at Sikyatki. The hoofs are characteristic, +and the markings on the back suggest a fawn or spotted deer. There is +a close similarity between the design below this animal and that of +the exterior decorations of certain vases and square medicine bowls. + +Among the pictures of quadrupedal animals depicted on ancient food +bowls there is none more striking than that illustrated in plate CXXX, +_f_, which has been identified as the mountain lion. While this +identification is more or less problematical, it is highly possible. +The claws of the forelegs (figure 265) are evidently those of one of +the carnivora of the cat family, of which the mountain lion is the +most prominent in Tusayan. The anterior part of the body is spotted; +the posterior and the hind legs are black. The snout bears little +resemblance to that of the puma. + +The entire inner surface of the bowl, save a central circle in which +the head, fore-limbs, and anterior part of the body are represented, +is decorated by spattering. Within this spattered area there are +highly interesting figures, prominent among which is a squatting +figure of a man, with the hand raised to the mouth and holding a +ceremonial cigarette, as if engaged in smoking. The seven patches in +black might well be regarded as either footprints or leaves, four of +which appear to be attached to the band inclosing the central area. In +the intervals between three of these there are branched bodies +representing plants or bushes. + + +REPTILES + +Snakes and other reptilian forms were represented by the ancient +potters in the decoration of food bowls, and it is remarkable how +closely some of these correspond in symbolism with conceptions still +current in Tusayan. Of all reptilian monsters the worship of which +forms a prominent element in Hopi ritual, that of the Great Plumed +Snake is perhaps the most important. Effigies of this monster exist in +all the larger Hopi villages, and they are used in at least two great +rites--the _Soyaluña_ in December and the _Palülükonti_ in March, as I +have already described. The symbolic markings and appendages of the +Plumed Snake effigy are distinctive, and are found in all modern +representations of this mystic being. While several pictographs of +snakes are found on Sikyatki pottery, there is not a single instance +in which these modern markings appear; consequently there is +considerable doubt in regard to the identification of many of the +Sikyatki serpents with modern mythologic representatives. + +[Illustration: FIG. 266--Plumed serpent] + +In questioning the priests in regard to the derivation of the Plumed +Serpent cult in Tusayan, I have found that they declare that this +cultus was brought into Tusayan from a mythic land in the south, +called Palatkwabi, and that the effigies and fetiches pertaining to it +were introduced by the Patki or Water-house people. From good +evidence, I suspect that the arrival of this phratry was comparatively +late in Tusayan history, and it is possible that Sikyatki was +destroyed before their advent, for in all the legends which I have +been able to gather no one ascribes to Sikyatki any clan belonging to +the phratries which are said to have migrated from the far south. I +believe we must look toward the east, whence the ancestors of the +Kokop or Firewood people are reputed to have come, for the origin of +the symbolic markings of the snakes represented on Sikyatki ceramics. +Figures of apodal reptiles, with feathers represented on their heads, +occur in Sikyatki pictography, although there is no resemblance in the +markings of their bodies to those of modern pictures. One of the most +striking of these occurs on the inside of the food basin shown in +plate CXXXII, _a_. It represents a serpent with curved body, the tail +being connected with the head, like an ancient symbol of eternity. The +body (figure 266) is destitute of any distinctive markings, but is +covered with a crosshatching of black lines. The head bears two +triangular markings, which are regarded as feather symbols. The +position of the eyes would seem to indicate that the top of the head +is represented, but this conclusion is not borne out by comparative +studies, for it was often the custom of ancient Tusayan potters, like +other primitive artists, to represent both eyes on one side of the +head. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXX + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF QUADRUPEDS FROM SIKYATKI] + +The zigzag line occupying the position of the tongue and terminating +in a triangle is a lightning symbol, with which the serpent is still +associated. While striving not to strain the symbolism of this figure, +it is suggested that the three curved marks on the lower and upper +jaws represent fangs. It is highly probable that conceptions not +greatly unlike those which cluster about the Great Plumed Serpent were +associated with this mythic snake, the figure of which is devoid of +some of the most essential elements of modern symbolism. + +While from the worn character of the middle of the food bowl +illustrated in plate CXXXII, _b_, it is not possible to discover +whether the animal was apodal or not from the crosshatching of the +body and the resemblance of the appendages of the head to those of the +figure last considered, it appears probable that this pictograph +likewise was intended to represent a snake of mystic character. Like +the previous figure, this also is coiled, with the tail near the head, +its body crosshatched, and with two triangular appendages to the head. +There is, however, but one eye, and the two jaws are elongated and +provided with teeth,[137] as in the case of certain reptiles. + +The similarity of the head and its appendages to the snake figure last +described would lead me to regard the figure shown in plate CXXXII, +_c_, as representing a like animal, but the latter picture is more +elaborately worked out in details, and one of the legs is well +represented. I have shown in the discussion of a former figure how the +decorator, recognizing the existence of two eyes, represented them +both on one side of the head of a profile figure, although only one is +visible, and we see in this picture (figure 267) a somewhat similar +tendency, which is very common in modern Tusayan figures of animals. +The breath line is drawn from the extremity of the snout halfway down +the length of the body. In modern pictography a representation of the +heart is often depicted at the blind extremity of this line, as if, in +fact, there was a connection with this organ and the tubes through +which the breath passes. In the Sikyatki pottery, however, I find only +this one specimen of drawing in which an attempt to represent internal +organs is made. + +The tail of this singular picture of a reptile is highly +conventionalized, bearing appendages of unknown import, but recalling +feathers, while on the back are other appendages which might be +compared with wings. Both of these we might expect, considering the +association of bird and serpent in the Hopi conception of the Plumed +Snake. + +Exact identifications of these pictures with the animals by which the +Hopi are or were surrounded, is, of course, impossible, for they are +not realistic representations, but symbolic figures of mythic beings +unknown save to the imagination of the primitive mythologist. + +[Illustration: FIG. 267--Unknown reptile] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXI + +ORNAMENTED LADLES FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: FIG. 268--Unknown reptile] + +A similar reptile is pictured on the food bowl shown in plate CXXXII, +_d_, in which design, however, there are important modifications, the +most striking of which are: (1) The animal (figure 268) has both fore +and hind legs represented; (2) the head is round; (3) the mouth is +provided with teeth; and (4) there are four instead of two feather +appendages on the head, two of which are much longer than the others. +Were it not that ears are not represented in reptiles, one would be +tempted to regard the smaller appendages as representations of these +organs. Their similarity to the row of spines on the back and the +existence of spines on the head of the "horned toad" suggests this +reptile, with which both ancient and modern Hopi are very familiar. On +a fragment of a vessel found at Awatobi there is depicted the head of +a reptile evidently identical with this, since the drawing is an +almost perfect reproduction. There is a like figure, also from +Sikyatki, in the collection of pottery made at that ruin by Dr +Miller, of Prescott, the year following my work there. The most +elaborate of all the pictures of reptiles found on ancient Tusayan +pottery is shown in plate CXXXII, _e_, in which the symbolism is +complicated and the details carefully worked out. A few of these +symbols I am able to decipher; others elude present analysis. There is +no doubt as to the meaning of the appendage to the head (figure 269), +for it well portrays an elaborate feathered headdress on which the +markings that distinguish tail-feathers, three in number, are +prominent. The extension of the snout is without homologue elsewhere +in Hopi pictography, and, while decorative in part, is likewise highly +conventionalized. On the body semicircular rain cloud symbols and +markings similar to those of the bodies of certain birds are +distinguishable. The feet likewise are more avian than reptilian, but +of a form quite unusual in structure. It is interesting to note the +similarity in the carved line with six sets of parallel bars to the +band surrounding the figure of the human hand shown in plate CXXXVII, +_c_. In attempting to identify the pictograph on the bowl reproduced +in plate CXXXIV, _a_, there is little to guide me, and the nearest I +can come to its significance is to ascribe it to a reptile of some +kind. Highly symbolic, greatly conventionalized as this figure is, +there is practically nothing on which to base the absolute +identification of the figure save the serrated appendage to the body +and the leg, which resembles that of the lizard as it is sometimes +drawn. The two eyes indicate that the enlargement in which these were +placed is the head, and the extended curved snout a beak. All else is +incomprehensible to me, and my identification is therefore provisional +and largely speculative. + +[Illustration: FIG. 269--Unknown reptile] + +I wish, however, in leaving the description of this beautiful bowl, to +invite attention to the brilliancy and the characteristics of the +coloring, which differ from the majority of the decorated ware from +Sikyatki. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXII + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF REPTILES FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXIII + +BOWLS AND DIPPERS WITH FIGURES OF TADPOLES, BIRDS, ETC. FROM +SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXIV + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF SUN, BUTTERFLY, AND FLOWER FROM SIKYATKI] + +Among the fragments of pottery found in the Sikyatki graves there was +one which, had it been entire, would doubtless have thrown +considerable light on ancient pictography. This fragment has depicted +upon it portions of the body and the whole head and neck of a +reptilian animal. We find on that part of the body which is +represented, three parallel marks which recall those on the modern +pictures of the Great Plumed Serpent. On the back there were +apparently the representations of wings, a feather of which is shown +above the head. The head likewise bears a crest of three feathers, and +there are three reptilian like toes. Whether this represents a reptile +or a bird it is impossible for me to say, but enough has already been +recorded to indicate how close the symbolism of these two groups +sometimes is in ancient pictography. It would almost appear as if the +profound anatomical discovery of the close kinship of birds and +reptiles was unconsciously recognized by a people destitute of the +rudiments of the knowledge of morphology. + + +TADPOLES + +Among the inhabitants of an arid region, where rain-making forms a +dominant element in their ritual, water animals are eagerly adopted as +symbols. Among these the tadpole occupies a foremost position. The +figures of this batrachian are very simple, and are among the most +common of those used on ceremonial paraphernalia in Tusayan at the +present time. In none of these is anything more than a globular head +and a zigzag tail represented, and, as in nature, these are colored +black. The tadpole appears on several pieces of painted pottery from +Sikyatki, one of the best of which is the food bowl illustrated in +plate CXXXIII, _a_. The design represents a number of these aquatic +animals drawn in line across the diameter of the inner surface of the +bowl, while on each side there is a row of rectangular blocks +representing rain clouds. These blocks are separated from the tadpole +figures by crescentic lines, and above them are short parallel lines +recalling the symbol of falling rain. + +One of the most beautiful forms of ladles from Sikyatki is figured in +plate CXXXIII, _b_, a specimen in which the art of decoration by +spattering is effectively displayed. The interior of the bowl of this +dipper is divided by parallel lines into two zones, in each of which +two tadpoles are represented. The handle is pointed at the end and is +decorated. This specimen is considered one of the best from Sikyatki. + +The rudely drawn picture on the bowl figured in plate CXXXII, _f_, +would be identified as a frog, save for the presence of a tail which +would seem to refer it to the lizard kind. But in the evolution of the +tadpole into the frog a tailed stage persists in the metamorphosis +after the legs develop. In modern pictures[138] of the frog with which +I am familiar, this batrachian is always represented dorsally or +ventrally with the legs outstretched, while in the lizards, as we have +seen, a lateral view is always adopted. As the sole picture found on +ancient pottery where the former method is employed, this fact may be +of value in the identification of this rude outline as a frog rather +than as a true reptile. + + +BUTTERFLIES OR MOTHS + +One of the most characteristic modern decorations employed by the +Hopi, especially as a symbol of fecundity, is the butterfly or moth. +It is a constant device on the beautiful white or cotton blankets +woven by the men as wedding gifts, where it is embroidered on the +margin in the forms of triangles or even in more realistic patterns. +This symbol is a simple triangle, which becomes quite realistic when a +line is drawn bisecting one of the angles. This double triangle is not +only a constant symbol on wedding blankets, but also is found on the +dadoes of houses, resembling in design the arrangement of tiles in the +Alhambra and other Moorish buildings. This custom of decorating the +walls of a building with triangles placed at intervals on the upper +edge of a dado is a feature of cliff-house kivas, as shown in +Nordenskiöld's beautiful memoir on the cliff villages of Mesa Verde. +While an isosceles triangle represents the simplest form of the +butterfly symbol, and is common on ancient pottery, a few vessels from +Sikyatki show a much more realistic figure. In plate CXXXIV, _f_, is +shown a moth with extended proboscis and articulated antennĉ, and in +_d_ of the same plate another form, with the proboscis inserted in a +flower, is given. As an associate with summer, the butterfly is +regarded as a beneficent being aside from its fecundity, and one of +the ancient Hopi clans regarded it as their totem. Perhaps the most +striking, and I may say the most inexplicable, use of the symbol of +the butterfly is the so-called _Hokona_ or Butterfly virgin slab used +in the Antelope ceremonies of the Snake dance at Walpi, where it is +associated with the tadpole water symbol. + +[Illustration: FIG. 270--Outline of plate CXXXV, _b_] + +The most beautiful of all the butterfly designs are the six figures on +the vase reproduced in plate CXXXV, _b_. From the number of these +pictures it would seem that they bore some relationship to the six +world-quarters--north, west, south, east, zenith, and nadir. The vase +has a flattened shoulder, and the six butterfly figures are +represented as flying toward the orifice. These insect figures closely +resemble one another, and are divided into two groups readily +distinguished by the symbolism of the heads. Three have each a cross +with a single dot in each quadrant, and each of the other three has a +dotted head without the cross. These two kinds alternate with each +other, and the former probably indicate females, since the same +symbols on the heads of the snakes in the sand picture of the Antelope +altar in the Snake dance are used to designate the female.[139] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXV + +VASES WITH FIGURES OF BUTTERFLIES FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXVI + +VASES WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +Two antennĉ and a double curved proboscis are indicated in all the +figures of butterflies on the vase under consideration. The zones +above and below are both cut by a "line of life," the opening through +which is situated on opposite equatorial poles in the upper and under +rim. + +[Illustration: FIG. 271--Butterfly design on upper surface of plate +CXXXV, _b_] + +The rectangular figures associated with the butterflies on this +elaborately decorated vase are of two patterns alternating with each +other. The rectangles forming one of these patterns incloses three +vertical feathers, with a triangle on the right side and a crook on +the left. The remaining three rectangles also have three feathers, but +they are arranged longitudinally on the surface of the vase. + +The elaborate decoration of the zone outside the six butterflies is +made up of feathers arranged in three clusters of three each, +alternating with key patterns, crosshatched crooks, triangles, and +frets. The wealth of ornament on this part of the vase is noteworthy, +and its interpretation very baffling. This vase may well be considered +the most elaborately decorated in the whole collection from Sikyatki. + +There are several figures of butterflies, like those shown in plate +CXXXI, _a_, in which the modifications of wings and body have +proceeded still further, and the only features which refer them to +insects are the jointed antennĉ. The passage from this highly +conventionalized design into a triangular figure is not very great. +There are still others where the head, with attached appendages, +arises not from an angle of a triangle, but from the middle of one +side. This gives us a very common form of butterfly symbol, which is +found, variously modified, on many ancient vessels. In such designs +there is commonly a row of dots on each side, which may be represented +by a sinuous line, a series of triangles, bars, or parallel bars. + +The design reproduced in plate CXXXIV, _d_, represents a moth or +butterfly associated with a flower, and several star symbols. It is +evidently similar to that figured in _a_ of the same plate, and has +representations of antennĉ and extended proboscis, the latter organ +placed as if extracting honey from the flower. The conventional flower +is likewise shown in _e_ of this plate. The two crescentic designs in +plate CXXXV, _a_, are regarded as butterflies. + +The jar illustrated in plate CXLV, _b_, is ornamented with highly +conventionalized figures on four sides, and is the only one taken from +the Sikyatki cemeteries in which the designs are limited to the +equatorial surface. The most striking figure, which is likewise found +on the base of the paint saucer shown in plate CXLVI, _f_, is a +diamond-shape design with a triangle at each corner (figure 276). The +pictures drawn on alternating quadrants have very different forms, +which are difficult to classify, and I have therefore provisionally +associated this beautiful vessel with those bearing the butterfly and +the triangle. The form of this vessel closely approaches that of the +graceful cooking pots made of coiled and coarse indented ware, but the +vessel was evidently not used for cooking purposes, as it bears no +marks of soot.[140] + + +DRAGON-FLIES + +Among the most constant designs used in the decoration of Sikyatki +pottery are figures of the dragon-fly. These decorations consist of a +line, sometimes enlarged into a bulb at one end, with two parallel +bars drawn at right angles across the end, below the enlargement. Like +the tadpole, the dragon-fly is a symbol of water, and with it are +associated many legends connected with the miraculous sprouting of +corn in early times. It is a constant symbol on modern ceremonial +paraphernalia, as masks, tablets, and pahos, and it occurs also on +several ancient vessels (plates CXL, _b_; CLXIII, _a_), where it +always has the same simple linear form, with few essential +modifications. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXVII + +VESSELS WITH FIGURES OF HUMAN HAND, BIRDS, TURTLE, ETC. FROM +SIKYATKI] + +The symbols of four dragon-flies are well shown on the rim of the +square box represented in plate CXXVIII, _a_. This box, which was +probably for charm liquid, or possibly for feathers used in +ceremonials, is unique in form and is one of the most beautiful +specimens from the Sikyatki cemeteries. It is elaborately decorated on +the four sides with rain-cloud and other symbols, and is painted in +colors which retain their original brilliancy. The interior is not +decorated. + +The four dragon-flies on the rim of this object are placed in such a +way as to represent insects flying about the box in a dextral circuit, +or with the heads turned to the right. This position indicates a +ceremonial circuit, which is exceptional among the Tusayan people, +although common in Navaho ceremonies. In the sand picture of the Snake +society, for instance, where four snakes are represented in a border +surrounding a mountain lion, these reptiles are represented as +crawling about the picture from right to left. This sequence is +prescribed in Tusayan ceremonials, and has elsewhere been designated +by me as the sinistral circuit, or a circuit with the center on the +left hand. The circuit used by the decorator of this box is dextral or +sunwise. + +Several rectangular receptacles of earthenware, some with handles and +others without them, were obtained in the excavations at Sikyatki. The +variations in their forms may be seen in plates CXXVIII, _a, c,_ and +CXXV, _f_. These are regarded as medicine bowls, and are supposed to +have been used in ancient ceremonials where asperging was performed. +In many Tusayan ceremonials square medicine bowls, some of them +without handles, are still used,[141] but a more common and evidently +more modern variety are round and have handles. The rim of these +modern sacred vessels commonly bears, in its four quadrants, terraced +elevations representing rain-clouds of the cardinal points, and the +outer surface of the bowl is decorated with the same symbols, +accompanied with tadpole or dragon-fly designs. + +One of the best figures of the dragon-fly is seen on the saucer shown +in plate CXX, _f_. The exterior of this vessel is decorated with four +rectangular terraced rain-cloud symbols, one in each quadrant, and +within each there are three well-drawn figures of the dragon-fly. The +curved line below represents a rainbow. The terrace form of rain-cloud +symbol is very ancient in Tusayan and antedates the well-known +semicircular symbol which was introduced into the country by the Patki +people. It is still preserved in the form of tablets[142] worn on the +head and in sand paintings and various other decorations on altars and +religious paraphernalia. + + +BIRDS + +The bird and the feather far exceed all other motives in the +decoration of ancient Tusayan pottery, and the former design was +probably the first animal figure employed for that purpose when the +art passed out of the stage where simple geometric designs were used +exclusively. A somewhat similar predominance is found in the part +which the bird and the feather play in the modern Hopi ceremonial +system. As one of the oldest elements in the decoration of Tusayan +ceramics, figures of birds have in many instances become highly +conventionalized; so much so, in fact, that their avian form has been +lost, and it is one of the most instructive problems in the study of +Hopi decoration to trace the modifications of these designs from the +realistic to the more conventionalized. The large series of food bowls +from Sikyatki afford abundant material for that purpose, and it may +incidentally be said that by this study I have been able to interpret +the meaning of certain decorations on Sikyatki bowls of which the best +Hopi traditionalists are ignorant.[143] In order to show the method of +reasoning in this case I have taken a series illustrating the general +form of an unknown bird. + +There can be no reasonable doubt that the decoration of the food basin +shown in plate CXXXVII, _a_, represents a bird, and analogy would +indicate that it is the picture of some mythologic personage. It has a +round head (figure 272), to which is attached a headdress, which we +shall later show is a highly modified feather ornament. On each side +of the body from the region of the neck there arise organs which are +undoubtedly wings, with feathers continued into arrowpoints. The +details of these wings are very carefully and, I may add, +prescriptively worked out, so that almost every line, curve, or zigzag +is important. The tail is composed of three large feathers, which +project beyond two triangular extensions, marking the end of the body. + +The technic of this figure is exceedingly complicated and the colors +very beautiful. Although this bowl was quite badly broken when +exhumed, it has been so cleverly mended by Mr Henry Walther that no +part of the symbolism is lost. + +While it is quite apparent that this figure represents a bird, and +while this identification is confirmed by Hopi testimony, it is far +from a realistic picture of any known bird with which the ancients +could have been familiar. It is highly conventionalized and idealized +with significant symbolism, which is highly suggestive. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXVIII + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI] + +Bearing in mind the picture of this bird, we pass to a second form +(plate CXXXVIII, _a_), in which we can trace the same parts without +difficulty. On a round head is placed a feathered headdress. The +different parts of the outstretched wings are readily homologized even +in details in the two figures. There are, for instance, two terminal +wing feathers in each wing; the appendages to the shoulder exist in +both, and the lateral spurs, exteriorly and interiorly, are +represented with slight modifications. + +[Illustration: FIG. 272--Man-eagle] + +The body is ornamented in the same way in both figures. It is +continued posteriorly on each side into triangular extensions, and the +same is true of its anterior, which in one figure has three curved +lines, and in the other a simple crook. There are three tail-feathers +in each figure. I believe there can be no doubt that both these +designs represent the same idea, and that a mythologic bird was +intended in each instance. + +The step in conventionalism from the last-mentioned figure of a bird +to the next (plate CXLVII, _a_) is even greater than in the former. +The head in this picture is square or rectangular, and the wings +likewise simple, ending in three incurved triangles without +appendages. The tail has five feathers instead of three, in which, +however, the same symbolic markings which distinguish tail-feathers +are indicated. + +The conventionalized wings of this figure are repeated again and again +in ancient Tusayan pottery decorations, as one may see by an +examination of the various birds shown in the plates. In many +instances, however, all the other parts of the bird are lost and +nothing but the triangular feathers remain; but as these have the same +form, whatever organs are missing, the presumption is that their +meaning has not changed. + +In passing to the figure of the bird shown in plate CXXXVIII, _b_, we +find features homologous with those already considered, but also +detect considerable modification. The head is elongated, tipped with +three parallel lines, but decorated with markings similar to those of +the preceding figure. The outstretched wings have a crescentic form, +on the anterior horn of which are round spots with parallel lines +arising from them. This is a favorite figure in pottery decoration, +and is found very abundantly on the exterior of food bowls; it +represents highly conventionalized feathers, and should be so +interpreted wherever found. The figure of the body of the bird +depicted is simple, and the tail is continued into three +tail-feathers, as is ordinarily the case in highly conventionalized +bird figures. + +The most instructive of all the appendages to the body are the +club-shape bodies, one on each side, rising from the point of union of +the wings and the breast. These are spatulate in form, with a terraced +terminal marking. They, like other appendages, represent feathers, but +that peculiar kind which is found under the wing is called the breath +feather.[144] This feather is still used in certain ceremonials, and +is tied to certain prayer offerings. Its ancient symbolism is very +clearly indicated in this picture, and is markedly different from that +of either the wing or tail feathers, which have a totally different +ceremonial use at the present time. + +For convenience of comparison, a number of pictures which undoubtedly +refer to different birds in ancient interpretations will be grouped in +a single series. + +Plate CXXXVIII, _d_, represents a figure of a bird showing great +relative modification of organs when compared with those previously +discussed. The head is very much broadened, but the semicircular +markings, which occur also on the heads of previously described bird +figures, are well drawn. The wings are mere curved appendages, +destitute of feather symbols, but are provided with lateral spurs and +have knobs at their bases. The body is rectangular; the tail-feathers +are numerous, with well-marked symbolism. Perhaps the most striking +appendages to the body are the two well-defined extensions of parts of +the body itself, which, although represented in other pictures of +birds, nowhere reach such relatively large size. + + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXIX + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI] + +The figure of a bird shown in plate CXXXVIII, _c_, is similar in many +respects to that last described. The semicircular markings on the head +of the former are here replaced by triangles, but both are symbolic of +rain-clouds. The wings are curved projections, without any suggestion +of feathers or basal spurs and knobs. The tail-feathers show nothing +exceptional, and the body is bounded posteriorly by triangular +extensions, as in figures of birds already described. + +The representation of the bird in plate CXXXVIII, _e_, has a +triangular body continued into two points on the posterior end, +between which the tail-feathers are situated. The body is covered with +terraced and triangular designs, and the head is rectangular in form. +On each side of the bird figure there is a symbol of a flower, +possibly the sunflower or an aster. + +In the figures of birds already considered the relative sizes of the +heads and bodies are not overdrawn, but in the picture of a bird on +the food bowl shown in plate CXXXVIII, _f_, the head is very much +enlarged. It bears a well-marked terraced rain-cloud symbol above +triangles of the same meaning. The wings are represented as diminutive +appendages, each consisting of two feathers. The body has a triangular +extension on each side, and the tail is composed of two comparatively +short rectangular feathers. The figure itself could hardly be +identified as a representation of a bird were it not for the +correspondence, part for part, with figures which are undoubtedly +those of birds or flying animals. + +A more highly conventionalized figure of a bird than any thus far +described is painted on the food bowl reproduced in plate CXL, _b_. +The head is represented by a terraced figure similar to those which +appear as decorations on some of the other vessels; the wings are +simply extended crescents, the tips of which are connected by a band +which encircles the body and tail; the body is continued at the +posterior end into two triangular appendages, between which is a tail, +the feathers of which are not differentiated. On each side of the +body, in the space inclosed by the band connecting the tips of the +wings, a figure of a dragon-fly appears. + +The figure on the food bowl illustrated in plate CXXXIX, _c_, may also +be reduced to a conventionalized bird symbol. The two pointed objects +on the lower rim represent tail-feathers, and the triangular +appendages, one on each side above them, the body, as in the designs +which have already been described. Above the triangles is a +rectangular figure with terraced rain-cloud emblems, a constant +feature on the body and head of the bird, and on each side, near the +rim of the bowl, occur the primary feathers of the wings. The cross, +so frequently associated with designs representing birds, is replaced +by the triple intersecting lines in the remaining area. The +resemblance of this figure to those already considered is clearly +evident after a little study. + +The decoration on the food basin presented in plate CXXXIX, _a_, is +interesting in the study of the evolution of bird designs into +conventional forms. In this figure those parts which are identified as +homologues of the wings extend wholly across the interior of the food +bowl, and have the forms of triangles with smaller triangular spurs at +their bases. The wings are extended at right angles to the axis of the +body, and taper uniformly to the rim of the bowl. The smaller spurs +near the union of the wings and body represent the posterior part of +the latter, and between them are the tail-feathers, their number being +indicated by three triangles. + +There is no representation of a head, although the terraced rain-cloud +figure is drawn on the anterior of the body between the wings. + +The reduction of the triangular wings of the last figure to a simple +band drawn diametrically across the inner surface of the bowl is +accomplished in the design shown in plate CXXXIX, _b_. At intervals +along this line there are arranged groups of blocks, three in each +group, representing stars, as will later be shown. The semicircular +head has lost all appendages and is reduced to a rain-cloud symbol. +The posterior angles of the body are much prolonged, and the tail +still bears the markings representing three tail-feathers. + +The association of a cross with the bird figure is both appropriate +and common; its modified form in this decoration is not exceptional, +but why it is appended to the wings is not wholly clear. We shall see +its reappearance on other bowls decorated with more highly +conventionalized bird figures. + +In the peculiar decoration used in the treatment of the food bowl +shown in plate CXXXIX, _c_, we have almost a return to geometric +figures in a conventional representation of a bird. In this case the +semblance to wings is wholly lost in the line drawn diametrically +across the interior of the bowl. On one side of it there are many +crosses representing stars, and on the other the body and tail of a +bird. The posterior triangular extensions of the former are continued +to a bounding line of the bowl, and no attempt is made to represent +feathers in the tail. The rectangular figure, with serrated lower edge +and inclosed terraced figures, finds, however, a homologue in the +heads and bodies of most of the representations of birds which have +been described. + +This gradual reduction in semblance to a bird has gone still further +in the figure represented in plate CXXXIX, _d_, where the posterior +end of the body is represented by two spurs, and the tail by three +feathers, the triangular rain-clouds still persisting in the +rectangular body. In fact, it can hardly be seen how a more +conventionalized figure of a bird were possible did we not find in _e_ +of the same plate this reduction still greater. Here the tail is +represented by three parallel lines, the posterior of the body by two +dentate appendages, and the body itself by a square. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXL + +FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI] + +In plate CXL, _c_, we have a similar conventional bird symbol where +two birds, instead of one, are represented. In both these instances it +would appear that the diametric band, originally homologous to wings, +had lost its former significance. + +It must also be pointed out that there is a close likeness between +some of these so-called conventionalized figures of birds and those of +moths or butterflies. If, for instance, they are compared with the +figures of the six designs of the upper surface of the vase shown in +plate CXXXV, _b_, we note especially this resemblance. While, +therefore, it can hardly be said there is absolute proof that these +highly conventionalized figures always represent birds, we may, I +think, be sure that either the bird or the moth or butterfly is +generally intended. + +There are several modifications of these highly conventionalized +figures of birds which may be mentioned, one of the most interesting +of which is figured in plate CXXXIX, _f_. In this representation the +two posterior triangular extensions of the body are modified into +graceful curves, and the tail-feathers are simply parallel lines. The +figure in this instance is little more than a trifid appendage to a +broad band across the inner surface of the food bowl. In addition to +this highly conventionalized bird figure, however, there are two +crosses which represent stars. In this decoration all resemblance to a +bird is lost, and it is only by following the reduction of parts that +one is able to identify this geometric design with the more elaborate +pictures of mythic birds. When questioned in regard to the meaning of +this symbol, the best informed Hopi priests had no suggestion to +offer. + +In all the figures of birds thus far considered, the head, with one or +two exceptions, is represented or indicated by symbolic markings. In +that which decorates the vessel shown in plate CXL, _a_, we find a new +modification; the wings, instead of being attenuated into a diametric +line or band, are in this case curved to form a loose spiral. Between +them is the figure of a body and the three tail-feathers, while the +triangular extensions which generally indicate the posterior of the +body are simply two rounded knobs at the point of union of the wings +and tail. There is no indication of a head. + +The modifications in the figure of the bird shown in the last +mentioned pictograph, and the highly conventionalized forms which the +wings and other parts assume, give me confidence to venture an +interpretation of a strange figure shown in plate CXLI, _a_. This +picture I regard as a representation of a bird, and I do so for the +following resemblances to figures already studied. The head of the +bird, as has been shown, is often replaced by a terraced rain-cloud +symbol. Such a figure occurs in the pictograph under consideration, +where it occupies the position of the head. On either side of what +might be regarded as a body we find, at the anterior end, two curved +appendages which so closely resemble similarly placed bodies in the +pictograph last discussed that they are regarded as representations of +wings. These extensions at the posterior end of the body are readily +comparable with prolongations in that part on which we have already +commented. The tail, although different from that in figures of birds +thus far discussed, has many points of resemblance to them. The two +circles, one on each side of the bird figure, are important additions +which are treated in following pages.[145] + +From the study of the conventionalized forms of birds which I have +outlined above it is possible to venture the suggestion that the +star-shape figure shown in plate CLXVII, _b_, may be referred to the +same group, but in this specimen we appear to have duplication, or a +representation of the bird symbol repeated in both semicircles of the +interior of the bowl. Examining one of these we readily detect the two +tail-feathers in the middle, with the triangular end of the body on +each side. The lateral appendages duplicated on each side correspond +with the band across the middle of the bowl in other specimens, and +represent highly conventionalized wings. The middle of this compound +figure is decorated with a cross, and in each quadrant there is a row +of the same emblems, equidistant from one another. + +It would be but a short step from this figure to the ancient sun +symbol with which the eagle and other raptorial birds are intimately +associated. The figure represented in plate CXXXIII, _c_, is a +symbolic bird in which the different parts are directly comparable +with the other bird pictographs already described. One may easily +detect in it the two wings, the semicircular rain-cloud figures, and +the three tail-feathers. As in the picture last considered, we see the +two circles, each with a concentric smaller circle, one on each side +of the mythic bird represented. Similar circular figures are likewise +found in the zone surrounding the centrally placed bird picture. + +In the food bowl illustrated in plate CXLI, _b_, we find the two +circles shown, and between them a rectangular pictograph the meaning +of which is not clear. The only suggestion which I have in regard to +the significance of this object is that it is an example of +substitution--the substitution of a prayer offering to the mythic bird +represented in the other bowls for a figure of the bird itself. This +interpretation, however, is highly speculative, and should be accepted +only with limitations. I have sometimes thought that the prayer-stick +or paho may originally have represented a bird, and the use of it is +an instance of the substitution[146] of a symbolic effigy of a bird, a +direct survival of the time when a bird was sacrificed to the deity +addressed. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLI + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLII + +VASES, BOWLS, AND LADLE, WITH FIGURES OF FEATHERS, FROM SIKYATKI] + +The studies of the conventional bird figures which are developed in +the preceding pages make it possible to interpret one of the two +pictures on the food bowl represented in plate CLII, while the +realistic character of the smaller figure leaves no question that we +can rightly identify this also as a bird. In the larger figure the +wings are of unequal size and are tipped with appendages of a more or +less decorative nature. The posterior part of the body is formed of +two triangular extensions, to which feathers are suspended, and the +tail is composed of three large pointed feathers. The head bears the +terraced rain-cloud designs almost universal in pictographs of birds. + +It is hardly necessary for me to indicate the head, body, wings, and +legs of the smaller figure, for they are evidently avian, while the +character of the beak would indicate that a parrot or raptorial genus +was intended. The same beak is found in the decoration of a vase with +a bird design, which will later be considered. + +From an examination of the various figures of birds on the Sikyatki +pottery, and an analysis of the appendages to the wings, body, and +legs, it is possible to determine the symbolic markings characteristic +of two different kinds of feathers, the large wing or tail feathers +and the so-called breath or body feathers. There is therefore no +hesitation, when we find an object of pottery ornamented with these +symbols, in interpreting them as feathers. Such a bowl is that shown +in plate CXLI, _c_, in which we find a curved line to which are +appended three breast feathers. This curved band from which they hang +may take the form of a circle with two pendent feathers as in plate +CXLI, _d_. + +In the design on the bowl figured in plate CXLI, _e_, tail-feathers +hang from a curved band, at each extremity of which is a square design +in which the cross is represented. It has been suggested that this +represents the feathered rainbow, a peculiar conception of both the +Pueblo and the Navaho Indians. The design appearing on the small food +bowl represented in plate CXLI, _f_, is no doubt connected in some way +with that last mentioned, although the likeness between the appendages +to the ring and feathers is remote. It is one of those +conventionalized pictures, the interpretation of which, with the +scanty data at hand, must be largely theoretical. + +Figures of feathers are most important features in the decoration of +ancient Sikyatki pottery, and their many modifications may readily be +seen by an examination of the plates. In modern Tusayan ceremonials +the feather is appended to almost all the different objects used in +worship; it is essential in the structure of the _tiponi_ or badge of +the chief, without which no elaborate ceremony can be performed or +altar erected; it adorns the images on the altars, decorates the heads +of participants, is prescribed for the prayer-sticks, and is always +appended to aspergills, rattles, and whistles. + +In the performance of certain ceremonials water from sacred springs is +used, and this water, sometimes brought from great distances, is kept +in small gourd or clay vases, around the necks of which a string with +attached feathers is tied. Such a vase is the so-called _patne_ which +has been described in a memoir on the Snake ceremonies at Walpi.[147] +The artistic tendency of the ancient people of Sikyatki apparently +exhibited itself in painting these feathers on the outside of similar +small vases. Plate CXLII, _a_, shows one of these vessels, decorated +with an elaborate design with four breath-feathers suspended from the +equator. (See also figure 273.) On the vases shown in plate CXLII, +_b_, _c_, are found figures of tail-feathers arranged in two groups on +opposite sides of the rim or orifice. One of these groups has eight, +the other seven, figures of these feathers, and on the two remaining +quadrants are the star emblems so constantly seen in pottery decorated +with bird figures. The upper surface of the vase (figure 274) shows a +similar arrangement, although the feathers here are conventionalized +into triangular dentations, seven on one side and three on the other, +individual dentations alternating with rectangular designs which +suggest rain-clouds. This vase (plate CXLIII, _a_, _b_) is also +striking in having a well-drawn figure of a bird in profile, the head, +wings, tail, and legs suggesting a parrot. The zone of decoration of +this vessel, which surrounds the rows of feathers, is strikingly +complicated, and comprises rain-cloud, feather, and other designs. + +[Illustration: FIG. 273--Pendent feather ornaments on a vase.] + +In a discussion of the significance of the design on the food bowl +represented in plate CXXXIX, _a_, _b_, I have shown ample reason for +regarding it a figure of a highly conventionalized bird. On the upper +surface of the vase (plate CXLIV, _a_, _b_) are four similar designs, +representing birds of the four cardinal points, one on each quadrant. +The wings are represented by triangular extensions, destitute of +appendages but with a rounded body at their point of juncture with the +trunk. Each bird has four tail-feathers and rain-cloud symbols on the +anterior end of the body. As is the case with the figures on the food +basins, there are crosses representing stars near the extended wings. +A broad band connects all these birds, and terraced rain-cloud +symbols, six in number and arranged in pairs, fill the peripheral +sections between them. This vase, although broken, is one of the most +beautiful and instructive in the rich collection of Sikyatki +ceramics. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLIII + +VASE WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLIV + +VASE WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLV + +VASES WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: FIG. 274--Upper surface of vase with bird decoration] + +I have not ventured, in the consideration of the manifold pictures of +birds on ancient pottery, to offer an interpretation of their probable +generic identification. There is no doubt, however, that they +represent mythic conceptions, and are emblematic of birds which +figured conspicuously in the ancient Hopi Olympus. The modern legends +of Tusayan are replete with references to such bird-like beings which +play important rôles and which bear evidence of archaic origins. There +is, however, one fragment of a food bowl which is adorned with a +pictograph so realistic and so true to modern legends of a harpy that +I have not hesitated to affix to it the name current in modern Tusayan +folklore. This fragment is shown in figure 275. + +[Illustration: FIG. 275--Kwataka eating an animal] + +According to modern folklore there once lived in the sky a winged +being called Kwataka, or Man-eagle, who sorely troubled the ancients. +He was ultimately slain by their War god, the legends of which have +elsewhere been published. There is a pictograph of this monster near +Walpi,[148] and pictures of him, as he exists in modern conceptions, +have been drawn for me by the priests. These agree so closely with the +pictograph and with the representation on the potsherd from Sikyatki, +that I regard it well-nigh proven that they represent the same +personage. The head is round and bears two feathers, while the star +emblem appears in the eye. The wing and the stump of a tail are well +represented, while the leg has three talons, which can only be those +of this monster. He holds in his grasp some animal form which he is +represented as eating. Across the body is a kilt, or ancient blanket, +with four diagonal figures which are said to represent flint +arrowheads. It is a remarkable fact that these latter symbols are +practically the same as those used by Nahuatl people for obsidian +arrow- or spearpoints. In Hopi lore Kwataka wore a garment of +arrowpoints, or, according to some legends, a flint garment, and his +wings are said to have been composed of feathers of the same +material. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLVI + +BOWLS AND POTSHERD WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLVII + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS, FROM SIKYATKI] + +From the pose of the figure and the various details of its symbolism +there can be little doubt that the ancient Sikyatki artists intended +to represent this monster, of which the modern Hopi rarely speak, and +then only in awe. Probably several other bird figures likewise +represent Kwataka, but in none of these do the symbols conform so +closely to legends of this monster which are still repeated in the +Tusayan villages. The home of Kwataka is reputed to be in the sky, and +consequently figures of him are commonly associated with star and +cloud emblems; he is a god of luck or chance, hence it is not +exceptional to find figures of gaming implements[149] in certain +elaborate figures of this monster. + +By far the most beautiful of the many food bowls from Sikyatki, and, I +believe, the finest piece of prehistoric aboriginal pottery from the +United States, is that figured in plate CXLVI, _d_. This remarkable +object, found with others in the sands of the necropolis of this +pueblo, several feet below the surface, is decorated with a highly +conventional figure of a bird in profile, but so modified that it is +difficult to determine the different parts. The four appendages to the +left represent the tail; the two knobs at the right the head, but the +remaining parts are not comprehensible. The delicacy of the detailed +crosshatching on the body is astonishing, considering that it was +drawn freehand and without pattern. The coloring is bright and the +surface glossy. + +The curved band from which this strange figure hangs is divided into +sections by perpendicular incised lines, which are connected by zigzag +diagonals. The signification of the figure in the upper part of the +bowl is unknown. While this vessel is unique in the character of its +decoration, there are others of equal fineness but less perfect in +design. Competent students of ceramics have greatly admired this +specimen, and so fresh are the colors that some have found it +difficult to believe it of ancient aboriginal manufacture. The +specimen itself, now on exhibition in the National Museum, gives a +better idea of its excellence than any figure which could be made. +This specimen, like all the others, is in exactly the same condition +as when exhumed, save that it has been wiped with a moist cloth to +clean the traces of food from its inner surface. All the pottery found +in the same grave is of the finest character, and although no two +specimens are alike in decoration, their general resemblances point to +the same maker. This fact has been noticed in several instances, +although there were many exceptional cases where the coarsest and most +rudely painted vessels were associated with the finest and most +elaborately decorated ware. + +The ladle illustrated in plate CXLII, _e_, is one of the most +beautiful in the collection. It is decorated with a picture of an +unknown animal with a single feather on the head. The eyes are double +and the snout continued into a long stick or tube, on which the animal +stands. While the appendage to the head is undoubtedly a feather and +the animal recalls a bird, I am in doubt as to its true +identification. The star emblems on the handle of the ladle are in +harmony with known pictures of birds. + +The feather decoration on the broken ladle shown in plate CXXXI, _f_, +is of more than usual interest, although it is not wholly +comprehensible. The representations include rain-cloud symbols, birds, +feathers, and falling rain. The medially placed design, with four +parallel lines arising from a round spot, is interpreted as a feather +design, and the two triangular figures, one on each side, are believed +to represent birds. + +The design on the food bowl depicted in plate CXXXI, _e_, is obscure, +but in it feather and star symbols predominate. On the inside of the +ladle shown in plate CXXXI, _c_, there is a rectangular design with a +conventionalized bird at each angle. The reduction of the figure of a +bird to head, body, and two or more tail-feathers occurs very +constantly in decorations, and in many instances nothing remains save +a crook with appended parallel lines representing feathers. Examples +of this kind occur on several vessels, of which that shown in plate +CXLV, _a_, is an example. + +[Illustration: FIG. 276--Decoration on the bottom of plate CXLVI, _f_] + +There are many pictures of birds and feathers where the design has +become so conventionalized that it is very difficult to recognize the +intention of the decorator. Plate CXLVII, _f_, shows one of these in +which the feather motive is prominent and an approximation to a bird +form evident. The wings are shown with a symmetric arrangement on the +sides of the tail, while the latter member has the three feathers +which form so constant a feature in many bird symbols. In _b_ of the +same plate there is shown a more elaborated bird figure, also highly +modified, yet preserving many of the parts which have been identified +in the design last described. + +The beautiful design shown in plate CXLVI, _e_, represents a large +breath feather with triangular appendages on the sides, recalling the +posterior end of the body of the bird figures above discussed. + +The interior of the saucer illustrated in plate CLXVI, _f_, is +decorated with feather symbols and four triangles. The remaining +figures of this plate have already been considered. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLVIII + +FOOD BOWLS WITH SYMBOLS OF FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLIX + +FOOD BOWLS WITH SYMBOLS OF FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +The figures on the vessel shown in plate CLXVII are so arranged that +there can be little question of their homologies, and from comparisons +it is clear that they should all be regarded as representations of +birds. There appears no necessity of discussing figures _a_ and +_b_ of the plate in this interpretation. In figure _c_ the center of +the design becomes circular, recalling certain sun symbols, and the +tail-feathers are readily recognized on one side. I am by no means +sure, however, that the lateral terraced appendages at the opposite +pole are representations of wings, but such an interpretation can not +be regarded as a forced one. Figure _d_ shows the three tail-feathers, +lateral appendages suggestive of wings, and a square body with the +usual decorations of the body and head of a bird. The design shown in +figure _f_ suggests in many ways a sun-bird, and is comparable with +those previously studied and illustrated. There is no question of the +homologues of tail, head, and wings. The meridional band across the +bowl is similar to those already discussed, and its relationship to +the head and tail of the bird identical. This design is interpreted as +that of one of the numerous birds associated with the sun. The +crescentic extension above what is apparently the head occurs in many +bird figures and may represent a beak. + +Many food bowls from Sikyatki are ornamented on their interior with +highly conventionalized figures, generally of curved form, in which +the feather is predominant. Many of these are shown in plates CXLVIII +to CLVII, inclusive, and in studying them I have found it very +difficult to interpret the symbolism, although the figures of feathers +are easy to find in many of them. While my attempt at decipherment is +not regarded as final, it is hoped that it may at least reveal the +important place which the feather plays in Tusayan ceramic decoration. + +Plate CXLVIII, _a_, shows the spiral ornament worn down to its lowest +terms, with no hint of the feather appendage, but its likeness in +outline to those designs where the feather occurs leads me to +introduce it in connection with those in which the feather is more +prominent. Figure _b_ of the same plate represents a spiral figure +with a bird form at the inner end, and a bundle of tail-feathers at +the outer extremity. On this design there is likewise a figure of the +dragon-fly and several unknown emblems. Figure _c_ has at one +extremity a trifid appendage, recalling a feather ornament on the head +of a bird shown in plate CXXXVIII, _a_. Figure _d_ has no +conventionalized feather decoration, but the curved line terminates +with a triangle. Its signification is unknown to me. For several +reasons the design in _e_ reminds me of a bird; it is accompanied by +three crosses, which are almost invariably found in connection with +bird figures, and at the inner end there is attached a breath feather. +This end of the figure is supposed to be the head, as will appear by +later comparative studies. The bird form is masked in _f_, but the +feather designs are prominent. This bowl is exceptional in having an +encircling band broken at two points, one of the components of which +is red, the other black. + +Feather designs are conspicuous in plate CXLIX, _a_, _b_, in the +former of which curved incised lines are successfully used. In _c_, +however, is found the best example of the use of incised work as an +aid in pottery decoration, for in this specimen there are semicircles, +and rings with four triangles, straight lines, and circles. The +symbolism of the whole figure has eluded analysis. Figure _d_ has no +feather symbols, but _e_ may later be reduced to a circle with +feathers. The only symbols in the design shown in _f_ which are at all +recognizable are the two zigzag figures which may have been intended +to represent snakes, lightning, or tadpoles. + +When the design in plate CL, _a_, is compared with the beautiful bowl +shown in plate CXLVI, _d_, a treatment of somewhat similar nature is +found. It is believed that both represent birds drawn in profile; the +four bands (_a_) are tail-feathers, while the rectangle represents the +body and the curved appendage a part of the head. From a similarity to +modern figures of a turkey feather, it is possible that the triangle +at the end of the curved appendage is the feather of this bird. An +examination of _b_ leads to the conclusion that the inner end of the +spiral represents a bird's head. Two eyes are represented therein, and +from it feathers are appended. The parallel marks on the body are +suggestive of similar decorations on the figure of the Plumed Snake +painted on the kilts of the Snake priests of Walpi. The star emblems +are constant accompaniments of bird designs. Figure _c_ has, in +addition to the spiral, the star symbols and what appears to be a +flower. The design shown in _d_ is so exceptional that it is here +represented with the circular forms. It will be seen that there are +well-marked feathers in its composition. Figure _f_ is made up of +several bird forms, feathers, rectangles, and triangles, combined in a +complicated design, the parts of which may readily be interpreted in +the light of what has already been recorded. + +The significance of the spiral in the design on plate CLI, _a_, is +unknown. It is found in several pictures, in some of which it appears +to have avian relationship. Figure _b_ of the same plate is a square +terraced design appended to the median line, on which symbolic stars +are depicted. As in many bird figures, a star is found on the opposite +semicircle. There is a remote likeness between this figure and that of +the head of the bird shown in plate CXLV, _d_. Plate CLI, _c_, is a +compound figure, with four feathers arranged in two pairs at right +angles to a median band. The triangular figure associated with them is +sometimes found in symbols of the sun. Figure _d_ is undoubtedly a +bird symbol, as may be seen by a comparison of it with the bird +figures shown in plate CXXXVIII, _a-f_. There are two tail-feathers, +two outstretched wings, and a head which is rectangular, with terraced +designs. The cross is triple, and occupies the opposite segment, which +is finely spattered with pigment. This trifid cross represents a game +played by the Hopi with reeds and is depicted on many objects of +pottery. As representations of it sometimes accompany those of birds I +am led to interpret the figure (plate CLVII, _c_) as that of a bird, +which it somewhat resembles. The two designs shown in plate CLI, _e_, +_f_, are believed to be decorative, or, if symbolic, they have been so +worn by the constant use of the vessel that it is impossible to +determine their meaning by comparative methods. Both of these figures +show the "line of life" in a somewhat better way than any yet +considered. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CL + +FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLI + +FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +In plate CLII, _a_, is shown a compound figure of doubtful +significance, made up of a series of crescents, triangles, and +spirals, which, in _c_, are more compactly joined together, and +accompanied by three parallel lines crossing three other lines. The +curved figure shown in _b_ represents three feathers; a large one on +each side, inclosing a medially smaller member. In _d_ is shown the +spiral bird form with appended feathers, triangles, and terraced +figures. Figure _f_ of this plate is decorated with a design which +bears many resemblances to a flower, the peripheral appendages +resembling bracts of a sunflower. A somewhat similar design is painted +on the side of the helmets of some _katcina_ dancers, where the bracts +or petals are colored in sequence, with the pigments corresponding to +the six directions--north, west, south, east, above, and below. In the +decoration on the ancient Sikyatki bowl we find seven peripheral +bracts, one of which is speckled. The six groups of stamens(?) are +represented between the triangular bracts. + +The designs shown in plates CLIII to CLV, inclusive, still preserve +the spiral form with attached feathers, some of them being greatly +conventionalized or differentiated. In the first of these plates +(figure _b_) is represented a bird form with triangular head with four +feathers arranged in fan shape. These feathers are different from any +which I have been able to find attached to the bodies of birds, and +are thus identified from morphological rather than from other reasons. + +The body of the conventionalized bird is decorated with terraced +figures, spirals, flowers, and other designs arranged in a highly +complicated manner. From a bar connecting the spiral with the +encircling line there arises a tuft of feathers. Figure _a_ of the +same plate is characterized by a medially placed triangle and a +graceful pendant from which hangs seven feathers. In this instance +these structures take the form of triangles and pairs of lines. The +relation of these structures to feathers would appear highly +speculative, but they have been so interpreted for the following +reason: If we compare them with the appendages represented in the +design on the vase shown in CXLIII, _b_, we find them the same in +number, form, and arrangement; the triangles in the design on this +vase are directly comparable with the figures in plate CXLIII, _b_, in +the same position, which are undoubtedly feathers, as has been shown +in the discussion of this figure. Consequently, although the triangles +on the pendant in plate CLIII, _a_, appear at first glance to have no +relation to the prescribed feather symbol, morphology shows their true +interpretation. The reduction of the wing feather to a simple +triangular figure is likewise shown in several other pictures on food +vessels, notably in the figure, undoubtedly of a bird, represented in +plate CXLVI, _a_. + +In the two figures forming plate CLIV are found simple bird symbols +and feather designs very much conventionalized. The same is true of +the two figures given in plate CLV. + +The vessels illustrated in plate CLVI, _a_, _b_, are decorated with +designs of unknown meaning, save that the latter recalls the +modification of the feather into long triangular forms. On the outer +surface this bowl has a row of tadpoles encircling it in a sinistral +direction, or with the center of the bowl on the left. The design of +figure _c_ shows a bird's head in profile, with a crest of feathers +and with the two eyes on one side of the head and a necklace. The +triangular figure bears the symbolism of the turkey feather, as at +present designated in Tusayan altar paraphernalia. As with other bird +figures, there is a representation in red of the triple star. + +Figure _d_ is the only specimen of a vessel in the conventional form +of a bird which was found at Sikyatki; it evidently formerly had a +handle. The vessel itself is globular, and the form of the bird is +intensified by the designs on its surface. The bird's head is turned +to the observer, and the row of triangles represent wing feathers. The +signification of the designs on _e_ and _f_ is unknown to me. + +Figures _e_ and _f_ of plate CLVI are avian decorations, reduced in +the case of the former to geometric forms. The triangular figure is a +marked feature in the latter design. + +The designs represented in plate CLVII are aberrant bird forms. Of +these _a_ and _b_ are the simplest and _c_ one of the most +complicated. Figure _d_ is interpreted as a double bird, or twins with +a common head and tails pointing in opposite directions. Figure _e_ +shows a bird in profile with one wing, furnished with triangular +feathers, extended. There is some doubt about the identification of +_f_ as a bird, but there is no question that the wing, tail, and +breath feathers are represented in it. Of the last mentioned there are +three, shown by the notch, colored black at their extremities. + + +VEGETAL DESIGNS + +Inasmuch as they so readily lend themselves as a motive of decoration, +it is remarkable that the ancient Hopi seem to have used plants and +their various organs so sparingly in their pottery painting. +Elsewhere, especially among modern Pueblos, this is not the case, and +while plants, flowers, and leaves are not among the common designs on +modern Tusayan ware, they are often employed. It would appear that the +corn plant or fruit would be found among other designs, especially as +corn plays a highly symbolic part in mythic conceptions, but we fail +to find it used as a decoration on any ancient vessel. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLII + +FOOD BOWLS WITH BIRD, FEATHER, AND FLOWER SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLIII + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +In a figure previously described, a flower, evidently an aster or +sunflower, appears with a butterfly, and in the bowl shown in +plate CXXXIV, _e_, we have a similar design. This figure +evidently represents the sunflower, the seeds of which were ground and +eaten in ancient times. The plant apparently is represented as growing +from the earth and is surrounded by a broad band of red in rudely +circular form. The totem of the earth today among the Hopi is a +circle; possibly it was the same among the ancients, in which case the +horizon may have been represented by the red encircling band, which is +accompanied by the crook and the emblem of rain. The petals are +represented by a row of dots and no leaves are shown. From the kinship +of the ancient accolents of Sikyatki with the Flute people, it is to +be expected that in their designs figures of asters or sunflowers +would appear, for these plants play a not inconspicuous rôle in the +ritual of this society which has survived to modern times. + + +THE SUN + +Sun worship plays a most important part in modern Tusayan ritual, and +the symbol of the sun in modern pictography can not be mistaken for +any other. It is a circle with radiating feathers on the periphery and +ordinarily with four lines arranged in quaternary groups. The face of +the sun is indicated by triangles on the forehead, two slits for eyes, +and a double triangle for the mouth. This symbol, however, is not +always used as that of the sun, for in the Oraibi _Powalawû_ there is +an altar in which a sand picture of the sun has the form of a +four-pointed star. The former of these sun symbols is not found on +Sikyatki pottery, but there is one picture which closely resembles the +latter. This occurs on the bowl illustrated in plate CLXI, _c_. The +main design is a four-pointed star, alternating with crosses and +surrounded by a zone in which are rectangular blocks. While the +identification may be fanciful, its resemblances are highly +suggestive. The existence of a double triangle adjacent to this figure +on the same bowl, and its likeness to the modern mouth-design of sun +pictures, appears to be more than a coincidence, and is so regarded in +this identification. + +In the design shown in plate CLVIII, _a_, one of the elaborate ancient +sun figures is represented. As in modern symbols, the tail-feathers of +the periphery of the disk are arranged in the four quadrants, and in +addition there are appended to the same points curved figures which +recall the objects, identified as stringed feathers, attached to the +blanket of the maid (plate CXXIX, _a_). The design on the disk is +different from that of any sun emblem known to me, and escapes my +interpretation. I have used the distribution of the feathers on the +four quadrants as an indication that this figure is a sun symbol, +although it must be confessed this evidence is not so strong as might +be wished. The triangles at the sides of two feathers indicate that a +tail-feather is intended, and for the correlated facts supporting this +conclusion the reader is referred to the description of the vessels +shown in plate CXXXVIII. + +It would appear that there is even more probability that the picture +on the bowl illustrated in plate CLVIII, _b_, is a sun symbol. It +represents a disk with tail and wing feathers arranged on the +periphery in four groups. This recalls the sun emblems used in Tusayan +at the present time, although the face of the sun is not represented +on this specimen. There is a still closer approximation to the modern +symbol of the sun on a bowl in a private collection from Sikyatki. + +In plate CLVIII, _c_, the sun's disk is represented with the four +clusters of feathers replaced by the extremities of the bodies of four +birds, the tail-feathers, for some unknown reason, being omitted. The +design on the disk is highly symbolic, and the only modern sun symbol +found in it are the triangles, which form the mouth of the face of the +sun in modern Hopi symbolism. + +One of the most aberrant pictures of the sun, which I think can be +identified with probability, is shown in the design on the specimen +illustrated in plate CXXXIV, _b_. The reasons which have led me to +this identification may briefly be stated as follows: + +Among the many supernaturals with which modern Hopi mythology is +replete is one called Calako-taka, or the male Calako. In legends he +is the husband of the two Corn-maids of like name. The ceremonials +connected with this being occur in Sichomovi in July, when four giant +personifications enter the village as have been described in a former +memoir. The heads of these giants are provided with two curved horns, +between which is a crest of eagle tail-feathers. + +Two of these giants, under another name, but with the same symbolism, +are depicted on the altars of the _katcinas_ at Walpi and Mishoñinovi, +where they represent the sun. A chief personifying the same +supernatural flogs children when they are initiated into the knowledge +of the _katcinas_. + +The figure on the bowl under discussion has many points of resemblance +to the symbolism of this personage as depicted on the altars +mentioned. The head has two horns, one on each side, with a crest, +apparently of feathers, between them. The eyes and mouth are +represented, and on the body there is a four-pointed cross. The +meaning of the remaining appendages is unknown, but the likenesses to +Calako-taka[150] symbolism are noteworthy and important. The figure on +the food bowl illustrated in plate CXXXIV, _c_, is likewise regarded +as a sun emblem. The disk is represented by a ring in the center, to +which feathers are appended. The triangle, which is still a sun +symbol, is shown below a band across the bowl. This band is decorated +with highly conventionalized feathers. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLIV + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLV + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLVI + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +It may be added that in this figure we have probably the most aberrant +sun-symbol yet recognized, and on that account there is a possibility +that the validity of my identification is more or less doubtful. + +The three designs shown in plate CLVIII, _c_, _d_, _e_, evidently +belong in association with sun or star symbols, but it is hardly +legitimate to definitely declare that such an interpretation can be +demonstrated. The modern Tusayan Indians declare that the equal-arm +cross is a symbol of the "Heart of the Sky" god, which, from my +studies of the effigies of this personage on various altars, I have +good reason to identify with the lightning. + + +GEOMETRIC FIGURES + +INTERPRETATION OF THE FIGURES + +Most of the pottery from Sikyatki is ornamented with geometric designs +and linear figures, the import of many of which are unknown. + +Two extreme views are current in regard to the significance of these +designs. To one school everything is symbolic of something or some +religious conception; to the other the majority are meaningless save +as decorations. I find the middle path the more conservative, and +while regarding many of the designs as highly conventionalized +symbols, believe that there are also many where the decorator had no +thought of symbolism. I have ventured an explanation of a few of the +former. + +Terraced figures are among the most common rectangular elements in +Pueblo ceramic decorations. These designs bear so close a likeness to +the modern rain-cloud symbol that they probably may all be referred to +this category. Their arrangement on a bowl or jar is often of such a +nature as to impart very different patterns. Thus terraced figures +placed in opposition to each other may leave zigzag spaces suggesting +lightning, but such forms can hardly be regarded as designed for +symbols. + +Rectangular patterns (plates CLXII-CLXV) are more ancient in the +evolution of designs on Tusayan pottery than curved geometric figures, +and far outnumber them in the most ancient specimens; but there has +been no epoch in the development reaching to modern times when they +have been superseded. While there are many specimens of Sikyatki +pottery of the type decorated with geometric figures, which bear +ornamentations of simple and complex terraced forms, the majority +placed in this type are not reducible to stepped or terraced designs, +but are modified straight lines, bars, crosshatching, and the like. In +older Pueblo pottery the relative proportion of terraced figures is +even less, which would appear to indicate that basket-ware patterns +were secondary rather than primary decorative forms. + +By far the largest element in ancient Tusayan pottery decoration must +be regarded as simple geometric lines, triangles, spirals, curves, +crosshatching, and the like, some of which are no doubt symbolic, +others purely decorative (plate CLXVI). In the evolution of design I +am inclined to believe that this was the simplest form, and I find it +the most constant in the oldest ware. Rectangular figures are regarded +as older than circular figures, and they possibly preceded the latter +in evolution, but in many instances both are forms of reversion, +highly conventionalized representations of more elaborate figures. +Circles and crosses are sometimes combined, the former modified into a +wavy line surrounding the latter, as in plate CLIX, _c_, _d_, where +there is a suggestion (_d_) of a sun emblem. + + +CROSSES + +A large number of food bowls are decorated with simple or elaborate +crosses, stars, and like patterns. Simple crosses with arms of equal +length appear on the vessels shown in plate CLIX, _c_, _d_. There are +many similar crosses, subordinate to the main design, in various +bowls, especially those decorated with figures of birds and sky +deities. + +Plate CLX, _a_, exhibits a cruciform design, to the extremities of +three arms of which bird figures are attached. In this design there +are likewise two sunflower symbols. The modified cross figure in _b_ +of the same plate, like that just mentioned, suggests a swastica, but +fails to be one, and unless the complicated design in figure _c_ may +be so interpreted, no swastica was found at Sikyatki or Awatobi. Plate +CLX, _d_, shows another form of cross, two arms of which are modified +into triangles. + +On the opening of the great ceremony called _Powamû_ or +"Bean-planting," which occurs in February in the modern Tusayan +villages, there occurs a ceremony about a sand picture of the sun +which is called _Powalawû_. The object of this rite is the +fructification of all seeds known to the Hopi. The sand picture of the +sun which is made at that time is in its essentials identical with the +design on the food bowl illustrated in plate CLXI, _c_; consequently +it is possible that this star emblem represents the sun, and the +occurrence of the eight triangles in the rim, replaced in the modern +altar by four concentric bands of differently colored sands, adds +weight to this conclusion. The twin triangles outside the main figure +are identical with those in the mouth of modern sun emblems. These +same twin triangles are arranged in lines which cross at right angles +in plate CLXI, _d_, but from their resemblance to figure _b_ they +possibly have a different meaning. + +The most complicated of all the star-shape figures, like the simplest, +takes us to sun emblems, and it seems probable that there is a +relationship between the two. Plate CLXI, _f_, represents four bundles +of feathers arranged in quadrants about a rectangular center. These +feathers vary in form and arrangement, and the angles between them are +occupied by horn-shape bodies, two of which have highly complicated +extremities recalling conventionalized birds. + +[Illustration: BUREAU Of AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLVII + +FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLVIII + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF SUN AND RELATED SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI] + +A large number of crosses are represented in plate CLXII, _d_, in +which the remaining semicircle is filled with a tessellated pattern. A +spiral line with round spots at intervals adorns the specimen +shown in plate CLXI, _a_. Parallel lines with similar spots appear on +the vessel illustrated in plate CLXII, _e_, and a network of the same +is shown in _f_ of the same plate. Plate CLXVII, _b_, represents a +compound star. + +While simple swasticas are not found on any of the Sikyatki pottery, +modified and compound forms are well represented. There are several +specimens of figures of the Maltese cross, and one closely +approximating the Saint Andrew's cross. It is scarcely necessary to +say that the presence of the various kinds of crosses do not +necessarily indicate the influence of Semitic or Aryan races, for I +have already shown[151] that even cross-shape prayer-sticks were in +use among the Pueblos when Coronado first visited them. + + +TERRACED FIGURES + +Among the most common of all geometric designs on ancient Tusayan +pottery none excel in variety or number those which I place in the +above group. They form the major part of all decoration, and there is +hardly a score of ornamented vessels in which they can not be +detected. In a typical form they appear as stepped designs, +rectangular figures with diagonals continuous, or as triangular +designs with steps represented along their sides. + +While it is probable that in some instances these figures are simply +decorative, with no attempt at symbolism, in other cases without doubt +they symbolize rain-clouds, and the same figures are still used with +similar intent in modern ceremonial paraphernalia--altars, +mask-tablets, and the like. Decorative modifications of this figure +were no doubt adopted by artistic potters, thus giving varieties where +the essential meaning has been much obscured or lost. + + +THE CROOK + +Among the forms of geometric designs on ancient Tusayan pottery there +are many jars, bowls, and other objects on which a crook, variously +modified, is the essential type. This figure is so constant that it +must have had a symbolic as well as a decorative meaning. The crook +plays an important part in the modern ritual, and is prominent on many +Tusayan altars. Around the sand picture of the rain-cloud, for +example, we find a row of wooden rods with curved ends, and in the +public Snake dance these are carried by participants called the +Antelopes. A crook in the form of a staff to which an ear of corn and +several feathers are attached is borne by _katcinas_ or masked +participants in certain rain dances. It is held in the hand by a +personage who flogs the children when they are initiated into certain +religious societies. Many other instances might be mentioned in which +this crozier-like object is carried by important personages. While it +is not entirely clear to me that in all instances this crook is a +badge of authority, in some cases it undoubtedly represents the +standing of the bearer. There are, likewise, prayer offerings in the +form of crooks, and even common forms of prayer-sticks have miniature +curved sticks attached to them. + +Some of the warrior societies are said to make offerings in the form +of a crook, and a stick of similar form is associated with the gods of +war. There is little doubt that some of the crook-form decorations on +ancient vessels may have been used as symbols with the same intent as +the sticks referred to above. The majority of the figures of this +shape elude interpretation. Many of them have probably no definite +meaning, but are simply an effective motive of decoration. + +In some instances the figure of the crook on old pottery is a symbol +of a prayer offering of a warrior society, made in the form of an +ancient weapon, allied to a bow. + + +THE GERMINATIVE SYMBOL + +The ordinary symbol of germination, a median projection with lateral +extensions at the base (plate CXLIX, _e_), occurs among the figures on +this ancient pottery. In its simplest form, a median line with a +triangle on each side attached to one end, it is a phallic emblem. +When this median line becomes oval, and the triangles elongated and +curved at the ends, it represents the ordinary squash symbol,[152] +also used as an emblem of fertility. + +The triangle is also an emblem of germination and of fecundity--the +female, as the previously mentioned principle represents the male. The +geometric designs on the ancient Sikyatki ware abundantly illustrate +both these forms. + + +BROKEN LINES + +In examining the simple encircling bands of many of the food bowls, +jars, and other ceramic objects, it will be noticed that they are not +continuous, but that there is a break at one point, and this break is +usually limited to one point in all the specimens. Various +explanations of the meaning of this failure to complete the band have +been suggested, and it is a remarkable fact that it is one of the most +widely extended characteristics of ancient pottery decoration in the +whole Pueblo area, including the Salado and Gila basins. While in the +specimens from Sikyatki the break is simple and confined to one point, +in those from other regions we find two or three similar failures in +the continuity of encircling lines, and in some instances the lines at +the point of separation are modified into spirals, terraces, and other +forms of geometric figures. In the more complex figures we find the +most intricate variations, which depart so widely from the simple +forms that their resemblances are somewhat difficult to follow. A +brief consideration of these modifications may aid toward an +understanding of the character of certain geometric ornamental +motives. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLIX + +CROSS AND RELATED DESIGNS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLX + +CROSS AND OTHER SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXI + +STAR, SUN, AND RELATED SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI] + +If any of the interlocking spirals on bowls or vases are traced, it is +found that they do not join at the center of the figure. The same is +true when these spirals become frets. There is always a break in the +network which they form. This break is comparable with the hiatus on +encircling bands and probably admits of the same interpretation. In a +simple form this motive appears as two crescents or two key patterns +with the ends overlapping. This simple ornament, called the friendship +sign, is commonly used in the decoration of the bodies of _katcinas_, +and has been likened to the interlocking of fingers or hands of the +participants in certain dances, the fingers half retracted with inner +surfaces approximated, the palms of the hands facing in opposite +directions and the wrists at opposite points. If the points be +extended into an elaborate key pattern or curved into extended +spirals, a complicated figure is produced in which the separation is +less conspicuous although always present. + +The same points may be modified into terraced figures, the separation +then appearing as a zigzag line drawn across the figure, or they may +have interlocking dentate or serrate prolongations imparting a variety +of forms to the interval between them.[153] In order to trace out +these modifications it would be necessary to specify each individual +case, but I think that is unnecessary. In other words, the broken line +appears to be a characteristic not only of simple encircling bands, +but also of all geometric figures in which highly complicated designs +extend about the periphery of a utensil. + + +DECORATIONS ON THE EXTERIOR OF FOOD BOWLS + +The decorations on the exterior of the ancient food bowls are in most +instances very characteristic and sometimes artistic. Generally they +reproduce patterns which are found on the outside of vases and jars +and sometimes have a distant relationship to the designs in the +interior of the bowl upon which they occur. Usually these external +decorations are found only on one side, and in that respect they +differ from the modern food bowls, in which nothing similar to them +appears. + +The characteristics of the external decorations of food bowls are +symbolic, mostly geometric, square or rectangular, triangular or +stepped figures; curved lines and spirals rarely if ever occur, and +human or animal figures are unknown in this position in Sikyatki +pottery; the geometric figures can be reduced to a few patterns of +marked simplicity. + +It is apparent that I can best discuss the variety of geometric +designs by considering these external decorations of food vessels at +length. From the fact that they are limited to one side, the design is +less complicated by repetition and seems practically the same as the +more typical forms. It is rarely that two of these designs are found +to be exactly the same, and as there appears to be no duplication a +classification of them is difficult. Each potter seems to have +decorated her ware without regard to the work of her contemporaries, +using simple designs but combining them in original ways. Hence the +great variety found even in the grave of the same woman, whose +handiwork was buried with her. As, however, the art of the potter +degenerated, as it has in later times, the patterns became more alike, +so that modern Tusayan decorated earthenware has little variety in +ornamentation and no originality in design. Every potter uses the same +figures. + +[Illustration: FIG. 277--Oblique parallel line decoration] + +[Illustration: FIG. 278--Parallel lines fused at one point] + +[Illustration: FIG. 279--Parallel lines with zigzag arrangement] + +The simplest form of decoration on the exterior of a food bowl is a +band encircling it. This line may be complete or it may be broken at +one point. The next more complicated geometric decoration is a double +or multiple band, which, however, does not occur in any of the +specimens from Sikyatki. The breaking up of this multiple band into +parallel bars is shown in figure 277. These bars generally have a +quadruple arrangement, and are horizontal, vertical, or, as in the +illustration, inclined at an angle. They are often found on the lips +of the bowls and in a similar position on jars, dippers, and vases. +The parallel lines shown in figure 278 are seven in number, and do not +encircle the bowl. They are joined by a broad connecting band near one +extremity. The number of parallel bands in this decoration is highly +suggestive. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXII + +GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM SIKYATKI] + +Four parallel bands encircle the bowl shown in figure 279, but they +are so modified in their course as to form a number of trapezoidal +figures placed with alternating sides parallel. This interesting +pattern is found only on one vessel. + +The use of simple parallel bars, arranged at equal intervals on the +outside of food bowls, is not confined to these vessels, for they +occur on the margin of vases, cups, and dippers. They likewise occur +on ladle handles, where they are arranged in alternate transverse and +longitudinal clusters. + +[Illustration: FIG. 280--Parallel lines connected by middle bar.] + +The combination of two vertical bands connected by a horizontal band, +forming the letter H, is an ornamental design frequently occurring on +the finest Hopi ware. Figure 280 shows such an H form, which is +ordinarily repeated four times about the bowl. + +[Illustration: FIG. 281--Parallel lines of different width; serrate +margin] + +The interval between the parallel bands around the vessel may be very +much reduced in size, and some of the bands may be of different width, +or otherwise modified. Such a deviation is seen in figure 281, which +has three bands, one of which is broad with straight edges, the other +with serrate margin and hook-like appendages. + +[Illustration: FIG. 282--Parallel lines of different width; median +serrate] + +[Illustration: FIG. 283--Parallel lines of different width; marginal +serrate] + +In figure 282 eight bands are shown, the marginal broad with edges +entire, and the median pair serrated, the long teeth fitting each +other in such a way as to impart a zigzag effect to the space which +separates them. The remaining four lines, two on each side, appear as +black bands on a white ground. It will be noticed that an attempt was +made to relieve the monotony of the middle band of figure 282 by the +introduction of a white line in zigzag form. A similar result was +accomplished in the design shown in figure 283 by rectangles and +dots. + +[Illustration: FIG. 284--Parallel lines and triangles] + +The modification of the multiple bands in figure 283 has produced a +very different decorative form. This design is composed of five bands, +the marginal on each side serrate, and the middle band relatively very +broad, with diagonals, each containing four round dots regularly +arranged. In figure 284 there are many parallel, noncontinuous bands +of different breadth, arranged in groups separated by triangles with +sides parallel, and the whole united by bounding lines. This is the +most complicated form of design where straight lines only are used. + +[Illustration: FIG. 285--Line with alternate triangles] + +We have thus far considered modifications brought about by fusion and +other changes in simple parallel lines. They may be confined to one +side of the food bowl, may repeat each other at intervals, or surround +the whole vessel. Ordinarily, however, they are confined to one side +of the bowls from Sikyatki. + +[Illustration: FIG. 286--Single line with alternate spurs] + +[Illustration: FIG. 287--Single line with hourglass figures] + +Returning to the single encircling band, it is found, in figure 285, +broken up into alternating equilateral triangles, each pair united at +their right angles. This modification is carried still further in +figure 286, where the triangles on each side of the single line are +prolonged into oblique spurs, the pairs separated a short distance +from each other. In figure 287 there is shown still another +arrangement of these triangular decorations, the pairs forming +hourglass-shape figures connected by an encircling line passing +through their points of junction. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXIII + +FOOD BOWLS WITH GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: FIG. 288--Single line with triangles] + +[Illustration: FIG. 289--Single line with alternate triangles and +ovals] + +[Illustration: FIG. 290--Triangles and quadrilaterals] + +[Illustration: FIG. 291--Triangle with spurs] + +In figure 288 the double triangles, one on each side of the encircling +band, are so placed that their line of separation is lost, and a +single triangle replaces the pair. These are connected by the line +surrounding the bowl and there is a dot at the smallest angle. In +figure 289 there is a similar design, except that alternating with +each triangle, which bears more decoration than that shown in figure +288, there are hourglass figures composed of ovals and triangles. The +dots at the apex of that design are replaced by short parallel lines +of varying width. The triangles and ovals last considered are arranged +symmetrically in relation to a simple band. By a reduction in the +intervening spaces these triangles may be brought together and the +line disappears. I have found no specimen of design illustrating the +simplest form of the resultant motive, but that shown in figure 290 is +a new combination comparable with it. + +The simple triangular decorative design reaches a high degree of +complication in figure 290, where a connecting line is absent, and two +triangles having their smallest angles facing each other are +separated by a lozenge shape figure made up of many parallel lines +placed obliquely to the axis of the design. The central part is +composed of seven parallel lines, the marginal of which, on two +opposite sides, is minutely dentate. The median band is very broad and +is relieved by two wavy white lines. The axis of the design on each +side is continued into two triangular spurs, rising from a rectangle +in the middle of each triangle. This complicated design is the highest +development reached by the use of simple triangles. In figure 291, +however, we have a simpler form of triangular decoration, in which no +element other than the rectangle is employed. In the chaste decoration +seen in figure 292 the use of the rectangle is shown combined with the +triangle on a simple encircling band. This design is reducible to that +shown in figure 290, but is simpler, yet not less effective. In figure +293 there is an aberrant form of design in which the triangle is used +in combination with parallel and oblique bands. This form, while one +of the simplest in its elements, is effective and characteristic. The +triangle predominates in figure 294, but the details are worked out in +rectangular patterns, producing the terraced designs so common in all +Pueblo decorations. Rectangular figures are more commonly used than +the triangular in the decoration of the exterior of the bowls, and +their many combinations are often very perplexing to analyze. + +[Illustration: FIG. 292--Rectangle with single line] + +[Illustration: FIG. 293--Double triangle; multiple lines] + +[Illustration: FIG. 294--Double triangle; terraced edges] + +[Illustration: FIG. 295--Single line; closed fret] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXIV + +FOOD BOWLS WITH GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: FIG. 296--Single line; open fret] + +[Illustration: FIG. 297--Single line; broken fret] + +[Illustration: FIG. 298--Single line; parts displaced] + +In figure 295, starting with the simple encircling band, it is found +divided into alternating rectangles. The line is continuous, and hence +one side of each rectangle is not complete. Both this design and its +modification in figure 296 consist of an unbroken line of equal +breadth throughout. In the latter figure, however, the openings in the +sides are larger or the approach to a straight line closer. The forms +are strictly rectangular, with no additional elements. Figure 297 +introduces an important modification of the rectangular motive, +consisting of a succession of lines broken at intervals, but when +joined are always arranged at right angles. + +[Illustration: FIG. 299--Open fret; attachment displaced] + +[Illustration: FIG. 300--Simple rectangular design] + +Possibly the least complex form of rectangular ornamentation, next to +a simple bar or square, is the combination shown in figure 298, a type +in which many changes are made in interior as well as in exterior +decorations of Pueblo ware. One of these is shown in figure 299, where +the figure about the vessel is continuous. An analysis of the elements +in figure 300 shows squares united at their angles, like the last, but +that in addition to parallel bands connecting adjacent figures there +are two marginal lines uniting the series. Each of the inner parallel +lines is bound to a marginal on the opposite side by a band at right +angles to it. The marginal lines are unbroken through the length of +the figure. Like the last, this motive also may be regarded as +developed from a single line. + +[Illustration: FIG. 301--Rectangular reversed S-form] + +[Illustration: FIG. 302--Rectangular S-form with crooks] + +Figures 301 and 302 are even simpler than the design shown in figure +300, with appended square key patterns, all preserving rectangular +forms and destitute of all others. They are of S-form, and differ more +especially in the character of their appendages. + +[Illustration: FIG. 303--Rectangular S-form with triangles] + +[Illustration: FIG. 304--Rectangular S-form with terraced triangles] + +While the same rectangular idea predominates in figure 303, it is +worked out with the introduction of triangles and quadrilateral +designs. This fairly compound pattern, however, is still classified +among rectangular forms. A combination of rectangular and triangular +geometric designs, in which, however, the former predominate, is shown +in figure 304, which can readily be reduced to certain of those forms +already mentioned. The triangles appear to be subordinated to the +rectangles, and even they are fringed on their longer sides with +terraced forms. It may be said that there are but two elements +involved, the rectangle and the triangle. + +[Illustration: FIG. 305--S-form with interdigitating spurs] + +The decoration in figure 305 consists of rectangular and triangular +figures, the latter so closely approximated as to leave zigzag lines +in white. These lines are simply highly modified breaks in bands which +join in other designs, and lead by comparison to the so-called "line +of life" which many of these figures illustrate. + +[Illustration: FIG. 306--Square with rectangles and parallel lines] + +[Illustration: FIG. 307--Rectangles, triangles, stars, and feathers] + +The distinctive feature of figure 306 is the square, with rectangular +designs appended to diagonally opposite angles and small triangles at +intermediate corners. These designs have a distant resemblance to +figures later referred to as highly conventionalized birds, although +they may be merely simple geometrical patterns which have lost their +symbolic meaning. + +[Illustration: FIG. 308--Crook, feathers, and parallel lines] + +Figure 307 shows a complicated design, introducing at least two +elements in addition to rectangles and triangles. One of these is a +curved crook etched on a black ground. In no other exterior decoration +have curved lines been found except in the form of circles, and it is +worthy of note how large a proportion of the figures are drawn in +straight lines. The circular figures with three parallel lines +extending from them are found so constantly in exterior decorations, +and are so strikingly like some of the figures elsewhere discussed, +that I have ventured a suggestion in regard to their meaning. I +believe they represent feathers, because the tail-feathers of certain +birds are symbolized in that manner, and their number corresponds with +those generally depicted in the highly conventionalized tails of +birds. With this thought in mind, it may be interesting to compare the +two projections, one on each side of the three tail-feathers of this +figure, with the extremity of the body of a bird shown in plate CXLI, +_e_. On the supposition that a bird figure was intended in this +design, it is interesting also to note the rectangular decorations of +the body and the association with stars made of three blocks in +several bird figures, as already described. It is instructive also to +note the fact that the figure of a maid represented in plate CXXIX, +_a_, has two of the round designs with appended parallel lines hanging +to her garment, and four parallel marks drawn from her blanket. It is +still customary in Hopi ceremonials to tie feathers to the garments of +those who personate certain mythic beings, and it is possible that +such was also the custom at Sikyatki. If so, it affords additional +evidence that the parallel lines are representations of feathers. + +[Illustration: FIG. 309--Crooks and feathers] + +[Illustration: FIG. 310--Rectangle, triangles, and feathers] + +[Illustration: FIG. 311--Terraced crook, triangle, and feathers] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXV + +FOOD BOWLS WITH GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM SIKYATKI] + +In figure 308 a number of these parallel lines are represented, and +the general character of the design is rectangular. In figure 309 is +shown a combination of rectangular and triangular figures with three +tapering points and circles with lines at their tips radiating instead +of parallel. Another modification is shown in figure 310 in which the +triangle predominates, and figure 311 evidently represents one-half of +a similar device with modifications. + +[Illustration: FIG. 312--Double key] + +[Illustration: FIG. 313--Triangular terrace] + +One of the most common designs on ancient pottery is the stepped +figure, a rectangular ornamentation, modifications of which are shown +in figures 312-314. This is a very common design on the interior of +food vessels, where it is commonly interpreted as a rain-cloud symbol. + +[Illustration: FIG. 314--Crook, serrate end] + +Of all patterns on ancient Tusayan ware, that of the terrace figures +most closely resemble the geometrical ornamentation of cliff-house +pottery, and there seems every reason to suppose that this form of +design admits of a like interpretation. The evolution of this pattern +from plaited basketry has been ably discussed by Holmes and +Nordenskiöld, whose works have already been quoted in this memoir. +The terraced forms from the exterior of food bowls here considered are +highly aberrent; they may be forms of survivals, motives of decoration +which have persisted from very early times. Whatever the origin of the +stepped figure in Pueblo art was, it is well to remember, as shown by +Holmes, that it is "impossible to show that any particular design of +the highly constituted kind was desired through a certain identifiable +series of progressive steps." + +[Illustration: FIG. 315--Key pattern; rectangle and triangles] + +[Illustration: FIG. 316--Rectangle and crook] + +For some unknown reason the majority of the simple designs on the +exterior of food bowls from Tusayan are rectangular, triangular, or +linear in their character. Many can be reduced to simple or multiple +lines. Others were suggested by plaited ware. + +[Illustration: FIG. 317--Crook and tail feathers] + +In figure 312 is found one of the simplest of rectangular designs, a +simple band, key pattern in form, at one end, with a reentrant square +depression at the opposite extremity. In figure 313 is an equally +simple terrace pattern with stepped figures at the ends and in the +middle. These forms are common decorative elements on the exterior of +jars and vases, where they occur in many combinations, all of which +are reducible to these types. The simplest form of the key pattern is +shown in figure 314, and in figure 315 there is a second modification +of the same design a little more complicated. This becomes somewhat +changed in figure 316, not only by the modifications of the two +extremities, but also by the addition of a median geometric figure. + +[Illustration: FIG. 318--Rectangle, triangle, and serrate spurs] + +[Illustration: FIG. 319--W-pattern; terminal crooks] + +[Illustration: FIG. 320--W-pattern; terminal rectangles] + +The design in figure 317 is rectangular, showing a key pattern at one +end, with two long feathers at the opposite extremity. The five bodies +on the same end of the figure are unique and comparable with +conventionalized star emblems. The series of designs in the upper +left-hand end of this figure are unlike any which have yet been found +on the exterior of food bowls, but are similar to designs which have +elsewhere been interpreted as feathers. On the hypothesis that these +two parts of the figure are tail-feathers, we find in the crook the +analogue of the head of a bird. Thus the designs on the equator of the +vase (plate CXLV, _a_), which are birds, have the same crook for the +head, and two simple tail-feathers, rudely drawn but comparable with +the two in figure 317. The five dentate bodies on the lower left-hand +end of the figure also tell in favor of the avian character of the +design, for the following reason: These bodies are often found +accompanying figures of conventionalized birds (plates CXLIV, CLIV, +and others). They are regarded as modified crosses of equal arms, +which are all but universally present in combinations with birds and +feathers (plates CXLIV, _a_, _b_; CLIV, _a_), from the fact that in a +line of crosses depicted on a bowl one of the crosses is replaced by a +design of similar character. The arms of the cross are represented; +their intersection is left in white. The interpretation of figure 317 +as a highly conventionalized bird design is also in accord with the +same interpretation of a number of similar, although less complicated, +figures which appear with crosses. Thus the three arms of plate CLX, +_a_, have highly conventionalized bird symbols attached to their +extremities. In the cross figure shown in plate CLVIII, _d_, we find +four bird figures with short, stumpy tail-feathers. These highly +conventionalized birds, with the head in the form of a crook and the +tail-feathers as parallel lines, are illustrated on many pottery +objects, nowhere better, however, than in those shown in plates CXXVI, +_a_, and CLX, _e_. Figure 318 may be compared with figure 317. + +[Illustration: FIG. 321--W-pattern; terminal terraces and crooks.] + +[Illustration: FIG. 322--W-pattern; terminal spurs] + +Numerous modifications of a key pattern, often assuming a double +triangular form, but with rectangular elements, are found on the +exterior of many food bowls. These are variations of a pattern the +simplest form of which is shown in figure 319. Resolving this figure +into two parts by drawing a median line, we find the arrangement is +bilaterally symmetrical, the two sides exactly corresponding. Each +side consists of a simple key pattern with the shank inclined to the +rim of the bowl and a bird emblem at its junction with the other +member. + +In figure 320 there is a greater development of this pattern by an +elaboration of the key, which is continued in a line resembling a +square spiral. There are also dentations on a section of the edge of +the lines. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXVI + +LINEAR FIGURES ON FOOD BOWLS FROM SIKYATKI] + +In figure 321 there is a still further development of the same design +and a lack of symmetry on the two sides. The square spirals are +replaced on the left by three stepped figures, and white spaces with +parallel lines are introduced in the arms of a W-shape figure. + +[Illustration: FIG. 323--W-pattern; bird form] + +In figure 322 the same design is again somewhat changed by +modification of the spirals into three triangles rimmed on one side +with a row of dots, which are also found on the outer lines +surrounding the lower part of the design. + +[Illustration: FIG. 324--W-pattern; median triangle] + +In figure 323 the same W shape design is preserved, but the space in +the lower reentrant angle is occupied by a symmetrical figure +resembling two tail-feathers and the extremity of the body of a bird. +When this figure is compared with the design on plate CXLVI, _a_, +resemblances are found in the two lateral appendages or wings. The +star emblem is also present in the design. The median figure in that +design which I have compared to the tail of a bird is replaced in +figure 324 by a triangular ornament. The two wings are not +symmetrical, but no new decorative element is introduced. It, however, +will be noticed that there is a want of symmetry on the two sides of a +vertical line in the figure last mentioned. The right-hand upper side +is continued into five pointed projections, which fail on the +left-hand side. There is likewise a difference in the arrangement of +the terraced figures in the two parts. The sides of the median +triangles are formed of alternating black and white blocks, and the +quadrate figure which it incloses is etched with a diagonal and cross. + +[Illustration: FIG. 325--Double triangle; two breath feathers] + +[Illustration: FIG. 326--Double triangle; median trapezoid] + +The decoration in figure 325 consists of two triangles side by side, +each having marginal serrations, and a median square key pattern. One +side of these triangles is continued into a line from which hang two +breath feathers, while the other end of the same line ends in a round +dot with four radiating, straight lines. The triangles recall the +butterfly symbol, the key pattern representing the head. + +[Illustration: FIG. 327--Double triangle; median rectangle] + +[Illustration: FIG. 328--Double compound triangle; median rectangle] + +In figure 326 there is a still more aberrant form of the W-shape +design. The wings are folded, ending in triangles, and prolonged at +their angles into projections to which are appended round dots with +three parallel lines. The median portion, or that in the reentrant +angle of the W, is a four-sided figure in which the triangle +predominates with notched edges. Figure 327 shows the same design with +the median portion replaced by a rectangle, and in which the key +pattern has wholly disappeared from the wings. In figure 328 there are +still greater modifications, but the symmetry about a median axis +remains. The ends of the wings instead of being folded are expanded, +and the three triangles formerly inclosed are now free and extended. +The simple median rectangle is ornamented with a terrace pattern on +its lower angles. + +[Illustration: FIG. 329--Double triangle; median triangle] + +[Illustration: FIG. 330--Double compound triangle] + +Figure 329 shows a design in which the extended triangles are even +more regular and simple, with triangular terraced figures on their +inner edge. The median figure is a triangle instead of a rectangle. + +[Illustration: FIG. 331--Double rectangle; median rectangle] + +Figure 330 shows the same design with modification in the position of +the median figure, and a slight curvature in two of its sides. + +[Illustration: FIG. 332--Double rectangle; median triangle] + +[Illustration: FIG. 333--Double triangle with crooks] + +Somewhat similar designs, readily reduced to the same type as the last +three or four which have been mentioned, are shown in figures 331 and +332. The resemblances are so close that I need not refer to them in +detail. The W form is wholly lost, and there is no resemblance to a +bird, even in its most highly conventionalized forms. The median +design in figure 331 consists of a rectangle and two triangles so +arranged as to leave a rectangular white space between them. In figure +332 the median triangle is crossed by parallel and vertical zigzag +lines. + +[Illustration: FIG. 334--W-shape figure; single line with feathers] + +In the design represented in figure 333 there are two triangular +figures, one on each side of a median line, in relation to which they +are symmetrical. Each triangle has a simple key pattern in the middle, +and the line from which they appear to hang is blocked off with +alternating black and white rectangles. At either extremity of this +line there is a circular dot from which extend four parallel lines. + +[Illustration: FIG. 335--Compound rectangle, triangles, and feathers] + +A somewhat simpler form of the same design is found in figure 334, +showing a straight line above terminating with dots, from which extend +parallel lines, and two triangular figures below, symmetrically placed +in reference to an hypothetical upright line between them. + +[Illustration: FIG. 336--Double triangle] + +Figure 335 bears a similarity to the last mentioned only so far as the +lower half of the design is concerned. The upper part is not +symmetrical, but no new decorative element is introduced. Triangles, +frets, and terraced figures are inserted between two parallel lines +which terminate in round dots with parallel lines. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXVII + +GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM AWATOBI] + +[Illustration: FIG. 337--Double triangle and feathers] + +The design in figure 336 is likewise unsymmetrical, but it has two +lateral triangles with incurved terrace and dentate patterns. The same +general form is exhibited in figure 337, with the introduction of two +pointed appendages facing the hypothetical middle line. From the +general form of these pointed designs, each of which is double, they +have been interpreted as feathers. They closely resemble the +tail-feathers of bird figures on several bowls in the collection, as +will be seen in several of the illustrations. + +[Illustration: FIG. 338--Twin triangles] + +[Illustration: FIG. 339--Triangle with terraced appendages] + +[Illustration: FIG. 340--Mosaic pattern] + +Figure 338 is composed of two triangular designs fused at the greatest +angles. The regularity of these triangles is broken by a square space +at the fusion. At each of the acute angles of the two triangles there +are circular designs with radiating lines, a common motive on the +exterior of food bowls. Although no new elements appear in figure 338, +with the exception of bracket marks, one on each side of a circle, the +arrangement of the two parts symmetrically about a line parallel with +the rim of the bowl imparts to the design a unique form. The motive in +figure 339 is reducible to triangular and rectangular forms, and while +exceptional as to their arrangement, no new decorative feature is +introduced. + +The specimen represented in figure 340 has as its decorative elements, +rectangles, triangles, parallel lines, and birds' tails, to which may +be added star and crosshatch motives. It is therefore the most +complicated of all the exterior decorations which have thus far been +considered. There is no symmetry in the arrangement of figures about a +central axis, but rather a repetition of similar designs. + +[Illustration: FIG. 341--Rectangles, stars, crooks, and parallel +lines] + +The use of crosshatching is very common on the most ancient Pueblo +ware, and is very common in designs on cliff-house pottery. This style +of decoration is only sparingly used on Sikyatki ware. The +crosshatching is provisionally interpreted as a mosaic pattern, and +reminds one of those beautiful forms of turquois mosaic on shell, +bone, or wood found in ancient pueblos, and best known in modern times +in the square ear pendants of Hopi women. Figure 340 is one of the few +designs having terraced figures with short parallel lines depending +from them. These figures vividly recall the rain-cloud symbol with +falling rain represented by the parallel lines. Figure 341 is a +perfectly symmetrical design with figures of stars, rectangles, and +parallel lines. It may be compared with that shown in figure 340 in +order to demonstrate how wide the difference in design may become by +the absence of symmetrical relationship. It has been shown in some of +the previous motives that the crook sometimes represents a bird's +head, and parallel lines appended to it the tail-feathers. Possibly +the same interpretation may be given to these designs in the following +figures, and the presence of stars adjacent to them lends weight to +this hypothesis. + +[Illustration: FIG. 342--Continuous crooks] + +[Illustration: FIG. 343--Rectangular terrace pattern] + +An indefinite repetition of the same pattern of rectangular design is +shown in figure 342. This highly decorative motive may be varied +indefinitely by extension or concentration, and while it is modified +in that manner in many of the decorations of vases, it is not so +changed on the exterior of food bowls. + +There are a number of forms which I am unable to classify with the +foregoing, none of which show any new decorative design. All possible +changes have been made in them without abandoning the elemental +ornamental motives already considered. The tendency to step or terrace +patterns predominates, as exemplified in simple form in figure 343. In +figure 344 there is a different arrangement of the same terrace +pattern, and the design is helped out with parallel bands of different +length at the ends of a rectangular figure. A variation in the depth +of color of these lines adds to the effectiveness of the design. This +style of ornamentation is successfully used in the designs represented +in figures 345 and 346, in the body of which a crescentic figure in +the black serves to add variety to a design otherwise monotonous. The +two appendages to the right of figure 346 are interpreted as feathers, +although their depart forms widely from that usually assumed by these +designs. The terraced patterns are replaced by dentate margins in this +figure, and there is a successful use of most of the rectangular and +triangular designs. + +[Illustration: FIG. 344--Terrace pattern with parallel lines] + +[Illustration: FIG. 345--Terrace pattern] + +[Illustration: FIG. 346--Triangular pattern with feathers] + +In the specimens represented in figures 347 and 348 marginal +dentations are used. I have called the design referred to an S-form, +which, however, owing to its elongation is somewhat masked. The +oblique bar in the middle of the figure represents the body of the +letter, the two extremities taking the forms of triangles. + +[Illustration: FIG. 347--S-pattern] + +[Illustration: FIG. 348--Triangular and terrace figures] + +So far as decorative elements are concerned the design in figure 349 +can be compared with some of those preceding, but it differs from them +in combination. The motive in figure 350 is not unlike the +ornamentation of certain oriental vases, except from the presence of +the terraced figures. In figure 351 there are two designs separated by +an inclined break the edge of which is dentate. This figure is +introduced to show the method of treatment of alternating triangles of +varying depth of color and the breaks in the marginal bands or "lines +of life." One of the simplest combinations of triangular and +rectangular figures is shown in figure 353, proving how effectually +the original design may be obscured by concentration. + +[Illustration: FIG. 349--Crook, terrace, and parallel lines] + +[Illustration: FIG. 350--Triangles, squares, and terraces] + +In the foregoing descriptions I have endeavored to demonstrate that, +notwithstanding the great variety of designs considered, the types +used are very limited in number. The geometrical forms are rarely +curved lines, and it may be said that spirals, which appear so +constantly on pottery from other (and possibly equally ancient or +older) pueblos than Sikyatki, are absent in the external decorations +of specimens found in the ruins of the latter village. + +Every student of ancient and modern Pueblo pottery has been impressed +by the predominance of terraced figures in its ornamentation, and the +meaning of these terraces has elsewhere been spoken of at some length. +It would, I believe, be going too far to say that these step designs +always represent clouds, as in some instances they are produced by +such an arrangement of rectangular figures that no other forms could +result. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXVIII + +GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM AWATOBI] + +[Illustration: FIG. 351--Bifurcated rectangular design] + +[Illustration: FIG. 352--Lines of life and triangles] + +[Illustration: FIG. 353--Infolded triangles] + +The material at hand adds nothing new to the theory of the evolution +of the terraced ornament from basketry or textile productions, so ably +discussed by Holmes, Nordenskiöld, and others. When the Sikyatki +potters decorated their ware the ornamentation of pottery had reached +a high development, and figures both simple and complicated were used +contemporaneously. While, therefore, we can so arrange them as to make +a series, tracing modifications from simple to complex designs, thus +forming a supposed line of evolution, it is evident that there is no +proof that the simplest figures are the oldest. The great number of +terraced figures and their use in the representation of animals seem +to me to indicate that they antedate all others, and I see no reason +why they should not have been derived from basketry patterns. We must, +however, look to pottery with decorations less highly developed for +evidence bearing on this point. The Sikyatki artists had advanced +beyond simple geometric figures, and had so highly modified these that +it is impossible to determine the primitive form. + +As I have shown elsewhere, the human hand is used as a decorative +element in the ornamentation of the interior of several food bowls. It +is likewise in one instance chosen to adorn the exterior. It is the +only part of the human limbs thus used. Figure 354 shows the hand with +marks on the palm probably intended to represent the lines which are +used in the measurement of the length of pahos or prayer-sticks. From +between the index and the middle finger rises a line which recalls +that spoken of in the account of the hand on the interior of the food +bowl shown in plate CXXXVII. + +[Illustration: FIG. 354--Human hand] + +The limb of an animal with a paw, or possibly a human arm and hand, +appears as a decoration on the outside of another food bowl, where it +is combined with the ever-constant stepped figure, as shown in figure +355. + +[Illustration: FIG. 355--Animal paw, limb, and triangle] + + +PIGMENTS + +The ancient Sikyatki people were accustomed to deposit in their +mortuary vessels fragments of minerals or ground oxides and +carbonates, of different colors, used as paints. It thus appears +evident that these substances were highly prized in ancient as in +modern times, and it may be mentioned that the present native priests +regard the pigments found in the graves as so particularly efficacious +in coloring their ceremonial paraphernalia that they begged me to give +them fragments for that purpose. The green color, which was the most +common, is an impure carbonate of copper, the same as that with which +pahos are painted for ceremonial use today. Several shallow, +saucer-like vessels contained yellow ocher, and others sesquioxide of +iron, which afforded both the ancients and the moderns the red pigment +called _cuta_, an especial favorite of the warrior societies. The +inner surface of some of the bowls is stained with the pigments which +they had formerly contained, and it was not uncommon to find several +small paint pots deposited in a single grave. The white used was an +impure kaolin, which was found both in masses and in powdered form, +and there were unearthed several disks of this material which had been +cut into definite shape as if for a special purpose. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXIX + +ARROWSHAFT SMOOTHERS, SELENITE, AND SYMBOLIC CORN FROM SIKYATKI] + +One of these disks or circular plates (figure 356) was found on the +head of a skeleton. The rim is rounded, and the opposite faces are +concave, with a perforation in the middle. Other forms of this worked +kaolin are spherical, oblong, or lamellar, sometimes more or less +decorated on the outer surface, as shown in plate CLXXII, _e_. +Another, shown in _f_, of the same plate, is cylindrical, and other +fragments of irregular shapes were found. A pigment made of micaceous +hematite was found in one of the Sikyatki paint jars. This material is +still used as coloring matter by the Tusayan Indians, by whom it is +called _yayala_, and is highly prized by the members of the warrior +societies. + +[Illustration: FIG. 356--Kaolin disk (natural size)] + + +STONE OBJECTS + +Almost every grave at Sikyatki contained stone objects which were +found either in the bowls or in the soil in the immediate neighborhood +of the skeletons. Some of these implements are pecked or chipped, +others are smooth--pebbles apparently chosen for their botryoidal +shape, polished surface, or fancied resemblance to some animal or +other form. + +Many of the smooth stones were probably simply polishing stones, used +by the women in rubbing pottery to a gloss before it was fired. Others +were charm stones such as are still employed in making medicine, as +elsewhere described. There were still other stones which, from their +resemblance to animals, may have been personal fetishes. Among the +unusual forms of stones found in this association is a quartz crystal. +As I have shown in describing several ceremonies still observed, a +quartz crystal is used to deflect a ray of sunlight into the medicine +bowl, and is placed in the center of a sand picture of the sun in +certain rites called _Powalawû_; the crystal is also used in divining, +and for other purposes, and is highly prized by modern Tusayan +priests. + +A botryoidal fragment of hematite found in a grave reminds me that in +the so-called Antelope rock[154] at Walpi, around which the Snake +dancers biennially carry reptiles in their mouths, there is in one +side a niche in which is placed a much larger mass of that material, +to which prayers are addressed on certain ceremonial occasions, and +upon which sacred meal and prayer emblems are placed. + +One or two mortuary bowls contained fragments of stalactites +apparently from the Grand canyon of the Colorado or from some other +locality where water is or has been abundant. + +The loose shaly deposit which underlies the Tusayan mesas contains +many cephalopod fossils, a collection of which was made in former +years and deposited in the National Museum. Among these the most +beautiful are small cephalopods called by the Hopi, _koaitcoko_. Among +the many sacred objects in the _tiponi_ baskets of the Lalakonti +society, as described in my account[155] of the unwrapping of that +fetish, there was a specimen of this ammonite; that the shell was +preserved in this sacred bundle is sufficient proof that it is highly +venerated. As a natural object with a definite form it is regarded as +a fetish which is looked upon with reverence by the knowing ones and +pronounced bad by the uninitiated. The occurrence of this fossil in +one of the mortuary bowls is in harmony with the same idea and shows +that it was regarded in a similar light by the ancient occupants of +Sikyatki. + +But the resemblance of these and other stones to animal fossils[156] +is not always so remote as in the instances above mentioned. There was +in one grave a single large fetish of a mountain lion, made of +sandstone (plate CLXXII, _b_, _c_), in which legs, ears, tail, and +eyes are represented, and the mouth still retains the red pigment with +which it was colored, although there was no sign of paint on other +parts of the body. This fetish is very similar to the one found at +Awatobi, and is identical in form with those made by the Hopi at the +present time. + +It was customary to bury in Sikyatki graves plates or fragments of +selenite or mica, some of which are perforated as if for suspension, +while others are in plain sheets (plate CLXIX, _c_). + +Among the stone implements used as mortuary offerings which were found +in the cemeteries, was one made of the same fine lithographic +limestone as the so-called _tcamahia_ (plate CLXXI, _g_) which occur +on the Antelope altar in the Snake ceremonies. The exceptional +character of this fragment is instructive, and its resemblance to the +finely polished stone hoes found in other ruins is very suggestive. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXX + +CORN GRINDER FROM SIKYATKI] + +There were found many disk-shape stones, pecked on the periphery as if +used in grinding pigment or in bruising seeds, and spheroidal stones +with a facet worn at one pole as if used for the same or a similar +purpose (plate CLXXI, _b_, _c_). A few stone axes and hatchets were +also taken from the graves; most of these are rude specimens of stone +working, although one of them can hardly be excelled in any other +collection. Many arrowpoints were found, but these are in no respect +peculiar. They are made of many different kinds of stone, but those of +obsidian are the most numerous. They were generally found in numbers, +sometimes in bowls. Evidently they had not been attached to shafts +when buried, for no sign of the reeds remained. Arrowheads sewed into +a bandoleer are still worn as insignia of rank by warriors, and it is +probable that such was also true in the past, so that on interment +these arrowpoints might have been placed in the mortuary basin +deposited by the side of the warrior, as indicative of his standing or +rank, and the bandoleer or leather strap to which they were attached +decayed during its long burial in the earth. Spearpoints of much +coarser make and larger in size than the arrowheads were also found in +the graves, and a rare knife, made of chalcedony, showed that the +ancient, like the modern Hopi, prized a sharp cutting instrument. + +Among the many large stones picked up on the mounds of Sikyatki there +was one the use of which has long puzzled me. This is a rough stone, +not worked save in an equatorial groove. The object is too heavy to +have been carried about, except with the utmost difficulty, and the +probability of the former existence of a handle is out of the +question. It has been suggested that this and similar but larger +grooved stones might have been used as tethers for some domesticated +animal, as the eagle or the turkey, which is about the only +explanation I can suggest. Both of these creatures, and (if we may +trust early accounts) a quadruped about the size of a dog, were +domesticated by the ancient Pueblo people, but I have found no +survival of tethering in use today. Eagles, however, are tied by the +legs and not confined in corrals as at Zuñi, while sheep are kept in +stone inclosures. It is probable that this latter custom came with the +introduction of sheep, and that these stones were weights to which the +Sikyatki people tied by the legs the eagles and turkeys, the feathers +of which play an important part in their sacred observances. + +Certain small rectangular slabs of stone have been found, with a +groove extending across one surface diagonally from one angle to +another (plate CLXIX, _a_, _b_.) These are generally called arrowshaft +polishers, and were used to rub down the surface of arrowshafts or +prayer-sticks. Several of these polishers were taken from Sikyatki +graves, and one or two were of such regular form that considerable +care must have been used in their manufacture. A specimen from Awatobi +is decorated with a bow and an arrow scratched on one side, and one of +dark basaltic rock evidently came from a distance. A number of metates +and mullers were found in the graves at Sikyatki. One of the best of +the latter is shown in plate CLXX. These stones are of different +degrees of fineness, and vary from simple triangular slabs of fine +sandstone to very coarse lava. The specimen figured has depressions on +the sides to facilitate handling.[157] + +Perhaps the most significant of all the worked stones found in the +Sikyatki cemeteries were the flat slabs the edges of which near the +surface of the soil marked the presence of the graves. These slabs may +be termed headstones, but they have a far different meaning from those +that bear the name of the deceased with which we are most familiar, +for when they have any marking on their faces, it is not a totem of +the dead, but a symbol of the rain-cloud, which is connected with +ancestor worship. + +One of the best of these mortuary slabs has its edge cut in such a way +as to give it a terraced outline, and on one face a similar terrace is +drawn in black pigment. These figures are symbols of rain-clouds, and +the interpretation of the use of this design in graves is as follows: + +The dead, according to current Tusayan thought, become rain-cloud +gods, or powerful intercessors with those deities which cause or send +the rains. Hence, the religious society to which the deceased +belonged, and the members of the clan who survive, place in the +mortuary bowls, or in the left hand of their friend, the paho or +prayer emblem for rain; hence, also, in prayers at interment they +address the breath body of the dead as a _katcina_, or rain god. These +_katcinas_, as divinized ancestors, are supposed to return to the +villages and receive prayers for rain. In strict accord with this +conception the rain-cloud symbol is placed, in some instances, on the +slab of rock in the graves of the dead at Sikyatki. It proves to me +that the cult of ancestor worship, and the conception that the dead +have power to bring needed rain, were recognized in Sikyatki when the +pueblo was in its prime. One of these slabs is perforated by a small +hole, an important fact, but one for which I have only a fanciful +explanation, namely, to allow the escape of the breath body. Elsewhere +I have found many instances of perforated mortuary stone slabs, which +will be considered in a report of my excavations in 1896. + + +OBSIDIAN + +Many fragments of obsidian, varying in size, are found strewn over the +surface of the majority of ancient ruins in Tusayan, and the quantity +of this material on some mounds indicates its abundance in those early +habitations. This material must have been highly prized for knives, +arrowpoints, and weapons of various kinds, as several of the graves +contained large fragments of it, some more or less chipped, others in +natural forms. The fact of its being deemed worthy of deposit in the +graves of the Sikyatkians would indicate that it was greatly esteemed. +I know of no natural deposit of obsidian near Sikyatki or in the +province of Tusayan, so that the probability is that these fragments +had been brought a considerable distance before they were buried in +the earth that now covers the dead of the ancient pueblos. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXI + +STONE IMPLEMENTS FROM PALATKI, AWATOBI, AND SIKYATKI] + + +NECKLACES, GORGETS, AND OTHER ORNAMENTS + +The Sikyatki people buried their dead adorned with necklaces and other +ornaments as when living. The materials most highly prized for +necklaces were turquois and shell which were fashioned into beads, +some of which were finely made. These necklaces did not differ from +those now worn, and the shells employed were mostly marine varieties +of the genus _Pectunculus_. The turquois beads are often as finely cut +as any now worn, and their presence in the graves led to the only +serious trouble which I had with my native workmen, as they +undoubtedly appropriated many which were found. Some of these turquois +beads are simply flat fragments, perforated at one end, others are +well formed. Many skeletons had a single turquois near the mastoid +process of the skull, showing that they had been worn as ear pendants. +On the neck of one skeleton we found a necklace of many strands, +composed of segments of the leg bones of the turkey, stained green. +There were other specimens of necklaces made of turkey bones, which +were smoothly finished and apparently had not been stained. + +Necklaces of perforated cedar berries were likewise found, some of +them still hanging about the necks of the dead, and in one instance, a +small saucer like vessel (plate CXX, _d_) was filled with beads of +this kind, as if the necklace had thus been deposited in the grave as +a votive offering. + +For gorgets the Sikyatki people apparently prized slabs of lignite +(plate CLXXII, _d_) and plates of selenite. It was likewise customary +to make small clay imitations of birds and shells for this and for +other ornamental purposes; these, for the most part, however, were not +found in the graves, but were picked up on the surface or in the +débris within the rooms. + +The three forms imitating birds shown in plate CLXXIII, _g_, _h_, _i_, +are rude in character, and one of them is crossed by a black line from +which depend parallel lines, representing falling rain; all of these +specimens have a perforated knot on the under side for suspension, as +shown in the figure between them. + +The forms of imitations of shells, in clay, of which examples are +shown in plate CLXXIII, _j_, _k_, _l_, are rude in character; they are +often painted with longitudinal or vertical black lines, and have a +single or double perforation for suspension. The shell imitated is +probably the young _Pectunculus_, a Pacific-coast mollusk, with which +the ancient Hopi were familiar. + + +TOBACCO PIPES + +I have elsewhere mentioned that every modern Tusayan ceremony opens +and closes with a ceremonial smoke, and it is apparent that pipes were +highly prized by the ancient Sikyatkians. + +The form of pipe used in most ceremonials today has a bowl with its +axis at right angles to the stem, but so far as I have studied ancient +Pueblo pipes this form appears to be a modern innovation.[158] To +determine the probable ancient form of pipe, as indicated by the +ritual, I will invite attention to one of the most archaic portions of +the ceremonies about the altar of the Antelope priesthood, at the time +of the Snake dance at Walpi:[159] + +"The songs then ceased, and Wí-ki sent Ká-tci to bring him a light. +Ká-tci went out, and soon returned with a burning corncob, while all +sat silently awaiting Wí-ki's preparation for the great _Ó-mow-ûh_ +smoke, which was one of the most sacred acts performed by the Antelope +priests in these ceremonials. + +"The _wu-kó-tco-ño_ is a huge, stemless pipe, which has a large +opening in the blunt end, and a smaller one in the pointed. It is five +inches long, one inch in diameter at the large aperture, and its +greatest circumference is seven and a half inches. The pipe is made of +some black material, possibly stone, and as far as could be seen was +not ornamented. The bowl had previously been filled with leaves +carefully gathered from such places as are designated by tradition. In +the subsequent smokes the ashes, "dottle," were saved, being placed in +a small depression in the floor, but were not again put in the pipe. + +"Wí-ki took the live ember from Ká-tci and placed it in the large +opening of the pipe, on the leaves which filled its cavity. He then +knelt down and placed the pipe between the two _tí-po-nis_, so that +the pointed end rested on the head of the large fetish, between the +ears. Every one remained silent, and Wí-ki blew several dense clouds +of smoke upon the sand altar, one after another, so that the picture +was concealed. The smoke was made by blowing through the pipe, the +fire being placed in the bowl next the mouth, and the whole larger end +of the pipe was taken into the mouth at each exhalation. + +"At the San Juan pueblo, near Santa Fé, where I stopped on my way to +Tusayan, I purchased a ceremonial headdress upon which several spruce +twigs were tied. Wí-ki received some fragments of these with +gratitude, and they formed one of the ingredients which were smoked in +the great _ó-mow-ûh_ pipe. The scent of the mixture was very fragrant, +and filled the room, like incense. The production of this great +smoke-cloud, which is supposed to rise to the sky, and later bring the +rain, ended the first series of eight songs. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXII + +PAINT GRINDER, FETISH, KAOLIN DISKS, AND LIGNITE FROM SIKYATKI] + +"Immediately after this event, Há-ha-we filled one of the +small-stemmed pipes lying near the fireplace with native tobacco, and +after lighting it puffed smoke on the altar. He passed the pipe to +Wí-ki, holding it near the floor, bowl foremost, as he did so, and +exchanging the customary terms of relationship. Wí-ki then blew dense +clouds of smoke over the two _tí-po-nis_ and on the sand picture. +Há-ha-we, meanwhile, lit a second pipe, and passed it to Kó-pe-li, the +Snake chief, who enjoyed it in silence, indiscriminately puffing smoke +on the altar, to the cardinal points, and in other directions. +Kó-pe-li later gave his pipe to Ká-kap-ti, who sat at his right, and +Wí-ki passed his to Na-syuñ-'we-ve, who, after smoking, handed the +pipe to Kwá-a, who in turn passed it to Ká-tci, by whom it was given +to Há-ha-we. Ká-tci, the last priest to receive it before it was +returned to the pipe-lighter, smoked for a long time, and repeatedly +puffed clouds of smoke upon the sand picture. Meanwhile Ká-kap-ti had +handed his pipe to Há-ha-we, both exchanging terms of relationship and +carefully observing the accompanying ceremonial etiquette. Há-ha-we, +as was his unvarying custom, carefully cleaned the two pipes, and laid +them on the floor by the side of the fireplace." + +The form of pipe used in the above ceremony is typical of ancient +Pueblo pipes, several of which were found at Sikyatki. One of these, +much smaller than the _ó-mow-ûh_ pipe, was made of lava, and bore +evidence of use before burial. It is evident, however, that these +straight pipes were not always smoked as above described. The most +interesting pipes found at Sikyatki were more elongated than that +above mentioned and were made of clay. Their forms are shown in plate +CLXXIII, _b_, _c_, _d_, _f_. One of these (_b_) is very smooth, almost +glazed, and enlarged into two lateral wings near the mouth end, which +is perforated with a small hole. The cavity at the opposite end is +large enough to hold sufficient for a good smoke, and shows evidence +of former use. The whole median region of the exterior is formed by a +collar incised with lines, as if formerly wrapped with fiber. In some +of the modern ceremonials, as that of the Bear-Puma dramatization in +the Snake dance, a reed cigarette is used, ancient forms of which have +been found in sacrificial caves, and there seems no doubt that this +pipe is simply a clay form of those reeds. The markings on the collar +would by this interpretation indicate the former existence of a small +fabric wrapped about it. The two pipes shown, in plate CLXXIII, _b_, +_f_, are tubular in shape,[160] highly polished, and on one of them +(_f_) we see scratches representing the same feature as the collar of +_b_, and probably made with the same intent. + +The fragment of a pipe shown in plate CLXXIII, _d_, is interesting in +the same connection. The end of this pipe is broken, but the stem is +intact, and on two sides of the bowl there are elevations covered with +crosshatching. The pipe is of clay and has a rough external surface. + +It is improbable that these pipes were always smoked as the +_wu-kó-tco-ño_ of the Snake ceremony, but the smaller end was placed +to the mouth, and smoke taken into the mouth and exhaled. It is +customary in ceremonials now practiced, to wind a wisp of yucca about +the stem of a short pipe, that it may not become too hot to hold in +the hand. This may be a possible explanation[161] of the scratches on +the sides of the ancient tube pipes from Sikyatki. + + +PRAYER-STICKS + +One of the most important objects made in the secret ceremonials of +the modern Pueblos is sacrificial in nature, and is called a paho or +"water wood," which is used as an offering to the gods (figure 357). +These pahos are made of a prescribed wood, of length determined by +tradition, and to them are tied appendages of symbolic meaning. They +are consecrated by songs, about an altar, upon which they are laid, +and afterward deposited in certain shrines by a special courier. + +[Illustration: FIG. 357--Mortuary prayer-stick (natural size)] + +In modern times the forms of these pahos differ very greatly, the +shape depending on the society which makes them, the god addressed, +and the purpose for which they are used, as understood by the +initiated. Among many other uses they are sometimes mortuary in +character, and are deposited in the graves of chiefs, as offerings +either to the God of Death, or to other deities, to whom they may be +presented by the shade or breath body of the deceased. This use of +pahos is of ancient origin in Tusayan, as shown by the excavations at +Sikyatki, where they were found in mortuary bowls or vases deposited +by the relatives or surviving members of the sacerdotal societies to +which the deceased had belonged. + +This pre-Spanish custom in Tusayan was discovered in my excavations at +Awatobi, but the prayer-sticks from that place were fragmentary as +compared with the almost perfect pahos from Sikyatki. These pahos are +of many forms;[162] some of them are of considerable size, and the +majority are of distinctive forms (plates CLXXIV-CLXXV). There are +also many fragments, the former shapes of which could not be +determined. When it is considered that these wooden objects with their +neat carvings were fashioned with stone implements, the high character +of the work is very remarkable. They show, in several instances, the +imprint of attached strings and feathers, portions of which still +remain; also, in one instance, fragments of a pine needle. They are +painted with green and black mineral pigments, the former of which had +undoubtedly done much to preserve the soft wood of which they were +manufactured. As at the present day, cottonwood and willow were the +favorite prescribed woods for pahos, and some of the best were made of +pine. The forms of these ancient prayer offerings, as mentioned +hereafter, differ somewhat from those of modern make, although in +certain instances there is a significant resemblance between the two +kinds. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXIII + +PIPES, BELL, AND CLAY BIRDS AND SHELLS FROM AWATOBI AND SIKYATKI] + +One of the most striking instances of resemblance between the old and +the new is the likeness of some of these ancient pahos to those now +made by the Flute society, and if this resemblance is more than a +coincidence, the conclusion that the present flute paho is a survival +of the ancient form may be accepted. As adding weight to this theory +it may be mentioned that traditionally the Flute people claim to be +the ancient people of Tusayan, and possibly contemporaries, in that +province, with the ancient inhabitants of Sikyatki. There is likewise +a most suggestive resemblance between these pahos and certain similar +sticks from cliff dwellings, and it is a belief, which I can not yet +demonstrate as true, that kindred people, or the same sacerdotal +societies represented in cliff houses and in Sikyatki, manufactured +ceremonial prayer offerings which are identical in design. Plate +CLXXIV, _a_, represents a double stick paho, which closely resembles +the prayer offering of the modern Flute society. The two rods were +found together and originally had been attached, as indicated by the +arrangement of the impression of the string midway of their length. +The stick of the left has a facet cut on one side, upon which +originally three dots were depicted to represent the eyes and the +mouth. This member of the paho was the female; the remaining stick was +the male. There are two deep grooves, or ferules, cut midway of their +length, a distinctive characteristic of the modern flute paho. Both +components are painted green, as is still customary in prayer-sticks +of this fraternity. The pahos shown in _b_, _c_, and _d_, are likewise +ascribed to the same society, and differ from the first only in +length. They represent female sticks of double flute pahos. The length +of these prayer-sticks varies on different ceremonial days, and is +determined by the distance of the shrines for which they are intended. +The unit of measurement is the length of certain joints of the finger, +and the space between the tip of longest digit to certain creases in +the palm of the hand. The length of the ancient Sikyatki pahos, +ascribed to the Flute society, follows the same rule. + +Plate CLXXIV, _e_, _f_, have the same ferules referred to in the +description above, but are of greater diameter. They are unlike any +modern paho except in this particular. In _g_ is depicted a still +larger prayer-stick, with two serrate incisions on each side of the +continuation of the flattened facet. + +Specimens _h_ to _m_ are forms of pahos which I can not identify. They +are painted green, generally with black tips, round, flattened, and of +small size. Figure _n_ is a part of a paho which closely resembles +prayer-sticks found in the cliff houses of Mesa Verde and San Juan +valley of northern New Mexico. + +Numerous specimens of a peculiar razor-shape paho were found, two of +which are shown in plate CLXXV, _o_, _s_. The paho shown in figure _d_ +is flat on one side and rounded on the other, narrowing at one end, +where it was probably continued in a shaft, and a hole is punctured at +the opposite extremity, as if for suspension. It is barely possible +that this may have been a whizzer or bull-roarer, such as are used at +the present day to imitate the wind, and commonly carried by the +performer in a public dance who personifies the warrior. Figure _t_ +differs from the ordinary flute paho in having five constrictions in +the upper part, and in being continued into a very long shank. + +The best preserved of all the pahos from the Sikyatki graves are +represented in _u_ and _v_, both of which were found in the same +mortuary bowl. They are painted with a thick layer of green pigment, +and have shafts, which are blackened and placed in opposite directions +in the two figures. Their general form may be seen at a glance. The +lower surface of the object shown in _u_ is perfectly flat, and the +part represented at the upper end is evidently broken off. This is +likewise true of both extremities of the object shown in _v_; it is +also probable that it had originally a serrated end, comparable with +that shown in _c_. A similar terraced extremity survives in the corn +paho carried by the so-called Flute girls in the biennial celebrations +of the Flute ceremonies in the modern Tusayan pueblos. + +I refer the paho to the second group of sacrifices mentioned by +Tylor,[163] that of homage, "a doctrine that the gist of sacrifice is +rather in the worshiper giving something precious to himself than in +the deity receiving benefit. This may be called the abnegation theory, +and its origin may be fairly explained by considering it as derived +from the original gift theory." + +While it is probably true that the Hopi barters his paho with the idea +of receiving in return some desired gift, the main element is probably +homage, but there is involved in it the third and highest element of +sacrifice, abnegation. It is a sacrifice by symbolism, a part for the +whole. + +On this theory the query naturally is, what does a paho represent? +While it is difficult to answer this question, I think a plausible +suggestion can be made. It is a sacrifice by symbolic methods of that +which the Hopi most prize, corn or its meal. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXIV + +PAHOS OR PRAYER-STICKS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXV + +PAHOS OR PRAYER-STICKS FROM SIKYATKI] + +In a simple prayer the sacrifice is a pinch of meal thrown on the +fetish or toward it. This is an individual method of prayer, and the +pinch of meal, his prayer bearer, the sacrifice. + +When a society made its prayers this meal, symbolic of a gift of corn, +is tied in a packet and attached to two sticks, one male, the other +female, with prescribed herbs and feathers. Here we have the ordinary +prayer-stick, varying in details but essentially the same, a sacrifice +to the gods appropriately designated by prescribed accessories. + +Frequently this packet of meal may be replaced by a picture of an ear +of corn drawn on a flat slat, the so-called "corn paho" of the Flute +maidens,[164] or we may have an ear of corn tied to the wooden slat. +In the _Mamzrau_ ceremony the women carry these painted slats in their +hands, as I have elsewhere described.[165] It appears as if, in all +these instances, there exists a sacrificial object, a symbolic +offering of corn or meal. + +The constant appearance of the feather on the paho has suggested an +interpretation of the prayer-plumes as symbolic sacrifices of birds on +the theory of a part for the whole; we know that among the Nahua +sacrifices of birds were common in many ceremonials. The idea of +animal sacrifice, and, if we judge from legends, of human sacrifice, +was not an unknown conception among the Pueblos. While it is possible +that the omnipresence of the feather on the prayer-sticks may admit of +that interpretation, to which it must be confessed the male and the +female components in double pahos lend some evidence,[166] I believe +the main object was, as above stated, an offering of meal, which +constituted the special wealth of an agricultural people. + + +MARINE SHELLS AND OTHER OBJECTS + +The excavations at Sikyatki did not reveal a large number of marine +shells, although some of the more common genera used in the ancient +pueblos were found. + +There were several fragments of _Pectunculus_ cut into the form of +wristlets, like those from the ruins on the Little Colorado which I +have described. Two beautiful specimens of _Oliva angulata_, truncated +at each pole, which occurred in one of the mortuary bowls, and a few +conical rattles, made of the spires of _Conus_, were taken from the +graves; there were also a few fragments of an unknown _Haliotis_. All +of the above genera are common to the Pacific, and no doubt were +obtained by barter or brought by migratory clans to Tusayan from the +far south. One of the most interesting objects in Sikyatki food basins +from the necropolis was a comparatively well preserved rattle of a +rattlesnake. The Walpi Snake chief, who was employed by me when this +was found and was present at the time it was removed from the earth, +declared that, according to the legends, there were no Snake people +living at Sikyatki when it was destroyed, but the discovery of the +snake rattle shows that the rattler was not without reverence there, +even if not in the house of his friends, and some other explanation +may be suggested to account for this discovery. There are evidences +that the ancient Hopi, like certain Yuman tribes, wore a snake's +rattle as an ornament for the neck, in which case the rattle found in +the Sikyatki food basin may have been simply a votive offering, and in +no way connected with ceremonial symbolism. + +Among many other mortuary offerings was one which was particularly +suggestive. This specimen represented in plate CLXIX, _e_, is made of +unbaked clay, and has a reticulated surface, as if once incrusted with +foreign objects. The Hopi who were at work for me declared that this +incrustation had been composed of seeds, and that the pits over the +surface of the clay cone were evidence of their former existence. They +identified this object as a "corn mound," and reminded me that a +similar object is now used in the _Powamu_, _Lalakonti_, and certain +other ceremonies. I have elsewhere mentioned the clay corn mound +incrusted with seeds of various kinds in a description of the altar of +the last-mentioned ceremony. These corn mountains (_ká-ü-tü'-kwi_) are +made in the November ceremony called the _N[=a]-ác-nai-ya_, as +described in my account of those rites from which I quote[167]-- + + "The _Tá-tau-kya-mû_ were very busy in their kib-va. Every + member was shelling corn of the different colors as if on a + wager. Each man made a figure of moist clay, about four or + five inches across the base. Some of these were in the form + of two mammĉ, and there were also many wedge and cone forms, + in all of which were embedded corn kernels, forming the + cloud and other of the simpler conventional figures in + different colors, but the whole surface was studded as full + as possible with the kernels. Each man brought down his own + _pó-o-tas_ (tray), on which he sprinkled prayer-meal, and + set his _ká-ü-tü'-kwi_ (corn mountain) upon it. He also + placed ears of corn on the tray." + +These corn mountains were carried by the _Tá-tau-kya-mû_ priesthood +during an interesting ceremony which I have thus described:[168] + + "The whole line then passed slowly along the front of the + village sideways, facing the north, and singing, and all the + women came out and helped themselves to the clay molds and + the ears of corn borne by the _Tá-tau-kya-mû_, bestowing + many thanks upon the priests." + +The fragment of polished stone shown in plate CLXIX, _d_, is +perforated near the edge for suspension, and was found near the aural +orifice of a skull, apparently indicating that it had been used as a +pendant. With this object, many rude arrowpoints, concretions of +stone, and the kaolin disk mentioned above were also found. Small +round disks of pottery, with a median perforation, were not common, +although sometimes present. They are identified as parts of primitive +drills. + +No object made of metal was found at Sikyatki, nor is there any +evidence that the ancient people of that pueblo ever saw the Spaniards +or used any implement of their manufacture. While negative evidence +can hardly be regarded as a safe guide to follow, so far as knowledge +of copper is concerned, it is possible that the people of ancient +Tusayan pueblos, in their trading expeditions to southern Arizona, may +have met races who owned small copper bells and trinkets of metal. I +can hardly believe, however, that the Tusayan Indians were familiar +with the art of tempering copper, and even if objects showing this +treatment shall be found hereafter in the ruins of this province it +will have to be proved that they were made in that region, and not +brought from the far south. + +No glazed pottery showing Spanish influence was found at Sikyatki, but +there can hardly be a doubt that the art of glazing pottery was +practiced by the ancestors of the Tusayan people. The modern potters +of the East Mesa never glaze their pottery, and no fragment of glazed +ware was obtained from the necropolis of Sikyatki. + + +PERISHABLE CONTENTS OF MORTUARY FOOD BOWLS + +It is the habit of the modern Tusayan Indians to deposit food of +various kinds on the graves of their dead. The basins used for that +purpose are heaped up with paper-bread, stews, and various delicacies +for the breath-body of the deceased. Naturally from its exposed +position much of this food is devoured by animals or disappears in +other ways. There appears excellent evidence, however, that the +mortuary food offerings of the ancient Sikyatkians were deposited with +the body and covered with soil and sometimes stones. + +The lapse of time since these burials took place has of course caused +the destruction of the perishable food substances, which are found to +be simple where any sign of their former presence remains. Thin films +of interlacing rootlets often formed a delicate network over the whole +inner surface of the bowl. Certain of the contents of these basins in +the shape of seeds still remain; but these seeds have not germinated, +possibly on account of previous high temperatures to which they have +been submitted. A considerable quantity of these contents of mortuary +bowls were collected and submitted to an expert, the result of whose +examination is set forth in the accompanying letter: + +U. S. DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE, DIVISION OF BOTONY, +_Washington, D. C., March 25, 1896._ + + DEAR DR FEWKES: Having made a cursory examination of the + samples of supposed vegetable material sent by you day + before yesterday, collected at Sikyatki, Arizona, in + supposed prehistoric burial places, I have the following + preliminary report to make: + + No. 156247. A green resinous substance. I am unable to say + whether or not this is of vegetable origin. + + No. 156248. A mass of fibrous material intermixed with sand, + the fibers consisting in part of slender roots, in part of + the hair of some animal. + + No. 156249. This consists of a mixture of seed with a small + amount of sand present. The seeds are, in about the relative + order of their abundance, (_a_) a leguminous shiny seed of a + dirty olive color, possibly of the genus _Parosela_ (usually + known as _Dalea_); (_b_) the black seed shells, flat on one + side and almost invariably broken, of a plant apparently + belonging to the family _Malvaceae_; (_c_) large, flat, + nearly black achenia, possibly of a _Coreopsis_, bordered + with a narrow-toothed wing; (_d_) the thin lenticular + utricles of a _Carex_; (_e_) the minute black, bluntly + trihedral seeds of some plant of the family _Polygonaceae_, + probably an _Eriogonum_. The majority of these seeds have a + coating of fine sand, as if their surface had originally + been viscous; (_f_) a dried chrysalis bearing a slight + resemblance to a seed. + + No. 156250. This bottle contains the same material as No. + 156249, except that no larvĉ are found, but a large, plump, + brownish, lenticular seed 4 mm. in diameter, doubtless the + seed of a _Croton_. + + No. 156251. A thin fragment of matter consisting of minute + roots of plants partially intermixed on one surface with + sand. + + No. 156252. This consists almost wholly of plant rootlets + and contains a very slight amount of sand. + + No. 156254. This consists of pieces of rotten wood through + which had grown the rootlets of plants. The wood, upon a + microscopical examination, is shown to be that of some + dicotyledonous tree of a very loose and light texture. The + plant rootlets in most cases followed the large ducts that + run lengthwise through the pieces of wood and take up the + greater part of the space. + + No. 156255. The mass contained in this bottle is made up of + (_a_) grains, contained in their glumes or husks, of some + grass, probably _Oryzopsis membranacea_; (_b_) what appears + to be the minute spherical spore cases of some microscopical + fungus. The spore cases have a wall with a shiny brown + covering, or apparently with this covering worn off and + exhibiting an interior white shell. Within this is a very + large number of spherical spore-like bodies of a uniform + size; (_c_) a few plant rootlets. + + No. 156256. The material in this bottle is similar to that + in 156255 except that the amount of rootlets is greater, the + grass seeds are of a darker color, seemingly somewhat more + disorganized, and somewhat more slender in form, and that + the spore cases seem to be entirely wanting. + + No. 156257. The material in this bottle is similar to that + in No. 156249, containing the seeds numbered _a_, _b_, _c_, + and _d_ mentioned under that number, besides a greater + amount of plant rootlets and some fragments of corncob. + + No. 156258. This consists almost entirely of plant rootlets + and sand. + + No. 156259. This consists chiefly of the leaves of some + coniferous tree, either an _Abies_ or a _Pseudotsuga_. + + All the seeds with the exception of those of the leguminous + plant are dead and their seed-coats rotten. The leguminous + seeds are still hard and will be subjected to a germination + test.[169] + + For a specific and positive identification of these seeds it + will be necessary either for a botanist to visit the region + from which they came or to have at his disposal a complete + collection of the plants of the vicinity. Under such + conditions he could by process of exclusion identify the + seeds with an amount of labor almost infinitely less than + would be required in their identification by other means. + +Very sincerely yours, + +FREDERICK V. COVILLE, _Botanist._ + + + + +FOOTNOTES: + + +[Footnote 1: See "The Prehistoric Culture of Tusayan," _American +Anthropologist_, May, 1896. "Two Ruins Recently Discovered in the Red +Rock Country, Arizona," ibid., August, 1896. "The Cliff Villages of +the Red Rock Country, and the Tusayan Ruins, Sikyatki and Awatobi, +Arizona," Smithsonian Report for 1895.] + +[Footnote 2: The reader's attention is called to the fact that this +report is not intended to cover all the ruins in the section of +Arizona through which the expedition passed; it is simply a +description of those which were examined, with a brief mention of such +others as would aid in a general comprehension of the subject. The +ruins on the Little Colorado, near Winslow, Arizona, will be +considered in a monograph to follow the present, which will be a +report on the field work in 1896. If a series of monographs somewhat +of this nature, but more comprehensive, recording explorations during +many years in several different sections, were available, we would +have sufficient material for a comprehensive treatment of southwestern +archeology.] + +[Footnote 3: It may be borne in mind that several other clans besides +the Patki claim to have lived long ago in the region southward from +modern Tusayan. Among these may be mentioned the Patuñ (Squash) and +the Tawa (Sun) people who played an important part in the early +colonization of Middle Mesa.] + +[Footnote 4: Report upon the Indian Tribes, Pacific Railroad Survey, +vol. III, pt. iii, p. 14, Washington, 1856. The cavate dwellings of +the Rio Verde were first described by Dr E. A. Mearns. Although it has +sometimes been supposed that Coronado followed the trail along Verde +valley, and then over the Mogollones to Rio Colorado Chiquito, +Bandelier has conclusively shown a more easterly route.] + +[Footnote 5: See mention of cliff houses in Walnut canyon in the Fifth +Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.] + +[Footnote 6: The kinship of Cliff dwellers and Pueblos was long ago +recognized by ethnologists, both from resemblances of skulls, the +character of architecture, and archeological objects found in each +class of dwellings. It is only in later years, however, that the +argument from similar ceremonial paraphernalia has been adduced, owing +to an increase of our knowledge of this side of Pueblo life. See +Bessels, Bull. U. S. Geological and Geographical Survey of the +Territories, vol. II, 1876; Hoffman, Report on Chaco Cranium, ibid., +1877, p. 457. Holmes, in 1878, says: "The ancient peoples of the San +Juan country were doubtless the ancestors of the present Pueblo tribes +of New Mexico and Arizona." See, likewise, Cushing, Nordenskiöld, and +later writers regarding the kinship of Cliff villagers and Pueblos.] + +[Footnote 7: Report of the Director of the Bureau of American +Ethnology for the year ending June 30, 1894; Smithsonian Report, +1894.] + +[Footnote 8: The ruins in Chaves Pass, 110 miles south of Oraibi, will +be considered in the report of the expedition of 1896, when extensive +excavations were made at this point. About midway between the Chaves +Pass ruins and those of Beaver creek, in Verde valley, there are other +ruins, as at Rattlesnake Tanks, and as a well-marked trail passes by +these former habitations and connects the Verde series with those of +Chaves Pass, it is possible that early migrations may have followed +this course. There is also a trail from Homolobi and the Colorado +Chiquito ruins through Chaves Pass into Tonto Basin.] + +[Footnote 9: Smithsonian Report, 1883; Report of Major Powell, +Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 57 et seq. Explorations in the +Southwest, ibid., 1886, p. 52 et seq.] + +[Footnote 10: Report of an Expedition down the Zuñi and Colorado +rivers; Washington, 1853.] + +[Footnote 11: Smithsonian Report, 1883, Report of the Director of the +Bureau of Ethnology, p. 62: "Pending the arrival of goods at Moki, Mr +Cushing returned across the country to Zuñi for the purpose of +observing more minutely than on former occasions the annual sun +ceremonials. En route he discovered two ruins, apparently before +unvisited. One of these was the outlying structure of K'n'-i-K'él, +called by the Navajos Zïnni-jin'ne and by the Zuñis He'-sho'ta +pathl-tâ[)i]e, both, according to Zuñi tradition, belonging to the +Thlé-e-tâ-kwe, the name given to the traditional northwestern +migration of the Bear, Crane, Frog, Deer, Yellow-wood, and other +gentes of the ancestral pueblos."] + +[Footnote 12: The reduplicated syllable recalls Hopi methods of +forming their plural, but is not characteristic of them, and the word +Totonteac has a Hopi sound. The supposed derivation of Tonto from +Spanish _tonto_, "fool," is mentioned, elsewhere. The so-called Tonto +Apache was probably an intruder, the cause of the desertion of the +"basin" by the housebuilders. The question whether Totonteac is the +same as Tusayan or Tuchano is yet to be satisfactorily answered. The +map makers of the sixteenth century regarded them as different places, +and notwithstanding Totonteac was reported to be "a hotte lake" in the +middle of the previous century, it held its place on maps into the +seventeenth century. It is always on or near a river flowing into the +Gulf of California.] + +[Footnote 13: Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.] + +[Footnote 14: Mr Mindeleff's descriptions deal with the same cluster +of cavate ruins here described, but are more specially devoted to the +more southern section of them, not considering, if I understand him, +the northern row here described. I had also made extensive studies of +the rooms figured by him previously to the publication of his article, +but as my notes on these rooms are anticipated by his excellent memoir +I have not considered the rooms described by him, but limited my +account to brief mention of a neighboring row of chambers not +described in his report.] + +[Footnote 15: _Journal of American Ethnology and Archĉology_, vol. II, +No. 1. All the Tusayan kivas with which I am familiar have this raised +spectator's part at one end. The altars are always erected at the +opposite end of the room, in which is likewise the hole in the floor +called the _sipapû_, symbolic of the traditional opening through which +races emerged to the earth's surface from an underworld. Banquettes +exist in some Tusayan kivas; in others, however, they are wanting. The +raised platform in dwelling rooms is commonly a sleeping place, above +which blankets are hung and, in some instances, corn is stored. A +small opening in the step often admits light to an otherwise dark +granary below the floor. In no instance, however, are there more than +one such platform, and that commonly partakes of the nature of another +room, although seldom separated from the other chamber by a +partition.] + +[Footnote 16: Counting from the point of the cliff shown in plate +XCI_a_. The positions of the rooms are indicated by the row of +entrances.] + +[Footnote 17: It was from this region that the individual chambers, +described by Mindeleff, were chosen.] + +[Footnote 18: Mr Mindeleff, in his valuable memoir, has so completely +described the cavate dwellings of the Rio Grande and San Juan regions +that their discussion in this account would be superfluous.] + +[Footnote 19: See Mindeleff, Cliff Ruins of Canyon de Chelly, +_American Anthropologist_, April, 1895. The suggestion that cliff +outlooks were farming shelters in some instances is doubtless true, +but I should hesitate giving this use a predominance over outlooks for +security. In times of danger, naturally the agriculturist seeks a high +or commanding position for a wide outlook; but to watch his crops he +must camp among them.] + +[Footnote 20: Ancient Dwellings of the Rio Verde Valley, Dr E. A. +Mearns; _Popular Science Monthly_, vol. XXVII. Mindeleff, Aboriginal +Remains in Verde Valley; Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of +Ethnology.] + +[Footnote 21: Since the above lines were written Mr C. F. Lummis, who +has made many well-known contributions to the ethnology and archeology +of the Pueblo area, has published in _Land of Sunshine_ (Los Angeles, +1895), a beautiful photographic illustration and an important +description of this unique place.] + +[Footnote 22: Miscellaneous Ethnographic Observations on Indians +inhabiting Nevada, California, and Arizona, Tenth Annual Report of the +Hayden Survey, p. 478; Washington, 1878.] + +[Footnote 23: The cliff houses of Bloody Basin I have not examined, +but I suspect they are of the same type as the so-called Montezuma +Castle, or Casa Montezuma, on the right bank of Beaver creek. The +latter is referred to the cliff-house class, but it differs +considerably from the ruins of the Red-rocks, on account of the +character of the cavern in which it is built (see figure 246).] + +[Footnote 24: Fortified hilltops occur in many places in Arizona and +are likewise found in the Mexican states of Sonora and Chihuahua, +where they are known as _trincheras_. They are regarded as places of +refuge of former inhabitants of the country, contemporaneous with +ancient pueblos and cliff houses.] + +[Footnote 25: This pinnacle is visible for miles, and is one of many +prominences in the surrounding country. Unfortunately this region is +so imperfectly surveyed that only approximations of distances are +possible in this account, and the maps known to me are too meager in +detail to fairly illustrate the distribution of these buttes.] + +[Footnote 26: In certain cavate houses on Oak creek we find these +caverns in two tiers, one above the other, and the hill above is +capped by a well-preserved building. In one of these we find the +entrance to the cavern walled in, with the exception of a T-shape +doorway and a small window. This chamber shows a connecting link +between the type of true cavate dwellings and that of cliff-houses.] + +[Footnote 27: The absence of kivas in the ruins of the Verde has been +commented on by Mindeleff, and has likewise been found to be +characteristic of the cliff houses on the upper courses of the other +tributaries of Gila and Salado rivers. The round kiva appears to be +confined to the middle and eastern ruins of the pueblo area, and are +very numerous in the ruins of San Juan valley.] + +[Footnote 28: See "Tusayan Totemic Signatures," _American +Anthropologist_, Washington, January, 1897.] + +[Footnote 29: An exhaustive report on the ruins near Winslow, at the +Sunset Crossing of the Little Colorado, will later be published. These +ruins were the sites of my operations in the summer of 1896, and from +them a very large collection of prehistoric objects was taken. The +report will consider also the ruins at Chaves Pass, on the trail of +migration used by the Hopi in prehistoric times in their visits, for +barter and other purposes, to the Gila-Salado watershed.] + +[Footnote 30: Possibly the Shoshonean elements in Hopi linguistics are +due to the Snake peoples, the early colonists who came from the north, +where they may have been in contact with Paiute or other divisions of +the Shoshonean stock. The consanguinity of this phratry may have been +close to that of the Shoshonean tribes, as that of the Patki was to +the Piman, or the Asa to the Tanoan. The present Hopi are a composite +people, and it is yet to be demonstrated which stock predominates in +them.] + +[Footnote 31: A Study of Pueblo Architecture: Tusayan and Cibola; +Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1886-87.] + +[Footnote 32: This account was copied from a copy made by the eminent +scholar, A. F. Bandelier, for the archives of the Hemenway Expedition, +now at the Peabody Museum, in Cambridge, Massachusetts.] + +[Footnote 33: Hano or "Tewa."] + +[Footnote 34: Sichomovi. In the manuscript report by Don José Cortez, +who wrote of the northern provinces of Mexico, where he lived in 1799, +Sichomovi is mentioned as a nameless village between Tanos (Hano) and +Gualpi (Walpi), settled by colonists from the latter pueblo. One of +the first references to this village by name was in a report by Indian +Agent Calhoun (1850), where it is called Chemovi.] + +[Footnote 35: Mishoñinovi.] + +[Footnote 36: Shipaulovi.] + +[Footnote 37: Shuñopovi.] + +[Footnote 38: In 1896 I collected over a hundred beautiful specimens +from this cemetery.] + +[Footnote 39: There lived in Walpi, years ago, an old woman, who +related to a priest, who repeated the story to the writer, that when a +little girl she remembered seeing the Payüpki people pass along the +valley under Walpi when they returned to the Rio Grande. Her story is +quite probable, for the lives of two aged persons could readily bridge +the interval between that event and our own time.] + +[Footnote 40: "La Mission de N. Sra. de las Dolores de Zandia de +Indios Teguas á Moqui."] + +[Footnote 41: See J. F. Meline, Two Thousand Miles on Horseback, 1867. +Sandia, according to Bancroft, is not mentioned by Menchero in 1744, +but Bonilla gave it a population of 400 Indians in 1749. In 1742 two +friars visited Tusayan, and, it is said, brought out 441 apostate +Tiguas, who were later settled in the old pueblo of Sandia. +Considering, then, that Sandia was resettled in 1748, six years after +this visit, and that the numbers so closely coincide, we have good +evidence that Payüpki, in Tusayan, was abandoned about 1742. It is +probable, from known evidence, that this pueblo was built somewhere +between 1680 and 1690; so that the whole period of its occupancy was +not far from fifty years.] + +[Footnote 42: Mindeleff mentions two other sites of Old Walpi--a mound +near _Wala_, and one in the plain between Mishoñinovi and Walpi; but +neither of these is large, although claimed as former sites of the +early clans which later built the town on the terrace of East Mesa +below Walpi. I have regarded Küchaptüvela as the ancient Walpi, but +have no doubt that the Hopi emigrants had several temporary dwellings +before they settled there.] + +[Footnote 43: Sometimes called Nüsaki, a corruption of "Missa ki," +Mass House, Mission. One of the beams of the old mission at Nüsaki or +Kisakobi is in the roof of Pauwatiwa's house in the highest range of +rooms of Walpi. This beam is nicely squared, and bears marks +indicative of carving. There are also large planks in one of the kivas +which were also probably from the church building, although no one has +stated that they are. Pauwatiwa, however, declares that a legend has +been handed down in his family that the above-mentioned rafter came +from the mission.] + +[Footnote 44: Proceedings of the Boston Society of Natural History, +January 2, 1895, p. 441.] + +[Footnote 45: Thus in Castañeda's account we are told: "Farther off +[near Cia?] was another large village where we found in the courtyards +a great number of stone balls of the size of a leather bag, containing +one arroba. They seem to have been cast with the aid of machines, and +to have been employed in the destruction of the village." It is +needless for me to say that I find no knowledge of such a machine in +Tusayan!] + +[Footnote 46: The ceremonials attending to burial of the eagle, whose +plumes are used in secret rites, have never been described, and +nothing is known of the rites about the Eagle shrine at Tukinobi.] + +[Footnote 47: Recent Archeologic Find in Arizona, _American +Anthropologist_, Washington, July, 1893.] + +[Footnote 48: For a previous description see the Preliminary Account, +Smithsonian Report for 1895; also "Awatobi: An Archeological +Verification of a Tusayan Legend," _American Anthropologist_, +Washington, October, 1893.] + +[Footnote 49: This important ceremony celebrates the departure from +the pueblos of ancestral gods called _katcinas_, and is one of the +most popular in the ritual.] + +[Footnote 50: Pacheco-Cardenas, Colleccion de Documentos Inéditos, XV, +122, 182.] + +[Footnote 51: Voyages, III, pp. 463, 470, 1600; reprint 1810.] + +[Footnote 52: Pacheco-Cardenas, Documentos Inéditos, op. cit., XVI, +139.] + +[Footnote 53: Menologio Franciscano, 275; Teatro Mexicano, III, 321.] + +[Footnote 54: San Bernardino de Ahuatobi (Vetancurt, 1680); San +Bernardo de Aguatuvi (Vargas, 1692). I find that the mission at Walpi +was also mentioned by Vargas as dedicated to San Bernardino. The +church at Oraibi was San Francisco de Oraybe and San Miguel. The +mission at Shuñopovi was called San Bartolomé, San Bernardo, and San +Bernabe.] + +[Footnote 55: This article was in type too early for a review of +Dellenbaugh's identification of Cibola with a more southeasterly +locality. His arguments bear some plausibility, but they are by no +means decisive.] + +[Footnote 56: An exact translation by Winship of the copy of Castañeda +in the Lenox Library was published in the Fourteenth Annual Report of +the Bureau.] + +[Footnote 57: "At evening the chiefs asked that notices be written for +them warning all white people to keep away from the mesa tomorrow, and +these were set up by the night patrols in cleft wands on all the +principal trails. At daybreak on the following morning the principal +trails leading from the four cardinal points were 'closed' by +sprinkling meal across them and laying on each a whitened elk horn. +Anawita told the observer that in former times if any reckless person +had the temerity to venture within this proscribed limit the Kwakwantû +inevitably put him to death by decapitation and dismemberment." +("Naacnaiya," _Journal of American Folk-lore_, vol. v, p. 201.) This +appears to be the same way in which the Awatobians "closed" the trail +to Tobar.] + +[Footnote 58: When the Flute people approach Walpi, as is biennially +dramatized at the present time, "an assemblage of people there (at the +entrance to the village) meet them, and just back of a line of meal +drawn across the trail stood Winuta and Hoñyi," also two girls and a +boy. After these Flute people are challenged and sing their songs the +trail is opened, viz: "Alosaka drew the end of his _moñkohu_ along the +line of meal, and Winuta rubbed off the remainder from the trail with +his foot." "Walpi Flute Observance," _Journal of American Folk-lore_, +vol. VII, p. 19.] + +[Footnote 59: This custom of sprinkling the trail with sacred meal is +one of the most common in the Tusayan ritual. The gods approach and +leave the pueblos along such lines, and no doubt the Awatobians +regarded the horses of Espejo as supernatural beings and threw meal on +the trail before them with the same thought in mind that they now +sprinkle the trails with meal in all the great ceremonials in which +personators of the gods approach the villages.] + +[Footnote 60: According to the reprint of 1891. In the reprint of 1810 +it appears as "Ahuato." I would suggest that possibly the error in +giving the name of a pueblo to a chief may have arisen not from the +copyist or printer, but from inability of the Spaniards and Hopi to +understand each other. If you ask a Hopi Indian his name, nine times +out of ten he will not tell you, and an interlocutor for a party of +natives will almost invariably name the pueblos from which his +comrades came.] + +[Footnote 61: This was possibly the expedition which P. Fr. Antonio +(Alonzo?) made among the Hopi in 1628; however that may be, there is +good evidence that Porras, after many difficulties, baptized several +chiefs in 1629.] + +[Footnote 62: _Segunda Relacion de la grandiosa conversion que ha +avido en el Nuevo Mexico. Embiada por el Padre Estev[=a] de Perea_, +etc., 1633.] + +[Footnote 63: An earlier rumor was that the horses were +anthropophagous.] + +[Footnote 64: As Vargas appears not to have entered Oraibi at this +time he may have found it too hostile. Whether Frasquillo had yet +arrived with his Tanos people and their booty is doubtful. The story +of the migration to Tusayan of the Tanos under Frasquillo, the +assassin of Fray Simón de Jesus, and the establishment there of a +"kingdom" over which he ruled as king for thirty years, is a most +interesting episode in Tusayan history. Many Tanos people arrived in +several bands among the Hopi about 1700, but which of them were led by +Frasquillo is not known to me.] + +[Footnote 65: "El templo acabo en llamas." At this time Awatobi was +said to have 800 inhabitants.] + +[Footnote 66: At the present time one of the most bitter complaints +which the Hopi have against the Spaniards is that they forcibly +baptized the children of their people during the detested occupancy by +the conquerors.] + +[Footnote 67: _Naacnaiya_ and _Wüwütcimti_ are the elaborate and +abbreviated New-fire ceremonies now observed by four religious warrior +societies, known as the _Tataukyamû_, _Wüwütcimtû_, _Aaltû_ and +_Kwakwantû_. Both of these ceremonials, as now observed at Walpi, have +elsewhere been described.] + +[Footnote 68: Obiit 1892. Shimo was chief of the Flute Society and +"Governor" of Walpi.] + +[Footnote 69: Oldest woman of the Snake clan; mother of Kopeli, the +Snake chief of Walpi; chief priestess of the Mamzráuti ceremony.] + +[Footnote 70: Vetancurt, Chronica, says that Aguatobi (Awatobi) had +800 inhabitants and was converted by Padre Francisco de Porras. In +1630 Benavides speaks of the Mokis as being rapidly converted. It +would appear, if we rely on Vetancurt's figures, that Awatobi was not +one of the largest villages of Tusayan in early times, for he ascribes +1,200 to Walpi and 14,000 to Oraibi. The estimate of the population of +Awatobi was doubtless nearer the truth than that of the other pueblos, +and I greatly doubt if Oraibi ever had 14,000 people. Probably 1,400 +would be more nearly correct.] + +[Footnote 71: Architecture of Cibola and Tusayan, p. 225.] + +[Footnote 72: There are two fragments, one of which is large enough to +show the size of the bell, which was made either in Mexico or in +Spain. The smaller fragment was used for many years as a paint-grinder +by a Walpi Indian priest.] + +[Footnote 73: See his Final Report, p. 372.] + +[Footnote 74: The only Awatobi name I know is that of a chief, Tapolo, +which is not borne by any Hopi of my acquaintance (see page 603).] + +[Footnote 75: This explains the fact that the ruins in Tusayan, as a +rule, have no signs of kivas, and the same appears to be true of the +ruins of the pueblos on the Little Colorado and the Verde, in Tonto +Basin, and other more southerly regions.] + +[Footnote 76: See Journal of American Ethnology and Archĉology, vol. +II.] + +[Footnote 77: "Las casas son de tres altos"--_Segunda Relacion_, p. +580.] + +[Footnote 78: So far as our limited knowledge of the older ruins of +Tusayan goes, we find that their inhabitants must have been as far +removed from rude Shohonean nomads as their descendants are today. The +settlement at the early site of Walpi is reported to have been made in +very early times, some legends stating that it occurred at a period +when the people were limited to one family--the Snake. The fragments +of pottery which I have found in the mounds of that ancient habitation +are as fine and as characteristic of Tusayan as that of Sikyatki or +Awatobi. It is inferior to none in the whole pueblo area, and betrays +long sedentary life of its makers before it was manufactured.] + +[Footnote 79: Journal of American Folk-lore, vol. v, No. xviii, 1892.] + +[Footnote 80: There is a rude sketch of these two idols of _Alosaka_ +in the archives of the Hemenway Expedition. They represent figurines +about 4 feet tall, with two horns on the head not unlike those of the +Tewan clowns or gluttons called Paiakyamû. As so little is known of +the Mishoñinovi ritual, the rites in which they are used are at +present inexplicable.] + +[Footnote 81: See the ear-ornament of the mask shown in plate CVIII, +of the Fifteenth Annual Report.] + +[Footnote 82: Similar "spouts" were found by Mindeleff at Awatobi, and +a like use of them is suggested in his valuable memoir.] + +[Footnote 83: The Keresan people are called by the same name, Kawaika, +which, as hitherto explained, is specially applied to the modern +pueblo of Laguna.] + +[Footnote 84: The Asa people who came to Tusayan from the Rio Grande +claim to have lived for a few generations in Tubka or Tségi (Chelly) +canyon.] + +[Footnote 85: The pottery of ancient Cibola is practically identical +with that of the ruined pueblos of the Colorado Chiquito, near +Winslow, Arizona.] + +[Footnote 86: The specimens labeled "New Mexico" and "Arizona" are too +vaguely classified to be of any service in this consideration. It is +suggested that collectors carefully label their specimens with the +exact locality in which they are found, giving care to their +association and, when mortuary, to their position in the graves in +relation to the skeletons.] + +[Footnote 87: I am informed by Mr F. W. Hodge that similar fragments +were found by the Hemenway Expedition in 1888 in the prehistoric ruins +of the Salado.] + +[Footnote 88: The head is round, with lateral appendages. The face is +divided into two quadrants above, with chin blackened, and marked with +zigzag lines, which are lacking in modern pictures. In the left hand +the figure holds a rattle. The body is wanting, but the breast is +decorated with rectangles.] + +[Footnote 89: A single metate of lava or malpais was excavated at +Awatobi. This object must have had a long journey before it reached +the village, since none of the material from which it was made is +found within many miles of the ruin.] + +[Footnote 90: There are many fine pictographs, some of which are +evidently ancient, on the cliffs of the Awatobi mesa. These are in no +respect characteristic, and among them I have seen the _awata_ (bow), +_honani_ (badger's paw), _tcüa_ (snake), and _omowûh_ (rain-cloud). On +the side of the precipitous wall of the mesa south of the western +mounds there is a row of small hemispherical depressions or pits, with +a groove or line on one side. There is likewise, not far from this +point, a realistic figure of a vulva, not very unlike the _asha_ +symbols on Thunder mountain, near Zuñi.] + +[Footnote 91: _Journal of American Ethnology and Archĉology_, vol. II, +No. 1, p. 77.] + +[Footnote 92: In the expedition of 1896 there were found a large +number of shell ornaments, which will be described in a forthcoming +report of the operations during that year. See the preliminary account +in the article "Pacific Coast Shells in Tusayan Ruins," _American +Anthropologist_, December, 1896.] + +[Footnote 93: One of these bells was found in a grave at Chaves Pass +during the field work of 1896.] + +[Footnote 94: Bells made of clay are not rare in modern Tusayan +villages, and while their form is different from that of the Awatobi +specimen, and the size larger, there seems no reason to doubt the +antiquity of the specimen from the ruin of Antelope mesa.] + +[Footnote 95: Many of the specimens in the well-known Keam collection, +now in the Tusayan room of the Peabody Museum at Cambridge, are +undoubtedly from Sikyatki, and still more are from Awatobi. Since the +beginning of my excavations at Sikyatki it has come to be a custom for +the Hopi potters to dispose of, as Sikyatki ware, to unsuspecting +white visitors, some of their modern objects of pottery. These +fraudulent pieces are often very cleverly made.] + +[Footnote 96: Architecture of Tusayan and Cibola, op. cit., pp. 20, +21.] + +[Footnote 97: These rooms I failed to find. One of the rocky knolls +may be that called by me the "acropolis." The second knoll I cannot +identify, unless it is the elevation in continuation of the same side +toward the east. Possibly he confounded the ruin of Küküchomo with +that of Sikyatki.] + +[Footnote 98: The legends of the origin of Oraibi are imperfectly +known, but it has been stated that the pueblo was founded by people +from Old Shuñopovi. It seems much more likely, however, that our +knowledge is too incomplete to accept this conclusion without more +extended observations. The composition of the present inhabitants +indicates amalgamation from several quarters, and neighboring ruins +should be studied with this thought in mind.] + +[Footnote 99: It is distinctly stated that the Tanoan families whose +descendants now inhabit Hano were not in Tusayan when Awatobi fell. To +be sure they may have been sojourning in some valley east of the +province, which, however, is not likely, since they were "invited" to +East Mesa for the specific purpose of aiding the Hopi against northern +nomads. Much probability attaches to a suggestion that they belonged +to the emigrants mentioned by contemporary historians as leaving the +Rio Grande on account of the unsettled condition of the country after +the great rebellion of 1680.] + +[Footnote 100: The succession of priests is through the clan of the +mother, so that commonly, as in the case of Katci, the nephew takes +the place of the uncle at his death. Some instances, however, have +come to my knowledge where, the clan having become extinct, a son has +been elevated to the position made vacant by the death of a priest. +The Kokop people at Walpi are vigorous, numbering 21 members if we +include the Coyote and Wolf clans, the last mentioned of which may be +descendants of the former inhabitants of Küküchomo, the twin ruins on +the mesa above Sikyatki.] + +[Footnote 101: In this census I have used also the apparently +conservative statement of Vetancurt that there were 800 people in +Awatobi at the end of the seventeenth century.] + +[Footnote 102: _Kanel_ = Spanish _carnero_, sheep; _ba_ = water, +spring.] + +[Footnote 103: Wipo spring, a few miles northward from the eastern end +of the mesa, would be an excellent site for a Government school. It is +sufficiently convenient to the pueblos, has an abundant supply of +potable water at all seasons, and cultivable fields in the +neighborhood.] + +[Footnote 104: The boy who brought our drinking water from Kanelba +could not be prevailed upon to visit it on the day of the snake hunt +to the east in 1895, on the ground that no one not a member of the +society should be seen there or take water from it at that time. This +is probably a phase of the taboo of all work in the world-quarter in +which the snake hunts occur, when the Snake priests are engaged in +capturing these reptilian "elder brothers."] + +[Footnote 105: Tcino lives at Sichomovi, and in the Snake dance at +Walpi formerly took the part of the old man who calls out the words, +"_Awahaia_," etc. at the kisi, before the reptiles are carried about +the plaza. These words are Keresan, and Tcino performed this part on +account of his kinship. He owns the grove of peach trees because they +are on land of his ancestors, a fact confirmatory of the belief that +the people of Sikyatki came from the Rio Grande.] + +[Footnote 106: Nasyuñweve, who died a few years ago, formerly made the +prayer-stick to Masauwûh, the Fire or Death god. This he did as one of +the senior members of the Kokop or Firewood people, otherwise known as +the Fire people, because they made fire with the fire-drill. On his +death his place in the kiva was taken by Katci. Nasyuñweve was +Intiwa's chief assistant in the Walpi _katcinas_, and wore the mask of +Eototo in the ceremonials of the _Niman_. All this is significant, and +coincides with the theory that _katcinas_ are incorporated in the +Tusayan ritual, that Eototo is their form of Masauwûh, and that he is +a god of fire, growth, and death, like his dreaded equivalent.] + +[Footnote 107: The Hano people call the Hopi _Koco_ or _Koso_; the +Santa Clara (also Tewa) people call them _Khoso_, according to Hodge.] + +[Footnote 108: The replastering of kivas at Walpi takes place during +the _Powamu_, an elaborate _katcina_ celebration. I have noticed that +in this renovation of the kivas one corner, as a rule, is left +unplastered, but have elicited no satisfactory explanation of this +apparent oversight, which, no doubt, has significance. Someone, +perhaps overimaginative, suggested to me that the unplastered corner +was the same as the break in encircling lines on ancient pottery.] + +[Footnote 109: I was aided in making this plan by the late J. G. +Owens, my former assistant in the field work of the Hemenway +Expedition. It was prepared with a few simple instruments, and is not +claimed to be accurate in all particulars.] + +[Footnote 110: The existence of these peach trees near Sikyatki +suggests, of course, an abandonment of the neighboring pueblo in +historic times, but I hardly think it outweighs other stronger proofs +of antiquity.] + +[Footnote 111: The position of the cemeteries in ancient Tusayan ruins +is by no means uniform. They are rarely situated far from the houses, +and are sometimes just outside the walls. While the dead were seldom +carried far from the village, a sandy locality was generally chosen +and a grave excavated a few feet deep. Usually a few stones were +placed on the surface of the ground over the burial place, evidently +to protect the remains from prowling beasts.] + +[Footnote 112: The excavations at Homolobi in 1896 revealed two +beautiful cups with braided handles and one where the clay strands are +twisted.] + +[Footnote 113: The modern potters commonly adorn the ends of ladle +handles with heads of different mythologic beings in their pantheon. +The knob-head priest-clowns are favorite personages to represent, +although even the Corn-maid and different _katcinas_ are also +sometimes chosen for this purpose. The heads of various animals are +likewise frequently found, some in artistic positions, others less +so.] + +[Footnote 114: The clay ladles with perforated handles with which the +modern Hopi sometimes drink are believed to be of late origin in +Tusayan.] + +[Footnote 115: The oldest medicine bowls now in use ordinarily have +handles and a terraced rim, but there are one or two important +exceptions. In this connection it may be mentioned that, unlike the +Zuñi, the Hopi never use a clay bowl with a basket-like handle for +sacred meal, but always carry the meal in basket trays. This the +priests claim is a very old practice, and so far as my observations go +is confirmed by archeological evidence. The bowl with a basket-form +handle is not found either in ancient or modern Tusayan.] + +[Footnote 116: Symbolism rather than realism was the controlling +element of archaic decoration. Thus, while objects of beauty, like +flowers and leaves, were rarely depicted, and human forms are most +absurd caricatures, most careful attention was given to minute details +of symbolism, or idealized animals unknown to the naturalist.] + +[Footnote 117: Certainly no more appropriate design could be chosen +for the decoration of the inside of a food vessel than the head of the +Corn-maid, and from our ideas of taste none less so than that of a +lizard or bird. The freshness and absence of wear of many of the +specimens of Sikyatki mortuary pottery raises the question whether +they were ever in domestic use. Many evidently were thus employed, as +the evidences of wear plainly indicate, but possibly some of the +vessels were made for mortuary purposes, either at the time of the +decease of a relative or at an earlier period.] + +[Footnote 118: The figure shown in plate CXXIX, _a_, was probably +intended to represent the Corn-maid, or an Earth goddess of the +Sikyatki pantheon. Although it differs widely in drawing from figures +of Calako-mana on modern bowls, it bears a startling resemblance to +the figure of the Germ goddess which appears on certain Tusayan +altars.] + +[Footnote 119: Hopi legends recount how certain clans, especially +those of Tanoan origin, lived in Tségi canyon and intermarried with +the Navaho so extensively that it is said they temporarily forgot +their own language. From this source may have sprung the numerous +so-called Navaho _katcinas_, and the reciprocal influence on the +Navaho cults was even greater.] + +[Footnote 120: These priests wear a close-fitting skullcap, with two +long, banded horns made of leather, to the end of which corn husks are +tied. For an extended description see _Journal of American Ethnology +and Archĉology_, vol. II, No. 1, page 11.] + +[Footnote 121: The rarity of human figures on such kinds of pottery as +are found in the oldest ruins would appear to indicate that +decorations of this kind were a late development. No specimen of +black-and-white ware on which pictures of human beings are present has +yet been figured. The sequence of evolution in designs is believed to +be (1) geometrical figures, (2) birds, (3) other animals, (4) human +beings.] + +[Footnote 122: In some of the figurines used in connection with modern +Hopi altars these whorls are represented by small wheels made of +sticks radiating from a common juncture and connected by woolen yarn.] + +[Footnote 123: The natives of Cibola, according to Castañeda, "gather +their hair over the two ears, making a frame which looks like an +old-fashioned headdress." The Tusayan Pueblo maidens are the only +Indians who now dress their hair in this way, although the custom is +still kept up by men in certain sacred dances at Zuñi. The country +women in Salamanca, Spain, do their hair up in two flat coils, one on +each side of the forehead, a custom which Castañeda may have had in +mind when he compared the Pueblo coiffure to an "old-fashioned +headdress."] + +[Footnote 124: _American Anthropologist_, April, 1892.] + +[Footnote 125: Troano and Cortesiano codices.] + +[Footnote 126: A _nakwákwoci_ is an individual prayer-string, and +consists of one or more prescribed feathers tied to a cotton string. +These prayer emblems are made in great numbers in every Tusayan +ceremony.] + +[Footnote 127: The evidence afforded by this bowl would seem to show +that the cult of the Corn-maid was a part of the mythology and ritual +of Sikyatki. The elaborate figures of the rain-cloud, which are so +prominent in representations of the Corn-maid on modern plaques, +bowls, and dolls, are not found in the Sikyatki picture.] + +[Footnote 128: The reason for my belief that this is a breath feather +will be shown under the discussion of feather and bird pictures.] + +[Footnote 129: For the outline of this legend see _Journal of American +Ethnology and Archĉology_, vol. IV. The maid is there called the +Tcüa-mana or Snake-maid, a sacerdotal society name for the Germ +goddess. The same personage is alluded to under many different names, +depending on the society, but they are all believed to refer to the +same mythic concept.] + +[Footnote 130: The attitude of the male and female here depicted was +not regarded as obscene; on the contrary, to the ancient Sikyatki mind +the picture had a deep religious meaning. In Hopi ideas the male is a +symbol of active generative power, the female of passive reproduction, +and representations of these two form essential elements of the +ancient pictorial and graven art of that people.] + +[Footnote 131: The doll of Kokopeli has along, bird-like beak, +generally a rosette on the side of the head, a hump on the back, and +an enormous penis. It is a phallic deity, and appears in certain +ceremonials which need not here be described. During the excavations +at Sikyatki one of the Indians called my attention to a large Dipteran +insect which he called "Kokopeli."] + +[Footnote 132: The practice still exists at Zuñi, I am told, and there +is no sign of its becoming extinct. It is said that old Naiutci, the +chief of the Priesthood of the Bow, was permanently injured during one +of these performances. (Since the above lines were written I have +excavated from one of the ruins on the Little Colorado a specimen of +one of these objects used by ancient stick-swallowers. It is made of +bone, and its use was explained to me by a reliable informant familiar +with the practices of Oraibi and other villagers. It is my intention +to figure and describe this ancient object in the account of the +explorations of 1896.)] + +[Footnote 133: "Tusayan Katcinas," Fifteenth Annual Report of the +Bureau of Ethnology, 1893-94, Washington, 1897. Hewüqti is also called +Soyokmana, a Keresan-Hopi name meaning the Natacka-maid. The Keresan +(Sia) Skoyo are cannibal giants, according to Mrs Stevenson, an +admirable definition of the Hopi Natackas.] + +[Footnote 134: The celebration occurs in the modern Tusayan pueblos in +the _Powamû_ where the representative of Calako flogs the children. +Calako's picture is found on the _Powamû_ altars of several of the +villages of the Hopi.] + +[Footnote 135: Figures of the human hand have been found on the walls +of cliff houses. These were apparently made in somewhat the same way +as that on the above bowl, the hand being placed on the surface and +pigment spattered about it. See "The Cliff Ruins of Canyon de Chelly," +by Cosmos Mindeleff; Sixteenth Annual Report, 1894-95.] + +[Footnote 136: Mu^{r}yi, mole or gopher; mu^{r}iyawû, moon. There +maybe some Hopi legend connecting the gopher with the moon, but thus +far it has eluded my studies, and I can at present do no more than +call attention to what appears to be an interesting etymological +coincidence.] + +[Footnote 137: This form of mouth I have found in pictures of +quadrupeds, birds, and insects, and is believed to be +conventionalized. Of a somewhat similar structure are the mouths of +the _Natacka_ monsters which appear in the Walpi _Powamû_ ceremony. +See the memoir on "Tusayan Katcinas," in the Fifteenth Annual Report.] + +[Footnote 138: Figures of the tadpole and frog are often found on +modern medicine bowls in Tusayan. The snake, so common on Zuñi +ceremonial pottery, has not been seen by me on a single object of +earthenware in use in modern Hopi ritual.] + +[Footnote 139: _Journal of American Ethnology and Archĉology_, vol. +IV.] + +[Footnote 140: Although made of beautiful yellow ware, it shows at one +point marks of having been overheated in firing, as is often the case +with larger vases and jars.] + +[Footnote 141: One of the best examples of the rectangular or ancient +type of medicine bowl is used in the celebration of the Snake dance at +Oraibi, where it stands on the rear margin of the altar of the +Antelope priesthood of that pueblo.] + +[Footnote 142: One of the best of these is that of the Humis-katcina, +but good examples occur on the dolls of the Calakomanas. The Lakone +maid, however, wears a coronet of circular rain-cloud symbols, which +corresponds with traditions which recount that this form was +introduced by the southern clans or the Patki people.] + +[Footnote 143: In the evolution of ornament among the Hopi, as among +most primitive peoples where new designs have replaced the old, the +meaning of the ancient symbols has been lost. Consequently we are +forced to adopt comparative methods to decipher them. If, for +instance, on a fragment of ancient pottery we find the figure of a +bird in which the wing or tail feathers have a certain characteristic +symbol form, we are justified, when we find the same symbolic design +on another fragment where the rest of the bird is wanting, in +considering the figure that of a wing or tail feather. So when the +prescribed figure of the feather has been replaced by another form it +is not surprising to find it incomprehensible to modern shamans. The +comparative ethnologist may in this way learn the meanings of symbols +to which the modern Hopi priest can furnish no clue.] + +[Footnote 144: In an examination of many figures of ancient vessels +where this peculiar design occurs it will be found that in all +instances they represent feathers, although the remainder of the bird +is not to be found. The same may also be said of the design which +represents the tail-feathers. This way of representing feathers is not +without modern survival, for it may still be seen in many dolls of +mystic personages who are reputed to have worn feathered garments.] + +[Footnote 145: At the present time the circle is the totemic signature +of the Earth people, representing the horizon, but it has likewise +various other meanings. With certain appendages it is the disk of the +sun--and there are ceremonial paraphernalia, as amulets, placed on +sand pictures or tied to helmets, which may be represented by a simple +ring. The meaning of these circles in the bowl referred to above is +not clear to me, nor is my series of pictographs sufficiently +extensive to enable a discovery of its significance by comparative +methods. A ring of meal sometimes drawn on the floor of a kiva is +called a "house," and a little imagination would easily identify these +with the mythic houses of the sky-bird, but this interpretation is at +present only fanciful.] + +[Footnote 146: The _paho_ is probably a substitution of a sacrifice of +corn or meal given as homage to the god addressed.] + +[Footnote 147: _Journal of American Ethnology and Archĉology_, vol. +IV. These water gourds figure conspicuously in many ceremonies of the +Tusayan ritual. The two girls personating the Corn-maids carry them in +the Flute observance, and each of the Antelope priests at Oraibi bears +one of these in the Antelope or Corn dance.] + +[Footnote 148: "A few Tusayan Pictographs;" _American Anthropologist_, +Washington, January, 1892.] + +[Footnote 149: A beautiful example of this kind was found at Homolobi +in the summer of 1896.] + +[Footnote 150: In this connection the reader is referred to the story, +already told in former pages of this memoir, concerning the flogging +of the youth by the husband of the two women who brought the Hopi the +seeds of corn. It may be mentioned as corroboratory evidence that +Calako-taka represents a supernatural sun-bird, that the Tataukyamû +priests carry a shield with Tunwup (Calako-taka) upon it in the +Soyaluña. These priests, as shown by the etymology of their name, are +associated with the sun. In the Sun drama, or Calako ceremony, in +July, Calako-takas are personated, and at Zuñi the Shalako is a great +winter sun ceremony.] + +[Footnote 151: _American Anthropologist_, April, 1895, p. 133. As +these cross-shape pahos which are now made in Tusayan are attributed +to the Kawaika or Keres group of Indians, and as they were seen at the +Keresan pueblo of Acoma in 1540, it is probable that they are +derivative among the Hopi; but simple cross decorations on ancient +pottery were probably autochthonous.] + +[Footnote 152: In dolls of the Corn-maids this germinative symbol is +often found made of wood and mounted on an elaborate tablet +representing rain-clouds.] + +[Footnote 153: Many similarities might be mentioned between the +terraced figures used in decoration in Old Mexico and in ancient +Tusayan pottery, but I will refer to but a single instance, that of +the stuccoed walls of Mitla, Oaxaca, and Teotitlan del Valle. Many +designs from these ruins are gathered together for comparative +purposes by that eminent Mexicanist, Dr E. Seler, in his beautiful +memoir on Mitla (_Wandmalereien von Mitla_, plate X). In this plate +exact counterparts of many geometric patterns on Sikyatki pottery +appear, and even the broken spiral is beautifully represented. There +are key patterns and terraced figures in stucco on monuments of +Central America identical with the figures on pottery from Sikyatki.] + +[Footnote 154: This pillar, so conspicuous in all photographs of +Walpi, is commonly called the Snake rock.] + +[Footnote 155: _American Anthropologist_, April, 1892.] + +[Footnote 156: I failed to find out how the Hopi regard fossils.] + +[Footnote 157: These objects were eagerly sought by the Hopi women who +visited the camps at Awatobi and Sikyatki.] + +[Footnote 158: The tubular form of pipe was almost universal in the +pueblo area, and I have deposited in the National Museum pipes of this +kind from several ruins in the Rio Grande valley.] + +[Footnote 159: _Journal of American Ethnology and Archĉology_, vol. +IV, pp. 31, 32, 33.] + +[Footnote 160: This form of pipe occurs over the whole pueblo area.] + +[Footnote 161: Ancient cigarette reeds, found in sacrificial caves, +have a small fragment of woven fabric tied about them.] + +[Footnote 162: The so-called "implements of wood" figured by +Nordenskiöld ("The Cliff Dwellers of the Mesa Verde," plate XLII) are +identical with some of the pahos from Sikyatki, and are undoubtedly +prayer-sticks.] + +[Footnote 163: Primitive Culture, vol. ii, p. 396.] + +[Footnote 164: Journal of American Ethnology and Archĉology, Vol. +_ii_, p. 131.] + +[Footnote 165: _American Anthropologist_, July, 1892.] + +[Footnote 166: As stated in former pages, there is some paleographic +evidence looking in that direction.] + +[Footnote 167: _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, vol. V, no. xviii, p. +213.] + +[Footnote 168: Op. cit., p. 214.] + +[Footnote 169: They failed to germinate.] + + + + +APPENDIX + + +The following list introduces the numbers by which the specimens +illustrated in this memoir are designated in the catalog of the United +States National Museum. Each specimen is also marked with a field +catalog number, the locality in which it was found, and the name of +the collector: + + PLATE + CXI. _a_, 155895; _b_, 155897; _c_, 155898; _d_, 155896; _e_, 155900; + _f_, 155916. + + CXII. _a_, 155875; _b_, 155996; _c_, 155902; _d_, 155996; _e_, 155997. + + CXIII. _a_, 155992; _b_, 155913; _c_, 155991; _d_, 155994; _e_, 155993. + + CXIV. _a_-_g_, 156018; _h_, 156131; _i_, 156091; _j_, 156018. + + CXIX. _a_, 155806; _b_, 155841; _c_, 155832; _d_, 155678; _e_, 155820; + _f_, 155838. + + CXX. _a_, 155867; _b_, 155866; _c_, 155871; _d_, 155856; _e_, 155861; + _f_, 155460. + + CXXI. _a_, 155694; _b_, 155698; _c_, 155719. + + CXXII. _a_, 155702; _b_, 155684; _c_, 155688. + + CXXIII. _a_, 155711; _b_, 155703; _c_, 155707; _d_, 155673. + + CXXIV. _a_, 155674; _b_, 155683. + + CXXV. _a_, 155750; _b_, 155753; _c_, 155751; _d_, 155752; _e_, 155749; + _f_, 155747. + + CXXVI. _a_, 155700; _b_, 155682. + + CXXVII. _a_, 155718; _b_, 155714; _c_, 155723; _d_, 155691. + + CXXVIII. _a_, 155745; _b_, 155744; _c_, 155746; _d_, 155735; _e_, 155734; + _f_, 155733; _g_, 155736. + + CXXIX. _a_, 155467; _b_, 155462; _c_, 155463; _d_, 155464; _e_, 155466; + _f_, 155465. + + CXXX. _a_, 155474; _b_, 155475; _c_, 155477; _d_, 155484; _e_, 155473; + _f_, 155476. + + CXXXI. _a_, 155758; _b_, 155773; _c_, 155768; _d_, 155771; _e_, 155546; + _f_ 155764. + + CXXXII. _a_, 155482; _b_, 155483; _c_, 155481; _d_, 155480; _e_, 155479; + _f_, 155485. + + CXXXIII. _a_, 155614; _b_, 155757; _c_, 155502; _d_, 155772; _e_, 155758; + _f_, 155781. + + CXXXIV. _a_, 155570; _b_, 155597; _c_, 155567; _d_, 155507; _e_, 155575; + _f_, 155505. + + CXXXV. _a_, 155692; _b_, 155681. + + CXXXVI. _a_, 155687; _b_, 155737; _c_, 155695. + + CXXXVII. _a_, 155488; _b_, 155450; _c_, 155468; _d_, 155732; _e_, 155776; + _f_, 155740. + +CXXXVIII. _a_, 155498; _b_, 155490; _c_, 155492; _d_, 155500; _e_, 155499; + _f_, 155494. + + CXXXIX. _a_, 155524; _b_, 155528; _c_, 155491; _d_, 155523; _e_, 155527; + _f_, 155522. + + CXL. _a_, 155529; _b_, 155489; _c_, 155540; _d_, 155541; _e_, 155606; + _f_, 155410. + + CXLI. _a_, 155501; _b_, 155503; _c_, 155509; _d_, 155511; _e_, 155510; + _f_, 155512. + + CXLII. _a_, 155712; _b_, 155693; _c_, 155756; _d_, 155636; _e_, 155697. + + CXLIII. _a_, _b_, 155690. + + CXLIV. _a_, _b_, 155689. + + CXLV. _a_, 155717; _b_, 155696. + + CXLVI. _a_, 155538; _b_, 155508; _c_, 155802; _d_, 155537; _e_, 155487; + _f_, 155653. + + CXLVII. _a_, 155493; _b_, 155497; _c_, 155602; _d_, 155504; _e_, 155608; + _f_, 155495. + + CXLVIII. _a_, 155556; _b_, 155408; _c_, 155545; _d_, 155548; _e_, 155544; + _f_, 155542. + + CXLIX. _a_, 155554; _b_, 155549; _c_, 155573; _d_, 155607; _e_, 155572; + _f_, 155581. + + CL. _a_, 155565; _b_, 155519; _c_, 155518; _d_, 155569; _e_, 155551; + _f_, 155574. + + CLI. _a_, 155535; _b_, 155532; _c_, 155539; _d_, 155526; _e_, 155613; + _f_, 155615. + + CLII. _a_, 155555; _b_, 155547; _c_, 155571; _d_, 155553; _e_, 155536; + _f_, 155521. + + CLIII. _a_, 155558; _b_, 155564. + + CLIV. _a_, 155560; _b_, 155568. + + CLV. _a_, 155543; _b_, 155557. + + CLVI. _a_, 155562; _b_, 155561; _c_, 155562; _d_, 155796; _e_, 155601; + _f_, 155588. + + CLVII. _a_, 155531; _b_, 155530; _c_, 155525; _d_, 155585; _e_, 155563; + _f_, 155552. + + CLVIII. _a_, 155628; _b_, 155742; _c_, 155632; _d_, 155633; _e_, 155587; + _f_, 155634. + + CLIX. _a_, 155583; _b_, 155598; _c_, 155516; _d_, 155629; _e_, 155590; + _f_, 155520. + + CLX. _a_, 155577; _b_, 155576; _c_, 155622; _d_, 155594; _e_, 155647; + _f_, 155654. + + CLXI. _a_, 155642; _b_, 155506; _c_, 155517; _d_, 155472; _e_, 155589; + _f_, 155600. + + CLXII. _a_, 155637; _b_, 155618; _c_, 155643; _d_, 155621; _e_, 155534; + _f_, 155533. + + CLXIII. _a_, 155611; _b_, 155612. + + CLXIV. _a_, 155610; _b_, 155609. + + CLXV. _a_, 155593; _b_, 155592. + + CLXVI. _a_, 155641; _b_, 155616; _c_, 155617; _d_, 155619; _e_, 155584; + _f_, 155640. + + CLXVII. _a_, 155877; _b_, 155878; _c_, 155892; _d_, 155882; _e_, 155890; + _f_, 155881. + + CLXVIII. _a_, 155876; _b_, 155891; _c_, 155884; _d_, 155914; _e_, 155940; + _f_, 155880. + + CLXIX. _a_, 156095; _b_, 156098; _c_, 156175; _d_, 156174; _e_, 156154; + _f_, 156065. + + CLXX. _a_, _b_, 156227. + + CLXXI. _a_, 156270; _b_, _c_, 156303; _e_, 156199; _f_, 156043. + + CLXXII. _a_, 156042; _b_, 156169; _c_, 156169; _d_, 156170; _e_, 156184; + _f_, 156164. + + CLXXIII. _a_, 155999; _b_, 155154; _c_, 156128; _d_, 156131; + _e_, _f_, 1561?0; _g_, 156010; _h-l_, 156130. + + CLXXIV. _a_, 156191; _b_, _c_, 156183; _d_, 156185; _e-g_, 156183; + _h-j_, 156194; _k_, 156180; _l_, _m_, 156191; _n_, 156182. + + CLXXV. _o_, 156188; _p_, 156185; _q_, 156191; _r_, 156186; _s_, 156180; + _t_, 156188; _u_, 156181; _v_, 156179; _w_, 156187. + + + + +INDEX + + +ACROPOLIS of Sikyatki 638, 640, 643-646 +ADOBE plastering in cavate houses 542 + [ADOBE], _see_ MASONRY, PLASTERING. +AGAVE fiber used in Tusayan 629, 630 +AGUATO, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AGUATOBI, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AGUATUVÍ, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AGUATUYA, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AGUATUYBÁ, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AGUITOBI, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AHUATO, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AHUATOBI, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AHUATU, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AHUATUYBA, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AH-WAT-TENNA an Awatobi synonym 594 +ALOSAKA idols in Awatobi shrine 619 +ANAWITA, traditional information given by 595 +ANCESTOR worship at Sikyatki 732 +ANTELOPE VALLEY, _see_ JEDITOH VALLEY. +APACHE depredation in Tusayan 585 + [APACHE], late appearance of, at Tusayan 581 + [APACHE] occupancy of Verde ruins 550, 565, 570 + [APACHE] pictographs in Verde valley 550, 556, 567, 568 +AQUATASI, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AQUATUBI, an Awatobi synonym 594 +ARCHEOLOGICAL expedition to Arizona, 1895 519-744 +ARIZONA, archeological expedition to, 1895 519-744 + [ARIZONA], _see_ NAVAHO. +ARROWHEAD KILT worn by man-eagle 692-693 +ARROWHEADS from Awatobi 618, 625 + [ARROWHEADS] in Sikyatki graves 731, 740 +ARROWSHAFT POLISHERS from Awatobi 611, 731 +[ ARROWSHAFT POLISHERS] in Sikyatki graves 731 +ART REMAINS in Palatki and Honanki 569 +ASA PEOPLE join the Hopi 578 + [ASA PEOPLE], migration of 622 + [ASA PEOPLE] settle at Sichomovi 578 +ASH-HEAP PUEBLO, former site of Walpi 635 +ATABI-HOGANDI, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AUA-TU-UI, an Awatobi synonym 594 +A-WA-TE-U, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AWATOBI and Sikyatki pottery compared 659 + [AWATOBI], arrowshaft polishers from 611, 731 + [AWATOBI], etymology of 594 + [AWATOBI], legend of destruction of 602 + [AWATOBI], population of 637 + [AWATOBI], reasons for excavating 591 + [AWATOBI] ruin discussed 592-631 + [AWATOBI] ruin examined 535 + [AWATOBI], settlement of Sikyatki people at 634 + [AWATOBI] settled by Küküchomo and Sikyatki people 589 + [AWATOBI] visited in 1540 596 +AWATÛBI, an Awatobi synonym 594 +Á-WAT-U-I, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AWLS, bone, from Awatobi 627 +AXES, stone, in Sikyatki graves 730, 731 + [AXES] from Awatobi 625 + +BADGER PEOPLE settle Sichomovi 578 +BAER, ERWIN, with archeological expedition in 1895 527 +BANCROFT, H. H., on destruction of Awatobi 601 +BANDELIER, A. F., Cibola identified by 595 + [BANDELIER, A. F.], on record of Awatobi destruction 610 +BAPTISM opposed by the Hopi 601 +BASINS, _see_ POTTERY. +BASKETRY found in Honanki 572 + [BASKETRY] not found at Sikyatki 649 +BAT-HOUSE, ruin of the 590 +BEADS from Awatobi 628 + [BEADS] in Sikyatki graves 733 +BEAMS of mission in Walpi houses 586 + [BEAMS] of Palatki ruin 557 +BEAN-PLANTING ceremony of the Hopi 702 +BEAR CLANS, early arrival of, at Tusayan 582 +BELL, clay, from Awatobi 628 + [BELL], copper fragments of, from Awatobi 609, 631 + [BELL] used in Hopi ceremony 628 +BERRIES in Sikyatki graves 733 +BESSELS, EMIL, on affinity of cliff-dwellers and pueblos 532 +BICKFORD, F. D., on cliff houses in Walnut canyon 532 +BIRD figures on Hopi pottery 660 + [BIRD] figures on Sikyatki pottery 658, 682-698, 714 + [BIRD] ornaments from Awatobi 628 + [BIRD] ornaments in Sikyatki graves 733 + [BIRD] vessels from Awatobi 624 +BLOODY BASIN, cliff houses of 549 +BODKINS, bone, from Awatobi 627 +BONE BEADS from Honanki 573 + [BONE BEADS] in Sikyatki graves 733 +BONE OBJECTS from Awatobi 627, 628 + [BONE OBJECTS], from Honanki 572 +BONILLA, --, on Sandia population in 1749 584 +BOURKE, J. G., identifies Tally-hogan with Awatobi 602 +BOWLS, Sikyatki, decorations on 705 + [BOWLS], _see_ POTTERY. +BOXES, earthenware, from Sikyatki 655 +BRACELETS from Awatobi 628 +BUTTERFLY figures on Sikyatki pottery. 678-680, 698 + [BUTTERFLY] symbol on Hopi pottery 687 + +CALAKO in Hopi mythology 700 + [CALAKO] katcina, origin of 666 +CAMPBELL, GEO., cliff houses discovered by 533 +CAMP VERDE, ruins near 534 +CARDENAS, G. L., visits Tusayan in 1540 595 +CARDINAL POINTS in Hopi ceremony 613, 628, 678 +CASA GRANDE ascribed to the Hopi 531 +CASA MONTEZUMA, _see_ MONTEZUMA CASTLE. +CASAS GRANDES, pottery from 624 +CASTEÑEDA, P. DE, account of Tusayan 596 + [CASTEÑEDA, P. DE] on Cibola hair-dressing 661 + [CASTEÑEDA, P. DE] on early pueblo warfare 588 + [CASTEÑEDA, P. DE] on Hopi fabrics 629 + [CASTEÑEDA, P. DE] on pueblo kivas in 1540 575 + [CASTEÑEDA, P. DE] on visit to Tusayan in 1540 596, 597 +CAVATE DWELLINGS, function of 544 + [CAVATE DWELLINGS] in Verde valley discussed 536, 537-545 +CEMETERIES of Sikyatki 646-649 +CEMETERY of Awatobi 593, 618 +CEREMONIAL CIRCUIT of the Hopi 681 +CHAIRS tabooed in Hopi kivas 626 +CHARM STONES from Sikyatki 729 +CHAVERO, A., on Nahuatl water symbol 569 +CHAVES PASS, ruins at 532, 573 +CHELLY CANYON, cliff houses in 578 + [CHELLY CANYON], _see_ TSÉGI. +CHIMNEYS, absence of, at Sikyatki 646 +CHUKUBI, ruin of, discussed 583 +CIBOLA, identification of 595 + [CIBOLA], _see_ ZUÑI. +CIGARETTES of reeds in sacrificial caves 736 + [CIGARETTES] in Hopi ceremony 735 +CINDER CONES, ruins in 532 +CIRCULAR RUINS absent in southern pueblo area 576 +CIST in Awatobi kiva 612 + [CIST] in cavate lodges 542 + [CIST] near cavate houses 543 +CLANS formerly occupying Sikyatki 636 + [CLANS] of Awatobi 610 + [CLANS] of Küküchomo and Sikyatki 587, 588 +CLIFF DWELLERS defined 531 +CLIFF HOUSES, age of, in Red-rocks 545 + [CLIFF HOUSES] and pueblos similar 537 + [CLIFF HOUSES] formerly occupied by Hopi 578 + [CLIFF HOUSES], human hand figures on 668 + [CLIFF HOUSES] in Walnut canyon 532 + [CLIFF HOUSES] of the Red-rocks 548, 549 + [CLIFF HOUSES] of Verde valley classified 536 +CLIFF PALACE and Honanki compared 552 +CLIFF'S RANCH, pictographs near 548 +CLOUD, _see_ RAINCLOUD. +CLOWN-PRIEST figures on Hopi pottery 659 +COLANDER fragments from Tusayan ruins 624 +COMUPAVÍ identified with Shuñopovi 599 +CONCEPCION, CRISTOVAL DE LA, at founding of Awatobi mission 599 +COPPER found in Awatobi 608, 609, 631 + [COPPER] bells in Arizona ruins 628, 629 + [COPPER] unknown to ancient Tusayan 741 +CORN attached to prayer-sticks 739 + [CORN] found in Awatobi 606, 619 + [CORN] found in Honanki 572 + [CORN], Hopi symbolism of 662 + [CORN] in Hopi ceremony 628 + [CORN], sweet, introduced in Mishoñinovi 604 +CORN-MAID dolls of the Hopi 704 + [CORN-MAID] figures of the Hopi 661 + [CORN-MAID] figures on Hopi pottery 657, 658, 662 +CORN MOUND, symbolic 740 +CORN POLLEN in Hopi ceremony 628 +CORNADO, F. V. DE, route of 530 +COSMOGONY of the Hopi 647, 666, 732 +COTTON cultivated by the Hopi 596, 629 + [COTTON] fabrics in Verde ruins 573 + [COTTON] garments of the Hopi 599 +COVILLE, F. V., on identification of ancient food remains 741-742 +CREMATION not practiced at Sikyatki 649 +CROOKS in Tusayan ritual 703 + [CROOKS] on Sikyatki pottery 703-704, 714, 724 +CROSS figure allied to sun symbol 623 + [CROSS] on Sikyatki pottery 702 +CRYSTAL, _see_ QUARTZ CRYSTAL. +CUANRABI mentioned by Oñate 599 +CUPS from Sikyatki described 654 + [CUPS], _see_ POTTERY. +CUSHING, F. H., on affinity of cliff dwellers and pueblos 532 + [CUSHING, F. H.], on southern origin of Zuñi clans 574 + [CUSHING, F. H.], ruins visited by 534 + +DECORATION of Awatobi pottery 623, 624-625 + [DECORATION] of Honanki pottery 570, 571 + [DECORATION] of ladle handles 624 + [DECORATION] of pottery by spattering 650, 668, 671, 677 + [DECORATION] of Sikyatki pottery 650, 652, 655, 657-728 +DELLENBAUGH, F. S., on identification of Cibola 595 +DIPPERS from Awatobi described 624 + [DIPPERS], _see_ POTTERY. +DOLLS, Corn-maid, of the Hopi 704 +DOMESTIC ANIMALS of the Hopi 731 +DOORWAYS of cavate houses 543, 552 +DRAGONFLY symbolic of rain 630 + [DRAGONFLY] symbol on pottery 669, 680-682 +DRILL balances from Sikyatki graves 740 + +EAGLE PLUMES in Hopi rites 589 +EAGLE SHRINE at Tukinobi 589 +EAGLES kept by the Hopi 731 +EAST MESA, ruins at 581, 585 +ESPEJO, ANTONIO, Awatobi referred to by 596, 599 + [ESPEJO, ANTONIO], Awatobi visited by 594 + [ESPEJO, ANTONIO], on Hopi fabrics 629 + [ESPEJO, ANTONIO], visits Tusayan in 1583 598 +ESPELETA, an Oraibi chief 601 + [ESPELETA], visits Santa Fé 601, 602 +ESPELETA, JOSÉ, killed at Oraibi 600 +ESPERIEZ mentioned by Oñate 599 +ESTUFA, _see_ KIVA. + +FABRICS, _see_ TEXTILE. +FEATHER fabrics from Sikyatki 629 + [FEATHER] symbols on Hopi pottery 663 + [FEATHER] symbols on Sikyatki pottery 658, 682-698, 714, 723, 724 +FEATHERED STRINGS represented on pottery 662 +FEATHERS on prayer-sticks 739 +FETISH, mountain lion, from Awatobi 618 + [FETISH], mountain lion, from Sikyatki 730 + [FETISH], personal, from Sikyatki 729 +FEWKES, J. W., on archeological expedition to Arizona, 1895 519-744 +FIGUEROA, JOSÉ, killed at Awatobi 600 +FIRE, Hopi purification by 647 + [FIRE], _see_ NEW-FIRE CEREMONY. +FIRE-HOUSE, ancient occupancy of 633 + [FIRE-HOUSE] ruin of Tusayan 590, 633 +FIREPLACES in cavate dwellings 641 +FIREWOOD PEOPLE at Sikyatki 632, 633, 640, 646 + [FIREWOOD PEOPLE] of Tusayan 672 +FLAGSTAFF, cliff houses near 533 +FLOWER FIGURE on Hopi pottery 697 + [FLOWER FIGURE] on Sikyatki pottery 658, 680 +FLOWERS, _see_ VEGETAL DESIGNS. +FLUTE CEREMONY not performed in kiva 575, 612 + [FLUTE CEREMONY], trails closed during 597 +FLUTE-LIKE OBJECTS from Awatobi 624 + [FLUTE-LIKE OBJECTS] from Sikyatki 656 +FLUTE SOCIETY, prayer-sticks of the 737 +FOOD REMAINS in mortuary vessels 741 +FOSSILS used in Hopi ceremony 730 +FRASQUILLO, flight of Tanoan refugees under 578, 600 +FROG figures on Sikyatki pottery 658 + [FROG] figures on Tusayan bowls 677 + +GARAYCOECHEA, JUAN, Awatobi visited by 600 + [GARAYCOECHEA, JUAN], missionary labors of 601 +GARDENS, modern, at Sikyatki 646 +GENESIS, _see_ COSMOGONY. +GEOMETRIC figures on Sikyatki pottery 701-705 +GERMINATIVE symbol on Sikyatki pottery 704 +GODDARD, S., with archeological expedition in 1895 527 +GOD OF DEATH of the Hopi 641 +GOODE, G. BROWN, acknowledgments to 528 +GORGETS in Sikyatki graves 733 +GUTIERREZ, ANDRES, at founding of Awatobi mission 599 + +HAIR, human, woven by the Hopi 630 +HAIRDRESSING of the Hopi 661, 663 +HANCE'S RANCH, pictograph bowlder near 545 +HAND figures on Sikyatki pottery 666-668, 728 +HANO compared with Walpi 642 + [HANO] in 1782 579 + [HANO], when established 636 +HAVASUPAI, cliff dwellings occupied by 533 +HEART represented in animal figures 673 +HEMATITE fetish from Sikyatki 730 +HEMENWAY, MARY, Kawaika pottery purchased by 590 +HÉ-SHÓTA-PATHL-TÂ[)I]E, Zuñi name of Kintiel 534 +HODGE, F. W., acknowledgments to 527 + [HODGE, F. W.] on colander fragments from Salado ruins 624 + [HODGE, F. W.] on recent advent of the Navaho 658 + [HODGE, F. W.], Sikyatki excavation aided by 648 +HODGE, _Mrs_ M. W., acknowledgments to 527 +HOFFMAN, W. J., on ruins at Montezuma Well 546 +HOLBROOK, ruins near 533 +HOLGUIN, _Capt_., Payüpki attacked by 583 +HOLMES, W. H., on evolution of pottery designs 715, 716, 727 +HOMOLOBI, location of 532 +HONANKI, art remains found at 569 + [HONANKI], origin of name 553, 559 + [HONANKI], discovery of ruin of 534, 551 + [HONANKI] ruin discussed 558-569 +HOPI, abandonment of villages by 580 + [HOPI] and Verde ruins compared 573 + [HOPI], early migrations of clans of 574 + [HOPI] knowledge of Montezuma Well 547 + [HOPI] pictographic score 568 + [HOPI] pueblos in 1782 579 + [HOPI] request removal to Tonto basin 534 + [HOPI] ruins, distribution of 581 + [HOPI], southern origin of part of 568 +HORN CLANS at Sikyatki 669 +HORN-HOUSE, ruin of 590 +HORSES, how regarded by ancient Hopi 598, 599 +HOUGH, W., pottery figure interpreted by 664 +HOWELL, E., cliff houses discovered by 533 +HUMAN FIGURES on Sikyatki pottery 660 +HUMAN REMAINS in Awatobi ruins 610, 612, 618 + [HUMAN REMAINS], _see_ CEMETERIES. + +IDOL, _see_ ALOSAKA, DOLL, FETISH. +INSECT figures on Sikyatki pottery 658 +IRRIGATION represented in pictography 545 + [IRRIGATION] ditches in Verde valley 538 + +JACOB'S WELL described 546 +JAKWAINA, farm of, at Sikyatki 640 +JARAMILLO, JUAN, on "Tucayan" 595 +JARS, _see_ POTTERY. +JEDITOH VALLEY, ruins in 581, 589, 592 +JUDD, JAMES S., acknowledgments to 527 + +KACHINBA ruin described 589 +KATCI, a Hopi folklorist 637 + [KATCI], farm of, at Sikyatki 641 +KATCINA cult in Tusayan 625, 633 + [KATCINA] defined 661, 732 + [KATCINA] figures on Hopi pottery 624, 658, 665 +KAWAIKA, application of name 622 + [KAWAIKA], pottery from 622 + [KAWAIKA], ruins at 590 +KEAM, T. V., excavations by, at Kawaika 622 + [KEAM, T. V.], idols removed and returned by 619 +KEAM'S CANYON, ruins in 581 +KINNAZINDE, ruin of 534 +KINTIEL ascribed to the Zuñi 534, 591 + [KINTIEL], location of 533 +KISAKOBI, former site of Walpi 578 + [KISAKOBI] ruins described 585 + [KISAKOBI], settlement of 635 +KISHYUBA, a Hopi ruin 591 +KISI and cavate house compared 544 +KIVA-LIKE remains at Honanki 560 +KIVAS, absence of, in Sikyatki 642 + [KIVAS], absence of, in southern cliff houses 574 + [KIVAS], ceremonial replastering of 645 + [KIVAS], distribution of 561, 574 + [KIVAS] of Awatobi 611 + [KIVAS], platforms characteristic of 541 + [KIVAS], round, evolution of 575 +K'N'-I-K'ÉL, _see_ KINTIEL. +KOKOPELI, a Hopi deity 663 +KOPELI, services of, at Sikyatki 641, 643 +KÓYIMSE of the Hopi 659 +KÜCHAPTÜVELA, former site of Walpi 578 + [KÜCHAPTÜVELA] ruin described 585 +KÜKÜCHOMO ruins described 586 +KWATAKA, a Hopi monster 691 + +LADLES from Awatobi described 624 + [LADLES] from Sikyatki described 655 + [LADLES], _see_ POTTERY. +LANGLEY, S. P., acknowledgments to 528 +LELO, farm of, at Sikyatki 640 +LEROUX, A., Verde ruins discovered by 530 +LIGHTNING symbol on Hopi pottery 673 +LIGNITE deposits near Sikyatki 643 + [LIGNITE] gorgets in Sikyatki graves 733 +LINES, broken, on Sikyatki pottery 704 +LUMMIS, C. F., on Montezuma Well ruins 546 + +MAMZRÁUTI ceremony introduced at Walpi 604 +MAN-EAGLE, a Hopi monster 691 + [MAN-EAGLE] on Sikyatki pottery 683 +MARIE, AUG. STA., an Awatobi missionary 600 +MASAUWÛH in Hopi mythology 666 + [MASAUWÛH], _see_ GOD OF DEATH. +MASIUMPTIWA, Awatobi legend repeated by 603 +MASONRY of Awatobi 616 + [MASONRY] of Honanki 563 + [MASONRY] of Palatki 554-555 + [MASONRY] of Sikyatki 644 +MEAL, sacred, trail closed with 596, 597 + [MEAL] sacrifice by the Hopi 739 +MEARNS, E. A., on Verde valley ruins 535, 544, 546 +MEDICINE BOWLS of the Hopi 681 + [MEDICINE BOWLS] of the Zuñi and Hopi 655 +MELINE, J. F., on settlement of Sandia 584 +MESCAL in Verde valley caves 550 +METAL not found at Honanki 571 + [METAL] not found at Sikyatki 649, 741 +METATES found in Awatobi 625, 626 + [METATES] found in Honanki 571 + [METATES] found in Sikyatki graves 731 +MICA, _see_ SELENITE. +MIDDLE MESA, ruins at 581, 582 +MIGRATION of Hopi clans 577 +MILLER, _Dr_, pottery collected by 675 +MINDELEFF, COSMOS, Homolobi ruins examined by 532 + [MINDELEFF, COSMOS], on absence of kivas in Verde ruins 561 + [MINDELEFF, COSMOS], on cavate houses 543 + [MINDELEFF, COSMOS], on function of cavate lodges 544 + [MINDELEFF, COSMOS], on origin of circular kivas 576 + [MINDELEFF, COSMOS], on similarity of cliff dwellings and pueblos 537 + [MINDELEFF, COSMOS], on Verde valley ruins 535 +MINDELEFF, VICTOR, Awatobi described by 602 + [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], groundplan of Chukubi by 583 + [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], groundplan of Mishiptonga by 590 + [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], on Awatobi kivas 612 + [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], on distribution of Tusayan ruins 577 + [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], on former sites of Walpi 585 + [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], on Horn-house and Bat-house 590 + [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], on origin of circular kivas 576 + [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], Shitaimovi mentioned by 582 + [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], Sikyatki described by 632 +MISHIPTONGA, ruin of 590 +MISHOÑINOVI in 1782 579 +MISHOÑINOVI, OLD, discussed 582 +MISSION, ruins of, at Awatobi 606 + [MISSION], when established at Awatobi 599 +MISSIONS among the Hopi 595 +MOKI, _see_ HOPI. +MONTEZUMA CASTLE and Honanki compared 563 + [MONTEZUMA CASTLE] on Beaver creek 549 +MONTEZUMA WELL, ruins at 534, 546-548 +MOONEY, JAMES, cited on Kawaika pottery 590 +MORFI, JUAN A., on Hopi pueblos in 1782 579 + [MORFI, JUAN A.], on settlement of Sandia 584 +MORTARS found in Awatobi 626 +MORTUARY CUSTOMS of the Hopi 648, 656 +MORTUARY OBJECTS in Sikyatki graves 650, 656 +MORTUARY REMAINS in Awatobi 617 +MORTUARY SLABS from Sikyatki 732 +MORTUARY VESSELS, food remains in 741 +MOTH FIGURES on Sikyatki pottery 678-680 +MOUNTAIN-LION fetish from Sikyatki 730 + [MOUNTAIN-LION] figure on pottery 671 + [MOUNTAIN-LION] in Hopi mythology 545 +MOUNTAIN-SHEEP figure on pottery 669, 671 +MÜYINWÛ, a Hopi deity 647, 667 +MYTH, _see_ COSMOGONY; GENESIS. +MYTHIC origin of Kanelba 638-639 + [MYTHIC] personages on pottery 665 + +NAHUATL and Hopi pictographs compared 569 +NAIUTCI injured by stick swallowing 664 +NAKWÁKWOCI defined 662 +NAMPÉO, a Hopi potter 660 +NASYUÑWEVE, a Hopi folklorist 637, 640 +NAVAHO and Hopi intermarriage 658 + [NAVAHO] ceremonial circuit 681 + [NAVAHO] depredations in Tusayan 585 + [NAVAHO] in Antelope valley 592, 593 + [NAVAHO] katcinas on Hopi pottery 658 + [NAVAHO], late appearance of, in Tusayan 581 + [NAVAHO] name of Awatobi 594 + [NAVAHO], recent advent of, in New Mexico 658 + [NAVAHO], shrine robbed by 612 +NAYBI identified with Oraibi 599 +NECKLACES in Sikyatki graves 733 +NEEDLES, bone, from Awatobi 627 +NEW-FIRE CEREMONIES of the Hopi 586, 602 +NEW MEXICO, _see_ NAVAHO. +NIEL, J. A., on Tanoan migration to Tusayan 578, 584 +NIMANKATCINA of the Hopi 593 +NIZA, MARCOS DE, on Totonteac fabrics 629 +NOMENCLATURE of Awatobi 594 + [NOMENCLATURE] of Sikyatki 636 +NORDENSKIÖLD, G., on affinity of cliff dwellers and pueblos 532 + [NORDENSKIÖLD, G.], on evolution of pottery design 716, 727 + [NORDENSKIÖLD, G.], cited on Mesa Verde villages 555, 563, 678 + [NORDENSKIÖLD, G.], on origin of round kivas 575 + [NORDENSKIÖLD, G.], on platforms in Mesa Verde kivas 541 + [NORDENSKIÖLD, G.], prayer-sticks found by 736 +NÜSHAKI, etymology of 578, 586 + +OAK CREEK, ruins on 533, 550 +OBSIDIAN objects from Sikyatki 732 +OFFERINGS by Indian excavators 641 +OÑATE, JUAN DE, Awatobi visited by 594, 599 +OPENINGS in Honanki walls 565 + [OPENINGS], _see_ DOORWAY. +ORAIBI, age of 607 + [ORAIBI] in 1782 580 + [ORAIBI] legendary origin of 634 + [ORAIBI], site of 578 +ORIENTATION of Awatobi mission 609 +ORNAMENTS in Sikyatki graves 733 +OTERMIN, ANT., attempted reconquest by 584 +OWENS, J. G., acknowledgments to 646 + +PADILLA, JUAN, visits Tusayan in 1540 596 +PAHO, _see_ PRAYER-STICK. +PAIAKYAMU figures on Hopi pottery 659 +PAINT, _see_ PIGMENT. +PALATKI, art remains found at 569 + [PALATKI], population of 567 + [PALATKI] ruins discovered 534, 551 + [PALATKI] ruins described 553-558 +PALATKWABI, a traditional land of the Hopi 529, 531, 568, 672 +PALEOGRAPHY, _see_ DECORATION. +PASSAGEWAYS in cavate dwellings 542 + [PASSAGEWAYS] in Honanki 565 +PATKI PEOPLE, early migrations of the 574 + [PATKI PEOPLE], southern origin of the 529, 568 +PATUÑ PHRATRY, southern origin of 529 +PAYÜPKI, a ruin in Tusayan 578, 583 + [PAYÜPKI], possible origin of 584 +PEACHES cultivated near Sikyatki 646 + [PEACHES] introduced in Oraibi 604 + [PEACHES] of the Hopi 639 +PHALLIC representations among the Hopi 663 +PICTOGRAPHS at Honanki 567, 568 + [PICTOGRAPHS] at Palatki ruin 556 + [PICTOGRAPHS] in Verde valley 545 + [PICTOGRAPHS] near Montezuma Well 548 + [PICTOGRAPHS] near Schürmann's ranch 550 + [PICTOGRAPHS] of Awatobi totems 610 + [PICTOGRAPHS] on Awatobi cliffs 626 + [PICTOGRAPHS], _see_ DECORATION. +PIGMENT found at Awatobi 618 + [PIGMENT] found at Sikyatki 728, 729 + [PIGMENT] how applied by the Hopi 650 + [PIGMENT] used on prayer-sticks 630 +PIPES in Sikyatki graves 733 +PLASTERING on Awatobi walls 616 + [PLASTERING] of Honanki ruin 563 + [PLASTERING] of Palatki ruin 555 + [PLASTERING] of Sikyatki rooms 645, 646 +PLATFORMS in cavate dwellings 541 + [PLATFORMS] in Honanki 566 +PLUMED SNAKE cult in Tusayan 671, 672 + [PLUMED SNAKE] figures on Hopi kilts 696 + [PLUMED SNAKE] figure on pottery 658, 671 + [PLUMED SNAKE] in Hopi mythology 668 +POLISHING STONES from Sikyatki 729 +POPULATION of Awatobi 605 + [POPULATION] of Honanki 567 +PORCUPINE figure on pottery 669 +PORRAS, _Padre_, missionary labors of 595, 599, 600, 605 +POTTERY decoration of the Hopi 569 + [POTTERY] from ancient Walpi 585 + [POTTERY] from Awatobi 621-625 + [POTTERY] from Honanki classified 570 + [POTTERY] from Payüpki 584 + [POTTERY] from Shuñopovi and Mishoñinovi 582 + [POTTERY] from Sikyatki discussed 650-728 + [POTTERY] from Verde and Colorado Chiquito compared 573 + [POTTERY], mortuary, from Awatobi 617 + [POTTERY], mortuary, from Kawaika 590 + [POTTERY], mortuary, from Sikyatki 649 + [POTTERY] of ancient Tusayan 617 +POWAMÛ ceremony of the Hopi 702 +POWELL, J. W., ruins found by 532 +PRAYER-STICKS, cross-shape, of Keres origin 703 + [PRAYER-STICKS] from Awatobi 613, 618, 630-631 + [PRAYER-STICKS] from Honanki 573 + [PRAYER-STICKS] from Sikyatki 649, 736-739 + [PRAYER-STICKS] in Hopi ceremony 628 + [PRAYER-STICKS], prescribed length of 668 + [PRAYER-STICKS], significance of 688, 738 +PRAYER-STRINGS of the Hopi 662 +PRIESTS, Hopi, succession of 637 +PUEBLO GRANDE, _see_ KINTIEL. +PUEBLO INDIANS descended from cliff dwellers 531, 532 + [PUEBLO INDIANS] RUINS, of Verde valley classified 536 + [PUEBLO INDIANS] and cliff dwellings similar 537 + +QUADRUPED figures on Sikyatki pottery 668-671 +QUARTZ CRYSTAL from Sikyatki 729 + +RABBIT figure on Sikyatki pottery 669, 670 +RABBIT-SKIN robes of Tusayan 629 +RAIN symbol on bird ornaments 733 +RAINBOW symbols on Sikyatki pottery 681 +RAINCLOUD SYMBOL of the Hopi 681 + [RAINCLOUD SYMBOL] on Awatobi cist 613 + [RAINCLOUD SYMBOL] on gravestones 732 + [RAINCLOUD SYMBOL] on Hopi pottery 694 + [RAINCLOUD SYMBOL] on Sikyatki pottery 689, 690 +RATTLESNAKE TANKS, ruins at 532 +RED ROCKS, cliff houses of the 548-549 +REPTILE figures on pottery 658, 671-677 +RUINS of East Mesa discussed 585 + [RUINS] of Tusayan 577 + [RUINS], _see_ AWATOBI, HONANKI, PALATKI, SIKYATKI, _etc._ + +SACRIFICE among the Hopi 738 + [SACRIFICE], _see_ OFFERING. +SAINT JOHNS, ruins near 533 +SALIKO, Awatobi legend repeated by 603 + [SALIKO] on the Awatobi Mamzráutu 611 +SAN BERNABE, mission name of Shuñopovi 607 +SAN BERNARDO, mission name of Awatobi 594, 595, 599 +SANDALS found in Honanki 573 +SANDIA, Hopi name for 584 + [SANDIA] settled by Tanoan people from Tusayan 584 +SAN JUAN, headdress from 734 +SCHÜRMANN, --, acknowledgments to 559 + [SCHÜRMANN], ruins near ranch of 550-553 +SEATS, stone, in Awatobi ruins 626 +SEEDS in mortuary vessels 741 +SELENITE deposits near Sikyatki 643 + [SELENITE] in Sikyatki graves 730, 733 +SELER, E., Mexican designs gathered by 705 +SERPENT, plumed, of the Hopi 547, 548 +SHALAKO, _see_ CALAKO. +SHELL beads from Honanki 573 + [SHELL] bracelet from Honanki 572 + [SHELL] from Sikyatki graves 739 + [SHELL] ornaments from Awatobi 628 + [SHELL] ornaments in Sikyatki graves 733 +SHIMO, Awatobi legend repeated by 602 +SHIPAULOVI in 1782 579 +SHITAIMOVI, ruin of 582 +SHRINES at Awatobi described 619-621 + [SHRINES] at Walpi 586 + [SHRINES] near Tukinobi 589 + [SHRINES] robbed by Navaho 612 + [SHRINES] unearthed at Awatobi 613 + [SHRINES] of the Hopi 613 +SHUÑOPOVI in 1782 579 + [SHUÑOPOVI], OLD, discussed 582 +SICHOMOVI compared with Walpi 642 + [SICHOMOVI], Tewa name for 642 + [SICHOMOVI], when established 578, 636 +SIKYATKI and Awatobi pottery compared 623, 659 + [SIKYATKI] and modern Hopi pottery compared 649 + [SIKYATKI], destruction of 633 + [SIKYATKI], etymology of 636 + [SIKYATKI] inhabitants settle at Awatobi 596 + [SIKYATKI] people harrassed by Walpians 588 + [SIKYATKI], prehistoric character of 592, 632 + [SIKYATKI] ruins described 631-742 + [SIKYATKI], reasons for excavating 591 + [SIKYATKI] ruins examined 535 +SITES of Tusayan pueblos 578 +SITGREAVES, L., on ruins near San Francisco mountains 532, 533 + [SITGREAVES, L.], cited on selenite deposits 643 +SLIPPER-FORM VESSELS from Sikyatki 652 +SMOKING in Hopi ceremony 734 +SNAKE represented on pottery 671, 677 + [SNAKE], _see_ PLUMED SNAKE. +SNAKE HUNT, taboo of work during 639 +SNAKE PEOPLE, absence of, at Sikyatki 740 + [SNAKE PEOPLE], early arrival of, at Tusayan 582 + [SNAKE PEOPLE], northern origin of 575 + [SNAKE PEOPLE] settle at Walpi 617 +SNAKE-RATTLE in Sikyatki grave 740 + [SNAKE-RATTLE] used for ornament 740 +SORCERY, Awatobi men accused of 603 +SPANISH OBJECTS found at Awatobi 606, 623, 631 + [SPANISH OBJECTS] unknown to early Tusayan 741 +SPATTERING, pottery decorated by 650, 668, 671, 677 +SPOONS from Sikyatki described 655 + [SPOONS], _see_ POTTERY. +SQUASH indigenous to the southwest 621 + [SQUASH] flower, symbolism of the 661 +SQUAW MOUNTAIN, cavate dwellings near 534 +STALACTITES in Sikyatki graves 730 +STAR figures on Sikyatki pottery 702, 724 + [STAR] symbol on Hopi pottery 696 + [STAR] symbols on Sikyatki pottery 680, 690 +STEPHEN, A. M., on Awatobi kivas 612 + [STEPHEN, A. M.], on Horn-house and Bat-house 590 + [STEPHEN, A. M.], on Mishiptonga ruin 590 + [STEPHEN, A. M.], on occupancy of Küküchomo 587 + [STEPHEN, A. M.], on origin of certain katcina 666 +STEVENSON, JAMES, ruins discovered by 532 +STEVENSON, M. C., on Keresan cannibal giants 665 +STICK SWALLOWING by the Hopi 664 +STONE IMPLEMENTS from Awatobi 625-626 + [STONE IMPLEMENTS] from Honanki 571 + [STONE IMPLEMENTS] from Sikyatki 729 +SUN FIGURE in Powamû ceremony 702 +SUNFLOWER symbols on Sikyatki pottery 702 +SUN SYMBOL, cross allied to 623 + [SUN SYMBOL] on Sikyatki pottery 699-701 +SUN WORSHIP of the Hopi 699 +SUPELA, Awatobi legend repeated by 603 +SWASTIKA figures on Sikyatki pottery 703 + +TABOO of work during snake hunt 639 +TADPOLE figures on Sikyatki pottery 658, 677 +TALLA-HOGAN, meaning of 594 + [TALLA-HOGAN], Navaho name of Awatobi 594 +TANOAN migration to Tusayan 578, 600, 636 +TAPOLO, an Awatobi chief 603, 611 +TATAUKYAMÛ, a Hopi priesthood 611 +TATCUKTI, a Hopi clown-priest 659 +TAWA (SUN) PHRATRY, southern origin of 529 +TCINO, garden of, at Sikyatki 638, 640, 646 +TERRACED FIGURES of Mexico and Tusayan 705 + [TERRACED FIGURES] on Sikyatki pottery 701, 703 +TEWA PEOPLE occupy Payüpki 584 + [TEWA PEOPLE], progressiveness of, in Tusayan 580 +TEXTILE FABRICS from Awatobi 629-630 + [TEXTILE FABRICS], absence of, at Sikyatki 649 + [TEXTILE FABRICS] found in Honanki 572, 573 + [TEXTILE FABRICS], Sikyatki dead wrapped with 656 +TINDER TUBE from Honanki 572, 573 +TOBACCO, _see_ SMOKING. +TOBACCO PHRATRY in Awatobi 611 +TOBAR, PEDRO, visits Tusayan in 1540 578, 595, 596, 631 +TONTO, origin of term 534 +TONTO BASIN, ruins in 534 +TOTONAKA, a Hopi deity 647 +TOTONTEAC identified with Tusayan 534 + [TOTONTEAC], suggested origin of 534 +TOYS of pottery from Sikyatki 656 +TRAILS ceremonially closed 596-597 +TRINCHERAS defined 550 + [TRINCHERAS] in Red-rock country 549, 550 +TRUJILLO, JOSÉ, probably killed at Shuñopovi 600 +TSÊGI CANYON and Tusayan pottery compared 623 + [TSÊGI CANYON] formerly occupied by Hopi clans 658 + [TSÊGI CANYON], _see_ CHELLY CANYON. +TUBES, bone, from Awatobi 627 +TUCANO, name applied to Tusayan 595 +TUCAYAN, name applied to Tusayan 595 +TUKINOBI, ruin of, described 589 +TURQUOIS beads found at Honanki 573 + [TURQUOIS] mosaics of the Hopi 662 + [TURQUOIS] objects in Sikyatki graves 641, 733 +TUSAYAN, application of term 577 + [TUSAYAN] identified with Hopi villages 595 + [TUSAYAN] ruins discussed 577-742 + [TUSAYAN] towns in 1540 606 + [TUSAYAN], _see_ HOPI. +TUZAN, name applied to Tusayan 595 +TYLOR, E. B., cited on primitive sacrifice 738 + +UTE depredations in Tusayan 585 + [UTE], late appearance of, at Tusayan 581 + +VARGAS, DIEGO DE, Awatobi visited by 594 + [VARGAS, DIEGO DE], Tusayan conquered by 600 +VASES, _see_ POTTERY. +VEGETAL DESIGNS on Hopi pottery 698-699 +VERDE VALLEY and Tusayan ruins compared 573 + [VERDE VALLEY], archeology of 530 + [VERDE VALLEY] ruins discussed 536, 576 +VETANCURT, A. DE, Awatobi mentioned by 594 + [VETANCURT, A. DE], on destruction of Awatobi mission 600 +VOTH, H. R., decorated bowl collected by 665 + [VOTH, H. R.], on ancient pottery found at Oraibi 607 + +WALLS of Honanki described 559 + [WALLS] of Palatki ruin 557 + [WALLS], _see_ MASONRY. +WALNUT CANYON, cliff houses in 532 +WALPI, ancient, pottery of 660 + [WALPI] compared with other villages 642 + [WALPI], former sites of 585, 635 + [WALPI], gradual desertion of 586 + [WALPI] in 1540 578 + [WALPI] in 1782 579 + [WALPI], origin of name 585 + [WALPI], southern origin of clans of 529 +WALTHER, HENRY, pottery repaired by 682 +WAR GOD symbolism on Hopi pottery 664 +WATER used in Hopi ceremony 689 +WATER-HOUSE PEOPLE of Tusayan 672 + [WATER-HOUSE PEOPLE], _see_ PATKI. +WATER SUPPLY of Sikyatki 638, 646 +WEAPONS of ancient Tusayan 596, 598 +WHISTLES, bone, from Awatobi 627 + [WHISTLES] used in Hopi ceremonies 628 +WINSHIP, G. P., acknowledgments to 527 + [WINSHIP, G. P.], Castañeda's narrative translated by 596 +WIPO SPRING in Tusayan 639 +WOOD in Palatki ruin 555 + [WOOD], method of working, at Honanki 571 + [WOOD], remains of, at Honanki 562, 566 + [WOOD], objects of, from Honanki 572 +WOOD'S RANCH, pictograph bowlder near 545 + +XUMUPAMÍ identified with Shuñopovi 599 + +YUCCA fiber anciently used 572 + +ZAGNATO, an Awatobi synonym 594 +ZAGUATE, an Awatobi synonym 594 +ZAGUATO, an Awatobi synonym 594 +ZÏNNI-JINNE, _see_ KINNAZINDE. +ZUÑI and other pottery compared 623 + [ZUÑI] origin of Kintiel 534, 591 + [ZUÑI], Shalako ceremony of 700 + [ZUÑI], snake figures on pottery of 677 + [ZUÑI], southern origin of clans of 574 + [ZUÑI], stick-swallowing at 664 + + * * * * * + + + + +Transcriber's Notes: + + +Some illustrations have been repositioned to avoid breaking up the +text. Page numbers in the List of Illustrations refer to the original +printed report. The Index has been edited to list only the topics +contained in this report. + +The original book contains some diacriticals that are represented in +this e-text as follows: + + The [)i] represents a breve (u-shaped) above the i. + (He'-sho'ta pathl-tâ[)i]e,) + + The [=a] represents a macron (straight-line) above the a. + (_N[=a]-ác-nai-ya_, and Estev[=a]) + +Page 522, Table of Contents: Ornaments, necklaces, and gorgets (page +733) in original report changed to Necklaces, gorgets, and other +ornaments to match the actual section heading. + +Page 525, List of Illustrations: CXXXV, _a_ in original report changed +to CXXXV, _b_ to match the actual caption. + (Fig. 270. Outline of plate CXXXV, _a_) + +Page 526, List of Illustrations: triangles in original report changed +to triangle to match the actual captions. + (Fig. 336. Double triangles) and + (Fig. 337. Double triangles and feathers) + +Page 652: attemps in original report changed to attempts. + (The first attemps at ornamentation) + +Page 688, Footnote 1 in original report, now Footnote 145: +annulets in original report changed to amulets. + (ceremonial paraphernalia, as annulets, placed on sand pictures) + +Page 702: respresented in original report changed to represented. + (A large number of crosses are respresented in plate) + +Page 706: Sityatki in original report changed to Sikyatki. + (animal figures are unknown in this position in Sityatki pottery;) + +Page 709 in original report, now page 708: lines in original report changed to line. + (FIG. 288--Single lines with triangles) + +Page 731: to-day in original report changed to today for consistency. + (tethering in use today.) + +Page 737: offerigs in original report changed to offerings. + (ancient prayer offerigs) + +Page 741: accompaning in original report changed to accompanying. + (is set forth in the accompaning letter) + +Page 744: In Appendix, Plate CLXXIII, _f_, the 5th digit of number +is missing in original report; represented by a question mark. + (_f_, 1561 0;) + +Plate CXL: SITYATKI in original report changed to SIKYATKI. + (FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SITYATKI) + +All other spelling and accent variations and inconsistencies have not +been changed from the original document, except for minor punctuation +corrections. + + + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Archeological Expedition to Arizona in +1895, by Jesse Walter Fewkes + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EXPEDITION TO ARIZONA *** + +***** This file should be named 23691-8.txt or 23691-8.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/2/3/6/9/23691/ + +Produced by PM for Bureau of American Ethnology, Carlo +Traverso, Diane Monico, and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was +produced from images generously made available by the +Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF/Gallica) at +http://gallica.bnf.fr) + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Archeological Expedition to Arizona in 1895 + Seventeenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American + Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, + 1895-1896, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1898, + pages 519-744 + +Author: Jesse Walter Fewkes + +Release Date: December 3, 2007 [EBook #23691] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EXPEDITION TO ARIZONA *** + + + + +Produced by PM for Bureau of American Ethnology, Carlo +Traverso, Diane Monico, and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was +produced from images generously made available by the +Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF/Gallica) at +http://gallica.bnf.fr) + + + + + + +</pre> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_519" id="Page_519">[Pg 519]</a></span></p> + + +<hr style="width: 95%;" /> +<h1>ARCHEOLOGICAL EXPEDITION TO ARIZONA IN 1895</h1> + +<h3>BY</h3> + +<h2>JESSE WALTER FEWKES</h2> + + + +<hr style="width: 95%;" /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_521" id="Page_521">[Pg 521]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CONTENTS" id="CONTENTS"></a>CONTENTS</h2> + + +<div class='center'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="toc"> +<tr><td align='left'> </td><td align='left'>Page</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Introductory note</td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_527">527</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Plan of the expedition</td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_529">529</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Ruins in Verde valley</td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_536">536</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Classification of the ruins</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_536">536</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Cavate dwellings</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_537">537</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Montezuma Well</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_546">546</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Cliff houses of the Red-rocks</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_548">548</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Ruins near Schürmann's ranch</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_550">550</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Palatki</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_553">553</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Honanki</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_558">558</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Objects found at Palatki and Honanki</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_569">569</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Conclusions regarding the Verde valley ruins</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_573">573</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>Ruins in Tusayan</td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_577">577</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 1em;">General features</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_577">577</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 1em;">The Middle Mesa ruins</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_582">582</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Shuñopovi</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_582">582</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Mishoñinovi</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_582">582</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Chukubi</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_583">583</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Payüpki</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_583">583</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 1em;">The East Mesa ruins</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_585">585</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Küchaptüvela and Kisakobi</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_585">585</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Küküchomo</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_586">586</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Kachinba</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_589">589</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Tukinobi</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_589">589</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Jeditoh valley ruins</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_589">589</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 1em;">Awatobi</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_592">592</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Characteristics of the ruin</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_592">592</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Nomenclature of Awatobi</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_594">594</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Historical knowledge of Awatobi</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_595">595</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Legend of the destruction of Awatobi</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_603">603</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Evidences of fire in the destruction</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_606">606</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">The ruins of the mission</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_606">606</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">The kivas of Awatobi</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_611">611</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Old Awatobi</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_614">614</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Rooms of the western mound</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_614">614</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Smaller Awatobi</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_617">617</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Mortuary remains</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_617">617</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Shrines</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_619">619</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Pottery</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_621">621</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Stone implements</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_625">625</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Bone objects</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_627">627</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Miscellaneous objects</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_628">628</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 3em;">Ornaments in the form of birds and shells</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_628">628</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 3em;">Clay bell</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_628">628</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 3em;">Textile fabrics</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_629">629</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 3em;">Prayer-sticks—Pigments</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_630">630</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 3em;">Objects showing Spanish influence</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_631">631</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_522" id="Page_522">[Pg 522]</a></span><span style="margin-left: 1em;">The ruins of Sikyatki</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_631">631</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Traditional knowledge of the pueblo</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_631">631</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Nomenclature</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_636">636</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Former inhabitants of Sikyatki</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_636">636</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">General features</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_637">637</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">The acropolis</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_643">643</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Modern gardens</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_646">646</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">The cemeteries</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_646">646</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Pottery</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_650">650</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 3em;">Characteristics—Mortuary pottery</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_650">650</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 3em;">Coiled and indented ware</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_651">651</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 3em;">Smooth undecorated ware</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_652">652</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 3em;">Polished decorated ware</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_652">652</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Paleography of the pottery</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_657">657</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 3em;">General features</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_657">657</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 3em;">Human figures</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_660">660</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 3em;">The human hand</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_666">666</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 3em;">Quadrupeds</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_668">668</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 3em;">Reptiles</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_671">671</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 3em;">Tadpoles</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_677">677</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 3em;">Butterflies or moths</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_678">678</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 3em;">Dragon-flies</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_680">680</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 3em;">Birds</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_682">682</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 3em;">Vegetal designs</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_698">698</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 3em;">The sun</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_699">699</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 3em;">Geometric figures</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_701">701</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 4em;">Interpretation of the figures</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_701">701</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 4em;">Crosses</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_702">702</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 4em;">Terraced figures</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_703">703</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 4em;">The crook</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_703">703</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 4em;">The germinative symbol</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_704">704</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 4em;">Broken lines</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_704">704</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 3em;">Decorations on the exterior of food bowls </span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_705">705</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Pigments</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_728">728</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Stone objects</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_729">729</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Obsidian</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_732">732</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Necklaces, gorgets, and other ornaments</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_733">733</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Tobacco pipes</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_733">733</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Prayer-sticks</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_736">736</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Marine shells and other objects</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_739">739</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><span style="margin-left: 2em;">Perishable contents of mortuary food bowls</span></td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_741">741</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'><a href="#FOOTNOTES">FOOTNOTES</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>APPENDIX</td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_743">743</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align='left'>INDEX</td><td align='left'><a href="#Page_745">745</a></td></tr> +</table></div> + + + + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_523" id="Page_523">[Pg 523]</a></span></p><hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="ILLUSTRATIONS" id="ILLUSTRATIONS"></a>ILLUSTRATIONS</h2> + + +<div class='center'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="loi"> +<tr><td align='right'> </td><td align='left'> </td><td align='left'>Page</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'>PLATE <a href="#PL_XCIa">XCI<i>a</i></a>.</td><td align='left'>Cavate dwellings—Rio Verde</td><td align='left'>537</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_XCIb">XCI<i>b</i></a>.</td><td align='left'>Cavate dwellings—Oak creek</td><td align='left'>539</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_XCII">XCII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Entrances to cavate ruins</td><td align='left'>541</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_XCIII">XCIII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Bowlder with pictographs near Wood's ranch</td><td align='left'>545</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_XCIV">XCIV</a>.</td><td align='left'>Montezuma Well</td><td align='left'>547</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_XCV">XCV</a>.</td><td align='left'>Cliff house, Montezuma Well</td><td align='left'>549</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_XCVI">XCVI</a>.</td><td align='left'>Ruin on the brink of Montezuma Well</td><td align='left'>551</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_XCVII">XCVII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Pictographs near Cliff ranch, Verde valley</td><td align='left'>553</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_XCVIII">XCVIII</a>.</td><td align='left'>The Red-rocks; Temple canyon</td><td align='left'>555</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_XCIX">XCIX</a>.</td><td align='left'>Palatki (Ruin I)</td><td align='left'>557</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_C">C</a>.</td><td align='left'>Palatki (Ruin I)</td><td align='left'>559</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CI">CI</a>.</td><td align='left'>Front wall of Palatki (Ruin II)</td><td align='left'>561</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CII">CII</a></td><td align='left'>Honanki (Ruin II)</td><td align='left'>563</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CIII">CIII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Walls of Honanki</td><td align='left'>565</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CIV">CIV</a>.</td><td align='left'>Approach to main part of Honanki</td><td align='left'>567</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CV">CV</a>.</td><td align='left'>Map of the ruins of Tusayan</td><td align='left'>583</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CVI">CVI</a>.</td><td align='left'>The ruins of Küküchomo</td><td align='left'>587</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CVII">CVII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Ground plan of Awatobi</td><td align='left'>603</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CVIII">CVIII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Ruins of San Bernardino de Awatobi</td><td align='left'>607</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CIX">CIX</a>.</td><td align='left'>Excavations in the western mound of Awatobi</td><td align='left'>615</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CX">CX</a>.</td><td align='left'>Excavated room in the western mound of Awatobi</td><td align='left'>617</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXI">CXI</a>.</td><td align='left'>Vase and mugs from the western mounds of Awatobi</td><td align='left'>618</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXII">CXII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Paint pots, vase, and dipper from Awatobi</td><td align='left'>620</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXIII">CXIII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Pottery from intramural burial at Awatobi</td><td align='left'>622</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXIV">CXIV</a>.</td><td align='left'>Bone implements from Awatobi and Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>626</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXV">CXV</a>.</td><td align='left'>Sikyatki mounds from the Kanelba trail</td><td align='left'>637</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXVI">CXVI</a>.</td><td align='left'>Ground plan of Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>639</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXVII">CXVII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Excavated rooms on the acropolis of Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>643</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXVIII">CXVIII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Plan of excavated rooms on the acropolis of Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>644</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXIX">CXIX</a>.</td><td align='left'>Coiled and indented pottery from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>650</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXX">CXX</a>.</td><td align='left'>Saucers and slipper bowls from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>652</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXI">CXXI</a>.</td><td align='left'>Decorated pottery from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>654</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXII">CXXII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Decorated pottery from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>654</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXIII">CXXIII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Decorated pottery from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>657</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXIV">CXXIV</a>.</td><td align='left'>Decorated pottery from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>660</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXV">CXXV</a>.</td><td align='left'>Flat dippers and medicine box from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>662</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXVI">CXXVI</a>.</td><td align='left'>Double-lobe vases from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>664</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXVII">CXXVII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Unusual forms of vases from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>666</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXVIII">CXXVIII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Medicine box and pigment pots from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>668</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXIX">CXXIX</a>.</td><td align='left'>Designs on food bowls from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>670</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXX">CXXX</a>.</td><td align='left'>Food bowls with figures of quadrupeds from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>672</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXXI">CXXXI</a>.</td><td align='left'>Ornamented ladles from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>674</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXXII">CXXXII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Food bowls with figures of reptiles from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>676</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXXIII">CXXXIII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Bowls and dippers with figures of tadpoles, birds, etc., from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>676</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_524" id="Page_524">[Pg 524]</a></span><a href="#PL_CXXXIV">CXXXIV</a>.</td><td align='left'>Food bowls with figures of sun, butterfly, and flower, from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>676</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXXV">CXXXV</a>.</td><td align='left'>Vases with figures of butterflies from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>678</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXXVI">CXXXVI</a>.</td><td align='left'>Vases with figures of birds and feathers from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>678</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXXVII">CXXXVII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Vessels with figures of human hand, birds, turtle, etc., from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>680</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXXVIII">CXXXVIII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Food bowls with figures of birds from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>682</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXXIX">CXXXIX</a>.</td><td align='left'>Food bowls with figures of birds from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>684</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXL">CXL</a>.</td><td align='left'>Figures of birds from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>686</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXLI">CXLI</a>.</td><td align='left'>Food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>688</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXLII">CXLII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Vases, bowls, and ladle with figures of feathers from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>688</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXLIII">CXLIII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Vase with figures of birds from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>690</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXLIV">CXLIV</a>.</td><td align='left'>Vase with figures of birds from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>690</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXLV">CXLV</a>.</td><td align='left'>Vases with figures of birds from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>690</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXLVI">CXLVI</a>.</td><td align='left'>Bowls and potsherd with figures of birds from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>692</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXLVII">CXLVII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Food bowls with figures of birds from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>692</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXLVIII">CXLVIII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Food bowls with symbols of feathers from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>694</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXLIX">CXLIX</a>.</td><td align='left'>Food bowls with symbols of feathers from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>694</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CL">CL</a>.</td><td align='left'>Figures of birds and feathers from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>696</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLI">CLI</a>.</td><td align='left'>Figures of birds and feathers from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>696</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLII">CLII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Food bowls with bird, feather, and flower symbols from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>698</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLIII">CLIII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>698</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLIV">CLIV</a>.</td><td align='left'>Food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>700</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLV">CLV</a>.</td><td align='left'>Food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>700</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLVI">CLVI</a>.</td><td align='left'>Food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>700</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLVII">CLVII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Figures of birds and feathers from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>702</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLVIII">CLVIII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Food bowls with figures of sun and related symbols from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>702</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLIX">CLIX</a>.</td><td align='left'>Cross and related designs from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>704</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLX">CLX</a>.</td><td align='left'>Cross and other symbols from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>704</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLXI">CLXI</a>.</td><td align='left'>Star, sun, and related symbols from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>704</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLXII">CLXII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Geometric ornamentation from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>706</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLXIII">CLXIII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Food bowls with geometric ornamentation from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>708</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLXIV">CLXIV</a>.</td><td align='left'>Food bowls with geometric ornamentation from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>710</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLXV">CLXV</a>.</td><td align='left'>Food bowls with geometric ornamentation from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>714</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLXVI">CLXVI</a>.</td><td align='left'>Linear figures on food bowls from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>718</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLXVII">CLXVII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Geometric ornamentation from Awatobi</td><td align='left'>722</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLXVIII">CLXVIII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Geometric ornamentation from Awatobi</td><td align='left'>726</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLXIX">CLXIX</a>.</td><td align='left'>Arrowshaft smoothers, selenite, and symbolic corn from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>728</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLXX">CLXX</a>.</td><td align='left'>Corn grinder from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>730</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLXXI">CLXXI</a>.</td><td align='left'>Stone implements from Palatki, Awatobi, and Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>732</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLXXII">CLXXII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Paint grinder, fetish, lignite, and kaolin disks from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>734</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLXXIII">CLXXIII</a>.</td><td align='left'>Pipes, bell, clay birds, and shells from Awatobi and Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>736</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLXXIV">CLXXIV</a>.</td><td align='left'>Pahos or prayer-sticks from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>738</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLXXV">CLXXV</a>.</td><td align='left'>Pahos or prayer-sticks from Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>738</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'>FIGURE <a href="#Fig_245">245</a>.</td><td align='left'>Plan of cavate dwelling on Rio Verde</td><td align='left'>540</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_246">246</a>.</td><td align='left'>Casa Montezuma on Beaver creek</td><td align='left'>552</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_247">247</a>.</td><td align='left'>Ground plan of Palatki (Ruins I and II)</td><td align='left'>554</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_248">248</a>.</td><td align='left'>Ground plan of Honanki</td><td align='left'>559</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_249">249</a>.</td><td align='left'>The main ruin of Honanki</td><td align='left'>562</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_250">250</a>.</td><td align='left'>Structure of wall of Honanki</td><td align='left'>564</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_251">251</a>.</td><td align='left'>Stone implement from Honanki</td><td align='left'>571</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_252">252</a>.</td><td align='left'>Tinder tube from Honanki</td><td align='left'>572</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_253">253</a>.</td><td align='left'>Küküchomo</td><td align='left'>587</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_525" id="Page_525">[Pg 525]</a></span> +<a href="#Fig_254">254</a>.</td><td align='left'>Defensive wall on the East Mesa</td><td align='left'>588</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_255">255</a>.</td><td align='left'>Ground plan of San Bernardino de Awatobi</td><td align='left'>608</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_256">256</a>.</td><td align='left'>Structure of house wall of Awatobi</td><td align='left'>615</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_257">257</a>.</td><td align='left'>Alosaka shrine at Awatobi</td><td align='left'>620</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_258">258</a>.</td><td align='left'>Shrine at Awatobi</td><td align='left'>621</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_259">259</a>.</td><td align='left'>Shrine at Awatobi</td><td align='left'>621</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_260">260</a>.</td><td align='left'>Shrine at Awatobi</td><td align='left'>621</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_261">261</a>.</td><td align='left'>Clay bell from Awatobi</td><td align='left'>629</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_262">262</a>.</td><td align='left'>The acropolis of Sikyatki</td><td align='left'>644</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_263">263</a>.</td><td align='left'>War god shooting an animal (fragment of food bowl)</td><td align='left'>665</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_264">264</a>.</td><td align='left'>Mountain sheep</td><td align='left'>669</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_265">265</a>.</td><td align='left'>Mountain lion</td><td align='left'>670</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_266">266</a>.</td><td align='left'>Plumed serpent</td><td align='left'>672</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_267">267</a>.</td><td align='left'>Unknown reptile</td><td align='left'>674</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_268">268</a>.</td><td align='left'>Unknown reptile</td><td align='left'>675</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_269">269</a>.</td><td align='left'>Unknown reptile</td><td align='left'>676</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_270">270</a>.</td><td align='left'>Outline of plate <span class="smcap">cxxxv</span>, <i>b</i></td><td align='left'>678</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_271">271</a>.</td><td align='left'>Butterfly design on upper surface of plate <span class="smcap">cxxxv</span>, <i>b</i></td><td align='left'>679</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_272">272</a>.</td><td align='left'>Man-eagle</td><td align='left'>683</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_273">273</a>.</td><td align='left'>Pendent feather ornaments on a vase</td><td align='left'>690</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_274">274</a>.</td><td align='left'>Upper surface of vase with bird decoration</td><td align='left'>691</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_275">275</a>.</td><td align='left'>Kwataka eating an animal</td><td align='left'>692</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_276">276</a>.</td><td align='left'>Decoration on the bottom of plate <span class="smcap">cxlvi</span>, <i>f</i></td><td align='left'>694</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_277">277</a>.</td><td align='left'>Oblique parallel line decoration</td><td align='left'>706</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_278">278</a>.</td><td align='left'>Parallel lines fused at one point</td><td align='left'>706</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_279">279</a>.</td><td align='left'>Parallel lines with zigzag arrangement</td><td align='left'>706</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_280">280</a>.</td><td align='left'>Parallel lines connected by middle bar</td><td align='left'>707</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_281">281</a>.</td><td align='left'>Parallel lines of different width; serrate margin</td><td align='left'>707</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_282">282</a>.</td><td align='left'>Parallel lines of different width; median serrate</td><td align='left'>707</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_283">283</a>.</td><td align='left'>Parallel lines of different width; marginal serrate</td><td align='left'>707</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_284">284</a>.</td><td align='left'>Parallel lines and triangles</td><td align='left'>708</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_285">285</a>.</td><td align='left'>Line with alternate triangles</td><td align='left'>708</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_286">286</a>.</td><td align='left'>Single line with alternate spurs</td><td align='left'>708</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_287">287</a>.</td><td align='left'>Single line with hourglass figures</td><td align='left'>708</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_288">288</a>.</td><td align='left'>Single line with triangles</td><td align='left'>709</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_289">289</a>.</td><td align='left'>Single line with alternate triangles and ovals</td><td align='left'>709</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_290">290</a>.</td><td align='left'>Triangles and quadrilaterals</td><td align='left'>709</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_291">291</a>.</td><td align='left'>Triangle with spurs</td><td align='left'>709</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_292">292</a>.</td><td align='left'>Rectangle with single line</td><td align='left'>709</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_293">293</a>.</td><td align='left'>Double triangle; multiple lines</td><td align='left'>710</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_294">294</a>.</td><td align='left'>Double triangle; terraced edges</td><td align='left'>710</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_295">295</a>.</td><td align='left'>Single line; closed fret</td><td align='left'>710</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_296">296</a>.</td><td align='left'>Single line; open fret</td><td align='left'>711</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_297">297</a>.</td><td align='left'>Single line; broken fret</td><td align='left'>711</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_298">298</a>.</td><td align='left'>Single line; parts displaced</td><td align='left'>711</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_299">299</a>.</td><td align='left'>Open fret; attachment displaced</td><td align='left'>711</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_300">300</a>.</td><td align='left'>Simple rectangular design</td><td align='left'>711</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_301">301</a>.</td><td align='left'>Rectangular S-form</td><td align='left'>712</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_302">302</a>.</td><td align='left'>Rectangular S-form with crooks</td><td align='left'>712</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_303">303</a>.</td><td align='left'>Rectangular S-form with triangles</td><td align='left'>712</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_304">304</a>.</td><td align='left'>Rectangular S-form with terraced triangles</td><td align='left'>712</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_305">305</a>.</td><td align='left'>S-form with interdigitating spurs</td><td align='left'>713</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_306">306</a>.</td><td align='left'>Square with rectangles and parallel lines</td><td align='left'>713</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_307">307</a>.</td><td align='left'>Rectangles, triangles, stars, and feathers</td><td align='left'>713</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_308">308</a>.</td><td align='left'>Crook, feathers, and parallel lines</td><td align='left'>713</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_309">309</a>.</td><td align='left'>Crooks and feathers</td><td align='left'>714</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_526" id="Page_526">[Pg 526]</a></span><a href="#Fig_310">310</a>.</td><td align='left'>Rectangle, triangles, and feathers</td><td align='left'>714</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_311">311</a>.</td><td align='left'>Terraced crook, triangle, and feathers</td><td align='left'>714</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_312">312</a>.</td><td align='left'>Double key</td><td align='left'>715</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_313">313</a>.</td><td align='left'>Triangular terrace</td><td align='left'>715</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_314">314</a>.</td><td align='left'>Crook, serrate end</td><td align='left'>715</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_315">315</a>.</td><td align='left'>Key pattern; rectangle and triangles</td><td align='left'>716</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_316">316</a>.</td><td align='left'>Rectangle and crook</td><td align='left'>716</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_317">317</a>.</td><td align='left'>Crook and tail-feathers</td><td align='left'>716</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_318">318</a>.</td><td align='left'>Rectangle, triangle, and serrate spurs</td><td align='left'>717</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_319">319</a>.</td><td align='left'>W-pattern; terminal crooks</td><td align='left'>717</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_320">320</a>.</td><td align='left'>W-pattern; terminal rectangles</td><td align='left'>717</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_321">321</a>.</td><td align='left'>W-pattern; terminal terraces and crooks</td><td align='left'>718</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_322">322</a>.</td><td align='left'>W-pattern; terminal spurs</td><td align='left'>718</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_323">323</a>.</td><td align='left'>W-pattern; bird form</td><td align='left'>719</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_324">324</a>.</td><td align='left'>W-pattern; median triangle</td><td align='left'>719</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_325">325</a>.</td><td align='left'>Double triangle; two breath feathers</td><td align='left'>720</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_326">326</a>.</td><td align='left'>Double triangle; median trapezoid</td><td align='left'>720</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_327">327</a>.</td><td align='left'>Double triangle; median rectangle</td><td align='left'>720</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_328">328</a>.</td><td align='left'>Double compound triangle; median rectangle</td><td align='left'>720</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_329">329</a>.</td><td align='left'>Double triangle; median triangle</td><td align='left'>721</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_330">330</a>.</td><td align='left'>Double compound triangle</td><td align='left'>721</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_331">331</a>.</td><td align='left'>Double rectangle; median rectangle</td><td align='left'>721</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_332">332</a>.</td><td align='left'>Double rectangle; median triangle</td><td align='left'>721</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_333">333</a>.</td><td align='left'>Double triangle with crooks</td><td align='left'>722</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_334">334</a>.</td><td align='left'>W-shape figure; single line with feathers</td><td align='left'>722</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_335">335</a>.</td><td align='left'>Compound rectangles, triangles, and feathers</td><td align='left'>722</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_336">336</a>.</td><td align='left'>Double triangle</td><td align='left'>722</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_337">337</a>.</td><td align='left'>Double triangle and feathers</td><td align='left'>723</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_338">338</a>.</td><td align='left'>Twin triangles</td><td align='left'>723</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_339">339</a>.</td><td align='left'>Triangle with terraced appendages</td><td align='left'>723</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_340">340</a>.</td><td align='left'>Mosaic pattern</td><td align='left'>723</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_341">341</a>.</td><td align='left'>Rectangles, stars, crooks, and parallel lines</td><td align='left'>724</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_342">342</a>.</td><td align='left'>Continuous crooks</td><td align='left'>724</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_343">343</a>.</td><td align='left'>Rectangular terrace pattern</td><td align='left'>724</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_344">344</a>.</td><td align='left'>Terrace pattern with parallel lines</td><td align='left'>725</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_345">345</a>.</td><td align='left'>Terrace pattern</td><td align='left'>725</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_346">346</a>.</td><td align='left'>Triangular pattern with feathers</td><td align='left'>725</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_347">347</a>.</td><td align='left'>S-pattern</td><td align='left'>726</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_348">348</a>.</td><td align='left'>Triangular and terrace figures</td><td align='left'>726</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_349">349</a>.</td><td align='left'>Crook, terrace, and parallel lines</td><td align='left'>726</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_350">350</a>.</td><td align='left'>Triangles, squares, and terraces</td><td align='left'>726</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_351">351</a>.</td><td align='left'>Bifurcated rectangular design</td><td align='left'>727</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_352">352</a>.</td><td align='left'>Lines of life and triangles</td><td align='left'>727</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_353">353</a>.</td><td align='left'>Infolded triangles</td><td align='left'>727</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_354">354</a>.</td><td align='left'>Human hand</td><td align='left'>728</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_355">355</a>.</td><td align='left'>Animal paw, limb, and triangle</td><td align='left'>728</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_356">356</a>.</td><td align='left'>Kaolin disk</td><td align='left'>729</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#Fig_357">357</a>.</td><td align='left'>Mortuary prayer-stick</td><td align='left'>736</td></tr> +</table></div> + + + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_527" id="Page_527">[Pg 527]</a></span></p><hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="ARCHEOLOGICAL_EXPEDITION_TO_ARIZONA_IN_1895" id="ARCHEOLOGICAL_EXPEDITION_TO_ARIZONA_IN_1895"></a>ARCHEOLOGICAL EXPEDITION TO ARIZONA IN 1895</h2> + +<h3>By <span class="smcap">Jesse Walter Fewkes</span></h3> + + + +<h2><a name="INTRODUCTORY_NOTE" id="INTRODUCTORY_NOTE"></a>INTRODUCTORY NOTE</h2> + + +<p>About the close of May, 1895, I was invited to make a collection of +objects for the National Museum, illustrating the archeology of the +Southwest, especially that phase of pueblo life pertaining to the so-called +cliff houses. I was specially urged to make as large a collection +as possible, and the choice of locality was generously left to my +discretion.</p> + +<p>Leaving Washington on the 25th of May, I obtained a collection and +returned with it to that city on the 15th of September, having spent +three months in the field. The material brought back by the expedition +was catalogued under 966 entries, numbering somewhat over a thousand +specimens. The majority of these objects are fine examples of mortuary +pottery of excellent character, fully 500 of which are decorated.</p> + +<p>I was particularly fortunate in my scientific collaborators. Mr F. W. +Hodge, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, joined me at Sikyatki, +and remained with the expedition until it disbanded, at the close of +August. Much of my success in the work at that ruin was due to his +advice and aid. He was constantly at the excavations, and the majority +of the beautiful specimens were taken out of the graves by him. It +is with the greatest pleasure that I am permitted to express my appreciation +of his assistance in my archeological investigations at Sikyatki. +Mr G. P. Winship, now librarian of the John Carter Brown Library at +Providence, visited our camp at the ruin mentioned, and remained with +us a few weeks, rendering important aid and adding an enthusiastic +student to our number. Mr James S. Judd was a volunteer assistant +while we were at Sikyatki, aiding me in many ways, especially in the +management of our camp. I need only to refer to the beautiful drawings +which accompany this memoir to show how much I am indebted to +Mrs Hodge for faithful colored figures of the remarkable pottery uncovered +from the Tusayan sands. My party included Mr S. Goddard, of +Prescott, Arizona, who served as cook and driver, and Mr Erwin Baer, +of the same city, as photographer. The manual work at the ruins was +done by a number of young Indians from the East Mesa, who very properly +were employed on the Moki reservation. An all too prevalent and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_528" id="Page_528">[Pg 528]</a></span> +often unjust criticism that Indians will not work if paid for their labor, +was not voiced by any of our party. They gave many a weary hour's +labor in the hot sun, in their enthusiasm to make the collection as large +as possible.</p> + +<p>On my return to Washington I was invited to prepare a preliminary +account of my work in the field, which the Secretary of the Smithsonian +Institution did me the honor to publish in his report for 1895. This +report was of a very general character, and from necessity limited in +pages; consequently it presented only the more salient features of my +explorations.</p> + +<p>The following account was prepared as a more exhaustive discussion +of the results of my summer's work. The memoir is much more extended +than I had expected to make it when I accepted the invitation +to collect archeological objects for the Museum, and betrays, I fear, imperfections +due to the limited time spent in the field. The main object +of the expedition was a collection of specimens, the majority of which, +now on exhibition in the National Museum, tell their own story regarding +its success.</p> + +<p>I am under deep obligations to the officers of the Smithsonian Institution, +the National Museum, and the Bureau of American Ethnology +for many kindnesses, and wish especially to express my thanks to Mr +S. P. Langley, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, for the opportunity +to study the ancient ruins of Tusayan. Nothing had a greater +influence on my final decision to abandon other congenial work and +undertake this, than my profound respect for the late Dr G. Brown +Goode, who suggested the expedition to me and urged me to plan and +undertake it.</p> + +<p class="author">Jesse Walter Fewkes.</p> + +<p><span style="margin-left: 2em;"><i>Washington, May, 1897.</i></span><br /> +</p> + + + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_529" id="Page_529">[Pg 529]</a></span></p><hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="PLAN_OF_THE_EXPEDITION" id="PLAN_OF_THE_EXPEDITION"></a>PLAN OF THE EXPEDITION</h2> + + +<p>It seemed to me in making a plan for archeological field work in 1895, +that the prehistoric cliff houses, cave dwellings, and ruined pueblos of +Arizona afforded valuable opportunities for research, and past experience +induced me to turn my steps more especially to the northern and +northeastern parts of the territory.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> The ruins of ancient habitations +in these regions had been partially, and, I believe, unsatisfactorily +explored, especially those in a limited area called Tusayan, now inhabited +by the Moki or Hopi Indians. These agricultural people claim to +be descendants of those who once lived in the now deserted villages of +that province.</p> + +<p>I had some knowledge of the ethnology of the Hopi, derived from +several summers' field work among them, and I believed this information +could be successfully utilized in an attempt to solve certain archeological +questions which presented themselves.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> I desired, among other +things, to obtain new information on the former extension, in one direction, +of the ancestral abodes of certain clans of the sedentary people of +Tusayan which are now limited to six pueblos in the northeastern part +of the territory. In carrying out this general plan I made an examination +of cliff dwellings and other ruins in Verde valley, and undertook +an exploration of two old pueblos near the Hopi villages. The +reason which determined my choice of the former as a field for investigation +was a wish to obtain archeological data bearing on certain Tusayan +traditions. It is claimed by the traditionists of Walpi, especially +those of the Patki<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> or Water-house phratry, that their ancestors came +from a land far to the south of Tusayan, to which they give the name +Palatkwabi. The situation of this mythic place is a matter of considerable +conjecture, but it was thought that an archeological examination +of the country at or near the headwaters of the Rio Verde and its +tributaries might shed light on this tradition.</p> + +<p>It is not claimed, however, that all the ancestors of the Tusayan<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_530" id="Page_530">[Pg 530]</a></span> +people migrated from the south, nor do I believe that those who came +from that direction necessarily passed through Verde valley. Some, no +doubt, came from Tonto Basin, but I believe it can be shown that a continuous +line of ruins, similar in details of architecture, extend along +this river from its junction with Salt river to well-established prehistoric +dwelling places of the Hopi people. Similar lines may likewise +be traced along other northern tributaries of the Salt or the Gila, which +may be found to indicate early migration stages.</p> + +<p>The ruins of Verde valley were discovered in 1854 by Antoine Leroux, +a celebrated guide and trapper of his time, and were thus described +by Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner in the following year:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>The river banks were covered with ruins of stone houses and regular fortifications; +which, he [Leroux] says, appeared to have been the work of civilized men, but had +not been occupied for centuries. They were built upon the most fertile tracts of the +valley, where were signs of acequias and of cultivation. The walls were of solid +masonry, of rectangular form, some twenty or thirty paces in length, and yet remaining +ten or fifteen feet in height. The buildings were of two stories, with small apertures +or loopholes for defence when besieged.... In other respects, however, +Leroux says that they reminded him of the great pueblos of the Moquinos.<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p></div> + +<p>A fragment of folklore, which is widely distributed among both the +aboriginal peoples of Gila valley and the modern Tusayan Indians, +recounts how the latter were at one time in communication with the +people of the south, and traditions of both distinctly connect the sedentary +people of Tusayan with those who formerly inhabited the great +pueblos, now in ruins, dotting the plain in the delta between Gila and +Salt rivers. That archeology might give valuable information on this +question had long been my conviction, and was the main influence +which led me to the studies recorded in the following pages.</p> + +<p>An examination of a map of Arizona will show that one of the +pathways or feasible routes of travel possible to have been used in +any connection between the pueblos of the Gila and those of northern +Arizona would naturally be along Rio Verde valley. Its tributaries +rise at the foot of San Francisco mountains, and the main river empties +into the Salt, traversing from north to south a comparatively fertile +valley, in the main advantageous for the subsistence of semisedentary +bands in their migrations. Here was a natural highway leading from +the Gila pueblos, now in ruins, to the former villages in the north.</p> + +<p>The study of the archeology of Verde valley had gone far enough +to show that the banks of the river were formerly the sites of many +and populous pueblos, while the neighboring mesas from one end to +another are riddled with cavate dwellings or crowned with stone buildings. +Northward from that famous crater-like depression in the Verde +region, the so-called Montezuma Well on Beaver creek, one of the +affluents of the Rio Verde, little archeological exploration had been<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_531" id="Page_531">[Pg 531]</a></span> +attempted. There was, in other words, a break in the almost continuous +series of ruins from Tusayan as far south as the Gila. Ruined towns +had been reported as existing not far southward from San Francisco +mountains,<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and from there by easy stages the abodes of a former race +had been detected at intervals all the way to the Tusayan pueblos. +At either end the chain of ruins between the Tusayan towns and the +Gila ruins was unbroken, but middle links were wanting. All conditions +imply former habitations in this untrodden hiatus, the region +between the Verde and the Tusayan series, ending near the present +town of Flagstaff, Arizona; but southward from that town the country +was broken and impassable, a land where the foot of the archeologist +had not trodden. Remains of human habitations had, however, been +reported by ranchmen, but these reports were vague and unsatisfactory. +So far as they went they confirmed my suspicions, and there +were other significant facts looking the same way. The color of the +red cliffs fulfilled the Tusayan tradition of Palatkwabi, or their former +home in the far south. Led by all these considerations, before I took to +the field I had long been convinced that this must have been one of the +homes of certain Hopi clans, and when the occasion presented itself I +determined to follow the northward extension of the ancient people of +the Verde into these rugged rocks. By my discoveries in this region +of ruins indicative of dwellings of great size in ancient times I have +supplied the missing links in the chain of ancient dwellings extending +from the great towns of the Gila to the ruins west of the modern +Tusayan towns. If this line of ruins, continuous from Gila valley to +Tusayan and beyond, be taken in connection with legends ascribing +Casa Grande to the Hopi and those of certain Tusayan clans which +tell of the homes of their ancestors in the south, a plausible explanation +is offered for the many similarities between two apparently widely +different peoples, and the theory of a kinship between southern and +northern sedentary tribes of Arizona does not seem as unlikely as it +might otherwise appear.</p> + +<p>The reader will notice that I accept without question the belief that +the so-called cliff dwellers were not a distinct people, but a specially +adaptive condition of life of a race whose place of habitation was determined +by its environment. We are considering a people who sometimes +built dwellings in caverns and sometimes in the plains, but often +in both places at the same epoch. Moreover, as long ago pointed out +by other students, the existing Pueblo Indians are descendants of a +people who at times lived in cliffs, and some of the Tusayan clans have +inhabited true cliff houses in the historic period. By intermarriage with +nomadic races and from other causes the character of Pueblo consanguinity +is no doubt somewhat different from that of their ancient kin, +but the character of the culture, as shown by a comparison of cliff-house +and modern objects, has not greatly changed.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_532" id="Page_532">[Pg 532]</a></span></p> + +<p>While recognizing the kinship of the Pueblos and the Cliff villagers, +this resemblance is not restricted to any one pueblo or group of modern +pueblos to the exclusion of others. Of all modern differentiations of +this ancient substratum of culture of which cliff villages are one adaptive +expression, the Tusayan Indians are the nearest of all existing people +of the Southwest<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> to the ancient people of Arizona.</p> + +<p>The more southerly ruins of Tusayan, which I have been able satisfactorily +to identify and to designate by a Hopi name, are those called +Homolobi, situated not far from Winslow, Arizona, near where the +railroad crosses the Little Colorado. These ruins are claimed by the +Hopi as the former residences of their ancestors, and were halting +places in the migration of certain clans from the south. They were +examined by Mr Cosmos Mindeleff, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, +in 1893,<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> but no report on them has yet been published.</p> + +<p>While, however, the Homolobi group of ruins is the most southerly to +which I have been able to affix a Hopi name, others still more to the +southward are claimed by certain of their traditions.<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> The Hopi likewise +regard as homes of their ancestors certain habitations, now in +ruins, near San Francisco mountains. In a report on his exploration +of Zuñi and Little Colorado rivers in 1852, Captain L. Sitgreaves called +attention to several interesting ruins, one of which was not far from the +"cascades" of the latter river. After ascending the plateau, which he +found covered with volcanic detritus, he discovered that "all the prominent +points" were "occupied by the ruins of stone houses, which were +in some instances three stories in height. They are evidently," he says, +"the remains of a large town, as they occurred at intervals for an +extent of eight or nine miles, and the ground was thickly strewn with +fragments of pottery in all directions."</p> + +<p>In 1884 a portion of Colonel James Stevenson's expedition, under +F. D. Bickford, examined the cliff houses in Walnut canyon, and in +1886 Major J. W. Powell and Colonel Stevenson found scattered ruins +north of San Francisco mountains having one, two, or three rooms, +each "built of basaltic cinders and blocks of lava." These explorers +likewise reported ruins of extensive dwellings in the same region<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_533" id="Page_533">[Pg 533]</a></span> +made of sandstone and limestone. At about 25 miles north of the +mountains mentioned they discovered a small volcanic cone of cinders +and basalt, which was formerly the site of a village or pueblo built +around a crater, and estimated that this little pueblo contained 60 or +70 rooms, with a plaza occupying one-third of an acre of surface.<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p> + +<p>Twelve miles eastward from San Francisco mountains they found +another cinder cone resembling a dome, and on its southern slope, in +a coherent cinder mass, were many chambers, of which one hundred +and fifty are said to have been excavated. They mention the existence +on the summit of this cone of a plaza inclosed by a rude wall of volcanic +cinders, with a carefully leveled floor. The former inhabitants of +these rooms apparently lived in underground chambers hewn from the +volcanic formation. Eighteen miles farther eastward was another +ruined village built about the crater of a volcanic cone. Several villages +were discovered in this locality and many natural caves which +had been utilized as dwellings by inclosing them in front with walls of +volcanic rocks and cinders. These cavate rooms were arranged tier +above tier in a very irregular way.</p> + +<p>At this place three distinct kinds of ruins were found—cliff villages, +cave dwellings, and pueblos. Eight miles southeastward from Flagstaff, +in Oak creek canyon, a cliff house of several hundred rooms was +discovered. It was concluded that all these ruins were abandoned +at a comparatively recent date, or not more than three or four centuries +ago, and the Havasupai Indians of Cataract canyon were regarded as +descendants of the former inhabitants of these villages. The situation +of some of these ruins and the published descriptions would +indicate that some of them were similar to those described and figured +by Sitgreaves,<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> to which reference has already been made.</p> + +<p>In 1896 two amateur explorers, George Campbell and Everett Howell, +of Flagstaff, reported that they had found, about eighteen miles from +that place, several well-preserved cliff towns and a remarkable tunnel +excavation. The whole region in the immediate neighborhood of San +Francisco mountains appears, therefore, to have been populated in +ancient times by an agricultural people, and legends ascribe some of +these ruins to ancestors of the Hopi Indians.</p> + +<p>There are several ruins due south of Tusayan which have not been +investigated, but which would furnish important contributions to a +study of Hopi migrations. Near Saint Johns, Arizona, likewise, there +are ruins of considerable size, possibly referable to the Cibolan series; +and south of Holbrook, which lies about due south of Walpi, there are +ruins, the pottery from which I have examined and found to be of the +black-and-white ware typical of the Cliff people. Perhaps, however, +no ruined pueblo presents more interesting problems than the magnificent +Pueblo Grande or Kintiel, about 20 miles north of Navaho Springs.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_534" id="Page_534">[Pg 534]</a></span> +This large ruin, lying between the Cibolan and Tusayan groups, has +been referred to both of these provinces, and would, if properly excavated, +shed much light on the archeology of the two provinces.<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> Kinnazinde +lies not far from Kintiel.</p> + +<p>The ruins reported from Tonto Basin, of which little is known, may +later be found to be connected with early migrations of those Hopi +clans which claim southern origin. From what I can judge by the +present appearance of ruins just north of the Mogollon mountains, in a +direct line between Tonto Basin and the present Tusayan towns, there +is nothing to show the age of these ruined villages, and it is quite +likely that they may have been inhabited in the middle of the sixteenth +century. While it is commonly agreed that the province of "Totonteac," +which figures extensively in certain early Spanish narratives, +was the same as Tusayan, the linguistic similarity of the word to "tonto" +has been suggested by others. In the troublesome years between 1860 +and 1870 the Hopi, decimated by disease and harried by nomads, sent +delegates to Prescott asking to be removed to Tonto Basin, and it is +not improbable that in making this reasonable request they simply +wished to return to a place which they associated with their ancestors, +who had been driven out by the Apache. Totonteac<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> is ordinarily +thought to be the same as Tusayan, but it may have included some of +the southern pueblos now in ruins west of Zuñi.</p> + +<p>Having determined that the line of Verde ruins was continued into +the Red-rock country, it was desirable to see how the latter compared +with those nearer Tusayan. This necessitated reexamination of many +ruins in Verde valley, which was my aim during the most of June. I +followed this valley from the cavate dwellings near Squaw mountain +past the great ruin in the neighborhood of Old Camp Verde, the unique +Montezuma Well, to the base of the Red-rocks. Throughout this region +I saw, as had been expected, no change in the character of the ruins +great enough to indicate that they originally were inhabited by peoples +racially different. Stopped from further advance by a barrier of rugged +cliffs, I turned westward along their base until I found similar +ruins, which were named Palatki and Honanki. Having satisfied +myself that there was good evidence that the numbers of ancient<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_535" id="Page_535">[Pg 535]</a></span> +people were as great here as at any point in the Verde valley and that +their culture was similar, I continued the work with an examination of +the ruins north of the Red-rocks, where there is substantial evidence +that these were likewise of the same general character.</p> + +<p>The last two months of the summer, July and August, 1895, were +devoted to explorations of two Tusayan ruins, called Awatobi and +Sikyatki. In this work, apparently unconnected with that already +outlined, I still had in mind the light to be shed on the problem of +Tusayan origin. The question which presented itself was: How are +these ruins related to the modern pueblos? Awatobi was a historic +ruin, destroyed in 1700, and therefore somewhat influenced by the +Spaniards. Many of the survivors became amalgamated with pueblos +still inhabited. Its kinship with the surviving villagers was clear. +Sikyatki, however, was overthrown in prehistoric times, and at its +destruction part of its people went to Awatobi. Its culture was prehistoric. +The discovery of what these two ruins teach, by bringing +prehistoric Tusayan culture down to the present time and comparing +them with the ruins of Verde valley and southern Arizona, is of great +archeological interest.</p> + +<p>While engaged in preparing this report, having in fact written most +of it, I received Mr Cosmos Mindeleff's valuable article on the Verde +ruins,<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> in which special attention is given to the cavate lodges and +villages of this interesting valley. This contribution anticipates many +of my observations on these two groups of aboriginal habitations, and +renders it unnecessary to describe them in the detailed manner I had +planned. I shall therefore touch but briefly on these ruins, paying +special attention to the cliff houses of Verde valley, situated in the +Red-rock country. This variety of dwelling was overlooked in both +Mearns' and Mindeleff's classifications, from the fact that it seems to +be confined to the region of the valley characterized by the red-rock +formation, which appears not to have been explored by them. The +close resemblance of these cliff houses to those of the region north of +Tusayan is instructive, in view of the ground, well taken, I believe, +by Mr Mindeleff, that there is a close likeness between the Verde ruins +and those farther north, especially in Tusayan.</p> + + + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_536" id="Page_536">[Pg 536]</a></span></p><hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="RUINS_IN_VERDE_VALLEY" id="RUINS_IN_VERDE_VALLEY"></a>RUINS IN VERDE VALLEY</h2> + +<h3><span class="smcap">Classification of the Ruins</span></h3> + + +<p>The ruined habitations in the valley of the Rio Verde may be considered +under three divisions or types, differing in form, but essentially +the same in character. In adopting this classification, which is by no +means restricted to this single valley, I do not claim originality, but +follow that used by the best writers on this subject. My limitation +of the types and general definitions may, however, be found to differ +somewhat from those of my predecessors.</p> + +<p>The three groups of ruins in our Southwest are the following:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">I—Pueblos, or Independent habitations.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 0.5em;">II—Cliff Houses }</span><br /> +III—Cavate Dwellings } Dependent habitations.<br /> +</p></div> + +<p>In the first group are placed those ancient or modern habitations +which are isolated, on all sides, from cliffs. They may be situated in +valleys or on elevations or mesas; they may be constructed of clay, +adobe, or stone of various kinds, but are always isolated from cliffs. +They are single or multiple chambered, circular or rectangular in +shape, and may have been built either as permanent habitations or as +temporary outlooks. Their main feature is freedom, on all sides except +the foundation, from cliffs or walls of rock in place.</p> + +<p>The second group includes those not isolated from natural cliffs, but +with some part of their lateral walls formed by natural rock in situ, +and are built ordinarily in caverns with overhanging roofs, which the +highest courses of their walls do not join. Generally erected in caves, +their front walls never close the entrances to those caverns. This kind +of aboriginal buildings may, like the former, vary in structural material; +but, so far as I know, they are not, for obvious reasons, made of +adobe alone.</p> + +<p>The third kind of pueblo dwellings are called cavate dwellings or +lodges, a group which includes that peculiar kind of aboriginal dwelling +where the rooms are excavated from the cliff wall, forming caves, +where natural rock is a support or more often serves as the wall itself +of the dwelling. The entrance may be partially closed by masonry, +the floor laid with flat stones, and the sides plastered with clay; but +never in this group is there a roof distinct from the top of the cave.</p> + +<p>Naturally cavate dwellings grade into cliff houses, but neither of +these types can be confounded with the first group, which affords us +no difficulty in identification. All these kinds of dwellings were made +by people of the same culture, the character of the habitation depending +on geological environment.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="PL_XCIa" id="PL_XCIa"></a> +<img src="images/platexcia.jpg" width="600" height="400" alt="PL. XCIa—CAVATE DWELLINGS—RIO VERDE" title="PL. XCIa— +CAVATE DWELLINGS—RIO VERDE" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCI<sup>a</sup></span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">CAVATE DWELLINGS—RIO VERDE</span><br /><br /> +</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_537" id="Page_537">[Pg 537]</a></span></p> +<p>In Verde valley, villages, cliff houses, and cavate dwellings exist +together, and were, I believe, contemporaneously inhabited by a people +of the same culture.</p> + +<p>These types of ancient habitations are not believed to stand in the +relationship of sequence in development; nor is one simpler or less +difficult of construction than the others. Cliff houses display no less +skill and daring than do the villages in the plain, called pueblos. The +cavate dwellings are likewise a form of habitation which shows considerable +workmanship, and are far from caves like those inhabited by +"cave men." These dwellings were laboriously excavated with rude +implements; had floors, banquettes, windows, walled recesses, and the +like. It is hardly proper to regard them, as less difficult to construct +than pueblos or cliff houses.</p> + +<p>Cavate dwellings, like villages or cliff houses, may be single or multiple, +single or many chambered, and a cluster of these troglodytic +dwellings was, in fact, as truly a village as a pueblo or cliff house. +The same principle of seeking safety by crowding together held in all +three instances; and this very naturally, for the culture of the inhabitants +was identical. I shall consider only two of the three types of +dwellings in Verde valley, namely, the second and third groups.</p> + +<p>It has, I think, been conclusively shown by Mr Cosmos Mindeleff, so +far as types of the first group of ruins on the Verde are concerned, +that they practically do not differ from the modern Tusayan pueblos. +The remaining types, when rightly interpreted, furnish evidence of +no less important character. Notwithstanding Mindeleff's excellent +descriptions of the cavate dwellings of this region, already cited, I +have thought it well to bring into prominence certain features which +seem to me to indicate that this form of aboriginal dwelling was high +in its development, showing considerable skill in its construction, and +was fashioned on the same general plan as the others. For this demonstration +I have chosen one of the most striking clusters in Verde valley.</p> + + +<h3><span class="smcap">Cavate Dwellings</span></h3> + +<p>The most accessible cavate dwellings in Verde valley (<a href="#PL_XCIa">plate <span class="smcap">xci</span> <i>a</i></a>) are +situated on the left bank of the river, about eight miles southward from +Camp Verde and three miles from the mouth of Clear creek. The +general characteristics of this group have been well described by Mr +Mindeleff in the Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau, so that I +need but refer to a few additional observations made on these interesting +habitations.<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a></p> + +<p>These cavate lodges afford a fair idea of the best known of these +prehistoric dwellings in this part of Arizona. Although Verde valley<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_538" id="Page_538">[Pg 538]</a></span> +has many fine ranches, the land in immediate proximity to these ruins +is uncultivated. The nearest habitation, however, is not far away, and +it is not difficult to find guides to these caves, so well known are they +to the inhabitants of this part of the valley. It did not take long to +learn that any investigations which I might attempt there had been +anticipated by other archeologists and laymen, for many of the rooms +had been rifled of their contents and their walls thrown down, while it +was also evident that some careful excavations had been made.</p> + +<p>There is, however, abundant opportunity for more detailed scientific +work than has yet been attempted on these ruins, and what has thus +far been accomplished has been more in the nature of reconnoissance. +The cemeteries and burial places of the prehistoric people of the cavate +dwellings are yet to be discovered, and it is probable, judging from +experience gained at other ruins, that when they are found and carefully +investigated much light will be thrown on the character of +ancient cave life.</p> + +<p>The entrances to the cavate dwellings opposite Squaw mountain are +visible from the road for quite a distance, appearing as rows of holes +in the steep walls of the cliff on the opposite or left bank of the Rio +Verde. Owing to their proximity to the river, from which the precipice +in which they are situated rises almost vertically, we were unable +to camp under them, but remained on the right bank of the river, +where a level plain extends for some distance, bordering the river and +stretching back to the distant cliffs. We pitched our camp on a bluff, +about 30 feet above the river, in full sight of the cave entrances, near +a small stone inclosure which bears quite a close resemblance to a +Tusayan shrine.</p> + +<p>Aboriginal people had evidently cultivated the plain where we +camped, for there are many evidences of irrigating ditches and even +walls of former houses. At present, however, this once highly cultivated +field lies unused, and is destitute of any valuable plants save +the scanty grass which served to eke out the fodder of our horses.</p> + +<p>At the time of my visit the water of Rio Verde at this point was confined +to a very narrow channel under the bluff near its right bank, but +the appearance of its bed showed that in heavy freshets during the +rainy season the water filled the interval between the base of the cliffs +in which the cavate dwellings are situated and the bluffs which form +the right bank.</p> + +<p>In visits to the caves it was necessary, on account of the site of the +camp, to ford the stream each time and to climb to their level over +fallen stones, a task of no slight difficulty. The water in places was +shallow and the current only moderately rapid. Considering the fact +that it furnished potable liquid for ourselves and horses, and that the +line of trees which skirted the bluff was available for firewood, our +camp compared well with many which we subsequently made in our +summer's explorations.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="PL_XCIb" id="PL_XCIb"></a> +<img src="images/platexcib.jpg" width="600" height="400" alt="PL. XCIb— +CAVATE DWELLINGS—OAK CREEK" title="PL. XCIb— +CAVATE DWELLINGS—OAK CREEK" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCI<sup>b</sup></span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">CAVATE DWELLINGS—OAK CREEK</span><br /><br /> +</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_539" id="Page_539">[Pg 539]</a></span></p> +<p>The section of the cliff which was examined embraced the northern +series of these caves, extending from a promontory forming one side of +a blind or box canyon to nearly opposite our camp. Adjacent to this +series of rooms, but farther down the river, on the same side, there +are two narrow side canyons, in both of which are also numerous +caves, in all respects similar to the series we chose for examination. +At several points on the summit of the cliffs, above the caves, large +rectangular ruins, with fallen walls, were discovered; these ruins are, +however, in no respect peculiar, but closely resemble those ordinarily +found in a similar position throughout this region and elsewhere in +Arizona and New Mexico. From their proximity to the caves it would +seem that the cavate dwellings, and the pueblos on the summits of the +mesas in which they are found, had been inhabited by one people; +but better evidence that such is true is drawn from the character of +the architecture and the nature of the art remains common to both.</p> + +<p>Let us first consider the series of caves from a point opposite our +camp to the promontory which forms a pinnacle at the mouth of the +first of the two side caverns—a row of caves the entrances to which +are shown in the accompanying illustration (<a href="#PL_XCII">plate <span class="smcap">xcii</span></a>). I have lettered +these rooms, as indicated by their entrances, <i>a</i> to <i>l</i>, beginning with the +opening on the left.</p> + +<p>The rock in which these caves have been hewn is very soft, and +almost white in color, save for a slightly reddish brown stratum just +below the line of entrances to the cavate chambers. Although, as a +general thing, the wall of the cliff is almost perpendicular, and the +caves at points inaccessible, entrance to the majority of them can be +effected by mounting the heaps of small stones forming the débris, +which has fallen even to the bed of the river at various places, and by +following a ledge which connects the line of entrances. The easiest +approach mounts a steep decline, not far from the promontory at the +lower level of the line, which conducts to a ledge running along in +front of the caves about 150 feet above the bed of the stream. Roughly +speaking, this ledge is about 100 feet below the summit of the cliff. It +was impossible to reach several of the rooms, and it is probable that +when the caves were inhabited access to any one of them was even +more difficult than at present.</p> + +<p>Judging from the number of rooms, the cliffs on the left bank of the +Verde must have had a considerable population when inhabited. These +caverns, no doubt, swarmed with human beings, and their inaccessible +position furnished the inhabitants with a safe refuge from enemies, or +an advantageous outlook or observation shelter for their fields on the +opposite side of the stream. The soft rock of which the mesa is formed +is easily worked, and there are abundant evidences, from the marks of +tools employed, that the greater part of each cave was pecked out by +hand. Fragments of wood were very rarely seen in these cliff dugouts; +and although there is much adobe plastering, only in a few instances<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_540" id="Page_540">[Pg 540]</a></span> +were the mouths of the caves walled or a doorway of usual shape +present. The last room at the southern end, near the promontory at +the right of the entrance to a side canyon, has walls in front resembling +those of true cliff houses and pueblos in the Red-rock country farther +northward, as will be shown in subsequent pages.</p> + +<p>This group of cavate dwellings, while a good example of the cavern +type of ruins, is so closely associated, both in geographical position and +in archeological remains, with other types in Verde valley, that we are +justified in referring them to one and the same people. The number of +these troglodytic dwelling places on the Verde is very large; indeed the +mesas may be said to be fairly honeycombed with subterranean habitations. +Confined as a general thing to the softer strata of rock, which +from its character was readily excavated, they lie side by side at the +same general level, and are entered from a projecting ledge, formed by +the top of the talus which follows the level of their entrances.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_245" id="Fig_245"></a> +<img src="images/fig245.png" width="600" height="591" alt="Fig. 245—Plan of cavate dwelling on Rio Verde" title="Fig. 245—Plan of cavate dwelling on Rio Verde" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 245—Plan of cavate dwelling on Rio Verde</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>This ledge is easily accessible in certain places from the river bed, +where stones have fallen to the base of the cliff; but at most points no +approach is possible, and in their impregnable position the inhabitants +could easily defend themselves from hostile peoples.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="PL_XCII" id="PL_XCII"></a> +<img src="images/platexcii.jpg" width="600" height="352" alt="PL. XCII— +ENTRANCES TO CAVATE RUINS" title="PL. XCII— +ENTRANCES TO CAVATE RUINS" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">ENTRANCES TO CAVATE RUINS</span><br /><br /> +</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_541" id="Page_541">[Pg 541]</a></span></p> +<p>Whether the rock had recesses in it before the caves were enlarged +would seem to be answered in the affirmative, for similar caves without +evidences of habitations were observed. These, however, are as a rule +small, and wherever available the larger caverns have been appropriated +and enlarged by stone implements, as shown by the pecking on +the walls. The enlargement of these caverns, however, would not be a +difficult task, for the rock is very soft and easily worked.</p> + +<p>Entering one of these cavate rooms the visitor finds himself in a dark +chamber, as a rule with side openings or passageways into adjoining +rooms. Broad lateral banquettes are prominent features in the most +complicated caves, and there are many recesses and small closets or +cists.</p> + +<p>The ramifications formed by lateral rooms are often extensive, and +the chambers communicate with others so dark that we can hardly +regard them as once inhabited. In these dimly lighted rooms the walls +were blackened with smoke, as if from former fires, and in many of the +largest the position of fireplaces could plainly be discovered. As a +type of one of the more complicated I have chosen that figured to illustrate +the arrangement of these cavate dwellings (<a href="#Fig_245">figure 245</a>). Many are +smaller, others have more lateral chambers, but one type is characteristic +of all.</p> + +<p>A main room (<span class="smcap"><i>a</i></span>, <a href="#Fig_245">figure 245</a>), or that first entered from outside, is +roughly rectangular in shape, 12 feet long by 6 feet wide, and about +6 feet high. The floor, however, was covered with very dry débris +which had blown in from the exterior or, in some instances, fallen from +the roof. That part of the floor which was exposed shows that it was +roughly plastered, sometimes paved or formed of solid rock.</p> + +<p>On three sides of this room there is a step 2 feet high, to platforms, +three in number, one in the rear and one on each side. These platforms +are 5, 6, and 6 feet 6 inches wide, respectively, and of the same +length as the corresponding sides of the central room. It would appear +that these platforms are characteristic architectural features of these +habitations, and we find them reproduced in some of the rooms of +the cliff houses of the Red-rocks, while Nordenskiöld has described +a kindred feature in the kivas of the Mesa Verde ruins. A somewhat +similar elevation of the floor in modern Tusayan kivas forms what may +be called the spectator's part, in front of the ladder as one descends, +and the same feature is common to many older Hopi dwellings.<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a></p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_542" id="Page_542">[Pg 542]</a></span></p> + +<p>Beginning with the lateral platforms (<span class="smcap"><i>b</i></span>, <a href="#Fig_245">figure 245</a>) we first note, as +we step upon it at <i>c</i>, about midway of its length, a small circular depression +in the floor of the central room extending slightly beneath the +platform, as indicated by the dotted line. It is possible that this niche +was a receptacle for important household objects, although it may +have been a fireplace.</p> + +<p>In a corner of the right platform a round cist, partially hewn out of +the rock, was found, but its walls (<i>a</i>, <a href="#Fig_245">figure 245</a>) were badly broken down +by some former explorer. The floor of this recess lies below that of the +platform, while the cist itself (<span class="smcap"><i>d</i></span>) reminds one of the closed or walled +structures, so commonly found in the Verde, attached to the side of the +cliff. On the lateral wall of this chamber, at about the height of the +head, a row of small holes had been drilled into the solid wall. These +holes (<i>d</i>, <i>d</i>, <i>d</i>) are almost too small for the insertion of roof beams, and +were probably made for pegs on which to rest a beam for hanging +blankets and other textile fabrics when not in use. The roof of the +cave was the natural rock, and showed over its whole surface marks of +a pecking implement.</p> + +<p>The left chamber is 6 feet 6 inches broad, and from one corner, opposite +the doorway, a low passageway leads into a circular chamber, 6 feet +in diameter, with its floor below the platform of the lateral room. +Between the chamber, on the left of the entrance, and the open air, +the wall of solid rock is broken by a slit-like crevice, which allows the +light to enter, and no doubt served as a window. A recess, the floor +of which is elevated, on a platform opposite the doorway, is 5 feet +broad, and has a small circular depression in one corner. The floor +and upraise of this recess is plastered with adobe, which in several +places is smooth and well made.</p> + +<p>In comparing the remaining cavate dwellings of this series with that +described, we find every degree of complication in the arrangement of +rooms, from a simple cave, or irregular hole in the side of the cliff, to +squared chambers with lateral rooms. The room <i>I</i>,<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> for instance, is +rectangular, 6 feet long by 3 feet wide, with an entrance the same +width as that of the room itself.</p> + +<p>In room <i>III</i>, however, the external opening is very small, and there is +a low, narrow ledge, or platform, opposite the doorway. There is likewise +in this room a small shelf in the left-hand wall. In <i>IV</i> there is a +raised platform on two adjacent sides of the square room, and the +doorway is an irregular orifice broken through the wall to the open air.</p> + +<p>Room <i>IV</i> is a subterranean chamber, most of the floor of which is +littered with large fragments of rock which have fallen from the roof. +It has numerous small recesses in the wall resembling cubby-holes +where household utensils of various kinds were undoubtedly formerly +kept. This room is instructive, in that the entrance is partially closed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_543" id="Page_543">[Pg 543]</a></span> +by two walls of masonry, which do not join. The stones are laid in +adobe in which fragments of pottery were detected. These unjoined +walls leave a doorway which is thus flanked on each side by stone +masonry, recalling in every particular the well-known walls of cliff +houses. Here, in fact, we have so close a resemblance to the masonry +of true cliff houses that we can hardly doubt that the excavators of +the cavate dwellings were, in reality, people similar to those who built +the cliff houses of Verde valley.</p> + +<p>Room <i>VIII</i> is a simple cave hewn out of the rock, with a chamber +behind it, entered by a passageway made of masonry, which partially +fills a larger opening. The doorway through this masonry is small +below, but broadens above in much the same manner as some of the +doorways in Tusayan of today.</p> + +<p>Continuing along the left bank of the river, from the row of cavate +rooms, just described, on the first mesa, we round a promontory and +enter a small canyon,<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> which is perforated on each side with numerous +other cavate dwellings, large and small, all of the same general +character as the type described. Here, likewise, are small external +openings which evidently communicated with subterranean chambers, +but many of them are so elevated that access to them from the floor of +the canyon or from the cliff above is not possible. A marked feature +of the whole series is the existence here and there of small, often +inaccessible, stone cists of masonry plastered to the side of the rocky +cliff like swallows' nests.</p> + +<p>All of these cists which are accessible had been opened and plundered +before my visit, but there yet remain a few which are still intact +and would repay examination and study. Similar walled-up cists are +likewise found, as we shall see later, in the cliff-houses of the Red-rock +country, hence are not confined to the Verde system of ruins.</p> + +<p>Cavate dwellings similar to those here described are reported to exist +in the canyons of upper Salado, Gala, and Zuñi rivers, and we may +with reason suspect that the distribution<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> of cavate dwellings is as +wide as that of the pueblos themselves, the sole requisite being a soft +tufaceous rock, capable of being easily worked by people with stone +implements. In none of the different regions in which they exist is there +any probability that these caves were made by people different in culture +from pueblo or cliff dwellers. They are much more likely to have +been permanent than temporary habitations of the same culture stock +of Indians who availed themselves of rock shelters wherever the nature +of the cliff permitted excavation in its walls.</p> + +<p>That the cavate lodges are simple "horticultural outlooks" is an +important suggestion, but one might question whether they were conveniently +placed for that purpose. So far as overlooking the opposite<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_544" id="Page_544">[Pg 544]</a></span> +plain (which had undoubtedly been cultivated in ancient times) is concerned, +the position of some of them may be regarded good for that +purpose, but certainly not so commanding as that of the hill or mesa +above, where well-marked ruins still exist.</p> + +<p>The position of the cavate dwellings is a disadvantageous one to +reach any cultivated fields if defenders were necessary. When the +Tusayan Indian today moves to his <i>kisi</i> or summer brush house shelter +he practically camps in his corn or near it, in easy reach to drive away +crows, or build wind-breaks to shelter the tender sprouts; but to go to +their cornfields the inhabitants of the cavate dwellings I have described +were forced to cross a river before the farm was reached. That these +cavate dwellings were lookouts none can deny, but I incline to a belief +that this does not tell the whole story if we limit them to such use. +It is not wholly clear to me that they were not likewise an asylum +for refuge, possibly not inhabited continuously, but a very welcome +retreat when the agriculturist was sorely pressed by enemies. Following +the analogy of a Hopi custom of building temporary booths +near their fields, may we not suppose that the former inhabitants of +Verde valley may have erected similar shelters in their cornfields +during summer months, retiring to the cavate dwellings and the mesa +tops in winter? All available evidence would indicate that the cavate +dwellings were permanent habitations.<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a></p> + +<p>There are several square ruins on top of the mesa above the cavate +dwellings. The walls of these were massive, but they are now very +much broken down, and the adobe plastering is so eroded from the +masonry that I regard them of considerable antiquity. They do not +differ from other similar ruins, so common elsewhere in New Mexico +and Arizona, and are identical with others in the Verde region. I +visited several of these ruins, but made no excavations in them, nor +added any new data to our knowledge of this type of aboriginal buildings. +The pottery picked up on the surface resembles that of the ruins +of the Little Colorado and Gila.</p> + +<p>The dwellings which I have mentioned above are said<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> to be duplicated +at many other points in the watershed of the Verde, and many +undescribed ruins of this nature were reported to me by ranchmen. I +do not regard them as older than the adjacent ruins on the mesa above +or the plains below them, much less as productions of people of different +stages of culture, for everything about them suggests contemporaneous +occupancy.</p> + +<p>From what little I saw of the village sites on the Verde I believe +that Mindeleff is correct in considering that these ruins represent a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_545" id="Page_545">[Pg 545]</a></span> +comparatively late period of pueblo architecture. The character of +the cliff houses of the Red-rocks shows no very great antiquity of +occupancy. While it is not possible to give any approximate date +when they were inhabited, their general appearance indicates that +they are not more than two centuries old. There is, however, no reference +to them in the early Spanish history of the Southwest.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="PL_XCIII" id="PL_XCIII"></a><a href="images/platexciii-lg.jpg"> +<img src="images/platexciii.jpg" width="600" height="346" alt="PL. XCIII— +BOWLDER WITH PICTOGRAPHS NEAR WOOD'S RANCH" title="PL. XCIII— +BOWLDER WITH PICTOGRAPHS NEAR WOOD'S RANCH" /></a> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCIII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">BOWLDER WITH PICTOGRAPHS NEAR WOOD'S RANCH</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>Few pictographs were found in the immediate neighborhood of the +cavate dwellings; indeed the rock in their vicinity is too soft to preserve +for any considerable time any great number of these rock etchings. +Examples of ancient paleography were, however, discovered a +short distance higher up the river on malpais rock, which is harder and +less rapidly eroded. A half-buried bowlder (<a href="#PL_XCIII">plate <span class="smcap">xciii</span></a>) near Wood's +ranch was found to be covered with the well-known spirals with zigzag +attachments, horned animals resembling antelopes, growing corn, rain +clouds, and similar figures. These pictographs occur on a black, superficial +layer of lava rock, or upon lighter stone with a malpais layer, +which had been pecked through, showing a lighter color beneath. +There is little doubt that many examples of aboriginal pictography +exist in this neighborhood, which would reward exploration with interesting +data. The Verde pictographs can not be distinguished, so far as +designs are concerned, from many found elsewhere in Colorado, Utah, +New Mexico, and Arizona.</p> + +<p>An instructive pictograph, different from any which I have elsewhere +seen, was discovered on the upturned side of a bowlder not far from +Hance's ranch, near the road from Camp Verde to the cavate dwellings. +The bowlder upon which they occur lies on top of a low hill, to the left +of the road, near the river. It consists of a rectangular network of +lines, with attached key extensions, crooks, and triangles, all pecked +in the surface. This dædalus of lines arises from grooves, which +originate in two small, rounded depressions in the rock, near which +is depicted the figure of a mountain lion. The whole pictograph is 3-1/2 +feet square, and legible in all its parts.</p> + +<p>The intent of the ancient scribe is not wholly clear, but it has been +suggested that he sought to represent the nexus of irrigating ditches +in the plain below. It might have been intended as a chart of the +neighboring fields of corn, and it is highly suggestive, if we adopt +either of these explanations or interpretations, that a figure of the +mountain lion is found near the depressions, which may provisionally +be regarded as representing ancient reservoirs. Among the Tusayan +Indians the mountain lion is looked on as a guardian of cultivated +fields, which he is said to protect, and his stone image is sometimes +placed there for the same purpose.</p> + +<p>In the vicinity of the pictograph last described other bowlders, of +which there are many, were found to be covered with smaller rock +etchings in no respect characteristic, and there is a remnant of an +ancient shrine a few yards away from the bowlder upon which they +occur.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_546" id="Page_546">[Pg 546]</a></span></p> +<h3><span class="smcap">Montezuma Well</span></h3> + +<p>One of the most interesting sites of ancient habitation in Verde valley +is known as Montezuma Well, and it is remarkable how little attention +has been paid to it by archeologists.<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> Dr Mearns, in his article on +the ancient dwellings of Verde valley, does not mention the well, and +Mindeleff simply refers to the brief description by Dr Hoffman in 1877. +These ruins are worthy of more study than I was able to give them, +for like many other travelers I remained but a short time in the neighborhood. +It is possible, however, that some of my hurried observations +at this point may be worthy of record.</p> + +<p>Montezuma Well (<a href="#PL_XCIV">plate <span class="smcap">xciv</span></a>) is an irregular, circular depression, +closely resembling a volcanic crater, but evidently, as Dr Hoffman well +points out, due to erosion rather than to volcanic agencies. As one +approaches it from a neighboring ranch the road ascends a low elevation, +and when on top the visitor finds that the crater occupies the +whole interior of the hill. The exact dimensions I did not accurately +determine, but the longest diameter of the excavation is estimated at +about 400 feet; its depth possibly 70 feet. On the eastern side this +depression is separated from Beaver creek by a precipitous wall which +can not be scaled from that side. At the time of my visit there was considerable +water in the "well," which was reported to be very deep, but +did not cover the whole bottom. It is possible to descend to the water +at one point on the eastern side, where a trail leads to the water's edge.</p> + +<p>There appears to be a subterranean waterway under the eastern rim +of the well, and the water from the spring rushes through this passage +into Beaver creek. At the time of my visit this outflow was very considerable, +and in the rainy season it must be much greater. The well +is never dry, and is supplied by perennial subterranean springs rather +than by surface drainage.</p> + +<p>The geological agency which has been potent in giving the remarkable +crater-like form to Montezuma Well was correctly recognized by +Dr Hoffman<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> and others as the solvent or erosive power of the spring. +There is no evidence of volcanic formation in the neighborhood, and +the surrounding rocks are limestones and sandstones. Not far from +Navaho springs there is a similar circular depression, called Jacob's +Well, but which was dry when visited by me. This may later be found +to have been formed in a similar way. At several places in Arizona +there are formations of like geological character.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="PL_XCIV" id="PL_XCIV"></a> +<img src="images/platexciv.jpg" width="600" height="436" alt="PL. XCIV— +MONTEZUMA WELL" title="PL. XCIV— +MONTEZUMA WELL" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCIV</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">MONTEZUMA WELL</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>The walls of Montezuma Well are so nearly perpendicular that descent +to the edge of the water is difficult save by a single trail which follows +the detritus to a cave on one side. In this cave, the roof of which is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_547" id="Page_547">[Pg 547]</a></span> +not much higher than the water level, there are fragments of masonry, +as if structures of some kind had formerly been erected in it. I have +regarded this cave rather as a place of religious rites than of former +habitation, possibly a place of retreat for ancient priests when praying +for rain or moisture, or a shrine for the deposit of prayer offerings to +rain or water gods.</p> + +<p>Several isolated cliff dwellings are built at different levels in the +sides of the cliffs. One of the best of these is diametrically opposite +the cave mentioned above, a few feet below the rim of the depression. +While this house was entered with little difficulty, there were others +which I did not venture to visit.</p> + +<p>The accompanying illustration (<a href="#PL_XCV">plate <span class="smcap">xcv</span></a>) gives an idea of the general +appearance of one of these cliff houses of Montezuma Well. It is +built under an overhanging archway of rock in a deep recess, with +masonry on three sides. The openings are shown, one of which overlooks +the spring; the other is an entrance at one side. The face of +masonry on the front is not plastered, and if it was formerly rough cast +the mud has been worn away, leaving the stones exposed. The side +wall, which has been less exposed to the elements, still retains the plastering, +which is likewise found on the inner walls where it is quite +smooth in places.</p> + +<p>The number of cliff rooms in the walls of the well is small and their +capacity, if used as dwellings, very limited. There are, however, ruins +of pueblos of some size on the edge of the well.</p> + +<p>One of the largest of these, shown in the accompanying illustration +(<a href="#PL_XCVI">plate <span class="smcap">xcvi</span></a>), is situated on the neck of land separating the well from +the valley of Beaver creek. This pueblo was rectangular in form, of +considerable size, built of stones, and although at present almost demolished, +shows perfectly the walls of former rooms. Fragments of ancient +pottery would seem to indicate that the people who once inhabited this +pueblo were in no respect different from other sedentary occupants of +Verde valley. From their housetops they had a wide view over the +creek on one side and the spring on the other, defending, by the site of +their village, the one trail by which descent to the well was possible.</p> + +<p>The remarkable geological character of Montezuma Well, and the +spring within it, would have profoundly impressed itself on the folklore +of any people of agricultural bent who lived in its neighborhood after +emigrating to more arid lands. About a month after my visit to this +remarkable spring I described the place to some of the old priests at +Walpi and showed them sketches of the ruins. These priests seemed +to have legendary knowledge of a place somewhat like it where they +said the Great Plumed Snake had one of his numerous houses. They +reminded me of a legend they had formerly related to me of how the +Snake arose from a great cavity or depression in the ground, and how, +they had heard, water boiled out of that hole into a neighboring river. +The Hopi have personal knowledge of Montezuma Well, for many of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_548" id="Page_548">[Pg 548]</a></span> +their number have visited Verde valley, and they claim the ruins there +as the homes of their ancestors. It would not be strange, therefore, +if this marvelous crater was regarded by them as a house of Palülükoñ, +their mythic Plumed Serpent.</p> + +<p>Practically little is known of the pictography of this part of the +Verde valley people, although it has an important bearing on the distribution +of the cliff dwellers of the Southwest. There is evidence of +at least two kinds of petroglyphs, indicative of two distinct peoples. +One of these was of the Apache Mohave; the other, the agriculturists +who built the cliff homes and villages of the plain. Those of the +latter are almost identical with the work of the Pueblo peoples in +the cliff dweller stage, from southern Utah and Colorado to the Mexican +boundary. It is not a difficult task to distinguish the pictography of +these two peoples, wherever found. The pictographs of the latter are +generally pecked into the rock with a sharpened implement, probably +of stone, while those of the former are usually scratched or painted on +the surface of the rocks. Their main differences, however, are found in +the character of the designs and the objects represented. This difference +can be described only by considering individual rock drawings, +but the practiced eye may readily distinguish the two kinds at a glance. +The pictographs which are pecked in the cliff are, as a rule, older than +those which are drawn or scratched, and resemble more closely those +widely spread in the Pueblo area, for if the cliff-house people ever made +painted pictographs, as there is every reason to believe they did, time +has long ago obliterated them.</p> + +<p>The pictured rocks (<a href="#PL_XCVII">plate <span class="smcap">xcvii</span></a>) near Cliff's ranch, on Beaver creek, +four miles from Montezuma Well, have a great variety of objects depicted +upon them. These rocks, which rise from the left bank of the creek +opposite Cliff's ranch, bear over a hundred different rock pictures, +figures of which are seen in the accompanying illustration. The rock +surface is a layer of black malpais, through which the totem signatures +have been pecked, showing the light stone beneath, and thus rendering +them very conspicuous. Among these pictographs many familiar forms +are recognizable, among them being the crane or blue heron, bears' and +badgers' paws, turtles, snakes, antelopes, earth symbols, spirals, and +meanders.</p> + +<p>Among these many totems there was an unusual pictograph in the +form of the figure 8, above which was a bear's paw accompanied by a +human figure so common in southwestern rock etchings. A square +figure with interior parallel squares extending to the center is also +found, as elsewhere, in cliff-dweller pictography.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="PL_XCV" id="PL_XCV"></a> +<img src="images/platexcv.jpg" width="600" height="397" alt="PL. XCV— +CLIFF HOUSE, MONTEZUMA WELL" title="PL. XCV— +CLIFF HOUSE, MONTEZUMA WELL" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCV</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">CLIFF HOUSE, MONTEZUMA WELL</span><br /><br /> +</p> + + +<h3><span class="smcap">Cliff Houses of the Red-Rocks</span></h3> + +<p>After the road from old Camp Verde to Flagstaff passes a deserted +cabin at Beaver Head, it winds up a steep hill of lava or malpais to the +top of the Mogollones. If, instead of ascending this hill, one turns to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_549" id="Page_549">[Pg 549]</a></span> +the left, taking an obscure road across the river bed, which is full of +rough lava blocks, and in June, when I traveled its course, was without +water, he soon finds himself penetrating a rugged country with bright-red +cliffs on his right (<a href="#PL_XCVIII">plate <span class="smcap">xcviii</span></a>). Continuing through great parks +and plains he finally descends to the well-wooded valley of Oak creek, +an affluent of Rio Verde. Here he finds evidences of aboriginal occupancy +on all sides—ruins of buildings, fortified hilltops, pictographs, and +irrigating ditches—testifying that there was at one time a considerable +population in this valley. The fields of the ancient inhabitants have now +given place to many excellent ranches, one of the most flourishing of +which is not far from a lofty butte of red rock called the Court-house, +which from its great size is a conspicuous object for miles around. In +many of these canyons there are evidences of a former population, but +the country is as yet almost unexplored; there are many difficult places +to pass, yet once near the base of the rocks a way can be picked from +the mouth of one canyon to another. It does not take long to discover +that this now uninhabited region contains, like that along the Verde +and its tributaries, many ancient dwellings, for there is scarcely a +single canyon leading into these red cliffs in which evidences of former +human habitations are not found in the form of ruins. There is +little doubt that these unfrequented canyons have many and extensive +cliff houses, the existence of which has thus far escaped the explorer. +The sandstone of which they are composed is much eroded into caves +with overhanging roofs, forming admirable sites for cliff houses as distinguished +from cavate dwellings like those we have described. They +are the only described ruins of a type hitherto thought to be unrepresented +in the valley of the Verde.<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p> + +<p>In our excursion into the Red-rock country we were obliged to make +our own wagon road, as no vehicle had ever penetrated the rugged +canyons visited by us. It was necessary to carry our drinking water +with us from Oak creek, which fact impeded our progress and limited +the time available in our reconnoissance. There was, however, in the +pool near the ruins of Honanki enough water for our horses, and at the +time we were there a limited amount of grass for fodder was found. I +was told that later in the season both forage and water are abundant, +so that these prime necessities being met, there is no reason why successful +archeological investigations may not be successfully conducted +in this part of the Verde region.</p> + +<p>The limited population of this portion of the country rendered it difficult +to get laborers at the time I made my reconnoissance, so that it +would be advisable for one who expects to excavate the ruins in this +region to take with him workmen from the settled portions of the +valley.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_550" id="Page_550">[Pg 550]</a></span></p> +<h3><span class="smcap">Ruins near Schürmann's Ranch</span></h3> + +<p>The valley of Oak creek, near Court-house butte, especially in the +vicinity of Schürmann's ranch, is dotted with fortifications, mounds +indicative of ruins, and like evidences of aboriginal occupancy. There +is undoubted proof that the former occupants of this plain constructed +elaborate irrigating ditches, and that the waters of Oak creek were +diverted from the stream and conducted over the adjoining valleys. +There are several fortified hills in this locality. One of the best of +these defensive works crowned a symmetrical mountain near Schürmann's +house. The top of this mesa is practically inaccessible from any +but the southern side, and was found to have a flat surface covered +with scattered cacti and scrub cedar, among which were walls of +houses nowhere rising more than two feet. The summit is perhaps 200 +feet above the valley, and the ground plan of the former habitations +extends over an area 100 feet in length, practically occupying the whole +of the summit. Although fragments of pottery are scarce, and other +evidences of long habitation difficult to find, the house walls give every +evidence of being extremely ancient, and most of the rooms are filled +with red soil out of which grow trees of considerable age.</p> + +<p>Descending from this ruin-capped mesa, I noticed on the first terrace +the remains of a roundhouse, or lookout, in the middle of which +a cedar tree had taken root and was growing vigorously. Although +the walls of this structure do not rise above the level of the ground, +there is no doubt that they are the remains of either a lookout or +circular tower formerly situated at this point.</p> + +<p>Many similar ruins are found throughout this vicinity, yet but little +more is known of them than that they antedate the advent of white +men. The majority of them were defensive works, built by the house +dwellers, and their frequency would indicate either considerable population +or long occupancy. Although many of those on the hilltops +differ somewhat from the habitations in the valleys, I think there is +little doubt that both were built by the same people.<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> There are likewise +many caves in this region, which seem to have been camping +places, for their walls are covered with soot and their floors strewn +with charred mescal, evidences, probably, of Apache occupancy. This +whole section of country was a stronghold of this ferocious tribe within +the last few decades, which may account for the modern appearance of +many of the evidences of aboriginal habitation.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="PL_XCVI" id="PL_XCVI"></a> +<img src="images/platexcvi.jpg" width="600" height="399" alt="PL. XCVI— +RUIN ON THE BRINK OF MONTEZUMA WELL" title="PL. XCVI— +RUIN ON THE BRINK OF MONTEZUMA WELL" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCVI</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">RUIN ON THE BRINK OF MONTEZUMA WELL</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>There are some good pictographs on the foundation rocks of that +great pinnacle of red rock, called the Court-house, not far from Schürmann's +ranch.<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> Some of these are Apache productions, and the neighboring<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_551" id="Page_551">[Pg 551]</a></span> +caves evidently formed shelters for these nomads, as ash pit +and half-burnt logs would seem to show. This whole land was a stronghold +of the Apache up to a recent date, and from it they were dislodged, +many of the Indians being killed or removed by authority of +the Government.</p> + +<p>From the geological character of the Red-rocks I was led to suspect +that cavate dwellings were not to be expected. The stone is hard and +not readily excavated by the rude implements with which the aborigines +of the region were supplied. But the remarkable erosion shown in this +rock elsewhere had formed many deep caverns or caves, with overreaching +roofs, very favorable for the sites of cliff houses. My hurried examination +confirmed my surmises, for we here found dwellings of this kind, +so similar to the type best illustrated in Mancos canyon of southern +Colorado. There were several smoke-blackened caves without walls of +masonry, but with floors strewn with charred wood, showing Apache +occupancy. No cavate dwellings were found in the section of the Red-rocks +visited by our party.</p> + +<p>The two largest of the Red-rock cliff houses to which I shall refer +were named Honanki or Bear-house and Palatki or Red-house. The +former of these, as I learned from the names scribbled on its walls, +had previously been visited by white men, but so far as I know it has +never been mentioned in archeological literature. My attention was +called to it by Mr Schürmann, at whose hospitable ranch I outfitted +for my reconnoissance into the Red-rock country. The smaller ruin, +Palatki, we discovered by chance during our visit, and while it is possible +that some vaquero in search of a wild steer may have visited the +neighborhood before us, there is every reason to believe that the ruin +had escaped even the notice of these persons, and, like Honanki, was +unknown to the archeologist.</p> + +<p>The two ruins, Honanki and Palatki, are not the only ones in the +lone canyon where we encamped. Following the canyon a short distance +from its entrance, there was found to open into it from the left +a tributary, or so-called box canyon, the walls of which are very +precipitous. Perched on ledges of the cliffs there are several rows +of fortifications or walls of masonry extending for many yards. It +was impossible for us to enter these works, even after we had clambered +up the side of the precipice to their level, so inaccessible were they to +our approach. These "forts" were probably for refuge, but they are +ill adapted as points of observation on account of the configuration of +the canyon. Their masonry, as examined at a distance with a field +glass, resembles that of Palatki and Honanki.</p> + +<p>I was impressed by the close resemblance between the large cliff +houses of the Red-rocks, with their overhanging roof of rock, and those +of the San Juan and its tributaries in northern New Mexico. While it +is recognized that cliff houses have been reported from Verde valley, I +find them nowhere described, and our lack of information about them,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_552" id="Page_552">[Pg 552]</a></span> +so far as they are concerned, may have justified Nordenskiöld's belief +that "the basin of the Colorado actually contains almost all the cliff +dwellings of the United States." As the Gila flows into the Colorado +near its mouth, the Red-rock ruins may in a sense be included in the +Colorado basin, but there are many and beautiful cliff houses higher +up near the sources of the Gila and its tributary, the Salt. In calling +attention to the characteristic cliff dwellings of the Red-rocks I am +making known a new region of ruins closely related to those of Canyon +de Tségi, or Chelly, the San Juan and its tributaries.</p> + +<p>Although the cliff houses of Verde valley had been known for many +years, and the ruins here described are of the same general character, +anyone who examines Casa Montezuma, on Beaver creek, and compares +it with Honanki, will note differences of an adaptive nature. +The one feature common to Honanki and the "Cliff Palace" of Mancos +canyon is the great overhanging roof of the cavern, which, in that +form, we miss in Casa Montezuma (<a href="#Fig_246">figure 246</a>).<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a></p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_246" id="Fig_246"></a> +<img src="images/fig246.jpg" width="600" height="369" alt="Fig. 246—Casa Montezuma on Beaver creek" title="Fig. 246—Casa Montezuma on Beaver creek" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 246—Casa Montezuma on Beaver creek</span> +</p> + +<p>We made two camps in the Red-rock country, one at the mouth of a +wild canyon near an older camp where a well had been dug and the +cellar of an American house was visible. This camp was fully six miles +from Schürmann's ranch and was surrounded by some of the wildest +scenery that I had ever witnessed. The accompanying view (<a href="#PL_XCVIII">plate +<span class="smcap">xcviii</span></a>) was taken from a small elevation near by, and gives a faint +idea of the magnificent mountains by which we were surrounded. The +colors of the rocks are variegated, so that the gorgeous cliffs appear to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_553" id="Page_553">[Pg 553]</a></span> +be banded, rising from 800 to 1,000 feet sheer on all sides. These rocks +had weathered into fantastic shapes suggestive of cathedrals, Greek +temples, and sharp steeples of churches extending like giant needles +into the sky. The scenery compares very favorably with that of the +Garden of the Gods, and is much more extended. This place, I have +no doubt, will sooner or later become popular with the sightseer, and I +regard the discovery of these cliffs one of the most interesting of my +summer's field work.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="PL_XCVII" id="PL_XCVII"></a><a href="images/platexcvii-lg.jpg"> +<img src="images/platexcvii.jpg" width="600" height="413" alt="PL. XCVII— +PICTOGRAPHS NEAR CLIFF RANCH, VERDE VALLEY" title="PL. XCVII— +PICTOGRAPHS NEAR CLIFF RANCH, VERDE VALLEY" /></a> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCVII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">PICTOGRAPHS NEAR CLIFF RANCH, VERDE VALLEY</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>On the sides of these inaccessible cliffs we noticed several cliff +houses, but so high were they perched above us that they were almost +invisible. To reach them at their dizzy altitude was impossible, but +we were able to enter some caves a few hundred feet above our camp, +finding in them nothing but charred mescal and other evidences of +Apache camps. Their walls and entrances are blackened with smoke, +but no sign of masonry was detected.</p> + +<p>We moved our camp westward from this canyon (which, from a great +cliff resembling the Parthenon, I called Temple canyon), following the +base of the precipitous mountains to a second canyon, equally beautiful +but not so grand, and built our fire in a small grove of scrub oak and +cottonwood. In this lonely place Lloyd had lived over a winter, watching +his stock, and had dug a well and erected a corral. We adopted +his name for this camp and called it Lloyd canyon. There was no water +in the well, but a few rods beyond it there was a pool, from which we +watered our horses. On the first evening at this camp we sighted a +bear, which gave the name Honanki, "Bear-house," to the adjacent +ruined dwellings.</p> + +<p>The enormous precipice of red rock west of our camp at Lloyd's corral +hid Honanki from view at first, but we soon found a trail leading +directly to it, and during our short stay in this neighborhood we +remained camped near the cottonwoods at the entrance to the canyon, +not far from the abandoned corral. Our studies of Honanki led to the +discovery of Palatki (<a href="#Fig_247">figure 247</a>), which we investigated on our return to +Temple canyon. I will, therefore, begin my description of the Red-rock +cliff houses with those last discovered, which, up to the visit which I +made, had never been studied by archeologists.</p> + + +<h3><span class="smcap">Palatki</span></h3> + +<p>There are two neighboring ruins which I shall include in my consideration +of Palatki, and these for convenience may be known as Ruin <span class="smcap">i</span> +and Ruin <span class="smcap">ii</span>, the former situated a little eastward from the latter. +They are but a short distance apart, and are in the same box canyon. +Ruin <span class="smcap">i</span> (<a href="#PL_XCIX">plate <span class="smcap">xcix</span></a>) is the better preserved, and is a fine type of the +compact form of cliff dwellings in the Red-rock country.</p> + +<p>This ruin is perched on the top of a talus which has fallen from the +cliff above, and is visible for some distance above the trees, as one +penetrates the canyon. It is built to the side of a perpendicular wall<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_554" id="Page_554">[Pg 554]</a></span> +of rock which, high above its tallest walls, arches over it, sheltering +the walls from rain or eroding influences. From the dry character of +the earth on the floors I suspect that for years not a drop of water has +penetrated the inclosures, although they are now roofless.</p> + +<p>A highly characteristic feature of Ruin <span class="smcap">i</span> is the repetition of rounded +or bow-shape front walls, occurring several times in their length, and +arranged in such a way as to correspond roughly to the inclosures +behind them. By this arrangement the size of the rooms was increased +and possibly additional solidity given to the wall itself. This departure +from a straight wall implies a degree of architectural skill, which, +while not peculiar to the cliff dwellings of the Red-rocks, is rarely found +in southern cliff houses. The total length of the front wall of the ruin, +including the part which has fallen, is approximately 120 feet, and the +altitude of the highest wall is not far from 30 feet.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 566px;"><a name="Fig_247" id="Fig_247"></a> +<img src="images/fig247.png" width="566" height="600" alt="Fig. 247—Ground plan of Palatki (Ruins i and ii)" title="Fig. 247—Ground plan of Palatki (Ruins i and ii)" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 247—Ground plan of Palatki (Ruins <small>I</small> and <small>II</small>)</span> +</p> + +<p>From the arrangement of openings in the front wall at the highest +part there is good evidence of the former existence of two stories. At +several points the foundation of the wall is laid on massive bowlders, +which contribute to the height of the wall itself. The masonry is made<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_555" id="Page_555">[Pg 555]</a></span> +up of irregular or roughly squared blocks of red stone laid in red clay, +both evidently gathered in the immediate neighborhood of the ruin. +The building stones vary in size, but are as a rule flat, and show +well directed fractures as if dressed by hammering. In several places +there still remains a superficial plastering, which almost conceals the +masonry. The blocks of stone in the lower courses are generally more +massive than those higher up; this feature, however, whether considered +as occurring here or in the cliff houses of Mesa Verde, as pointed +out by Nordenskiöld, seems to me not to indicate different builders, but +is due simply to convenience. There appears to be no regularity in +the courses of component blocks of stone, and when necessity compelled, +as in the courses laid on bowlders, which serve as a foundation, +thin wedges of stone, or spalls, were inserted in the crevices. The walls +are vertical, but the corners are sometimes far from perpendicular.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="PL_XCVIII" id="PL_XCVIII"></a> +<img src="images/platexcviii.jpg" width="600" height="392" alt="PL. XCVIII— +THE RED ROCKS; TEMPLE CANYON" title="PL. XCVIII— +THE RED ROCKS; TEMPLE CANYON" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCVIII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">THE RED ROCKS; TEMPLE CANYON</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>The interior of the ruin is divided into a number of inclosures by +partitions at right angles to the front wall, fastening it to the face of the +cliff. This I have lettered, beginning at the extreme right inclosure +with <i>A</i>. The inclosure has bounding walls, built on a bowlder somewhat +more than six feet high. It has no external passageway, and probably +the entrance was from the roof. This inclosure communicates by +a doorway directly with the adjoining chamber, <i>B</i>. The corner of this +room, or the angle made by the lateral with the front walls, is rounded, +a constant feature in well-built cliff houses. No windows exist, and the +upper edge of both front and lateral walls is but slightly broken.</p> + +<p>The front wall of inclosure <i>B</i> bulges into bow-shape form, and was +evidently at least two stories high. This wall is a finely laid section +of masonry, composed of large, rough stones in the lower courses, upon +which smaller, roughly hewn stones are built. It is probable, from the +large amount of débris in the neighborhood, that formerly there were +rows of single-story rooms in front of what are now the standing walls, +but the character of their architecture is difficult to determine with certainty. +Their foundations, although partially covered, are not wholly +concealed.</p> + +<p>The front wall of inclosure <i>B</i> is pierced by three openings, the largest +of which is a square passageway into the adjoining room, and is situated +in the middle of the curved wall. A wooden lintel, which had been +well hewn with stone implements, still remains in place above this +passageway, and under it the visitor passes through a low opening +which has the appearance of having been once a doorway. Above this +entrance, on each side, in the wall, is a square hole, which originally +may have been the points of support of floor beams. Formerly, likewise, +there was a large square opening above the middle passageway, +but this has been closed with masonry, leaving in place the wooden +beam which once supported the wall above. The upper edge of the +front wall of inclosure <i>B</i> is level, and is but little broken except in two +places, where there are notches, one above each of the square holes<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_556" id="Page_556">[Pg 556]</a></span> +already mentioned. It is probable that these depressions were intended +for the ends of the beams which once supported a combined roof and +floor.</p> + +<p>On the perpendicular wall which forms the rear of inclosure <i>B</i>, many +feet above the top of the standing front walls, there are several pictographs +of Apache origin. The height of these above the level of the +former roof would appear to indicate the existence of a third story, for +the hands which drew them must have been at least 15 feet above the +present top of the standing wall.</p> + +<p>The front of <i>C</i> is curved like that of inclosure <i>B</i>, and is much broken +near the foundations, where there is a passageway. There is a small +hole on each side of a middle line, as in <i>B</i>, situated at about the same +level as the floor, indicating the former position of a beam. Within +the ruin there is a well-made partition separating inclosures <i>B</i> and <i>C</i>.</p> + +<p>The size of room <i>D</i> is much less than that of <i>B</i> or <i>C</i>, but, with the +exception of a section at the left, the front wall has fallen. The part +which remains upright, however, stands like a pinnacle, unconnected +with the face of the cliff or with the second-story wall of inclosure <i>C</i>. It +is about 20 feet in height, and possibly its altitude appears greater than +it really is from the fact that its foundations rest upon a bowlder nearly +six feet high (<a href="#PL_CX">plate <span class="smcap">cx</span></a>).</p> + +<p>The foundations of rooms <i>E</i> and <i>F</i> (<a href="#PL_C">plate <span class="smcap">c</span></a>) are built on a lower +level than those of <i>B</i> and <i>C</i> or <i>D</i>, and their front walls, which are really +low, are helped out by similar bowlders, which serve as foundations. +The indications are that both these inclosures were originally one story +in height, forming a wing to the central section of the ruin, which +had an additional tier of rooms. There is an entrance to <i>F</i> at the extreme +left, and the whole room was lower than the floor of the lower +stories of <i>B</i>, <i>C</i>, and <i>D</i>.</p> + +<p>The most conspicuous pictograph on the cliff above Ruin <span class="smcap">i</span> of Palatki, +is a circular white figure, seen in the accompanying illustration. This +pictograph is situated directly above the first room on the right, <i>A</i>, and +was apparently made with chalk, so elevated that at present it is far +above the reach of a person standing on any of the walls. From its +general character I am led to believe that it was made by the Apache +and not by the builders of the pueblo.</p> + +<p>There were no names of white visitors anywhere on the walls of +Palatki, which, so far as it goes, affords substantial support of my +belief that we were the first white men to visit this ruin. While it can +not be positively asserted that we were the original discoverers of this +interesting building, there is no doubt that I was the first to describe +it and to call attention to its highly characteristic architectural plan.</p> + +<p>The walls of Palatki are not so massive as those of the neighboring +Honanki, and the number of rooms in both ruins which form Palatki +is much smaller. Each of these components probably housed not more +than a few families, while several phratries could readily be accommodated +in Honanki.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_557" id="Page_557">[Pg 557]</a></span></p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="PL_XCIX" id="PL_XCIX"></a> +<img src="images/platexcix.jpg" width="600" height="347" alt="PL. XCIX— +PALATKI (RUIN I)" title="PL. XCIX— +PALATKI (RUIN I)" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCIX</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">PALATKI (RUIN I)</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>The second Palatki ruin is well preserved, and as a rule the rooms, +especially those in front, have suffered more from vandalism and from +the elements than have those of Ruin <span class="smcap">i</span>. The arrangement of the +rooms is somewhat different from that of the more exposed eastern +ruin, to which it undoubtedly formerly belonged.</p> + +<p>Ruin <span class="smcap">ii</span> lies in a deep recess or cave, the roof of which forms a perfect +arch above the walls. It is situated a few hundred feet to the +west, and is easily approached by following the fallen débris at the foot +of a perpendicular cliff. The front walls have all fallen, exposing the +rear wall of what was formerly a row of rooms, as shown in the accompanying +illustration (<a href="#PL_CI">plate <span class="smcap">ci</span></a>). There are evidences that this row of +rooms was but a single story in height, while those behind it have indications +of three stories. Ruin <span class="smcap">ii</span> is more hidden by the trees and by its +obscure position in a cavern than the former, but the masonry in +both is of the same general character.</p> + +<p>On approaching Ruin <span class="smcap">ii</span> from Ruin <span class="smcap">i</span> there is first observed a well-made +though rough wall, as a rule intact, along which the line of +roof and flooring can readily be traced (<a href="#PL_CI">plate <span class="smcap">ci</span></a>). In front of this +upright wall are fragments of other walls, some standing in unconnected +sections, others fallen, their fragments extending down the sides of the +talus among the bushes. It was observed that this wall is broken by +an entrance which passes into a chamber, which may be called <i>A</i>, and +two square holes are visible, one on each side, above it. These holes +were formerly filled by two logs, which once supported the floor of a +second chamber, the line of which still remains on the upright wall. +The small square orifice directly above the entrance is a peephole.</p> + +<p>In examining the character of the wall it will be noticed that its +masonry is in places rough cast, and that there was little attempt at +regularity in the courses of the component stones, which are neither +dressed nor aligned, although the wall is practically vertical.</p> + +<p>At one point, in full view of the observer, a log is apparently inserted +in the wall, and if the surrounding masonry be examined it will be +found that an opening below it had been filled in after the wall was +erected. It is evident, from its position relatively to the line indicating +the roof, that this opening was originally a passageway from one room +to another. Passing back of the standing wall an inclosure (room <i>A</i>) +is entered, one side of which is the rock of the cliff, while the other +three bounding walls are built of masonry, 20 feet high. This inclosure +was formerly divided into an upper and a lower room by a partition, +which served as the roof of the lower and the floor of the upper chambers. +Two beams stretched across this inclosure about six feet above +the débris of the present floor, and the openings in the walls, where +these beams formerly rested, are readily observed. In the same way +the beam-holes of the upper story may also be easily seen on the top of +the wall. Between the rear wall of this inclosure and the perpendicular +cliff there was a recess which appears to have been a dark chamber,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_558" id="Page_558">[Pg 558]</a></span> +probably designed for use as a storage room or granary. The configuration +of the cliff, which forms the major part of the inclosing wall +of this chamber, imparts to it an irregular or roughly triangular form.</p> + +<p>The entire central portion of the ruin is very much broken down, and +the floor is strewn to a considerable depth with the débris of fallen +walls. On both sides there are nicely aligned, smoothly finished walls, +with traces of beams on the level of former floors. Some of these +bounding walls are curved; others are straight, and in places they rise +20 feet. Marks of fire are visible everywhere; most of the beams have +been wrenched from their places, as a result of which the walls have +been much mutilated, badly cracked, or thrown down.</p> + +<p>There are no pictographs near this ruin, and no signs of former visits +by white men.</p> + +<p>Midway between Honanki and the second Palatki ruin a small ancient +house of the same character as the latter was discovered. This ruin is +very much exposed, and therefore the walls are considerably worn, +but six well-marked inclosures, indicative of former rooms, were readily +made out. No overarching rock shielded this ruin from the elements, +and rubble from fallen walls covers the talus upon which it stands. +The adobe mortar between the stones is much worn, and no fragment +of plastering is traceable within or without. This evidence of the +great weathering of the walls of the ruin is not considered indicative +of greater age than the better preserved ruins in the neighborhood, +but rather of exposure to the action of the elements. Not only are +the walls in a very poor condition, but also the floors show, from the +absence of dry soil upon them, that the whole ruin has suffered greatly +from the same denudation. There are no fragments of pottery about +it, and small objects indicating former habitation are also wanting. A +cedar had taken root where the floor once was, and its present great +size shows considerable age. If any pictographs formerly existed in +the adjacent cliff they have disappeared. There is likewise no evidence +that the Apache had ever sought it for shelter, or if they had, +their occupancy occurred so long ago that time has effaced all evidence +of their presence.</p> + + +<h3><span class="smcap">Honanki</span></h3> + +<p>The largest ruin visited in the Red-rock country was called, following +Hopi etymology, Honanki; but the nomenclature was adopted not +because it was so called by the Hopi, but following the rule elsewhere +suggested.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="PL_C" id="PL_C"></a> +<img src="images/platec.jpg" width="600" height="406" alt="PL. C— +PALATKI (RUIN I)" title="PL. C— +PALATKI (RUIN I)" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. C</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">PALATKI (RUIN I)</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>This ruin lies under a lofty buttress of rock westward from Lloyd's +canyon, which presented the only available camping place in its neighborhood. +At the time of my visit there was but scanty water in the +canyon and that not potable except for stock. We carried with us all +the water we used, and when this was exhausted were obliged to +retrace our steps to Oak creek. There are groves of trees in the canyon<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_559" id="Page_559">[Pg 559]</a></span> +and evidences that at some seasons there is an abundant water supply. +A corral had been made and a well dug near its mouth, but with these +exceptions there were no evidences of previous +occupancy by white men. We had +hardly pitched our camp before tracks of +large game were noticed, and before we left +we sighted a bear which had come down to +the water to drink, but which beat a hasty +retreat at our approach. As previously +stated, the knowledge of this ruin was communicated +to me by Mr Schürmann.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 159px;"><a name="Fig_248" id="Fig_248"></a> +<img src="images/fig248.png" width="159" height="600" alt="Fig. 248—Ground plan of Honanki" title="Fig. 248—Ground plan of Honanki" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 248—Ground plan of Honanki</span> +</p> + +<p>The Honanki ruin (<a href="#Fig_248">figure 248</a>) extends +along the base of the cliff for a considerable +distance, and may for convenience of +description be divided into two sections, +which, although generally similar, differ +somewhat in structural features. The former +is lineal in its arrangement, and consists +of a fringe of houses extending along +the base of the cliff at a somewhat lower +level than the other. The walls of this section +were for the greater part broken, and +at no place could anything more than the +foundation of the front wall be detected, +although fragments of masonry strewed the +sides of the declivity near its base. The +house walls which remain are well-built parallel +spurs constructed at right angles to +the cliff, which served as the rear of all the +chambers. At the extreme right end of this +row of rooms, situated deep in a large cavern +with overhanging roof, portions of a +rear wall of masonry are well preserved, +and the lateral walls of one or two chambers +in this portion of the ruin are still intact. +Straggling along from that point, following +the contour of the base of the cliff +under which it lies, there extends a long +row of rooms, all destitute of a front wall.</p> + +<p>The first division (<a href="#PL_CII">plate <span class="smcap">cii</span></a>), beginning +with the most easterly of the series, is +quite hidden at one end in a deep cavern. +At this point the builders, in order to obtain +a good rear wall to their rooms, constructed +a line of masonry parallel with the face of the cliff. At right angles +to this construction, at the eastern extremity, there are remnants of a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_560" id="Page_560">[Pg 560]</a></span> +lateral wall, but the remainder had tumbled to the ground. The standing +wall of <i>z</i> is not continuous with that of the next room, <i>y</i>, and +apparently was simply the rear of a large room with the remains of a +lateral wall at right angles to it. The other walls of this chamber had +tumbled into a deep gorge, overgrown with bushes which conceal +the fragments. This building is set back deeply in the cave, and is +isolated from the remaining parts of the ruin, although at the level +which may have been its roof there runs a kind of gallery formed by a +ledge of rock, plastered with adobe, which formerly connected the roof +with the rest of the pueblo. This ledge was a means of intercommunication, +and a continuation of the same ledge, in rooms <i>s</i>, <i>t</i>, and <i>u</i>, +supported the rafters of these chambers. At <i>u</i> there are evidences of +two stories or two tiers of rooms, but those in front have fallen to the +ground.</p> + +<p>The standing wall at <i>u</i> is about five feet high, connected with the +face of the cliff by masonry. The space between it and the cliff was +not large enough for a habitable chamber, and was used probably as +a storage place. In front of the standing wall of room <i>u</i> there was +another chamber, the walls of which now strew the talus of the cliff.</p> + +<p>The highest and best preserved room of the second series of chambers +at Honanki is that designated <i>p</i>, at a point where the ruin reached +an elevation of 20 feet. Here we have good evidence of rooms of two +stories, as indicated by the points of insertion of the beams of a floor, +at the usual levels above the ground. In fact, it is probable that the +whole section of the ruin was two stories high throughout, the front +walls having fallen along the entire length. From the last room on +the left to the eastern extremity of the line of houses which leads +to the main ruin of Honanki, no ground plans were detected at the +base of the cliffs, but fallen rocks and scattered débris are strewn +over the whole interval.</p> + +<p>The eastern part of the main ruin of Honanki, however, lies but a +short distance west of that described, and consists of many similar +chambers, arranged side by side. These are lettered in the diagram <i>h</i> +to <i>u</i>, beginning with <i>h</i>, which is irregularly circular in form, and ends +with a high wall, the first to be seen as one approaches the ruin from +Lloyd canyon. This range of houses is situated on a lower foundation +and at a lower level than that of the main quarter of Honanki, and a +trail runs along so close to the rooms that the whole series is easily +visited without much climbing. No woodwork remains in any of +these rooms, and the masonry is badly broken in places either by +natural agencies or through vandalism.</p> + +<p>Beginning with <i>h</i>, the round room, which adjoins the main quarter +of Honanki, we find much in its shape to remind us of a kiva. The +walls are in part built on foundations of large bowlders, one of which +formed the greater part of the front wall. This circular room was +found to be full of fallen débris, and could not be examined without<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_561" id="Page_561">[Pg 561]</a></span> +considerable excavation. If it were a kiva, which I very much doubt, +it is an exception among the Verde valley ruins, where no true kiva +has yet been detected.<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a></p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="PL_CI" id="PL_CI"></a> +<img src="images/plateci.jpg" width="600" height="443" alt="PL. CI— +FRONT WALL OF PALATKI (RUIN II)" title="PL. CI— +FRONT WALL OF PALATKI (RUIN II)" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CI</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">FRONT WALL OF PALATKI (RUIN II)</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>Following <i>h</i> there is an inclosure which originally may have been a +habitable room, as indicated by the well-constructed front wall, but it is +so filled with large stones that it is difficult to examine its interior. On +one side the wall, which is at right angles to the face of the cliff, is 10 +feet high, and the front wall follows the surface of a huge bowlder +which serves as its foundation.</p> + +<p>Room <i>i</i> is clearly defined, and is in part inclosed by a large rock, on +top of which there still remains a fragment of a portion of the front +wall. A spur of masonry connects this bowlder with the face of the cliff, +indicating all that remains of the former division between rooms <i>i</i> and <i>j</i>. +An offshoot from this bowlder, in the form of a wall 10 feet high, formerly +inclosed one side of a room. In the rear of chamber <i>j</i> there are +found two receptacles or spaces left between the rear wall and the face +of the cliff, while the remaining wall, which is 10 feet high, is a good +specimen of pueblo masonry.</p> + +<p>The two side walls of room <i>k</i> are well preserved, but the chamber +resembles the others of the series in the absence of a front wall. In +this room, however, there remains what may have been the fragment of +a rear wall parallel with the face of the cliff. This room has also a +small cist of masonry in one corner, which calls to mind certain sealed +cavities in the cavate dwellings.</p> + +<p>The two side walls of <i>m</i> and <i>n</i> are respectively eight and ten feet high. +There is nothing exceptional in the standing walls of room <i>o</i>, one of +which, five feet in altitude, still remains erect. Room <i>p</i> has a remnant +of a rear wall plastered to the face of the cliff.</p> + +<p>Room <i>r</i> (<a href="#PL_CIII">plate <span class="smcap">ciii</span></a>) is a finely preserved chamber, with lateral walls +20 feet high, of well-constructed masonry, that in the rear, through +which there is an opening leading into a dark chamber, occupying the +space between it and the cliff. It is braced by connecting walls at +right angles to the face of the solid rock.</p> + +<p>At <i>s</i>, the face of the cliff forms a rear wall of the room, and one of +the side walls is fully 20 feet high. The points of insertion of the +flooring are well shown, about 10 feet from the ground, proving that +the ruin at this point was at least two stories high.</p> + +<p>Two walled inclosures, one within the other, characterize room <i>u</i>. +On the cliff above it there is a series of simple pictographs, consisting +of short parallel lines pecked into the rock, and are probably of Apache +origin. This room closes the second series, along the whole length of +which, in front of the lateral walls which mark different chambers, +there are, at intervals, piles of débris, which enabled an approximate<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_562" id="Page_562">[Pg 562]</a></span> +determination of the situation of the former front wall, fragments of +the foundations of which are traceable in situ in several places.</p> + +<p>The hand of man and the erosion of the elements have dealt harshly +with this portion of Honanki, for not a fragment of timber now remains +in its walls. This destruction, so far as human agency is concerned, +could not have been due to white men, but probably to the Apache, or +possibly to the cliff villagers themselves at the time of or shortly after +the abandonment of the settlement.</p> + +<p>From the second section of Honanki we pass to the third and best-preserved +portion of the ruins (<a href="#Fig_249">figure 249</a>), indicated in the diagram +from <i>a</i> to <i>g</i>. To this section I have referred as the "main ruin," for it +was evidently the most populous quarter of the ancient cliff dwelling. +It is better preserved than the remainder of Honanki, and is the only +part in which all four walls of the chambers still remain erect. Built at +a higher level than the series of rooms already considered, it must have +towered above them, and possibly served as a place of retreat when +danger beset the more exposed quarters of the village.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_249" id="Fig_249"></a> +<img src="images/fig249.jpg" width="600" height="474" alt="Fig. 249—The main ruin of Honanki" title="Fig. 249—The main ruin of Honanki" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 249—The main ruin of Honanki</span> +</p> + +<p>Approaching the main ruin of Honanki (<a href="#PL_CIV">plate <span class="smcap">civ</span></a>) from the east, or +the parts already described, one passes between the buttress on which +the front wall of the rounded room <i>h</i> is built and a fragment of masonry +on the left, by a natural gateway through which the trail is very steep. +On the right there towers above the visitor a well-preserved wall of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_563" id="Page_563">[Pg 563]</a></span> +masonry, the front of room <i>a</i>, and he soon passes abreast of the main +portion of the ruin of Honanki. This section is built in a huge cavern, +the overhanging roof of which, is formed by natural rock, arching far +above the tops of the highest walls of the pueblo and suggesting the +surroundings of the "Cliff Palace" of Mesa Verde, so well described +by the late Baron G. Nordenskiöld in his valuable monograph on the +ruins of that section of southern Colorado. The main ruin of Honanki +is one of the largest and best preserved architectural monuments of the +former people of Verde valley that has yet been described. Although +somewhat resembling its rival, the well-known "Casa Montezuma" of +Beaver creek, its architecture is dissimilar on account of the difference +in the form of the cavern in which it is built and the geological character +of the surrounding cliffs. Other Verde ruins may have accommodated +more people, when inhabited, but none of its type south of +Canyon de Chelly have yet been described which excel it in size and +condition of preservation. I soon found that our party were not the +first whites who had seen this lonely village, as the names scribbled on +its walls attested; but so far as I know it had not previously been +visited by archeologists.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="PL_CII" id="PL_CII"></a> +<img src="images/platecii.jpg" width="600" height="420" alt="PL. CII— +HONANKI (RUIN II)" title="PL. CII— +HONANKI (RUIN II)" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">HONANKI (RUIN II)</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>In the main portion of Honanki we found that the two ends of the +crescentic row of united rooms which compose it are built on rocky elevations, +with foundations considerably higher than those of the rooms +in the middle portion of the ruins. The line of the front wall is, therefore, +not exactly crescentic, but irregularly curved (<a href="#Fig_249">figure 249</a>), conforming +to the rear of the cavern in which the houses are situated. About +midway in the curve of the front walls two walls indicative of former +rooms extend at an angle of about 25° to the main front wall. All the +component rooms of the main part of Honanki can be entered, some by +external passageways, others by doorways communicating with adjacent +chambers. None of the inclosures have roofs or upper floors, although +indications of the former existence of both these structural features +may readily be seen in several places. Although wooden beams are +invariably wanting, fragments of these still project from the walls, +almost always showing on their free ends, inside the rooms, the effect +of fire. I succeeded in adding to the collection a portion of one of +these beams, the extremity of which had been battered off, evidently +with a stone implement. In the alkaline dust which covered the floor +several similar specimens were seen.</p> + +<p>The stones which form the masonry of the wall (<a href="#Fig_250">figure 250</a>) were not, +as a rule, dressed or squared before they were laid with adobe mortar, +but were generally set in place in the rough condition in which they +may still be obtained anywhere under the cliff.</p> + +<p>All the mortar used was of adobe or the tenacious clay which serves +so many purposes among the Pueblos. The walls of the rooms were +plastered with a thick layer of the same material. The rear wall of +each room is the natural rock of the cliff, which rises vertically and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_564" id="Page_564">[Pg 564]</a></span> +has a very smooth surface. The great natural archway which covers the +whole pueblo protects it from wind and rain, and as a consequence, +save on the front face, there are few signs of natural erosion. The hand +of man, however, has dealt rudely with this venerable building, and +many of the walls, especially of rooms which formerly stood before the +central portion, lie prone upon the earth; but so securely were the +component stones held together by the adobe that even after their fall +sections of masonry still remain intact.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 493px;"><a name="Fig_250" id="Fig_250"></a> +<img src="images/fig250.jpg" width="493" height="600" alt="Fig. 250—Structure of wall of Honanki" title="Fig. 250—Structure of wall of Honanki" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 250—Structure of wall of Honanki</span> +</p> + +<p>There are seven walled inclosures in the main part of Honanki, and +as each of these was formerly at least two stories high there is substantial +evidence of the former existence of fourteen rooms in this part +of the ruin. There can be little doubt that there were other rooms +along the front of the central portion, and the fallen walls show them +to have been of large size. It would likewise appear that the middle +part was higher than the two wings, which would increase the number +of chambers, so that with these additions it may safely be said that this +part of Honanki alone contained not far from twenty rooms.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_565" id="Page_565">[Pg 565]</a></span></p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="PL_CIII" id="PL_CIII"></a> +<img src="images/plateciii.jpg" width="600" height="445" alt="PL. CIII— +WALLS OF HONANKI" title="PL. CIII— +WALLS OF HONANKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CIII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">WALLS OF HONANKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>The recess in the cliff in which the ruin is situated is lower in the +middle than at either side, where there are projecting ledges of rock +which were utilized by the builders in the construction of the foundations, +the line of the front wall following the inequalities of the ground. +It thus results that rooms <i>g</i>, <i>a</i>, <i>b</i>, and a part of <i>c</i>, rise from a foundation +about breast high, or a little higher than the base of rooms <i>d</i>, <i>e</i>, +and <i>f</i>.</p> + +<p>The front wall of <i>a</i> has for its foundation a spur or ledge of rock, +which is continued under <i>b</i> and a part of <i>c</i>. The corner or angle of +this wall, facing the round chamber, is curved in the form of a tower, +a considerable section of its masonry being intact. Near the foundation +and following the inequalities of the rock surface the beginning +of a wall at right angles to the face of the ruin at this point is seen. +A small embrasure, high above the base of the front wall, on the side +by which one approaches the ruin from the east, and two smaller openings +on the same level, looking out over the valley, suggest a floor and +lookouts. The large square orifice in the middle of the face of the +wall has a wooden lintel, still in place; the opening is large enough for +use as a door or passageway. The upper edge of the front wall is +somewhat irregular, but a notch in it above the square opening is +conspicuous.</p> + +<p>The rear wall of room <i>a</i> was the face of the cliff, formed of solid +rock without masonry and very much blackened by smoke from former +fires. As, however, there is evidence that since its destruction or +abandonment by its builders this ruin has been occupied as a camping +place by the Apache, it is doubtful to which race we should ascribe +this discoloration of the walls by soot.</p> + +<p>On the ground floor there is a passageway into chamber <i>b</i>, which is +considerably enlarged, although the position of the lintel is clearly +indicated by notches in the wall. The beam which was formed there +had been torn from its place and undoubtedly long ago used for firewood +by nomadic visitors. The open passageway, measured externally, +is about 15 feet above the foundation of the wall, through which it is +broken, and about 8 feet below the upper edge of the wall.</p> + +<p>Room <i>b</i> is an irregular, square chamber, two stories high, communicating +with <i>a</i> and <i>c</i> by passages which are enlarged by breakage in +the walls. A small hole in the front wall, about 6 feet from the floor, +opens externally to the air. The walls are, in general, about 2 feet +thick, and are composed of flat red stones laid in clay of the same +color. The cliff forms the rear wall of the chamber. The clay at +certain places in the walls, especially near the insertions of the beams +and about the window openings, appears to have been mixed with a +black pitch, which serves to harden the mixture.</p> + +<p>Room <i>c</i> is the first of a series of chambers, with external passageways, +but its walls are very much broken down, and the openings +thereby enlarged. The front wall is almost straight and in one place<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_566" id="Page_566">[Pg 566]</a></span> +stands 30 feet, the maximum height of the standing wall of the ruins. +In one corner a considerable quantity of ashes and many evidences of +fire, some of which may be ascribed to Apache occupants, was detected. +A wooden beam, marking the line of the floor of a second story, was seen +projecting from the front wall, and there are other evidences of a floor +at this level. Large beams apparently extended from the front wall to +the rear of the chamber, where they rested on a ledge in the cliff, and +over these smaller sticks were laid side by side and at right angles to +the beams. These in turn supported either flat stones or a layer of +mud or clay. The method of construction of one of these roofs is +typical of a Tusayan kiva, where ancient architectural forms are +adhered to and best preserved.</p> + +<p>The entrance to room <i>d</i> is very much enlarged by the disintegration +of the wall, and apparently there was at this point a difference in level +of the front wall, for there is evidence of rooms in advance of those +connected with the chambers described, as shown by a line of masonry, +still standing, parallel to the front face of inclosures <i>c</i> and <i>d</i>.</p> + +<p>Room <i>e</i> communicates by a doorway with the chamber marked <i>f</i>, +and there is a small window in the same partition. This room had a +raised banquette on the side toward the cliff, recalling an arrangement +of the floor similar to that in the cavate dwellings opposite Squaw mountain +which I have described. This platform is raised about three +feet above the remainder of the floor of <i>f</i>, and, like it, is strewn with +large slabs of stone, which have fallen from the overhanging roof. In +the main floor, at one corner, near the platform, there is a rectangular +box-like structure made of thin slabs of stone set on edge, suggesting +the grinding bins of the Pueblos. Room <i>f</i> communicates with <i>g</i> by a +passageway which has a stone lintel. The holes in the walls, in which +beams were once inserted, are seen in several places at different levels +above the floor. The ends of several beams, one extremity of which +is invariably charred, were found set in the masonry, and others were +dug from the débris in the floor.</p> + +<p>As a result of the curve in the front wall of the ruin at that point, the +shape of room <i>f</i> is roughly quadrate, with banquettes on two sides. +There are six large beam holes in the walls, and the position of the first +floor is well shown on the face of the partition, separating <i>f</i> from <i>g</i>. +The passageway from one of these rooms to the other is slightly arched.</p> + +<p>Room <i>g</i> is elongated, without an external entrance, and communicates +with <i>f</i> by a small opening, through which it is very difficult to +crawl. Its longest dimension is almost at right angles to the front +face of the remaining rooms, and it is raised above them by its foundation +on an elevated rock like that of <i>a</i>, <i>b</i>, and <i>c</i>. There is a small, +square, external opening which may have served as the position of a +former beam or log. The upper level of the front wall is more or less +broken down in places, and formerly may have been much higher. +Beyond <i>g</i> a spur of masonry is built at right angles to the cliff, inclosing<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_567" id="Page_567">[Pg 567]</a></span> +a rectangular chamber at the end of the ruin which could not be +entered. Possibly in former times it was accessible by means of a +ladder from the roof, whence communication with other portions of the +structure was also had.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="PL_CIV" id="PL_CIV"></a> +<img src="images/plateciv.jpg" width="600" height="363" alt="PL. CIV— +APPROACH TO MAIN PART OF HONANKI" title="PL. CIV— +APPROACH TO MAIN PART OF HONANKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CIV</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">APPROACH TO MAIN PART OF HONANKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>A short distance beyond the westernmost rooms of Honanki, almost +covered with bushes and adjoining the base of the cliff, there is a large +ash heap in which are many fragments of pottery and the bones of +various animals. It is probable that excavation in this quarter would +reveal many interesting objects. In the cliffs above this ash heap, far +beyond reach, there is a walled niche which has never been disturbed. +This structure is similar to those near the cavate dwellings, and when +opened will probably be found to contain buried mortuary objects of +interesting character. I did not disturb this inclosure, inasmuch as I +had no ladders or ropes with which to approach it.</p> + +<p>It is very difficult to properly estimate, from the number of rooms in +a cliff house, the former population, and as a general thing the tendency +is rather to overstate than to fall short of the true total. In a +pueblo like Hano, on the first or east mesa of Tusayan, for instance, +there are many uninhabited rooms, and others serve as storage chambers, +while in places the pueblo has so far fallen into ruin as to be uninhabitable. +If a pueblo is very much concentrated the population varies +at different seasons of the year. In summer it is sparsely inhabited; +in winter it is rather densely populated. While Palatki and Honanki +together had rooms sufficient to house 500 people, I doubt whether their +aggregate population, ever exceeded 200. This estimate, of course, is +based on the supposition that these villages were contemporaneously +inhabited.</p> + +<p>The evidences all point to a belief, however, that they were both permanent +dwelling places and not temporary resorts at certain seasons +of the year.</p> + +<p>The pictographs on the face of the cliff above Honanki are for the +greater part due to the former Apache occupants of the rooms, and are +situated high above the tops of the walls of the ruin. They are, as a +rule, drawn with white chalk, which shows very clearly on the red rock, +and are particularly numerous above room <i>g</i>. The figure of a circle, +with lines crossing one another diametrically and continued as rays +beyond the periphery, possibly represent the sun. Many spiral figures, +almost constant pictographs in cliff ruins, are found in several places. +Another strange design, resembling some kind of insect, is very conspicuous.</p> + +<p>A circle painted green and inclosed in a border of yellow is undoubtedly +of Apache origin. There is at one point a row of small pits, +arranged in line, suggesting a score or enumeration of some kind, and a +series of short parallel lines of similar import was found not far away. +This latter method of recording accounts is commonly used at the present +time in Tusayan, both in houses and on cliffs; and one of the best<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_568" id="Page_568">[Pg 568]</a></span> +of these, said to enumerate the number of Apache killed by the Hopi +in a raid many years ago, may be seen above the trail by which the +visitor enters the pueblo of Hano on the East Mesa. The names of several +persons scratched on the face of the cliff indicate that Americans +had visited Honanki before me.</p> + +<p>The majority of the paleoglyphs at both Palatki and Honanki are of +Apache origin, and are of comparatively modern date, as would naturally +be expected. In some instances their colors are as fresh as if made +a few years ago, and there is no doubt that they were drawn after the +building was deserted by its original occupants. The positions of +the pictographs on the cliffs imply that they were drawn before the +roofs and flooring had been destroyed, thus showing how lately the +ruin preserved its ancient form. In their sheltered position there seems +to be no reason why the ancient pictographs should not have been +preserved, and the fact that so few of the figures pecked in the cliff +now remain is therefore instructive.</p> + +<p>One of the first tendencies of man in visiting a ruin is to inscribe +his name on its walls or on neighboring cliffs. This is shared by both +Indians and whites, and the former generally makes his totem on the +rock surface, or adds that of his gods, the sun, rain-cloud, or katcinas. +Inscriptions recording events are less common, as they are more difficult +to indicate with exactitude in this system of pictography. The majority +of ancient pictographs in the Red-rock country, like those I have considered +in other parts of Verde valley, are identical with picture writings +now made in Tusayan, and are recognized and interpreted without +hesitation by the Hopi Indians. In their legends, in which the migrations +of their ancestors are recounted, the traditionists often mention +the fact that their ancestors left their totem signatures at certain points +in their wanderings. The Patki people say that you will find on the +rocks of Palatkwabi, the "Red Land of the South" from which they +came, totems of the rain-cloud, sun, crane, parrot, etc. If we find these +markings in the direction which they are thus definitely declared to +exist, and the Hopi say similar pictures were made by their ancestors, +there seems no reason to question such circumstantial evidence that +some of the Hopi clans once came from this region.<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a></p> + +<p>One of the most interesting of the pictographs pecked in the rock +is a figure which, variously modified, is a common decoration on cliff-dweller +pottery from the Verde valley region to the ruins of the San Juan +and its tributaries. This figure has the form of two concentric spirals, +the ends of which do not join. As this design assumes many modifications, +it may be well to consider a few forms which it assumes on the +pottery of the cliff people and on that of their descendants, the Pueblos.</p> + +<p>The so-called black-and-white ware, or white pottery decorated with +black lines, which is so characteristic of the ceramics of the cliff-dwellers, +is sometimes, as we shall see, found in ruins like Awatobi and Sikyatki;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_569" id="Page_569">[Pg 569]</a></span> +but it is so rare, as compared with other varieties, that it may be +regarded as intrusive.</p> + +<p>One of the simplest forms of the broken-line motive is a Greek fret, in +which there is a break in the component square figures or where the +line is noncontinuous. In the simplest form, which appears prominently +on modern pottery, but which is rare or wanting on true black-and-white +ware, we have two crescentic figures, the concavities of which +face in different directions, but the horns overlap. This is a symbol +which the participants in the dance called the Húmiskatcina still paint +with pigments on their breasts, and which is used on shields and +various religious paraphernalia.</p> + +<p>A study of any large collection of decorated Pueblo ware, ancient or +modern, will show many modifications of this broken line, a number of +which I shall discuss more in detail when pottery ornamentation is considered. +A design so distinctive and so widespread as this must certainly +have a symbolic interpretation. The concentric spirals with a +broken line, the Hopi say, are symbols of the whirlpool, and it is +interesting to find in the beautiful plates of Chavero's <i>Antigüedades +Mexicanas</i> that the water in the lagoon surrounding the ancient Aztec +capital was indicated by the Nahuatl Indians with similar symbols.</p> + + +<h3><span class="smcap">Objects Found at Palatki and Honanki</span></h3> + +<p>The isolation of these ruins and the impossibility of obtaining workmen, +combined with the brief visit which I was able to make to them, +rendered it impossible to collect very many specimens of ancient handiwork. +The few excavations which were made were limited almost +wholly to Honanki, and from their success I can readily predict a rich +harvest for anyone who may attempt systematic work in this virgin +field. We naturally chose the interior of the rooms for excavation, +and I will say limited our work to these places. Every chamber was +more or less filled with débris—fragments of overturned walls, detached +rock from the cliff above, dry alkaline soil, drifted sand, dust, and +animal excreta. In those places where digging was possible we found +the dust and guano so dry and alkaline that it was next to impossible +to work for any length of time in the rooms, for the air became so +impure that the workmen could hardly breathe, especially where the +inclosing walls prevented ventilation. Notwithstanding this obstacle, +however, we removed the accumulated débris down to the floor in one or +two chambers, and examined with care the various objects of aboriginal +origin which were revealed.</p> + +<p>In studying the specimens found in cliff-houses due attention has +not always been given to the fact that occupants have oftentimes +camped in them subsequently to their abandonment by the original +builders. As a consequence of this temporary habitation objects +owned by unrelated Indians have frequently been confused with those +of the cliff-dwellers proper. We found evidences that both Honanki<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_570" id="Page_570">[Pg 570]</a></span> +and Palatki had been occupied by Apache Mohave people for longer +or shorter periods of time, and some of the specimens were probably +left there by these inhabitants.</p> + +<p>The ancient pottery found in the rooms, although fragmentary, is +sufficiently complete to render a comparison with known ceramics from +the Verde ruins. Had we discovered the cemeteries, for which we zealously +searched in vain, no doubt entire vessels, deposited as mortuary +offerings, would have been found; but the kind of ware of which they +were made would undoubtedly have been the same as that of the +fragments.</p> + +<p>No pottery distinctively different from that which has already been +reported from the Verde valley ruins was found, and the majority +resembled so closely in texture and symbolism that of the cliff houses +of the San Juan, in northern New Mexico and southern Utah, that +they may be regarded as practically identical.</p> + +<p>The following varieties of pottery were found at Honanki:</p> + +<p> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;"><small>I</small>. Coiled ware.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;"><small>II</small>. Indented ware.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;"><small>III</small>. Smooth ware.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;"><small>IV</small>. Smooth ware painted white, with black geometric figures.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;"><small>V</small>. Smooth red ware, with black decoration.</span><br /> +</p> + +<p>By far the largest number of fragments belong to the first division, +and these, as a rule, are blackened by soot, as if used in cooking. +The majority are parts of large open-mouth jars with flaring rims, corrugated +or often indented with the thumb-nail or some hard substance, +the coil becoming obscure on the lower surface. The inside of these +jars is smooth, but never polished, and in one instance the potter used +the corrugations of the coil as an ornamental motive. The paste of +which this coiled ware was composed is coarse, with argillaceous +grains scattered through it; but it was well fired and is still hard and +durable. When taken in connection with its tenuity, these features +show a highly developed potter's technique. A single fragment is ornamented +with an S-shape coil of clay fastened to the corrugations in +much the same way as in similar ware from the ruins near the Colorado +Chiquito.</p> + +<p>The fragments of smooth ware show that they, too, had been made +originally in the same way as coiled ware, and that their outer as well +as their inner surface had been rubbed smooth before firing. As a rule, +however, they are coarse in texture and have little symmetry of form. +Fragments identified as parts of bowls, vases, jars, and dippers are +classed under this variety. As a rule they are badly or unevenly fired, +although evidently submitted to great heat. There was seldom an +effort made to smooth the outer surface to a polish, and no attempt at +pictorial ornamentation was made.</p> + +<p>The fragments represented in classes <span class="smcap">iv</span> and <span class="smcap">v</span> were made of a much +finer clay, and the surface bears a gloss, almost a glaze. The <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_571" id="Page_571">[Pg 571]</a></span>ornamentation +on the few fragments which were found is composed of geometric +patterns, and is identical with the sherds from other ruins of +Verde valley. A fragment each of a dipper and a ladle, portions of a red +bowl, and a rim of a large vase of the same color were picked up near +the ruin. Most of the fragments, however, belong to the first classes—the +coiled and indented wares.</p> + +<p>There was no evidence that the former inhabitants of these buildings +were acquainted with metals. The ends of the beams had been hacked +off evidently with blunt stone axes, aided by fire, and the lintels of the +houses were of split logs which showed no evidence that any metal implement +was used in fashioning them. We found, however, several stone +tools, which exhibit considerable skill in the art of stone working. +These include a single ax, blunt at one end, sharpened at the other, +and girt by a single groove. The variety of stone from which the ax +was made does not occur in the immediate vicinity of the ruin. There +were one or two stone hammers, grooved for hafting, like the ax. A +third stone maul, being grooveless, was evidently a hand tool for +breaking other stones or for grinding pigments.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_251" id="Fig_251"></a> +<img src="images/fig251.jpg" width="600" height="216" alt="Fig. 251—Stone implement from Honanki" title="Fig. 251—Stone implement from Honanki" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 251—Stone implement from Honanki</span> +</p> + +<p>Perhaps the most interesting stone implement which was found was +uncovered in the excavation of one of the middle rooms of the western +part of the ruin, about three feet below the surface. It consists of +a wooden handle rounded at each end and slightly curved, with a +sharpened stone inserted midway of its length and cemented to the +wood with pitch or asphaltum. The stone of this implement would +hardly bear rough usage, or sustain, without fracture, a heavy blow. +The edge is tolerably sharp, and it therefore may have been used in +skinning animals. Judging from the form of the handle, the implement +is better suited for use as a scraper than for any other purpose +which has occurred to me (<a href="#Fig_251">figure 251</a>).</p> + +<p>The inhabitants of the two ruins of the Red-rocks used obsidian +arrowpoints with shafts of reeds, and evidently highly regarded fragments +of the former material for knives, spearheads, and one or two +other purposes.</p> + +<p>The stone metates from these ruins are in no respect characteristic, +and several fine specimens were found in place on the floors of the rooms. +One of these was a well-worn specimen of lava, which must have been<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_572" id="Page_572">[Pg 572]</a></span> +brought from a considerable distance, since none of that material occurs +in the neighborhood. The existence of these grinding stones implies the +use of maize as food, and this evidence was much strengthened by the +finding of corncobs, kernels of corn, and charred fragments at several +points below the surface of the débris in the chambers of Honanki. +One of these grinding stones was found set in the floor of one of the rooms +in the same way that similar metates may be seen in Walpi today.</p> + +<p>Of bone implements, our limited excavations revealed only a few fragments. +Leg bones of the turkey were used for awls, bodkins, needles, +and similar objects. In general character the implements of this kind +which were found are almost identical in form with +the bone implements from Awatobi and Sikyatki, +which are later figured and described. Although the +bone implements unearthed were not numerous, we were +well repaid for our excavations by finding an ancient +fireboard, identical with those now used at Tusayan in +the ceremony of kindling "new fire," and probably +universally used for that purpose in former times. The +only shell was a fragment of a bracelet +made from a <i>Pectunculus</i>, a Pacific coast +mollusk highly esteemed in ancient times among prehistoric +Pueblos. The majority of the wooden objects found showed +marks of fire, which were especially evident on the ends of +the roof and floor beams projecting from the walls.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_252" id="Fig_252"></a> +<img src="images/fig252.jpg" width="600" height="530" alt="Fig. 252—Tinder tube from Honanki" title="Fig. 252—Tinder tube from Honanki" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 252—Tinder tube from Honanki</span> +</p> + +<p>A considerable collection of objects made of wickerwork +and woven vegetal fiber was found in the alkaline dust and +ashes of the Red-rock cliff houses, and while there is some +difficulty here as elsewhere, in deciding whether certain specimens +belonged to the original builders or to later temporary occupants, +there is little doubt that most of them were the property of the latter.</p> + +<p>There were many specimens of basketry found on the surface of the +rubbish of the floors which, from the position of their occurrence and +from their resemblance to the wickerwork still used by the Apache, +seem without doubt to have been left there by temporary occupants of +the rooms. There were likewise many wisps of yucca fiber tied in +knots which must probably be regarded as of identical origin. The +<i>Yucca baccata</i> affords the favorite fiber used by the natives at the +present time, and it appears to have been popular for that purpose +among the ancients.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_573" id="Page_573">[Pg 573]</a></span></p> + +<p>Several specimens of sandals, some of which are very much worn on +the soles, were found buried at the floor level. These are all of the +same kind, and are made of yucca leaves plaited in narrow strips. +The mode of attachment to the foot was evidently by a loop passing +over the toes. Hide and cloth sandals have as yet not been reported +from the Red-rock ruins of Verde valley. These sandals belonged to +the original occupants of the cliff houses.</p> + +<p>Fabrics made of cotton are common in the ruins of the Red-rocks, +and at times this fiber was combined with yucca. Some of the specimens +of cotton cloth were finely woven and are still quite strong, +although stained dark or almost black. Specimens of netting are also +common, and an open-mesh legging, similar to the kind manufactured +in ancient times by the Hopi and still worn by certain personators in +their sacred dances, were taken from the western room of Honanki. +There were also many fragments of rope, string, cord, and loosely +twisted bands, resembling head bands for carrying burdens.</p> + +<p>A reed (<a href="#Fig_252">figure 252</a>) in which was inserted a fragment of cotton fiber +was unlike anything yet reported from cliff houses, and as the end of +the cotton which projected beyond the cavity of the reed was charred, +it possibly was used as a slow-match or tinder-box.</p> + +<p>Several shell and turquois beads were found, but my limited studies +of the cliff-houses revealed only a few other ornaments, among them +being beads of turkey-bone and a single wristlet fashioned from a <i>Pectunculus</i>. +One or two fragments of prayer-sticks were discovered in a +rock inclosure in a cleft to the west of the ruin.</p> + + +<h3><span class="smcap">Conclusions Regarding the Verde Valley Ruins</span></h3> + +<p>The ruins of the Verde region closely resemble those of Tusayan, +and seem to support the claim of the Hopi that some of their ancestors +formerly lived in that region. This is true more especially of the +villages of the plains and mesa tops, for neither cave-houses nor +cavate dwellings are found in the immediate vicinity of the inhabited +Tusayan pueblos. The objects taken from the ruins are similar to +those found universally over the pueblo area, and from them alone we +can not say more than that they probably indicate the same substratum +of culture as that from which modern pueblo life with its many modifications +has sprung.</p> + +<p>The symbolism of the decorations on the fragments of pottery found +in the Verde ruins is the same as that of the ancient pueblos of the +Colorado Chiquito, and it remains to be shown whether the ancestors +of these were Hopi or Zuñi. I believe it will be found that they were +both, or that when the villages along the Colorado Chiquito<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_574" id="Page_574">[Pg 574]</a></span> +abandoned part of the inhabitants went to the mesas of Tusayan and +others migrated farther up the river to the Zuñi villages.</p> + +<p>Two centers of distribution of cliff houses occur in our Southwest: +those of the upper tributaries of the Colorado in the north and the cliff +houses of the affluents of the Salt and the Gila in the south. The +watershed of the Rio Grande is, so far as is known, destitute of this +kind of aboriginal dwellings. Between the two centers of distribution +lie the pueblos of the Little Colorado and its tributaries, the home of +the ancestors of the Hopi and the Zuñi. The many resemblances +between the cliff houses of the north and those of the south indicate +that the stage of culture of both was uniform, and probably the same +conditions of environment led both peoples to build similar dwellings. +All those likenesses which can be found between the modern Zuñi and +the Hopi to the former cliff peoples of the San Juan region in the +north, apply equally to those of the upper Salado and the Gila and +their tributaries to the south; and so far as arguments of a northern +origin of either, built on architectural or technological resemblances, +are concerned, they are not conclusive, since they are also applicable to +the cliff peoples of the south. The one important difference between the +northern and the southern tier of cliff houses is the occurrence of the circular +kiva, which has never been reported south of the divide between +the Little Colorado and the Gila-Salado drainage. If a kiva was a +feature in southern cliff houses, which I doubt, it appears to have been +a rectangular chamber similar to a dwelling room. The circular kiva +exists in neither the modern Hopi nor the Zuñi pueblos, and it has not +been found in adjacent Tusayan ruins; therefore, if these habitations +were profoundly influenced by settlers from the north, it is strange +that such a radical change in the form of this room resulted. The +arguments advanced that one of the two component stocks of the Zuñi, +and that the aboriginal, came from the cliff peoples of the San Juan, +are not conclusive, although I have no doubt that the Zuñi may have +received increment from that direction.</p> + +<p>Cushing has, I believe, furnished good evidence that some of the +ancestors of the Zuñi population came from the south and southwest; +and that some of these came from pueblos now in ruins on the Little +Colorado is indicated by the great similarity in the antiquities of +ancient Zuñi and the Colorado Chiquito ruins. Part of the Patki people +of the Hopi went to Zuñi and part to Tusayan, from the same +abandoned pueblo, and the descendants of this family in Walpi still +recognize this ancient kinship; but I do not know, and so far as can +be seen there is no way of determining, the relative antiquity of the +pueblos in Zuñi valley and those on the lower Colorado.</p> + +<p>The approximate date of the immigration of the Patki people to +Tusayan is as yet a matter of conjecture. It may have been in prehistoric +times, or more likely at a comparatively late period in the history +of the people. It seems well substantiated, however, that when this<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_575" id="Page_575">[Pg 575]</a></span> +Water-house people joined the other Hopi, the latter inhabited pueblos +and were to all intents a pueblo people. If this hypothesis be a correct +one, the Snake, Horn, and Bear peoples, whom the southern colonists +found in Tusayan, had a culture of their own similar to that of the people +from the south. Whence that culture came must be determined by +studies of the component clans of the Hopi before the arrival of the +Patki people.<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a></p> + +<p>The origin of the round shape of the estufa, according to Nordenskiöld +(p. 168), is most easily explained on the hypothesis that it is a +reminiscence of the cliff-dwellers' nomadic period. "There must be +some very cogent reason for the employment of this shape," he says, +"for the construction of a cylindrical chamber within a block of +rectangular rooms involves no small amount of labor. We know how +obstinately primitive nations cling to everything connected with their +religious ideas. Then what is more natural than the retention, for the +room where religious ceremonies were performed, of the round shape +characteristic of the original dwelling place, the nomadic hut? This +assumption is further corroborated by the situation of the hearth and +the structure of the roof of the estufa, when we find points of analogy +to the method employed by certain nomadic Indians in the erection of +their huts." This theory of the origin of the round form of dwelling +and its retention in the architecture of the kiva, advanced by Nordenskiöld +in 1893, has much in its favor, but the rectangular form, which, +so far as known, is the only shape of these sacred rooms in the Tusayan +region, is still unexplained. From Castañeda's narrative of the Coronado +expedition it appears that in the middle of the sixteenth century +the eastern pueblos had both square and round estufas or kivas, and +that these kivas belonged to the men while the rooms of the pueblo were +in the possession of the women. The apparent reason why we find no +round rooms or kivas in the southern cliff houses and in Tusayan may +be due to several causes. Local conditions, including the character of +the building sites on the Hopi mesa, made square rooms more practical, +or the nomadic stage was so far removed that the form of the inclosure +in which the ancients held their rites had not been preserved. Moreover, +some of the most ancient and secret observances at Walpi, as the +Flute ceremony, are not performed in special kivas, but take place in +ordinary living rooms.</p> + +<p>As in all the other ruins of Verde valley, circular kivas are absent in +the Red-rock country, and this fact, which has attracted the attention +of several observers, is, I believe, very significant. Although as yet +our knowledge of the cliff houses of the upper Gila and Salado and +their numerous tributaries is very fragmentary, and generalization on<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_576" id="Page_576">[Pg 576]</a></span> +that account unsafe, it may be stated provisionally that no circular +kivas have yet been found in any ruins of the Gila-Salado watershed. +This form of kiva, however, is an essential feature of the cliff dwellings +of Rio Colorado, especially of those along its affluents in southern +Colorado and northern New Mexico. Roughly speaking, then, the circular +kiva is characteristic of the ruins of this region and of certain +others in the valley of the Rio Grande, where they still survive in +inhabited pueblos.</p> + +<p>Circular ruins likewise are limited in their distribution in the Southwest, +and it is an interesting fact that the geographic distribution of +ancient pueblos of this form is in a general way the same as that of +circular kivas. There are, of course, many exceptions, but so far as I +know these can readily be explained. No ruins of circular dwellings +occur in the Gila-Salado drainage area, where likewise no circular +kivas have been observed. Moreover, the circular form of dwelling +and kiva is distinctively characteristic of prehistoric peoples east of +Tusayan, and the few instances of their occurrence on its eastern +border can readily be explained as extra-Hopi.</p> + +<p>The explanation of these circular kivas advanced by Nordenskiöld +and the Mindeleffs, that they are survivals of round habitations of +nomads, has much to commend it; but whether sufficient or not, the +geographic limitation of these structures tells in favor of the absence +of any considerable migration of the prehistoric peoples of the upper +Colorado and Rio Grande watersheds southward into the drainage area +of the Gila-Salado. Had the migration been in that direction it may +readily be believed that the round kiva and the circular form of dwelling +would have been brought with it.</p> + +<p>The round kiva has been regarded as a survival of the form of the +original homes of the nomad, when he became a sedentary agriculturist +by conquest and marriage.</p> + +<p>The presence of rectangular kivas in the same areas in which round +kivas occur does not necessarily militate against this theory, nor does +it oblige us to offer an explanation of a necessarily radical change in +architecture if we would derive it from a circular form. It would +indeed be very unusual to find such a change in a structure devoted to +religious purposes where conservatism is so strong. The rectangular +kiva is the ancient form, or rather the original form; the round kiva is +not a development from it, but an introduction from an alien people. It +never penetrated southward of the Colorado and upper Rio Grande +drainage areas because the element which introduced it in the north +was never strong enough to influence the house builders of the Gila-Salado +and tributary valleys.</p> + + + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_577" id="Page_577">[Pg 577]</a></span></p><hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="RUINS_IN_TUSAYAN" id="RUINS_IN_TUSAYAN"></a>RUINS IN TUSAYAN</h2> + +<h3><span class="smcap">General Features</span></h3> + + +<p>No region of our Southwest presents more instructive antiquities than +the ancient province of Tusayan, more widely known as the Moki reservation. +In the more limited use of the term, Tusayan is applied to +the immediate surroundings of the Hopi pueblos, to which "province" +it was given in the middle of the sixteenth century. In a broader sense +the name would include an as yet unbounded country claimed by the +component clans of this people as the homes of their ancestors.</p> + +<p>The general character and distribution of Tusayan ruins (plate <span class="smcap">xvi</span>) +has been ably presented by Mr Victor Mindeleff in a previous report.<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> +While this memoir is not regarded as exhaustive, it considers most of +the large ruins in immediate proximity to the three mesas on which +the pueblos inhabited by the Hopi are situated. It is not my purpose +here to consider all Tusayan ruins, even if I were able to do so, but +to supplement with additional data the observations already published +on two of the most noteworthy pueblo settlements. Broadly speaking, +I have attempted archeological excavations in order to obtain more light +on the nature of prehistoric life in Tusayan. It may be advantageous, +however, to refer briefly to some of the ruins thus far discovered in the +Tusayan region as preliminary to more systematic descriptions of the +two which I have chosen for special description.</p> + +<p>The legends of the surviving Hopi contain constant references to +former habitations of different clans in the country round about their +present villages. These clans, which by consolidation make up the present +population of the Hopi pueblos, are said to have originally entered +Tusayan from regions as far eastward as the Rio Grande, and from the +southern country included within the drainage of the Gila, the Salt, +and their affluents. Other increments are reputed to have come from +the northward and the westward, so that the people we now find in +Tusayan are descendants from an aggregation of stocks from several +directions, some of them having migrated from considerable distances. +Natives of other regions have settled among the ancient Hopi, built +pueblos, and later returned to their former homes; and the Hopi in +turn have sent colonists into the eastern pueblo country.</p> + +<p>These legends of former movements of the tribal clans of Tusayan +are supplemented and supported by historical documents, and we know +from this evidence that there has been a continual interchange between +the people of Tusayan and almost every large pueblo of New Mexico and +Arizona. Some of the ruins of this region were abandoned in historic +times; others are prehistoric; many were simply temporary halting<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_578" id="Page_578">[Pg 578]</a></span> +places in Hopi migrations, and were abandoned as the clans drifted +together in friendship or destroyed as a result of internecine conflicts.</p> + +<p>There is documentary evidence that in the years following the great +rebellion of the Pueblo tribes in 1680, which were characterized by +catastrophes of all kinds among the Rio Grande villagers, many +Tanoan people fled to Tusayan to escape from their troubles. According +to Niel, 4,000 Tanoan refugees, under Frasquillo, loaded with booty +which they had looted from the churches, went to Oraibi by way of +Zuñi, and there established a "kingdom," with their chief as ruler. +How much reliance may be placed on this account is not clear to me, +but there is no doubt that many Tanoan people joined the Hopi about +this time, and among them were the Asa people, the ancestors of the +present inhabitants of Hano pueblo, and probably the accolents of +Payüpki. The ease with which two Franciscan fathers, in 1742, persuaded +441 of these to return to the Rio Grande, implies that they were +not very hostile to Christianity, and it is possible that one reason they +sought Tusayan in the years after the Spaniards were expelled may +have been their friendship for the church party.</p> + +<p>With the exception of Oraibi, not one of the present inhabited +pueblos of Tusayan occupies the site on which it stood in the sixteenth +century, and the majority of them do not antedate the beginning of +the eighteenth century. The villages have shifted their positions but +retained their names.</p> + +<p>At the time of the advent of Tobar, in 1540, there was but one of the +present three villages of East Mesa. This was Walpi, and at the period +referred to it was situated on the terrace below the site of the present +town, near the northwestern base of the mesa proper. Two well-defined +ruins, called Kisakobi and Küchaptüvela, are now pointed out as the +sites of Old Walpi. Of these Küchaptüvela is regarded as the older.</p> + +<p>Judging by their ruins these towns were of considerable size. From +their exposed situation they were open to the inroads of predatory +tribes, and from these hostile raids their abandonment became necessary. +From Küchaptüvela the ancient Walpians moved to a point higher +on the mesa, nearer its western limit, and built Kisakobi, where the +pueblo stood in the seventeenth century. There is evidence that a Spanish +mission was erected at this point, and the place is sometimes called +Nüshaki, a corruption of "Missa-ki," Mass-house. From this place the +original nucleus of Walpians moved to the present site about the close +of the seventeenth century. Later the original population was joined +by other phratries, some of which, as the Asa, had lived in the cliff-houses +of Tségi, or Canyon de Chelly, as late as the beginning of +the eighteenth century. This, however, is not the place to trace the +composition of the different modern villages.</p> + +<p>Sichomovi was a colony from Walpi, founded about 1750, and Hano +was built not earlier than 1700. The former was settled by the Badger +people, later joined by a group of Tanoan clans called the Asa, from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_579" id="Page_579">[Pg 579]</a></span> +the Rio Grande, who were invited to Tusayan to aid the Hopi in resisting +the invasions of northern nomads.</p> + +<p>By the middle of the eighteenth century the population of the province +of Tusayan was for the first time distributed in the seven pueblos +now inhabited. No village has been deserted since that time, nor has +any new site been occupied.</p> + +<p>In order that the reader may have an idea of the Tusayan pueblos +at the time mentioned, an account of them from a little-known description +by Morfi in 1782 is introduced:<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a></p> + +<h4><i>Morfi's account of the Tusayan pueblos</i></h4> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Quarenta y seis leguas al Poniente de Zuñi, con alguna inclinacion al N. O. están +los tres primeros pueblos de la provincia de Moqui, que en el dia en el corto distrito +de 4-1/2 leguas (112 recto) tiene siete pueblos en tres mesas ó peñoles que corren linea +recta de Oriente á Poniente.</p> + +<h5><i>Tanos</i><a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a></h5> + +<p>En la punta occidental de la primera, y en la mas estrecho de su eminencia están +situados tres de los quales el primero es el de Tanos (alli dicen Tegüas), cuyas moradores +tienen idioma particular y distinto del Moquino. Es pueblo regular con un +plaza en el centro, y un formacion de calles. Tendrá 110 familias.</p> + +<p>El segundo<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> pueblo dista del precedente como un tiro de piedra, es de fundacion +moderna, y se compondrá de mas 15 familias que se retiraron aqui de:</p> + +<h5><i>Gualpi</i></h5> + +<p>Gualpi que dista del anterior un tiro de fusil, es mas grande y populoso que los dos +anteriores, puede tener hasta 200 familias. Estas tres pueblos tienen poco caballada, +y algunas vacas; pero mucho ganado lanar.</p> + +<h5><i>Mosasnabi</i><a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a></h5> + +<p>Al poniente de esta mesa, y á legua y media de distancia está la segunda, cuyo +intermedio es un (112 v.) arenal, que ertrando un poco en ella la divide en dos brazas. +En el septentrional, que es el mas inmediata á Gualpi hay dos anillos distantes entre +si un tiro de piedra. En la cima del primero está situado el pueblo de Mosasnabi +compuesto de 50 familias poco mas ó menos.</p> + +<h5><i>Xipaolabi</i><a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a></h5> + +<p>En la cumbre del secundo cerrito se fundó el quinto pueblo llamado Xipaolabi, que +tendrá solo 14 familias: está casi arruinado, porque sus vecinos se han trasladado al +brazo austral de la mesa y formaron el sexto pueblo llamado:</p> + +<h5><i>Xongopabi</i><a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></h5> + +<p>Xongopabi goza mejor situacion que todos los demas, tienen tres quarteles mui bien +dispuestos y en ellas unas 60 familias. Estos tres pueblos tienen mas caballada que +los primeros y mucho ganado menor.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_580" id="Page_580">[Pg 580]</a></span></p> + +<h5><i>Oraybe</i></h5> + +<p>Dos y media leguas al Poniente de esta mesa, está la tercera, y en sucima el septimo +pueblo que llaman Oraybe. Es como la capital de la provincia, el mayor y mas bien +formado de toda ella, y acaso de todas las provincias internas. Tiene once quarteles +ó manzanas bien largas y dispuestos con calles á cordel yá (113 r.) todos vientos, y +puede llegar su poblacion á 800 familias. Tienen buena caballada, mucho ganado +menor y algun vacuno. Aunque no gozan sino una pequeña fuente de buena agua, +distante del pueblo mas de una milla al Norte, han construido para suplir esta escasez, +en la misma mesa, y mui inmediato à las casas seis cisternas grandes donde recoger la +agua de las lluvias y nieves.</p></div> + +<p>The distribution of the population of Tusayan in the seven pueblos +mentioned above remained practically the same during the century +between 1782 and 1882. Summer settlements for farming purposes +were inhabited by the Oraibi for brief periods. Between the years 1880 +and 1890 a beginning of a new distribution of Hopi families began, +when one or two of the less timid erected houses near Coyote spring, +at the East Mesa. The Tewa, represented by Polaka and Jakwaina, +took the lead in this movement. From 1890 to the present time a large +number of Walpi, Sichomovi, and Hano families have built houses in +the foothills of the East Mesa and in the plain beyond the "wash." A +large schoolhouse has been erected at Sun spring and a considerable +number of East Mesa villagers have abandoned their mesa dwellings. +In this shifting of the population the isolated house is always adopted +and the aboriginal method of roof building is abandoned. The indications +are that in a few years the population of the East Mesa will be +settled in unconnected farmhouses with little resemblance to the ancient +communal pueblo.</p> + +<p>This movement is shared to a less extent by the Middle Mesa and +Oraibi people. On my first visit to the pueblos of these mesas, in 1890, +there was not a single permanent dwelling save in the ancient pueblos; +but now numerous small farmhouses have been erected at or near the +springs in the foothills. I mention these facts as a matter of record of +progress in the life of these people in adapting themselves to the new +conditions or influences by which they are surrounded. I believe that if +this exodus of Hopi families from the old pueblo to the plain continues +during the next two decades as it has in the last ten years, there are +children now living in Walpi who will some day see it uninhabited.</p> + +<p>This disintegration of the Hopi phratries, by which families are separated +from one another, is, I believe, a return to the prehistoric distribution +of the clans, and as Walpi grew into a pueblo by a union of +kindred people, so now it is again being divided and distributed, still +preserving family ties in new clusters or groupings. It is thus not +impossible that the sites of certain old ruins, as Sikyatki, deserted for +many years, will again be built upon if better suited for new modes of +life. The settlement near Coyote spring, for instance, is not far from +the old site of a former home of the Tanoan families, who went to +Tusayan in the beginning of the eighteenth century, and the people<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_581" id="Page_581">[Pg 581]</a></span> +who inhabit these new houses are all Tanoan descendants of the +original contingent.</p> + +<p>In order to become familiar with the general character of Tusayan +ruins, I made a brief reconnoissance of those mentioned in the following +list, from which I selected Awatobi and Sikyatki as places for a +more exhaustive exploration. This list is followed by a brief mention +of those which I believe would offer fair opportunities for a continuation +of the work inaugurated. The ruins near Oraibi were not examined +and are therefore omitted, not that they are regarded as less +important, but because I was unable to undertake a study of them in +the limited time at my disposal. There are also many ruins in Tusayan, +north of the inhabited pueblos, which have never been described, +and would well repay extended investigation. Some of these, as the +ruins at the sacred spring called Kishuba, are of the utmost traditional +importance.</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>I. <i>Middle Mesa ruins</i>—(1) Old Shuñopovi; (2) Old Mishoñinovi; +(3) Shitaumû; (4) Chukubi; (5) Payüpki.</p> + +<p>II. <i>East Mesa ruins</i>—(1) Kisakobi; (2) Küchaptüvela; (3) Küküchomo; +(4) Tukinobi; (5) Kachinba; (6) Sikyatki.</p> + +<p>III. <i>Ruins in Keam's canyon</i>.</p> + +<p>IV. <i>Jeditoh valley ruins</i>—(1) Bat-house; (2) Jeditoh, Kawaika; +(3) Horn-house; (4) Awatobi; Smaller Awatobi.</p></div> + +<p>This method of classification is purely geographical, and is adopted +simply for convenience; but there are one or two facts worthy of +mention in regard to the distribution of ruins in these four sections. +The inhabited pueblos, like the ruins, are, as a rule, situated on the +eastern side of their respective mesas, or on the cliffs or hills which +border the adjacent plains on the west. This uniformity is thought to +have resulted from a desire to occupy a sunny site for warmth and +for other reasons.</p> + +<p>The pueblos at or nearest the southern ends of the mesas were found +to be best suited for habitation, consequently the present towns occupy +those sites, or, as in the case of the Jeditoh series, the pueblo at that +point was the last abandoned. The reason for this is thought to be an +attempt to concentrate on the most inaccessible sites available, which +implies inroads of hostile peoples. For the same reason, likewise, the +tendency was to move from the foothills to the mesa tops when these +invasions began.</p> + +<p>Early settlers near East Mesa appeared to have chosen exposed sites +for their pueblos. This would imply that they feared no invasion, and +legendary history indicates that the first pueblos were erected before +the hostile Ute, Apache, and Navaho appeared. The early settlements +on Middle Mesa were also apparently not made with an absorbing idea +of inaccessibility. All the Jeditoh villages, however, were on the +mesa tops, these sites having been selected evidently with a view to +protection, since they were not convenient to the farms.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_582" id="Page_582">[Pg 582]</a></span></p> + +<p>For many reasons it would seem that the people who occupied the +now ruined Jeditoh villages were later arrivals in Tusayan than those +of East and Middle Mesas, and that, as a rule, they came from the eastward, +while those of Middle Mesa arrived from the south. The first +colonists of all, however, appear to have been the East Mesa clans, the +Bear and Snake families. If this conjecture be true, we may believe +that the oldest pueblos in Tusayan were probably the house groups of +the Snake clan of East Mesa, for whom their traditionists claim a +northern origin.</p> + + +<h3><span class="smcap">The Middle Mesa Ruins</span></h3> + +<h4>SHUÑOPOVI</h4> + +<p>The site of Old Shuñopovi (<a href="#PL_CV">plate <span class="smcap">cv</span></a>) at the advent of the first +Spaniards, and for a century or more afterward, was at the foot of the +mesa on which the present village stands. The site of the old pueblo +is easily detected by the foundations of the ancient houses and their +overturned walls, surrounded by mounds of soil filled with fragments +of the finest pottery.</p> + +<p>The old village was situated on a ridge of foothills east of the present +town and near the spring, which is still used. On the highest point +of the ridge there rise to a considerable height the massive walls of the +old Spanish mission church, forming an inclosure, now used as a sheep +corral. The cemeteries are near by, close to the outer walls, and among +a clump of peach trees about half a mile east of the old houses. The +pottery,<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> as shown by the fragments, is of the finest old Tusayan ware, +cream and red being the predominating colors, while fragments of coiled +and black-and-white ware are likewise common.</p> + + +<h4>MISHOÑINOVI</h4> + +<p>The ruins of Old Mishoñinovi lie west of the present pueblo in the +foothills, not far from the two rocky pinnacles at that point and adjacent +to a spring. In strolling over the site of the old town I have noted +its ground plan, and have picked up many sherds which indicate that +the pottery made at that place was the fine cream-color ware for which +Tusayan has always been famous. The site offers unusual opportunities +for archeological studies, but excavation there is not practicable on +account of the opposition of the chiefs.</p> + +<p>Old Mishoñinovi was a pueblo of considerable size, and was probably +inhabited up to the close of the seventeenth century. It was probably +on this site that the early Spanish explorers found the largest pueblo +of the Middle Mesa. The ruin of Shitaimovi, in the foothills near +Mishoñinovi, mentioned by Mindeleff, was not visited by our party.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="PL_CV" id="PL_CV"></a><a href="images/platecv-lg.jpg"> +<img src="images/platecv.jpg" width="600" height="414" alt="PL. CV— +SKETCH MAP OF THE MESA COUNTRY +OCCUPIED BY THE HOPI INDIANS" title="PL. CV.— +SKETCH MAP OF THE MESA COUNTRY +OCCUPIED BY THE HOPI INDIANS" /></a> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CV.</span><br /><br /> + + +<span class="caption">SKETCH MAP OF THE MESA COUNTRY<br /> +OCCUPIED BY THE HOPI INDIANS</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_583" id="Page_583">[Pg 583]</a></span></p> + +<h4>CHUKUBI</h4> + +<p>The ruin of Chukubi bears every evidence of antiquity. It is situated +on one of the eastward projecting spurs of Middle Mesa, midway +between Payüpki and Shipaulovi, near an excellent spring at the base +of the mesa.</p> + +<p>Chukubi was built in rectangular form, with a central plaza surrounded +by rooms, two deep. There are many indications of outlying +chambers, some of which are arranged in rows. The house walls are +almost wholly demolished, and in far poorer state of preservation than +those of the neighboring ruin of Payüpki. The evidence now obtainable +indicates that it was an ancient habitation of a limited period of +occupancy. It is said to have been settled by the Patuñ or Squash +people, whose original home was far to the south, on Little Colorado +river. A fair ground plan is given by Mindeleff in his memoir on +Pueblo Architecture; but so far as known no studies of the pottery of +this pueblo have ever been made.</p> + + +<h4>PAYÜPKI</h4> + +<p>One of the best-preserved ruins on Middle Mesa is called Payüpki +by the Hopi, and is interesting in connection with the traditions of +the migration of peoples from the Rio Grande, which followed the +troublesome years at the close of the seventeenth century. In the +reconquest of New Mexico by the Spaniards we can hardly say that +Tusayan was conquered; the province was visited and nominally subjugated +after the great rebellion, but with the exception of repeated +expeditions, which were often repulsed, the Hopi were practically independent +and were so regarded. No adequate punishment was inflicted +on the inhabitants of Walpi for the destruction of the town of Awatobi, +and although there were a few military expeditious to Tusayan no effort +at subjugation was seriously made.</p> + +<p>Tusayan was regarded as an asylum for the discontented or apostate, +and about the close of the seventeenth century many people from +the Rio Grande fled there for refuge. Some of these refugees appear +to have founded pueblos of their own; others were amalgamated with +existing villages. Payüpki seems to have been founded about this +period, for we find no account of it before this time, and it is not mentioned +in connection with ancient migrations. In 1706 Holguin is said +to have attacked the "Tanos" village between Walpi and Oraibi and +forced the inhabitants to give hostages, but he was later set upon by +the Tano and driven back to Zuñi. It would hardly seem possible that +the pueblo mentioned could have been Hano, for this village does not +lie between Oraibi and Walpi and could not have been surrounded in +the way indicated in the account. Payüpki, however, not only lay on +the trail between Walpi and Oraibi—about midway, as the chronicler<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_584" id="Page_584">[Pg 584]</a></span> +states—but was so situated on a projecting promontory that it could +easily have been surrounded and isolated from the other pueblos.</p> + +<p>The Hopi legends definitely assert that the Payüpki people came from +the "great river," the Rio Grande, and spoke a language allied to that +of the people of Hano. They were probably apostates, who came from +the east about 1680, but did not seem to agree well with the people of +the Middle Mesa, and about 1750 returned to the river and were domiciled +in Sandia, where their descendants still live. The name Payüpki +is applied by the Hopi to the pueblo of Sandia as well as to the ruin on +the Middle Mesa. The general appearance of the ruin of Payüpki indicates +that it was not long inhabited, and that it was abandoned at a +comparatively recent date. The general plan is not that common to +ancient Tusayan ruins, but more like that of Hano and Sichomovi, +which were erected about the time Payüpki was built. Many fragments +of a kind of pottery which in general appearance is foreign to +Tusayan, but which resembles the Rio Grande ware, were found on the +mounds, and the walls are better preserved than those of the ancient +Tusayan ruins.</p> + +<p>A notable absence of fragments of obsidian, the presence of which +in abundance is characteristic of ancient ruins, was observed on the +site of Payüpki. All these evidences substantiate the Hopi legend +that the Tanoan inhabitants of the village of Middle Mesa, above the +trail from Walpi to Oraibi, made but a short stay in Tusayan.<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a></p> + +<p>There is good documentary evidence that Sandia was settled by +Tanoan people from Tusayan. Morfi in 1782 so states,<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> and in a copy +of the acts of possession of the pueblo grants of 1748 we find still +further proof of the settlement of "Moquinos" in Sandia.<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a></p> + +<p>When Otermin returned to New Mexico in his attempted reconquest, +in 1681, he reached Isleta on December 6, and on the 8th Dominguez +encamped in sight of Sandia, but found the inhabitants had fled. The +discord following this event drove the few surviving families of the +Tiwa on their old range to Tusayan, for they were set upon by Keres +and Jemez warriors on the plea that they received back the Spaniards. +Possibly these families formed the nucleus of Payüpki. It was about +this time, also, if we can believe Niel's story, that 4,000 Tanos went to +Tusayan. It would thus appear that the Hopi Payüpki was settled in +the decade 1680-1690.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_585" id="Page_585">[Pg 585]</a></span></p> + +<h3><span class="smcap">The East Mesa Ruins</span></h3> + +<h4>KÜCHAPTÜVELA AND KISAKOBI</h4> + +<p>The two ruins of Küchaptüvela and Kisakobi mark the sites of Walpi +during the period of Spanish exploration and occupancy between 1540 +and 1700. The former was the older. In all probability the latter had +a mission church and was inhabited at the time of the great rebellion +in 1680, having been founded about fifty years previously.</p> + +<p>The former or more ancient<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> pueblo was situated on the first or lowest +terrace of East Mesa, below the present pueblo, on the northern and +western sides. The name Küchaptüvela signifies "Ash-hill terrace," +and probably the old settlement, like the modern, was known as Walpi, +"Place-of-the-gap," referring to the gap or notch (<i>wala</i>) in the mesa +east of Hano.</p> + +<p>Old Walpi is said to have been abandoned because it was in the shade +of the mesa, but doubtless the true cause of its removal was that the +site was too much exposed, commanded as it was by the towering mesa +above it, and easily approached on three sides. The Walpi which was +contemporary with Sikyatki was built in an exposed location, for at +that time the Hopi were comparatively secure from invaders. Later, +however, Apache, Ute, and Navaho began to raid their fields, and the +Spaniards came in their midst again and again, forcing them to work +like slaves. A more protected site was necessary, and late in the +seventeenth century the Walpians began to erect houses on the mesa, +which formed the nucleus of the present town. The standing walls of +Old Walpi are buried in the débris, but the plans of the rooms may +readily be traced. Comparatively speaking, it was a large, compact, +well-built pueblo, and, from the great piles of débris in the neighborhood, +would seem to have been occupied during several generations.</p> + +<p>The pottery found in the neighborhood is the fine, ancient Tusayan +ware, like that of Sikyatki and Shuñopovi. Extended excavations +would reveal, I am sure, many beautiful objects and shed considerable +light on the obscure history of Walpi and its early population.</p> + +<p>After moving from Old Walpi it seems that the people first built +houses on the terrace above, or on the platform extending westward +from the western limits of the summit of East Mesa. The whole top of +that part of the mesa is covered with house walls, showing the former +existence of a large pueblo. Here, no doubt, if we can trust tradition, +the mission of Walpi was built, and I have found in the débris fragments +of pottery similar to that used in Mexico, and very different from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_586" id="Page_586">[Pg 586]</a></span> +ancient or modern Pueblo ware. But even Kisakobi<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> was not a safe +site for the Walpians to choose for their village, so after they destroyed +the mission and killed the priest they moved up to their present site +and abandoned both of their former villages.</p> + +<p>It is said that with this removal of the villagers there were found to +be no easy means of climbing the precipitous walls, and that the stairway +trails were made as late as the beginning of the present century. In +those early days there was a ladder near where the stairway trail is +now situated, and some of the older men of Walpi have pointed out to +me where this ladder formerly stood.</p> + +<p>The present plan of Walpi shows marked differences from that made +twenty years ago, and several houses between the stairway trail and +the Wikwaliobi kiva, on the edge of the mesa, which have now fallen +into ruin, were inhabited when I first visited Walpi in 1890. The buildings +between the Snake kiva and the Nacab kiva are rapidly becoming +unsafe for habitation, and most of these rooms will soon be deserted. +As many Walpi families are building new houses on the plain, it needs +no prophet to predict that the desertion of the present site of Walpi +will progress rapidly in the next few years, and possibly by the end of +our generation the pueblo may be wholly deserted—one more ruin +added to the multitudes in the Southwest.</p> + +<p>The site of Old Walpi, at Küchaptüvela, is the scene of an interesting +rite in the New-fire ceremony at Walpi, for not far from it is a shrine +dedicated to a supernatural being called Tüwapoñtumsi, "Earth-altar-woman." +This shrine, or house, as it is called, is about 230 feet from +the ruin, among the neighboring bowlders, and consists of four flat slabs +set upright, forming an inclosure in which stands a log of fossil wood.</p> + +<p>The ceremonials at Old Walpi in the New-fire rites are described in +my account<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> of this observance, and from their nature I suspect that +the essential part of this episode is the deposit of offerings at this +shrine. The circuits about the old ruin are regarded as survivals of +the rites which took place in former times at Old Walpi. The ruin was +spoken of in the ceremony as the <i>Sipapüni</i>, the abode of the dead who +had become <i>katcinas</i>, to whom the prayers said in the circuits were +addressed.</p> + + +<h4>KÜKÜCHOMO</h4> + +<p>The two conical mounds on the mesa above Sikyatki are often +referred to that ancient pueblo, but from their style of architecture and +from other considerations I am led to connect them with other phratries +of Tusayan. From limited excavations made in these mounds in +1891, I was led to believe that they were round pueblos, similar to those<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_587" id="Page_587">[Pg 587]</a></span> +east of Tusayan, and that they were temporary habitations, possibly +vantage points, occupied for defense. <a href="#PL_CVI">Plate <span class="smcap">cvi</span></a> illustrates their general +appearance, while the rooms of which they are composed are shown +in <a href="#Fig_253">figure 253</a>. At the place where the mesa narrows between these +mounds and the pueblos to the west, a wall was built from one edge of +the mesa to the other to defend the trail on this side. This wall appears +to have had watch towers or houses at intervals, which are now in ruins, +as shown in <a href="#Fig_254">figure 254</a>.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="PL_CVI" id="PL_CVI"></a> +<img src="images/platecvi.jpg" width="600" height="407" alt="PL. CVI— +THE RUINS OF KÜKÜCHOMO" title="PL. CVI— +THE RUINS OF KÜKÜCHOMO" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CVI</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">THE RUINS OF KÜKÜCHOMO</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 480px;"><a name="Fig_253" id="Fig_253"></a> +<img src="images/fig253.jpg" width="480" height="600" alt="Fig. 253—Küküchomo" title="Fig. 253—Küküchomo" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 253—Küküchomo</span> +</p> + +<p>The legends concerning the ancient inhabitants of Küküchomo are +conflicting. The late A. M. Stephen stated that tradition ascribes them +to the Coyote and Pikya (Corn) peoples, with whom the denizens of +Sikyatki made friendship, and whom the latter induced to settle there +to protect them from the Walpians. He regarded them as the last +arrivals of the Water-house phratry, while the Coyote people came from +the north at nearly the same time. From his account it would appear +that the twin mounds, Küküchomo, were abandoned before the destruction +of Sikyatki. The Coyote people were, I believe, akin to the Kokop<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_588" id="Page_588">[Pg 588]</a></span> +or Firewood phratry, and as the pueblo of Sikyatki was settled by the +latter, it is highly probable that the inhabitants of the two villages were +friendly and naturally combined against the Snake pueblo of Walpi. I +believe, however, there is some doubt that any branch of the Patki +people settled in Küküchomo, and the size of the town as indicated by +the ruin was hardly large enough to accommodate more than one clan. +Still, as there are two Küküchomo ruins, there may have been a different +family in each of the two house clusters.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_254" id="Fig_254"></a> +<img src="images/fig254.jpg" width="600" height="469" alt="Fig. 254—Defensive wall on the East Mesa" title="Fig. 254—Defensive wall on the East Mesa" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 254—Defensive wall on the East Mesa</span> +</p> + +<p>It has been said that in ancient times, before the twin mounds of +Küküchomo were erected, the people of Sikyatki were greatly harassed +by the young slingers and archers of Walpi, who would come +across to the edge of the high cliff and assail them with impunity. +Anyone, however, who contemplates the great distance from Sikyatki +to the edge of the mesa may well doubt whether it was possible for the +Walpi bowmen to inflict much harm in that way.</p> + +<p>Moreover, if the word "slingers" is advisedly chosen, it introduces a +kind of warfare which is not mentioned in other Tusayan legends, +although apparently throwing stones at their enemies was practiced +among Pueblos of other stocks in early historic times.<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a></p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_589" id="Page_589">[Pg 589]</a></span></p> + +<p>We may suppose, however, that the survivors of both Küküchomo +and Sikyatki sought refuge in Awatobi after the prehistoric destruction +of their pueblos, for both were peopled by clans which came from the +east, and naturally went to that village, the founders of which migrated +from the same direction.</p> + + +<h4>KACHINBA</h4> + +<p>The small ruin at Kachinba, the halting place of the Kachina people, +seems to have escaped the attention of students of Tusayan archeology. +It lies about six miles from Sikyatki, about east of Walpi, and is +approached by following the trail at the foot of the same mesa upon +which Küküchomo is situated. The ruin is located on a small foothill +and has a few standing walls. It was evidently diminutive in size and +only temporarily inhabited. The best wall found at this ruin lies at +the base of the hill, where the spring formerly was. This spring is +now filled in, but a circular wall of masonry indicates its great size in +former times.</p> + + +<h4>TUKINOBI</h4> + +<p>There are evidences that the large hill on top of East Mesa, not far +from the twin mounds, was once the site of a pueblo of considerable size, +but I have not been able to gather any definite legend about it. Near +this ruin is the "Eagle shrine" in which round wooden imitations of eagle +eggs are ceremonially deposited, and in the immediate vicinity of which +is another shrine near which tracks are cut in the rock, and which were +evidently considered by the Indian who pointed them out to me as +having been made by some bird.<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> It is probably from these footprints, +which are elsewhere numerous, that the two ruins called Küküchomo +("footprints mound") takes its name.</p> + + +<h3><span class="smcap">Jeditoh Valley Ruins</span></h3> + +<p>As one enters Antelope valley, following the Holbrook road, he finds +himself in what was formerly a densely populated region of Tusayan. +This valley in former times was regarded as a garden spot, and the plain +was covered with patches of corn, beans, squashes, and chile. The former +inhabitants lived in pueblos on the northern side, high up on the mesa +which separates Jeditoh valley from Keam's canyon. All of these +pueblos are now in ruins, and only a few Navaho and Hopi families +cultivate small tracts in the once productive fields.</p> + +<p>The majority of the series of ruins along the northern rim of Antelope +valley resemble Awatobi, which is later described in detail. It is interesting +to note that in the abandonment of villages the same law appears +to have prevailed here as in the other Tusayan mesas, for in the shrinkage +of the Hopi people they concentrated more and more to the points +of the mesas. Thus, at East Mesa, Sikyatki, Kachinba, and Küküchomo<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_590" id="Page_590">[Pg 590]</a></span> +were destroyed, while Walpi remained. At Middle Mesa, Chukubi and +Payüpki became ruins, and in Antelope valley Awatobi was the last of +the Jeditoh series to fall. There has thus been a gradual tendency to +drift from readily accessible locations to the most impregnable sites, +which indicates how severely the Hopi must have been harassed by +their foes. It is significant that some of the oldest pueblos were originally +built in the most exposed positions, and it may rightly be conjectured +that the pressure on the villagers came long after these sites +were chosen. The ancient or original Hopi had a sense of security when +they built their first houses, and they, therefore, did not find it necessary +to seek the protection of cliffs. Many of them lived in the valley +of the Colorado Chiquito, others at Kishuba. As time went on, however, +they were forced, as were their kindred in other pueblos, to move to +inaccessible mesas guarded by vertical cliffs.</p> + +<p>Of the several ruins of Antelope valley, that on the mesa above +Jeditoh or Antelope spring is one of the largest and most interesting. +Stephen calls this ruin Mishiptonga, and a plan of the old house is +given by Mindeleff.</p> + +<p>The spring called Kawaika, situated near the former village of the +same name, was evidently much used by the ancient accolents of Antelope +valley. From this neighborhood there was excavated a few years +ago a beautiful collection of ancient mortuary pottery objects, which +was purchased by Mrs Mary Hemenway, of Boston, and is now in the +Peabody Museum at Cambridge. These objects have never been adequately +described, although a good illustration of some of the specimens, +with a brief reference thereto, was published by James Mooney<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> +a few years ago.</p> + +<p>Among the most striking objects in this collection are clay models +of houses, dishes, and small vases with rims pierced with holes, and +rectangular vessels ornamented with pictures of birds. There are +specimens of cream, yellow, red, and white pottery in the collection +which, judging by the small size of most of the specimens, was +apparently votive in character.</p> + +<p>The ruins called by Stephen "Horn-house" and "Bat-house," as well +as the smaller ruin between them, have been described by Mindeleff, +who has likewise published plans of the first two. From their general +appearance I should judge they were not occupied for so long a time +as Awatobi, and by a population considerably smaller. If all these +Jeditoh pueblos were built by peoples from the Rio Grande, it is possible +that those around Jeditoh spring were the first founded and that +Awatobi was of later construction; but from the data at hand the +relative age of the ruins of this part of Tusayan can not be determined.</p> + +<p>There are many ruins situated on the periphery of Tusayan which +are connected traditionally with the Hopi, but are not here mentioned. +Of these, the so-called "Fire-house" is said to have been the home of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_591" id="Page_591">[Pg 591]</a></span> +the ancestors of Sikyatki, and Kintiel of certain Zuñi people akin to +the Hopi. Both of the ruins mentioned differ in their architectural +features from characteristic prehistoric Tusayan ruins, for they are circular +in form, as are many of the ruins in the middle zone of the pueblo +area. With these exceptions there are no circular ruins within the area +over which the Hopi lay claim, and it is probable that the accolents of +Kintiel were more Zuñi than Hopi in kinship.</p> + +<p>Many ruins north of Oraibi and in the neighborhood of the farming +village of Moenkopi are attributed to the Hopi by their traditionists. +The ruins about Kishyuba, connected with the Kachina people, also +belong to Tusayan. These and many others doubtless offer most important +contributions to an exact knowledge of the prehistoric migrations +of this most interesting people.</p> + +<p>Among the many Tusayan ruins which offer good facilities for archeological +work, the two which I chose for that purpose are Awatobi +and Sikyatki. My reasons for this choice may briefly be stated.</p> + +<p>Awatobi is a historic pueblo of the Hopi, which was more or less +under Spanish influence between the years 1540 and 1700. When +properly investigated, in the light of archeology, it ought to present a +good picture of Tusayan life before the beginning of the modifications +which appear in the modern villages of that isolated province. While +I expected to find evidences of Spanish occupancy, I also sought facts +bearing on the character of Tusayan life in the seventeenth century.</p> + +<p>Sikyatki, however, showed us the character of Tusayan life in the +fifteenth century, or the unmodified aboriginal pueblo culture of this +section of the Southwest. Here we expected to find Hopi culture +unmodified by Spanish influence.</p> + +<p>The three pueblos of Sikyatki, Awatobi, and Walpi, when properly +studied, will show the condition of pueblo culture in three centuries—in +Sikyatki, pure, unmodified pueblo culture; in Awatobi, pueblo life +as slightly modified by the Spaniards, and in Walpi, those changes +resulting from the advent of Americans superadded. While special +attention has thus far been given by ethnologists mainly to the last-mentioned +pueblo, a study of the ruins of the other two villages is of +great value in showing how the modern life developed and what part +of it is due to foreign influence.</p> + +<p>A knowledge of the inner life of the inhabitants of Tusayan as it +exists today is a necessary prerequisite to the interpretation of the +ancient culture of that province; but we must always bear in mind the +evolution of society and the influences of foreign origin which have +been exerted on it. Many, possibly the majority, of modern customs +at Walpi are inherited, but others are incorporated and still others, of +ancient date, have become extinct.</p> + +<p>As much stress is laid in this memoir on the claim that objects from +Sikyatki indicate a culture uninfluenced by the Spaniards, it is well to +present the evidence on which this assertion is based.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_592" id="Page_592">[Pg 592]</a></span></p> + +<p>(1) Hopi legends all declare that Sikyatki was destroyed before the +Spaniards, called the "long-gowned" and "iron-shirted" men, came to +Tusayan. (2) Sikyatki is not mentioned by name in any documentary +account of Tusayan, although the other villages are named and are +readily identifiable with existing pueblos. (3) No fragment of glass, +metal, or other object indicative of the contact of European civilization +was found anywhere in the ruin. If we add to the above the general +appearance of age in the mounds and the depth of the débris which +has accumulated in the rooms and over the graves, we have the main +facts on which I have relied to support my belief that Sikyatki is a +prehistoric ruin.</p> + + +<h3><span class="smcap">Awatobi</span></h3> + +<h4>CHARACTERISTICS OF THE RUIN</h4> + +<p>No Tusayan ruin offers to the archeologist a better picture of the +character of Hopi village life in the seventeenth century than that +known as Awatobi (<a href="#PL_CVII">plate <span class="smcap">cvii</span></a>).<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> It is peculiarly interesting as connecting +the prehistoric culture of Sikyatki and modern Tusayan life, +with which we have become well acquainted through recent research. +Awatobi was one of the largest Tusayan pueblos in the middle of the +sixteenth century, and continued to exist to the close of the seventeenth. +It was therefore a historic pueblo. It had a mission, notices +of which occur in historical documents of the period. From its preponderance +in size, no less than from its position, we may suspect that +it held relatively the same leadership among the other Antelope valley +ruins that Walpi does today to Sichomovi and Hano.</p> + +<p>The present condition of the ruins of Awatobi is in no respect peculiar +or different from that of the remains of prehistoric structures, +except that its mounds occupy a position on a mesa top commanding a +wide outlook over a valley. On its east it is hemmed in by extensive +sand dunes, which also stretch to the north and west, receding from the +village all the way from a few hundred yards to a quarter of a mile. +On the south the ruins overlook the plain, and the sands on the west +separate it from a canyon in which there are several springs, some cornfields, +and one or two modern Hopi houses. There is no water in the +valley which stretches away from the mesa on which Awatobi is situated, +and the foothills are only sparingly clothed with desert vegetation. +The mounds of the ruin have numerous clumps of <i>sibibi</i> (<i>Rhus +trilobata</i>), and are a favorite resort of Hopi women for the berries of this +highly prized shrub. There is a solitary tree midway between the sand +dunes west of the village and the western mounds, near which we found +it convenient to camp. The only inhabitants of the Awatobi mesa are +a Navaho family, who have appropriated, for the shade it affords, a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_593" id="Page_593">[Pg 593]</a></span> +dwarf cedar east of the old mission walls. No land is cultivated, save +that in the canyons above mentioned, west of the sand hills; some fair +harvests are, however, still gathered from Antelope valley by the +Navaho, especially in the section higher up, near Jeditoh spring.</p> + +<p>The ruin may be approached from the road between Holbrook and +Keam's Canyon, turning to the left after climbing the mesa. This road, +however, is not usually traveled, since it trends through the difficult +sand hills. As Keam's Canyon is the only place in this region at which +to provision an expedition, it is usual to approach Awatobi from that +side, the road turning to the right shortly after one ascends the steep +hill out of the canyon near Keam's trading post.</p> + +<p>My archeological work at Awatobi began on July 6, 1895, and was +continued for two weeks, being abandoned on account of the defection +of my Hopi workmen, who left their work to attend the celebration of +the <i>Niman</i> or "Farewell" <i>katcina</i>,<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> a July festival in which many of +them participated. The ruin is conveniently situated for the best +archeological results; it has a good spring near by, and is not far from +Keam's Canyon, the base of supplies. The soil covering the rooms, however, +is almost as hard as cement, and fragile objects, such as pottery, +were often broken before their removal from the matrix. A considerable +quantity of débris had to be removed before the floors were reached, +and as this was firmly impacted great difficulty was encountered in +successful excavations.</p> + +<p>With a corps of trained workmen much better results than those we +obtained might have been expected, and the experience which the +Indians subsequently had at Sikyatki would have made my excavations +at Awatobi, had they been carried on later in the season, more remunerative. +While my archeological work at certain points in these interesting +mounds of Awatobi was more or less superficial, it was in other +places thorough, and revealed many new facts in regard to the culture +of the inhabitants of this most important pueblo.</p> + +<p>I found it inexpedient to dig in the burial places among the sand +dunes, on account of the religious prejudices of my workmen. This +fear they afterward overcame to a certain extent, but never completely +outgrew, although the cemeteries at Sikyatki were quite thoroughly +excavated, yielding some of the most striking results of the summer's +exploration. The sand hills west of Sikyatki are often swept by +violent gales, by which the surface is continually changing, and mortuary +pottery is frequently exposed. This has always been a favorite +place for the collector, and many a beautiful food bowl has been carried +by the Indians from this cemetery to the trading store, for the natives +do not seem to object to selling a vase or other object which they find +on the surface, but rarely dig in the ground for the purpose of obtaining +specimens.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_594" id="Page_594">[Pg 594]</a></span></p> + +<h4>NOMENCLATURE OF AWATOBI</h4> + +<p>The name Awatobi is evidently derived from <i>awata</i>, a bow (referring +to the Bow clan, one of the strongest in the ancient pueblo), and <i>obi</i>, +"high place of." A derivation from <i>owa</i>, rock, has also been suggested, +but it seems hardly distinctive enough to be applicable, and is not +accepted by the Hopi themselves.</p> + +<p>While the different pueblos of Tusayan were not specially mentioned +until forty years after they were first visited, the name Awatobi is +readily recognized in the account of Espejo in 1583, where it is called +Aguato,<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> which appears as Zaguato and Ahuato in Hakluyt.<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> In the +time of Oñate (1598) the same name is written Aguatuybá.<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> Vetancurt,<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> +about 1680, mentions the pueblo under the names Aguatobi and +Ahuatobi, and in 1692, or twelve years after the great rebellion, Vargas +visited "San Bernardo de Aguatuvi," ten leagues from Zuñi. The name +appears on maps up to the middle of the eighteenth century, several +years after its destruction. In more modern times various older spellings +have been adopted or new ones introduced. Among these may +be mentioned:</p> + +<p> +<span class="smcap">Aguatuví</span>. Buschmann, Neu-Mexico, 231, 1858.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Aguatuya</span>. Bandelier in Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, <span class="smcap">iii</span>, 85, 1892 (misquoting Oñate).<br /> +<span class="smcap">Aguitobi</span>. Bandelier in Archæological Institute Papers, Am. series, <span class="smcap">iii</span>, pt. 1, 115, 1890.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Ahuatu</span>. Bandelier, ibid., 115, 135.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Ahuatuyba</span>. Bandelier, ibid., 109.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Ah-wat-tenna</span>. Bourke, Snake Dance of the Moquis of Arizona, 195, 1884 (so called by a Tusayan Indian).<br /> +<span class="smcap">Aquatasi</span>. Walch, Charte America, 1805.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Aquatubi</span>. Davis, Spanish Conquest of New Mexico, 368, 1869.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Atabi-hogandi</span>. Bourke, op. cit., 84, 1884 (Navaho name).<br /> +<span class="smcap">Aua-tu-ui</span>. Bandelier in Archæological Institute Papers, op. cit., <span class="smcap">iv</span>, pt. 2, 368, 1892.<br /> +<span class="smcap">A-wa-te-u</span>. Cushing in Atlantic Monthly, 367, September, 1882.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Awatúbi</span>. Bourke, op. cit., 91, 1884.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Á wat u i</span>. Cushing in Fourth Report Bureau of Ethnology, 493, 1886 (or Aguatóbi).<br /> +<span class="smcap">Zagnato</span>. Brackenridge, Early Spanish Discoveries, 19, 1857 (misprint of Hakluyt's Zaguato).<br /> +<span class="smcap">Zaguate</span>. Prince, New Mexico, 34, 1883 (misquoting Hakluyt).<br /> +<span class="smcap">Zuguato</span>. Hinton, Handbook to Arizona, 388, 1878 (misquoting Hakluyt).<br /> +</p> + +<p>The Navaho name of the ruin, as is well known, is Talla-hogan, ordinarily +translated "Singing-house," and generally interpreted to refer to +the mass said by the padres in the ancient church. It is probable, however, +that kivas were used as chambers where songs were sung in ceremonials +prior to the introduction of Christianity. Therefore why Awatobi +should preeminently be designated as the "Singing-house" is not +quite apparent.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_595" id="Page_595">[Pg 595]</a></span></p> + +<p>The name of the mission, San Bernardino,<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> or San Bernardo, refers to +its patron saint, and was first applied by Porras in honor of the natal +day of this saint, on which day, in 1629, he and his companions arrived +in Tusayan.</p> + + +<h4>HISTORICAL KNOWLEDGE OF AWATOBI</h4> + +<p>The identification of Tusayan with the present country of the Hopi +depends in great measure on the correct determination of the situation +of Cibola. I have regarded as conclusive Bandelier's argument that +Cibola comprised the group of pueblos inhabited by the Zuñi in the +sixteenth century.<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> Regarding this as proven, Tusayan corresponds +with the Hopi villages, of which Awatobi was one of the largest. It lies +in the same direction and about the same distance from Zuñi as stated +in Castañeda's narrative. The fact that Cardenas passed through +Tusayan when he went from Cibola to the Grand Canyon in 1540 is in +perfect harmony with the identification of the Hopi villages with Tusayan, +and Zuñi with Cibola. Tobar, in Tusayan, heard of the great +river to the west, and when he returned to the headquarters of Coronado +at Cibola the general dispatched Cardenas to investigate the +truth of the report. Cardenas naturally went to Tusayan where Tobar +had heard the news, and from there took guides who conducted him to +the Grand Canyon. Had the general been in any Hopi town at the +time he sent Tobar, and later Cardenas, it is quite impossible to find +any cluster of ruins which we can identify as Tusayan in the direction +indicated. There can be no doubt that Tusayan was the modern Hopi +country, and with this in mind the question as to which Hopi pueblo +was the one first visited by Tobar is worthy of investigation.</p> + +<p>In order to shed what light is possible on this question, I have +examined the account by Castañeda, the letter of Coronado to Mendoza, +and the description in the "Relacion del Suceso," but find it difficult to +determine that point definitely.</p> + +<p>In Hakluyt's translation of Coronado's letter, it is stated that the +houses of the "cities" which Tobar was sent to examine were "of +earth," and the "chiefe" of these towns is called "Tucano." As this +letter was written before Coronado had received word from Tobar concerning +his discoveries, naturally we should not expect definite +information concerning the new province. Capt. Juan Jaramillo's +account speaks of "Tucayan" as a province composed of seven towns, +and states that the houses are terraced.</p> + +<p>In the "Relacion del Suceso" we likewise find the province called +"Tuzan" (Tusayan), and the author notes the resemblance of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_596" id="Page_596">[Pg 596]</a></span> +villages to Cibola, but he distinctly states that the inhabitants cultivated +cotton.</p> + +<p>Castañeda's account, which is the most detailed, is that on which I +have relied in my identification of Awatobi as the first Hopi pueblo +seen by the Spaniards.</p> + +<p>It seems that Don Pedro de Tobar was dispatched by Coronado to +explore a province called Tusayan which was reported to be twenty-five +leagues from Cibola. He had in his command seventeen horsemen +and one or two foot-soldiers, and was accompanied by Friar Juan +de Padilla. They arrived in the new province after dark and concealed +themselves under the edge of the mesa, so near that they heard the +voices of the Indians in their houses. The natives, however, discovered +them at daylight drawn up in order, and came out to meet them +armed with wooden clubs, bow and arrows, and carrying shields. The +chief drew a line of sacred meal across the trail, and in that way symbolized +that the entrance to their pueblo was closed to the intruders. +During a parley, however, one of the men made a move to cross the line +of meal, and an Indian struck his horse on the bridle. This opened hostilities, +in which the Hopi were worsted, but apparently without loss of +life. The vanquished brought presents of various kinds—cotton cloth, +cornmeal, birds, skins, piñon nuts, and a few turquoises—and finding a +good camping place near their pueblo, Tobar established headquarters +and received homage from all the province. They allowed the Spaniards +to enter their villages and traded with them.<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a></p> + +<p>Espejo's reference to Awatobi in 1583 leaves no doubt that the pueblo +was in existence in that year, and while, of course, we can not definitely +say that it was not built between 1540 and 1583, the indications are +that it was not. Hopi traditions assert that it was in existence when +the Spaniards came, and the statement of the legendists whom I have +consulted are definite that the survivors of Sikyatki went to Awatobi +after the overthrow of the former pueblo. It would not appear, however, +that Awatobi was founded prior to Sikyatki, nor is it stated that +the refugees from Sikyatki built Awatobi, which is within the bounds +of possibility, but it seems to be quite generally conceded that the +Sikyatki tragedy antedated the arrival of the first Spaniards.</p> + +<p>There can, I think, be no doubt that the Hopi pueblo first entered +by Pedro de Tobar, in 1540, was Awatobi, and that the first conflict of +Spanish soldiers and Hopi warriors, which occurred at that time, took +place on the well-known Zuñi trail in Antelope valley, not far from +Jeditoh or Antelope spring. This pueblo is the nearest village to +Cibola (Zuñi), from which Tobar came, and as he took the Zuñi trail he +would naturally first approach this village, even if the other pueblos on +the rim of this valley were inhabited. It is interesting to consider a few +lines from Castañeda, describing the event of that episode, to see how<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_597" id="Page_597">[Pg 597]</a></span> +closely the site of Awatobi conforms to the narrative. In Castañeda's +account of Tobar's visit we find that the latter with his command +entered Tusayan so secretly that their presence was unknown to the +inhabitants, and they traversed a cultivated plain without being seen, +so that, we are told, they approached the village near enough to hear +the voices of the Indians without being discovered. Moreover, the +Indians, the narrative says, had a habit of descending to their cultivated +fields, which implies that they lived on a mesa top. Awatobi +was situated on a mesa, and the cultivated fields were in exactly the +position indicated. The habit of retiring to their pueblo at night is +still observed, or was to within a few years. Tobar arrived at the edge +of Antelope valley after dark (otherwise he would have been discovered), +crossed the cultivated fields under cover of night, and camped +under the town at the base of the mesa. The soldiers from that point +could readily hear the voices of the villagers above them. Even at the +base of the lofty East Mesa I have often heard the Walpi people talking, +while the words of the town crier are intelligible far out on the plain. +From the configuration of the valley it would not, however, have been +easier for Awatobians to have seen the approaching Spaniards than +for the Walpians; still it was possible for the invaders to conceal their +approach to Walpi in the same way. If, however, the first pueblo +approached was Walpi, and Tobar followed the Zuñi trail, I think he +would have been discovered by the Awatobi people before nightfall if +he entered the cultivated fields early in the evening. It would be +incredible to believe that he wandered from the trail; much more likely +he went directly to Awatobi, the first village en route, and then +encamped until the approach of day before entering the pueblo. At +sunrise the inhabitants, early stirring, detected the presence of the +intruders, and the warriors went down the mesa to meet them. They +had already heard from Cibola of the strange beings, men mounted on +animals which were said to devour enemies.</p> + +<p>It may seem strange that the departure of an expedition against Tusayan +was unknown to the Hopi, but the narrative leads us to believe +that such was the fact. The warriors descended to the plain, and their +chief drew a line of sacred meal across the trail to symbolize that the +way to their pueblo was closed; whoever crossed it was an enemy, and +punishment should be meted out to him. This custom is still preserved +in several ceremonials at the present day, as, for instance, in the New-fire +rites<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> in November and in the Flute observance in July.<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_598" id="Page_598">[Pg 598]</a></span> +priests say that in former times whoever crossed a line of meal drawn +on the trail at that festival was killed, and even now they insist that no +one is allowed to pass a closed trail. The Awatobi warriors probably +warned Tobar and his comrades not to advance, but the symbolic barrier +was not understood by them. The Spaniards were not there to parley +long, and it is probable that their purpose was to engage in a quarrel +with the Indians. Urged on by the priest, Juan de Padilla, "who had +been a soldier in his youth," they charged the Indians and overthrew a +number, driving the others before them. The immediate provocation +for this, according to the historian, was that an Indian struck one of +the horses on the bridle, at which the holy father, losing patience, +exclaimed to his captain, "Why are we here?" which was interpreted as +a sign for the assault.</p> + +<p>It must, however, be confessed that if the pueblo of Walpi was the +first discovered an approach by stealth without being seen would +have been easier for Tobar if the village referred to was Walpi then +situated on the Ash-hill terrace, with the East Mesa between it and +the Zuñi trail. To offset this probability, however, is the fact that the +Zuñi trail now runs through Awatobi, or in full view of it and there is +hardly a possibility that Tobar left that trail to avoid Awatobi. He +would naturally visit the first village, and not go out of his way seven +miles beyond it, seeking a more distant pueblo.</p> + +<p>The effect of this onslaught on men armed with spears, clubs, and +leather shields can be imagined, and the encounter seems to have discouraged +the Awatobi warriors from renewed resistance. They fled, +but shortly afterward brought presents as a sign of submission, when +Tobar called off his men. Thus was the entry of the Spaniards into +Tusayan marked with bloodshed for a trifling offense. Shortly afterward +Tobar entered the village and received the complete submission +of the people.</p> + +<p>The names of the Tusayan pueblos visited by Tobar in this first +entrance are nowhere mentioned in the several accounts which have +come down to us. Forty years later, however, the Spaniards returned +and found the friendly feeling of Awatobi to the visitors had not lapsed. +When Espejo approached the town in 1583, over the same Zuñi trail, +the multitudes with their caciques met him with great joy and poured +maize (sacred meal?) on the ground for the horses to walk upon. This +was symbolic of welcome; they "made" the trail, a ceremony which is +still kept up when entrance to the pueblo is formally offered.<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a></p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_599" id="Page_599">[Pg 599]</a></span></p> + +<p>The people, considering their poverty, were generous, and gave +Espejo "hand towels with tassels" at the corners. These were probably +dance kilts and ceremonial blankets, which then, as now, the +Hopi made of cotton.</p> + +<p>The pueblo, called "Aguato" in the account of that visit, was without +doubt Awatobi. The name Aguatuybá, mentioned by Oñate, is +also doubtless the same, although, as pointed out to me by Mr Hodge, +"through an error probably of the copyist or printer, the name +Aguatuybá is inadvertently given by Oñate among his list of Hopi +chiefs, while Esperiez is mentioned among the pueblos." In Oñate's list +we recognize Oraibi in "Naybi," and Shuñopovi in "Xumupamí" and +"Comupaví," the most westerly town of the Middle Mesa. "Cuanrabi" +and "Esperiez" are not recognizable as pueblos.</p> + +<p>Espejo, therefore, appears to have been the first to mention Awatobi +as "Aguato," which is metamorphosed in Hakluyt into "Zaguato or +"Ahuzto,"<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> although evidently Oñate's "Aguatuybá" was intended as +a name of a pueblo.</p> + +<p>I have not been able to determine satisfactorily the date of the +erection of the mission building of San Bernardino at Awatobi, but +the name is mentioned as early as 1629. In that year three friars +went to Tusayan and began active efforts to convert the Hopi.<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a></p> + +<p>It is recorded<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> that Padre Porras, with Andres Gutierrez, Cristoval +de la Concepcion, and ten soldiers, arrived in Tusayan, "dia del glorioso +San Bernardo (que és el apellido que aora tiene aquel pueblo)," which +leaves no doubt why the mission at Awatobi was so named. Although +an apostate Indian had spread the report, previously to the advent of +these priests in Tusayan, that the Spaniards were coming among them +to burn their pueblos, rob their homes, and devour<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> their children, the +zealous missionaries in 1629 converted many of the chiefs and baptized +their children. The cacique, Don Augustin, who appears to have +been baptized at Awatobi, apparently lived in Walpi or at the Middle +Mesa, and returning to his pueblo, prepared the way for a continuation +of the apostolic work in the villages of the other mesas.</p> + +<p>But the missionary labors of Porras came to an untimely end. It is +written that by 1633 he had made great progress in converting the +Hopi, but in that year, probably at Awatobi, he was poisoned. Of +the fate of his two companions and the success of their work little is +known, but it is recorded that the succession of padres was not broken<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_600" id="Page_600">[Pg 600]</a></span> +up to the great rebellion in 1680. Figueroa, who was massacred at +Awatobi in that year, went to Tusayan in 1674 with Aug. Sta. Marie. +Between the death of Porras and the arrival of Figueroa there was an +interval of eleven years, during which time the two comrades of Porras +or Espeleta, who went to Tusayan in 1650, took charge of the spiritual +welfare of the Hopi. Espeleta and Aug. Sta. Marie were killed in 1680 at +San Francisco de Oraibi and Walpi, respectively, and José Trujillo probably +lost his life at Old Shuñopovi at the same time. As there is no good +reason to suppose that Awatobi, one of the most populous Tusayan +pueblos, was neglected by the Spanish missionaries after the death of +Porras in 1633, and as it was the first pueblo encountered on the trail from +Zuñi, doubtless San Bernardino was one of the earliest missions erected +in Tusayan. From 1680 until 1692, the period of independence resulting +from the great Pueblo revolt, there was no priest in Tusayan, nor, +indeed, in all New Mexico. Possibly the mission was repaired between +1692 and 1700, but it is probable that it was built as early as the time +Porras lived in Awatobi. It is explicitly stated that in the destruction +of Awatobi in 1700 no missionaries were killed, although it is recorded +that early in that year Padre Garaycoechea made it a visit.</p> + +<p>The disputes between the Jesuits and Franciscans to obtain the +Hopi field for missionary work during the eighteenth century naturally +falls in another chapter of Spanish-Tusayan history. Aside from sporadic +visits to the pueblos, nothing tangible appears to have resulted +from the attempts at conversion in this epoch. True, many apostates +were induced to return to their old homes on the Rio Grande and some +of the Hopi frequently asked for resident priests, making plausible +offers to protect them; but the people as a whole were hostile, and +the mission churches were never rebuilt, nor did the fathers again live +in this isolated province.</p> + +<p>In 1692 Awatobi was visited by Don Diego de Vargas, the reconquerer +of New Mexico, who appears to have had no difficulty bringing +to terms the pueblos of Awatobi, Walpi, Mishoñinovi, and +Shuñopovi.<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> He found, however, that Awatobi was "fortified," and the +entrance so narrow that but one man could enter at a time. The +description leads us to conclude that the fortification was the wall at +the eastern end, and the entrance the gateway, the sides of which are +still to be seen. The plaza in which the cross was erected was probably +just north of the walls of the mission.</p> + +<p>There would seem to be no doubt that a mission building was standing +at Awatobi before 1680, for Vetancurt, writing about the year +named, states that in the uprising it was burned.<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> At the time of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_601" id="Page_601">[Pg 601]</a></span> +visit of Garaycoechea, in the spring of 1700, he found that the mission +had been rebuilt. In this connection it is instructive, as bearing on +the probable cause of the destruction of Awatobi, to find that while +the inhabitants of this pueblo desired to have the mission rehabilitated, +the other Tusayan pueblos were so hostile that the friends of the priest +in Awatobi persuaded him not to attempt to visit the other villages. +This warning was no doubt well advised, and the tragic fate which +befell Awatobi before the close of the year shows that the trouble was +brewing when the padre was there, and possibly Garaycoechea's visit +hastened the catastrophe or intensified the hatred of the other pueblos.</p> + +<p>At the time of Garaycoechea's visit he baptized, it is said, 73 persons. +This rite was particularly obnoxious<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> to the Hopi, as indeed to +the other Pueblo Indians, notwithstanding they performed practically +the same ceremony in initiations into their own secret societies. The +Awatobians, however, or at least some of them, allowed this rite of the +Christians, thus intensifying the hatred of the more conservative of +their own village and of the neighboring pueblos. These and other facts +seem to indicate that the real cause of the destruction of Awatobi +was the reception of Christianity by its inhabitants, which the other +villagers regarded as sorcery. The conservative party, led by Tapolo, +opened the gate of the town to the warriors of Walpi and Mishoñinovi, +who slaughtered the liberals, thus effectually rooting out the +new faith from Tusayan, for after that time it never again obtained a +foothold.</p> + +<p>The visit of Padre Juan Garaycoechea to Tusayan was at the invitation +of Espeleta, chief of Oraibi, but he went no farther than Awatobi, +where he baptized the 73 Hopi. He then returned to the "governor," +and arrived at Zuñi in June. According to Bancroft (p. 222), "In the +'Moqui Noticias' <span class="smcap">ms.</span>, 669, it is stated that the other Moquis, angry that +Aguatuvi had received the padres, came and attacked the pueblo, killed +all the men, and carried off all the women and children, leaving the +place for many years deserted." Although I have not been able to consult +the document quoted, this conclusion corresponds so closely with +Hopi tradition that I believe it is practically true, although Bancroft +unfortunately closes the quotation I have made from his account with +the words, "I think this must be an error." Espeleta, the Oraibi chief, +and 20 companions were in Santa Fé in October, 1700, and proposed a +peace in which the Hopi asked for religious toleration, which Governor +Cubero refused. As a final appeal he desired that the fathers should +not permanently reside with them, but should visit one pueblo each +year for six years; but this request was also rejected. Espeleta returned +to Oraibi, and immediately on his appearance an unsuccessful attempt +was made to destroy Awatobi, followed, as recounted in the legend, by +a union with Walpi and Mishoñinovi, by which the liberal-minded<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_602" id="Page_602">[Pg 602]</a></span> +villagers of the Antelope mesa were overthrown. Documentary and +legendary accounts are thus in strict accord regarding the cause of the +destruction.</p> + +<p>The meager fragmentary historical evidence that can be adduced shows +that the destruction of Awatobi occurred in the autumn or early winter +of 1700. In May of that year we have the account of the visiting padre, +and in the summer when Espeleta was at Santa Fé, the pueblo was +flourishing. The month of November would have been a favorable one +for the destruction of the town for the reason that during this time the +warriors would all be engaged in secret kiva rites. The legend relates +that the overthrow of the pueblo was at the <i>Naacnaiya</i>,<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> which now +takes place in November.</p> + +<p>For many years after its destruction the name of Awatobi was still +retained on maps including the Tusayan province, and there exist several +published references to the place as if still inhabited; but these +appear to be compilations, as no traveler visited the site subsequently +to 1700. It is never referred to in writings of the eighteenth or first +half of the nineteenth centuries, and its site attracted no attention. +The ruins remained unidentified until about 1884, when the late Captain +J. G. Bourke published his book on the "Snake Dance of the Moquis," +in which he showed that the ruin called by the Navaho Tally-hogan was +the old Awatobi which played such a prominent part in early Tusayan +history.</p> + +<p>The ruin was described and figured a few years later by Mr Victor +Mindeleff in his valuable memoir on Cibola and Tusayan architecture. +Bourke's reference is very brief and Mindeleff's plan deficient, as it +includes only a portion of the ruin, namely, the conspicuous mission +walls and adjacent buildings, overlooking entirely the older or western +mounds, which are the most characteristic. In 1892 I published the +first complete ground-plan of the ruins of Awatobi, including both +eastern and western sections. As Mindeleff's plan is defective, his +characterization of the architectural features of the pueblo is consequently +faulty. He says: "The plan suggests that the original pueblo +was built about three sides of a rectangular court, the fourth or southeast +side, later occupied by the mission buildings, being left open or +protected by a low wall." While the eastern portion undoubtedly supports +this conclusion, had he examined the western or main section he +would doubtless have qualified his conclusion (<a href="#PL_CVII">plate <span class="smcap">cvii</span></a>). This portion +was compact, without a rectangular court, and was of pyramidal +form. The eastern section was probably of later construction, and the +mission was originally built outside the main pueblo, although probably +a row of rooms of very ancient date extended along the northern side +opposite the church. As it was customary in Tusayan to isolate the +kivas, these rooms in Awatobi were probably extramural and may have<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_603" id="Page_603">[Pg 603]</a></span> +been situated in this eastern court, but the majority of the people lived +in the western section. The architecture of the mission and adjacent +rooms shows well-marked Spanish influence, which is wholly absent in +the buildings forming the western mounds.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="PL_CVII" id="PL_CVII"></a><a href="images/platecvii-lg.jpg"> +<img src="images/platecvii.jpg" width="600" height="496" alt="PL. CVII— +GROUND PLAN OF AWATOBI" title="PL. CVII— +GROUND PLAN OF AWATOBI" /></a> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CVII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">GROUND PLAN OF AWATOBI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + + +<h4>LEGEND OF THE DESTRUCTION OF AWATOBI</h4> + +<p>The legend of the overthrow of Awatobi is preserved in detail among +the living villagers of Tusayan, and like all stories which have been +transmitted for several generations exist in several variants, differing +in episodes, but coinciding in general outlines. In the absence of contemporary +documentary history, which some time may possibly be +brought to light, the legends are the only available data regarding an +event of great importance in the modern history of Tusayan.</p> + +<p>I have obtained the legends from Supela, Shimo,<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> Masiumptiwa, and +Saliko, and the most complete appears to be that of the last mentioned. +The others dilated more on the atrocities which were committed on the +bodies of the unfortunate captives, and the tortures endured before +they were killed. All show traces of modification, incorporation, and +modern invention.</p> + + +<h5><i>Destruction of Awatobi as related by Saliko</i><a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a></h5> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"The chiefs Wiki and Shimo, and others, have told you their stories, +and surely their ancestors were living here at Walpi when Awatobi +was occupied. It was a large village, and many people lived there, and +the village chief was called Tapolo, but he was not at peace with his +people, and there were quarreling and trouble. Owing to this conflict +only a little rain fell, but the land was fertile and fair harvests were +still gathered. The Awatobi men were bad (<i>powako</i>, sorcerers). Sometimes +they went in small bands among the fields of the other villagers +and cudgeled any solitary worker they found. If they overtook any +woman they ravished her, and they waylaid hunting parties, taking the +game, after beating and sometimes killing the hunters. There was +considerable trouble in Awatobi, and Tapolo sent to the Oraibi chief +asking him to bring his people and kill the evil Awatobians. The +Oraibi came and fought with them, and many were killed on both +sides, but the Oraibi were not strong enough to enter the village, and +were compelled to withdraw. On his way back the Oraibi chief stopped +at Walpi and talked with the chiefs there. Said he, 'I can not tell +why Tapolo wants the Oraibi to kill his folks, but we have tried and +have not succeeded very well. Even if we did succeed, what benefit +would come to us who live too far away to occupy the land? You Walpi +people live close to them and have suffered most at their hands; it is +for you to try.' While they were talking Tapolo had also come, and it +was then decided that other chiefs of all the villages should convene at +Walpi to consult. Couriers were sent out, and when all the chiefs had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_604" id="Page_604">[Pg 604]</a></span> +arrived Tapolo declared that his people had become sorcerers (Christians), +and hence should all be destroyed.</p> + +<p>"It was then arranged that in four days large bands from all the +other villages should prepare themselves, and assemble at a spring not +far from Awatobi. A long while before this, when the Spaniards lived +there, they had built a wall on the side of the village that needed protection, +and in this wall was a great, strong door. Tapolo proposed that +the assailants should come before dawn, and he would be at this door +ready to admit them, and under this compact he returned to his village. +During the fourth night after this, as agreed upon, the various bands +assembled at the deep gulch spring, and every man carried, besides his +weapons, a cedar-bark torch and a bundle of greasewood. Just before +dawn they moved silently up to the mesa summit, and, going directly +to the east side of the village, they entered the gate, which opened as +they approached. In one of the courts was a large kiva, and in it were +a number of men engaged in sorcerer's rites. The assailants at once +made for the kiva, and plucking up the ladder, they stood around the +hatchway, shooting arrows down among the entrapped occupants. In +the numerous cooking pits fire had been maintained through the night +for the preparation of food for a feast on the appointed morning, and +from these they lighted their torches. Great numbers of these and the +bundles of greasewood being set on fire, they were cast down the +hatchway, and firewood from stacks upon the house terraces were also +thrown into the kiva. The red peppers for which Awatobi was famous +were hanging in thick clusters along the fronts of the houses, and +these they crushed in their hands and flung upon the blazing fire in the +kiva to further torment their burning occupants. After this, all who +were capable of moving were compelled to travel or drag themselves +until they came to the sand-hills of Mishoñinovi, and there the final +disposition of the prisoners was made.</p> + +<p>"My maternal ancestor had recognized a woman chief (<i>Mamzrau +moñwi</i>), and saved her at the place of massacre called Maski, and now +he asked her whether she would be willing to initiate the woman of +Walpi in the rites of the <i>Mamzrau</i>. She complied, and thus the observance +of the ceremonial called the Mamzráuti came to Walpi. I can not +tell how it came to the other villages. This Mamzrau-moñwi had no +children, and hence my maternal ancestor's sister became chief, and +her <i>tiponi</i> (badge of office) came to me. Some of the other Awatobi +women knew how to bring rain, and such of them as were willing to +teach their songs were spared and went to different villages. The +Oraibi chief saved a man who knew how to cause peaches to grow, +and that is why Oraibi has such an abundance of peaches now. The +Mishoñinovi chief saved a prisoner who knew how to make the sweet, +small-ear corn grow, and that is why it is more abundant there than +elsewhere. All the women who knew song prayers and were willing +to teach them were spared, and no children were designedly killed, but +were divided among the villages, most of them going to Mishoñinovi.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_605" id="Page_605">[Pg 605]</a></span> +The remainder of the prisoners, men and women, were again tortured +and dismembered and left to die on the sand hills, and there their +bones are, and that is the reason the place is called <i>Maschomo</i> (Death-mound). +This is the story of Awatobi told by my old people."</p> +</div> + +<p>All variants of the legend are in harmony in this particular, that Awatobi +was destroyed by the other Tusayan pueblos, and that Mishoñinovi, +Walpi, and probably Oraibi and Shuñopovi participated in the deed. +A grievance that would unite the other villagers against Awatobi must +have been a great one, indeed, and not a mere dispute about water or +lands. The more I study the real cause, hidden in the term <i>powako</i>, +"wizard" or "sorcerer," the more I am convinced that the progress +Christianity was making in Awatobi, after the reconquest of the Pueblos +in 1692, explains the hostility of the other villagers. The party favoring +the Catholic fathers in Awatobi was increasing, and the other +Tusayan pueblos watched its growth with alarm. They foresaw that +it heralded the return of the hated domination of the priests, associated +in their minds with practical slavery, and they decided on the +tragedy, which was carried out with all the savagery of which their +natures were capable.</p> + +<p>They greatly feared the return of the Spanish soldiers, as the epoch +of Spanish rule, mild though it may have been, was held in universal +detestation. Moreover, after the reconquest of the Rio Grande pueblos, +many apostates fled to Tusayan and fanned the fires of hatred against +the priests. Walpi received these malcontents, who came in numbers +a few years later. Among these arrivals were Tanoan warriors and +their families, part of whom were ancestors of the present inhabitants +of Hano.</p> + +<p>It was no doubt hoped that the destruction of Awatobi would effectually +root out the growing Christian influence, which it in fact did; +and for fifty years afterward Tusayan successfully resisted all efforts +to convert it. Franciscans from the east and Jesuits from the Gila in +the south strove to get a new hold, but they never succeeded in rebuilding +the missions in this isolated province, which was generally regarded +as independent.</p> + +<p>From the scanty data I have been able to collect from historical and +legendary sources, it seems probable that Awatobi was always more +affected by the padres than were the other Tusayan pueblos. This was +the village which was said to have been "converted" by Padre Porras, +whose work, after his death by poison in 1633, was no doubt continued by +his associates and successors. About 1680, as we learn from documentary +accounts, the population of Awatobi was 800,<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> and it was probably +not much smaller in 1700, the time of its destruction.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_606" id="Page_606">[Pg 606]</a></span></p> +<h4>EVIDENCES OF FIRE IN THE DESTRUCTION</h4> + +<p>Wherever excavations were conducted in the eastern section of +Awatobi, we could not penetrate far below the surface without encountering +unmistakable evidences of a great conflagration. The effect of +the fire was particularly disastrous in the rooms of the eastern section, +or that part of the pueblo contiguous to the mission. Hardly a single +object was removed from this part of Awatobi that had not been +charred. Many of the beams were completely burned; others were +charred only on their surfaces. The rooms were filled with ashes and +scoriæ, while the walls had been cracked as if by intense heat.</p> + +<p>Perhaps the most significant fact in regard to the burning of Awatobi +was seen in some of the houses where the fire seems to have been less +intense. In many chambers of the eastern section, which evidently +were used as granaries, the corn was stacked in piles just as it is today +under many of the living rooms at Walpi, a fact which tends to show +that there was no attempt to pillage the pueblo before its destruction. +The ears of corn in these store-rooms were simply charred, but so well +preserved that entire ears of maize were collected in great numbers. It +may here be mentioned that upon one of the stacks of corn I found during +my excavations for the Hemenway Expedition in 1892, a rusty iron +knife-blade, showing that the owner of the room was acquainted with +objects of Spanish manufacture. This blade is now deposited with the +Hemenway collection in the Peabody Museum at Cambridge.</p> + + +<h4>THE RUINS OF THE MISSION</h4> + +<p>The mission church of San Bernardino de Awatobi was erected very +early in the history of the Spanish occupancy, and its ruined walls are +the only ones now standing above the surface. This building was constructed +by the padres on a mesa top, while the churches at Walpi and +Shuñopovi were built in the foothills near those pueblos. The mission +at Oraibi likewise stood on a mesa top, so that we must qualify Mindeleff's +statement<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> that "at Tusayan there is no evidence that a church +or mission house ever formed part of the villages on the mesa summits.... These +summits have been extensively occupied only in comparatively +recent time, although one or more churches may have been +built here at an early date as outlooks over the fields in the valley +below."</p> + +<p>At the time of the Spanish invasion three of the Hopi villages stood +on the foothills or lower terraces of the mesas on which they now stand, +and the other two, Awatobi and Oraibi, occupied the same sites as +today, on the summits of the mesas.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="PL_CVIII" id="PL_CVIII"></a> +<img src="images/platecviii.jpg" width="600" height="400" alt="PL. CVIII— +RUINS OF SAN BERNARDINO DE AWATOBI" title="PL. CVIII— +RUINS OF SAN BERNARDINO DE AWATOBI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CVIII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">RUINS OF SAN BERNARDINO DE AWATOBI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>I believe that at the time of the Spanish discovery of Tusayan by +Pedro de Tobar in 1540, there were only five Tusayan towns—Walpi,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_607" id="Page_607">[Pg 607]</a></span> +Awatobi, Shuñopovi, Mishoñinovi, and Oraibi. Later, Awatobi was +destroyed, and shortly after 1680 Walpi, the only East Mesa town, +together with Mishoñinovi and Shuñopovi, on the Middle Mesa, were +moved to the elevated sites they now occupy. Oraibi, therefore, is +probably the only Tusayan pueblo, at present inhabited, which occupies +practically the same site that it did in 1540.</p> + +<p>In their excavations for the foundations of new houses the present +inhabitants of Oraibi often find, as I am informed by Mr H. R. Voth, +the missionary at that place, vessels or potsherds of ancient Tusayan +ware closely resembling that which is found in the ruins of Sikyatki +and Awatobi.</p> + +<p>The mission building at Awatobi, known in the church history of +New Mexico and Arizona as San Bernardo or San Bernardino, was +reputed to be the largest in Tusayan, and its walls are still the best +preserved of any mission structure in that province. This, however, +does not imply that the church structures of Tusayan are well preserved, +for the mission buildings at Walpi have wholly disappeared, +while at Oraibi little more than a pile of stones remains. Of the +Shuñopovi mission of San Bernabe there are no standing walls save +at one end, which are now used as a sheep corral.</p> + +<p>The mission of San Bernardino de Awatobi was built on the southern +side of the eastern part of the pueblo on the edge of the cliff, and its +walls are the only ones of Awatobi now standing above ground. From +the situation of these walls, as compared with the oldest part of Awatobi—the +western mounds—I believe that San Bernardino mission was, +when erected, beyond the limits of the pueblo proper—a custom almost +universally followed in erecting pueblo mission churches—necessary in +this instance, since from the compactness of the village there was no +other available site. The same was true of the missions of Oraibi and +Shuñopovi, and probably of Old Walpi. As time passed additional +buildings were erected near it, this eastward extension altering the +original plan of the town, but in no way affecting the configuration of +the older portion.</p> + +<p>From its commanding position on the edge of the mesa the mission +walls must have presented an imposing appearance from the plain +below, rising as they did almost continuously with the side of the cliff, +making a conspicuous structure for miles across Antelope valley, from +which its crumbling walls are still visible (<a href="#PL_CVIII">plate <span class="smcap">cviii</span></a>).</p> + +<p>When compared with the masonry of unmodified pueblo ruins the +walls of the mission may be designated massive, and excavation at +their foundations was very difficult on account of the great amount of +débris which had fallen about them. With the limited force of laborers +at my command the excavations could not be conducted with a great +degree of thoroughness.</p> + +<p>In the middle of what I supposed to have been the main church +there was much sand, evidently drift, and in it I sank a trench 10 feet<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_608" id="Page_608">[Pg 608]</a></span> +below the surface without reaching anything which I considered a floor. +We found in excavations at the foundation of the church walls fragments +of glass, several copper nails, a much-corroded iron hook, a copper +bell pivot, and fragments of Spanish pottery. From the character +of these objects alone there is no doubt in my mind of the former existence +of Spanish influence, and the method of construction of the mission +walls and the addition constructed of adobe containing chopped straw, +substantiate this conclusion. Supposing, from the architecture and +orientation of other New Mexican missions, that the altar was at the +western end, opposite the entrance to the church, I sank a trench along +the foundation of the wall on that side, but encountered such a mass +of fallen stone at that point that I found it impossible to make much +progress, and the fact that the floor was more than 10 feet below the +surface of the central depression led me to abandon, as impossible +with my little band of native excavators, the laying bare of the floor +of the church.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_255" id="Fig_255"></a> +<img src="images/fig255.png" width="600" height="515" alt="Fig. 255—Ground plan of San Bernardino de Awatobi" title="Fig. 255—Ground plan of San Bernardino de Awatobi" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 255—Ground plan of San Bernardino de Awatobi</span> +</p> + +<p>The ground plan (<a href="#Fig_255">figure 255</a>) of the mission resembles that of the +Zuñi church, and is not unlike the plans of the churches in the Rio +Grande pueblos. The tall buttresses, which rise 15 or 20 feet above +the trail up the mesa on the southern corner, are, I believe, remnants<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_609" id="Page_609">[Pg 609]</a></span> +of towers which formerly supported a balcony. During a previous visit +to Tusayan I obtained fragments<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> of the ancient bell, which are now +on exhibition in the Hemenway section of the Peabody Museum at +Cambridge.</p> + +<p>The stone walls of the mission were rarely dressed or carefully fitted, +the interstices being filled in with loose rubble laid in adobe. There +was apparently a gallery over the entrance to the building overlooking +many smaller buildings, which evidently were the quarters of the resident +priest. The construction of the walls was apparently a laborious +task, as many of the stones are large and must have been brought a +considerable distance. These stones were laid in adobe, and apparently +were plastered without and within, although little evidence of +the former plastering may now be seen. At the northwestern corner, +however, there still remain well-made adobe walls, the clay having +been intermixed with straw. From the general appearance of these +walls I regard them as of late construction, probably long after the +destruction of the mission.</p> + +<p>An examination of the plan of the mission building shows that it +was oriented about north and south, with the entrance toward the latter +direction. Compared with many other pueblo missions, this would seem +to be an exceptional position. In my excavations I naturally sought +the probable position of the entrance and, opposite it, the recess for +the altar. It is evident, from the form of the standing walls, that an +entrance from the east would be blocked by standing walls, and the +axis of the building is north and south. The theory that the door was +at the south has much in its favor, but there are several almost fatal +objections to this conclusion.</p> + +<p>If, however, we suppose that the entrance was in the south wall, the +high walls still standing above the trail up the mesa would then recall +the façades of other missions. The rooms east of the largest inclosure, +by this interpretation, would be outbuildings—residence rooms for the +padres—one side of which forms the eastern walls of the church edifice. +The form of the Awatobi church, as indicated by the walls still +standing, is very similar to that of Zuñi, notwithstanding the orientation +appears to be somewhat different.</p> + +<p>Excavations failed to reveal any sign of the altar recess at either the +northern or the western end, which is not surprising, since the walls are +so poorly preserved in both these directions. It was, moreover, very +difficult to make a satisfactory examination of the foundations of the +walls at any point on account of the fallen stories, which encumbered +the floor at their bases.</p> + +<p>From the appearance of antiquity it seems probable that long before +the mission buildings were erected a ridge of many-storied houses<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_610" id="Page_610">[Pg 610]</a></span> +extended eastward from the pueblo on the northern side of a level space +or court, in which there were, either then or later, ceremonial chambers +or kivas. The southern side of this open space was the site of the mission, +but was then unoccupied. This open space recalls the large court +at Walpi, where the Snake dance occurs, but it was considerably +broader, one side being formed by the structures which rose from the +edge of the mesa. In course of time, however, the mission buildings +were erected on this site, and a wall connecting the ridge of houses on +the north and the outhouses of the mission was made, thus inclosing +the court on all four sides. It was into this inclosure, through a gateway, +the buttresses of which still remain, that the assailants passed on +that eventful night when Awatobi was destroyed.</p> + +<p>There is good evidence that a massacre of Awatobians occurred in +the southeastern angle of the eastern part of the pueblo, just east of the +mission. If so, it is probable that many of the unfortunates sought +refuge in the outbuildings of the church. Suspecting that such was the +case, I excavated a considerable space of ground at these places and +found many human skulls and other bones thrown together in confusion. +The earth was literally filled with bones, evidently hastily placed there +or left where the dead fell. These bodies were not buried with pious +care, for there were no fragments of mortuary pottery or other indication +of burial objects. Many of the skulls were broken, some pierced +with sharp implements. While it is true that possibly this may have +been a potter's field, or, from its position east of the mission, a Christian +burial place, as at Zuñi, the evidence from the appearance of the bodies +points to a different conclusion. According to the legends, the hostiles +entered the pueblo through the adjacent gateway; their anger led them +especially against those of the inhabitants who were regarded as <i>powako</i> +or sorcerers, and their first acts of violence would naturally have been +toward those who sought refuge in the buildings adjacent the church. +Near this hated "Singing-house" the slaughter began, soon extending +to the kivas and the whole of the eastern section of the village. There +was no evidence of murderous deeds in the rooms of the western section +of the old pueblo, and the legends agree in relating that most of the +men were in kivas, not far from the mission, when the village was +overthrown. There is no legendary evidence that there were any Spanish +priests in the mission at the time of its destruction, and there is no +record extant of any Spaniards losing their lives at Awatobi at the +time of its destruction, although the fact of the occurrence, according +to Bandelier,<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> was recorded.</p> + +<p>The traditional clans which inhabited Awatobi were the Awata +(Bow), Honani (Badger), Piba (Tobacco), and Buli (Butterfly). The +Bow people appear to have been the most important of these, since +their name was applied to the village. Their totemic signatures, in +pictographic form, may still be seen on the sides of the cliff under<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_611" id="Page_611">[Pg 611]</a></span> +Awatobi, and in the ruins was found a fine arrowshaft polisher on +which was an incised drawing of a bow and an arrow, suggesting that +the owner was a member of the Bow phratry. Saliko, the chief of the +woman's society known as the Mamzrautû, insists that this priesthood +was strong in the fated pueblo, and that a knowledge of its mysteries +was brought to Walpi by one of the women who was saved.</p> + +<p>It is claimed by the folklorists of the Tataukyamû, a priesthood +which, controls the New-fire ceremonies at Walpi, and is prominent in +the Soyaluña, or the rites of the winter solstice, that the Piba or +Tobacco phratry brought the fetishes of that society to Walpi, and +there are many obscurely known resemblances between the Mamzrauti +and the Wüwütcimti celebrations in Walpi which appear to support +that claim. The Piba phratry is likewise said to have come to Walpi +comparatively late in the history of the village, which fact points the +same way.</p> + +<p>Undoubtedly Awatobi received additions to its population from the +south when the pueblos on the Little Colorado were abandoned, and +there are obscure legends which support that belief; but the largest +numbers were recruited from the pueblos in the eastern section of the +country.<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a></p> + + +<h4>THE KIVAS OF AWATOBI</h4> + +<p>A pueblo of the size of Awatobi, with so many evidences of long +occupancy, would no doubt have several ceremonial chambers or +kivas, but as yet no one has definitely indicated their positions. I +have already called attention to evidences that if they existed they +were probably to be looked for in the open court east of the western +mounds and in the space north of the mission. In all the inhabited +Tusayan pueblos the kivas are separated from the house clusters +and are surrounded by courts or dance plazas. No open spaces +existed in the main or western mounds of Awatobi, and there was +no place there for kivas unless the pueblo was exceptional in having +such structures built among the dwellings, as at Zuñi. A tradition has +survived that Awatobi had regular kivas, partially subterranean, of +rectangular shape, and that they were situated in open courts. This +would indicate that the space east of the oldest part of the ruin may +have been the sites of these chambers. The old priests whom I have +consulted in regard to the probable positions of Awatobi kivas have +invariably pointed out the mounds north of the mission walls in the +eastern section of the ruin as the location of the kivas, and in 1892 I +proved to my satisfaction that these directions were correct.</p> + +<p>There is no reason to suppose that the kiva was a necessity in the +ancient performance of the Tusayan ritual, and there are still performed +many ceremonials as secret and as sacred as any others which occur +in rooms used as dwellings or for the storage of corn. Thus, the Flute<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_612" id="Page_612">[Pg 612]</a></span> +ceremony, one of the most complicated in Tusayan, is not, and according +to legends never was, performed in a kiva. On the contrary, the +secret rites of the Flute society are performed in the ancestral Flute +chamber or home of the oldest woman of the Flute clan. Originally, I +believe, the same was true in the case of other ceremonials, and that +the kiva was of comparatively recent introduction into Tusayan.<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a></p> + +<p>Speaking of the sacred rooms of Awatobi, Mindeleff says: "No traces +of kivas were visible at the time the ruin was surveyed," but Stephen +is quoted in a legend that "the people of Walpi had partly cleaned +out one of these chambers and used it as a depository for ceremonial +plume-sticks, but the Navaho carried off their sacred deposits, tempted +probably by their market value as ethnologic specimens." It is true +that while from a superficial examination of the Awatobi mounds the +position of the kivas is difficult to locate, a little excavation brings +their walls to light. It is likewise quite probable that the legend +reported by Stephen has a basis in fact, and that the people at Walpi +may have used old shrines in Awatobi, after its destruction, as the +priests of Mishoñinovi do at the present time; but I very much doubt if +the Navaho sold any of the sacred prayer emblems from these fanes. It +is hardly characteristic of these people to barter such objects among +one another, and no specimens from the shrines appear to have made +their way into the numerous collections of traders known to me. There +is, however, archeological evidence revealed by excavations that the +room centrally placed in the court north of the mission contained a +shrine in its floor on the night Awatobi fell.</p> + +<p>In 1892, while removing the soil from a depression about the middle of +the eastern court of Awatobi, about 100 feet north of the northern +wall of the mission, I laid bare a room 28 by 14 feet, in which were +found a skull and many other human bones which, from their disposition, +had not been buried with care. The discovery of these skeletons +accorded with the Hopi traditions that this was one of the rooms +in which the men of Awatobi were gathered on the fatal night, and the +inclosure where many died. I was deterred from further excavation +at that place by the horror of my workmen at the desecration of the +chamber. In 1895, however, I determined to continue my earlier +excavations and to trace the course of the walls of adjacent rooms. +The results obtained in this work led to a new phase of the question, +which sheds more light on the character of the rooms in the middle of +the eastern court of Awatobi. Instead of a single room at this point, +there are three rectangular chambers side by side, all of about the +same size (<a href="#PL_CVIII">plate <span class="smcap">cviii</span></a>). In the center of the floor of the middle room, +6 feet below the surface, I came upon a cist or stone shrine. As the +workmen approached the floor they encountered a stone slab, horizontally +placed in the pavement of the room. This slab was removed, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_613" id="Page_613">[Pg 613]</a></span> +below it was another flat stone which was perforated by a rectangular +hole just large enough to admit the hand and forearm. This second +slab was found to cover a stone box, the sides of which were formed +of stone slabs about 2-1/2 feet square. On the inner faces of the upright +slabs rain-cloud symbols were painted. These symbols were of terrace +form, in different colors outlined with black lines. One of the stones +bore a yellow figure, another a red, and a third white. The color of the +fourth was not determinable, but evidently, from its position relatively +to the others, was once green. This arrangement corresponds with +the present ceremonial assignment of colors to the cardinal points, or +at least the north and south, as at the present time, were yellow and +red, respectively, and presumably the white and green were on the east +and west sides of the cist. The colors are still fairly bright and may +be seen in the restoration of this shrine now in the National Museum.</p> + +<p>There was no stone floor to this shrine, but within it were found +fragments of prayer-plumes or pahos painted green, but so decayed +that, when exposed to sunlight, some of them fell into dust. There +were likewise fragments of green carbonate of copper and kaolin, a +yellow ocher, and considerable vegetal matter mixed with the sand. +All these facts tend to the belief that this crypt was an ancient shrine +in the floor of a chamber which may have been a kiva.</p> + +<p>The position of this room with a shrine in the middle of the court is +interesting in comparison with that of similar shrines in some of the +modern Hopi pueblos. Shrines occupy the same relative position in +Sichomovi, Hano, Shipaulovi, and elsewhere, and within them sacred +prayer-offerings are still deposited on ceremonial occasions. At Walpi, +in the middle of the plaza, there is a subterranean crypt in which offerings +are often placed, as I have elsewhere described in treating of +certain ceremonies. This shrine is not visible, for a slab of stone which +is placed over it lies on a level with the plaza, and is securely luted in +place with adobe. There are similar subterranean prayer crypts in +other Tusayan villages. They represent the traditional opening, or +<i>sipapu</i>, through which, in Pueblo cosmogony, races crawled to the +surface of the earth from an underworld. In Awatobi also there is a +similar shrine, for the deposit of prayer-offerings, almost in the middle +of a plaza bounded on three sides by the mission, the spur of many-storied +houses, and the wall with a gateway, while the remaining side +was formed by the great communal houses of the western part of the +pueblo.</p> + +<p>While we were taking from their ancient resting places the slabs of +stone which formed this Awatobi shrine, the workmen reminded me +how closely it resembled the <i>pahoki</i> used by the <i>katcinas</i>, and when, a +month later, I witnessed the <i>Nimán-katcina</i> ceremony at Walpi, and +accompanied the chief, Intiwa, when he deposited the prayer-sticks in +that shrine,<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> I was again impressed by the similarity of the two, one in a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_614" id="Page_614">[Pg 614]</a></span> +ruin deserted two centuries ago, the other still used in the performance +of ancient rites, no doubt much older than the overthrow of the great +pueblo of Antelope mesa.</p> + + +<h4>OLD AWATOBI</h4> + +<p>The western mounds of Awatobi afford satisfactory evidence that +they cover the older rooms of the pueblo, and show by their compact +form that the ancient village in architectural plan was similar to modern +Walpi. They indicate that Awatobi was of pyramidal form, was symmetrical, +three or four stories high,<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> without a central plaza, but probably +penetrated by narrow courts or passages. No great ceremonial +dance could have taken place in the heart of the pueblo, since there +was not sufficient space for its celebration, but it must have occurred +outside the village, probably in the open space to the east, near where +the ruined walls of the mission now stand.</p> + +<p>From the nature of the western mounds I found it advantageous to +begin the work of excavation in the steep decline on the southern side, +and to penetrate the mound on the level of its base or the rock formation +which forms its foundation. In this way all the débris could advantageously +be moved and thrown over the side of the mesa. We began +to open the mounds, therefore, on the southern side, making converging +trenches at intervals, working toward their center. We found that these +trenches followed continuous walls connected by cross partitions, forming +rooms, and that these were continued as far as we penetrated. +The evidence is good that these rooms are followed by others which +extend into the deepest part of the mound. We likewise excavated at +intervals over the whole surface of the western area of Awatobi, and +wherever we dug, walls of former rooms, which diminished in altitude +on the northern side, were found. From these excavations I concluded +that if any part of the western mound was higher than the remainder, +it was on the southern side just above the edge of the mesa, and from +that highest point the pueblo diminished in altitude to the north, in +which direction it was continued for some distance in low, single-story +rooms.</p> + + +<h4>ROOMS OF THE WESTERN MOUND</h4> + +<p>The older or western portion of Awatobi is thus believed to be made +up of a number of high mounds which rise steeply, and for a considerable +height from the southern edge of the cliff, from which it slopes +more gradually to the north and west. On account of this steep declivity +we were able to examine, in vertical section, the arrangement of the +rooms, one above the other (<a href="#Fig_256">figure 256</a>). By beginning excavations on +the rocky foundation and working into the mound, parallel walls were +encountered at intervals as far as we penetrated. From the edge of +the cliff there seemed to extend a series of these parallel walls, which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_615" id="Page_615">[Pg 615]</a></span> +were united by cross partitions, forming a series of rooms, one back of +another. The deeper we penetrated the mound the higher the walls +were found to be, and this was true of the excavations along the whole +southern side of the elevation (<a href="#PL_CIX">plate <span class="smcap">cix</span></a>). If, as I suspect, these parallel +walls extend to the heart of the mounds, the greatest elevation of +the former buildings must have been four stories. It would likewise +seem probable that the town was more or less pyramidal, with the +highest point somewhat back from the one- or two-story walls at the +edge of the cliff, a style of architecture still preserved in Walpi. The +loftiest wall, which was followed down to the floor, was 15 feet high, +but as that was measured over 20 feet below the apex of the mound, it +would seem that, from a distance, there would be a wall 30 feet high in +the center of the mound. Even counting 7 feet as the height of each +story we would have four stories above the foundation, and this, I +believe, was the height of the old pueblo. But probably the wall did +not rise to this height at the edge of the mesa, where it could not have +been more than one or two stories high. There is no evidence of the +former existence of an inclosed court of any considerable size between +the buildings and the cliff, although a passage probably skirted the +brink of the precipice, and house ladders may have been placed on<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_616" id="Page_616">[Pg 616]</a></span> +that side for ready access to upper rooms. By a series of platforms or +terraces, which were in fact the roofs of the houses, one mounted to +the upper stories which formed the apex of the pueblo.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="PL_CIX" id="PL_CIX"></a> +<img src="images/platecix.jpg" width="600" height="351" alt="PL. CIX— +EXCAVATIONS IN THE WESTERN MOUND OF AWATOBI" title="PL. CIX— +EXCAVATIONS IN THE WESTERN MOUND OF AWATOBI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CIX</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">EXCAVATIONS IN THE WESTERN MOUND OF AWATOBI</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_256" id="Fig_256"></a> +<img src="images/fig256.jpg" width="600" height="485" alt="Fig. 256—Structure of house wall of Awatobi" title="Fig. 256—Structure of house wall of Awatobi" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 256—Structure of house wall of Awatobi</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>On the western, northern, and eastern sides the slope is more gradual, +and while there are many obscurely marked house plans visible over +the surface, even quite near the top of the elevation, they are doubtless +the remains of single-story structures. This leads me to suspect that +when Awatobi was built it was reared on a mound of soil or sand, and +not on the solid rock surface of the mesa. The configuration, then, +shows that the pueblo sloped by easy decline to the plain to the north, +but rose more abruptly from the south and west. There are low extramural +mounds to the north, showing that on this side the dwellings +were composed of straggling chambers. The general character of the +rooms on the level slope at the western side of old Awatobi is shown +in the accompanying illustration (<a href="#PL_CX">plate <span class="smcap">cx</span></a>). The peculiarity of these +rooms appears by a comparison with the many-story chambers of the +southern declivity of the ruin. Extending the excavations four feet +below the surface we encountered a floor which rested on solid earth, +and there were no signs of walls beneath it. This was without doubt +a single-story house, the roof of which had disappeared. The surrounding +surface of the ground is level, but the tops of adjoining walls +of rooms may readily be traced near by.</p> + +<p>The room was rectangular, twice as long as wide, and without passageways +into adjoining chambers. The northern, eastern, and western +walls were unbroken, and there was nothing peculiar in the floor of +these sections; but we found a well-preserved, elevated settle at the +southern side, extending two-thirds of the length of the main wall to a +small side wall, inclosing a square recess, the object of which is +unknown to me.</p> + +<p>All walls were smoothly plastered, and the floor was paved with flat +stones set in adobe. The singular inclosure at the southern corner +could not be regarded as a fireplace, for there was no trace of soot upon +its walls. I incline to the belief that it may have served as a closet, +or possibly as a granary. Its arrangement is not unlike that in certain +modern rooms at Walpi.</p> + +<p>An examination of the masonry of the rooms of the western mounds +of Awatobi shows that the component stones were in a measure dressed +into shape, which was, as a rule, cubical. In this respect they differ +from the larger stones of which the mission walls were built, for in this +masonry the natural cleavage is utilized for the face of the wall.</p> + +<p>The differences between the masonry of the mission and that of the +room in which we found a chief buried were very marked. In the +former, elongated slabs of stone, without pecking or dressing, were +universal, while in the latter the squared stones were laid in courses +and neatly fitted together. The partitions likewise are narrower, being +not more than 6 inches thick.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="PL_CX" id="PL_CX"></a> +<img src="images/platecx.jpg" width="600" height="372" alt="PL. CX— +EXCAVATED ROOM IN THE WESTERN MOUND OF AWATOBI" title="PL. CX— +EXCAVATED ROOM IN THE WESTERN MOUND OF AWATOBI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CX</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">EXCAVATED ROOM IN THE WESTERN MOUND OF AWATOBI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_617" id="Page_617">[Pg 617]</a></span></p> +<h4>SMALLER AWATOBI</h4> + +<p>About an eighth of a mile west of the great mounds of Awatobi there +is a small rectangular ruin, the ground plan of which is well marked, +and in which individual houses are easy to trace. Like its larger neighbor, +it stands on the very edge of the mesa. None of its walls rise above +the surface of the mounds, which, however, are considerably elevated +and readily distinguished for some distance. The pueblo was built in +the form of a rectangle of single-story houses surrounding a plaza. +There was an opening or entrance on the southern side, near which +is a mound, possibly the remains of a kiva. A trail now passes directly +through the ruin and down the mesa side to Jeditoh valley, probably +the pathway by which the ancient inhabitants ascended the cliff. The +Hopi Indians employed by me in excavating Awatobi had no name for +this ruin and were not familiar with its existence before I pointed it out +to them. For want of a better interpretation I have regarded it as a +colony of old Awatobi, possibly of later construction.</p> + +<p>Excavations in its mounds revealed no objects of interest, although +fragments of beautiful pottery, related to that found at Awatobi and +Sikyatki, show that it must have been made by people of the older or +best epoch<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> of Tusayan ceramics.</p> + + +<h4>MORTUARY REMAINS</h4> + +<p>Although it is well known that the ancient inhabitants of the great +houses of the Gila-Salado drainage buried some of their dead within +their dwellings, or in other rooms, and that the same mortuary practice +was observed in ancient Zuñi-Cibola, up to the time of my excavations +this form of burial had never been found in Tusayan. I am now able +to record that the same custom was practiced at Awatobi.</p> + +<p>Excavation made in the southeastern declivity of the western mounds +led to a burial chamber in which we found the well-preserved skeleton +of an old man, apparently a priest. The body was laid on the floor, +at full length, and at his head, which pointed southward, had been +placed, not mortuary offerings of food in bowls, but insignia of his +priestly office. Eight small objects of pottery were found on his left side +(<a href="#PL_CXII">plate <span class="smcap">cxii</span></a>, <i>a</i>, <i>b</i>, <i>d</i>, <i>e</i>). Among these was a symmetrical vase of beautiful +red ware (<a href="#PL_CXI">plate <span class="smcap">cxi</span></a>, <i>a</i>) richly decorated with geometric patterns, +and four globular paint pots, each full of pigment of characteristic +color. These paint pots were of black-and-white ware, and contained, +respectively, yellow ocher, sesquioxide of iron, green copper carbonate,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_618" id="Page_618">[Pg 618]</a></span> +and micaceous hematite (<a href="#PL_CXIII">plate <span class="smcap">cxiii</span></a>, <i>a</i>, <i>d</i>, <i>e</i>) such as is now called +<i>yayala</i> and used by the Snake priests in the decoration of their faces. +There were also many arrowpoints in an earthen colander, and a ladle +was luted over the mouth of the red vase. My native excavators pronounced +this the grave of a warrior priest. The passageways into this +chamber of death had all been closed, and there were no other mortuary +objects in the room. This was the only instance of intramural interment +which I discovered in the excavations at Awatobi, but a human +bone was found on the floor of another chamber. So far as known the +Awatobi people buried most of their dead outside the town, either in +the foothills at the base of the mesa, or in the adjacent sand-dunes.</p> + +<p>The work of excavating the graves at the foot of the mesa was +desultory, as I found no single place where many interments had been +made. Several food vessels were dug up at a grave opened by Kópeli, +the Snake chief. I was not with him when he found the grave, but he +called me to see it soon after its discovery. We took from this excavation +a sandstone fetish of a mountain-lion, a fragment of the bottom +of a basin perforated with holes as if used as a colander. Deposited +in this fragment were many stone arrowheads, several fragments of +green paint, a flat green paho ornamented with figures of dragon-flies +in black. In addition to a single complete prayer-stick there were +fragments of many others too much broken to be identified. One of +these was declared by Kópeli to be a chief's paho. The grave in which +these objects were found was situated about halfway down the side of +the mesa to the southward of the highest mounds of the western +division of the pueblo.</p> + +<p>Here and there along the base of all the foothills south of Awatobi +are evidences of former burials, and complete bowls, dippers, and vases +were unearthed (<a href="#PL_CXIII">plate <span class="smcap">cxiii</span></a>, <i>b</i>, <i>c</i>). The soil is covered with fragments +of pottery, and in places, where the water has washed through them, +exposing a vertical section of the ground, it was found that the fragments +of pottery extended through the soil sometimes to a depth of +fifty feet below the surface. There was evidence, however, that this +soil had been transported more or less by rain water, which often +courses down the sides of the mesa in impetuous torrents.</p> + +<p>Human bones and mortuary vessels were found south of the mission +near the trail, at the foot of the mesa. In a single grave, a foot +below the surface, there were two piles of food bowls, each pile containing +six vessels, all broken.</p> + +<p>The cemetery northwest of Awatobi, where the soil is sandy and easy +to excavate, had been searched by others, and many beautiful objects +of pottery taken from it. This burial place yielded many bowls (<a href="#PL_CLXVII">plates +<span class="smcap">clxvii</span></a>, <a href="#PL_CLXVIII"><span class="smcap">clxviii</span></a>) and jars, as well as several interesting pahos similar to +those from Sikyatki, which I shall later describe but which have never +before been reported from Awatobi. It was found that one of these +prayer-sticks was laid over the heart of the deceased, and as the skeleton<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_619" id="Page_619">[Pg 619]</a></span> +was in a sitting posture, with the hand on the breast, the prayer-stick +may thus have been held at the time of burial. Our success +in finding places of interment on all sides of Sikyatki, irrespective of +direction, leads me to suspect that further investigation of the sand-dunes +north of Awatobi will reveal graves at that point.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 408px;"><a name="PL_CXI" id="PL_CXI"></a> +<img src="images/platecxi.jpg" width="408" height="600" alt="PL. CXI— +VASE AND MUGS FROM THE WESTERN MOUNDS OF AWATOBI" title="PL. CXI— +VASE AND MUGS FROM THE WESTERN MOUNDS OF AWATOBI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXI</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">VASE AND MUGS FROM THE WESTERN MOUNDS OF AWATOBI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>I have already called attention to the great abundance of charred +corn found in the rooms north of the mission. Renewed work in this +quarter revealed still greater quantities of this corn stacked in piles, +sometimes filling the entire side of a room. Evidently, as I have elsewhere +shown, the row of rooms at this part of the ruin were burned +with all their contents. The corn was not removed from the granaries, +as it would have been if the place had been gradually abandoned. +When an Indian burns stored corn in such quantities as were found at +Awatobi we can not believe he was bent on pillage, and it is an +instructive fact that thus far no stacked corn has been found in the +western or most ancient section of Awatobi.</p> + + +<h4>SHRINES</h4> + +<p>Although Awatobi was destroyed almost two centuries ago, the +shrines of the old pueblo were used for many years afterward, and are +even now frequented by some of the Mishoñinovi priests. In one of +these ancient depositories two wooden figurines sat in state up to within +a few years ago.</p> + +<p>This shrine lies below the ruins of the mission, among the bowlders +on the side of the cliff, about fifty feet from the edge of the mesa, and +is formed in an eroded cavity in the side of a bowlder of unusual size. +A rude wall had been built before this recess, which opened to the +east, and apparently the orifice was closed with logs, which have now +fallen in. The present appearance of this shrine is shown in the +accompanying illustration (<a href="#Fig_257">figure 257</a>).</p> + +<p>In former times two wooden idols, called the <i>Alosaka</i>, were kept in +this crypt, in much the same manner as the Dawn Maid is now sealed +up by the Walpians, when not used in the New-fire ceremony, as I have +described in my account of <i>Naacnaiya</i>.<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> Mr Thomas V. Keam, not +knowing that the Awatobi idols were still used in the Mishoñinovi +ritual, had removed them to his residence, but when this was known a +large number of priests begged him to return them, saying that they +were still used in religious exercises. With that consideration which +he has always shown to the Indians, Mr Keam allowed the priests to +take the images of <i>Alosaka</i>. The figurines were this time carried to +Mishoñinovi, the priests sprinkling a line of meal along the trail over +which they carried them. The two idols<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> have not been seen by white<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_620" id="Page_620">[Pg 620]</a></span> +people since that time, and are now, no doubt, in some hidden crypt +near the Mishoñinovi village.</p> + +<p>There is a shrine of simple character, near the ruins of smaller Awatobi, +which bears evidence of antiquity (<a href="#Fig_258">figure 258</a>). It consisted, in +1892, of a circle of small stones in which were two large water-worn +stones and a fragment of petrified wood. There was no evidence that +it had lately been used.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 463px;"><a name="Fig_257" id="Fig_257"></a> +<img src="images/fig257.jpg" width="463" height="580" alt="Fig. 257—Alosaka shrine at Awatobi" title="Fig. 257—Alosaka shrine at Awatobi" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 257—Alosaka shrine at Awatobi</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>On the extreme western point of the mesa, at the very edge of the +cliff, there was also a simple shrine (<a href="#Fig_259">figure 259</a>). Judging from its +general appearance, this, likewise, had not been used in modern times, +but there were several old prayer-sticks not far away.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 391px;"><a name="PL_CXII" id="PL_CXII"></a> +<img src="images/platecxii.jpg" width="391" height="600" alt="PL. CXII— +PAINT POTS, BOWL, AND DIPPER FROM AWATOBI" title="PL. CXII— +PAINT POTS, BOWL, AND DIPPER FROM AWATOBI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">PAINT POTS, BOWL, AND DIPPER FROM AWATOBI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>At the foot of the mesa, below the point last mentioned, however, +there is a shrine (<a href="#Fig_260">figure 260</a>), the earth of which contained hundreds +of prayer-sticks, in all stages of decay, while some of them had been +placed there only a few days before my visit. This shrine, I was told,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_621" id="Page_621">[Pg 621]</a></span> +is still used by the Mishoñinovi priests in their sacred observances. +Among other forms of prayer offerings there were many small wooden +cylinders with radiating +sticks connected +with yarn, the symbolic +prayer offering +for squashes.<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> In former +times Antelope +valley was the garden +spot of Tusayan, and +from what we know of +the antiquity of the +cultivation of squashes in the Southwest, there is little doubt that they +were cultivated by the Awatobians, and that similar offerings were +made by the ancient farmers +for a good crop of these vegetables.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_258" id="Fig_258"></a> +<img src="images/fig258.jpg" width="600" height="248" alt="Fig. 258—Shrine at Awatobi" title="Fig. 258—Shrine at Awatobi" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 258—Shrine at Awatobi</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 507px;"><a name="Fig_259" id="Fig_259"></a> +<img src="images/fig259.jpg" width="507" height="320" alt="Fig. 259—Shrine at Awatobi" title="Fig. 259—Shrine at Awatobi" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 259—Shrine at Awatobi</span><br /><br /> +</p> + + +<h4>POTTERY</h4> + +<p>The mounds of Awatobi are +entirely covered with fragments +of pottery of all the +various kinds and colors +known to ancient Tusayan. +There were found coiled and +indented ware, coarse undecorated +vessels, fine yellow and smooth ware with black-and-white and red +decorations. There is no special kind of pottery peculiar to Awatobi, +but it shares +with the other +Tusayan ruins +all types, save +a few fragments +of black +glazed ware, +which occur +elsewhere.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_260" id="Fig_260"></a> +<img src="images/fig260.jpg" width="600" height="423" alt="Fig. 260—Shrine at Awatobi" title="Fig. 260—Shrine at Awatobi" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 260—Shrine at Awatobi</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>It is highly +probable that +the few specimens +of black-and-white +ware +found in this +ruin were not +manufactured +in the village, and the red ware probably came from settlements to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_622" id="Page_622">[Pg 622]</a></span> +south, on the Little Colorado. These colors are in part due to the +character of the paste which was used, and the clay most often selected +by Awatobi potters made a fine yellow vessel. The material from +which most of the vessels were manufactured came, no doubt, from a +bank near the ruin, where there is good evidence that it was formerly +quarried.</p> + +<p>Three coarse clay objects, such as might have been used for roof +drains, were found. The use of these objects, possibly indicated by their +resemblance, is not, however, perfectly clear. Their capacity would not +be equal to the torrents of rain which, no doubt, often fell on the housetops +of Awatobi, and they can hardly be identified as spouts of large +bowls, since they are attached to a circular disk with smooth edges. In +want of a satisfactory explanation I have provisionally regarded them +as water spouts, but whether they are from ancient vessels or from the +roofs of houses I am in much doubt.<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a></p> + +<p>One of the most instructive fragments of pottery taken from the +ruins is that of a coarse clay vessel, evidently a part of a flat basin or +saucer. The rim of this vessel is punctured with numerous holes, +the intervals between which are not greater than the diameter of the +perforations.</p> + +<p>Several platter-like vessels with similar holes about their rims have +been taken from other ruins of Jeditoh valley and mesa, the holes +being regarded as having been made as a means of suspension. Near +a sacred spring called Kawaika,<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> not far from Jeditoh, near Awatobi, +a large number of beautiful vessels with similar holes in their rims +were excavated by Mr T. V. Keam, and later passed into the collections +of the Hemenway Expedition, now installed at Cambridge. They +are of all kinds of ware, widely different in shape, the number of marginal +perforations varying greatly. As they were found in large numbers +near a spring they are regarded as sacrificial vessels, in which food +or sacred meal was deposited as an offering to some water deity. The +handle of a mug (<a href="#PL_CXI">plate <span class="smcap">cxi</span></a>, <i>f</i>) from Awatobi, so closely resembles the +handles of certain drinking cups taken from the cliff-houses of San Juan +valley that it should be specially mentioned. There is in the handle +of this mug a T-shape opening quite similar in form to the peculiar +doorways of certain cliff-dwellings. The mug is made of the finest +white ware, decorated with black lines arranged in geometric patterns. +So close is its likeness in form and texture to cliff-house pottery that +the two may be regarded as identical. Moreover, it is not impossible +that the object may have been brought to Tusayan from Tségi canyon, +in the cliff-houses of which Hopi clans<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> lived while Awatobi was in its +prime, and, indeed, possibly after the tragedy of 1700. The few fragments<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_623" id="Page_623">[Pg 623]</a></span> +of Tségi canyon pottery known to me have strong resemblances +to ancient Hopi ware, although the black-and-white variety predominates.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 385px;"><a name="PL_CXIII" id="PL_CXIII"></a> +<img src="images/platecxiii.jpg" width="385" height="600" alt="PL. CXIII— +POTTERY FROM INTRAMURAL BURIAL AT AWATOBI" title="PL. CXIII— +POTTERY FROM INTRAMURAL BURIAL AT AWATOBI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXIII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">POTTERY FROM INTRAMURAL BURIAL AT AWATOBI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>The collection of pottery from Awatobi is, comparatively speaking, +small, but it shows many interesting forms. Awatobi pottery may be +classed under the same groups as other old Tusayan ceramics, but most +of the specimens collected belong to the yellow, black-and-white, and +red varieties. It resembles that of Sikyatki, but bears little likeness to +modern ware in texture or symbolism. One is impressed by the close +resemblance between the Awatobi pottery and that from the ruins of +the Little Colorado and Zuñi,<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> which no doubt is explained, in part, by +the identity in the constituents of the potter's clay near Awatobi with +that in more southerly regions.</p> + +<p>Evidences of Spanish influence may be traced on certain objects of +pottery from Awatobi, especially on those obtained from the eastern +mounds of the ruin. In most essentials, however, the Awatobi ware +resembles that of the neighboring ruins, and is characteristically +Tusayan.</p> + +<p>The differentiation in modern Cibolan and Tusayan symbolism is +much greater than that of the ancient pottery from the same provinces, +a fact which is believed to point to a similarity, possibly identity, of +culture in ancient times. With this thought in mind, it would be highly +instructive to study the ancient ruins of the Rio Grande region, as +unfortunately no large collections of archeological objects from that part +of the Southwest have been made.<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a></p> + +<p>The majority of the bowls from Awatobi are decorated in geometric +patterns and a few have animal or human figures. The symbols, as +well as the pottery itself, can not be distinguished from those of Sikyatki. +Fragments of glazed ware are not unknown at Awatobi, but so far as +recorded, entire specimens have never been obtained from the latter +ruin.</p> + +<p>In order that the character of the geometric designs on Awatobi +pottery may be better understood, two plates are introduced to illustrate +their modifications in connection with my discussion of the geometric +forms figured on Sikyatki ware. The figures on these bowls +(<a href="#PL_CLXVI">plates <span class="smcap">clxvi</span></a>, <a href="#PL_CLXVII"><span class="smcap">clxvii</span></a>), with one or two exceptions, need no special +description in addition to what is said of Sikyatki geometric designs, +which they closely resemble.</p> + +<p>The cross-shape figure (<a href="#PL_CLXVI">plate <span class="smcap">clxvi</span></a>, <i>b</i>) may profitably be studied in +connection with the account of the modification of Sikyatki sun symbols. +Evidences of the use of a white pigment as a slip were found on<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_624" id="Page_624">[Pg 624]</a></span> +one or two fragments of fine pottery from Awatobi, but no decoration +of this kind was observed on the Sikyatki vessels. The red ware is +the same as that found in ancient Cibola, while one or two fragments +of glossy black recall the type common to modern Santa Clara.</p> + +<p>Two bird-shape vessels, one made of black-and-white ware, the other +red with black-and-white decoration, were found at Awatobi. Large +masses of clay suited to the potter's art were not uncommonly found +in the corners of the rooms or in the niches in their walls. Some of +these masses are of fine paste, the others coarse with grains of sand. +The former variety was used in making the finest Tusayan ceramics; +the latter was employed in modeling cooking pots and other vessels of +ruder finish.</p> + +<p>Several flute-shape objects of clay, with flaring extremities, were +found on the surface of the mounds of Awatobi, and one was taken +from a Sikyatki grave. The use of these objects is unknown to me.</p> + +<p>Among the fragments of dippers from Awatobi are several with +perforations in the bottom, irregularly arranged or in geometric form, +as that of a cross. These colanders were rare at Sikyatki, but I find +nothing in them to betray Spanish influence.<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> Handled dippers or +mugs have been found so often by me in the prehistoric ruins of our +Southwest that I can not accept the dictum that the mug form was not +prehistoric, and the conclusion is legitimate that the Tusayan Indians +were familiar with mugs when the Spaniards came among them. The +handles of the dippers or ladles are single or double, solid or hollow, +simply turned up at one end or terminating with the head of an animal. +The upper side of the ladle handle may be grooved or convex. No +ladle handle decorated with an image of a "mud-head" or clown priest, +so common on modern ladles, was found either at Awatobi or Sikyatki.</p> + +<p>Rudely made imitations in miniature of all kinds of pottery, especially +of ladles, were common. These are regarded as votive offerings, +from the fact that they were found usually in the graves of children, +and were apparently used as playthings before they were buried.</p> + +<p>A common decoration on the handles of ladles is a series of short +parallel lines arranged in alternating longitudinal and transverse zones. +This form of decoration of ladle handles I have observed on similar +vessels from the Casas Grandes of Chihuahua, and it reappears on pottery +in all the ruins I have studied between Mexico and Tusayan. In +the exhibit of the Mexican Government at Madrid in 1892-93 a fine +collection of ancient pottery from Oaxaca was shown, and I have drawings +of one of these ladles with the same parallel marks on the handle +that are found on Pueblo ware from the Gila-Salado, the Cibola, and +the Tusayan regions.</p> + +<p>The only fragment of pottery from Awatobi or Sikyatki with designs +which could be identified with any modern picture of a <i>katcina</i> was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_625" id="Page_625">[Pg 625]</a></span> +found, as might be expected, in the former ruin. This small fragment +is instructive, in that it indicates the existence of the <i>katcina</i> cult in +Tusayan before 1700; but the rarity of the figures of these supernatural +beings is very suggestive. The fragment in question is of ancient +ware, resembling the so-called orange type of pottery, and is apparently +a part of the neck of a vase. The figure represents Wupamo, the +Great-cloud <i>katcina</i>, and is marked like the doll of the same as it +appears in the <i>Powamû</i> or February celebration at Walpi.<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a></p> + +<p>The associates of the <i>katcinas</i> are the so-called "mud-heads" or +clowns, an order of priests as widely distributed as the Pueblo area. In +Tusayan villages they are called the Tcukuwympkia, and are variously +personated. As they belong especially to the <i>katcina</i> cult, which is +naturally supposed to have been in vogue at Awatobi, I was greatly +interested in the finding of a fragment representing a grotesque head +which reminded me of a glutton of the division of the Tcukuwympkia +called Tcuckutû. While there may be some doubt of the validity of my +identification, yet, taken in connection with the fragment of a vase with +the face of Wupamo, I think there is no doubt that the <i>katcina</i> cult was +practiced at Awatobi.</p> + + +<h4>STONE IMPLEMENTS</h4> + +<p>Comparatively few stone implements, such as mauls, hammers, axes, +and spearpoints, were found; but some of those unearthed from the +mounds are finely finished, being regular in form and highly polished. +There were many spherical stones, resembling those still sometimes used +in Tusayan on important occasions as badges of authority. These stones +were tied in a buckskin bag, which was attached to a stick and used +as a warclub. Many of the axes were grooved for hafting; one of +the specimens was doubly grooved and had two cutting edges. By +far the largest number were blunt at one pole and sharpened at the +opposite end. A single highly polished specimen (<a href="#PL_CLXXI">plate <span class="smcap">clxxi</span></a>, <i>f</i>) +resembles a type very common in the Gila Salado ruins.</p> + +<p>Arrowheads, some of finely chipped obsidian, were common, being +frequently found in numbers in certain mortuary bowls. Three or four +specimens of other kinds of implements fashioned from this volcanic +glass were picked up on the surface of the mounds.</p> + +<p>Metates, or flat stones for grinding corn, were dug up in several +houses; they were in some instances much worn, and were eagerly +sought by the Indian women who visited our camp. These specimens +differ in no respect from similar mealing stones still used at Walpi +and other modern Tusayan pueblos. Many were made of very coarse<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_626" id="Page_626">[Pg 626]</a></span> +stone<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> for use in hulling corn preparatory to grinding; others were of +finer texture, and both kinds were accompanied by the corresponding +mano or muller held in the hand in grinding meal.</p> + +<p>The modern Hopi often use as seats in their kivas cubical blocks +of stone with depressions in two opposite sides which serve as handholds +by which they are carried from place to place. Two of these +stones, about a cubic foot in size, were taken out of the chamber +which I have supposed to be the Awatobi kiva. In modern Tusayan +these seats are commonly made of soft sandstone, and are so few in +number that we can hardly regard them as common. They are often +used to support the uprights of altars when they are erected, and I +have seen priests grind pigments in the depressions. Incidentally, it +may be said that I have never seen priests use chairs in any kiva celebration; +nor do they have boxes to sit upon. During the droning of +the tedious songs they have nothing under them except a folded +blanket or sheepskin.</p> + +<p>Excavations in the Awatobi rooms revealed several interesting shallow +mortars used for grinding pigments, but no one of these is comparable +in finish with that shown in the accompanying illustration +(<a href="#PL_CLXXII">plate <span class="smcap">clxxii</span></a>, <i>a</i>). This object is made of a hard stone in the form of a +perfect parallelopipedon with slightly rounded faces. The depression +is shallow, and when found there was a discoloration of pigment upon +its surface.</p> + +<p>In almost every house that bore evidence of former occupancy, beautifully +made mullers and metates were exhumed. These were ordinarily +in place in the corner of the chamber, and were much worn, as if by +constant use. In one grave there was found a metate reversed over a +skeleton, probably that of a woman—although the bones were so disintegrated +that the determination of the sex of the individual was impossible. +Several of these metates were taken by Indian women, who +prized them so highly that they loaded the stones on burros and carried +them ten miles to Walpi, where they are now applied to the same purpose +for which they were used over two centuries ago.</p> + +<p>On the surface of the mesa, beyond the extension of the ground plan +of the ruin, there are many depressions worn in the rocks where the +Awatobi women formerly whetted their grinding stones, doubtless in +the manner practiced by the modern villagers of Tusayan. These +depressions are especially numerous near the edge of the cliff, between +the eastern and western sections of the ruin.<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a></p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="PL_CXIV" id="PL_CXIV"></a> +<img src="images/platecxiv.jpg" width="600" height="390" alt="PL. CXIV— +BONE IMPLEMENTS FROM AWATOBI AND SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXIV— +BONE IMPLEMENTS FROM AWATOBI AND SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXIV</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">BONE IMPLEMENTS FROM AWATOBI AND SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_627" id="Page_627">[Pg 627]</a></span></p> +<h4>BONE OBJECTS</h4> + +<p>A large and varied collection of bone implements was gathered at +Awatobi, and a few additional specimens were exhumed from Sikyatki. +It is worthy of note that, as a rule, bone implements are more common +in houses than in graves; and since the Awatobi excavations were conducted +mostly in living rooms, while those at Sikyatki were largely +in the cemeteries, the bone implements from the former pueblo far +outnumber those from the latter.</p> + +<p>The collection consists of awls, bodkins, needles, whistles, and tubes +made of the bones of birds and quadrupeds. The two animals which +contributed more than others to these objects were the turkey and the +rabbit, although there were fragments of the horns and shin-bones of +the antelope or deer. Several of these specimens were blackened by +fire, and one was stained with green pigment. There was also evidence +of an attempt at ornamenting the implements by incised lines, while +one was bound with string. Bones of animals which had served for +food were very common in all the excavations at Awatobi, especially +near the floors of the houses. With the exception of a number of +large bones of a bear, found in one of the houses in the northern range +of the eastern section, these bones were not carefully collected.</p> + +<p><a href="#PL_CXIV">Plate <span class="smcap">cxiv</span></a> gives a general idea of some of the forms of worked +bone which were obtained. Figure <i>a</i> shows an awl, for the handle of +which one of the trochanters was used, the point at the opposite end +being very sharp; <i>b</i> and <i>c</i> are similar objects, but slighter, and more +carefully worked; <i>d</i> is a flattened bone implement perforated with two +holes, and may have been used as a needle. There are similar implements +in the collection, but with a single terminal perforation. Other +forms of bone awls are shown in <i>e</i>, <i>f</i>, <i>g</i>, and <i>j</i>.</p> + +<p>There are a number of bone objects the use of which is problematical. +One of the best of these is a section of the tibia of a bird, cut longitudinally, +convex on the side represented in <a href="#PL_CXIV">plate <span class="smcap">cxiv</span></a>, <i>h</i>, and concave +on the opposite side. When found this bone fragment was tied to a +second similar section by a string (remnants of which can be seen in +the figure), thus forming a short tube. The use of this object is not +known to me, nor were any satisfactory suggestions made by the +Indians whom I consulted in relation to it. This does not apply, however, +to the object illustrated in <a href="#PL_CXIV">plate <span class="smcap">cxiv</span></a>, <i>i</i>, which was declared by +several Hopi to be a bird whistle, similar to that used in ceremonials +connected with medicine making.</p> + +<p>The manner in which a bone whistle is used in imitation of a bird's +call has been noticed by me in the accounts of several ceremonials, and +I will therefore quote the description of its use in the <i>Nimankatcina</i> +at Walpi.<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a></p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_628" id="Page_628">[Pg 628]</a></span></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>Then followed an interval of song and accompanying rattle, at the termination of +which Intiwa's associate took the bird whistle (<i>tatükpi</i>) and blew three times into +the liquid, making a noise not unlike that produced by a toy bird whistle. This +was repeated four times, accompanied by song and rattle. He first inserted the +bone whistle on the north side, then on the other cardinal points in turn. The +monotonous song and rattle then ceased, and Intiwa sprinkled corn pollen on the +ears of corn in the water, and upon the line of pahos.</p></div> + +<p>The object of the whistle is to call the summer birds which are +associated with planting and harvesting. The whistle figures in many +rites, especially in those connected with the making of medicine or +charm liquid.</p> + + +<h4>MISCELLANEOUS OBJECTS</h4> + +<h5><span class="smcap">Ornaments in the Form of Birds and Shells</span></h5> + +<p>In the excavations, as well as on the surface of the mounds at Awatobi, +were found many imitations of marine shells made of clay, often +painted red and ranging from the size of half a dollar to that of the +thumb nail (<a href="#PL_CLXXIII">plate <span class="smcap">clxxiii</span></a>, <i>j-m</i>). On the convex surface of these objects +parallel lines are etched, and they are pierced at the valves for suspension. +I have never found them suspended from the neck of a skeleton, +although their general appearance indicates that they were used as +ornaments. Similarly made clay images of birds (<a href="#PL_CLXXIII">plate <span class="smcap">clxxiii</span></a>, <i>g</i>, <i>h</i>, <i>i</i>) +with extended wings were also found, and of these there are several +different forms in the collection. A small perforated knob at the breast +served for attachment. In the absence of any better explanation of +these objects, I have regarded them as gorgets, or pendants, for personal +decoration.</p> + +<p>In the Awatobi collections there are several small disks made apparently +of pipe clay, which also were probably used as ornaments. These +are very smooth and wonderfully regular in shape—in one case with a +perforation near the rim. Turquois and shell beads were found in considerable +numbers in the excavations at Awatobi, but, as they are similar +to those from Sikyatki, I have reserved a discussion of them for +following pages. A few fragments of shell armlets and wristlets were +also exhumed. These were made generally of the Pacific coast <i>Pectunculus</i>, +so common in the ruins of the Little Colorado.<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a></p> + + +<h5><span class="smcap">Clay Bell</span></h5> + +<p>Copper bells are said to be used in the secret ceremonials of the modern +Tusayan villages, and in certain of the ceremonial foot races metal +bells of great age and antique pattern are sometimes tied about the +waists of the runners. Small copper hawk bells,<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> found in southern<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_629" id="Page_629">[Pg 629]</a></span> +Arizonian ruins, are identical in form and make with those used by the +ancient Nahuatl people. So far as the study of the antiquities of the +ruins of Tusayan immediately about the inhabited towns has gone, we +have no record of the finding of copper bells of any great age. It was, +therefore, with considerable interest that I exhumed from one of the +rooms of the westernmost or oldest section of Awatobi a clay bell (<a href="#Fig_261">figure +261</a>) made in exact imitation of one of the copper bells that have +been reported from several southern ruins (<a href="#PL_CLXXIII">plate <span class="smcap">clxxiii</span></a>, <i>a</i>). While +it may be said that it would be more decisive evidence of the prehistoric +character of this object if Awatobi had not been under Spanish influence +for over a century, still, from the position where it was dug up and +its resemblance to metal bells which are undoubtedly prehistoric, there +seems to be little reason to question its age. As with the imitation of +marine shells in clay, it is probable that in this +bell we have a facsimile of a metal bell with +which the ancient Tusayan people were undoubtedly +familiar.<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a></p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 296px;"><a name="Fig_261" id="Fig_261"></a> +<img src="images/fig261.jpg" width="296" height="354" alt="Fig. 261—Clay Bell from Awatobi (natural size)" title="Fig. 261—Clay Bell from Awatobi (natural size)" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 261—Clay Bell from Awatobi (natural size)</span><br /><br /> +</p> + + +<h5><span class="smcap">Textile Fabrics</span></h5> + +<p>In the very earliest accounts which we have +of Tusayan the Hopi are said to raise cotton and +to weave it into mantles. These mantles, or +"towels" as they were styled by Espejo, were, +according to Castañeda, ornamented with embroidery, +and had tassels at the corners. In +early times garments were made of the fiber of +the maguey, and of feathers and rabbit skins. +Fabrics made of animal fiber are mentioned by Friar Marcos de Niza, +and he was told that the inhabitants of Totonteac obtained the +material from which they were made from animals as large as the +greyhounds which the father had with him. The historical references +which can be mentioned to prove that the Tusayan people, when they +were first visited, knew how to spin and weave are numerous, and +need not be quoted here. That the people of Awatobi made cotton +fabrics there is no doubt, for it is distinctly stated by early visitors +that they were acquainted with the art of weaving, and some of the +presents made to the first Spanish explorers were of native cotton.</p> + +<p>The archeological evidence supports the historical in this particular, +and several fragments of cloth were found in our excavations in the western +mounds of the village. These fragments were of cotton and agave +fiber, of cotton alone, and in one instance of the hair of some unknown +animal. No signs of the famous rabbit-skin blankets were seen, and +from the perishable nature of the material of which they were made it +would be strange if any traces had been discovered. At Sikyatki a small<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_630" id="Page_630">[Pg 630]</a></span> +textile fragment made of feathers was found in one of the burial vases, +but no feather garments or even fragments of the same were unearthed +at Awatobi.</p> + +<p>A woven rope of agave fiber and many charred strings of the same +material were found in a niche in the wall of a house in the eastern +section, and from the same room there was taken a string, over a yard +long, made of human hair. It was suggested to me by one of the Hopi +that this string was part of the coiffure of an Awatobi maid, and that +it was probably used to tie up her hair in whorls above the ears, as is +still the Hopi custom.</p> + +<p>The whole number of specimens of textile fabrics found at Awatobi +was small, and their character disappointing for study, for the conditions +of burial in the soil are not so good for their preservation as in the +dry caves or cliff houses, from which beautifully preserved cloth, made +at a contemporary period, has been taken.</p> + + +<h5><span class="smcap">Prayer-sticks—Pigments</span></h5> + +<p>Among the most significant mortuary objects used by the ancient +Tusayan people may be mentioned the so-called prayer-sticks or pahos. +These were found in several graves, placed on the breast, in the hand, +or at the side of the person interred, and have a variety of form, as +shown in the accompanying illustrations (<a href="#PL_CLXXIV">plates <span class="smcap">clxxiv</span></a>, <a href="#PL_CLXXV"><span class="smcap">clxxv</span></a>). As +I shall discuss the forms and meaning of prayer-sticks in my account +of Sikyatki, where a much larger number were found, I will simply +mention a few of the more striking varieties from Awatobi.</p> + +<p>One of the most instructive of these objects is flat in shape, painted +green, and decorated with figures of a dragon-fly. As this insect is a +symbol of rain, its occurrence on mortuary objects is in harmony with +the Hopi conception of the dead which will later be explained.</p> + +<p>Pahos, in the form of flat slats with a notched extension at one end +were common, but generally were poorly preserved. The prayer-sticks +from the shrine in the middle of the rooms in the plaza of the eastern +section crumbled into fragments when exposed to the air, but they were +apparently small, painted green, and decorated with black spots. On +several of the prayer-sticks the impressions of the string and feathers +that were formerly attached are still readily seen. It is probable that +the solution of a carbonate of copper, with which the green pahos were +so colored, contributed to the preservation of the wood of which they +had been manufactured.</p> + +<p>The only pigments detected on the prayer-sticks are black, red, and +green, and traces of red are found also on the inner surface of a stone +implement from a grave at the base of the mesa. All the pigments used +by the modern Tusayan Indians were found in the intramural burial +already described. My Hopi workmen urged me to give them small fragments +of these paints, regarding them efficacious in their ceremonials.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_631" id="Page_631">[Pg 631]</a></span></p> +<h5><span class="smcap">Objects Showing Spanish Influence</span></h5> + +<p>We would naturally expect to find many objects of Caucasian origin +in the ruins of a pueblo which had been under Spanish influence for a +century. I have already spoken of certain architectural features in +the eastern part of Awatobi which may be traced to the influence of +the Spanish missionaries, and of small objects there were several different +kinds which show the same thing. The old iron knife-blade already +mentioned as having been found among the corn in a storage chamber in +the northern row of houses was not the only metallic object found. Not +far from the mission there were unearthed many corroded iron nails, a +small hook of the same metal, a piece of cast copper, and a fragment of +what appeared to be a portion of a bell. There were several pieces of +glass, the surfaces of which had become ground by the sand which had +beaten upon them during the years in which they had been exposed. +There was found also a fragment of a green glazed cup, which was +undoubtedly of Spanish or Mexican make, and sherds of white china +similar to that sold today by the traders. These latter specimens were, +as a rule, found on the surface of the ground.</p> + +<p>It will therefore appear that the archeology of Awatobi supports the +documentary evidence that the pueblo was under Spanish influence for +some time, and the fact that all the above-mentioned objects were taken +on or in the eastern mounds emphasizes the conclusion that this section +of the town was the part directly under Spanish influences. Nothing +of Spanish manufacture was found in the rooms of the western mounds, +but from this negative evidence there is no reason to suspect that this +section of Awatobi was not inhabited contemporaneously with that in +the vicinity of the mission.</p> + + +<h3><span class="smcap">The Ruins of Sikyatki</span></h3> + +<h4>TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE PUEBLO</h4> + +<p>Very vague ideas are current regarding the character of Hopi culture +prior to Tobar's visit to Tusayan in 1540, and with the exception +of the most meager information nothing concerning it has come down +to us from early historical references in the sixteenth century. It is +therefore interesting to record all possible information in regard to +these people prior to the period mentioned, and this must be done +mainly through archeology.</p> + +<p>Although there are many Tusayan ruins which we have every reason +to believe are older than the time of Coronado, no archeologist has +gathered from them the evidences bearing on prehistoric Tusayan culture +which they will undoubtedly yield. Large and beautiful collections +of pottery ascribed to Tusayan ruins have shown the excellent +artistic taste of the ancient potters of this region, indicating that in +the ceramic art they were far in advance of their descendants. But<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_632" id="Page_632">[Pg 632]</a></span> +these collections have failed to teach, the lesson they might have taught, +from the fact that data concerning the objects composing them are so +indefinite. Very little care had been taken to label these collections +accurately or to collect any specimens but those which were strikingly +beautiful or commercially valuable. It was therefore with the hope of +giving a more precise and comprehensive character to our knowledge +of Tusayan antiquities that I wished to excavate one of the ruins of +this province which was undoubtedly prehistoric. Conditions were +favorable for success at the mounds called by the Indians Sikyatki.<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> +These ruins are situated near the modern Tusayan pueblos of East +Mesa, from which I could hire workmen, and not far from Keam's Canyon, +which could be made a base of supplies. The existing legends +bearing on these ruins, although obscure, are sufficiently definite for +all practical purposes.</p> + +<p>I find no mention of Sikyatki in early historical documents, nor can +the name be even remotely identified with any which has been given to +a Tusayan pueblo. My knowledge of the mounds which mark the site +of this ancient village dates back to 1892, when I visited them with +one of the old men of Walpi, who then and there narrated the legend +of its destruction by the Walpians previously to the advent of the +Spaniards. I was at that time impressed by the extent of the mounds, +and prepared a rough sketch of the ground plan of the former houses, +but from lack of means was unable to conduct any systematic excavation +of the ruin.</p> + +<p>Comparatively nothing concerning the ruin of Sikyatki has been +published, although its existence had been known for several years +previously to my visit. In his brief account Mr Victor Mindeleff<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> +speaks of it as two prominent knolls, "about 400 yards apart," the +summits of which are covered with house walls. He also found portions +of walls on intervening hummocks, but gives no plan of the ruin. +The name, Sikyatki, is referred to the color of the sandstone of which +the walls were built. He found some of the rooms were constructed of +small stones, dressed by rubbing, and laid in mud. The largest chamber +was stated to be 9-1/2 by 4-1/2 feet, and it was considered that many of +the houses were "built in excavated places around the rocky summits +of the knolls."<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> Mr Mindeleff identified the former inhabitants with the +ancestors of the Kokop people, and mentioned the more important +details of their legend concerning the destruction of the village.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_633" id="Page_633">[Pg 633]</a></span></p> + +<p>We can rely on the statement that Sikyatki was inhabited by the +Kokop or Firewood people of Tusayan, who were so named because +they obtained fire from wood by the use of drills. These people are +represented today at Walpi by Katci, whose totem is a picture of +Masauwû, the God of Fire. It is said that the home of the Firewood +people before they built Sikyatki was at Tebuñki, or Fire-house, a round +ruin northeastward from Keam's canyon. They were late arrivals +in Tusayan, coming at least after the Flute people, and probably before +the Honani or Badger people, who brought, I believe, the <i>katcina</i> cult. +Although we can not definitely assert that this cultus was unknown at +Sikyatki, it is significant that in the ruins no ornamental vessel was +found with a figure of a <i>katcina</i> mask, although these figures occur on +modern bowls. The original home of the Kokop people is not known, +but indefinite legends ascribe their origin to Rio Grande valley. They +are reputed to have had kindred in Antelope valley and at the Fire-house, +above alluded to, near Eighteen-mile spring.</p> + +<p>The ruin of Fire-house, one of the pueblos where the Kokop people +are reputed to have lived before they built Sikyatki, is situated on the +periphery of Tusayan. It is built of massive stones and differs from +all other ruins in that province in that it is circular in form. The round +type of ruin is, however, to be seen in the two conical mounds on the +mesa above Sikyatki, which was connected in some way with the inhabitants +who formerly lived at its base.</p> + +<p>The reason the Kokop people left Fire-house is not certain, but it is +said that they came in conflict with Bear clans who were entering the +province from the east. Certain it is that if the Kokop people once +inhabited Fire-house they must have been joined by other clans when +they lived at Sikyatki, for the mounds of this pueblo indicate a village +much larger than the round ruin on the brink of the mesa northeast of +Keam's canyon. The general ground plan of the ruin indicates an +inclosed court with surrounding tiers of houses, suggesting the eastern +type of pueblo architecture.</p> + +<p>The traditional knowledge of the destruction of Sikyatki is very +limited among the present Hopi, but the best folklorists all claim that +it was destroyed by warriors from Walpi and possibly from Middle +Mesa. Awatobi seems not to have taken part in the tragedy, while +Hano and Sichomovi did not exist when the catastrophe took place.</p> + +<p>The cause of the destruction of Sikyatki is not clearly known, and +probably was hardly commensurate with the result. Its proximity to +Walpi may have led to disputes over the boundaries of fields or the +ownership of the scanty water supply. The people who lived there +were intruders and belonged to clans not represented in Walpi, which +in all probability kept hostility alive. The early Tusayan peoples +did not readily assimilate, but quarreled with one another even when +sorely oppressed by common enemies.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_634" id="Page_634">[Pg 634]</a></span></p> + +<p>There is current in Walpi a romantic story connected with the overthrow +of Sikyatki. It is said that a son of a prominent chief, disguised +as a <i>katcina</i>, offered a prayer-stick to a maiden, and as she received it +he cut her throat with a stone knife. He is said to have escaped to the +mesa top and to have made his way along its edge to his own town, +taunting his pursuers. It is also related that the Walpians fell upon +the village of Sikyatki to avenge this bloody deed, but it is much more +likely that there was ill feeling between the two villages for other +reasons, probably disputes about farm limits or the control of the +water supply, inflamed by other difficulties. The inhabitants of the two +pueblos came into Tusayan from different directions, and as they may +have spoken different languages and thus have failed to understand +each other, they may have been mutually regarded as interlopers. +Petty quarrels no doubt ripened into altercations, which probably led +to bloodshed. The forays of the Apache from the south and the Ute +from the north, which began at a later period, should naturally have +led to a defensive alliance; but in those early days confederation was +not dreamed of and the feeling between the two pueblos culminated in +the destruction of Sikyatki. This was apparently the result of a +quarrel between two pueblos of East Mesa, or at least there is no intimation +that the other pueblos took prominent part in it. It is said +that after the destruction some of those who escaped fled to Oraibi, +which would imply that the Walpi and Oraibi peoples, even at that early +date, were not on very friendly terms. If, however, the statement +that Oraibi was then a distinct pueblo be true, it in a way affords a +suggestion of the approximate age<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> of this village.</p> + +<p>There was apparently a more or less intimate connection between the +inhabitants of old Sikyatki and those of Awatobi, but whether or not +it indicates that the latter was founded by the refugees from the former +I have not been able definitely to make out. All my informants agree +that on the destruction of Sikyatki some of its people fled to Awatobi, +but no one has yet stated that the Kokop people were represented in +the latter pueblo. The distinctive clans of the pueblo of Antelope +mesa are not mentioned as living in Sikyatki, and yet the two pueblos +are said to have been kindred. The indications are that the inhabitants +of both came from the east—possibly were intruders, which may have +been the cause of the hostility entertained by both toward the Walpians. +The problem is too complex to be solved with our present limited +knowledge in this direction, and archeology seems not to afford very +satisfactory evidence one way or the other. We may never know +whether the Sikyatki refugees founded Awatobi or simply fled to that +pueblo for protection.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_635" id="Page_635">[Pg 635]</a></span></p> + +<p>There appears to be no good evidence that Sikyatki was destroyed +by fire, nor would it seem that it was gradually abandoned. The larger +beams of the houses have disappeared from many rooms, evidently +having been appropriated in building or enlarging other pueblos.</p> + +<p>There is nothing to show that any considerable massacre of the +people took place when the village was destroyed, in which respect it +differs considerably from Awatobi. There is little doubt that many +Sikyatki women were appropriated by the Walpians, and in support of +this it is stated that the Kokop people of the present Walpi are the +descendants of the people of that clan who dwelt at Sikyatki. This +conclusion is further substantiated by the statements of one of the +oldest members of the Kokop phratry who frequently visited me while +the excavations were in progress.</p> + +<p>The destruction of Sikyatki and its consequent abandonment doubtless +occurred before the Spaniards obtained a foothold in the country. +The aged Hopi folklorists insist that such is the case, and the excavations +did not reveal any evidence to the contrary. If we add to the +negative testimony that Sikyatki is not mentioned in any of the early +writings, and that no fragment of metal, glass, or Spanish glazed pottery +has been taken from it, we appear to have substantial proof of its +prehistoric character.</p> + +<p>In the early times when Sikyatki was a flourishing pueblo, Walpi +was still a small settlement on the terrace of the mesa just below the +present town that bears its name. Two ruins are pointed out as the +sites of Old Walpi, one to the northward of the modern town, and a +second more to the westward. The former is called at present the Ash-heap +house or pueblo, the latter Kisakobi. It is said that the people +whose ancestors formed the nucleus of the more northerly town moved +from there to Kisakobi on account of the cold weather, for it was too +much in the shadow of the mesa. Its general appearance would indicate +it to be older than the more westerly ruin, higher up on the +mesa. It was a pueblo of some size, and was situated on the edge +of the terrace. The refuse from the settlement was thrown over the +edge of the decline, where it accumulated in great quantities. This +débris contains many fragments of characteristic pottery, similar to +that from Sikyatki, and would well repay systematic investigation. +No walls of the old town rise more than a few feet above the surface, +for most of the stones have long ago been used in rebuilding the pueblo +on other sites. Kisakobi was situated higher up on the mesa, and +bears every appearance of being more modern than the ruin below. +Its site may readily be seen from the road to Keam's canyon, on the terrace-like +prolongation of the mesa. Some of the walls are still erect, +and the house visible for a great distance is part of the old pueblo. +This, I believe, was the site of Walpi at the time the Spaniards visited +Tusayan, and I have found here a fragment of pottery which I believe +is of Spanish origin. The ancient pueblo crowned the ridge of the terrace<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_636" id="Page_636">[Pg 636]</a></span> +which narrows here to 30 or 40 feet, so that ancient Walpi was an +elongated pueblo, with narrow passageways and no rectangular court. +I should judge, however, that the pueblo was not inhabited for a great +period, but was moved to its present site after a few generations of occupancy. +The Ash-hill village was inhabited contemporaneously with +Sikyatki, but Kisakobi was of later construction. Neither Sichomovi +nor Hano was in existence when Sikyatki was in its prime, nor, indeed, +at the time of its abandonment. In 1782 Morfi spoke of Sichomovi +as a pueblo recently founded, with but fifteen families. Hano, although +older, was certainly not established before 1700.<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a></p> + +<p>The assertions of all Hopi traditionists that Sikyatki is a prehistoric +ruin, as well as the scientific evidence looking the same way, are +most important facts in considering the weight of deductions in regard +to the character of prehistoric Tusayan culture.</p> + +<p>Although we have no means of knowing how long a period has +elapsed since the occupancy and abandonment of Sikyatki, we are +reasonably sure that objects taken from it are purely aboriginal in +character and antedate the inception of European influence. It is certain, +however, that the Sikyatki people lived long enough in that +pueblo to develop a ceramic art essentially peculiar to Tusayan.</p> + + +<h4>NOMENCLATURE</h4> + +<p>The commonly accepted definition of Sikyatki is "yellow house" +(<i>sikya</i>, yellow; <i>ki</i>, house). One of the most reliable chiefs of Walpi, +however, called my attention to the fact that the hills in the locality +were more or less parallel, and that there might be a relationship +between the parallel valleys and the name. The application of the term +"yellow" would not seem to be very appropriate so far as it is distinctive +of the general color of the pueblo. The neighboring spring, +however, contains water which after standing some time has a yellowish +tinge, and it was not unusual to name pueblos from the color of +the adjacent water or from some peculiarity of the spring, which was +one of the most potent factors in the determination of the site of a +village. Although the name may also refer to a cardinal point, a +method of nomenclature followed in some regions of the Southwest, if +such were the case in regard to Sikyatki it would be exceptional in +Tusayan.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="PL_CXV" id="PL_CXV"></a> +<img src="images/platecxv.jpg" width="600" height="344" alt="PL. CXV— +SIKYATKI MOUNDS FROM THE KANELBA TRAIL" title="PL. CXV— +SIKYATKI MOUNDS FROM THE KANELBA TRAIL" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXV</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">SIKYATKI MOUNDS FROM THE KANELBA TRAIL</span><br /><br /> +</p> + + +<h4>FORMER INHABITANTS OF SIKYATKI</h4> + +<p>The origin of the pueblo settlement at Sikyatki is doubtful, but as I +have shown in my enumeration of the clans of Walpi, the Kokop (Firewood) +and the Isauûh (Coyote) phratries which lived there are supposed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_637" id="Page_637">[Pg 637]</a></span> +to have come into Tusayan from the far east or the valley of the Rio +Grande. The former phratry is not regarded as one of the earliest +arrivals in Tusayan, for when its members arrived at Walpi they +found living there the Flute, Snake, and Water-house phratries. It is +highly probable that the Firewood, or as they are sometimes called the +Fire, people, once lived in the round pueblo known as Fire-house, and as +the form of this ruin is exceptional in Tusayan, and highly characteristic +of the region east of this province, there is archeological evidence +of the eastern origin of the Fire people. Perhaps the most intelligent +folklorist of the Kokop people was Nasyuñweve, who died a few years +ago—unfortunately before I had been able to record all the traditions +which he knew concerning his ancestors. At the present day Katci, +his successor<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> in these sacerdotal duties in the Antelope-Snake mysteries, +claims that his people formerly occupied Sikyatki, and indeed the +contiguous fields are still cultivated by members of that phratry.</p> + +<p>It is hardly possible to do more than estimate the population of +Sikyatki when in its prime, but I do not believe that it was more +than 500;<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> probably 300 inhabitants would be a closer estimate if we +judge from the relative population to the size of the pueblo of Walpi +at the present time. On the basis of population given, the evidences +from the size of the Sikyatki cemeteries would not point to an occupancy +of the village for several centuries, although, of course, the +strict confines of these burial places may not have been determined +by our excavations. The comparatively great depth at which some +of the human remains were found does not necessarily mean great +antiquity, for the drifting sands of the region may cover or uncover +the soil or rocks in a very short time, and the depth at which an object +is found below the surface is a very uncertain medium for estimating +the antiquity of buried remains.</p> + + +<h4>GENERAL FEATURES</h4> + +<p>The ruin of Sikyatki (<a href="#PL_CXV">plates <span class="smcap">cxv</span></a>, <a href="#PL_CXVI"><span class="smcap">cxvi</span></a>) lies about three miles east of +the recent settlement of Tanoan families at Isba or Coyote spring, +near the beginning of the trail to Hano. Its site is in full view from +the road extending from the last-mentioned settlement to Keam's +canyon, and lies among the hills just below the two pyramidal elevations +called Küküchomo, which are visible for a much greater distance. +When seen from this road the mounds of Sikyatki are observed to be +elevated at least 300 feet above the adjacent cultivated plain, but at +the ruin itself this elevation is scarcely appreciable, so gradual is the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_638" id="Page_638">[Pg 638]</a></span> +southerly decline to the arroyo which drains the plain. The ruin is +situated among foothills a few hundred yards from the base of the +mesa, and in the depression between it and the mesa there is a stretch +of sand in which grow peach trees and a few stunted cedars. At this +point, likewise, there is a spring, now feeble in its flow from the +gradually drifting sand, yet sufficient to afford a trickling stream by +means of which an enterprising native, named Tcino, irrigates a small +garden of melons and onions. On all sides of the ruin there are barren +stretches of sand relieved in some places by stunted trees and scanty +vegetation similar to that of the adjacent plains. The soil in the plaza +of the ruin is cultivated, yielding a fair crop of squashes, but is useless +for corn or beans.</p> + +<p>Here and there about the ruins stand great jagged bowlders, relieving +what would otherwise be a monotonous waste of sand. One of +these stony outcrops forms what I have called the "acropolis" of +Sikyatki, which will presently be described. On the eastern side the +drifting sand has so filled in around the elevation on which the ruin +stands that the ascent is gradual, and the same drift extends to the +rim of the mesa, affording access to the summit that otherwise would +necessitate difficult climbing. Along the ridge of this great drift there +runs a trail which passes over the mesa top to a beautiful spring, on +the other side, called Kanelba.<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a></p> + +<p>The highest point of the ruin as seen from the plain is the rocky +eminence rising at the western edge, familiarly known among the +members of my party as the "acropolis." As one approaches the ruin +from a deep gulch on the west, the acropolis appears quite lofty, and a +visitor would hardly suspect that it marks the culminating point of a +ruin, so similar does it appear to surrounding hills of like geologic +character where no vestiges of former house-walls appear.</p> + +<p>The spring from which the inhabitants of the old pueblo obtained +their water supply lies between the ruin and the foot of the mesa, +nearer the latter. The water is yellow in color, especially after it has +remained undisturbed for some time, and the quantity is very limited. +It trickles out of a bed of clay in several places and forms a pool from +which it is drawn to irrigate a small garden and a grove of peach trees. +It is said that when Sikyatki was in its prime this spring was larger +than at present, and I am sure that a little labor spent in digging out +the accumulation of sand would make the water more wholesome +and probably sufficiently abundant for the needs of a considerable +population.</p> + +<p>The nearest spring of potable water available for our excavation +camp at Sikyatki was Kanelba, or Sheep spring, one of the best sources +of water supply in Tusayan. The word Kanelba, containing a Spanish +element, must have replaced a Hopi name, for it is hardly to be supposed +that this spring was not known before sheep were brought into<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_639" id="Page_639">[Pg 639]</a></span> +the country. There is a legend that formerly the site of this spring was +dry, when an ancient priest, who had deposited his <i>tiponi</i>, or chieftain's +badge, at the place, caused the water to flow from the ground; at present +however the water rushes from a hole as large as the arm in the +face of the rock, as well as from several minor openings. It is situated +on the opposite side of the mesa from Sikyatki, a couple of miles +northeastward from the ruin.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 744px;"><a name="PL_CXVI" id="PL_CXVI"></a> +<img src="images/platecxvi.jpg" width="744" height="600" alt="PL. CXVI— +GROUND PLAN OF SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXVI— +GROUND PLAN OF SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXVI</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">GROUND PLAN OF SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>Half-way up the side of the mesa, about opposite Sikyatki, there is a +large reservoir, used as a watering place for sheep. The splash of the +water, as it falls into this reservoir, is an unusual sound in this arid +region, and is worth a tramp of many miles. There are many evidences +that this spring was a popular one in former times. As it +is approached from the top of the mesa, a brief inspection of the +surroundings shows that for about a quarter of a mile, on either side, +there are signs of ancient terraced gardens, walled in with rows of +stones. These gardens have today greatly diminished in size, as compared +with the ancient outlines, and only that portion which is occupied +by a grove of peach trees is now under cultivation, although +there is plenty of water for the successful irrigation of a much larger +tract of land than the gardens now cover.<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> Judging from their size, +many of the peach trees are very old, although they still bear their +annual crop of fruit. Everything indicates, as the legends relate, that +these Kanelba gardens, the walls of which now form sheep corrals, +were long ago abandoned.</p> + +<p>The terraces south of the Kanelba peach grove resemble the lower +terraces of Wipo. About 100 rods farther south, along the foot of +the mesa, on the same level, are a number of unused fields, and a +cluster of house remains. The whole of this terrace is of a type which +shows greater action of the weather than the others, but the boundaries +of the fields are still marked with rows of stones. The adjacent foothills +contain piles of ashes in several places, as if the sites of ancient pottery +kilns, and very old stone inclosures occur on the top of the mesa above +Kanelba. All indications seem to point to the ancient occupancy of +the region about Kanelba by many more farmers than today. Possibly +the inhabitants of Sikyatki, which is only two or three miles away, frequented +this place and cultivated these ancient gardens. Kanelba is +regarded as a sacred spring by several Hopi religious societies of East +Mesa. The Snake priests of Walpi always celebrate a feast there on +the day of the snake hunt to the east in odd years,<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> while in the alternate +years it is visited by the Flute men.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_640" id="Page_640">[Pg 640]</a></span></p> + +<p>The present appearance of Sikyatki (<a href="#PL_CXV">plate <span class="smcap">cxv</span></a>) is very desolate, and +when visited by our party previously to the initiation of the work, +seemed to promise little in the way of archeological results. No walls +were standing above ground, and the outlines of the rooms were very +indistinct. All we saw at that time was a series of mounds, irregularly +rectangular in shape, of varying altitude, with here and there +faint traces of walls. Prominent above all these mounds, however, was +the pinnacle of rock on the northwestern corner, rising abruptly from +the remainder of the ruin, easily approached from the west and sloping +more gradually to the south. This rocky elevation, which we styled +the acropolis, was doubtless once covered with houses.</p> + +<p>On the western edge of the ruin a solitary farmhouse, used during +the summer season, had been constructed of materials from the old +walls, and was inhabited by an Indian named Lelo and his family during +our excavations. He is the recognized owner of the farm land +about Sikyatki and the cultivator of the soil in the old plaza of the +ruins. Jakwaina, an enterprising Tewan who lives not far from Isba, +the spring near the trail to Hano, has also erected a modern house +near the Sikyatki spring, but it had not been completed at the time of +our stay. Probably never since its destruction in prehistoric times have +so many people as there were in our party lived for so long a time at +this desolate place.</p> + +<p>The disposition of the mounds show that the ground plan of Sikyatki +(<a href="#PL_CXVI">plate <span class="smcap">cxvi</span></a>) was rectangular in shape, the houses inclosing a court in +which are several mounds that may be the remains of kivas. The +highest range of rooms, and we may suppose the most populous part +of the ancient pueblo, was on the same side as the acropolis, where a +large number of walled chambers in several series were traced.</p> + +<p>The surface of what was formerly the plaza is crossed by rows of +stones regularly arranged to form gardens, in which several kinds of +gourds are cultivated. In the sands north of the ruin there are many +peach trees, small and stunted, but yearly furnishing a fair crop. +These are owned by Tcino,<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> and of course were planted long after the +destruction of the pueblo.</p> + +<p>In order to obtain legends of the former occupancy and destruction +of Sikyatki, I consulted Nasyuñweve, the former head of the Kokop +people, and while the results were not very satisfactory, I learned that +the land about Sikyatki is still claimed by that phratry. Nasyuñweve,<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_641" id="Page_641">[Pg 641]</a></span> +Katci, and other prominent Kokop people occupy and cultivate the +land about Sikyatki on the ground of inheritance from their ancestors +who once inhabited the place.</p> + +<p>Two routes were taken to approach Sikyatki—one directly across the +sandy plain from the entrance to Keam's canyon, following for some +distance the road to East Mesa; the other along the edge of the mesa, +on the first terrace, to the cluster of houses at Coyote spring. The +trail to the pueblos of East Mesa ascends the cliff just above Sikyatki +spring, and joins that to Kanelba or Sheep spring, not far from +Küküchomo, the twin mounds. By keeping along the first terrace a +well-traveled trail, with interesting views of the plain and the ruin, +joins the old wagon road to <i>Wala</i>, the "gap" of East Mesa, at a higher +level than the cluster of Tewan houses at Isba. In going and returning +from their homes our Hopi workmen preferred the trail along the +mesa, which we also often used; but the climb to the mesa top from +the ruin is very steep and somewhat tiresome.</p> + +<p>We prosecuted our excavations at Sikyatki for a few days over three +weeks, choosing as a site for our camp a small depression to the east of +the ruin near a dwarf cedar at the point where the trail to Kanelba +passes the ruin. The place was advantageously near the cemeteries, +and not too far from water. For purposes other than cooking and +drinking the Sikyatki spring was used, the remainder of the supply +being brought from Kanelba by means of a burro.</p> + +<p>I employed Indian workmen at the ruin, and found them, as a rule, +efficient helpers. The zeal which they manifested at the beginning of +the work did not flag, but it must be confessed that toward the close +of the excavations it became necessary to incite their enthusiasm by +prizes, and, to them, extraordinary offers of overalls and calico. They +at first objected to working in the cemeteries, regarding it as a desecration +of the dead, but several of their number overcame their scruples, +even handling skulls and other parts of skeletons. The Snake chief, +Kopeli, however, never worked with the others, desiring not to dig in +the graves. Respecting his feelings, I allotted him the special task of +excavating the rooms of the acropolis, which he performed with much +care, showing great interest in the results. At the close of our daily +work prayer-offerings were placed in the trenches by the Indian workmen, +as conciliatory sacrifices to Masauwûh, the dread God of Death, to +offset any malign influence which might result from our desecration of +his domain. A superstitious feeling that this god was not congenial to +the work which was going on, seemed always to haunt the minds of the +laborers, and once or twice I was admonished by old men, visitors from +Walpi, not to persist in my excavations. The excavators, at times, +paused in their work and called my attention to strange voices echoing +from the cliffs, which they ascribed, half in earnest, to Masauwûh.</p> + +<p>The Indians faithfully delivered to me all objects which they found +in their digging, with the exception of turquoises, many of which, I<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_642" id="Page_642">[Pg 642]</a></span> +have good reason to suspect, they concealed while our backs were +turned and, in a few instances, even before our eyes.</p> + +<p>The accompanying plan of Sikyatki (<a href="#PL_CXVI">plate <span class="smcap">cxvi</span></a>) shows that it was +a rectangular ruin with an inclosed plaza. It is evident that the +ancient pueblo was built on a number of low hills and that the eastern +portion was the highest. In this respect it resembled Awatobi, but +apparently differed from the latter pueblo in having the inclosed plaza. +In the same way it was unlike Walpi or the ancient and modern pueblos +of Middle Mesa and Oraibi. In fact, there is no Tusayan ruin which +resembles it in ground plan, except Payüpki, a Tanoan town of much +later construction. The typical Tusayan form of architecture is the +pyramidal, especially in the most ancient pueblos. The ground plan +of Sikyatki is of a type more common in the eastern pueblo region +and in those towns of Tusayan which were built by emigrants from +the Rio Grande region. Sikyatki and some of the villages overlooking +Antelope valley are of this type.</p> + +<p>In studying the ground plans of the three modern villages on East +Mesa, the fact is noted that both Sichomovi and Hano differ architecturally +from Walpi. The forms of the former smaller pueblos are +primarily rectangular with an inclosed plaza in which is situated the +kiva; Walpi, on the other hand, although furnished with a small plaza +at the western end, has kivas located peripherally rather than in an +open space between the highest house clusters. Sichomovi is considered +by the Hopi as like Zuñi, and is sometimes called by the Hano +people, Sionimone, "Zuñi court," because to the Tewan mind it resembles +Zuñi; but the term is never applied to Walpi.<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> The distinction thus +recognized is, I believe, architecturally valid. The inclosed court or +plaza in Tusayan is an intrusion from the east, and as eastern colonists +built both Hano and Sichomovi, they preserved the form to which they +were accustomed. The Sikyatki builders drew their architectural +inspiration likewise from the east, hence the inclosed court in the ruins +of that village.</p> + +<p>The two most considerable house clusters of Sikyatki are at each end +of a longer axis, connected by a narrow row of houses on the other +sides. The western rows of houses face the plain, and were of one +story, with a gateway at one point. The opposite row was more elevated, +no doubt overlooking cultivated fields beyond the confines of the ruin. +No kivas were discovered, but if such exist they ought to be found in +the mass of houses at the southern end. I thought we had found circular +rooms in that region, but cursory excavations did not demonstrate +their existence. As there is no reason to suspect the existence of circular +kivas in ancient Tusayan, it would be difficult to decide whether or +not any one of the large rectangular rooms was used for ceremonial +purposes, for it is an interesting fact that some of the oldest secret<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_643" id="Page_643">[Pg 643]</a></span> +rites in the Hopi villages occur, not in kivas, but in ordinary dwelling +rooms in the village. It has yet to be shown that there were special +kivas in prehistoric Tusayan.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="PL_CXVII" id="PL_CXVII"></a> +<img src="images/platecxvii.jpg" width="600" height="423" alt="PL. CXVII— +EXCAVATED ROOMS ON THE ACROPOLIS OF SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXVII— +EXCAVATED ROOMS ON THE ACROPOLIS OF SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXVII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">EXCAVATED ROOMS ON THE ACROPOLIS OF SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>The longer axis of the ruin is about north and south; the greatest +elevation is approximately 50 feet. Rocks outcrop only at one place, +the remainder of the ruin being covered with rubble, sand, stones, and +fragments of pottery. The mounds are not devoid of vegetation, for +sagebrush, cacti, and other desert genera grow quite profusely over +their surface; but they are wholly barren of trees or large bushes, and +except in the plaza the ruin area is uncultivated. As previously stated, +Sikyatki is situated about 250 or 300 feet above the plain, and when +approached from Keam's canyon appears to be about halfway up the +mesa height. On several adjacent elevations evidences of former fires, +or places where pottery was burned, were found, and one has not to go +far to discover narrow seams of an impure lignite. Here and there are +considerable deposits of selenite, which, as pointed out by Sitgreaves in +his report on the exploration of the Little Colorado, looks like frost +exuding from the ground in early spring.</p> + + +<h4>THE ACROPOLIS</h4> + +<p>During the limited time devoted to the excavation of Sikyatki it was +impossible, in a ruin so large, to remove the soil covering any considerable +number of rooms. The excavations at different points over +such a considerable area as that covered by the mounds would have +been more or less desultory and unsatisfactory, but a limited section +carefully opened would be much more instructive and typical. While, +therefore, the majority of the Indian workmen were kept employed at +the cemeteries, Kopeli, the Snake chief, a man in whom I have great +confidence, was assigned to the excavation of a series of rooms at the +highest point of the ruin, previously referred to as the acropolis (<a href="#Fig_262">figure 262</a>). +Although his work in these chambers did not yield such rich +results as the others, so far as the number of objects was concerned, +he succeeded in uncovering a number of rooms to their floors, and +unearthed many interesting objects of clay and stone. A brief description +of these excavations will show the nature of the work at that +point.</p> + +<p>The acropolis, or highest point of Sikyatki, is a prominent rocky elevation +at the western angle, and overlooks the entire ruin. On the side +toward the western cemetery it rises quite abruptly, but the ascent is +more gradual from the other sides. The surface of this elevation, on +which the houses stood, is of rock, and originally was as destitute of +soil as the plaza of Walpi. This surface supported a double series +of rooms, and the highest point is a bare, rocky projection.</p> + +<p>From the rooms of the acropolis there was a series of chambers, +probably terraced, sloping to the modern gardens now occupying +the old plaza, and the broken walls of these rooms still protrude from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_644" id="Page_644">[Pg 644]</a></span> +the surface in many places <a href="#PL_CXVIII">(plate <span class="smcap">cxviii</span></a>). When the excavations +on the acropolis were begun, no traces of the biserial rows of rooms +were detected, although the remains of the walls were traceable. The +surface was strewn with fragments of pottery and other evidences of +former occupancy.</p> + +<p>On leveling the ground and throwing off the surface stones, it was +found that the narrow ridge which formed the top of the acropolis +was occupied by a double line of well-built chambers which show every +evidence of having been living rooms. The walls were constructed of +squared stones set in adobe, with the inner surface neatly plastered. +Many of the rooms communicated by means of passageways with adjacent +chambers, some of them being provided with niches and shelves. +The average height of the standing walls revealed by excavation, as +indicated by the distance of the floor below the surface of the soil, was +about 5 feet.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_262" id="Fig_262"></a> +<img src="images/fig262.jpg" width="600" height="481" alt="Fig. 262—The acropolis of Sikyatki" title="Fig. 262—The acropolis of Sikyatki" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 262—The acropolis of Sikyatki</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>The accompanying illustration (<a href="#PL_CXVIII">plate <span class="smcap">cxviii</span></a>) shows a ground plan +of nine of these rooms, which, for purposes of reference, are lettered +<i>a</i> to <i>l</i>. A description of each, it is hoped, will give an idea of a typical +room of Sikyatki. Room <i>a</i> is rectangular in shape, 5 feet 3 inches by +6 feet 8 inches, and is 5 feet 8 inches deep. It has two depressions +in the floor at the southeastern corner, and there is a small niche in the +side wall above them. Some good specimens of mural plastering,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_645" id="Page_645">[Pg 645]</a></span> +much blackened by soot, are found on the eastern wall. Room <i>a</i> has no +passageway into room <i>b</i>, but it opens into the adjoining room <i>c</i> by an +opening in the wall 3 feet 4 inches wide, with a threshold 9 inches +high.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 422px;"><a name="PL_CXVIII" id="PL_CXVIII"></a> +<img src="images/platecxviii.jpg" width="422" height="600" alt="PL. CXVIII— +PLAN OF EXCAVATED ROOMS ON THE ACROPOLIS OF SIKYATKI +(Dimensions in feet and inches)" title="PL. CXVIII— +PLAN OF EXCAVATED ROOMS ON THE ACROPOLIS OF SIKYATKI +(Dimensions in feet and inches)" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXVIII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">PLAN OF EXCAVATED ROOMS ON THE ACROPOLIS OF SIKYATKI<br /> +(Dimensions in feet and inches)</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>The shape of room <i>b</i> is more irregular. It is 8 feet 1 inch long by 4 +feet 5 inches wide, and the floor is 5 feet 2 inches below the surface. +In one corner there is a raised triangular platform 2 feet 7 inches above +the floor. A large cooking pot, blackened with soot, was found in one +corner of this room, and near it was a circular depression in the floor +17 inches in diameter, evidently a fireplace.</p> + +<p>Room <i>c</i> is smaller than either of the preceding, and is the only one +with two passageways into adjoining chambers. Remains of wooden +beams in a fair state of preservation were found on the floors of rooms +<i>c</i> and <i>b</i>, but they were not charred, as is so often the case, nor were +there any ashes except in the supposed fireplace.</p> + +<p>Room <i>d</i> is larger than those already mentioned, being 7 feet 8 inches +by 5 feet, and connects with room <i>c</i> by means of a passageway. Rooms +<i>e</i> and <i>f</i> communicate with each other by an opening 16 inches wide. +We found the floors of these rooms 4 feet below the surface. The +length of room <i>e</i> is 8 feet.</p> + +<p>Room <i>f</i> is 6 feet 8 inches long and of the same width as <i>e</i>. The three +chambers <i>g</i>, <i>h</i>, and <i>i</i> are each 6 feet 9 inches wide, but of varying width. +Room <i>g</i> is 5 feet 2 inches, <i>h</i> is 8 feet 6 inches, and <i>i</i>, the smallest of all, +only a foot wide. These three rooms have no intercommunication.</p> + +<p>The evidence of former fires in some of these rooms, afforded by soot +on the walls and ashes in the depressions identified as old fireplaces, is +most important. In one or two places I broke off a fragment of the +plastering and found it to be composed of many strata of alternating +black and adobe color, indicating successive plasterings of the room. +Apparently when the surface wall became blackened by smoke it was +renewed by a fresh layer or wash of adobe in the manner followed in +renovating the kiva walls today.<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a></p> + +<p>An examination of the dimensions of the rooms of the acropolis will +show that, while small, they are about the average size of the chambers +in most other southwestern ruins. They are, however, much smaller +than the rooms of the modern pueblo of Walpi or those of the cliff ruins +in the Red-rock region, elsewhere described. Evidently the roof was +2 or 3 feet higher than the top of the present walls, and the absence of +external passageways would seem to indicate that entrance was through +the roof. The narrow chamber, <i>i</i>, is no smaller than some of those which +were excavated at Awatobi, but unless it was a storage bin or dark +closet for ceremonial paraphernalia its function is not known to me.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_646" id="Page_646">[Pg 646]</a></span> +The mural plastering was especially well done in rooms <i>g</i> and <i>h</i>, a section +thereof showing many successive thin strata of soot and clay, +implying long occupancy. No chimneys were found, the smoke, as is +the case with that from kiva fires today, doubtless finding an exit +through the hatchway in the roof.</p> + + +<h4>MODERN GARDENS</h4> + +<p>The whole surface of the ancient plaza of Sikyatki is occupied by +rectangular gardens outlined by rows of stones. These are of modern +construction and are cultivated by an enterprising Hopi who, as +previously mentioned, has erected a habitable dwelling on one of the +western mounds from the stones of the old ruin. These gardens are +planted yearly with melons and squashes, and stones forming the outlines +serve as wind-breaks to protect the growing plants from drifting +sand. The plotting of the plan of these gardens was made in 1891, +when a somewhat larger part of the plaza was under cultivation than +in 1895.<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a></p> + +<p>There is a grove of dwarf peach trees in the sands between the +northern side of the ruin and the mesa along the run through which +sometimes trickles a little stream from the spring. These trees belong +to an inhabitant of Sichomovi named Tcino, who, it is claimed, is a +descendant of the ancient Sikyatkians. The trees were of course +planted there since the fall of the village, on land claimed by the Kokop +phratry by virtue of their descent from the same phratral organization +of the ancient pueblo.<a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> The spring shows no evidence of having been +walled up, but apparently has been filled in by drifting sand since the +time that it formed the sole water supply of the neighboring pueblo. +It still preserves the yellow color mentioned in traditions of the place.</p> + + +<h4>THE CEMETERIES</h4> + +<p>By far the largest number of objects found at Sikyatki were gathered +from the cemeteries outside the ruin, and were therefore mortuary +in character. It would seem that the people buried their dead a short +distance beyond the walls, at the three cardinal points. The first of +these cemeteries was found in the dune between the ruin and the +peach trees below the spring, and from its relative position from the +pueblo has been designated the northern cemetery. The cemetery +proper lies on the edge of the sandy tract, and was first detected by +the finding of the long-bones of a human skeleton projecting from the +soil. The position of individual graves was indicated usually by small, +oblong piles of stones; but, as this was not an invariable sign, it was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_647" id="Page_647">[Pg 647]</a></span> +deemed advisable to extend long trenches across the lower part of the +dune. As a rule, the deeper the excavations the more numerous and +elaborate were the objects revealed. Most of the skeletons were in a +poor state of preservation, but several could have been saved had we +the proper means at our disposal to care for them.</p> + +<p>No evidence of cremation of the dead was found, either at Awatobi +or Sikyatki, nor have I yet detected any reference to this custom among +the modern Hopi Indians. They have, however, a strange concept of +the purification of the breath-body, or shade of the dead, by fire, which, +although I have always regarded it as due to the teaching of Christian +missionaries, may be aboriginal in character. This account of the judgment +of the dead is as follows:</p> + +<p>There are two roads from the grave to the Below. One of these is a +straight way connected with the path of the sun into the Underworld. +There is a branch trail which divides from this straight way, passing +from fires to a lake or ocean (<i>patübha</i>). At the fork of the road sits +Tokonaka, and when the breath-body comes to this place this chief +looks it over and, if satisfied, he says "<i>Üm-pac lo-la-mai, ta ai</i>," "You +are very good; go on." Then the breath-body passes along the straight +way to the far west, to the early <i>Sipapû</i>, the Underworld from which it +came, the home of Müiyinwû. Another breath-body comes to the fork +in the road, and the chief says, "You are bad," and he conducts it along +the crooked path to the place of the first fire pit, where sits a second +chief, Tokonaka, who throws the bad breath-body into the fire, and +after a time it emerges purified, for it was not wholly bad. The chief +says, "You are good now," and carries it back to the first chief, who +accepts the breath-body and sends it along the straight road to the +west.</p> + +<p>If, on emerging from the first fire, the soul is still unpurified, or not +sufficiently so to be accepted, it is taken to the second fire pit and cast +into it. If it emerges from this thoroughly purified, in the opinion of +the judge, it is immediately transformed into a <i>ho-ho-ya-üh</i>, or prayer-beetle. +All the beetles we now see in the valleys or among the mesas +were once evil Hopi. If, on coming out of the second fire pit, the breath-body +is still considered bad by the chief, he takes it to the third fire, +and, if there be no evil in it when it emerges from this pit, it is metamorphosed +into an ant, but if unpurified by these three fires—that is, +if the chief still finds evil left in the breath-body—he takes it to a fourth +fire and again casts it into the flames, where it is utterly consumed, the +only residue being soot on the side of the pit.</p> + +<p>I have not recorded this as a universal or an aboriginal belief among +the Hopi, but rather to show certain current ideas which may have +been brought to Tusayan by missionaries or others. The details of the +purification of the evil soul are characteristic.</p> + +<p>The western cemetery of Sikyatki is situated among the hillocks +covered with surface rubble below a house occupied in summer by a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_648" id="Page_648">[Pg 648]</a></span> +Hopi and his family. From the nature of the soil the excavation of +this cemetery was very difficult, although the mortuary objects were +more numerous. Repeated attempts to make the Indians work in a +systematic manner failed, partly on account of the hard soil and partly +from other reasons. Although the lower we went the more numerous +and beautiful were the objects exhumed, the Indians soon tired of +deep digging, preferring to confine their work to within two or three +feet of the surface. At many places we found graves under and +between the huge bowlders, which are numerous in this cemetery.</p> + +<p>The southern cemetery lies between the outer edge of the ruin on +that side and the decline to the plain, a few hundred feet from the +southern row of houses. Two conspicuous bowlders mark the site of +most of the excavations in that direction. The mortuary objects from +this cemetery are not inferior in character or number to those from +the other burial places. All attempts to discover a cemetery on the +eastern side of the pueblo failed, although a single food basin was +brought to the camp by an Indian who claimed he had dug it out of the +deep sand on the eastern side of the ruins. Another bowl was found +in the sand drift near the trail over the mesa to Kanelba, but careful +investigation failed to reveal any systematic deposit of mortuary vessels +east of the ruin.<a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a></p> + +<p>The method of excavation pursued in the cemeteries was not so +scientific as I had wished, but it was the only practicable one to be +followed with native workmen. Having found the location of the +graves by means of small prospecting holes sunk at random, the workmen +were aligned and directed to excavate a single long, deep trench, +removing all the earth as they advanced. It was with great difficulty +that the Indians were taught the importance of excavating to a sufficient +depth, and even to the end of the work they refused to be taught +not to burrow. In their enthusiasm to get the buried treasures they +worked very well so long as objects were found, but became at once +discouraged when relics were not so readily forthcoming and went off +prospecting in other places when our backs were turned. A shout that +anyone had discovered a new grave in the trench was a signal for the +others to stop work, gather around the place, light cigarettes, and +watch me or my collaborators dig out the specimens with knives. This +we always insisted on doing, for the reason that in their haste the +Indians at first often broke fragile pottery after they had discovered it, +and in spite of all precautions several fine jars and bowls were thus +badly damaged by them. It is therefore not too much to say that most +of the vessels which are now entire were dug out of the impacted sand +by Mr Hodge or myself.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_649" id="Page_649">[Pg 649]</a></span></p> + +<p>No rule could be formulated in regard to the place where the pottery +would occur, and often the first indication of its presence was the +stroke of a shovel on the fragile edge of a vase or bowl. Having once +found a skeleton, or discolored sand which indicated the former presence +of human remains, the probability that burial objects were near by +was almost a certainty, although in several instances even these signs +failed.</p> + +<p>A considerable number of the pottery objects had been broken when +the soil and stones were thrown on the corpse at interment. So many +were entire, however, that I do not believe any considerable number +were purposely broken at that time, and none were found with holes +made in them to "kill" or otherwise destroy their utility.</p> + +<p>No evidences of cremation—no charred bones of man or animal in +or near the mortuary vessels—were found. From the character of the +objects obtained from neighboring graves, rich and poor were apparently +buried side by side in the same soil. Absolutely no evidence of +Spanish influence was encountered in all the excavations at Sikyatki—no +trace of metal, glass, or other object of Caucasian manufacture such +as I have mentioned as having been taken from the ruins of Awatobi—thus +confirming the native tradition that the catastrophe of Sikyatki +antedated the middle of the sixteenth century, when the first Spaniards +entered the country.</p> + +<p>It is remarkable that in Sikyatki we found no fragments of basketry +or cloth, the fame of which among the Pueblo Indians was known to +Coronado before he left Mexico. That the people of Sikyatki wore cotton +kilts no one can doubt, but these fabrics, if they were buried with +the dead, had long since decayed. Specimens of strings and ropes of +yucca, which were comparatively abundant at Awatobi, were not found +at Sikyatki; yet their absence by no means proves that they were not +used, for the marks of the strings used to bind feathers to the mortuary +pahos, on the green paint with which the wood was covered, may +still be readily seen.</p> + +<p>The insight into ancient beliefs and practices afforded by the numerous +objects found at Sikyatki is very instructive, and while it shows +the antiquity of some of the modern symbols, it betrays a still more +important group of conventionalized figures, the meaning of which may +always remain in doubt. This is particularly true of the decoration +on many specimens of the large collection of highly ornamented pottery +found in the Sikyatki cemeteries.</p> + +<p>If we consider the typical designs on modern Hopi pottery and compare +them with the ancient, as illustrated by the collections from +Awatobi and Sikyatki, it is noted, in the first place, how different they +are, and secondly, how much better executed the ancient objects are +than the modern. Nor is it always clear how the modern symbols are +derived from the ancient, so widely do they depart from them in all +their essential characters.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_650" id="Page_650">[Pg 650]</a></span></p> +<h4>POTTERY</h4> + +<h5><span class="smcap">Characteristics—Mortuary Pottery</span></h5> + +<p>The pottery exhumed from the burial places of Sikyatki falls in the +divisions known as—</p> + +<p> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;"><small>I</small>—Coiled and indented ware.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;"><small>II</small>—Smooth undecorated ware.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2em;"><small>III</small>—Polished decorated ware.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 4em;"><i>a</i>. Yellow.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 4em;"><i>b</i>. Red.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 4em;"><i>c</i>. Black-and-white.</span><br /> +</p> + +<p>By far the largest number of ancient pottery objects from this locality +belong to the yellow-ware group in the above classification. This is the +characteristic pottery of Tusayan, although coiled and indented ware +is well represented in the collection. The few pieces of red ware are +different from that found in the ruins of the Little Colorado, while the +black-and-white pottery closely resembles the archaic ware of northern +cliff houses. Although the Sikyatki pottery bears resemblance to that +of Awatobi, it can be distinguished from it without difficulty. The +paste of both is of the finest character and was most carefully prepared. +Some of the ancient specimens are much superior to those at present +made, and are acknowledged by the finest potters of East Mesa to be +beyond their power of ceramic production. The coloration is generally +in red, brown, yellow, and black. Decorative treatment by spattering +is common in the food basins, and this was no doubt performed, Chinese +fashion, by means of the mouth. The same method is still employed by +the Hopi priests in painting their masks.</p> + +<p>The Sikyatki collection of pottery shows little or no duplication in +decorative design, and every ornamented food basin bears practically +different symbols. The decoration of the food basins is mainly on +the interior, but there is almost invariably a geometrical design of +some kind on the outside, near the rim. The ladles, likewise, are ornamented +on their interior, and their handles also are generally decorated. +When the specimens were removed from the graves their colors, +as a rule, were apparently as well preserved as at the time of their +burial; nor, indeed, do they appear to have faded since their deposit in +the National Museum.</p> + +<p>The best examples of ceramic art from the graves of Sikyatki, in +texture, finish, and decoration, are, in my judgment, superior to any +pottery made by ancient or modern Indians north of Mexico. Indeed, +in these respects the old Tusayan pottery will bear favorable comparison +even with Central American ware. It is far superior to the rude +pottery of the eastern pueblos, and is also considerably better than that +of the great villages of the Gila and Salado. Among the Hopi themselves +the ceramic art has degenerated, as the few remaining potters<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_651" id="Page_651">[Pg 651]</a></span> +confess. These objects can hardly be looked upon as products of a +savage people destitute of artistic feeling, but of a race which has developed +in this line of work, through the plane of savagery, to a high stage +of barbarism. While, as a whole, we can hardly regard the modern Hopi +as a degenerate people with a more cultured ancestry, certainly the entire +Pueblo culture in the Southwest, judged by the character of their pottery +manufacture, has greatly deteriorated since the middle of the +sixteenth century.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 451px;"><a name="PL_CXIX" id="PL_CXIX"></a> +<img src="images/platecxix.jpg" width="451" height="600" alt="PL. CXIX— +COILED AND INDENTED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXIX— +COILED AND INDENTED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXIX</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">COILED AND INDENTED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + + +<h5><span class="smcap">Coiled and Indented Ware</span></h5> + +<p>The rudest type of pottery from Sikyatki has been classed as coiled +and indented ware. It is coarse in texture, not polished, and usually +not decorated. Although the outer surface of the pottery of this class +is rough, the general form of the ware is not less symmetrical than +that of the finer vessels. The objects belonging to this group are +mostly jars and moccasin-shape vessels, there being no bowls of this +type. As a rule, the vessels are blackened with soot, although some of +the specimens are light-brown in color. The former variety were +undoubtedly once used in cooking; the latter apparently for containing +water or food. In the accompanying illustration (<a href="#PL_CXIX">plate <span class="smcap">cxix</span></a>, <i>a</i>) is +shown one of the best specimens of indented ware, the pits forming an +equatorial zone about the vessel. All traces of the coil of clay with +which the jar was built up have been obliterated save on the bottom. +The vessel is symmetrical and the indentations regular, as if made with +a pointed stone, bone, or stick.</p> + +<p>In another form of coarse pottery (<a href="#PL_CXIX">plate <span class="smcap">cxix</span></a>, <i>b</i>) the rim merges into +two ears or rudimentary handles on opposite sides. Traces of the +original coiling are readily observable on the sides of this vessel.</p> + +<p>Another illustration (<a href="#PL_CXIX">plate <span class="smcap">cxix</span></a>, <i>c</i>) shows an amphora or jar with +diametrically opposite handles extending from the rim to the side of +the bowl. The surface of this rude jar is rough and without decoration, +but the form is regular and symmetrical. In another amphora +(<a href="#PL_CXIX">plate <span class="smcap">cxix</span></a>, <i>d</i>) the opposite handles appear below the neck of the +vessel; they are broader and apparently more serviceable.</p> + +<p>The jar shown in <a href="#PL_CXIX">plate <span class="smcap">cxix</span></a>, <i>e</i>, has two ear-like extensions or projections +from the neck of the jar, which are perforated for suspension. +This vessel is decorated with an incised zigzag line, which surrounds +it just above its equator. This is a fair example of ornamented rough +ware.</p> + +<p>Several of the vessels made of coarse clay mixed with sand, the +grains of which make the surface very rough, are of slipper or moccasin +shape. These are covered with soot or blackened by fire, indicating +their former use as cooking pots. By adopting this form the ancients +were practically enabled to use the principle of the dutch-oven, the +coals being piled about the vessels containing the food to be cooked +much more advantageously than in the vase-like forms.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_652" id="Page_652">[Pg 652]</a></span></p> + +<p>The variations in slipper-shape cooking pots are few and simple. The +blind end is sometimes of globular form, as in the example illustrated in +<a href="#PL_CXX">plate <span class="smcap">cxx</span></a>, <i>a</i>, and sometimes pointed as in figures <i>b</i> and <i>c</i> of the same +plate. One of the specimens of this type has a handle on the rim and +another has a flaring lip. Slipper-form vessels are always of coarse +ware for the obvious reason that, being somewhat more porous, they are +more readily heated than polished utensils. They are not decorated for +equally obvious reasons.</p> + + +<h5><span class="smcap">Smooth Undecorated Ware</span></h5> + +<p>There are many specimens of undecorated ware of all shapes and +sizes, a type of which is shown in <a href="#PL_CXX">plate <span class="smcap">cxx</span></a>, <i>d</i>. These include food +bowls, saucers, ladles, and jars, and were taken from many graves. +These utensils differ from the coarse-ware vessels not only in the character +of the clay from which they are made, but also in their superficial +polish, which, in some instances, is as fine as that of vessels with +painted designs. Several very good spoons of half-gourd shape were +found, and there are many undecorated food bowls and vases. The +first attempts at ornamentation appear to have been a simple spattering +of the surface with liquid pigment or a drawing of simple encircling +bands. In one instance (<a href="#PL_CXX">plate <span class="smcap">cxx</span></a>, <i>d</i>) a blackening of the surface by +exposure to smoke was detected, but no superficial gloss, as in the +Santa Clara ware, was noted.</p> + + +<h5><span class="smcap">Polished Decorated Ware</span></h5> + +<p>By far the greater number of specimens of mortuary pottery from +Sikyatki are highly polished and decorated with more or less complicated +designs. Of these there are at least three different groups, +based on the color of the ware. Most of the vessels are light yellow or +of cream color; the next group in point of color is the red ware, the +few remaining specimens being white with black decorations in geometric +patterns. These types naturally fall into divisions consisting of +vases, jars, bowls, square boxes, cups, ladles, and spoons.</p> + +<p>In the group called vases (<a href="#PL_CXXI">plates <span class="smcap">cxxi</span></a>, <a href="#PL_CXXII"><span class="smcap">cxxii</span></a>) many varieties are +found; some of these are double, with an equatorial constriction; +others are rounded below, flat above, with an elevated neck and a +recurved lip. It is noteworthy that these jars or vases are destitute +of handles, and that their decoration is always confined to the equatorial +and upper sections about the opening. In the specimens of this +group which were found at Sikyatki there is no basal rim and no +depression on the pole opposite the opening. No decoration is found +on the interior of the vases, although in several instances the inside +of the lip bears lines or markings of various kinds. The opening is +always circular, sometimes small, often large; the neck of a vessel +is occasionally missing, although the specimens bear evidence of use +after having been thus broken. In one or two instances the equatorial +constriction is so deep that the jar is practically double; in other<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_653" id="Page_653">[Pg 653]</a></span> +cases the constriction is so shallow that it is hardly perceptible (<a href="#PL_CXXVI">plate +<span class="smcap">cxxvi</span></a>, <i>a, b</i>). The size varies from a simple globular vessel not larger +than a walnut to a jar of considerable size. Many show marks of +previous use; others are as fresh as if made but yesterday.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 449px;"><a name="PL_CXX" id="PL_CXX"></a> +<img src="images/platecxx.jpg" width="449" height="600" alt="PL. CXX— +SAUCERS AND SLIPPER BOWLS FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXX— +SAUCERS AND SLIPPER BOWLS FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXX</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">SAUCERS AND SLIPPER BOWLS FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>One of the most fragile of all the globular vessels is a specimen of +very thin black-and-white ware, perforated near the rim for suspension +(<a href="#PL_CXXXII">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxii</span></a>). This form, although rare at Sikyatki, is represented +by several specimens, and in mode of decoration is very similar +to the cliff-house pottery. From its scarcity in Tusayan I am inclined +to believe that this and related specimens were not made of clay +found in the immediate vicinity of Sikyatki, but that the vessels were +brought to the ancient pueblo from distant places. As at least some +of the cliff houses were doubtless inhabited contemporaneously with +and long after the destruction of Sikyatki, I do not hesitate to say that +the potters of that pueblo were familiar with the cliff-dweller type of +pottery and acquainted with the technic which gave the black-and-white +ware its distinctive colors.</p> + +<p>By far the largest number of specimens of smooth decorated pottery +from Sikyatki graves are food bowls or basins, evidently the dishes in +which food was placed on the floor before the members of a family at +their meals. As the mortuary offerings were intended as food for the +deceased it is quite natural that this form of pottery should far outnumber +any and all the others. In no instance do the food bowls exhibit +marks of smoke blackening, an indication that they had not been used +in the cooking of food, but merely as receptacles of the same.</p> + +<p>The beautiful decoration of these vessels speaks highly for the artistic +taste of the Sikyatki women, and a feast in which they were used must +have been a delight to the native eye so far as dishes were concerned. +When filled with food, however, much of the decoration of the bowls +must have been concealed, a condition avoided in the mode of ornamentation +adopted by modern Tusayan potters; but there is no doubt +that when not in use the decoration of the vessels was effectually +exhibited in their arrangement on the floor or convenient shelves.</p> + +<p>The forms of these food bowls are hemispherical, gracefully rounded +below, and always without an attached ring of clay on which to stand +to prevent rocking. Their rims are seldom flaring, but sometimes have +a slight constriction, and while the rims of the majority are perfectly +circular, oblong variations are not wanting. Many of the bowls are +of saucer shape, with almost vertical sides and flat bases; several are +double, with rounded or flat base.</p> + +<p>The surface, inside and out, is polished to a fine gloss, and when +exteriorly decorated, the design is generally limited to one side just +below the rim, which is often ornamented with double or triple parallel +lines, drawn in equidistant, quaternary, and other forms. Most of the +bowls show signs of former use, either wear on the inner surface or on +the base where they rested on the floor in former feasts.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_654" id="Page_654">[Pg 654]</a></span></p> + +<p>These mortuary vessels were discovered generally at one side of the +chest or neck of the person whose remains they were intended to accompany, +and a single specimen was found inverted over the head of the +deceased. The number of vessels in each grave was not constant, and +as many as ten were found with one skeleton, while in other graves only +one or two were found. In one instance a nest of six of these basins, one +inside another, was exhumed. While many of these mortuary offerings +were broken and others chipped, there were still a large number as perfect +as when made. Some of the bowls had been mended before burial, +as holes drilled on each side of a crack clearly indicate. Fragments of +various vessels, which evidently had been broken before they were +thrown into the graves, were common.</p> + +<p>There is a general similarity in the artistic decoration of bowls found +in the same grave, as if they were made by the same potter; and persons +of distinction, as shown by other mortuary objects, were, as a rule, more +honored than some of their kindred in the character and number of +pottery objects deposited with their remains. There were also a +number of skeletons without ceramic offerings of any kind.</p> + +<p>In one or two interments two or more small jars were found placed +inside of a food bowl, and in many instances votive offerings, like turquois, +beads, stones, and arrowpoints, had been deposited with the +dead. The bowls likewise contained, in some instances, prayer-sticks +and other objects, which will later be described.</p> + +<p>One of the most interesting modifications in the form of the rim of +one of these food bowls is shown in <a href="#PL_CXX">plate <span class="smcap">cxx</span></a>, <i>e</i>, which illustrates a +variation from the circular shape, forming a kind of handle or support +for the thumb in lifting the vessel. The utility of this projection in +handling a bowl of hot food is apparent. This form of vessel is very +rare, it being the only one of its kind in the collection.</p> + +<p>A considerable number of cups were found at Sikyatki; these vary +in size and shape from a flat-bottom saucer like specimen to a mug-shape +variety, always with a single handle (<a href="#PL_CXXV">plate <span class="smcap">cxxv</span></a>). Many of +these resemble small bowls with rounded sides, but there are others in +which the sides are vertical, and still others the sides of which incline +at an angle to the flattened base.</p> + +<p>The handles of these cups are generally smooth, and in one instance +adorned with a figure in relief. The rims of these dippers are never +flaring, either inward or outward. As a rule they are decorated on the +exterior; indeed there is only one instance of interior decoration. The +handles of the dippers are generally attached at both ends, but sometimes +the handle is free at the end near the body of the utensil and +attached at the tip. These handles are usually flat, but sometimes +they are round, and often are decorated. Traces of imitations of the +braiding of two coils of clay are seen in a single specimen.<a name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a></p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 384px;"><a name="PL_CXXI" id="PL_CXXI"></a> +<img src="images/platecxxi.jpg" width="384" height="600" alt="PL. CXXI— +DECORATED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXXI— +DECORATED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXI</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">DECORATED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 382px;"><a name="PL_CXXII" id="PL_CXXII"></a> +<img src="images/platecxxii.jpg" width="382" height="600" alt="PL. CXXII— +DECORATED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXXII— +DECORATED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">DECORATED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_655" id="Page_655">[Pg 655]</a></span></p> +<p>Small and large ladles, with long handles, occurred in large numbers +in Sikyatki graves, but there was little variation among them except in +the forms of their handles. Many of these utensils were much worn by +use, especially on the rim opposite the attachment of the handle, and +in some specimens the handle itself had evidently been broken and +the end rounded off by rubbing long before it was placed in the grave. +From the comparatively solid character of the bowls of these dippers +they were rarely fractured, and were commonly found to contain smaller +mortuary objects, such as paint, arrowheads, or polishing stones.</p> + +<p>The ladles, unlike most of the cups, are generally decorated on the +interior as well as on the exterior. Their handles vary in size and shape, +are usually hollow, and sometimes are perforated at the end. In certain +specimens the extremity is prolonged into a pointed, recurved tip, +and sometimes is coiled in a spiral. A groove in the upper surface of +one example is an unusual variation, and a right-angle bend of the tip +is a unique feature of another specimen. The Sikyatki potters, like +their modern descendants,<a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> sometimes ornamented the tip of a single +handle with the head of an animal and painted the upper surface of +the shaft with alternate parallel bars, zigzags, terraces, and frets.</p> + +<p>Several spoons or scoops of earthenware, which evidently had been +used in much the same way as similar objects in the modern pueblos, +were found. Some of these have the shape of a half gourd—a natural +object which no doubt furnished the pattern. These spoons, as a rule, +were not decorated, but on a single specimen bars and parallel lines +may be detected. In the innovations of modern times pewter spoons +serve the same purpose, and their form is sometimes imitated in earthenware. +More often, in modern and probably also in ancient usage, a roll +of paper-bread or <i>piki</i> served the same purpose, being dipped into the +stew and then eaten with the fingers. Possibly the Sikyatkian drank +from the hollow handle of a gourd ladle, as is frequently done in Walpi +today, but he generally slaked his thirst by means of a clay substitute.<a name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a></p> + +<p>Several box-like articles of pottery of both cream and red ware were +found in the Sikyatki graves, some of them having handles, others +being without them (<a href="#PL_CXXV">plate <span class="smcap">cxxv</span></a>). They are ornamented on the exterior +and on the rim, and the handle, when not lacking, is attached to the +longer side of the rectangular vessel. Not a single bowl was found +with a terraced rim, a feature so common in the medicine bowls of +Tusayan at the present time.<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a></p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_656" id="Page_656">[Pg 656]</a></span></p> + +<p>In addition to the various forms of pottery which have been mentioned, +there are also pieces made in the form of birds, one of the most +typical of which is figured in <a href="#PL_CXII">plate <span class="smcap">cxii</span></a>, <i>c</i>. In these objects the +wings are represented by elevations in the form of ridges on the sides, +and the tail and head by prolongations, which unfortunately were +broken off.</p> + +<p>Toys or miniature reproductions of all the above-mentioned ceramic +specimens occurred in several graves. These are often very roughly +made, and in some cases contained pigments of different colors. The +finding of a few fragments of clay in the form of animal heads, and one +or two rude images of quadrupeds, would seem to indicate that sometimes +such objects were likewise deposited with the dead. A clay +object resembling the flaring end of a flageolet and ornamented with a +zigzag decoration is unique in the collections from Sikyatki, although +in the western cemetery there was found a fragment of an earthenware +tube, possibly a part of a flute.</p> + +<p>In order to show more clearly the association of mortuary objects in +single graves a few examples of the grouping of these deposits will be +given.</p> + +<p>In a grave in the western cemetery the following specimens were +found: 1, ladle; 2, paint grinder; 3, paint slab; 4, arrowpoints; 5, +fragments of a marine shell (<i>Pectunculus</i>); 6, pipe, with fragments of a +second pipe, and 7, red paint (sesquioxide of iron).</p> + +<p>In the grave which contained the square medicine bowl shown in +<a href="#PL_CXXVIII">plate <span class="smcap">cxxviii</span></a>, <i>a</i>, a ladle containing food was also unearthed.</p> + +<p>The bowl decorated with a picture of a girl's head was associated +with fragments of another bowl and four ladles.</p> + +<p>Another single grave contained four large and small cooking pots +and a broken metate.</p> + +<p>In a grave 8 feet below the surface in the western cemetery we +found: 1, decorated food vessel; 2, black shoe-shape cooking pot resting +in a food bowl and containing a small rude ladle; 3, coarse +undecorated basin.</p> + +<p>A typical assemblage of mortuary objects comprised: 1, small decorated +bowl containing polishing stones; 2, miniature cooking pot blackened +by soot; 3, two small food bowls.</p> + +<p>In modern Hopi burials the food bowls with the food for the dead +are not buried with the deceased, but are placed on the mound of soil +and stones which covers the remains. From the position of the mortuary +pottery as regards the skeletons in the Sikyatki interments, it is +probable that this custom is of modern origin. Whether in former +times food bowls were placed on the burial mounds as well as in the +grave I am not able to say. The number of food bowls in ancient +graves exceeds those placed on modern burials.</p> + +<p>The Sikyatki dead were apparently wrapped in coarse fabrics, +possibly matting.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="PL_CXXIII" id="PL_CXXIII"></a> +<img src="images/platecxxiii.jpg" width="600" height="409" alt="PL. CXXIII— +DECORATED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXXIII— +DECORATED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXIII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">DECORATED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_657" id="Page_657">[Pg 657]</a></span></p> +<h4>PALEOGRAPHY OF THE POTTERY</h4> + +<h5><span class="smcap">General Features</span></h5> + +<p>The pottery from Sikyatki is especially rich in picture writing, and +imperfect as these designs are as a means of transmitting a knowledge +of manners, customs, and religious conceptions, they can be interpreted +with good results.</p> + +<p>One of the most important lessons drawn from the pottery is to be +had from a study of the symbols used in its decoration, as indicative +of current beliefs and practices when it was made. The ancient inhabitants +of Sikyatki have left no written records, for, unlike the more +cultured people of Central America, they had no codices; but they +have left on their old mortuary pottery a large body of picture writings +or paleography which reveals many instructive phases of their former +culture. The decipherment of these symbols is in part made possible +by the aid of a knowledge of modern survivals, and when interpreted +rightly they open a view of ancient Tusayan myths, and in some cases +of prehistoric practices.<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a></p> + +<p>Students of Pueblo mythology and ritual are accumulating a considerable +body of literature bearing on modern beliefs and practices. +This is believed to be the right method of determining their aboriginal +status, and is therefore necessary as a basis of our knowledge of their +customs and beliefs. It is reasonable to suppose that what is now +practiced in Pueblo ritual contains more or less of what has survived +from prehistoric times, but from Taos to Tusayan there is no pueblo +which does not show modifications in mythology and ritual due to +European contact. Modern Pueblo life resembles the ancient, but is +not a facsimile of it, and until we have rightly measured the effects of +incorporated elements, we are more or less inexact in our estimation +of the character of prehistoric culture. The vein of similarity in the +old and the new can be used in an interpretation of ancient paleography, +but we overstep natural limitations if by so doing we ascribe +to prehistoric culture every concept which we find current among the +modern survivors. To show how much the paleography of Tusayan +has changed since Sikyatki was destroyed, I need only say that most +of the characteristic figures of deities which are used today in the +decoration of pottery are not found on the Sikyatki ware. Perhaps +the most common figures on modern food bowls is the head of a mythologic +being, the Corn-maid, <i>Calako-mana</i>, but this picture, or any which +resembles it, is not found on the bowls from Sikyatki. A knowledge +of the cult of the Corn-maid possibly came into Tusayan, through +foreign influences, after the fall of Sikyatki, and there is no doubt that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_658" id="Page_658">[Pg 658]</a></span> +the picture decoration of modern Tusayan pottery, made within a league +of Sikyatki, is so different from the ancient that it indicates a modification +of the culture of the Hopi in historic times, and implies how +deceptive it may be to present modern beliefs and practices as facsimiles +of ancient culture.</p> + +<p>The main subjects chosen by the native women for the decoration of +their pottery are symbolic, and the most abundant objects which bear +these decorations are food bowls and water vases. Many mythic concepts +are depicted, among which may be mentioned the Plumed Snake, +various birds, reptiles, frogs, tadpoles, and insects. Plants or leaves +are seldom employed as decorative motives, but the flower is sometimes +used. The feather was perhaps the most common object utilized, +and it may likewise be said the most highly conventionalized.</p> + +<p>An examination of the decorations of modern food basins used in the +villages of East Mesa shows that the mythologic personages most commonly +chosen for the ornamentation of their interiors are the Corn or +Germ goddesses.<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> These assume a number of forms, yet all are reducible +to one type, although known by very different names, as Hewüqti, +"Old Woman," Kokle, and the like.</p> + +<p>Figures of reptiles, birds, the antelope, and like animals do not occur +on any of the food bowls from the large collection of modern Tusayan +pottery which I have studied, and as these figures are well represented +in the decorations on Sikyatki food bowls, we may suppose their use +has been abandoned or replaced by figures of the Corn-maids.<a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> This +fact, like so many others drawn from a study of the Tusayan ritual, indicates +that the cult of the Corn-maids is more vigorous today than it +was when Sikyatki was in its prime.</p> + +<p>Many pictures of masks on modern Tusayan bowls are identified as +<i>Tacab</i> or Navaho <i>katcinas</i>.<a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> Their symbolism is well characterized by +chevrons on the cheeks or curved markings for eyes. None of these +figures, however, have yet been found on ancient Tusayan ceramics. +Taken in connection with facts adduced by Hodge indicative of a recent +advent of this vigorous Athapascan tribe into Tusayan, it would seem +that the use of the <i>Tacab katcina</i> pictures was of recent date, and is +therefore not to be expected on the prehistoric pottery of the age of that +found in Sikyatki.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_659" id="Page_659">[Pg 659]</a></span></p> + +<p>In the decoration of ancient pottery I find no trace of figures of +the clown-priests, or <i>tcukuwympkiya</i>, who are so prominent in modern +Tusayan <i>katcina</i> celebrations. These personages, especially the Tatcukti, +often called by a corruption of the Zuñi name Kóyimse (Kóyomäshi), +are very common on modern bowls, especially at the extremities +of ladles or smaller objects of pottery.</p> + +<p>Many handles of ladles made at Hano in late times are modeled in +the form of the Paiakyamu,<a name="FNanchor_120_120" id="FNanchor_120_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> a glutton priesthood peculiar to that +Tanoan pueblo. From the data at hand we may legitimately conclude +that the conception of the clown-priest is modern in Tusayan, so far as +the ornamentation of pottery is concerned.</p> + +<p>The large collections of so-called modern Hopi pottery in our museums +is modified Tanoan ware, made in Tusayan. Most of the component +specimens were made by Hano potters, who painted upon them figures +of <i>katcinas</i>, a cult which they and their kindred introduced.</p> + +<p>Several of the food bowls had evidently cracked during their firing +or while in use, and had been mended before they were buried in the +graves. This repairing was accomplished either by filling the crack +with gum or by boring a hole on each side of the fracture for tying. +In one specimen of black-and-white ware a perfectly round hole was +made in the bottom, as if purposely to destroy the usefulness of the +bowl before burial. This hole had been covered inside with a rounded +disk of old pottery, neatly ground on the edge. It was not observed +that any considerable number of mortuary pottery objects were +"killed" before burial, although a large number were chipped on the +edges. It is a great wonder that any of these fragile objects were +found entire, the stones and soil covering the corpse evidently having +been thrown into the grave without regard to care.</p> + +<p>The majority of the ancient symbols are incomprehensible to the +present Hopi priests whom I have been able to consult, although they +are ready to suggest many interpretations, sometimes widely divergent. +The only reasonable method that can be pursued in determining the +meaning of the conventional signs with which the modern Tusayan +Indians are unfamiliar seems, therefore, to be a comparative one. This +method I have attempted to follow so far as possible.</p> + +<p>There is a closer similarity between the symbolism of the Sikyatki +pottery and that of the Awatobi ware than there is between the +ceramics of either of these two pueblos and that of Walpi, and the +same likewise may be said of the other Tusayan ruins so far as known. +It is desirable, however, that excavations be made at the site of Old +Walpi in order to determine, if possible, how widely different the +ceramics of that village are from the towns whose ruins were studied +in 1895. There are certain practical difficulties in regard to work at +Old Walpi, one of the greatest of which is its proximity to modern<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_660" id="Page_660">[Pg 660]</a></span> +burial places and shrines still used. Moreover, it is probable—indeed, +quite certain—that most of the portable objects were carried from the +abandoned pueblo to the present village when the latter was founded; +but the old cemeteries of Walpi contain many ancient mortuary bowls +which, when exhumed, will doubtless contribute a most interesting +chapter to the history of modern Tusayan decorative art.</p> + +<p>One of the largest, and, so far as form goes, one of the most unique +vessels, is shown in <a href="#PL_CXXVI">plate <span class="smcap">cxxvi</span></a>, <i>b</i>. This was not exhumed from +Sikyatki, but was said to have been found in the vicinity of that ruin. +While the ware is very old, I do not believe it is ancient, and it is introduced +in order to show how cleverly ancient patterns maybe simulated +by more modern potters. The sole way in which modern imitations of +ancient vessels may be distinguished is by the peculiar crackled or crazed +surface which the former always has. This is due, I believe, to the method +of firing and the unequal contraction or expansion of the slip employed. +All modern imitations are covered with a white slip which, after firing, +becomes crackled, a characteristic unknown to ancient ware. The most +expert modern potter at East Mesa is Nampéo, a Tanoan woman who +is a thorough artist in her line of work. Finding a better market for +ancient than for modern ware, she cleverly copies old decorations, and +imitates the Sikyatki ware almost perfectly. She knows where the +Sikyatki potters obtained their clay, and uses it in her work. Almost +any Hopi who has a bowl to sell will say that it is ancient, and care +must always be exercised in accepting such claims.</p> + +<p>An examination of the ornamentation of the jar above referred to +shows a series of birds drawn in the fashion common to early pottery +decoration. This has led me to place this large vessel among the old +ware, although the character of the pottery is different from that of +the best examples found at Sikyatki. I believe this vessel was exhumed +from a ruin of more modern date than Sikyatki. The woman who sold +it to me has farming interests near Awatobi, which leads me to conjecture +that she or possibly one of her ancestors found it at or near that +ruin. She admitted that it had been in the possession of her family +for some time, but that the story she had heard concerning it attributed +its origin to Sikyatki.</p> + + +<h5><span class="smcap">Human Figures</span></h5> + +<p>Very few figures of men or women are found on the pottery, and +these are confined to the interior of food basins (<a href="#PL_CXXIX">plate <span class="smcap">cxxix</span></a>).<a name="FNanchor_121_121" id="FNanchor_121_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> They +are ordinarily very roughly drawn, apparently with less care and with +much less detail than are the figures of animals. From their character +I am led to the belief that the drawing of human figures on pottery +was a late development in Tusayan art, and postdates the use of +animal figures on their earthenware. There are, however, a few decorations<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_661" id="Page_661">[Pg 661]</a></span> +in which human figures appear, and these afford an interesting +although meager contribution to our knowledge of ancient Tusayan art +and custom.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 375px;"><a name="PL_CXXIV" id="PL_CXXIV"></a> +<img src="images/platecxxiv.jpg" width="375" height="600" alt="PL. CXXIV— +DECORATED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXXIV— +DECORATED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXIV</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">DECORATED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>As is well known, the Hopi maidens wear their hair in two whorls, +one over each ear, and that on their marriage it is tied in two coils +falling on the breast. The whorl is arranged on a U-shape stick called +a <i>gñela</i>; it is commonly done up by a sister, the mother, or some +friend of the maiden, and is stiffened with an oil pressed from squash +seeds. The curved stick is then withdrawn and the two puffs held in +place by a string tightly wound between them and the head. The +habit of dressing the hair in whorls is adopted after certain puberty +ceremonials, which have elsewhere been described. When on betrothal +a Hopi maid takes her gifts of finely ground cornmeal to the house of +her future mother-in-law, her hair is dressed in this fashion for the last +time, because on her return she is attacked by the women of the pueblo, +drawn hither and thither, her hair torn down, and her body smeared +with dirt. If her gifts are accepted she immediately becomes the wife +of her lover, and her hair is thenceforth dressed in the fashion common +to matrons.</p> + +<p>The symbolic meaning of the whorls of hair worn by the maidens is +said to be the squash-flower, or, perhaps more accurately speaking, the +potential power of fructification. There is legendary and other evidence +that this custom is very ancient among the Tusayan Indians, and the +data obtainable from their ritual point the same way. In the personification +of ancestral "breath-bodies," or spirits by men, called <i>katcinas</i>, +the female performers are termed <i>katcina-manas</i> (katcina-virgins), and +it is their custom to wear the hair in the characteristic coiffure of +maidens. In the personification of the Corn-maid by symbolic figures, +such as graven images,<a name="FNanchor_122_122" id="FNanchor_122_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> pictures, and the like, in secret rites, the style +of coiffure worn by the maidens is common, as I have elsewhere shown +in the descriptions of the ceremonials known as the Flute, <i>Lalakonti</i>, +<i>Mamzrauti</i>, <i>Palülükoñti</i>, and others. The same symbol is found in +images used as dolls of Calako-mana, the equivalent, as the others, of +the same Corn-maid. From the nature of these images there can +hardly be a doubt of the great antiquity of this practice, and that it +has been brought down, through their ritual, to the present day. This +style of hair dressing was mentioned by the early Spanish explorers, +and is represented in pictographs of ancient date; but if all these evidences +of its antiquity are insufficient the testimony afforded by the +pictures on certain food-basins from Sikyatki leaves no doubt on this +point.<a name="FNanchor_123_123" id="FNanchor_123_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a></p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_662" id="Page_662">[Pg 662]</a></span></p> + +<p><a href="#PL_CXXIX">Plate <span class="smcap">cxxix</span></a>, <i>b</i>, represents a food-basin, on the inside of which is +drawn, in brown, the head and shoulders of a woman. On either side +the hair is done up in coils which bear some likeness to the whorls +worn by the present Hopi maidens. It must be borne in mind, however, +that similar coils are sometimes made after ceremonial head-washing, +and certain other rites, when the hair is tied with corn husks. +The face is painted reddish, and the ears have square pendants similar +to the turquois mosaics worn by Hopi women at the present day. +Although there is other evidence than this of the use of square ear-pendants, +set with mosaic, among the ancient people—and traditions +point the same way—this figure of the head of a woman from Sikyatki +leaves no doubt of the existence of this form of ornament in that +ancient pueblo.</p> + +<p>However indecisive the last-mentioned picture may be in regard to +the coiffure of the ancient Sikyatki women, <a href="#PL_CXXIX">plate <span class="smcap">cxxix</span></a>, <i>a</i>, affords +still more conclusive evidence. This picture represents a woman of +remarkable form which, from likenesses to figures at present made in +sand on an altar in the <i>Lalakonti</i> ceremony,<a name="FNanchor_124_124" id="FNanchor_124_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> I have no hesitation in +ascribing to the Corn-maid. The head has the two whorls of hair very +similar to those made in that rite on the picture of the Goddess of +Germs, and the square body is likewise paralleled in the same figure. +The peculiar form is employed to represent the outstretched blanket, a +style of art which is common in Mayan codices.<a name="FNanchor_125_125" id="FNanchor_125_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> On each lower corner +representations of feathered strings, called in the modern ritual +<i>nakwákwoci</i>,<a name="FNanchor_126_126" id="FNanchor_126_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> are appended. The figure is represented as kneeling, +and the four parallel lines are possibly comparable with the prayer-sticks +placed in the belt of the Germ goddess on the <i>Lalakonti</i> altar. +In her left hand (which, among the Hopi, is the ceremonial hand or +that in which sacred objects are always carried) she holds an ear of +corn, symbolic of germs, of which she is the deity. The many coincidences +between this figure and that used in the ceremonials of the +September moon, called Lalakonti, would seem to show that in both +instances it was intended to represent the same mythic being.</p> + +<p>There is, however, another aspect of this question which is of interest. +In modern times there is a survival among the Hopi of the custom +of decorating the inside of a food basin with a figure of the +Corn-maid, and this is, therefore, a direct inheritance of ancient methods +represented by the specimen under consideration. A large majority +of modern food bowls are ornamented with an elaborate figure of Calako-mana, +the Corn-maid, very elaborately worked out, but still retaining +the essential symbolism figured in the Sikyatki bowl.<a name="FNanchor_127_127" id="FNanchor_127_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a></p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 387px;"><a name="PL_CXXV" id="PL_CXXV"></a> +<img src="images/platecxxv.jpg" width="387" height="600" alt="PL. CXXV— +FLAT DIPPERS AND MEDICINE BOX FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXXV— +FLAT DIPPERS AND MEDICINE BOX FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXV</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">FLAT DIPPERS AND MEDICINE BOX FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_663" id="Page_663">[Pg 663]</a></span></p> +<p>While one of the two figures shown in <a href="#PL_CXXIX">plate <span class="smcap">cxxix</span></a>, <i>e</i>, is valuable as +affording additional and corroborative evidence of the character of the +ancient coiffure of the women, its main interest is of a somewhat different +kind. Two figures are rudely drawn on the inside of the basin, +one of which represents a woman, the other, judging from the character +of the posterior extremity of the body, a reptilian conception in which a +single foreleg is depicted, and the tail is articulated at the end, recalling +a rattlesnake. Upon the head is a single feather;<a name="FNanchor_128_128" id="FNanchor_128_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> the two eyes are +represented on one side of the head, and the line of the alimentary tract +is roughly drawn. The figure is represented as standing before that of +the woman.</p> + +<p>With these few lines the potter no doubt intended to depict one of +those many legends, still current, of the cultus hero and heroine of her +particular family or priesthood. Supposing the reptilian figure to be a +totemic one, our minds naturally recall the legend of the Snake-hero +and the Corn-mist-maid<a name="FNanchor_129_129" id="FNanchor_129_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> whom he brought from a mythic land to dwell +with his people.</p> + +<p>The peculiar hairdress is likewise represented in the figures on the +food basin illustrated in <a href="#PL_CXXIX">plate <span class="smcap">cxxix</span></a>, <i>c</i>, which represent a man and +a woman. Although the figures are partly obliterated, it can easily be +deciphered that the latter figure wears a garment similar to the <i>kwaca</i> +or dark-blue blanket for which Tusayan is still famous, and that this +blanket was bound by a girdle, the ends of which hang from the +woman's left hip. While the figure of the man is likewise indistinct +(the vessel evidently having been long in use), the nature of the act in +which he is engaged is not left in doubt.<a name="FNanchor_130_130" id="FNanchor_130_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a></p> + +<p>Among the numerous deities of the modern Hopi Olympus there is +one called Kokopeli,<a name="FNanchor_131_131" id="FNanchor_131_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> often represented in wooden dolls and clay +images. From the obscurity of the symbolism, these dolls are never +figured in works on Tusayan images. The figure in <a href="#PL_CXXIX">plate <span class="smcap">cxxix</span></a>, <i>d</i>, +bears a resemblance to Kokopeli. It represents a man with arms raised +in the act of dancing, and the head is destitute of hair as if covered +by one of the peculiar helmets, used by the clowns in modern ceremonials. +As many of the acts of these priests may be regarded as +obscene from our point of view, it is not improbable that this figure +may represent an ancient member of this archaic priesthood.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_664" id="Page_664">[Pg 664]</a></span></p> + +<p>The three human figures on the food basin illustrated in <a href="#PL_CXXIX">plate +<span class="smcap">cxxix</span></a>, <i>f</i>, are highly instructive as showing the antiquity of a curious +and revolting practice almost extinct in Tusayan.</p> + +<p>As an accompaniment of certain religious ceremonials among the +Pueblo and the Navaho Indians, it was customary for certain priests +to insert sticks into the esophagus. These sticks are still used to some +extent and may be obtained by the collector. The ceremony of stick-swallowing +has led to serious results, so that now in the decline of this +cult a deceptive method is often adopted.</p> + +<p>In Tusayan the stick-swallowing ceremony has been practically +abandoned at the East Mesa, but I have been informed by reliable persons +that it has not wholly been given up at Oraibi. The illustration +above referred to indicates its former existence in Sikyatki. The middle +figure represents the stick-swallower forcing the stick down his +esophagus, while a second figure holds before him an unknown object. +The principal performer is held by a third figure, an attendant, who +stands behind him. This instructive pictograph thus illustrates the +antiquity of this custom in Tusayan, and would seem to indicate that it +was once a part of the Pueblo ritual.<a name="FNanchor_132_132" id="FNanchor_132_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> It is possible that the Navaho, +who have a similar practice, derived it from the Pueblos, but there are +not enough data at hand to demonstrate this beyond question.</p> + +<p>Regarding the pose of the three figures in this picture, I have been +reminded by Dr Walter Hough of the performers who carry the wad +of cornstalks in the Antelope dance. In this interpretation we have +the "carrier," "hugger," and possibly an Antelope priest with the +unknown object in his hand. This interpretation appears more likely +to be a correct one than that which I have suggested; and yet Kopeli, +the Snake chief, declares that the Snake family was not represented at +Sikyatki. Possibly a dance similar to the Antelope performance on the +eighth day of the Snake dance may have been celebrated at that pueblo, +and the discovery of a rattlesnake's rattle in a Sikyatki grave is yet to +be explained.</p> + +<p>One of the most prominent of all the deities in the modern Tusayan +Olympus is the cultus-hero called Püükoñhoya, the Little War God. +Hopi mythology teems with legends of this god and his deeds in killing +monsters and aiding the people in many ways. He is reputed to +have been one of twins, children of the Sun and a maid by parthenogenetic +conception. His adventures are told with many variants and +he reappears with many aliases.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 372px;"><a name="PL_CXXVI" id="PL_CXXVI"></a> +<img src="images/platecxxvi.jpg" width="372" height="600" alt="PL. CXXVI— +DOUBLE-LOBE VASES FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXXVI— +DOUBLE-LOBE VASES FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXVI</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">DOUBLE-LOBE VASES FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>The symbolism of Püükoñhoya at the present day consists of parallel +marks on the face or body, and when personated by a man the figure<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_665" id="Page_665">[Pg 665]</a></span> +is always represented as carrying weapons of war, such as a bow and +arrows. Images of the same hero are used in ceremonies, and are +sometimes found as household gods or penates, which are fed as if +human beings. A fragment of pottery represented in the accompanying +illustration (<a href="#Fig_263">figure 263</a>), shows enough of the head of a personage +to indicate that Püükoñhoya was intended, for it bears on the cheek +the two parallel marks symbolic of that deity, while in his hands he +holds a bow and a jointed arrow as if shooting an unknown animal. +All of these features are in harmony with the identification of the +figure with that of the cultus-hero mentioned, and seem to indicate the +truth of the current legend that as a mythologic conception he is of +great antiquity in Tusayan.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 472px;"><a name="Fig_263" id="Fig_263"></a> +<img src="images/fig263.jpg" width="472" height="417" alt="Fig. 263—War god shooting an animal. (Fragment +of food bowl.)" title="Fig. 263—War god shooting an animal. (Fragment +of food bowl.)" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 263—War god shooting an animal. (Fragment +of food bowl.)</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>In this connection it may be instructive to call attention to two figures +on a food bowl collected by Mr H. R. Voth from a ruin near Oraibi. +It represents a man and a woman, the former with two horns, a crescent +on the forehead, and holding in +his outstretched hand a staff. +The woman has a curious gorget, +similar to some which I have +found in ruins near Tusayan, +and a belt like those still worn +by Pueblo Indians. This smaller +figure likewise has a crescent +on its face and three strange +appendages on each side of the +head.</p> + +<p>Another food basin in Mr +Voth's collection is also instructive, +and is different in its +decoration from any which I +have found. The character of +the ware is ancient, but the figure is decidedly modern. If, however, +it should prove to be an ancient vessel it would carry back to the time +of its manufacture the existence of the <i>katcina</i> cult in Tusayan, no +actual proof of the existence of which, at a time when Sikyatki was in +its prime, has yet been discovered.</p> + +<p>The three figures represent Hahaiwüqti, Hewüqti, and Natacka +exactly as these supernatural beings are now personated at Walpi in +the <i>Powamû</i>, as described and figured in a former memoir.<a name="FNanchor_133_133" id="FNanchor_133_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a></p> + +<p>It is unfortunate that the antiquity of this specimen, suggestive as +it is, must be regarded as doubtful, for it was not exhumed from the +ruin by an archeologist, and the exact locality in which it was found +is not known.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_666" id="Page_666">[Pg 666]</a></span></p> +<h5><span class="smcap">The Human Hand</span></h5> + +<p>Excepting the figure of the maid's head above described, the human +hand, for some unknown reason, is the only part of the body chosen by +the ancient Hopi for representation in the decoration of their pottery. +Among the present Tusayan Indians the human hand is rarely used, +but oftentimes the beams of the kivas are marked by the girls who have +plastered them with impressions of their muddy hands, and there is a +<i>katcina</i> mask which has a hand painted in white on the face. As in +the case of the decoration of all similar sacred paraphernalia, there is +a legend which accounts for the origin of the <i>katcina</i> with the imprint +of the hand on its mask. The following tale, collected by the late +A. M. Stephen, from whose manuscript I quote, is interesting in this +connection:</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"The figure of a hand with extended fingers is very common, in the +vicinity of ruins, as a rock etching, and is also frequently seen +daubed on the rocks with colored pigments or white clay. These are +vestiges of a test formerly practiced by the young men who aspired for +admission to the fraternity of the Calako. The Calako is a trinity of +two women and a man from whom the Hopi obtained the first corn, and +of whom the following legend is told:</p> + +<p>"In the early days, before houses were built, the earth was devastated +by a whirlwind. There was then neither springs nor streams, although +water was so near the surface that it could be found by pulling up +a tuft of grass. The people had but little food, however, and they +besought Masauwûh to help them, but he could not.</p> + +<p>"There came a little old man, a dwarf, who said that he had two +sisters who were the wives of Calako, and it might be well to petition +them. So they prepared an altar, every man making a <i>paho</i>, and these +were set in the ground so as to encircle a sand hillock, for this occurred +before houses were known.</p> + +<p>"Masauwûh's brother came and told them that when Calako came to +the earth's surface wherever he placed his foot a deep chasm was made; +then they brought to the altar a huge rock, on which Calako might +stand, and they set it between the two pahos placed for his wives.</p> + +<p>"Then the people got their rattles and stood around the altar, each +man in front of his own paho; but they stood in silence, for they knew +no song with which to invoke this strange god. They stood there for a +long while, for they were afraid to begin the ceremonies until a young +lad, selecting the largest rattle, began to shake it and sing. Presently +a sound like rushing water was heard, but no water was seen; a sound +also like great winds, but the air was perfectly still, and it was seen +that the rock was pierced with a great hole through the center. The +people were frightened and ran away, all save the young lad who had +sung the invocation.</p> +</div> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;"><a name="PL_CXXVII" id="PL_CXXVII"></a> +<img src="images/platecxxvii.jpg" width="400" height="600" alt="PL. CXXVII— +UNUSUAL FORMS OF VASES FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXXVII— +UNUSUAL FORMS OF VASES FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXVII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">UNUSUAL FORMS OF VASES FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"The lad soon afterward rejoined them, and they saw that his back +was cut and bleeding and covered with splinters of yucca and willow.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_667" id="Page_667">[Pg 667]</a></span> +The flagellation, he told them, had been administered by Calako, who +told him that he must endure this laceration before he could look upon +the beings he had invoked; that only to those who passed through his +ordeals could Calako become visible; and, as the lad had braved the +test so well, he should thenceforth be chief of the Calako altar. The +lad could not describe Calako, but said that his two wives were exceedingly +beautiful and arrayed with all manner of fine garments. They +wore great headdresses of clouds and every kind of corn which they +were to give to the Hopi to plant for food. There were white, red, yellow, +blue, black, blue-and-white speckled, and red-and-yellow speckled +corn, and a seeded grass (<i>kwapi</i>).</p> + +<p>"The lad returned to the altar and shook his rattle over the hole in +the rock, and from its interior Calako conversed with him and gave him +instructions. In accordance with these he gathered all the Hopi youths +and brought them to the rock, that Calako might select certain of them +to be his priests. The first test was that of putting their hands in the +mud and impressing them upon the rock. Only those were chosen as +novices the imprints of whose hands had dried on the instant.</p> + +<p>"The selected youths then moved within the altar and underwent +the test of flagellation. Calako lashed them with yucca and willow. +Those who made no outcry were told to remain in the altar, to abstain +from salt and flesh for ten days, when Calako would return and instruct +them concerning the rites to be performed when they sought his aid.</p> + +<p>"Calako and his two wives appeared at the appointed time, and after +many ceremonials gave to each of the initiated five grains of each of the +different kinds of corn. The Hopi women had been instructed to place +baskets woven of grass at the foot of the rock, and in these Calako's +wives placed the seeds of squashes, melons, beans, and all the other +vegetables which the Hopi have since possessed.</p> + +<p>"Calako and his wives, after announcing that they would again +return, took off their masks and garments, and laying them on the rock +disappeared within it.</p> + +<p>"Some time after this, when the initiated were assembled in the altar, +the Great Plumed Snake appeared to them and said that Calako could +not return unless one of them was brave enough to take the mask and +garments down into the hole and give them to him. They were all +afraid, but the oldest man of the Hopi took them down and was deputed +to return and represent Calako.</p> + +<p>"Shortly afterward Masauwûh stole the paraphernalia, and with his +two brothers masqueraded as Calako and his wives. This led the Hopi +into great trouble, and they incurred the wrath of Muiyinwûh, who +withered all their grain and corn.</p> + +<p>"One of the Hopi finally discovered that the supposed Calako carried +a cedar bough in his hand, when it should have been willow; then they +knew that it was Masauwûh who had been misleading them.</p> + +<p>"The boy hero one day found Masauwûh asleep, and so regained +possession of the mask. Muiyinwûh then withdrew his punishments<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_668" id="Page_668">[Pg 668]</a></span> +and sent Palülükoñ (the Plumed Snake) to tell the Hopi that Calako +would never return to them, but that the boy hero should wear his +mask and represent him, and his festival should be celebrated when +they had a proper number of novices to be initiated."<a name="FNanchor_134_134" id="FNanchor_134_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a></p> +</div> + +<p>Several food basins from Sikyatki have a human hand depicted upon +them, and in one of these both hands are represented. On the most +perfect of these hand figures (<a href="#PL_CXXXVII">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxvii</span></a>, <i>c</i>) a wristlet is well represented, +with two triangular figures, which impart to it an unusual +form. From between the index and second finger there arises a triangular +appendage, which joins a graceful curve, extending on one side +to the base of the thumb and continued on the other side to the arm. +The whole inside of the basin, except the figure of the hand and its +appendage, is decorated with spattering,<a name="FNanchor_135_135" id="FNanchor_135_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> and on the outside there is +a second figure, evidently a hand or the paw of some animal. This +external decoration also has a triangular figure in which are two terraces, +recalling rain-cloud symbols.</p> + +<p>One of the most interesting representations of the human hand (<a href="#Fig_354">figure 354</a>) +is found on the exterior of a beautiful bowl. The four fingers and +the thumb are shown with representations of nails, a unique feature +in such decorations. From between the index finger and the next, or +rather from the tip of the former, arises an appendage comparable with +that before mentioned, but of much simpler form. The palm of the +hand is crossed by a number of parallel lines, which recall a custom of +using the palm lines in measuring ceremonial prayer sticks, as I have +described in a memoir on the Snake dance. In place of the arm this +hand has many parallel lines, the three medial ones being continued +far beyond the others, as shown in the figure.</p> + + +<h5><span class="smcap">Quadrupeds</span></h5> + +<p>Figures of quadrupeds are sparingly used in the decoration of food +bowls or basins, but the collection shows several fine specimens on which +appear some of the mammalia with which the Hopi are familiar. Most +of these are so well drawn that there appears to be no question as to +their identification.</p> + +<p>One of the most instructive of these figures is shown in <a href="#PL_CXXX">plate <span class="smcap">cxxx</span></a>, +<i>a</i>, which is much worn, and indistinct in detail, although from what +can be traced it was probably intended to represent a mythic creature +known as the Giant Elk. The head bears two branched horns, drawn +without perspective, and the neck has a number of short parallel +marks similar to those occurring on the figure of an antelope on the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_669" id="Page_669">[Pg 669]</a></span> +walls of one of the kivas at Walpi. The hoofs are bifid, and from a +short stunted tail there arises a curved line which encircles the whole +figure, connecting a series of round spots and terminating in a triangular +figure with three parallel lines representing feathers. Perhaps +the strangest of all appendages to this animal is at the tail, which is +forked, recalling the tail of certain birds. Its meaning is unknown +to me.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 391px;"><a name="PL_CXXVIII" id="PL_CXXVIII"></a> +<img src="images/platecxxviii.jpg" width="391" height="600" alt="PL. CXXVIII— +MEDICINE BOX AND PIGMENT POTS FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXXVIII— +MEDICINE BOX AND PIGMENT POTS FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXVIII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">MEDICINE BOX AND PIGMENT POTS FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>There can be no doubt that the delineator sought to represent in +this figure one of the numerous horned <i>Cervidæ</i> with which the ancient +Hopi were familiar, but the drawing is so incomplete that to choose +between the antelope, deer, and elk seems impossible. It may be +mentioned, however, that the Horn people are reputed to have been +early arrivals in Tusayan, and it is not improbable that representatives +of the Horn clans lived in Sikyatki +previous to its overthrow.</p> + +<p>Two faintly drawn animals, evidently +intended for quadrupeds, +appear on the interior of the food +bowl shown in <a href="#PL_CXXX">plate <span class="smcap">cxxx</span></a>, <i>b</i>. These +are interesting from the method in +which they were drawn. They are +not outlined with defined lines, but +are of the original color of the bowl, +and appear as two ghost-like figures +surrounded by a dense spattering +of red spots, similar in technic to the +figure of the human hand. I am +unable to identify these animals, but +provisionally refer them to the rabbit. +They have no distinctive symbolism, +however, and are destitute +of the characteristic spots which +members of the Rabbit clan now invariably place on their totemic +signatures.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 470px;"><a name="Fig_264" id="Fig_264"></a> +<img src="images/fig264.png" width="470" height="600" alt="Fig. 264—Mountain sheep" title="Fig. 264—Mountain sheep" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 264—Mountain sheep</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>The animal design on the bowl illustrated in <a href="#PL_CXXX">plate <span class="smcap">cxxx</span></a>, <i>c</i>, probably +represents a rabbit or hare, quite well drawn in profile, with a feathered +appendage from the head. Behind it is the ordinary symbol of the +dragon-fly. Several crosses are found in an opposite hemisphere, separated +from that occupied by the two animal pictures by a series of +geometric figures ornamented with crooks and other designs.</p> + +<p>The interior of the food bowl shown in <a href="#PL_CXXX">plate <span class="smcap">cxxx</span></a>, <i>d</i>, as well as the +inner sides of the two ladles represented in <a href="#PL_CXXXI">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxi</span></a>, <i>b</i>, <i>d</i>, are decorated +with peculiar figures which suggest the porcupine. The body +is crescentic and covered with spines, and only a single leg, with claws, +is represented. It is worthy of mention that so many of these animal +forms have only one leg, representative, no doubt, of a single pair, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_670" id="Page_670">[Pg 670]</a></span> +that many of these have plantigrade paws like those of the bear and +badger. The appendages to the head in this figure remind one of +those of certain forms regarded as reptiles, with which this may be +identical.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_265" id="Fig_265"></a> +<img src="images/fig265.jpg" width="600" height="528" alt="Fig. 265—Mountain lion" title="Fig. 265—Mountain lion" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 265—Mountain lion</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>In another decoration we have what is apparently the same animal +furnished with both fore and hind legs, the tail curving upward like +that of a cottontail rabbit, which it resembles in other particulars as +well. This figure also hangs by a band from a geometric design +formed of two crescents and bearing four parallel marks representing +feathers. The single crescent depicted on the inside of the ladle +shown in <a href="#PL_CXXXI">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxi</span></a>, <i>b</i>, is believed to represent the same conception, +or the moon; and in this connection the very close phonetic resemblance +between the Hopi name for moon<a name="FNanchor_136_136" id="FNanchor_136_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> and that for the mammal +may be mentioned. In the decoration last described the same crescentic +figure is elaborated into its zoömorphic equivalent.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 415px;"><a name="PL_CXXIX" id="PL_CXXIX"></a> +<img src="images/platecxxix.jpg" width="415" height="600" alt="PL. CXXIX— +DESIGNS ON FOOD BOWLS FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXXIX— +DESIGNS ON FOOD BOWLS FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXIX</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">DESIGNS ON FOOD BOWLS FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_671" id="Page_671">[Pg 671]</a></span></p> + +<p>An enumeration of the pictographic representations of mammalia +includes the beautiful food bowl shown in <a href="#PL_CXXX">plate <span class="smcap">cxxx</span></a>, <i>e</i>, which is made +of fine clay spattered with brown pigment. This design (reproduced +in <a href="#Fig_264">figure 264</a>) represents probably some ruminant, as the mountain +sheep or possibly the antelope, both of which gave names to clans +said to have resided at Sikyatki. The hoofs are characteristic, and +the markings on the back suggest a fawn or spotted deer. There is a +close similarity between the design below this animal and that of the +exterior decorations of certain vases and square medicine bowls.</p> + +<p>Among the pictures of quadrupedal animals depicted on ancient +food bowls there is none more striking than that illustrated in <a href="#PL_CXXX">plate +<span class="smcap">cxxx</span></a>, <i>f</i>, which has been identified as the mountain lion. While this +identification is more or less problematical, it is highly possible. The +claws of the forelegs (<a href="#Fig_265">figure 265</a>) are evidently those of one of the +carnivora of the cat family, of which the mountain lion is the most +prominent in Tusayan. The anterior part of the body is spotted; the +posterior and the hind legs are black. The snout bears little resemblance +to that of the puma.</p> + +<p>The entire inner surface of the bowl, save a central circle in which +the head, fore-limbs, and anterior part of the body are represented, is +decorated by spattering. Within this spattered area there are highly +interesting figures, prominent among which is a squatting figure of a +man, with the hand raised to the mouth and holding a ceremonial cigarette, +as if engaged in smoking. The seven patches in black might +well be regarded as either footprints or leaves, four of which appear +to be attached to the band inclosing the central area. In the intervals +between three of these there are branched bodies representing plants +or bushes.</p> + + +<h5><span class="smcap">Reptiles</span></h5> + +<p>Snakes and other reptilian forms were represented by the ancient potters +in the decoration of food bowls, and it is remarkable how closely +some of these correspond in symbolism with conceptions still current +in Tusayan. Of all reptilian monsters the worship of which forms a +prominent element in Hopi ritual, that of the Great Plumed Snake is +perhaps the most important. Effigies of this monster exist in all the +larger Hopi villages, and they are used in at least two great rites—the +<i>Soyaluña</i> in December and the <i>Palülükonti</i> in March, as I have +already described. The symbolic markings and appendages of the +Plumed Snake effigy are distinctive, and are found in all modern representations +of this mystic being. While several pictographs of +snakes are found on Sikyatki pottery, there is not a single instance in +which these modern markings appear; consequently there is considerable +doubt in regard to the identification of many of the Sikyatki +serpents with modern mythologic representatives.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_266" id="Fig_266"></a> +<img src="images/fig266.jpg" width="600" height="537" alt="Fig. 266—Plumed serpent" title="Fig. 266—Plumed serpent" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 266—Plumed serpent</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>In questioning the priests in regard to the derivation of the Plumed +Serpent cult in Tusayan, I have found that they declare that this<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_672" id="Page_672">[Pg 672]</a></span> +cultus was brought into Tusayan from a mythic land in the south, +called Palatkwabi, and that the effigies and fetiches pertaining to it +were introduced by the Patki or Water-house people. From good evidence, +I suspect that the arrival of this phratry was comparatively +late in Tusayan history, and it is possible that Sikyatki was destroyed +before their advent, for in all the legends which I have been able to +gather no one ascribes to Sikyatki any clan belonging to the phratries +which are said to have migrated from the far south. I believe +we must look toward the east, whence the ancestors of the Kokop or +Firewood people are reputed to have come, for the origin of the symbolic +markings of the snakes represented on Sikyatki ceramics. Figures +of apodal reptiles, with feathers represented on their heads, occur in +Sikyatki pictography, although there is no resemblance in the markings +of their bodies to those of modern pictures. One of the most striking +of these occurs on the inside of the food basin shown in <a href="#PL_CXXXII">plate +<span class="smcap">cxxxii</span></a>, <i>a</i>. It represents a serpent with curved body, the tail being +connected with the head, like an ancient symbol of eternity. The body +(<a href="#Fig_266">figure 266</a>) is destitute of any distinctive markings, but is covered +with a crosshatching of black lines. The head bears two triangular<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_673" id="Page_673">[Pg 673]</a></span> +markings, which are regarded as feather symbols. The position of +the eyes would seem to indicate that the top of the head is represented, +but this conclusion is not borne out by comparative studies, +for it was often the custom of ancient Tusayan potters, like other primitive +artists, to represent both eyes on one side of the head.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 394px;"><a name="PL_CXXX" id="PL_CXXX"></a> +<img src="images/platecxxx.jpg" width="394" height="600" alt="PL. CXXX— +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF QUADRUPEDS FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXXX— +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF QUADRUPEDS FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXX</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF QUADRUPEDS FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>The zigzag line occupying the position of the tongue and terminating +in a triangle is a lightning symbol, with which the serpent is still +associated. While striving not to strain the symbolism of this figure, +it is suggested that the three curved marks on the lower and upper +jaws represent fangs. It is highly probable that conceptions not +greatly unlike those which cluster about the Great Plumed Serpent +were associated with this mythic snake, the figure of which is devoid +of some of the most essential elements of modern symbolism.</p> + +<p>While from the worn character of the middle of the food bowl illustrated +in <a href="#PL_CXXXII">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxii</span></a>, <i>b</i>, it is not possible to discover whether the +animal was apodal or not from the crosshatching of the body and the +resemblance of the appendages of the head to those of the figure last +considered, it appears probable that this pictograph likewise was +intended to represent a snake of mystic character. Like the previous +figure, this also is coiled, with the tail near the head, its body crosshatched, +and with two triangular appendages to the head. There is, +however, but one eye, and the two jaws are elongated and provided +with teeth,<a name="FNanchor_137_137" id="FNanchor_137_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> as in the case of certain reptiles.</p> + +<p>The similarity of the head and its appendages to the snake figure last +described would lead me to regard the figure shown in <a href="#PL_CXXXII">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxii</span></a>, <i>c</i>, +as representing a like animal, but the latter picture is more elaborately +worked out in details, and one of the legs is well represented. I have +shown in the discussion of a former figure how the decorator, recognizing +the existence of two eyes, represented them both on one side of the +head of a profile figure, although only one is visible, and we see in this +picture (<a href="#Fig_267">figure 267</a>) a somewhat similar tendency, which is very common +in modern Tusayan figures of animals. The breath line is drawn +from the extremity of the snout halfway down the length of the body. +In modern pictography a representation of the heart is often depicted +at the blind extremity of this line, as if, in fact, there was a connection +with this organ and the tubes through which the breath passes. In the +Sikyatki pottery, however, I find only this one specimen of drawing +in which an attempt to represent internal organs is made.</p> + +<p>The tail of this singular picture of a reptile is highly conventionalized, +bearing appendages of unknown import, but recalling feathers, +while on the back are other appendages which might be compared with +wings. Both of these we might expect, considering the association of +bird and serpent in the Hopi conception of the Plumed Snake.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_674" id="Page_674">[Pg 674]</a></span></p> + +<p>Exact identifications of these pictures with the animals by which +the Hopi are or were surrounded, is, of course, impossible, for they are +not realistic representations, but symbolic figures of mythic beings +unknown save to the imagination of the primitive mythologist.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_267" id="Fig_267"></a> +<img src="images/fig267.jpg" width="600" height="572" alt="Fig. 267—Unknown reptile" title="Fig. 267—Unknown reptile" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 267—Unknown reptile</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 355px;"><a name="PL_CXXXI" id="PL_CXXXI"></a> +<img src="images/platecxxxi.jpg" width="355" height="600" alt="PL. CXXXI— +ORNAMENTED LADLES FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXXXI— +ORNAMENTED LADLES FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXI</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">ORNAMENTED LADLES FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_268" id="Fig_268"></a> +<img src="images/fig268.jpg" width="600" height="582" alt="Fig. 268—Unknown reptile" title="Fig. 268—Unknown reptile" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 268—Unknown reptile</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>A similar reptile is pictured on the food bowl shown in <a href="#PL_CXXXII">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxii</span></a>, <i>d</i>, +in which design, however, there are important modifications, the most +striking of which are: (1) The animal (<a href="#Fig_268">figure 268</a>) has both fore and +hind legs represented; (2) the head is round; (3) the mouth is provided +with teeth; and (4) there are four instead of two feather appendages +on the head, two of which are much longer than the others. Were it +not that ears are not represented in reptiles, one would be tempted to +regard the smaller appendages as representations of these organs. +Their similarity to the row of spines on the back and the existence of +spines on the head of the "horned toad" suggests this reptile, with +which both ancient and modern Hopi are very familiar. On a fragment +of a vessel found at Awatobi there is depicted the head of a reptile +evidently identical with this, since the drawing is an almost perfect +reproduction. There is a like figure, also from Sikyatki, in the collection<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_675" id="Page_675">[Pg 675]</a></span> +of pottery made at that ruin by Dr Miller, of Prescott, the +year following my work there. The most elaborate of all the pictures +of reptiles found on ancient Tusayan pottery is shown in <a href="#PL_CXXXII">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxii</span></a>, <i>e</i>, +in which the symbolism is complicated and the details carefully worked +out. A few of these symbols I am able to decipher; others elude present +analysis. There is no doubt as to the meaning of the appendage +to the head (<a href="#Fig_269">figure 269</a>), for it well portrays an elaborate feathered +headdress on which the markings that distinguish tail-feathers, three +in number, are prominent. The extension of the snout is without +homologue elsewhere in Hopi pictography, and, while decorative in +part, is likewise highly conventionalized. On the body semicircular +rain cloud symbols and markings similar to those of the bodies of certain +birds are distinguishable. The feet likewise are more avian than +reptilian, but of a form quite unusual in structure. It is interesting to +note the similarity in the carved line with six sets of parallel bars to +the band surrounding the figure of the human hand shown in <a href="#PL_CXXXVII">plate +<span class="smcap">cxxxvii</span></a>, <i>c</i>. In attempting to identify the pictograph on the bowl reproduced<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_676" id="Page_676">[Pg 676]</a></span> +in <a href="#PL_CXXXIV">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxiv</span></a>, <i>a</i>, there is little to guide me, and the nearest I +can come to its significance is to ascribe it to a reptile of some kind. +Highly symbolic, greatly conventionalized as this figure is, there is +practically nothing on which to base the absolute identification of the +figure save the serrated appendage to the body and the leg, which +resembles that of the lizard as it is sometimes drawn. The two eyes +indicate that the enlargement in which these were placed is the head, +and the extended curved snout a beak. All else is incomprehensible +to me, and my identification is therefore provisional and largely +speculative.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_269" id="Fig_269"></a> +<img src="images/fig269.jpg" width="600" height="580" alt="Fig. 269—Unknown reptile" title="Fig. 269—Unknown reptile" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 269—Unknown reptile</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>I wish, however, in leaving the description of this beautiful bowl, to +invite attention to the brilliancy and the characteristics of the coloring, +which differ from the majority of the decorated ware from Sikyatki.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 392px;"><a name="PL_CXXXII" id="PL_CXXXII"></a> +<img src="images/platecxxxii.jpg" width="392" height="600" alt="PL. CXXXII— +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF REPTILES FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXXXII— +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF REPTILES FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF REPTILES FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 380px;"><a name="PL_CXXXIII" id="PL_CXXXIII"></a> +<img src="images/platecxxxiii.jpg" width="380" height="600" alt="PL. CXXXIII— +BOWLS AND DIPPERS WITH FIGURES OF TADPOLES, BIRDS, ETC. FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXXXIII— +BOWLS AND DIPPERS WITH FIGURES OF TADPOLES, BIRDS, ETC. FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXIII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">BOWLS AND DIPPERS WITH FIGURES OF TADPOLES, BIRDS, ETC. FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 396px;"><a name="PL_CXXXIV" id="PL_CXXXIV"></a> +<img src="images/platecxxxiv.jpg" width="396" height="600" alt="PL. CXXXIV— +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF SUN, BUTTERFLY, AND FLOWER FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXXXIV— +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF SUN, BUTTERFLY, AND FLOWER FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXIV</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF SUN, BUTTERFLY, AND FLOWER FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>Among the fragments of pottery found in the Sikyatki graves there +was one which, had it been entire, would doubtless have thrown considerable +light on ancient pictography. This fragment has depicted<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_677" id="Page_677">[Pg 677]</a></span> +upon it portions of the body and the whole head and neck of a reptilian +animal. We find on that part of the body which is represented, +three parallel marks which recall those on the modern pictures of the +Great Plumed Serpent. On the back there were apparently the representations +of wings, a feather of which is shown above the head. The +head likewise bears a crest of three feathers, and there are three reptilian +like toes. Whether this represents a reptile or a bird it is impossible +for me to say, but enough has already been recorded to indicate +how close the symbolism of these two groups sometimes is in ancient +pictography. It would almost appear as if the profound anatomical +discovery of the close kinship of birds and reptiles was unconsciously +recognized by a people destitute of the rudiments of the knowledge of +morphology.</p> + + +<h5><span class="smcap">Tadpoles</span></h5> + +<p>Among the inhabitants of an arid region, where rain-making forms a +dominant element in their ritual, water animals are eagerly adopted as +symbols. Among these the tadpole occupies a foremost position. The +figures of this batrachian are very simple, and are among the most +common of those used on ceremonial paraphernalia in Tusayan at the +present time. In none of these is anything more than a globular head +and a zigzag tail represented, and, as in nature, these are colored black. +The tadpole appears on several pieces of painted pottery from Sikyatki, +one of the best of which is the food bowl illustrated in <a href="#PL_CXXXIII">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxiii</span></a>, <i>a</i>. +The design represents a number of these aquatic animals drawn in line +across the diameter of the inner surface of the bowl, while on each side +there is a row of rectangular blocks representing rain clouds. These +blocks are separated from the tadpole figures by crescentic lines, and +above them are short parallel lines recalling the symbol of falling rain.</p> + +<p>One of the most beautiful forms of ladles from Sikyatki is figured in +<a href="#PL_CXXXIII">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxiii</span></a>, <i>b</i>, a specimen in which the art of decoration by spattering +is effectively displayed. The interior of the bowl of this dipper is +divided by parallel lines into two zones, in each of which two tadpoles +are represented. The handle is pointed at the end and is decorated. +This specimen is considered one of the best from Sikyatki.</p> + +<p>The rudely drawn picture on the bowl figured in <a href="#PL_CXXXII">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxii</span></a>, <i>f</i>, +would be identified as a frog, save for the presence of a tail which +would seem to refer it to the lizard kind. But in the evolution of the +tadpole into the frog a tailed stage persists in the metamorphosis +after the legs develop. In modern pictures<a name="FNanchor_138_138" id="FNanchor_138_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> of the frog with which +I am familiar, this batrachian is always represented dorsally or ventrally +with the legs outstretched, while in the lizards, as we have seen, +a lateral view is always adopted. As the sole picture found on ancient<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_678" id="Page_678">[Pg 678]</a></span> +pottery where the former method is employed, this fact may be of value +in the identification of this rude outline as a frog rather than as a true +reptile.</p> + + +<h5><span class="smcap">Butterflies or Moths</span></h5> + +<p>One of the most characteristic modern decorations employed by the +Hopi, especially as a symbol of fecundity, is the butterfly or moth. It +is a constant device on the beautiful white or cotton blankets woven +by the men as wedding gifts, where it is embroidered on the margin +in the forms of triangles or even in more realistic patterns. This +symbol is a simple triangle, which becomes quite realistic when +a line is drawn bisecting one of the angles. This double triangle +is not only a constant symbol on wedding blankets, but also is found +on the dadoes of houses, resembling in design the arrangement of +tiles in the Alhambra and other Moorish buildings. This custom of +decorating the walls of a building with triangles placed at intervals on +the upper edge of a +dado is a feature of +cliff-house kivas, as +shown in Nordenskiöld's +beautiful +memoir on the cliff +villages of Mesa +Verde. While an +isosceles triangle +represents the simplest +form of the butterfly +symbol, and +is common on ancient pottery, a few vessels from Sikyatki show a +much more realistic figure. In <a href="#PL_CXXXIV">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxiv</span></a>, <i>f</i>, is shown a moth +with extended proboscis and articulated antennæ, and in <i>d</i> of the same +plate another form, with the proboscis inserted in a flower, is given. +As an associate with summer, the butterfly is regarded as a beneficent +being aside from its fecundity, and one of the ancient Hopi clans +regarded it as their totem. Perhaps the most striking, and I may say +the most inexplicable, use of the symbol of the butterfly is the so-called +<i>Hokona</i> or Butterfly virgin slab used in the Antelope ceremonies of the +Snake dance at Walpi, where it is associated with the tadpole water +symbol.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_270" id="Fig_270"></a> +<img src="images/fig270.png" width="600" height="317" alt="Fig. 270—Outline of plate CXXXV, b" title="Fig. 270—Outline of plate CXXXV, b" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 270—Outline of <a href="#PL_CXXXV">plate CXXXV</a>, b</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>The most beautiful of all the butterfly designs are the six figures on +the vase reproduced in <a href="#PL_CXXXV">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxv</span></a>, <i>b</i>. From the number of these pictures +it would seem that they bore some relationship to the six world-quarters—north, +west, south, east, zenith, and nadir. The vase has a +flattened shoulder, and the six butterfly figures are represented as +flying toward the orifice. These insect figures closely resemble one +another, and are divided into two groups readily distinguished by the +symbolism of the heads. Three have each a cross with a single dot in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_679" id="Page_679">[Pg 679]</a></span> +each quadrant, and each of the other three has a dotted head without +the cross. These two kinds alternate with each other, and the former +probably indicate females, since the same symbols on the heads of the +snakes in the sand picture of the Antelope altar in the Snake dance +are used to designate the female.<a name="FNanchor_139_139" id="FNanchor_139_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a></p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 409px;"><a name="PL_CXXXV" id="PL_CXXXV"></a> +<img src="images/platecxxxv.jpg" width="409" height="600" alt="PL. CXXXV— +VASES WITH FIGURES OF BUTTERFLIES FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXXXV— +VASES WITH FIGURES OF BUTTERFLIES FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXV</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">VASES WITH FIGURES OF BUTTERFLIES FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 388px;"><a name="PL_CXXXVI" id="PL_CXXXVI"></a> +<img src="images/platecxxxvi.jpg" width="388" height="600" alt="PL. CXXXVI— +VASES WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXXXVI— +VASES WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXVI</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">VASES WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>Two antennæ and a double curved proboscis are indicated in all the +figures of butterflies on the vase under consideration. The zones above +and below are both cut by a "line of life," the opening through which +is situated on opposite equatorial poles in the upper and under rim.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_271" id="Fig_271"></a> +<img src="images/fig271.jpg" width="600" height="591" alt="Fig. 271—Butterfly design on upper surface of plate CXXXV, b" title="Fig. 271—Butterfly design on upper surface of plate CXXXV, b" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 271—Butterfly design on upper surface of <a href="#PL_CXXXV">plate CXXXV</a>, b</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>The rectangular figures associated with the butterflies on this elaborately +decorated vase are of two patterns alternating with each other. +The rectangles forming one of these patterns incloses three vertical +feathers, with a triangle on the right side and a crook on the left. +The remaining three rectangles also have three feathers, but they are +arranged longitudinally on the surface of the vase.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_680" id="Page_680">[Pg 680]</a></span></p> + +<p>The elaborate decoration of the zone outside the six butterflies is +made up of feathers arranged in three clusters of three each, alternating +with key patterns, crosshatched crooks, triangles, and frets. +The wealth of ornament on this part of the vase is noteworthy, and +its interpretation very baffling. This vase may well be considered the +most elaborately decorated in the whole collection from Sikyatki.</p> + +<p>There are several figures of butterflies, like those shown in <a href="#PL_CXXXI">plate +<span class="smcap">cxxxi</span></a>, <i>a</i>, in which the modifications of wings and body have proceeded +still further, and the only features which refer them to insects are the +jointed antennæ. The passage from this highly conventionalized +design into a triangular figure is not very great. There are still others +where the head, with attached appendages, arises not from an angle of a +triangle, but from the middle of one side. This gives us a very common +form of butterfly symbol, which is found, variously modified, on +many ancient vessels. In such designs there is commonly a row of +dots on each side, which may be represented by a sinuous line, a series +of triangles, bars, or parallel bars.</p> + +<p>The design reproduced in <a href="#PL_CXXXIV">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxiv</span></a>, <i>d</i>, represents a moth or +butterfly associated with a flower, and several star symbols. It is +evidently similar to that figured in <i>a</i> of the same plate, and has +representations of antennæ and extended proboscis, the latter organ +placed as if extracting honey from the flower. The conventional flower +is likewise shown in <i>e</i> of this plate. The two crescentic designs in <a href="#PL_CXXXV">plate +<span class="smcap">cxxxv</span></a>, <i>a</i>, are regarded as butterflies.</p> + +<p>The jar illustrated in <a href="#PL_CXLV">plate <span class="smcap">cxlv</span></a>, <i>b</i>, is ornamented with highly conventionalized +figures on four sides, and is the only one taken from the +Sikyatki cemeteries in which the designs are limited to the equatorial +surface. The most striking figure, which is likewise found on the base +of the paint saucer shown in <a href="#PL_CXLVI">plate <span class="smcap">cxlvi</span></a>, <i>f</i>, is a diamond-shape design +with a triangle at each corner (<a href="#Fig_276">figure 276</a>). The pictures drawn on +alternating quadrants have very different forms, which are difficult to +classify, and I have therefore provisionally associated this beautiful +vessel with those bearing the butterfly and the triangle. The form of +this vessel closely approaches that of the graceful cooking pots made +of coiled and coarse indented ware, but the vessel was evidently not +used for cooking purposes, as it bears no marks of soot.<a name="FNanchor_140_140" id="FNanchor_140_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a></p> + + +<h5><span class="smcap">Dragon-flies</span></h5> + +<p>Among the most constant designs used in the decoration of Sikyatki +pottery are figures of the dragon-fly. These decorations consist of a +line, sometimes enlarged into a bulb at one end, with two parallel +bars drawn at right angles across the end, below the enlargement. +Like the tadpole, the dragon-fly is a symbol of water, and with it are +associated many legends connected with the miraculous sprouting of +corn in early times. It is a constant symbol on modern ceremonial<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_681" id="Page_681">[Pg 681]</a></span> +paraphernalia, as masks, tablets, and pahos, and it occurs also on +several ancient vessels (<a href="#PL_CXL">plates <span class="smcap">cxl</span></a>, <i>b</i>; <a href="#PL_CLXIII"><span class="smcap">clxiii</span></a>, <i>a</i>), where it always has +the same simple linear form, with few essential modifications.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 388px;"><a name="PL_CXXXVII" id="PL_CXXXVII"></a> +<img src="images/platecxxxvii.jpg" width="388" height="600" alt="PL. CXXXVII— +VESSELS WITH FIGURES OF HUMAN HAND, BIRDS, TURTLE, ETC. FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXXXVII— +VESSELS WITH FIGURES OF HUMAN HAND, BIRDS, TURTLE, ETC. FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXVII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">VESSELS WITH FIGURES OF HUMAN HAND, BIRDS, TURTLE, ETC. FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>The symbols of four dragon-flies are well shown on the rim of the +square box represented in <a href="#PL_CXXVIII">plate <span class="smcap">cxxviii</span></a>, <i>a</i>. This box, which was probably +for charm liquid, or possibly for feathers used in ceremonials, is +unique in form and is one of the most beautiful specimens from the +Sikyatki cemeteries. It is elaborately decorated on the four sides with +rain-cloud and other symbols, and is painted in colors which retain +their original brilliancy. The interior is not decorated.</p> + +<p>The four dragon-flies on the rim of this object are placed in such a +way as to represent insects flying about the box in a dextral circuit, +or with the heads turned to the right. This position indicates a +ceremonial circuit, which is exceptional among the Tusayan people, +although common in Navaho ceremonies. In the sand picture of the +Snake society, for instance, where four snakes are represented in a +border surrounding a mountain lion, these reptiles are represented as +crawling about the picture from right to left. This sequence is prescribed +in Tusayan ceremonials, and has elsewhere been designated by +me as the sinistral circuit, or a circuit with the center on the left hand. +The circuit used by the decorator of this box is dextral or sunwise.</p> + +<p>Several rectangular receptacles of earthenware, some with handles and +others without them, were obtained in the excavations at Sikyatki. +The variations in their forms may be seen in <a href="#PL_CXXVIII">plates <span class="smcap">cxxviii</span></a>, <i>a, c,</i> and +<a href="#PL_CXXV"><span class="smcap">cxxv</span></a>, <i>f</i>. These are regarded as medicine bowls, and are supposed to +have been used in ancient ceremonials where asperging was performed. +In many Tusayan ceremonials square medicine bowls, some of them +without handles, are still used,<a name="FNanchor_141_141" id="FNanchor_141_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> but a more common and evidently more +modern variety are round and have handles. The rim of these modern +sacred vessels commonly bears, in its four quadrants, terraced elevations +representing rain-clouds of the cardinal points, and the outer +surface of the bowl is decorated with the same symbols, accompanied +with tadpole or dragon-fly designs.</p> + +<p>One of the best figures of the dragon-fly is seen on the saucer shown +in <a href="#PL_CXX">plate <span class="smcap">cxx</span></a>, <i>f</i>. The exterior of this vessel is decorated with four +rectangular terraced rain-cloud symbols, one in each quadrant, and +within each there are three well-drawn figures of the dragon-fly. The +curved line below represents a rainbow. The terrace form of rain-cloud +symbol is very ancient in Tusayan and antedates the well-known +semicircular symbol which was introduced into the country by +the Patki people. It is still preserved in the form of tablets<a name="FNanchor_142_142" id="FNanchor_142_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> worn on<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_682" id="Page_682">[Pg 682]</a></span> +the head and in sand paintings and various other decorations on altars +and religious paraphernalia.</p> + + +<h5><span class="smcap">Birds</span></h5> + +<p>The bird and the feather far exceed all other motives in the decoration +of ancient Tusayan pottery, and the former design was probably +the first animal figure employed for that purpose when the art passed +out of the stage where simple geometric designs were used exclusively. +A somewhat similar predominance is found in the part which the bird +and the feather play in the modern Hopi ceremonial system. As one +of the oldest elements in the decoration of Tusayan ceramics, figures of +birds have in many instances become highly conventionalized; so +much so, in fact, that their avian form has been lost, and it is one +of the most instructive problems in the study of Hopi decoration +to trace the modifications of these designs from the realistic to the more +conventionalized. The large series of food bowls from Sikyatki afford +abundant material for that purpose, and it may incidentally be said +that by this study I have been able to interpret the meaning of certain +decorations on Sikyatki bowls of which the best Hopi traditionalists +are ignorant.<a name="FNanchor_143_143" id="FNanchor_143_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a> In order to show the method of reasoning in this case +I have taken a series illustrating the general form of an unknown bird.</p> + +<p>There can be no reasonable doubt that the decoration of the food +basin shown in <a href="#PL_CXXXVII">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxvii</span></a>, <i>a</i>, represents a bird, and analogy would +indicate that it is the picture of some mythologic personage. It has a +round head (<a href="#Fig_272">figure 272</a>), to which is attached a headdress, which we +shall later show is a highly modified feather ornament. On each side +of the body from the region of the neck there arise organs which are +undoubtedly wings, with feathers continued into arrowpoints. The +details of these wings are very carefully and, I may add, prescriptively +worked out, so that almost every line, curve, or zigzag is important. +The tail is composed of three large feathers, which project beyond two +triangular extensions, marking the end of the body.</p> + +<p>The technic of this figure is exceedingly complicated and the colors +very beautiful. Although this bowl was quite badly broken when +exhumed, it has been so cleverly mended by Mr Henry Walther that no +part of the symbolism is lost.</p> + +<p>While it is quite apparent that this figure represents a bird, and +while this identification is confirmed by Hopi testimony, it is far from +a realistic picture of any known bird with which the ancients could +have been familiar. It is highly conventionalized and idealized with +significant symbolism, which is highly suggestive.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 389px;"><a name="PL_CXXXVIII" id="PL_CXXXVIII"></a> +<img src="images/platecxxxviii.jpg" width="389" height="600" alt="PL. CXXXVIII— +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXXXVIII— +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXVIII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_683" id="Page_683">[Pg 683]</a></span></p> + +<p>Bearing in mind the picture of this bird, we pass to a second form +(<a href="#PL_CXXXVIII">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxviii</span></a>, <i>a</i>), in which we can trace the same parts without +difficulty. On a round head is placed a feathered headdress. The +different parts of the outstretched wings are readily homologized even +in details in the two figures. There are, for instance, two terminal +wing feathers in each wing; the appendages to the shoulder exist in +both, and the lateral spurs, exteriorly and interiorly, are represented +with slight modifications.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 590px;"><a name="Fig_272" id="Fig_272"></a> +<img src="images/fig272.jpg" width="590" height="600" alt="Fig. 272—Man-eagle" title="Fig. 272—Man-eagle" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 272—Man-eagle</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>The body is ornamented in the same way in both figures. It is continued +posteriorly on each side into triangular extensions, and the +same is true of its anterior, which in one figure has three curved +lines, and in the other a simple crook. There are three tail-feathers in +each figure. I believe there can be no doubt that both these designs +represent the same idea, and that a mythologic bird was intended in +each instance.</p> + +<p>The step in conventionalism from the last-mentioned figure of a bird +to the next (<a href="#PL_CXLVII">plate <span class="smcap">cxlvii</span></a>, <i>a</i>) is even greater than in the former. The head<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_684" id="Page_684">[Pg 684]</a></span> +in this picture is square or rectangular, and the wings likewise simple, +ending in three incurved triangles without appendages. The tail has +five feathers instead of three, in which, however, the same symbolic +markings which distinguish tail-feathers are indicated.</p> + +<p>The conventionalized wings of this figure are repeated again and +again in ancient Tusayan pottery decorations, as one may see by an +examination of the various birds shown in the plates. In many instances, +however, all the other parts of the bird are lost and nothing +but the triangular feathers remain; but as these have the same form, +whatever organs are missing, the presumption is that their meaning +has not changed.</p> + +<p>In passing to the figure of the bird shown in <a href="#PL_CXXXVIII">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxviii</span></a>, <i>b</i>, we +find features homologous with those already considered, but also detect +considerable modification. The head is elongated, tipped with three +parallel lines, but decorated with markings similar to those of the preceding +figure. The outstretched wings have a crescentic form, on the +anterior horn of which are round spots with parallel lines arising from +them. This is a favorite figure in pottery decoration, and is found very +abundantly on the exterior of food bowls; it represents highly conventionalized +feathers, and should be so interpreted wherever found. The +figure of the body of the bird depicted is simple, and the tail is continued +into three tail-feathers, as is ordinarily the case in highly +conventionalized bird figures.</p> + +<p>The most instructive of all the appendages to the body are the club-shape +bodies, one on each side, rising from the point of union of the +wings and the breast. These are spatulate in form, with a terraced +terminal marking. They, like other appendages, represent feathers, +but that peculiar kind which is found under the wing is called the +breath feather.<a name="FNanchor_144_144" id="FNanchor_144_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> This feather is still used in certain ceremonials, and is +tied to certain prayer offerings. Its ancient symbolism is very clearly +indicated in this picture, and is markedly different from that of either +the wing or tail feathers, which have a totally different ceremonial use +at the present time.</p> + +<p>For convenience of comparison, a number of pictures which undoubtedly +refer to different birds in ancient interpretations will be grouped +in a single series.</p> + +<p><a href="#PL_CXXXVIII">Plate <span class="smcap">cxxxviii</span></a>, <i>d</i>, represents a figure of a bird showing great relative +modification of organs when compared with those previously discussed. +The head is very much broadened, but the semicircular markings, which +occur also on the heads of previously described bird figures, are well +drawn. The wings are mere curved appendages, destitute of feather +symbols, but are provided with lateral spurs and have knobs at their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_685" id="Page_685">[Pg 685]</a></span> +bases. The body is rectangular; the tail-feathers are numerous, with +well-marked symbolism. Perhaps the most striking appendages to the +body are the two well-defined extensions of parts of the body itself, +which, although represented in other pictures of birds, nowhere reach +such relatively large size.</p> + + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 389px;"><a name="PL_CXXXIX" id="PL_CXXXIX"></a> +<img src="images/platecxxxix.jpg" width="389" height="600" alt="PL. CXXXIX— +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXXXIX— +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXIX</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>The figure of a bird shown in <a href="#PL_CXXXVIII">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxviii</span></a>, <i>c</i>, is similar in many +respects to that last described. The semicircular markings on the head +of the former are here replaced by triangles, but both are symbolic of +rain-clouds. The wings are curved projections, without any suggestion +of feathers or basal spurs and knobs. The tail-feathers show nothing +exceptional, and the body is bounded posteriorly by triangular +extensions, as in figures of birds already described.</p> + +<p>The representation of the bird in <a href="#PL_CXXXVIII">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxviii</span></a>, <i>e</i>, has a triangular +body continued into two points on the posterior end, between which +the tail-feathers are situated. The body is covered with terraced and +triangular designs, and the head is rectangular in form. On each side +of the bird figure there is a symbol of a flower, possibly the sunflower +or an aster.</p> + +<p>In the figures of birds already considered the relative sizes of the +heads and bodies are not overdrawn, but in the picture of a bird on +the food bowl shown in <a href="#PL_CXXXVIII">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxviii</span></a>, <i>f</i>, the head is very much enlarged. +It bears a well-marked terraced rain-cloud symbol above triangles of +the same meaning. The wings are represented as diminutive appendages, +each consisting of two feathers. The body has a triangular extension +on each side, and the tail is composed of two comparatively short +rectangular feathers. The figure itself could hardly be identified as +a representation of a bird were it not for the correspondence, part for +part, with figures which are undoubtedly those of birds or flying animals.</p> + +<p>A more highly conventionalized figure of a bird than any thus far +described is painted on the food bowl reproduced in <a href="#PL_CXL">plate <span class="smcap">cxl</span></a>, <i>b</i>. The +head is represented by a terraced figure similar to those which appear +as decorations on some of the other vessels; the wings are simply +extended crescents, the tips of which are connected by a band which +encircles the body and tail; the body is continued at the posterior +end into two triangular appendages, between which is a tail, the +feathers of which are not differentiated. On each side of the body, in +the space inclosed by the band connecting the tips of the wings, a figure +of a dragon-fly appears.</p> + +<p>The figure on the food bowl illustrated in <a href="#PL_CXXXIX">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxix</span></a>, <i>c</i>, may also +be reduced to a conventionalized bird symbol. The two pointed objects +on the lower rim represent tail-feathers, and the triangular appendages, +one on each side above them, the body, as in the designs which have +already been described. Above the triangles is a rectangular figure +with terraced rain-cloud emblems, a constant feature on the body and +head of the bird, and on each side, near the rim of the bowl, occur +the primary feathers of the wings. The cross, so frequently associated<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_686" id="Page_686">[Pg 686]</a></span> +with designs representing birds, is replaced by the triple intersecting +lines in the remaining area. The resemblance of this figure to those +already considered is clearly evident after a little study.</p> + +<p>The decoration on the food basin presented in <a href="#PL_CXXXIX">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxix</span></a>, <i>a</i>, is +interesting in the study of the evolution of bird designs into conventional +forms. In this figure those parts which are identified as homologues +of the wings extend wholly across the interior of the food bowl, +and have the forms of triangles with smaller triangular spurs at their +bases. The wings are extended at right angles to the axis of the body, +and taper uniformly to the rim of the bowl. The smaller spurs near the +union of the wings and body represent the posterior part of the latter, +and between them are the tail-feathers, their number being indicated by +three triangles.</p> + +<p>There is no representation of a head, although the terraced rain-cloud +figure is drawn on the anterior of the body between the wings.</p> + +<p>The reduction of the triangular wings of the last figure to a simple +band drawn diametrically across the inner surface of the bowl is accomplished +in the design shown in <a href="#PL_CXXXIX">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxix</span></a>, <i>b</i>. At intervals along +this line there are arranged groups of blocks, three in each group, +representing stars, as will later be shown. The semicircular head has +lost all appendages and is reduced to a rain-cloud symbol. The posterior +angles of the body are much prolonged, and the tail still bears +the markings representing three tail-feathers.</p> + +<p>The association of a cross with the bird figure is both appropriate +and common; its modified form in this decoration is not exceptional, +but why it is appended to the wings is not wholly clear. We shall see +its reappearance on other bowls decorated with more highly conventionalized +bird figures.</p> + +<p>In the peculiar decoration used in the treatment of the food bowl +shown in <a href="#PL_CXXXIX">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxix</span></a>, <i>c</i>, we have almost a return to geometric +figures in a conventional representation of a bird. In this case the +semblance to wings is wholly lost in the line drawn diametrically across +the interior of the bowl. On one side of it there are many crosses +representing stars, and on the other the body and tail of a bird. The +posterior triangular extensions of the former are continued to a bounding +line of the bowl, and no attempt is made to represent feathers in the +tail. The rectangular figure, with serrated lower edge and inclosed +terraced figures, finds, however, a homologue in the heads and bodies +of most of the representations of birds which have been described.</p> + +<p>This gradual reduction in semblance to a bird has gone still further +in the figure represented in <a href="#PL_CXXXIX">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxix</span></a>, <i>d</i>, where the posterior end +of the body is represented by two spurs, and the tail by three feathers, +the triangular rain-clouds still persisting in the rectangular body. +In fact, it can hardly be seen how a more conventionalized figure of +a bird were possible did we not find in <i>e</i> of the same plate this reduction +still greater. Here the tail is represented by three parallel lines, the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_687" id="Page_687">[Pg 687]</a></span> +posterior of the body by two dentate appendages, and the body itself +by a square.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 373px;"><a name="PL_CXL" id="PL_CXL"></a> +<img src="images/platecxl.jpg" width="373" height="600" alt="PL. CXL— +FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXL— +FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXL</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>In <a href="#PL_CXL">plate <span class="smcap">cxl</span></a>, <i>c</i>, we have a similar conventional bird symbol where +two birds, instead of one, are represented. In both these instances it +would appear that the diametric band, originally homologous to wings, +had lost its former significance.</p> + +<p>It must also be pointed out that there is a close likeness between +some of these so-called conventionalized figures of birds and those of +moths or butterflies. If, for instance, they are compared with the figures +of the six designs of the upper surface of the vase shown in <a href="#PL_CXXXV">plate +<span class="smcap">cxxxv</span></a>, <i>b</i>, we note especially this resemblance. While, therefore, it can +hardly be said there is absolute proof that these highly conventionalized +figures always represent birds, we may, I think, be sure that +either the bird or the moth or butterfly is generally intended.</p> + +<p>There are several modifications of these highly conventionalized figures +of birds which may be mentioned, one of the most interesting of +which is figured in <a href="#PL_CXXXIX">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxix</span></a>, <i>f</i>. In this representation the two +posterior triangular extensions of the body are modified into graceful +curves, and the tail-feathers are simply parallel lines. The figure in +this instance is little more than a trifid appendage to a broad band +across the inner surface of the food bowl. In addition to this highly +conventionalized bird figure, however, there are two crosses which represent +stars. In this decoration all resemblance to a bird is lost, and +it is only by following the reduction of parts that one is able to identify +this geometric design with the more elaborate pictures of mythic birds. +When questioned in regard to the meaning of this symbol, the best +informed Hopi priests had no suggestion to offer.</p> + +<p>In all the figures of birds thus far considered, the head, with one or +two exceptions, is represented or indicated by symbolic markings. +In that which decorates the vessel shown in <a href="#PL_CXL">plate <span class="smcap">cxl</span></a>, <i>a</i>, we find a +new modification; the wings, instead of being attenuated into a diametric +line or band, are in this case curved to form a loose spiral. +Between them is the figure of a body and the three tail-feathers, while +the triangular extensions which generally indicate the posterior of the +body are simply two rounded knobs at the point of union of the wings +and tail. There is no indication of a head.</p> + +<p>The modifications in the figure of the bird shown in the last mentioned +pictograph, and the highly conventionalized forms which the wings and +other parts assume, give me confidence to venture an interpretation of +a strange figure shown in <a href="#PL_CXLI">plate <span class="smcap">cxli</span></a>, <i>a</i>. This picture I regard as a +representation of a bird, and I do so for the following resemblances to +figures already studied. The head of the bird, as has been shown, is +often replaced by a terraced rain-cloud symbol. Such a figure occurs in +the pictograph under consideration, where it occupies the position of the +head. On either side of what might be regarded as a body we find, at +the anterior end, two curved appendages which so closely resemble<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_688" id="Page_688">[Pg 688]</a></span> +similarly placed bodies in the pictograph last discussed that they are +regarded as representations of wings. These extensions at the posterior +end of the body are readily comparable with prolongations in that +part on which we have already commented. The tail, although different +from that in figures of birds thus far discussed, has many points +of resemblance to them. The two circles, one on each side of the bird +figure, are important additions which are treated in following pages.<a name="FNanchor_145_145" id="FNanchor_145_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a></p> + +<p>From the study of the conventionalized forms of birds which I have +outlined above it is possible to venture the suggestion that the star-shape +figure shown in <a href="#PL_CLXVII">plate <span class="smcap">clxvii</span></a>, <i>b</i>, may be referred to the same group, +but in this specimen we appear to have duplication, or a representation +of the bird symbol repeated in both semicircles of the interior of the +bowl. Examining one of these we readily detect the two tail-feathers +in the middle, with the triangular end of the body on each side. The +lateral appendages duplicated on each side correspond with the band +across the middle of the bowl in other specimens, and represent highly +conventionalized wings. The middle of this compound figure is decorated +with a cross, and in each quadrant there is a row of the same +emblems, equidistant from one another.</p> + +<p>It would be but a short step from this figure to the ancient sun +symbol with which the eagle and other raptorial birds are intimately +associated. The figure represented in <a href="#PL_CXXXIII">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxiii</span></a>, <i>c</i>, is a symbolic +bird in which the different parts are directly comparable with the other +bird pictographs already described. One may easily detect in it the +two wings, the semicircular rain-cloud figures, and the three tail-feathers. +As in the picture last considered, we see the two circles, each +with a concentric smaller circle, one on each side of the mythic bird +represented. Similar circular figures are likewise found in the zone +surrounding the centrally placed bird picture.</p> + +<p>In the food bowl illustrated in <a href="#PL_CXLI">plate <span class="smcap">cxli</span></a>, <i>b</i>, we find the two circles +shown, and between them a rectangular pictograph the meaning of +which is not clear. The only suggestion which I have in regard to the +significance of this object is that it is an example of substitution—the +substitution of a prayer offering to the mythic bird represented in +the other bowls for a figure of the bird itself. This interpretation, +however, is highly speculative, and should be accepted only with limitations. +I have sometimes thought that the prayer-stick or paho may +originally have represented a bird, and the use of it is an instance of +the substitution<a name="FNanchor_146_146" id="FNanchor_146_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> of a symbolic effigy of a bird, a direct survival of +the time when a bird was sacrificed to the deity addressed.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 390px;"><a name="PL_CXLI" id="PL_CXLI"></a> +<img src="images/platecxli.jpg" width="390" height="600" alt="PL. CXLI— +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXLI— +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLI</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 430px;"><a name="PL_CXLII" id="PL_CXLII"></a> +<img src="images/platecxlii.jpg" width="430" height="600" alt="PL. CXLII— +VASES, BOWL, AND LADLE, WITH FIGURES OF FEATHERS, FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXLII— +VASES, BOWL, AND LADLE, WITH FIGURES OF FEATHERS, FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">VASES, BOWL, AND LADLE, WITH FIGURES OF FEATHERS, FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_689" id="Page_689">[Pg 689]</a></span></p> + +<p>The studies of the conventional bird figures which are developed in +the preceding pages make it possible to interpret one of the two +pictures on the food bowl represented in <a href="#PL_CLII">plate <span class="smcap">clii</span></a>, while the realistic +character of the smaller figure leaves no question that we can rightly +identify this also as a bird. In the larger figure the wings are of unequal +size and are tipped with appendages of a more or less decorative +nature. The posterior part of the body is formed of two triangular +extensions, to which feathers are suspended, and the tail is composed +of three large pointed feathers. The head bears the terraced rain-cloud +designs almost universal in pictographs of birds.</p> + +<p>It is hardly necessary for me to indicate the head, body, wings, and +legs of the smaller figure, for they are evidently avian, while the character +of the beak would indicate that a parrot or raptorial genus was +intended. The same beak is found in the decoration of a vase with a +bird design, which will later be considered.</p> + +<p>From an examination of the various figures of birds on the Sikyatki +pottery, and an analysis of the appendages to the wings, body, and +legs, it is possible to determine the symbolic markings characteristic +of two different kinds of feathers, the large wing or tail feathers and +the so-called breath or body feathers. There is therefore no hesitation, +when we find an object of pottery ornamented with these symbols, in +interpreting them as feathers. Such a bowl is that shown in <a href="#PL_CXLI">plate +<span class="smcap">cxli</span></a>, <i>c</i>, in which we find a curved line to which are appended three +breast feathers. This curved band from which they hang may take +the form of a circle with two pendent feathers as in <a href="#PL_CXLI">plate <span class="smcap">cxli</span></a>, <i>d</i>.</p> + +<p>In the design on the bowl figured in <a href="#PL_CXLI">plate <span class="smcap">cxli</span></a>, <i>e</i>, tail-feathers hang +from a curved band, at each extremity of which is a square design in +which the cross is represented. It has been suggested that this represents +the feathered rainbow, a peculiar conception of both the Pueblo +and the Navaho Indians. The design appearing on the small food bowl +represented in <a href="#PL_CXLI">plate <span class="smcap">cxli</span></a>, <i>f</i>, is no doubt connected in some way with +that last mentioned, although the likeness between the appendages to +the ring and feathers is remote. It is one of those conventionalized +pictures, the interpretation of which, with the scanty data at hand, +must be largely theoretical.</p> + +<p>Figures of feathers are most important features in the decoration of +ancient Sikyatki pottery, and their many modifications may readily be +seen by an examination of the plates. In modern Tusayan ceremonials +the feather is appended to almost all the different objects used in +worship; it is essential in the structure of the <i>tiponi</i> or badge of the +chief, without which no elaborate ceremony can be performed or altar +erected; it adorns the images on the altars, decorates the heads of +participants, is prescribed for the prayer-sticks, and is always appended +to aspergills, rattles, and whistles.</p> + +<p>In the performance of certain ceremonials water from sacred springs +is used, and this water, sometimes brought from great distances, is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_690" id="Page_690">[Pg 690]</a></span> +kept in small gourd or clay vases, around the necks of which a string +with attached feathers is tied. Such a vase is the so-called <i>patne</i> which +has been described in a memoir on the Snake ceremonies at Walpi.<a name="FNanchor_147_147" id="FNanchor_147_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> +The artistic tendency of the ancient people of Sikyatki apparently +exhibited itself in painting these feathers on the outside of similar +small vases. <a href="#PL_CXLII">Plate <span class="smcap">cxlii</span></a>, <i>a</i>, shows one of these vessels, decorated with +an elaborate design with four breath-feathers suspended from the equator. +(See also <a href="#Fig_273">figure 273</a>.) On the vases shown in <a href="#PL_CXLII">plate <span class="smcap">cxlii</span></a>, <i>b</i>, <i>c</i>, are +found figures of tail-feathers arranged in two groups on opposite sides +of the rim or orifice. One of these groups has eight, the other seven, +figures of these feathers, and on the two remaining quadrants are the +star emblems so constantly seen in pottery decorated with bird figures. +The upper surface of the vase (<a href="#Fig_274">figure 274</a>) shows a similar arrangement, +although the feathers here are conventionalized into triangular +dentations, seven on +one side and three on +the other, individual +dentations alternating +with rectangular designs +which suggest +rain-clouds. This vase +(<a href="#PL_CXLIII">plate <span class="smcap">cxliii</span></a>, <i>a</i>, <i>b</i>) is +also striking in having +a well-drawn figure of +a bird in profile, the +head, wings, tail, and +legs suggesting a parrot. +The zone of decoration +of this vessel, +which surrounds the +rows of feathers, is strikingly complicated, and comprises rain-cloud, +feather, and other designs.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_273" id="Fig_273"></a> +<img src="images/fig273.jpg" width="600" height="441" alt="Fig. 273—Pendent feather ornaments on a vase." title="Fig. 273—Pendent feather ornaments on a vase." /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 273—Pendent feather ornaments on a vase.</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>In a discussion of the significance of the design on the food bowl +represented in <a href="#PL_CXXXIX">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxix</span></a>, <i>a</i>, <i>b</i>, I have shown ample reason for regarding +it a figure of a highly conventionalized bird. On the upper surface +of the vase (<a href="#PL_CXLIV">plate <span class="smcap">cxliv</span></a>, <i>a</i>, <i>b</i>) are four similar designs, representing +birds of the four cardinal points, one on each quadrant. The wings are +represented by triangular extensions, destitute of appendages but with +a rounded body at their point of juncture with the trunk. Each bird +has four tail-feathers and rain-cloud symbols on the anterior end of the +body. As is the case with the figures on the food basins, there are +crosses representing stars near the extended wings. A broad band +connects all these birds, and terraced rain-cloud symbols, six in number<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_691" id="Page_691">[Pg 691]</a></span> +and arranged in pairs, fill the peripheral sections between them. +This vase, although broken, is one of the most beautiful and instructive +in the rich collection of Sikyatki ceramics.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 406px;"><a name="PL_CXLIII" id="PL_CXLIII"></a> +<img src="images/platecxliii.jpg" width="406" height="600" alt="PL. CXLIII— +VASE WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXLIII— +VASE WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLIII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">VASE WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 391px;"><a name="PL_CXLIV" id="PL_CXLIV"></a> +<img src="images/platecxliv.jpg" width="391" height="600" alt="PL. CXLIV— +VASE WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXLIV— +VASE WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLIV</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">VASE WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 392px;"><a name="PL_CXLV" id="PL_CXLV"></a> +<img src="images/platecxlv.jpg" width="392" height="600" alt="PL. CXLV— +VASES WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXLV— +VASES WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLV</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">VASES WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_274" id="Fig_274"></a> +<img src="images/fig274.jpg" width="600" height="558" alt="Fig. 274—Upper surface of vase with bird decoration" title="Fig. 274—Upper surface of vase with bird decoration" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 274—Upper surface of vase with bird decoration</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>I have not ventured, in the consideration of the manifold pictures of +birds on ancient pottery, to offer an interpretation of their probable +generic identification. There is no doubt, however, that they represent +mythic conceptions, and are emblematic of birds which figured conspicuously +in the ancient Hopi Olympus. The modern legends of +Tusayan are replete with references to such bird-like beings which play +important rôles and which bear evidence of archaic origins. There is, +however, one fragment of a food bowl which is adorned with a pictograph +so realistic and so true to modern legends of a harpy that I have +not hesitated to affix to it the name current in modern Tusayan folklore. +This fragment is shown in <a href="#Fig_275">figure 275</a>.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 562px;"><a name="Fig_275" id="Fig_275"></a> +<img src="images/fig275.jpg" width="562" height="600" alt="Fig. 275—Kwataka eating an animal" title="Fig. 275—Kwataka eating an animal" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 275—Kwataka eating an animal</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>According to modern folklore there once lived in the sky a winged +being called Kwataka, or Man-eagle, who sorely troubled the ancients. +He was ultimately slain by their War god, the legends of which have +elsewhere been published. There is a pictograph of this monster near<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_692" id="Page_692">[Pg 692]</a></span> +Walpi,<a name="FNanchor_148_148" id="FNanchor_148_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> and pictures of him, as he exists in modern conceptions, have +been drawn for me by the priests. These agree so closely with the pictograph +and with the representation on the potsherd from Sikyatki, that +I regard it well-nigh proven that they represent the same personage. +The head is round and bears two feathers, while the star emblem +appears in the eye. The wing and the stump of a tail are well represented, +while the leg has three talons, which can only be those of this +monster. He holds in his grasp some animal form which he is represented +as eating. Across the body is a kilt, or ancient blanket, with +four diagonal figures which are said to represent flint arrowheads. +It is a remarkable fact that these latter symbols are practically the +same as those used by Nahuatl people for obsidian arrow- or spearpoints.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_693" id="Page_693">[Pg 693]</a></span> +In Hopi lore Kwataka wore a garment of arrowpoints, or, +according to some legends, a flint garment, and his wings are said to +have been composed of feathers of the same material.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 384px;"><a name="PL_CXLVI" id="PL_CXLVI"></a> +<img src="images/platecxlvi.jpg" width="384" height="600" alt="PL. CXLVI— +BOWLS AND POTSHERD WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXLVI— +BOWLS AND POTSHERD WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLVI</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">BOWLS AND POTSHERD WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 399px;"><a name="PL_CXLVII" id="PL_CXLVII"></a> +<img src="images/platecxlvii.jpg" width="399" height="600" alt="PL. CXLVII— +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS, FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXLVII— +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS, FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLVII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS, FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>From the pose of the figure and the various details of its symbolism +there can be little doubt that the ancient Sikyatki artists intended to +represent this monster, of which the modern Hopi rarely speak, and +then only in awe. Probably several other bird figures likewise represent +Kwataka, but in none of these do the symbols conform so closely +to legends of this monster which are still repeated in the Tusayan villages. +The home of Kwataka is reputed to be in the sky, and consequently +figures of him are commonly associated with star and cloud +emblems; he is a god of luck or chance, hence it is not exceptional to +find figures of gaming implements<a name="FNanchor_149_149" id="FNanchor_149_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> in certain elaborate figures of this +monster.</p> + +<p>By far the most beautiful of the many food bowls from Sikyatki, and, +I believe, the finest piece of prehistoric aboriginal pottery from the +United States, is that figured in <a href="#PL_CXLVI">plate <span class="smcap">cxlvi</span></a>, <i>d</i>. This remarkable +object, found with others in the sands of the necropolis of this pueblo, +several feet below the surface, is decorated with a highly conventional +figure of a bird in profile, but so modified that it is difficult to determine +the different parts. The four appendages to the left represent the +tail; the two knobs at the right the head, but the remaining parts are +not comprehensible. The delicacy of the detailed crosshatching on +the body is astonishing, considering that it was drawn freehand and +without pattern. The coloring is bright and the surface glossy.</p> + +<p>The curved band from which this strange figure hangs is divided into +sections by perpendicular incised lines, which are connected by zigzag +diagonals. The signification of the figure in the upper part of the +bowl is unknown. While this vessel is unique in the character of its +decoration, there are others of equal fineness but less perfect in design. +Competent students of ceramics have greatly admired this specimen, +and so fresh are the colors that some have found it difficult to believe +it of ancient aboriginal manufacture. The specimen itself, now on +exhibition in the National Museum, gives a better idea of its excellence +than any figure which could be made. This specimen, like all the +others, is in exactly the same condition as when exhumed, save that it +has been wiped with a moist cloth to clean the traces of food from its +inner surface. All the pottery found in the same grave is of the finest +character, and although no two specimens are alike in decoration, their +general resemblances point to the same maker. This fact has been +noticed in several instances, although there were many exceptional +cases where the coarsest and most rudely painted vessels were associated +with the finest and most elaborately decorated ware.</p> + +<p>The ladle illustrated in <a href="#PL_CXLII">plate <span class="smcap">cxlii</span></a>, <i>e</i>, is one of the most beautiful in +the collection. It is decorated with a picture of an unknown animal<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_694" id="Page_694">[Pg 694]</a></span> +with a single feather on the head. The eyes are double and the snout +continued into a long stick or tube, on which the animal stands. While +the appendage to the head is undoubtedly a feather and the animal +recalls a bird, I am in doubt as to its true identification. The star +emblems on the handle of the ladle are in harmony with known pictures +of birds.</p> + +<p>The feather decoration on the broken ladle shown in <a href="#PL_CXXXI">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxi</span></a>, <i>f</i>, is +of more than usual interest, although it is not wholly comprehensible. +The representations include rain-cloud symbols, birds, feathers, and +falling rain. The medially placed design, with four parallel lines arising +from a round spot, is interpreted as a feather design, and the two +triangular figures, one on each side, are believed to represent birds.</p> + +<p>The design on the food bowl depicted in <a href="#PL_CXXXI">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxi</span></a>, <i>e</i>, is obscure, +but in it feather and star symbols predominate. On the inside of the +ladle shown in <a href="#PL_CXXXI">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxi</span></a>, <i>c</i>, there is a rectangular design with a +conventionalized bird at each angle. +The reduction of the figure of a bird +to head, body, and two or more tail-feathers +occurs very constantly in +decorations, and in many instances +nothing remains save a crook with +appended parallel lines representing +feathers. Examples of this kind occur +on several vessels, of which that +shown in <a href="#PL_CXLV">plate <span class="smcap">cxlv</span></a>, <i>a</i>, is an +example.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;"><a name="Fig_276" id="Fig_276"></a> +<img src="images/fig276.png" width="400" height="371" alt="Fig. 276—Decoration on the bottom of plate CXLVI, f" title="Fig. 276—Decoration on the bottom of plate CXLVI, f" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 276—Decoration on the bottom of <a href="#PL_CXLVI">plate CXLVI</a>, <i>f</i></span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>There are many pictures of birds +and feathers where the design has +become so conventionalized that it is +very difficult to recognize the intention +of the decorator. <a href="#PL_CXLVII">Plate <span class="smcap">cxlvii</span></a>, <i>f</i>, shows one of these in which the +feather motive is prominent and an approximation to a bird form +evident. The wings are shown with a symmetric arrangement on the +sides of the tail, while the latter member has the three feathers which +form so constant a feature in many bird symbols. In <i>b</i> of the same +plate there is shown a more elaborated bird figure, also highly modified, +yet preserving many of the parts which have been identified in +the design last described.</p> + +<p>The beautiful design shown in <a href="#PL_CXLVI">plate <span class="smcap">cxlvi</span></a>, <i>e</i>, represents a large +breath feather with triangular appendages on the sides, recalling the +posterior end of the body of the bird figures above discussed.</p> + +<p>The interior of the saucer illustrated in <a href="#PL_CLXVI">plate <span class="smcap">clxvi</span></a>, <i>f</i>, is decorated +with feather symbols and four triangles. The remaining figures of +this plate have already been considered.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 387px;"><a name="PL_CXLVIII" id="PL_CXLVIII"></a> +<img src="images/platecxlviii.jpg" width="387" height="600" alt="PL. CXLVIII— +FOOD BOWLS WITH SYMBOLS OF FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXLVIII— +FOOD BOWLS WITH SYMBOLS OF FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLVIII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">FOOD BOWLS WITH SYMBOLS OF FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 395px;"><a name="PL_CXLIX" id="PL_CXLIX"></a> +<img src="images/platecxlix.jpg" width="395" height="600" alt="PL. CXLIX— +FOOD BOWLS WITH SYMBOLS OF FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CXLIX— +FOOD BOWLS WITH SYMBOLS OF FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLIX</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">FOOD BOWLS WITH SYMBOLS OF FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>The figures on the vessel shown in <a href="#PL_CLXVII">plate <span class="smcap">clxvii</span></a> are so arranged that +there can be little question of their homologies, and from comparisons +it is clear that they should all be regarded as representations of birds.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_695" id="Page_695">[Pg 695]</a></span> +There appears no necessity of discussing figures <i>a</i> and <i>b</i> of the plate +in this interpretation. In figure <i>c</i> the center of the design becomes +circular, recalling certain sun symbols, and the tail-feathers are readily +recognized on one side. I am by no means sure, however, that the +lateral terraced appendages at the opposite pole are representations of +wings, but such an interpretation can not be regarded as a forced one. +Figure <i>d</i> shows the three tail-feathers, lateral appendages suggestive +of wings, and a square body with the usual decorations of the body +and head of a bird. The design shown in figure <i>f</i> suggests in many +ways a sun-bird, and is comparable with those previously studied and +illustrated. There is no question of the homologues of tail, head, and +wings. The meridional band across the bowl is similar to those +already discussed, and its relationship to the head and tail of the bird +identical. This design is interpreted as that of one of the numerous +birds associated with the sun. The crescentic extension above what +is apparently the head occurs in many bird figures and may represent +a beak.</p> + +<p>Many food bowls from Sikyatki are ornamented on their interior with +highly conventionalized figures, generally of curved form, in which the +feather is predominant. Many of these are shown in <a href="#PL_CXLVIII">plates <span class="smcap">cxlviii</span></a> +to <a href="#PL_CLVII"><span class="smcap">clvii</span></a>, inclusive, and in studying them I have found it very difficult +to interpret the symbolism, although the figures of feathers are easy to +find in many of them. While my attempt at decipherment is not +regarded as final, it is hoped that it may at least reveal the important +place which the feather plays in Tusayan ceramic decoration.</p> + +<p><a href="#PL_CXLVIII">Plate <span class="smcap">cxlviii</span></a>, <i>a</i>, shows the spiral ornament worn down to its lowest +terms, with no hint of the feather appendage, but its likeness in outline +to those designs where the feather occurs leads me to introduce it in +connection with those in which the feather is more prominent. Figure +<i>b</i> of the same plate represents a spiral figure with a bird form at the +inner end, and a bundle of tail-feathers at the outer extremity. On this +design there is likewise a figure of the dragon-fly and several unknown +emblems. Figure <i>c</i> has at one extremity a trifid appendage, recalling +a feather ornament on the head of a bird shown in <a href="#PL_CXXXVIII">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxviii</span></a>, <i>a</i>. +Figure <i>d</i> has no conventionalized feather decoration, but the curved +line terminates with a triangle. Its signification is unknown to me. +For several reasons the design in <i>e</i> reminds me of a bird; it is accompanied +by three crosses, which are almost invariably found in connection +with bird figures, and at the inner end there is attached a breath +feather. This end of the figure is supposed to be the head, as will +appear by later comparative studies. The bird form is masked in <i>f</i>, +but the feather designs are prominent. This bowl is exceptional in +having an encircling band broken at two points, one of the components +of which is red, the other black.</p> + +<p>Feather designs are conspicuous in <a href="#PL_CXLIX">plate <span class="smcap">cxlix</span></a>, <i>a</i>, <i>b</i>, in the former +of which curved incised lines are successfully used. In <i>c</i>, however, is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_696" id="Page_696">[Pg 696]</a></span> +found the best example of the use of incised work as an aid in pottery +decoration, for in this specimen there are semicircles, and rings with +four triangles, straight lines, and circles. The symbolism of the whole +figure has eluded analysis. Figure <i>d</i> has no feather symbols, but <i>e</i> +may later be reduced to a circle with feathers. The only symbols in +the design shown in <i>f</i> which are at all recognizable are the two zigzag +figures which may have been intended to represent snakes, lightning, +or tadpoles.</p> + +<p>When the design in <a href="#PL_CL">plate <span class="smcap">cl</span></a>, <i>a</i>, is compared with the beautiful bowl +shown in <a href="#PL_CXLVI">plate <span class="smcap">cxlvi</span></a>, <i>d</i>, a treatment of somewhat similar nature is +found. It is believed that both represent birds drawn in profile; the +four bands (<i>a</i>) are tail-feathers, while the rectangle represents the body +and the curved appendage a part of the head. From a similarity +to modern figures of a turkey feather, it is possible that the triangle at +the end of the curved appendage is the feather of this bird. An examination +of <i>b</i> leads to the conclusion that the inner end of the spiral +represents a bird's head. Two eyes are represented therein, and from +it feathers are appended. The parallel marks on the body are suggestive +of similar decorations on the figure of the Plumed Snake painted +on the kilts of the Snake priests of Walpi. The star emblems are constant +accompaniments of bird designs. Figure <i>c</i> has, in addition to +the spiral, the star symbols and what appears to be a flower. The design +shown in <i>d</i> is so exceptional that it is here represented with the +circular forms. It will be seen that there are well-marked feathers in +its composition. Figure <i>f</i> is made up of several bird forms, feathers, +rectangles, and triangles, combined in a complicated design, the parts +of which may readily be interpreted in the light of what has already +been recorded.</p> + +<p>The significance of the spiral in the design on <a href="#PL_CLI">plate <span class="smcap">cli</span></a>, <i>a</i>, is unknown. +It is found in several pictures, in some of which it appears to have +avian relationship. Figure <i>b</i> of the same plate is a square terraced +design appended to the median line, on which symbolic stars are +depicted. As in many bird figures, a star is found on the opposite +semicircle. There is a remote likeness between this figure and that of +the head of the bird shown in <a href="#PL_CXLV">plate <span class="smcap">cxlv</span></a>, <i>d</i>. <a href="#PL_CLI">Plate <span class="smcap">cli</span></a>, <i>c</i>, is a compound +figure, with four feathers arranged in two pairs at right angles to a +median band. The triangular figure associated with them is sometimes +found in symbols of the sun. Figure <i>d</i> is undoubtedly a bird symbol, +as may be seen by a comparison of it with the bird figures shown +in <a href="#PL_CXXXVIII">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxviii</span></a>, <i>a-f</i>. There are two tail-feathers, two outstretched +wings, and a head which is rectangular, with terraced designs. The +cross is triple, and occupies the opposite segment, which is finely spattered +with pigment. This trifid cross represents a game played by the +Hopi with reeds and is depicted on many objects of pottery. As representations +of it sometimes accompany those of birds I am led to interpret +the figure (<a href="#PL_CLVII">plate <span class="smcap">clvii</span></a>, <i>c</i>) as that of a bird, which it somewhat resembles.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_697" id="Page_697">[Pg 697]</a></span> +The two designs shown in <a href="#PL_CLI">plate <span class="smcap">cli</span></a>, <i>e</i>, <i>f</i>, are believed to be +decorative, or, if symbolic, they have been so worn by the constant use +of the vessel that it is impossible to determine their meaning by +comparative methods. Both of these figures show the "line of life" in +a somewhat better way than any yet considered.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 392px;"><a name="PL_CL" id="PL_CL"></a> +<img src="images/platecl.jpg" width="392" height="600" alt="PL. CL— +FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CL— +FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CL</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 401px;"><a name="PL_CLI" id="PL_CLI"></a> +<img src="images/platecli.jpg" width="401" height="600" alt="PL. CLI— +FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CLI— +FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLI</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>In <a href="#PL_CLII">plate <span class="smcap">clii</span></a>, <i>a</i>, is shown a compound figure of doubtful significance, +made up of a series of crescents, triangles, and spirals, which, in <i>c</i>, are +more compactly joined together, and accompanied by three parallel +lines crossing three other lines. The curved figure shown in <i>b</i> represents +three feathers; a large one on each side, inclosing a medially +smaller member. In <i>d</i> is shown the spiral bird form with appended +feathers, triangles, and terraced figures. Figure <i>f</i> of this plate is +decorated with a design which bears many resemblances to a flower, +the peripheral appendages resembling bracts of a sunflower. A somewhat +similar design is painted on the side of the helmets of some +<i>katcina</i> dancers, where the bracts or petals are colored in sequence, +with the pigments corresponding to the six directions—north, west, +south, east, above, and below. In the decoration on the ancient +Sikyatki bowl we find seven peripheral bracts, one of which is speckled. +The six groups of stamens(?) are represented between the triangular +bracts.</p> + +<p>The designs shown in <a href="#PL_CLIII">plates <span class="smcap">cliii</span></a> to <a href="#PL_CLV"><span class="smcap">clv</span></a>, inclusive, still preserve +the spiral form with attached feathers, some of them being greatly +conventionalized or differentiated. In the first of these plates (figure <i>b</i>) +is represented a bird form with triangular head with four feathers +arranged in fan shape. These feathers are different from any which +I have been able to find attached to the bodies of birds, and are thus +identified from morphological rather than from other reasons.</p> + +<p>The body of the conventionalized bird is decorated with terraced +figures, spirals, flowers, and other designs arranged in a highly complicated +manner. From a bar connecting the spiral with the encircling +line there arises a tuft of feathers. Figure <i>a</i> of the same plate is characterized +by a medially placed triangle and a graceful pendant from +which hangs seven feathers. In this instance these structures take the +form of triangles and pairs of lines. The relation of these structures +to feathers would appear highly speculative, but they have been so +interpreted for the following reason: If we compare them with the +appendages represented in the design on the vase shown in <span class="smcap">cxliii</span>, <i>b</i>, +we find them the same in number, form, and arrangement; the triangles +in the design on this vase are directly comparable with the figures in +<a href="#PL_CXLIII">plate <span class="smcap">cxliii</span></a>, <i>b</i>, in the same position, which are undoubtedly feathers, as +has been shown in the discussion of this figure. Consequently, although +the triangles on the pendant in <a href="#PL_CLIII">plate <span class="smcap">cliii</span></a>, <i>a</i>, appear at first glance to +have no relation to the prescribed feather symbol, morphology shows +their true interpretation. The reduction of the wing feather to a simple +triangular figure is likewise shown in several other pictures on food<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_698" id="Page_698">[Pg 698]</a></span> +vessels, notably in the figure, undoubtedly of a bird, represented in +<a href="#PL_CXLVI">plate <span class="smcap">cxlvi</span></a>, <i>a</i>.</p> + +<p>In the two figures forming <a href="#PL_CLIV">plate <span class="smcap">cliv</span></a> are found simple bird symbols +and feather designs very much conventionalized. The same is true of +the two figures given in <a href="#PL_CLV">plate <span class="smcap">clv</span></a>.</p> + +<p>The vessels illustrated in <a href="#PL_CLVI">plate <span class="smcap">clvi</span></a>, <i>a</i>, <i>b</i>, are decorated with designs +of unknown meaning, save that the latter recalls the modification of +the feather into long triangular forms. On the outer surface this bowl +has a row of tadpoles encircling it in a sinistral direction, or with the +center of the bowl on the left. The design of figure <i>c</i> shows a bird's +head in profile, with a crest of feathers and with the two eyes on one +side of the head and a necklace. The triangular figure bears the symbolism +of the turkey feather, as at present designated in Tusayan altar +paraphernalia. As with other bird figures, there is a representation in +red of the triple star.</p> + +<p>Figure <i>d</i> is the only specimen of a vessel in the conventional form of +a bird which was found at Sikyatki; it evidently formerly had a handle. +The vessel itself is globular, and the form of the bird is intensified by +the designs on its surface. The bird's head is turned to the observer, +and the row of triangles represent wing feathers. The signification of +the designs on <i>e</i> and <i>f</i> is unknown to me.</p> + +<p>Figures <i>e</i> and <i>f</i> of <a href="#PL_CLVI">plate <span class="smcap">clvi</span></a> are avian decorations, reduced in the +case of the former to geometric forms. The triangular figure is a +marked feature in the latter design.</p> + +<p>The designs represented in <a href="#PL_CLVII">plate <span class="smcap">clvii</span></a> are aberrant bird forms. Of +these <i>a</i> and <i>b</i> are the simplest and <i>c</i> one of the most complicated. +Figure <i>d</i> is interpreted as a double bird, or twins with a common head +and tails pointing in opposite directions. Figure <i>e</i> shows a bird in profile +with one wing, furnished with triangular feathers, extended. There +is some doubt about the identification of <i>f</i> as a bird, but there is no +question that the wing, tail, and breath feathers are represented in it. +Of the last mentioned there are three, shown by the notch, colored +black at their extremities.</p> + + +<h5><span class="smcap">Vegetal Designs</span></h5> + +<p>Inasmuch as they so readily lend themselves as a motive of decoration, +it is remarkable that the ancient Hopi seem to have used plants +and their various organs so sparingly in their pottery painting. Elsewhere, +especially among modern Pueblos, this is not the case, and +while plants, flowers, and leaves are not among the common designs +on modern Tusayan ware, they are often employed. It would appear +that the corn plant or fruit would be found among other designs, +especially as corn plays a highly symbolic part in mythic conceptions, +but we fail to find it used as a decoration on any ancient vessel.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 388px;"><a name="PL_CLII" id="PL_CLII"></a> +<img src="images/plateclii.jpg" width="388" height="600" alt="PL. CLII— +FOOD BOWLS WITH BIRD, FEATHER, AND FLOWER SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CLII— +FOOD BOWLS WITH BIRD, FEATHER, AND FLOWER SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">FOOD BOWLS WITH BIRD, FEATHER, AND FLOWER SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 385px;"><a name="PL_CLIII" id="PL_CLIII"></a> +<img src="images/platecliii.jpg" width="385" height="600" alt="PL. CLIII— +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CLIII— +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLIII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>In a figure previously described, a flower, evidently an aster or sunflower, +appears with a butterfly, and in the bowl shown in <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_699" id="Page_699">[Pg 699]</a></span> +<a href="#PL_CXXXIV">plate +<span class="smcap">cxxxiv</span></a>, <i>e</i>, we have a similar design. This figure evidently represents +the sunflower, the seeds of which were ground and eaten in ancient +times. The plant apparently is represented as growing from the earth +and is surrounded by a broad band of red in rudely circular form. +The totem of the earth today among the Hopi is a circle; possibly it +was the same among the ancients, in which case the horizon may have +been represented by the red encircling band, which is accompanied by +the crook and the emblem of rain. The petals are represented by a +row of dots and no leaves are shown. From the kinship of the ancient +accolents of Sikyatki with the Flute people, it is to be expected that +in their designs figures of asters or sunflowers would appear, for these +plants play a not inconspicuous rôle in the ritual of this society which +has survived to modern times.</p> + + +<h5><span class="smcap">The Sun</span></h5> + +<p>Sun worship plays a most important part in modern Tusayan ritual, +and the symbol of the sun in modern pictography can not be mistaken +for any other. It is a circle with radiating feathers on the periphery +and ordinarily with four lines arranged in quaternary groups. The +face of the sun is indicated by triangles on the forehead, two slits for +eyes, and a double triangle for the mouth. This symbol, however, is +not always used as that of the sun, for in the Oraibi <i>Powalawû</i> there +is an altar in which a sand picture of the sun has the form of a four-pointed +star. The former of these sun symbols is not found on Sikyatki +pottery, but there is one picture which closely resembles the latter. +This occurs on the bowl illustrated in <a href="#PL_CLXI">plate <span class="smcap">clxi</span></a>, <i>c</i>. The main design +is a four-pointed star, alternating with crosses and surrounded by a +zone in which are rectangular blocks. While the identification may +be fanciful, its resemblances are highly suggestive. The existence of a +double triangle adjacent to this figure on the same bowl, and its likeness +to the modern mouth-design of sun pictures, appears to be more +than a coincidence, and is so regarded in this identification.</p> + +<p>In the design shown in <a href="#PL_CLVIII">plate <span class="smcap">clviii</span></a>, <i>a</i>, one of the elaborate ancient +sun figures is represented. As in modern symbols, the tail-feathers of +the periphery of the disk are arranged in the four quadrants, and in +addition there are appended to the same points curved figures which +recall the objects, identified as stringed feathers, attached to the blanket +of the maid (<a href="#PL_CXXIX">plate <span class="smcap">cxxix</span></a>, <i>a</i>). The design on the disk is different +from that of any sun emblem known to me, and escapes my interpretation. +I have used the distribution of the feathers on the four quadrants +as an indication that this figure is a sun symbol, although it +must be confessed this evidence is not so strong as might be wished. +The triangles at the sides of two feathers indicate that a tail-feather is +intended, and for the correlated facts supporting this conclusion the +reader is referred to the description of the vessels shown in <a href="#PL_CXXXVIII">plate +<span class="smcap">cxxxviii</span></a>.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_700" id="Page_700">[Pg 700]</a></span></p> + +<p>It would appear that there is even more probability that the picture +on the bowl illustrated in <a href="#PL_CLVIII">plate <span class="smcap">clviii</span></a>, <i>b</i>, is a sun symbol. It represents +a disk with tail and wing feathers arranged on the periphery in +four groups. This recalls the sun emblems used in Tusayan at the +present time, although the face of the sun is not represented on this +specimen. There is a still closer approximation to the modern symbol +of the sun on a bowl in a private collection from Sikyatki.</p> + +<p>In <a href="#PL_CLVIII">plate <span class="smcap">clviii</span></a>, <i>c</i>, the sun's disk is represented with the four clusters +of feathers replaced by the extremities of the bodies of four birds, the +tail-feathers, for some unknown reason, being omitted. The design +on the disk is highly symbolic, and the only modern sun symbol found +in it are the triangles, which form the mouth of the face of the sun in +modern Hopi symbolism.</p> + +<p>One of the most aberrant pictures of the sun, which I think can be +identified with probability, is shown in the design on the specimen +illustrated in <a href="#PL_CXXXIV">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxiv</span></a>, <i>b</i>. The reasons which have led me to this +identification may briefly be stated as follows:</p> + +<p>Among the many supernaturals with which modern Hopi mythology +is replete is one called Calako-taka, or the male Calako. In legends +he is the husband of the two Corn-maids of like name. The ceremonials +connected with this being occur in Sichomovi in July, when four +giant personifications enter the village as have been described in a former +memoir. The heads of these giants are provided with two curved +horns, between which is a crest of eagle tail-feathers.</p> + +<p>Two of these giants, under another name, but with the same symbolism, +are depicted on the altars of the <i>katcinas</i> at Walpi and Mishoñinovi, +where they represent the sun. A chief personifying the same +supernatural flogs children when they are initiated into the knowledge +of the <i>katcinas</i>.</p> + +<p>The figure on the bowl under discussion has many points of resemblance +to the symbolism of this personage as depicted on the altars +mentioned. The head has two horns, one on each side, with a crest, +apparently of feathers, between them. The eyes and mouth are represented, +and on the body there is a four-pointed cross. The meaning +of the remaining appendages is unknown, but the likenesses to +Calako-taka<a name="FNanchor_150_150" id="FNanchor_150_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> symbolism are noteworthy and important. The figure on +the food bowl illustrated in <a href="#PL_CXXXIV">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxiv</span></a>, <i>c</i>, is likewise regarded as +a sun emblem. The disk is represented by a ring in the center, to which +feathers are appended. The triangle, which is still a sun symbol, is +shown below a band across the bowl. This band is decorated with +highly conventionalized feathers.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 386px;"><a name="PL_CLIV" id="PL_CLIV"></a> +<img src="images/platecliv.jpg" width="386" height="600" alt="PL. CLIV— +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CLIV— +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLIV</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 388px;"><a name="PL_CLV" id="PL_CLV"></a> +<img src="images/plateclv.jpg" width="388" height="600" alt="PL. CLV— +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CLV— +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLV</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 387px;"><a name="PL_CLVI" id="PL_CLVI"></a> +<img src="images/plateclvi.jpg" width="387" height="600" alt="PL. CLVI— +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CLVI— +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLVI</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_701" id="Page_701">[Pg 701]</a></span></p> + +<p>It may be added that in this figure we have probably the most aberrant +sun-symbol yet recognized, and on that account there is a possibility +that the validity of my identification is more or less doubtful.</p> + +<p>The three designs shown in <a href="#PL_CLVIII">plate <span class="smcap">clviii</span></a>, <i>c</i>, <i>d</i>, <i>e</i>, evidently belong in +association with sun or star symbols, but it is hardly legitimate to +definitely declare that such an interpretation can be demonstrated. +The modern Tusayan Indians declare that the equal-arm cross is a +symbol of the "Heart of the Sky" god, which, from my studies of the +effigies of this personage on various altars, I have good reason to +identify with the lightning.</p> + + +<h5><span class="smcap">Geometric Figures</span></h5> + +<h6>INTERPRETATION OF THE FIGURES</h6> + +<p>Most of the pottery from Sikyatki is ornamented with geometric +designs and linear figures, the import of many of which are unknown.</p> + +<p>Two extreme views are current in regard to the significance of these +designs. To one school everything is symbolic of something or some +religious conception; to the other the majority are meaningless save as +decorations. I find the middle path the more conservative, and while +regarding many of the designs as highly conventionalized symbols, +believe that there are also many where the decorator had no thought +of symbolism. I have ventured an explanation of a few of the former.</p> + +<p>Terraced figures are among the most common rectangular elements in +Pueblo ceramic decorations. These designs bear so close a likeness to +the modern rain-cloud symbol that they probably may all be referred +to this category. Their arrangement on a bowl or jar is often of such +a nature as to impart very different patterns. Thus terraced figures +placed in opposition to each other may leave zigzag spaces suggesting +lightning, but such forms can hardly be regarded as designed for +symbols.</p> + +<p>Rectangular patterns (<a href="#PL_CLXII">plates <span class="smcap">clxii</span></a><a href="#PL_CLXV">-<span class="smcap">clxv</span></a>) are more ancient in the +evolution of designs on Tusayan pottery than curved geometric figures, +and far outnumber them in the most ancient specimens; but there has +been no epoch in the development reaching to modern times when they +have been superseded. While there are many specimens of Sikyatki +pottery of the type decorated with geometric figures, which bear ornamentations +of simple and complex terraced forms, the majority placed in +this type are not reducible to stepped or terraced designs, but are +modified straight lines, bars, crosshatching, and the like. In older +Pueblo pottery the relative proportion of terraced figures is even less, +which would appear to indicate that basket-ware patterns were +secondary rather than primary decorative forms.</p> + +<p>By far the largest element in ancient Tusayan pottery decoration +must be regarded as simple geometric lines, triangles, spirals, curves, +crosshatching, and the like, some of which are no doubt symbolic,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_702" id="Page_702">[Pg 702]</a></span> +others purely decorative (<a href="#PL_CLXVI">plate <span class="smcap">clxvi</span></a>). In the evolution of design I +am inclined to believe that this was the simplest form, and I find it the +most constant in the oldest ware. Rectangular figures are regarded as +older than circular figures, and they possibly preceded the latter in +evolution, but in many instances both are forms of reversion, highly +conventionalized representations of more elaborate figures. Circles +and crosses are sometimes combined, the former modified into a wavy +line surrounding the latter, as in <a href="#PL_CLIX">plate <span class="smcap">clix</span></a>, <i>c</i>, <i>d</i>, where there is a suggestion +(<i>d</i>) of a sun emblem.</p> + + +<h6>CROSSES</h6> + +<p>A large number of food bowls are decorated with simple or elaborate +crosses, stars, and like patterns. Simple crosses with arms of equal +length appear on the vessels shown in <a href="#PL_CLIX">plate <span class="smcap">clix</span></a>, <i>c</i>, <i>d</i>. There are +many similar crosses, subordinate to the main design, in various bowls, +especially those decorated with figures of birds and sky deities.</p> + +<p><a href="#PL_CLX">Plate <span class="smcap">clx</span></a>, <i>a</i>, exhibits a cruciform design, to the extremities of three +arms of which bird figures are attached. In this design there are likewise +two sunflower symbols. The modified cross figure in <i>b</i> of the +same plate, like that just mentioned, suggests a swastica, but fails to +be one, and unless the complicated design in figure <i>c</i> may be so interpreted, +no swastica was found at Sikyatki or Awatobi. <a href="#PL_CLX">Plate <span class="smcap">clx</span></a>, <i>d</i>, +shows another form of cross, two arms of which are modified into +triangles.</p> + +<p>On the opening of the great ceremony called <i>Powamû</i> or "Bean-planting," +which occurs in February in the modern Tusayan villages, +there occurs a ceremony about a sand picture of the sun which is +called <i>Powalawû</i>. The object of this rite is the fructification of all +seeds known to the Hopi. The sand picture of the sun which is made +at that time is in its essentials identical with the design on the food +bowl illustrated in <a href="#PL_CLXI">plate <span class="smcap">clxi</span></a>, <i>c</i>; consequently it is possible that this +star emblem represents the sun, and the occurrence of the eight triangles +in the rim, replaced in the modern altar by four concentric bands +of differently colored sands, adds weight to this conclusion. The twin +triangles outside the main figure are identical with those in the mouth +of modern sun emblems. These same twin triangles are arranged in +lines which cross at right angles in <a href="#PL_CLXI">plate <span class="smcap">clxi</span></a>, <i>d</i>, but from their resemblance +to figure <i>b</i> they possibly have a different meaning.</p> + +<p>The most complicated of all the star-shape figures, like the simplest, +takes us to sun emblems, and it seems probable that there is a relationship +between the two. <a href="#PL_CLXI">Plate <span class="smcap">clxi</span></a>, <i>f</i>, represents four bundles of +feathers arranged in quadrants about a rectangular center. These +feathers vary in form and arrangement, and the angles between them +are occupied by horn-shape bodies, two of which have highly complicated +extremities recalling conventionalized birds.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 392px;"><a name="PL_CLVII" id="PL_CLVII"></a> +<img src="images/plateclvii.jpg" width="392" height="600" alt="PL. CLVII— +FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CLVII— +FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU Of AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLVII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 414px;"><a name="PL_CLVIII" id="PL_CLVIII"></a> +<img src="images/plateclviii.jpg" width="414" height="600" alt="PL. CLVIII— +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF SUN AND RELATED SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CLVIII— +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF SUN AND RELATED SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLVIII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF SUN AND RELATED SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>A large number of crosses are represented in <a href="#PL_CLXII">plate <span class="smcap">clxii</span></a>, <i>d</i>, in which +the remaining semicircle is filled with a tessellated pattern. A spiral<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_703" id="Page_703">[Pg 703]</a></span> +line with round spots at intervals adorns the specimen shown in <a href="#PL_CLXI">plate +<span class="smcap">clxi</span></a>, <i>a</i>. Parallel lines with similar spots appear on the vessel illustrated +in <a href="#PL_CLXII">plate <span class="smcap">clxii</span></a>, <i>e</i>, and a network of the same is shown in <i>f</i> of the +same plate. <a href="#PL_CLXVII">Plate <span class="smcap">clxvii</span></a>, <i>b</i>, represents a compound star.</p> + +<p>While simple swasticas are not found on any of the Sikyatki pottery, +modified and compound forms are well represented. There are several +specimens of figures of the Maltese cross, and one closely approximating +the Saint Andrew's cross. It is scarcely necessary to say that the +presence of the various kinds of crosses do not necessarily indicate the +influence of Semitic or Aryan races, for I have already shown<a name="FNanchor_151_151" id="FNanchor_151_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> that +even cross-shape prayer-sticks were in use among the Pueblos when +Coronado first visited them.</p> + + +<h6>TERRACED FIGURES</h6> + +<p>Among the most common of all geometric designs on ancient Tusayan +pottery none excel in variety or number those which I place in the +above group. They form the major part of all decoration, and there is +hardly a score of ornamented vessels in which they can not be detected. +In a typical form they appear as stepped designs, rectangular figures +with diagonals continuous, or as triangular designs with steps represented +along their sides.</p> + +<p>While it is probable that in some instances these figures are simply +decorative, with no attempt at symbolism, in other cases without doubt +they symbolize rain-clouds, and the same figures are still used with similar +intent in modern ceremonial paraphernalia—altars, mask-tablets, +and the like. Decorative modifications of this figure were no doubt +adopted by artistic potters, thus giving varieties where the essential +meaning has been much obscured or lost.</p> + + +<h6>THE CROOK</h6> + +<p>Among the forms of geometric designs on ancient Tusayan pottery +there are many jars, bowls, and other objects on which a crook, variously +modified, is the essential type. This figure is so constant that it +must have had a symbolic as well as a decorative meaning. The crook +plays an important part in the modern ritual, and is prominent on +many Tusayan altars. Around the sand picture of the rain-cloud, for +example, we find a row of wooden rods with curved ends, and in the +public Snake dance these are carried by participants called the Antelopes. +A crook in the form of a staff to which an ear of corn and several +feathers are attached is borne by <i>katcinas</i> or masked participants +in certain rain dances. It is held in the hand by a personage who flogs +the children when they are initiated into certain religious societies. +Many other instances might be mentioned in which this crozier-like<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_704" id="Page_704">[Pg 704]</a></span> +object is carried by important personages. While it is not entirely +clear to me that in all instances this crook is a badge of authority, in +some cases it undoubtedly represents the standing of the bearer. +There are, likewise, prayer offerings in the form of crooks, and even +common forms of prayer-sticks have miniature curved sticks attached +to them.</p> + +<p>Some of the warrior societies are said to make offerings in the form +of a crook, and a stick of similar form is associated with the gods of +war. There is little doubt that some of the crook-form decorations on +ancient vessels may have been used as symbols with the same intent as +the sticks referred to above. The majority of the figures of this shape +elude interpretation. Many of them have probably no definite meaning, +but are simply an effective motive of decoration.</p> + +<p>In some instances the figure of the crook on old pottery is a symbol +of a prayer offering of a warrior society, made in the form of an +ancient weapon, allied to a bow.</p> + + +<h6>THE GERMINATIVE SYMBOL</h6> + +<p>The ordinary symbol of germination, a median projection with lateral +extensions at the base (<a href="#PL_CXLIX">plate <span class="smcap">cxlix</span></a>, <i>e</i>), occurs among the figures on this +ancient pottery. In its simplest form, a median line with a triangle on +each side attached to one end, it is a phallic emblem. When this median +line becomes oval, and the triangles elongated and curved at the ends, +it represents the ordinary squash symbol,<a name="FNanchor_152_152" id="FNanchor_152_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> also used as an emblem of +fertility.</p> + +<p>The triangle is also an emblem of germination and of fecundity—the +female, as the previously mentioned principle represents the male. The +geometric designs on the ancient Sikyatki ware abundantly illustrate +both these forms.</p> + + +<h6>BROKEN LINES</h6> + +<p>In examining the simple encircling bands of many of the food bowls, +jars, and other ceramic objects, it will be noticed that they are not +continuous, but that there is a break at one point, and this break is +usually limited to one point in all the specimens. Various explanations +of the meaning of this failure to complete the band have been +suggested, and it is a remarkable fact that it is one of the most widely +extended characteristics of ancient pottery decoration in the whole +Pueblo area, including the Salado and Gila basins. While in the +specimens from Sikyatki the break is simple and confined to one +point, in those from other regions we find two or three similar failures +in the continuity of encircling lines, and in some instances the lines at +the point of separation are modified into spirals, terraces, and other +forms of geometric figures. In the more complex figures we find the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_705" id="Page_705">[Pg 705]</a></span> +most intricate variations, which depart so widely from the simple forms +that their resemblances are somewhat difficult to follow. A brief consideration +of these modifications may aid toward an understanding of +the character of certain geometric ornamental motives.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 390px;"><a name="PL_CLIX" id="PL_CLIX"></a> +<img src="images/plateclix.jpg" width="390" height="600" alt="PL. CLIX— +CROSS AND RELATED DESIGNS FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CLIX— +CROSS AND RELATED DESIGNS FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLIX</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">CROSS AND RELATED DESIGNS FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 395px;"><a name="PL_CLX" id="PL_CLX"></a> +<img src="images/plateclx.jpg" width="395" height="600" alt="PL. CLX— +CROSS AND OTHER SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CLX— +CROSS AND OTHER SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLX</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">CROSS AND OTHER SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 395px;"><a name="PL_CLXI" id="PL_CLXI"></a> +<img src="images/plateclxi.jpg" width="395" height="600" alt="PL. CLXI— +STAR, SUN, AND RELATED SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CLXI— +STAR, SUN, AND RELATED SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXI</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">STAR, SUN, AND RELATED SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>If any of the interlocking spirals on bowls or vases are traced, it +is found that they do not join at the center of the figure. The same +is true when these spirals become frets. There is always a break in +the network which they form. This break is comparable with the +hiatus on encircling bands and probably admits of the same interpretation. +In a simple form this motive appears as two crescents or two +key patterns with the ends overlapping. This simple ornament, called +the friendship sign, is commonly used in the decoration of the bodies +of <i>katcinas</i>, and has been likened to the interlocking of fingers or +hands of the participants in certain dances, the fingers half retracted +with inner surfaces approximated, the palms of the hands facing in +opposite directions and the wrists at opposite points. If the points be +extended into an elaborate key pattern or curved into extended spirals, +a complicated figure is produced in which the separation is less conspicuous +although always present.</p> + +<p>The same points may be modified into terraced figures, the separation +then appearing as a zigzag line drawn across the figure, or they +may have interlocking dentate or serrate prolongations imparting a +variety of forms to the interval between them.<a name="FNanchor_153_153" id="FNanchor_153_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> In order to trace out +these modifications it would be necessary to specify each individual +case, but I think that is unnecessary. In other words, the broken line +appears to be a characteristic not only of simple encircling bands, but +also of all geometric figures in which highly complicated designs extend +about the periphery of a utensil.</p> + + +<h5><span class="smcap">Decorations on the Exterior of Food Bowls</span></h5> + +<p>The decorations on the exterior of the ancient food bowls are in most +instances very characteristic and sometimes artistic. Generally they +reproduce patterns which are found on the outside of vases and jars +and sometimes have a distant relationship to the designs in the interior +of the bowl upon which they occur. Usually these external decorations +are found only on one side, and in that respect they differ from the +modern food bowls, in which nothing similar to them appears.</p> + +<p>The characteristics of the external decorations of food bowls are symbolic, +mostly geometric, square or rectangular, triangular or stepped<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_706" id="Page_706">[Pg 706]</a></span> +figures; curved lines and spirals rarely if ever occur, and human or +animal figures are unknown in this position in Sikyatki pottery; the +geometric figures can be reduced to a few patterns of marked simplicity.</p> + +<p>It is apparent that I can best discuss the variety of geometric designs +by considering these external decorations of food vessels at length. +From the fact that they are limited to one side, the +design is less complicated by repetition and seems +practically the same as the more typical forms. It +is rarely that two of these designs are found to be +exactly the same, and as there appears to be no duplication +a classification of them is difficult. Each potter +seems to have decorated her ware without regard +to the work of her contemporaries, using simple designs +but combining them in original ways. Hence the +great variety found even in the grave of the same +woman, whose handiwork was buried with her. As, +however, the art of the potter degenerated, as it has in later times, the +patterns became more alike, so that modern Tusayan decorated earthenware +has little variety in ornamentation and no originality in design. +Every potter uses the same figures.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 232px;"><a name="Fig_277" id="Fig_277"></a> +<img src="images/fig277.png" width="232" height="300" alt="Fig. 277—Oblique parallel line decoration" title="Fig. 277—Oblique parallel line decoration" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 277—Oblique parallel line decoration</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_278" id="Fig_278"></a> +<img src="images/fig278.png" width="600" height="140" alt="Fig. 278—Parallel lines fused at one point" title="Fig. 278—Parallel lines fused at one point" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 278—Parallel lines fused at one point</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_279" id="Fig_279"></a> +<img src="images/fig279.png" width="600" height="165" alt="Fig. 279—Parallel lines with zigzag arrangement" title="Fig. 279—Parallel lines with zigzag arrangement" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 279—Parallel lines with zigzag arrangement</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>The simplest form of decoration on the exterior of a food bowl is a +band encircling it. This line may be complete or it may be broken at +one point. The next more complicated geometric decoration is a double +or multiple band, which, however, does not occur in any of the specimens +from Sikyatki. The breaking up of this multiple band into parallel +bars is shown in <a href="#Fig_277">figure 277</a>. These bars generally have a quadruple +arrangement, and are horizontal, vertical, or, as in the illustration, inclined +at an angle. They are often found on the lips of the bowls and +in a similar position on jars, dippers, and vases. The parallel lines +shown in <a href="#Fig_278">figure 278</a> are seven in number, and do not encircle the bowl. +They are joined by a broad connecting band near one extremity. The +number of parallel bands in this decoration is highly suggestive.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 383px;"><a name="PL_CLXII" id="PL_CLXII"></a> +<img src="images/plateclxii.jpg" width="383" height="600" alt="PL. CLXII— +GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CLXII— +GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_707" id="Page_707">[Pg 707]</a></span></p> + +<p>Four parallel bands encircle the bowl shown in <a href="#Fig_279">figure 279</a>, but they +are so modified in their course as to form a number of trapezoidal +figures placed with alternating sides parallel. This interesting +pattern is found only on one vessel.</p> + +<p>The use of simple parallel bars, arranged at equal intervals +on the outside of food bowls, is not confined to these +vessels, for they occur on the margin of vases, cups, and +dippers. They likewise occur on ladle handles, where they +are arranged in alternate transverse and longitudinal +clusters.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 200px;"><a name="Fig_280" id="Fig_280"></a> +<img src="images/fig280.png" width="200" height="233" alt="Fig. 280—Parallel lines connected by middle bar." title="Fig. 280—Parallel lines connected by middle bar." /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 280—Parallel lines connected by middle bar.</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>The combination of two vertical bands connected by a +horizontal band, forming the letter H, is an ornamental design frequently +occurring on the finest Hopi ware. <a href="#Fig_280">Figure 280</a> shows such an H form, +which is ordinarily repeated four times about the bowl.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_281" id="Fig_281"></a> +<img src="images/fig281.png" width="600" height="90" alt="Fig. 281—Parallel lines of different width; serrate margin" title="Fig. 281—Parallel lines of different width; serrate margin" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 281—Parallel lines of different width; serrate margin</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>The interval between the parallel bands around the vessel may be +very much reduced in size, and some of the bands may be of different +width, or otherwise modified. Such a deviation is seen in <a href="#Fig_281">figure 281</a>, +which has three bands, one of which is broad with straight edges, the +other with serrate margin and hook-like appendages.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_282" id="Fig_282"></a> +<img src="images/fig282.png" width="600" height="161" alt="Fig. 282—Parallel lines of different width; median serrate" title="Fig. 282—Parallel lines of different width; median serrate" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 282—Parallel lines of different width; median serrate</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_283" id="Fig_283"></a> +<img src="images/fig283.png" width="600" height="138" alt="Fig. 283—Parallel lines of different width; marginal serrate" title="Fig. 283—Parallel lines of different width; marginal serrate" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 283—Parallel lines of different width; marginal serrate</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>In <a href="#Fig_282">figure 282</a> eight bands are shown, the marginal broad with edges +entire, and the median pair serrated, the long teeth fitting each other +in such a way as to impart a zigzag effect to the space which separates +them. The remaining four lines, two on each side, appear as black +bands on a white ground. It will be noticed that an attempt was made +to relieve the monotony of the middle band of figure 282 by the introduction +of a white line in zigzag form. A similar result was accomplished +in the design shown in <a href="#Fig_283">figure 283</a> by rectangles and dots.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_708" id="Page_708">[Pg 708]</a></span></p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_284" id="Fig_284"></a> +<img src="images/fig284.jpg" width="600" height="109" alt="Fig. 284—Parallel lines and triangles" title="Fig. 284—Parallel lines and triangles" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 284—Parallel lines and triangles</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>The modification of the multiple bands in <a href="#Fig_283">figure 283</a> has produced a +very different decorative form. This design is composed of five bands, +the marginal on each side serrate, and the middle band relatively very +broad, with diagonals, each containing four round dots regularly +arranged. In <a href="#Fig_284">figure 284</a> there are many parallel, noncontinuous bands +of different breadth, arranged in groups separated by triangles with +sides parallel, and the whole united by bounding lines. This is the +most complicated form of design where straight lines only are used.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_285" id="Fig_285"></a> +<img src="images/fig285.png" width="600" height="128" alt="Fig. 285—Line with alternate triangles" title="Fig. 285—Line with alternate triangles" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 285—Line with alternate triangles</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>We have thus far considered modifications brought about by fusion +and other changes in simple parallel lines. They may be confined to +one side of the food bowl, may repeat each other at intervals, or surround +the whole vessel. Ordinarily, however, they are confined to one +side of the bowls from Sikyatki.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_286" id="Fig_286"></a> +<img src="images/fig286.png" width="600" height="83" alt="Fig. 286—Single line with alternate spurs" title="Fig. 286—Single line with alternate spurs" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 286—Single line with alternate spurs</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_287" id="Fig_287"></a> +<img src="images/fig287.png" width="600" height="79" alt="Fig. 287—Single line with hourglass figures" title="Fig. 287—Single line with hourglass figures" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 287—Single line with hourglass figures</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>Returning to the single encircling band, it is found, in <a href="#Fig_285">figure 285</a>, +broken up into alternating equilateral triangles, each pair united at +their right angles. This modification is carried still further in <a href="#Fig_286">figure 286</a>, +where the triangles on each side of the single line are prolonged +into oblique spurs, the pairs separated a short distance from each +other. In <a href="#Fig_287">figure 287</a> there is shown still another arrangement of these +triangular decorations, the pairs forming hourglass-shape figures connected +by an encircling line passing through their points of junction.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 391px;"><a name="PL_CLXIII" id="PL_CLXIII"></a> +<img src="images/plateclxiii.jpg" width="391" height="600" alt="PL. CLXIII— +FOOD BOWLS WITH GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CLXIII— +FOOD BOWLS WITH GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXIII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">FOOD BOWLS WITH GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_288" id="Fig_288"></a> +<img src="images/fig288.jpg" width="600" height="77" alt="Fig. 288—Single line with triangles" title="Fig. 288—Single line with triangles" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 288—Single line with triangles</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_289" id="Fig_289"></a> +<img src="images/fig289.jpg" width="600" height="59" alt="Fig. 289—Single line with alternate triangles and ovals" title="Fig. 289—Single line with alternate triangles and ovals" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 289—Single line with alternate triangles and ovals</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_290" id="Fig_290"></a> +<img src="images/fig290.jpg" width="600" height="90" alt="Fig. 290—Triangles and quadrilaterals" title="Fig. 290—Triangles and quadrilaterals" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 290—Triangles and quadrilaterals</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_291" id="Fig_291"></a> +<img src="images/fig291.jpg" width="600" height="110" alt="Fig. 291—Triangle with spurs" title="Fig. 291—Triangle with spurs" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 291—Triangle with spurs</span><br /><br /> +</p><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_709" id="Page_709">[Pg 709]</a></span></p> + +<p>In <a href="#Fig_288">figure 288</a> the double triangles, one on each side of the encircling +band, are so placed that their line of separation is lost, and a single +triangle replaces the pair. These are connected by the line surrounding +the bowl and there is a dot at the smallest angle. In <a href="#Fig_289">figure 289</a> there +is a similar design, except that alternating with each triangle, which +bears more decoration than that shown in figure 288, there are hourglass +figures composed of ovals and triangles. The dots at the apex +of that design are replaced by short parallel lines of varying width. +The triangles and ovals last considered are arranged symmetrically in +relation to a simple band. By a reduction in the intervening spaces +these triangles may be brought together and the line disappears. I +have found no specimen of design illustrating the simplest form of the +resultant motive, but that shown in <a href="#Fig_290">figure 290</a> is a new combination +comparable with it.</p> + +<p>The simple triangular decorative design reaches a high degree of +complication in <a href="#Fig_290">figure 290</a>, where a connecting line is absent, and two +triangles having their smallest angles facing each other are separated<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_710" id="Page_710">[Pg 710]</a></span> +by a lozenge shape figure made up of many parallel lines placed obliquely +to the axis of the design. The central part is composed of seven +parallel lines, the marginal of which, on two opposite sides, is minutely +dentate. The median band is very broad and is relieved by two wavy +white lines. The axis of the design on each side is continued into two +triangular spurs, rising from a rectangle in the middle of each triangle. +This complicated design is the highest development reached by the use +of simple triangles. In <a href="#Fig_291">figure 291</a>, however, we have a simpler form of +triangular decoration, in which no element other than the rectangle is +employed. In the chaste decoration seen in <a href="#Fig_292">figure 292</a> the use of the +rectangle is shown combined with the triangle on a simple encircling +band. This design is reducible to that shown in figure 290, but is simpler, +yet not less effective. In <a href="#Fig_293">figure 293</a> there is an aberrant form of design +in which the triangle is used in combination with parallel and oblique +bands. This form, while one of the simplest in its elements, is effective +and characteristic. The triangle predominates in <a href="#Fig_294">figure 294</a>, but the +details are worked out in rectangular patterns, producing the terraced +designs so common in all Pueblo decorations. Rectangular figures +are more commonly used than the triangular in the decoration of the +exterior of the bowls, and their many combinations are often very +perplexing to analyze.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_292" id="Fig_292"></a> +<img src="images/fig292.jpg" width="600" height="114" alt="Fig. 292—Rectangle with single line" title="Fig. 292—Rectangle with single line" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 292—Rectangle with single line</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_293" id="Fig_293"></a> +<img src="images/fig293.png" width="600" height="174" alt="Fig. 293—Double triangle; multiple lines" title="Fig. 293—Double triangle; multiple lines" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 293—Double triangle; multiple lines</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_294" id="Fig_294"></a> +<img src="images/fig294.png" width="600" height="210" alt="Fig. 294—Double triangle; terraced edges" title="Fig. 294—Double triangle; terraced edges" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 294—Double triangle; terraced edges</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_295" id="Fig_295"></a> +<img src="images/fig295.png" width="600" height="66" alt="Fig. 295—Single line; closed fret" title="Fig. 295—Single line; closed fret" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 295—Single line; closed fret</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 388px;"><a name="PL_CLXIV" id="PL_CLXIV"></a> +<img src="images/plateclxiv.jpg" width="388" height="600" alt="PL. CLXIV— +FOOD BOWLS WITH GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CLXIV— +FOOD BOWLS WITH GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXIV</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">FOOD BOWLS WITH GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_296" id="Fig_296"></a> +<img src="images/fig296.png" width="600" height="60" alt="Fig. 296—Single line; open fret" title="Fig. 296—Single line; open fret" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 296—Single line; open fret</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_297" id="Fig_297"></a> +<img src="images/fig297.png" width="600" height="51" alt="Fig. 297—Single line; broken fret" title="Fig. 297—Single line; broken fret" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 297—Single line; broken fret</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_298" id="Fig_298"></a> +<img src="images/fig298.png" width="600" height="129" alt="Fig. 298—Single line; parts displaced" title="Fig. 298—Single line; parts displaced" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 298—Single line; parts displaced</span><br /><br /> +</p><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_711" id="Page_711">[Pg 711]</a></span></p> + +<p>In <a href="#Fig_295">figure 295</a>, starting with the simple encircling band, it is found +divided into alternating rectangles. The line is continuous, and hence +one side of each rectangle is not complete. Both this design and its +modification in <a href="#Fig_296">figure 296</a> consist of an unbroken line of equal breadth +throughout. In the latter figure, however, the openings in the sides +are larger or the approach to a straight line closer. The forms are +strictly rectangular, with no additional elements. <a href="#Fig_297">Figure 297</a> introduces +an important modification of the rectangular motive, consisting +of a succession of lines broken at intervals, but when joined are always +arranged at right angles.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_299" id="Fig_299"></a> +<img src="images/fig299.png" width="600" height="43" alt="Fig. 299—Open fret; attachment displaced" title="Fig. 299—Open fret; attachment displaced" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 299—Open fret; attachment displaced</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_300" id="Fig_300"></a> +<img src="images/fig300.png" width="600" height="198" alt="Fig. 300—Simple rectangular design" title="Fig. 300—Simple rectangular design" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 300—Simple rectangular design</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>Possibly the least complex form of rectangular ornamentation, next +to a simple bar or square, is the combination shown in <a href="#Fig_298">figure 298</a>, a type +in which many changes are made in interior as well as in exterior decorations +of Pueblo ware. One of these is shown in <a href="#Fig_299">figure 299</a>, where the +figure about the vessel is continuous. An analysis of the elements in +<a href="#Fig_300">figure 300</a> shows squares united at their angles, like the last, but that +in addition to parallel bands connecting adjacent figures there are two<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_712" id="Page_712">[Pg 712]</a></span> +marginal lines uniting the series. Each of the inner parallel lines is +bound to a marginal on the opposite side by a band at right angles to +it. The marginal lines are unbroken through the length of the figure. +Like the last, this motive also may be regarded as developed from a +single line.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_301" id="Fig_301"></a> +<img src="images/fig301.png" width="600" height="108" alt="Fig. 301—Rectangular reversed S-form" title="Fig. 301—Rectangular reversed S-form" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 301—Rectangular reversed S-form</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_302" id="Fig_302"></a> +<img src="images/fig302.png" width="600" height="112" alt="Fig. 302—Rectangular S-form with crooks" title="Fig. 302—Rectangular S-form with crooks" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 302—Rectangular S-form with crooks</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p><a href="#Fig_301">Figures 301</a> and <a href="#Fig_302">302</a> are even simpler than the design shown in <a href="#Fig_300">figure 300</a>, +with appended square key patterns, all preserving rectangular +forms and destitute of all others. They are of S-form, and differ more +especially in the character of their appendages.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_303" id="Fig_303"></a> +<img src="images/fig303.png" width="600" height="129" alt="Fig. 303—Rectangular S-form with triangles" title="Fig. 303—Rectangular S-form with triangles" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 303—Rectangular S-form with triangles</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_304" id="Fig_304"></a> +<img src="images/fig304.png" width="600" height="163" alt="Fig. 304—Rectangular S-form with terraced triangles" title="Fig. 304—Rectangular S-form with terraced triangles" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 304—Rectangular S-form with terraced triangles</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>While the same rectangular idea predominates in <a href="#Fig_303">figure 303</a>, it is +worked out with the introduction of triangles and quadrilateral designs. +This fairly compound pattern, however, is still classified among rectangular +forms. A combination of rectangular and triangular geometric +designs, in which, however, the former predominate, is shown in <a href="#Fig_304">figure 304</a>, +which can readily be reduced to certain of those forms already mentioned. +The triangles appear to be subordinated to the rectangles, and +even they are fringed on their longer sides with terraced forms. It may<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_713" id="Page_713">[Pg 713]</a></span> +be said that there are but two elements involved, the rectangle and the +triangle.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_305" id="Fig_305"></a> +<img src="images/fig305.png" width="600" height="152" alt="Fig. 305—S-form with interdigitating spurs" title="Fig. 305—S-form with interdigitating spurs" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 305—S-form with interdigitating spurs</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>The decoration in <a href="#Fig_305">figure 305</a> consists of rectangular and triangular +figures, the latter so closely approximated as to leave zigzag lines in +white. These lines are simply highly modified breaks in bands which +join in other designs, and lead by comparison to the so-called "line of +life" which many of these figures illustrate.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_306" id="Fig_306"></a> +<img src="images/fig306.png" width="600" height="176" alt="Fig. 306—Square with rectangles and parallel lines" title="Fig. 306—Square with rectangles and parallel lines" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 306—Square with rectangles and parallel lines</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_307" id="Fig_307"></a> +<img src="images/fig307.jpg" width="600" height="93" alt="Fig. 307—Rectangles, triangles, stars, and feathers" title="Fig. 307—Rectangles, triangles, stars, and feathers" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 307—Rectangles, triangles, stars, and feathers</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>The distinctive feature of <a href="#Fig_306">figure 306</a> is the square, with rectangular +designs appended to diagonally opposite angles and small triangles at +intermediate corners. These designs have a distant resemblance to +figures later referred to as highly conventionalized birds, although +they may be merely simple geometrical patterns which have lost their +symbolic meaning.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_308" id="Fig_308"></a> +<img src="images/fig308.png" width="600" height="119" alt="Fig. 308—Crook, feathers, and parallel lines" title="Fig. 308—Crook, feathers, and parallel lines" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 308—Crook, feathers, and parallel lines</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p><a href="#Fig_307">Figure 307</a> shows a complicated design, introducing at least two +elements in addition to rectangles and triangles. One of these is a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_714" id="Page_714">[Pg 714]</a></span> +curved crook etched on a black ground. In no other exterior decoration +have curved lines been found except in the form of circles, and it +is worthy of note how large a proportion of the figures are drawn in +straight lines. The circular figures with three parallel lines extending +from them are found so constantly in exterior decorations, and are so +strikingly like some of the figures elsewhere discussed, that I have ventured +a suggestion in regard to their meaning. I believe they represent +feathers, because the tail-feathers of certain birds are symbolized in +that manner, and their number corresponds with those generally +depicted in the highly conventionalized tails of birds. With this +thought in mind, it may be interesting to compare the two projections, +one on each side of the three tail-feathers of this figure, with the +extremity of the body of a bird shown in <a href="#PL_CXLI">plate <span class="smcap">cxli</span></a>, <i>e</i>. On the supposition +that a bird figure was intended in this design, it is interesting also +to note the rectangular decorations of the body and the association with +stars made of three blocks in several bird figures, as already described. +It is instructive also to note the fact that the figure of a maid represented +in <a href="#PL_CXXIX">plate <span class="smcap">cxxix</span></a>, <i>a</i>, has two of the round designs with appended +parallel lines hanging to her garment, and four parallel marks drawn +from her blanket. It is still customary in Hopi ceremonials to tie +feathers to the garments of those who personate certain mythic beings, +and it is possible that such was also the custom at Sikyatki. If so, it +affords additional evidence that the parallel lines are representations of +feathers.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_309" id="Fig_309"></a> +<img src="images/fig309.png" width="600" height="94" alt="Fig. 309—Crooks and feathers" title="Fig. 309—Crooks and feathers" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 309—Crooks and feathers</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_310" id="Fig_310"></a> +<img src="images/fig310.jpg" width="600" height="90" alt="Fig. 310—Rectangle, triangles, and feathers" title="Fig. 310—Rectangle, triangles, and feathers" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 310—Rectangle, triangles, and feathers</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_311" id="Fig_311"></a> +<img src="images/fig311.jpg" width="600" height="127" alt="Fig. 311—Terraced crook, triangle, and feathers" title="Fig. 311—Terraced crook, triangle, and feathers" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 311—Terraced crook, triangle, and feathers</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 388px;"><a name="PL_CLXV" id="PL_CLXV"></a> +<img src="images/plateclxv.jpg" width="388" height="600" alt="PL. CLXV— +FOOD BOWLS WITH GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CLXV— +FOOD BOWLS WITH GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXV</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">FOOD BOWLS WITH GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>In <a href="#Fig_308">figure 308</a> a number of these parallel lines are represented, and +the general character of the design is rectangular. In <a href="#Fig_309">figure 309</a> is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_715" id="Page_715">[Pg 715]</a></span> +shown a combination of rectangular and triangular figures with three +tapering points and circles with lines at their tips radiating instead of +parallel. Another modification is shown in <a href="#Fig_310">figure 310</a> in which the +triangle predominates, and <a href="#Fig_311">figure 311</a> evidently represents one-half of +a similar device with modifications.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_312" id="Fig_312"></a> +<img src="images/fig312.png" width="600" height="180" alt="Fig. 312—Double key" title="Fig. 312—Double key" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 312—Double key</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_313" id="Fig_313"></a> +<img src="images/fig313.jpg" width="600" height="164" alt="Fig. 313—Triangular terrace" title="Fig. 313—Triangular terrace" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 313—Triangular terrace</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>One of the most common designs on ancient pottery is the stepped +figure, a rectangular ornamentation, modifications of which are shown +in figures 312-314. This is a very common design on the interior of +food vessels, where it is commonly interpreted as a rain-cloud symbol.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_314" id="Fig_314"></a> +<img src="images/fig314.png" width="600" height="214" alt="Fig. 314—Crook, serrate end" title="Fig. 314—Crook, serrate end" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 314—Crook, serrate end</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>Of all patterns on ancient Tusayan ware, that of the terrace figures +most closely resemble the geometrical ornamentation of cliff-house pottery, +and there seems every reason to suppose that this form of design +admits of a like interpretation. The evolution of this pattern from +plaited basketry has been ably discussed by Holmes and Nordenskiöld,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_716" id="Page_716">[Pg 716]</a></span> +whose works have already been quoted in this memoir. The terraced +forms from the exterior of food bowls here considered are highly +aberrent; they may be forms of survivals, motives of decoration which +have persisted from very early times. Whatever the origin of the +stepped figure in Pueblo art was, it is well to remember, as shown by +Holmes, that it is "impossible to show that any particular design of the +highly constituted kind was desired through a certain identifiable series +of progressive steps."</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_315" id="Fig_315"></a> +<img src="images/fig315.png" width="600" height="173" alt="Fig. 315—Key pattern; rectangle and triangles" title="Fig. 315—Key pattern; rectangle and triangles" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 315—Key pattern; rectangle and triangles</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_316" id="Fig_316"></a> +<img src="images/fig316.jpg" width="600" height="123" alt="Fig. 316—Rectangle and crook" title="Fig. 316—Rectangle and crook" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 316—Rectangle and crook</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>For some unknown reason the majority of the simple designs on the +exterior of food bowls from Tusayan are rectangular, triangular, or +linear in their character. Many can be reduced to simple or multiple +lines. Others were suggested by plaited ware.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_317" id="Fig_317"></a> +<img src="images/fig317.png" width="600" height="206" alt="Fig. 317—Crook and tail feathers" title="Fig. 317—Crook and tail feathers" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 317—Crook and tail feathers</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>In <a href="#Fig_312">figure 312</a> is found one of the simplest of rectangular designs, a +simple band, key pattern in form, at one end, with a reentrant square +depression at the opposite extremity. In <a href="#Fig_313">figure 313</a> is an equally +simple terrace pattern with stepped figures at the ends and in the +middle. These forms are common decorative elements on the exterior +of jars and vases, where they occur in many combinations, all of which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_717" id="Page_717">[Pg 717]</a></span> +are reducible to these types. The simplest form of the key pattern is +shown in <a href="#Fig_314">figure 314</a>, and in <a href="#Fig_315">figure 315</a> there is a second modification +of the same design a little more complicated. This becomes somewhat +changed in <a href="#Fig_316">figure 316</a>, not only by the modifications of the two extremities, +but also by the addition of a median geometric figure.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_318" id="Fig_318"></a> +<img src="images/fig318.png" width="600" height="92" alt="Fig. 318—Rectangle, triangle, and serrate spurs" title="Fig. 318—Rectangle, triangle, and serrate spurs" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 318—Rectangle, triangle, and serrate spurs</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_319" id="Fig_319"></a> +<img src="images/fig319.png" width="600" height="192" alt="Fig. 319—W-pattern; terminal crooks" title="Fig. 319—W-pattern; terminal crooks" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 319—W-pattern; terminal crooks</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_320" id="Fig_320"></a> +<img src="images/fig320.png" width="600" height="133" alt="Fig. 320—W-pattern; terminal rectangles" title="Fig. 320—W-pattern; terminal rectangles" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 320—W-pattern; terminal rectangles</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>The design in <a href="#Fig_317">figure 317</a> is rectangular, showing a key pattern at one +end, with two long feathers at the opposite extremity. The five bodies +on the same end of the figure are unique and comparable with conventionalized +star emblems. The series of designs in the upper left-hand +end of this figure are unlike any which have yet been found on the +exterior of food bowls, but are similar to designs which have elsewhere +been interpreted as feathers. On the hypothesis that these two parts +of the figure are tail-feathers, we find in the crook the analogue of the +head of a bird. Thus the designs on the equator of the vase (<a href="#PL_CXLV">plate +<span class="smcap">cxlv</span></a>, <i>a</i>), which are birds, have the same crook for the head, and two +simple tail-feathers, rudely drawn but comparable with the two in <a href="#Fig_317">figure 317</a>. +The five dentate bodies on the lower left-hand end of the figure +also tell in favor of the avian character of the design, for the following +reason: These bodies are often found accompanying figures of conventionalized +birds (<a href="#PL_CXLIV">plates <span class="smcap">cxliv</span></a>, <a href="#PL_CLIV"><span class="smcap">cliv</span></a>, and others). They are regarded +as modified crosses of equal arms, which are all but universally present +in combinations with birds and feathers (<a href="#PL_CXLIV">plates <span class="smcap">cxliv</span></a>, <i>a</i>, <i>b</i>; <a href="#PL_CLIV"><span class="smcap">cliv</span></a>, <i>a</i>), from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_718" id="Page_718">[Pg 718]</a></span> +the fact that in a line of crosses depicted on a bowl one of the crosses +is replaced by a design of similar character. The arms of the cross are +represented; their intersection is left in white. The interpretation of +<a href="#Fig_317">figure 317</a> as a highly conventionalized bird design is also in accord +with the same interpretation of a number of similar, although less complicated, +figures which appear with crosses. Thus the three arms of +<a href="#PL_CLX">plate <span class="smcap">clx</span></a>, <i>a</i>, have highly conventionalized bird symbols attached to +their extremities. In the cross figure shown in <a href="#PL_CLVIII">plate <span class="smcap">clviii</span></a>, <i>d</i>, we find +four bird figures with short, stumpy tail-feathers. These highly conventionalized +birds, with the head in the form of a crook and the tail-feathers +as parallel lines, are illustrated on many pottery objects, +nowhere better, however, than in those shown in <a href="#PL_CXXVI">plates <span class="smcap">cxxvi</span></a>, <i>a</i>, and +<a href="#PL_CLX"><span class="smcap">clx</span></a>, <i>e</i>. <a href="#Fig_318">Figure 318</a> may be compared with <a href="#Fig_317">figure 317</a>.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_321" id="Fig_321"></a> +<img src="images/fig321.png" width="600" height="209" alt="Fig. 321—W-pattern; terminal terraces and crooks." title="Fig. 321—W-pattern; terminal terraces and crooks." /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 321—W-pattern; terminal terraces and crooks.</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_322" id="Fig_322"></a> +<img src="images/fig322.jpg" width="600" height="175" alt="Fig. 322—W-pattern; terminal spurs" title="Fig. 322—W-pattern; terminal spurs" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 322—W-pattern; terminal spurs</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>Numerous modifications of a key pattern, often assuming a double +triangular form, but with rectangular elements, are found on the exterior +of many food bowls. These are variations of a pattern the simplest +form of which is shown in <a href="#Fig_319">figure 319</a>. Resolving this figure into +two parts by drawing a median line, we find the arrangement is bilaterally +symmetrical, the two sides exactly corresponding. Each side +consists of a simple key pattern with the shank inclined to the rim of +the bowl and a bird emblem at its junction with the other member.</p> + +<p>In <a href="#Fig_320">figure 320</a> there is a greater development of this pattern by an +elaboration of the key, which is continued in a line resembling a +square spiral. There are also dentations on a section of the edge of +the lines.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 401px;"><a name="PL_CLXVI" id="PL_CLXVI"></a> +<img src="images/plateclxvi.jpg" width="401" height="600" alt="PL. CLXVI— +LINEAR FIGURES ON FOOD BOWLS FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CLXVI— +LINEAR FIGURES ON FOOD BOWLS FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXVI</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">LINEAR FIGURES ON FOOD BOWLS FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_719" id="Page_719">[Pg 719]</a></span></p> + +<p>In <a href="#Fig_321">figure 321</a> there is a still further development of the same design +and a lack of symmetry on the two sides. The square spirals are +replaced on the left by three stepped figures, and white spaces with +parallel lines are introduced in the arms of a W-shape figure.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_323" id="Fig_323"></a> +<img src="images/fig323.png" width="600" height="309" alt="Fig. 323—W-pattern; bird form" title="Fig. 323—W-pattern; bird form" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 323—W-pattern; bird form</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>In <a href="#Fig_322">figure 322</a> the same design is again somewhat changed by modification +of the spirals into three triangles rimmed on one side with a +row of dots, which are also found on the outer lines surrounding the +lower part of the design.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_324" id="Fig_324"></a> +<img src="images/fig324.png" width="600" height="119" alt="Fig. 324—W-pattern; median triangle" title="Fig. 324—W-pattern; median triangle" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 324—W-pattern; median triangle</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>In <a href="#Fig_323">figure 323</a> the same W shape design is preserved, but the space +in the lower reentrant angle is occupied by a symmetrical figure +resembling two tail-feathers and the extremity of the body of a bird. +When this figure is compared with the design on <a href="#PL_CXLVI">plate <span class="smcap">cxlvi</span></a>, <i>a</i>, resemblances +are found in the two lateral appendages or wings. The star +emblem is also present in the design. The median figure in that design +which I have compared to the tail of a bird is replaced in <a href="#Fig_324">figure 324</a> by +a triangular ornament. The two wings are not symmetrical, but no +new decorative element is introduced. It, however, will be noticed that +there is a want of symmetry on the two sides of a vertical line in the +figure last mentioned. The right-hand upper side is continued into +five pointed projections, which fail on the left-hand side. There is likewise +a difference in the arrangement of the terraced figures in the two +parts. The sides of the median triangles are formed of alternating black<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_720" id="Page_720">[Pg 720]</a></span> +and white blocks, and the quadrate figure which it incloses is etched +with a diagonal and cross.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_325" id="Fig_325"></a> +<img src="images/fig325.png" width="600" height="144" alt="Fig. 325—Double triangle; two breath feathers" title="Fig. 325—Double triangle; two breath feathers" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 325—Double triangle; two breath feathers</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_326" id="Fig_326"></a> +<img src="images/fig326.png" width="600" height="142" alt="Fig. 326—Double triangle; median trapezoid" title="Fig. 326—Double triangle; median trapezoid" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 326—Double triangle; median trapezoid</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>The decoration in <a href="#Fig_325">figure 325</a> consists of two triangles side by side, +each having marginal serrations, and a median square key pattern. +One side of these triangles is continued into a line from which hang +two breath feathers, while the other end of the same line ends in a +round dot with four radiating, straight lines. The triangles recall the +butterfly symbol, the key pattern representing the head.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_327" id="Fig_327"></a> +<img src="images/fig327.png" width="600" height="147" alt="Fig. 327—Double triangle; median rectangle" title="Fig. 327—Double triangle; median rectangle" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 327—Double triangle; median rectangle</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_328" id="Fig_328"></a> +<img src="images/fig328.png" width="600" height="100" alt="Fig. 328—Double compound triangle; median rectangle" title="Fig. 328—Double compound triangle; median rectangle" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 328—Double compound triangle; median rectangle</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>In <a href="#Fig_326">figure 326</a> there is a still more aberrant form of the W-shape +design. The wings are folded, ending in triangles, and prolonged at +their angles into projections to which are appended round dots with +three parallel lines. The median portion, or that in the reentrant +angle of the W, is a four-sided figure in which the triangle predominates +with notched edges. <a href="#Fig_327">Figure 327</a> shows the same design with +the median portion replaced by a rectangle, and in which the key<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_721" id="Page_721">[Pg 721]</a></span> +pattern has wholly disappeared from the wings. In <a href="#Fig_328">figure 328</a> there +are still greater modifications, but the symmetry about a median axis +remains. The ends of the wings instead of being folded are expanded, +and the three triangles formerly inclosed are now free and extended. +The simple median rectangle is ornamented with a terrace pattern on +its lower angles.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_329" id="Fig_329"></a> +<img src="images/fig329.png" width="600" height="107" alt="Fig. 329—Double triangle; median triangle" title="Fig. 329—Double triangle; median triangle" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 329—Double triangle; median triangle</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_330" id="Fig_330"></a> +<img src="images/fig330.png" width="600" height="107" alt="Fig. 330—Double compound triangle" title="Fig. 330—Double compound triangle" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 330—Double compound triangle</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p><a href="#Fig_329">Figure 329</a> shows a design in which the extended triangles are even +more regular and simple, with triangular terraced figures on their +inner edge. The median figure is a triangle instead of a rectangle.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_331" id="Fig_331"></a> +<img src="images/fig331.png" width="600" height="144" alt="Fig. 331—Double rectangle; median rectangle" title="Fig. 331—Double rectangle; median rectangle" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 331—Double rectangle; median rectangle</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p><a href="#Fig_330">Figure 330</a> shows the same design with modification in the position +of the median figure, and a slight curvature in two of its sides.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_332" id="Fig_332"></a> +<img src="images/fig332.png" width="600" height="177" alt="Fig. 332—Double rectangle; median triangle" title="Fig. 332—Double rectangle; median triangle" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 332—Double rectangle; median triangle</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_333" id="Fig_333"></a> +<img src="images/fig333.png" width="600" height="90" alt="Fig. 333—Double triangle with crooks" title="Fig. 333—Double triangle with crooks" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 333—Double triangle with crooks</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>Somewhat similar designs, readily reduced to the same type as the +last three or four which have been mentioned, are shown in <a href="#Fig_331">figures 331</a> and <a href="#Fig_332">332</a>. +The resemblances are so close that I need not refer to +them in detail. The W form is wholly lost, and there is no resemblance<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_722" id="Page_722">[Pg 722]</a></span> +to a bird, even in its most highly conventionalized forms. The median +design in <a href="#Fig_331">figure 331</a> consists of a rectangle and two triangles so arranged +as to leave a rectangular white space between them. In <a href="#Fig_332">figure 332</a> the +median triangle is crossed by parallel and vertical zigzag lines.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_334" id="Fig_334"></a> +<img src="images/fig334.png" width="600" height="100" alt="Fig. 334—W-shape figure; single line with feathers" title="Fig. 334—W-shape figure; single line with feathers" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 334—W-shape figure; single line with feathers</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>In the design represented in <a href="#Fig_333">figure 333</a> there are two triangular figures, +one on each side of a median line, in relation to which they are +symmetrical. Each triangle has a simple key pattern in the middle, +and the line from which they appear to hang is blocked off with alternating +black and white rectangles. At either extremity of this line +there is a circular dot from which extend four parallel lines.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_335" id="Fig_335"></a> +<img src="images/fig335.png" width="600" height="119" alt="Fig. 335—Compound rectangle, triangles, and feathers" title="Fig. 335—Compound rectangle, triangles, and feathers" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 335—Compound rectangle, triangles, and feathers</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>A somewhat simpler form of the same design is found in <a href="#Fig_334">figure 334</a>, +showing a straight line above terminating with dots, from which extend +parallel lines, and two triangular figures below, symmetrically placed +in reference to an hypothetical upright line between them.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_336" id="Fig_336"></a> +<img src="images/fig336.png" width="600" height="88" alt="Fig. 336—Double triangle" title="Fig. 336—Double triangle" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 336—Double triangle</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p><a href="#Fig_335">Figure 335</a> bears a similarity to the last mentioned only so far as the +lower half of the design is concerned. The upper part is not symmetrical, +but no new decorative element is introduced. Triangles, frets, +and terraced figures are inserted between two parallel lines which terminate +in round dots with parallel lines.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 385px;"><a name="PL_CLXVII" id="PL_CLXVII"></a> +<img src="images/plateclxvii.jpg" width="385" height="600" alt="PL. CLXVII— +GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM AWATOBI" title="PL. CLXVII— +GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM AWATOBI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXVII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM AWATOBI</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_337" id="Fig_337"></a> +<img src="images/fig337.jpg" width="600" height="85" alt="Fig. 337—Double triangle and feathers" title="Fig. 337—Double triangle and feathers" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 337—Double triangle and feathers</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>The design in <a href="#Fig_336">figure 336</a> is likewise unsymmetrical, but it has two +lateral triangles with incurved terrace and dentate patterns. The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_723" id="Page_723">[Pg 723]</a></span> +same general form is exhibited in <a href="#Fig_337">figure 337</a>, with the introduction of +two pointed appendages facing the hypothetical middle line. From +the general form of these pointed designs, each of which is double, +they have been interpreted as feathers. They closely resemble the tail-feathers +of bird figures on several bowls in the collection, as will be seen +in several of the illustrations.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_338" id="Fig_338"></a> +<img src="images/fig338.png" width="600" height="133" alt="Fig. 338—Twin triangles" title="Fig. 338—Twin triangles" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 338—Twin triangles</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_339" id="Fig_339"></a> +<img src="images/fig339.png" width="600" height="184" alt="Fig. 339—Triangle with terraced appendages" title="Fig. 339—Triangle with terraced appendages" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 339—Triangle with terraced appendages</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_340" id="Fig_340"></a> +<img src="images/fig340.png" width="600" height="99" alt="Fig. 340—Mosaic pattern" title="Fig. 340—Mosaic pattern" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 340—Mosaic pattern</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p><a href="#Fig_338">Figure 338</a> is composed of two triangular designs fused at the greatest +angles. The regularity of these triangles is broken by a square space +at the fusion. At each of the acute angles of the two triangles there +are circular designs with radiating lines, a common motive on the +exterior of food bowls. Although no new elements appear in figure +338, with the exception of bracket marks, one on each side of a circle, +the arrangement of the two parts symmetrically about a line parallel +with the rim of the bowl imparts to the design a unique form. The +motive in <a href="#Fig_339">figure 339</a> is reducible to triangular and rectangular forms, +and while exceptional as to their arrangement, no new decorative feature +is introduced.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_724" id="Page_724">[Pg 724]</a></span></p> + +<p>The specimen represented in <a href="#Fig_340">figure 340</a> has as its decorative elements, +rectangles, triangles, parallel lines, and birds' tails, to which +may be added star and crosshatch motives. It is therefore the most +complicated of all the exterior decorations which have thus far been +considered. There is no symmetry in the arrangement of figures about +a central axis, but rather a repetition of similar designs.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_341" id="Fig_341"></a> +<img src="images/fig341.png" width="600" height="99" alt="Fig. 341—Rectangles, stars, crooks, and parallel lines" title="Fig. 341—Rectangles, stars, crooks, and parallel lines" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 341—Rectangles, stars, crooks, and parallel lines</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>The use of crosshatching is very common on the most ancient Pueblo +ware, and is very common in designs on cliff-house pottery. This style +of decoration is only sparingly used on Sikyatki ware. The crosshatching +is provisionally interpreted as a mosaic pattern, and reminds one +of those beautiful forms of turquois mosaic on shell, bone, or wood +found in ancient pueblos, and best known in modern times in the square +ear pendants of Hopi women. <a href="#Fig_340">Figure 340</a> is one of the few designs +having terraced figures with short parallel lines depending from them. +These figures vividly recall the rain-cloud symbol with falling rain represented +by the parallel lines. <a href="#Fig_341">Figure 341</a> is a perfectly symmetrical +design with figures of stars, rectangles, and parallel lines. It may be +compared with that shown in <a href="#Fig_340">figure 340</a> in order to demonstrate how +wide the difference in design may become by the absence of symmetrical +relationship. It has been shown in some of the previous motives +that the crook sometimes represents a bird's head, and parallel lines +appended to it the tail-feathers. Possibly the same interpretation may +be given to these designs in the following figures, and the presence of +stars adjacent to them lends weight to this hypothesis.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_342" id="Fig_342"></a> +<img src="images/fig342.png" width="600" height="81" alt="Fig. 342—Continuous crooks" title="Fig. 342—Continuous crooks" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 342—Continuous crooks</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_343" id="Fig_343"></a> +<img src="images/fig343.jpg" width="600" height="148" alt="Fig. 343—Rectangular terrace pattern" title="Fig. 343—Rectangular terrace pattern" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 343—Rectangular terrace pattern</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>An indefinite repetition of the same pattern of rectangular design is +shown in <a href="#Fig_342">figure 342</a>. This highly decorative motive may be varied +indefinitely by extension or concentration, and while it is modified in +that manner in many of the decorations of vases, it is not so changed +on the exterior of food bowls.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_725" id="Page_725">[Pg 725]</a></span></p> + +<p>There are a number of forms which I am unable to classify with the +foregoing, none of which show any new decorative design. All possible +changes have been made in them without abandoning the elemental +ornamental motives already considered. The tendency to step or terrace +patterns predominates, as exemplified in simple form in <a href="#Fig_343">figure 343</a>. +In <a href="#Fig_344">figure 344</a> there is a different arrangement of the same terrace +pattern, and the design is helped out with parallel bands of different +length at the ends of a rectangular figure. A variation in the depth +of color of these lines adds to the effectiveness of the design. This +style of ornamentation is successfully used in the designs represented +in <a href="#Fig_345">figures 345</a> and <a href="#Fig_346">346</a>, in the body of which a crescentic figure in the +black serves to add variety to a design otherwise monotonous. The +two appendages to the right of figure 346 are interpreted as feathers, +although their depart forms widely from that usually assumed by these +designs. The terraced patterns are replaced by dentate margins in +this figure, and there is a successful use of most of the rectangular and +triangular designs.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_344" id="Fig_344"></a> +<img src="images/fig344.jpg" width="600" height="149" alt="Fig. 344—Terrace pattern with parallel lines" title="Fig. 344—Terrace pattern with parallel lines" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 344—Terrace pattern with parallel lines</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_345" id="Fig_345"></a> +<img src="images/fig345.jpg" width="600" height="99" alt="Fig. 345—Terrace pattern" title="Fig. 345—Terrace pattern" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 345—Terrace pattern</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_346" id="Fig_346"></a> +<img src="images/fig346.jpg" width="600" height="139" alt="Fig. 346—Triangular pattern with feathers" title="Fig. 346—Triangular pattern with feathers" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 346—Triangular pattern with feathers</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>In the specimens represented in <a href="#Fig_347">figures 347</a> and <a href="#Fig_348">348</a> marginal dentations +are used. I have called the design referred to an S-form, which, +however, owing to its elongation is somewhat masked. The oblique +bar in the middle of the figure represents the body of the letter, the +two extremities taking the forms of triangles.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_726" id="Page_726">[Pg 726]</a></span></p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_347" id="Fig_347"></a> +<img src="images/fig347.png" width="600" height="124" alt="Fig. 347—S-pattern" title="Fig. 347—S-pattern" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 347—S-pattern</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_348" id="Fig_348"></a> +<img src="images/fig348.png" width="600" height="122" alt="Fig. 348—Triangular and terrace figures" title="Fig. 348—Triangular and terrace figures" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 348—Triangular and terrace figures</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>So far as decorative elements are concerned the design in <a href="#Fig_349">figure 349</a> +can be compared with some of those preceding, but it differs from them +in combination. The motive in <a href="#Fig_350">figure 350</a> is not unlike the ornamentation +of certain oriental vases, except from the presence of the terraced +figures. In <a href="#Fig_351">figure 351</a> there are two designs separated by an inclined +break the edge of which is dentate. This figure is introduced to show +the method of treatment of alternating triangles of varying depth of +color and the breaks in the marginal bands or "lines of life." One of +the simplest combinations of triangular and rectangular figures is +shown in <a href="#Fig_353">figure 353</a>, proving how effectually the original design may +be obscured by concentration.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_349" id="Fig_349"></a> +<img src="images/fig349.png" width="600" height="87" alt="Fig. 349—Crook, terrace, and parallel lines" title="Fig. 349—Crook, terrace, and parallel lines" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 349—Crook, terrace, and parallel lines</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_350" id="Fig_350"></a> +<img src="images/fig350.png" width="600" height="75" alt="Fig. 350—Triangles, squares, and terraces" title="Fig. 350—Triangles, squares, and terraces" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 350—Triangles, squares, and terraces</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>In the foregoing descriptions I have endeavored to demonstrate that, +notwithstanding the great variety of designs considered, the types +used are very limited in number. The geometrical forms are rarely +curved lines, and it may be said that spirals, which appear so constantly +on pottery from other (and possibly equally ancient or older) pueblos +than Sikyatki, are absent in the external decorations of specimens +found in the ruins of the latter village.</p> + +<p>Every student of ancient and modern Pueblo pottery has been +impressed by the predominance of terraced figures in its ornamentation, +and the meaning of these terraces has elsewhere been spoken of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_727" id="Page_727">[Pg 727]</a></span> +at some length. It would, I believe, be going too far to say that these +step designs always represent clouds, as in some instances they are +produced by such an arrangement of rectangular figures that no other +forms could result.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 394px;"><a name="PL_CLXVIII" id="PL_CLXVIII"></a> +<img src="images/plateclxviii.jpg" width="394" height="600" alt="PL. CLXVIII— +GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM AWATOBI" title="PL. CLXVIII— +GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM AWATOBI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXVIII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM AWATOBI</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_351" id="Fig_351"></a> +<img src="images/fig351.jpg" width="600" height="105" alt="Fig. 351—Bifurcated rectangular design" title="Fig. 351—Bifurcated rectangular design" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 351—Bifurcated rectangular design</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_352" id="Fig_352"></a> +<img src="images/fig352.jpg" width="600" height="108" alt="Fig. 352—Lines of life and triangles" title="Fig. 352—Lines of life and triangles" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 352—Lines of life and triangles</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_353" id="Fig_353"></a> +<img src="images/fig353.png" width="600" height="227" alt="Fig. 353—Infolded triangles" title="Fig. 353—Infolded triangles" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 353—Infolded triangles</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>The material at hand adds nothing new to the theory of the evolution +of the terraced ornament from basketry or textile productions, so +ably discussed by Holmes, Nordenskiöld, and others. When the Sikyatki +potters decorated their ware the ornamentation of pottery had +reached a high development, and figures both simple and complicated +were used contemporaneously. While, therefore, we can so arrange +them as to make a series, tracing modifications from simple to complex +designs, thus forming a supposed line of evolution, it is evident that +there is no proof that the simplest figures are the oldest. The great +number of terraced figures and their use in the representation of +animals seem to me to indicate that they antedate all others, and I see +no reason why they should not have been derived from basketry patterns. +We must, however, look to pottery with decorations less highly +developed for evidence bearing on this point. The Sikyatki artists had +advanced beyond simple geometric figures, and had so highly modified +these that it is impossible to determine the primitive form.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_728" id="Page_728">[Pg 728]</a></span></p> + +<p>As I have shown elsewhere, the human hand is used as a decorative +element in the ornamentation of the interior of several food bowls. It +is likewise in one instance chosen to adorn the exterior. It is the only +part of the human limbs thus used. <a href="#Fig_354">Figure 354</a> shows the hand with +marks on the palm probably intended to represent the lines which are +used in the measurement of the length of pahos or prayer-sticks. From +between the index and the middle finger rises a line which recalls that +spoken of in the account of the hand on the interior of the food bowl +shown in <a href="#PL_CXXXVII">plate <span class="smcap">cxxxvii</span></a>.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_354" id="Fig_354"></a> +<img src="images/fig354.jpg" width="600" height="122" alt="Fig. 354—Human hand" title="Fig. 354—Human hand" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 354—Human hand</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>The limb of an animal with a paw, or possibly a human arm and hand, +appears as a decoration on the outside of another food bowl, where it is +combined with the ever-constant stepped figure, as shown in <a href="#Fig_355">figure 355</a>.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_355" id="Fig_355"></a> +<img src="images/fig355.png" width="600" height="172" alt="Fig. 355—Animal paw, limb, and triangle" title="Fig. 355—Animal paw, limb, and triangle" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 355—Animal paw, limb, and triangle</span><br /><br /> +</p> + + +<h4>PIGMENTS</h4> + +<p>The ancient Sikyatki people were accustomed to deposit in their +mortuary vessels fragments of minerals or ground oxides and carbonates, +of different colors, used as paints. It thus appears evident that +these substances were highly prized in ancient as in modern times, and +it may be mentioned that the present native priests regard the pigments +found in the graves as so particularly efficacious in coloring their ceremonial +paraphernalia that they begged me to give them fragments for +that purpose. The green color, which was the most common, is an +impure carbonate of copper, the same as that with which pahos are +painted for ceremonial use today. Several shallow, saucer-like vessels +contained yellow ocher, and others sesquioxide of iron, which afforded +both the ancients and the moderns the red pigment called <i>cuta</i>, an +especial favorite of the warrior societies. The inner surface of some of +the bowls is stained with the pigments which they had formerly contained, +and it was not uncommon to find several small paint pots +deposited in a single grave. The white used was an impure kaolin,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_729" id="Page_729">[Pg 729]</a></span> +which was found both in masses and in powdered form, and there were +unearthed several disks of this material which had been cut into definite +shape as if for a special purpose.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 378px;"><a name="PL_CLXIX" id="PL_CLXIX"></a> +<img src="images/plateclxix.jpg" width="378" height="600" alt="PL. CLXIX— +ARROWSHAFT SMOOTHERS, SELENITE, AND SYMBOLIC CORN FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CLXIX— +ARROWSHAFT SMOOTHERS, SELENITE, AND SYMBOLIC CORN FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXIX</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">ARROWSHAFT SMOOTHERS, SELENITE, AND SYMBOLIC CORN FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>One of these disks or circular plates (<a href="#Fig_356">figure 356</a>) was found on the head +of a skeleton. The rim is rounded, and the opposite faces are concave, +with a perforation in the middle. Other forms of this worked kaolin +are spherical, oblong, or lamellar, sometimes more or less decorated on +the outer surface, as shown in <a href="#PL_CLXXII">plate <span class="smcap">clxxii</span></a>, <i>e</i>. Another, shown in +<i>f</i>, of the same plate, is cylindrical, and other fragments of irregular +shapes were found. A pigment made of micaceous hematite was found +in one of the Sikyatki paint jars. This material is still used as coloring +matter by the Tusayan Indians, by whom it is called <i>yayala</i>, and +is highly prized by the members of the warrior societies.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"><a name="Fig_356" id="Fig_356"></a> +<img src="images/fig356.jpg" width="600" height="333" alt="Fig. 356—Kaolin disk (natural size)" title="Fig. 356—Kaolin disk (natural size)" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 356—Kaolin disk (natural size)</span><br /><br /> +</p> + + +<h4>STONE OBJECTS</h4> + +<p>Almost every grave at Sikyatki contained stone objects which were +found either in the bowls or in the soil in the immediate neighborhood +of the skeletons. Some of these implements are pecked or chipped, +others are smooth—pebbles apparently chosen for their botryoidal +shape, polished surface, or fancied resemblance to some animal or other +form.</p> + +<p>Many of the smooth stones were probably simply polishing stones, +used by the women in rubbing pottery to a gloss before it was fired. +Others were charm stones such as are still employed in making medicine, +as elsewhere described. There were still other stones which, +from their resemblance to animals, may have been personal fetishes. +Among the unusual forms of stones found in this association is a +quartz crystal. As I have shown in describing several ceremonies still +observed, a quartz crystal is used to deflect a ray of sunlight into +the medicine bowl, and is placed in the center of a sand picture of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_730" id="Page_730">[Pg 730]</a></span> +the sun in certain rites called <i>Powalawû</i>; the crystal is also used in +divining, and for other purposes, and is highly prized by modern +Tusayan priests.</p> + +<p>A botryoidal fragment of hematite found in a grave reminds me that in +the so-called Antelope rock<a name="FNanchor_154_154" id="FNanchor_154_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> at Walpi, around which the Snake dancers +biennially carry reptiles in their mouths, there is in one side a niche in +which is placed a much larger mass of that material, to which prayers +are addressed on certain ceremonial occasions, and upon which sacred +meal and prayer emblems are placed.</p> + +<p>One or two mortuary bowls contained fragments of stalactites apparently +from the Grand canyon of the Colorado or from some other +locality where water is or has been abundant.</p> + +<p>The loose shaly deposit which underlies the Tusayan mesas contains +many cephalopod fossils, a collection of which was made in former +years and deposited in the National Museum. Among these the most +beautiful are small cephalopods called by the Hopi, <i>koaitcoko</i>. Among +the many sacred objects in the <i>tiponi</i> baskets of the Lalakonti society, +as described in my account<a name="FNanchor_155_155" id="FNanchor_155_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> of the unwrapping of that fetish, there +was a specimen of this ammonite; that the shell was preserved in this +sacred bundle is sufficient proof that it is highly venerated. As a +natural object with a definite form it is regarded as a fetish which is +looked upon with reverence by the knowing ones and pronounced bad +by the uninitiated. The occurrence of this fossil in one of the mortuary +bowls is in harmony with the same idea and shows that it was regarded +in a similar light by the ancient occupants of Sikyatki.</p> + +<p>But the resemblance of these and other stones to animal fossils<a name="FNanchor_156_156" id="FNanchor_156_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> is +not always so remote as in the instances above mentioned. There was +in one grave a single large fetish of a mountain lion, made of sandstone +(<a href="#PL_CLXXII">plate <span class="smcap">clxxii</span></a>, <i>b</i>, <i>c</i>), in which legs, ears, tail, and eyes are represented, +and the mouth still retains the red pigment with which it was +colored, although there was no sign of paint on other parts of the +body. This fetish is very similar to the one found at Awatobi, and is +identical in form with those made by the Hopi at the present time.</p> + +<p>It was customary to bury in Sikyatki graves plates or fragments of +selenite or mica, some of which are perforated as if for suspension, +while others are in plain sheets (<a href="#PL_CLXIX">plate <span class="smcap">clxix</span></a>, <i>c</i>).</p> + +<p>Among the stone implements used as mortuary offerings which were +found in the cemeteries, was one made of the same fine lithographic +limestone as the so-called <i>tcamahia</i> (<a href="#PL_CLXXI">plate <span class="smcap">clxxi</span></a>, <i>g</i>) which occur on the +Antelope altar in the Snake ceremonies. The exceptional character of +this fragment is instructive, and its resemblance to the finely polished +stone hoes found in other ruins is very suggestive.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 410px;"><a name="PL_CLXX" id="PL_CLXX"></a> +<img src="images/plateclxx.jpg" width="410" height="600" alt="PL. CLXX— +CORN GRINDER FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CLXX— +CORN GRINDER FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXX</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">CORN GRINDER FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>There were found many disk-shape stones, pecked on the periphery +as if used in grinding pigment or in bruising seeds, and spheroidal<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_731" id="Page_731">[Pg 731]</a></span> +stones with a facet worn at one pole as if used for the same or a similar +purpose (<a href="#PL_CLXXI">plate <span class="smcap">clxxi</span></a>, <i>b</i>, <i>c</i>). A few stone axes and hatchets were also +taken from the graves; most of these are rude specimens of stone +working, although one of them can hardly be excelled in any other collection. +Many arrowpoints were found, but these are in no respect +peculiar. They are made of many different kinds of stone, but those +of obsidian are the most numerous. They were generally found in +numbers, sometimes in bowls. Evidently they had not been attached +to shafts when buried, for no sign of the reeds remained. Arrowheads +sewed into a bandoleer are still worn as insignia of rank by warriors, +and it is probable that such was also true in the past, so that on interment +these arrowpoints might have been placed in the mortuary basin +deposited by the side of the warrior, as indicative of his standing or +rank, and the bandoleer or leather strap to which they were attached +decayed during its long burial in the earth. Spearpoints of much +coarser make and larger in size than the arrowheads were also found +in the graves, and a rare knife, made of chalcedony, showed that the +ancient, like the modern Hopi, prized a sharp cutting instrument.</p> + +<p>Among the many large stones picked up on the mounds of Sikyatki +there was one the use of which has long puzzled me. This is a rough +stone, not worked save in an equatorial groove. The object is too heavy +to have been carried about, except with the utmost difficulty, and the +probability of the former existence of a handle is out of the question. +It has been suggested that this and similar but larger grooved stones +might have been used as tethers for some domesticated animal, as the +eagle or the turkey, which is about the only explanation I can suggest. +Both of these creatures, and (if we may trust early accounts) a quadruped +about the size of a dog, were domesticated by the ancient Pueblo +people, but I have found no survival of tethering in use today. Eagles, +however, are tied by the legs and not confined in corrals as at Zuñi, +while sheep are kept in stone inclosures. It is probable that this latter +custom came with the introduction of sheep, and that these stones were +weights to which the Sikyatki people tied by the legs the eagles and +turkeys, the feathers of which play an important part in their sacred +observances.</p> + +<p>Certain small rectangular slabs of stone have been found, with a +groove extending across one surface diagonally from one angle to +another (<a href="#PL_CLXIX">plate <span class="smcap">clxix</span></a>, <i>a</i>, <i>b</i>.) These are generally called arrowshaft polishers, +and were used to rub down the surface of arrowshafts or prayer-sticks. +Several of these polishers were taken from Sikyatki graves, +and one or two were of such regular form that considerable care must +have been used in their manufacture. A specimen from Awatobi is +decorated with a bow and an arrow scratched on one side, and one +of dark basaltic rock evidently came from a distance. A number of +metates and mullers were found in the graves at Sikyatki. One of the +best of the latter is shown in <a href="#PL_CLXX">plate <span class="smcap">clxx</span></a>. These stones are of different<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_732" id="Page_732">[Pg 732]</a></span> +degrees of fineness, and vary from simple triangular slabs of fine sandstone +to very coarse lava. The specimen figured has depressions on +the sides to facilitate handling.<a name="FNanchor_157_157" id="FNanchor_157_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a></p> + +<p>Perhaps the most significant of all the worked stones found in the +Sikyatki cemeteries were the flat slabs the edges of which near the +surface of the soil marked the presence of the graves. These slabs +may be termed headstones, but they have a far different meaning from +those that bear the name of the deceased with which we are most +familiar, for when they have any marking on their faces, it is not a +totem of the dead, but a symbol of the rain-cloud, which is connected +with ancestor worship.</p> + +<p>One of the best of these mortuary slabs has its edge cut in such a +way as to give it a terraced outline, and on one face a similar terrace +is drawn in black pigment. These figures are symbols of rain-clouds, +and the interpretation of the use of this design in graves is as follows:</p> + +<p>The dead, according to current Tusayan thought, become rain-cloud +gods, or powerful intercessors with those deities which cause or send +the rains. Hence, the religious society to which the deceased belonged, +and the members of the clan who survive, place in the mortuary bowls, +or in the left hand of their friend, the paho or prayer emblem for rain; +hence, also, in prayers at interment they address the breath body of +the dead as a <i>katcina</i>, or rain god. These <i>katcinas</i>, as divinized ancestors, +are supposed to return to the villages and receive prayers for rain. +In strict accord with this conception the rain-cloud symbol is placed, in +some instances, on the slab of rock in the graves of the dead at Sikyatki. +It proves to me that the cult of ancestor worship, and the conception +that the dead have power to bring needed rain, were recognized +in Sikyatki when the pueblo was in its prime. One of these slabs is +perforated by a small hole, an important fact, but one for which I have +only a fanciful explanation, namely, to allow the escape of the breath +body. Elsewhere I have found many instances of perforated mortuary +stone slabs, which will be considered in a report of my excavations in +1896.</p> + + +<h4>OBSIDIAN</h4> + +<p>Many fragments of obsidian, varying in size, are found strewn over +the surface of the majority of ancient ruins in Tusayan, and the quantity +of this material on some mounds indicates its abundance in those +early habitations. This material must have been highly prized for +knives, arrowpoints, and weapons of various kinds, as several of the +graves contained large fragments of it, some more or less chipped, +others in natural forms. The fact of its being deemed worthy of deposit +in the graves of the Sikyatkians would indicate that it was greatly +esteemed. I know of no natural deposit of obsidian near Sikyatki or<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_733" id="Page_733">[Pg 733]</a></span> +in the province of Tusayan, so that the probability is that these fragments +had been brought a considerable distance before they were buried +in the earth that now covers the dead of the ancient pueblos.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 423px;"><a name="PL_CLXXI" id="PL_CLXXI"></a> +<img src="images/plateclxxi.jpg" width="423" height="600" alt="PL. CLXXI— +STONE IMPLEMENTS FROM PALATKI, AWATOBI, AND SIKYATKI" title="PL. CLXXI— +STONE IMPLEMENTS FROM PALATKI, AWATOBI, AND SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXI</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">STONE IMPLEMENTS FROM PALATKI, AWATOBI, AND SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + + +<h4>NECKLACES, GORGETS, AND OTHER ORNAMENTS</h4> + +<p>The Sikyatki people buried their dead adorned with necklaces and +other ornaments as when living. The materials most highly prized for +necklaces were turquois and shell which were fashioned into beads, +some of which were finely made. These necklaces did not differ from +those now worn, and the shells employed were mostly marine varieties +of the genus <i>Pectunculus</i>. The turquois beads are often as finely cut as +any now worn, and their presence in the graves led to the only serious +trouble which I had with my native workmen, as they undoubtedly +appropriated many which were found. Some of these turquois beads are +simply flat fragments, perforated at one end, others are well formed. +Many skeletons had a single turquois near the mastoid process of the +skull, showing that they had been worn as ear pendants. On the neck +of one skeleton we found a necklace of many strands, composed of segments +of the leg bones of the turkey, stained green. There were other +specimens of necklaces made of turkey bones, which were smoothly +finished and apparently had not been stained.</p> + +<p>Necklaces of perforated cedar berries were likewise found, some of +them still hanging about the necks of the dead, and in one instance, a +small saucer like vessel (<a href="#PL_CXX">plate <span class="smcap">cxx</span></a>, <i>d</i>) was filled with beads of this kind, +as if the necklace had thus been deposited in the grave as a votive +offering.</p> + +<p>For gorgets the Sikyatki people apparently prized slabs of lignite +(<a href="#PL_CLXXII">plate <span class="smcap">clxxii</span></a>, <i>d</i>) and plates of selenite. It was likewise customary to +make small clay imitations of birds and shells for this and for other +ornamental purposes; these, for the most part, however, were not found +in the graves, but were picked up on the surface or in the débris within +the rooms.</p> + +<p>The three forms imitating birds shown in <a href="#PL_CLXXIII">plate <span class="smcap">clxxiii</span></a>, <i>g</i>, <i>h</i>, <i>i</i>, are +rude in character, and one of them is crossed by a black line from +which depend parallel lines, representing falling rain; all of these +specimens have a perforated knot on the under side for suspension, as +shown in the figure between them.</p> + +<p>The forms of imitations of shells, in clay, of which examples are shown +in <a href="#PL_CLXXIII">plate <span class="smcap">clxxiii</span></a>, <i>j</i>, <i>k</i>, <i>l</i>, are rude in character; they are often painted +with longitudinal or vertical black lines, and have a single or double +perforation for suspension. The shell imitated is probably the young +<i>Pectunculus</i>, a Pacific-coast mollusk, with which the ancient Hopi were +familiar.</p> + + +<h4>TOBACCO PIPES</h4> + +<p>I have elsewhere mentioned that every modern Tusayan ceremony +opens and closes with a ceremonial smoke, and it is apparent that pipes +were highly prized by the ancient Sikyatkians.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_734" id="Page_734">[Pg 734]</a></span></p> + +<p>The form of pipe used in most ceremonials today has a bowl with its +axis at right angles to the stem, but so far as I have studied ancient +Pueblo pipes this form appears to be a modern innovation.<a name="FNanchor_158_158" id="FNanchor_158_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> To determine +the probable ancient form of pipe, as indicated by the ritual, I +will invite attention to one of the most archaic portions of the ceremonies +about the altar of the Antelope priesthood, at the time of the +Snake dance at Walpi:<a name="FNanchor_159_159" id="FNanchor_159_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a></p> + +<p>"The songs then ceased, and Wí-ki sent Ká-tci to bring him a light. +Ká-tci went out, and soon returned with a burning corncob, while all +sat silently awaiting Wí-ki's preparation for the great <i>Ó-mow-ûh</i> smoke, +which was one of the most sacred acts performed by the Antelope +priests in these ceremonials.</p> + +<p>"The <i>wu-kó-tco-ño</i> is a huge, stemless pipe, which has a large opening +in the blunt end, and a smaller one in the pointed. It is five +inches long, one inch in diameter at the large aperture, and its greatest +circumference is seven and a half inches. The pipe is made of +some black material, possibly stone, and as far as could be seen was +not ornamented. The bowl had previously been filled with leaves +carefully gathered from such places as are designated by tradition. +In the subsequent smokes the ashes, "dottle," were saved, being +placed in a small depression in the floor, but were not again put in the +pipe.</p> + +<p>"Wí-ki took the live ember from Ká-tci and placed it in the large +opening of the pipe, on the leaves which filled its cavity. He then +knelt down and placed the pipe between the two <i>tí-po-nis</i>, so that the +pointed end rested on the head of the large fetish, between the ears. +Every one remained silent, and Wí-ki blew several dense clouds of +smoke upon the sand altar, one after another, so that the picture was +concealed. The smoke was made by blowing through the pipe, the fire +being placed in the bowl next the mouth, and the whole larger end of +the pipe was taken into the mouth at each exhalation.</p> + +<p>"At the San Juan pueblo, near Santa Fé, where I stopped on my +way to Tusayan, I purchased a ceremonial headdress upon which several +spruce twigs were tied. Wí-ki received some fragments of these +with gratitude, and they formed one of the ingredients which were +smoked in the great <i>ó-mow-ûh</i> pipe. The scent of the mixture was +very fragrant, and filled the room, like incense. The production of this +great smoke-cloud, which is supposed to rise to the sky, and later +bring the rain, ended the first series of eight songs.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 416px;"><a name="PL_CLXXII" id="PL_CLXXII"></a> +<img src="images/plateclxxii.jpg" width="416" height="600" alt="PL. CLXXII— +PAINT GRINDER, FETISH, KAOLIN DISKS, AND LIGNITE FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CLXXII— +PAINT GRINDER, FETISH, KAOLIN DISKS, AND LIGNITE FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">PAINT GRINDER, FETISH, KAOLIN DISKS, AND LIGNITE FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>"Immediately after this event, Há-ha-we filled one of the small-stemmed +pipes lying near the fireplace with native tobacco, and after +lighting it puffed smoke on the altar. He passed the pipe to Wí-ki, +holding it near the floor, bowl foremost, as he did so, and exchanging +the customary terms of relationship. Wí-ki then blew dense clouds of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_735" id="Page_735">[Pg 735]</a></span> +smoke over the two <i>tí-po-nis</i> and on the sand picture. Há-ha-we, meanwhile, +lit a second pipe, and passed it to Kó-pe-li, the Snake chief, who +enjoyed it in silence, indiscriminately puffing smoke on the altar, to the +cardinal points, and in other directions. Kó-pe-li later gave his pipe to +Ká-kap-ti, who sat at his right, and Wí-ki passed his to Na-syuñ-'we-ve, +who, after smoking, handed the pipe to Kwá-a, who in turn passed it +to Ká-tci, by whom it was given to Há-ha-we. Ká-tci, the last priest +to receive it before it was returned to the pipe-lighter, smoked for a +long time, and repeatedly puffed clouds of smoke upon the sand picture. +Meanwhile Ká-kap-ti had handed his pipe to Há-ha-we, both +exchanging terms of relationship and carefully observing the accompanying +ceremonial etiquette. Há-ha-we, as was his unvarying custom, +carefully cleaned the two pipes, and laid them on the floor by the +side of the fireplace."</p> + +<p>The form of pipe used in the above ceremony is typical of ancient +Pueblo pipes, several of which were found at Sikyatki. One of these, +much smaller than the <i>ó-mow-ûh</i> pipe, was made of lava, and bore +evidence of use before burial. It is evident, however, that these +straight pipes were not always smoked as above described. The most +interesting pipes found at Sikyatki were more elongated than that +above mentioned and were made of clay. Their forms are shown in +<a href="#PL_CLXXIII">plate <span class="smcap">clxxiii</span></a>, <i>b</i>, <i>c</i>, <i>d</i>, <i>f</i>. One of these (<i>b</i>) is very smooth, almost glazed, +and enlarged into two lateral wings near the mouth end, which is perforated +with a small hole. The cavity at the opposite end is large +enough to hold sufficient for a good smoke, and shows evidence of +former use. The whole median region of the exterior is formed by a +collar incised with lines, as if formerly wrapped with fiber. In some of +the modern ceremonials, as that of the Bear-Puma dramatization in the +Snake dance, a reed cigarette is used, ancient forms of which have been +found in sacrificial caves, and there seems no doubt that this pipe is +simply a clay form of those reeds. The markings on the collar would +by this interpretation indicate the former existence of a small fabric +wrapped about it. The two pipes shown, in <a href="#PL_CLXXIII">plate <span class="smcap">clxxiii</span></a>, <i>b</i>, <i>f</i>, are +tubular in shape,<a name="FNanchor_160_160" id="FNanchor_160_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> highly polished, and on one of them (<i>f</i>) we see +scratches representing the same feature as the collar of <i>b</i>, and probably +made with the same intent.</p> + +<p>The fragment of a pipe shown in <a href="#PL_CLXXIII">plate <span class="smcap">clxxiii</span></a>, <i>d</i>, is interesting in +the same connection. The end of this pipe is broken, but the stem is +intact, and on two sides of the bowl there are elevations covered with +crosshatching. The pipe is of clay and has a rough external surface.</p> + +<p>It is improbable that these pipes were always smoked as the <i>wu-kó-tco-ño</i> +of the Snake ceremony, but the smaller end was placed to the +mouth, and smoke taken into the mouth and exhaled. It is customary +in ceremonials now practiced, to wind a wisp of yucca about the stem +of a short pipe, that it may not become too hot to hold in the hand.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_736" id="Page_736">[Pg 736]</a></span> +This may be a possible explanation<a name="FNanchor_161_161" id="FNanchor_161_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> of the +scratches on the sides of the ancient tube pipes +from Sikyatki.</p> + + +<h4>PRAYER-STICKS</h4> + +<p>One of the most important objects made in +the secret ceremonials of the modern Pueblos +is sacrificial in nature, and is called a paho +or "water wood," which is used as an offering +to the gods (<a href="#Fig_357">figure 357</a>). These pahos +are made of a prescribed wood, of length +determined by tradition, and to them are tied +appendages of symbolic meaning. They are +consecrated by songs, about an altar, upon +which they are laid, and afterward deposited +in certain shrines by a special courier.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 143px;"><a name="Fig_357" id="Fig_357"></a> +<img src="images/fig357.jpg" width="143" height="600" alt="Fig. 357—Mortuary prayer-stick (natural size)" title="Fig. 357—Mortuary prayer-stick (natural size)" /> +<span class="caption">Fig. 357—Mortuary prayer-stick (natural size)</span> +</p> + +<p>In modern times the forms of these pahos +differ very greatly, the shape depending on +the society which makes them, the god addressed, +and the purpose for which they are +used, as understood by the initiated. Among +many other uses they are sometimes mortuary +in character, and are deposited in the graves +of chiefs, as offerings either to the God of +Death, or to other deities, to whom they may +be presented by the shade or breath body of +the deceased. This use of pahos is of ancient +origin in Tusayan, as shown by the excavations +at Sikyatki, where they were found in +mortuary bowls or vases deposited by the relatives +or surviving members of the sacerdotal +societies to which the deceased had belonged.</p> + +<p>This pre-Spanish custom in Tusayan was +discovered in my excavations at Awatobi, but +the prayer-sticks from that place were fragmentary +as compared with the almost perfect +pahos from Sikyatki. These pahos are of many +forms;<a name="FNanchor_162_162" id="FNanchor_162_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> some of them are of considerable size, +and the majority are of distinctive forms +(<a href="#PL_CLXXIV">plates <span class="smcap">clxxiv</span></a><a href="#PL_CLXXV">-<span class="smcap">clxxv</span></a>). There are also +many fragments, the former shapes of +which could not be determined. When it is +considered that these wooden objects with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_737" id="Page_737">[Pg 737]</a></span> +their neat carvings were fashioned with stone implements, the high +character of the work is very remarkable. They show, in several +instances, the imprint of attached strings and feathers, portions of +which still remain; also, in one instance, fragments of a pine needle. +They are painted with green and black mineral pigments, the former +of which had undoubtedly done much to preserve the soft wood of +which they were manufactured. As at the present day, cottonwood +and willow were the favorite prescribed woods for pahos, and some of +the best were made of pine. The forms of these ancient prayer offerings, +as mentioned hereafter, differ somewhat from those of modern +make, although in certain instances there is a significant resemblance +between the two kinds.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 469px;"><a name="PL_CLXXIII" id="PL_CLXXIII"></a><a href="images/plateclxxiii-lg.jpg"> +<img src="images/plateclxxiii.jpg" width="469" height="600" alt="PL. CLXXIII— +PIPES, BELL, AND CLAY BIRDS AND SHELLS FROM AWATOBI AND SIKYATKI" title="PL. CLXXIII— +PIPES, BELL, AND CLAY BIRDS AND SHELLS FROM AWATOBI AND SIKYATKI" /></a> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXIII</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">PIPES, BELL, AND CLAY BIRDS AND SHELLS FROM AWATOBI AND SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p>One of the most striking instances of resemblance between the old +and the new is the likeness of some of these ancient pahos to those now +made by the Flute society, and if this resemblance is more than a +coincidence, the conclusion that the present flute paho is a survival of +the ancient form may be accepted. As adding weight to this theory it +may be mentioned that traditionally the Flute people claim to be the +ancient people of Tusayan, and possibly contemporaries, in that +province, with the ancient inhabitants of Sikyatki. There is likewise +a most suggestive resemblance between these pahos and certain similar +sticks from cliff dwellings, and it is a belief, which I can not yet +demonstrate as true, that kindred people, or the same sacerdotal societies +represented in cliff houses and in Sikyatki, manufactured ceremonial +prayer offerings which are identical in design. <a href="#PL_CLXXIV">Plate <span class="smcap">clxxiv</span></a>, <i>a</i>, +represents a double stick paho, which closely resembles the prayer offering +of the modern Flute society. The two rods were found together +and originally had been attached, as indicated by the arrangement of +the impression of the string midway of their length. The stick of the +left has a facet cut on one side, upon which originally three dots were +depicted to represent the eyes and the mouth. This member of the +paho was the female; the remaining stick was the male. There are +two deep grooves, or ferules, cut midway of their length, a distinctive +characteristic of the modern flute paho. Both components are painted +green, as is still customary in prayer-sticks of this fraternity. The +pahos shown in <i>b</i>, <i>c</i>, and <i>d</i>, are likewise ascribed to the same society, +and differ from the first only in length. They represent female sticks +of double flute pahos. The length of these prayer-sticks varies on +different ceremonial days, and is determined by the distance of the +shrines for which they are intended. The unit of measurement is the +length of certain joints of the finger, and the space between the tip of +longest digit to certain creases in the palm of the hand. The length of +the ancient Sikyatki pahos, ascribed to the Flute society, follows the +same rule.</p> + +<p><a href="#PL_CLXXIV">Plate <span class="smcap">clxxiv</span></a>, <i>e</i>, <i>f</i>, have the same ferules referred to in the description +above, but are of greater diameter. They are unlike any modern<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_738" id="Page_738">[Pg 738]</a></span> +paho except in this particular. In <i>g</i> is depicted a still larger prayer-stick, +with two serrate incisions on each side of the continuation of the +flattened facet.</p> + +<p>Specimens <i>h</i> to <i>m</i> are forms of pahos which I can not identify. They +are painted green, generally with black tips, round, flattened, and of +small size. Figure <i>n</i> is a part of a paho which closely resembles prayer-sticks +found in the cliff houses of Mesa Verde and San Juan valley of +northern New Mexico.</p> + +<p>Numerous specimens of a peculiar razor-shape paho were found, two +of which are shown in <a href="#PL_CLXXV">plate <span class="smcap">clxxv</span></a>, <i>o</i>, <i>s</i>. The paho shown in figure <i>d</i> +is flat on one side and rounded on the other, narrowing at one end, +where it was probably continued in a shaft, and a hole is punctured at +the opposite extremity, as if for suspension. It is barely possible that +this may have been a whizzer or bull-roarer, such as are used at the +present day to imitate the wind, and commonly carried by the performer +in a public dance who personifies the warrior. Figure <i>t</i> differs +from the ordinary flute paho in having five constrictions in the upper +part, and in being continued into a very long shank.</p> + +<p>The best preserved of all the pahos from the Sikyatki graves are +represented in <i>u</i> and <i>v</i>, both of which were found in the same mortuary +bowl. They are painted with a thick layer of green pigment, and have +shafts, which are blackened and placed in opposite directions in the +two figures. Their general form may be seen at a glance. The lower +surface of the object shown in <i>u</i> is perfectly flat, and the part represented +at the upper end is evidently broken off. This is likewise true +of both extremities of the object shown in <i>v</i>; it is also probable that +it had originally a serrated end, comparable with that shown in <i>c</i>. A +similar terraced extremity survives in the corn paho carried by the so-called +Flute girls in the biennial celebrations of the Flute ceremonies +in the modern Tusayan pueblos.</p> + +<p>I refer the paho to the second group of sacrifices mentioned by Tylor,<a name="FNanchor_163_163" id="FNanchor_163_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> +that of homage, "a doctrine that the gist of sacrifice is rather in the +worshiper giving something precious to himself than in the deity +receiving benefit. This may be called the abnegation theory, and its +origin may be fairly explained by considering it as derived from the +original gift theory."</p> + +<p>While it is probably true that the Hopi barters his paho with the +idea of receiving in return some desired gift, the main element is probably +homage, but there is involved in it the third and highest element +of sacrifice, abnegation. It is a sacrifice by symbolism, a part for the +whole.</p> + +<p>On this theory the query naturally is, what does a paho represent? +While it is difficult to answer this question, I think a plausible suggestion +can be made. It is a sacrifice by symbolic methods of that +which the Hopi most prize, corn or its meal.</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 403px;"><a name="PL_CLXXIV" id="PL_CLXXIV"></a> +<img src="images/plateclxxiv.jpg" width="403" height="600" alt="PL. CLXXIV— +PAHOS OR PRAYER-STICKS FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CLXXIV— +PAHOS OR PRAYER-STICKS FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXIV</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">PAHOS OR PRAYER-STICKS FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /><br /><br /> +</p> + +<p class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;"><a name="PL_CLXXV" id="PL_CLXXV"></a> +<img src="images/plateclxxv.jpg" width="400" height="600" alt="PL. CLXXV— +PAHOS OR PRAYER-STICKS FROM SIKYATKI" title="PL. CLXXV— +PAHOS OR PRAYER-STICKS FROM SIKYATKI" /> +<span class="captiontop">BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXV</span><br /><br /> + +<span class="caption">PAHOS OR PRAYER-STICKS FROM SIKYATKI</span><br /><br /> +</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_739" id="Page_739">[Pg 739]</a></span></p> + +<p>In a simple prayer the sacrifice is a pinch of meal thrown on the +fetish or toward it. This is an individual method of prayer, and +the pinch of meal, his prayer bearer, the sacrifice.</p> + +<p>When a society made its prayers this meal, symbolic of a gift of +corn, is tied in a packet and attached to two sticks, one male, the other +female, with prescribed herbs and feathers. Here we have the ordinary +prayer-stick, varying in details but essentially the same, a sacrifice to +the gods appropriately designated by prescribed accessories.</p> + +<p>Frequently this packet of meal may be replaced by a picture of an +ear of corn drawn on a flat slat, the so-called "corn paho" of the Flute +maidens,<a name="FNanchor_164_164" id="FNanchor_164_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a> or we may have an ear of corn tied to the wooden slat. In +the <i>Mamzrau</i> ceremony the women carry these painted slats in their +hands, as I have elsewhere described.<a name="FNanchor_165_165" id="FNanchor_165_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a> It appears as if, in all these +instances, there exists a sacrificial object, a symbolic offering of corn +or meal.</p> + +<p>The constant appearance of the feather on the paho has suggested +an interpretation of the prayer-plumes as symbolic sacrifices of birds +on the theory of a part for the whole; we know that among the Nahua +sacrifices of birds were common in many ceremonials. The idea of +animal sacrifice, and, if we judge from legends, of human sacrifice, was +not an unknown conception among the Pueblos. While it is possible +that the omnipresence of the feather on the prayer-sticks may admit of +that interpretation, to which it must be confessed the male and the +female components in double pahos lend some evidence,<a name="FNanchor_166_166" id="FNanchor_166_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a> I believe the +main object was, as above stated, an offering of meal, which constituted +the special wealth of an agricultural people.</p> + + +<h4>MARINE SHELLS AND OTHER OBJECTS</h4> + +<p>The excavations at Sikyatki did not reveal a large number of marine +shells, although some of the more common genera used in the ancient +pueblos were found.</p> + +<p>There were several fragments of <i>Pectunculus</i> cut into the form of +wristlets, like those from the ruins on the Little Colorado which I have +described. Two beautiful specimens of <i>Oliva angulata</i>, truncated at +each pole, which occurred in one of the mortuary bowls, and a few conical +rattles, made of the spires of <i>Conus</i>, were taken from the graves; +there were also a few fragments of an unknown <i>Haliotis</i>. All of the +above genera are common to the Pacific, and no doubt were obtained by +barter or brought by migratory clans to Tusayan from the far south. +One of the most interesting objects in Sikyatki food basins from the +necropolis was a comparatively well preserved rattle of a rattlesnake. +The Walpi Snake chief, who was employed by me when this was found +and was present at the time it was removed from the earth, declared<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_740" id="Page_740">[Pg 740]</a></span> +that, according to the legends, there were no Snake people living at +Sikyatki when it was destroyed, but the discovery of the snake rattle +shows that the rattler was not without reverence there, even if not in +the house of his friends, and some other explanation may be suggested +to account for this discovery. There are evidences that the ancient +Hopi, like certain Yuman tribes, wore a snake's rattle as an ornament +for the neck, in which case the rattle found in the Sikyatki food basin +may have been simply a votive offering, and in no way connected with +ceremonial symbolism.</p> + +<p>Among many other mortuary offerings was one which was particularly +suggestive. This specimen represented in <a href="#PL_CLXIX">plate <span class="smcap">clxix</span></a>, <i>e</i>, is made +of unbaked clay, and has a reticulated surface, as if once incrusted +with foreign objects. The Hopi who were at work for me declared +that this incrustation had been composed of seeds, and that the pits +over the surface of the clay cone were evidence of their former existence. +They identified this object as a "corn mound," and reminded me that +a similar object is now used in the <i>Powamu</i>, <i>Lalakonti</i>, and certain other +ceremonies. I have elsewhere mentioned the clay corn mound incrusted +with seeds of various kinds in a description of the altar of the last-mentioned +ceremony. These corn mountains (<i>ká-ü-tü'-kwi</i>) are made in +the November ceremony called the <i>Nā-ác-nai-ya</i>, as described in my +account of those rites from which I quote<a name="FNanchor_167_167" id="FNanchor_167_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a>—</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"The <i>Tá-tau-kya-mû</i> were very busy in their kib-va. Every member +was shelling corn of the different colors as if on a wager. Each man +made a figure of moist clay, about four or five inches across the base. +Some of these were in the form of two mammæ, and there were also +many wedge and cone forms, in all of which were embedded corn kernels, +forming the cloud and other of the simpler conventional figures +in different colors, but the whole surface was studded as full as possible +with the kernels. Each man brought down his own <i>pó-o-tas</i> +(tray), on which he sprinkled prayer-meal, and set his <i>ká-ü-tü'-kwi</i> (corn +mountain) upon it. He also placed ears of corn on the tray."</p></div> + +<p>These corn mountains were carried by the <i>Tá-tau-kya-mû</i> priesthood +during an interesting ceremony which I have thus described:<a name="FNanchor_168_168" id="FNanchor_168_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a></p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p>"The whole line then passed slowly along the front of the village +sideways, facing the north, and singing, and all the women came out +and helped themselves to the clay molds and the ears of corn borne +by the <i>Tá-tau-kya-mû</i>, bestowing many thanks upon the priests."</p></div> + +<p>The fragment of polished stone shown in <a href="#PL_CLXIX">plate <span class="smcap">clxix</span></a>, <i>d</i>, is perforated +near the edge for suspension, and was found near the aural orifice of a +skull, apparently indicating that it had been used as a pendant. With +this object, many rude arrowpoints, concretions of stone, and the kaolin +disk mentioned above were also found. Small round disks of pottery, +with a median perforation, were not common, although sometimes +present. They are identified as parts of primitive drills.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_741" id="Page_741">[Pg 741]</a></span></p> + +<p>No object made of metal was found at Sikyatki, nor is there any evidence +that the ancient people of that pueblo ever saw the Spaniards or +used any implement of their manufacture. While negative evidence +can hardly be regarded as a safe guide to follow, so far as knowledge of +copper is concerned, it is possible that the people of ancient Tusayan +pueblos, in their trading expeditions to southern Arizona, may have +met races who owned small copper bells and trinkets of metal. I can +hardly believe, however, that the Tusayan Indians were familiar with +the art of tempering copper, and even if objects showing this treatment +shall be found hereafter in the ruins of this province it will have to be +proved that they were made in that region, and not brought from the +far south.</p> + +<p>No glazed pottery showing Spanish influence was found at Sikyatki, +but there can hardly be a doubt that the art of glazing pottery was +practiced by the ancestors of the Tusayan people. The modern potters +of the East Mesa never glaze their pottery, and no fragment of glazed +ware was obtained from the necropolis of Sikyatki.</p> + + +<h4>PERISHABLE CONTENTS OF MORTUARY FOOD BOWLS</h4> + +<p>It is the habit of the modern Tusayan Indians to deposit food of +various kinds on the graves of their dead. The basins used for that +purpose are heaped up with paper-bread, stews, and various delicacies +for the breath-body of the deceased. Naturally from its exposed position +much of this food is devoured by animals or disappears in other +ways. There appears excellent evidence, however, that the mortuary +food offerings of the ancient Sikyatkians were deposited with the body +and covered with soil and sometimes stones.</p> + +<p>The lapse of time since these burials took place has of course caused +the destruction of the perishable food substances, which are found to be +simple where any sign of their former presence remains. Thin films +of interlacing rootlets often formed a delicate network over the whole +inner surface of the bowl. Certain of the contents of these basins in +the shape of seeds still remain; but these seeds have not germinated, +possibly on account of previous high temperatures to which they have +been submitted. A considerable quantity of these contents of mortuary +bowls were collected and submitted to an expert, the result of +whose examination is set forth in the accompanying letter:</p> + +<p class="datesig"> +<span class="smcap">U. S. Department of Agriculture, Division of Botony</span>,<br /> +<i>Washington, D. C., March 25, 1896.</i><br /> +</p> + +<div class="blockquot"><p><span class="smcap">Dear Dr Fewkes</span>: Having made a cursory examination of the samples of supposed +vegetable material sent by you day before yesterday, collected at Sikyatki, +Arizona, in supposed prehistoric burial places, I have the following preliminary +report to make:</p> + +<p>No. 156247. A green resinous substance. I am unable to say whether or not this +is of vegetable origin.</p> + +<p>No. 156248. A mass of fibrous material intermixed with sand, the fibers consisting +in part of slender roots, in part of the hair of some animal.</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_742" id="Page_742">[Pg 742]</a></span></p> + +<p>No. 156249. This consists of a mixture of seed with a small amount of sand present. +The seeds are, in about the relative order of their abundance, (<i>a</i>) a leguminous +shiny seed of a dirty olive color, possibly of the genus <i>Parosela</i> (usually known as +<i>Dalea</i>); (<i>b</i>) the black seed shells, flat on one side and almost invariably broken, of +a plant apparently belonging to the family <i>Malvaceae</i>; (<i>c</i>) large, flat, nearly black +achenia, possibly of a <i>Coreopsis</i>, bordered with a narrow-toothed wing; (<i>d</i>) the thin +lenticular utricles of a <i>Carex</i>; (<i>e</i>) the minute black, bluntly trihedral seeds of some +plant of the family <i>Polygonaceae</i>, probably an <i>Eriogonum</i>. The majority of these seeds +have a coating of fine sand, as if their surface had originally been viscous; (<i>f</i>) a +dried chrysalis bearing a slight resemblance to a seed.</p> + +<p>No. 156250. This bottle contains the same material as No. 156249, except that no +larvæ are found, but a large, plump, brownish, lenticular seed 4 mm. in diameter, +doubtless the seed of a <i>Croton</i>.</p> + +<p>No. 156251. A thin fragment of matter consisting of minute roots of plants partially +intermixed on one surface with sand.</p> + +<p>No. 156252. This consists almost wholly of plant rootlets and contains a very +slight amount of sand.</p> + +<p>No. 156254. This consists of pieces of rotten wood through which had grown the +rootlets of plants. The wood, upon a microscopical examination, is shown to be that +of some dicotyledonous tree of a very loose and light texture. The plant rootlets in +most cases followed the large ducts that run lengthwise through the pieces of wood +and take up the greater part of the space.</p> + +<p>No. 156255. The mass contained in this bottle is made up of (<i>a</i>) grains, contained +in their glumes or husks, of some grass, probably <i>Oryzopsis membranacea</i>; (<i>b</i>) what +appears to be the minute spherical spore cases of some microscopical fungus. The +spore cases have a wall with a shiny brown covering, or apparently with this covering +worn off and exhibiting an interior white shell. Within this is a very large +number of spherical spore-like bodies of a uniform size; (<i>c</i>) a few plant rootlets.</p> + +<p>No. 156256. The material in this bottle is similar to that in 156255 except that the +amount of rootlets is greater, the grass seeds are of a darker color, seemingly somewhat +more disorganized, and somewhat more slender in form, and that the spore +cases seem to be entirely wanting.</p> + +<p>No. 156257. The material in this bottle is similar to that in No. 156249, containing +the seeds numbered <i>a</i>, <i>b</i>, <i>c</i>, and <i>d</i> mentioned under that number, besides a greater +amount of plant rootlets and some fragments of corncob.</p> + +<p>No. 156258. This consists almost entirely of plant rootlets and sand.</p> + +<p>No. 156259. This consists chiefly of the leaves of some coniferous tree, either an +<i>Abies</i> or a <i>Pseudotsuga</i>.</p> + +<p>All the seeds with the exception of those of the leguminous plant are dead and +their seed-coats rotten. The leguminous seeds are still hard and will be subjected +to a germination test.<a name="FNanchor_169_169" id="FNanchor_169_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a></p> + +<p>For a specific and positive identification of these seeds it will be necessary either +for a botanist to visit the region from which they came or to have at his disposal a +complete collection of the plants of the vicinity. Under such conditions he could +by process of exclusion identify the seeds with an amount of labor almost infinitely +less than would be required in their identification by other means.</p></div> + +<p class="datesig"> +Very sincerely yours,<br /> +<br /> +<span class="smcap">Frederick V. Coville</span>, <i>Botanist.</i><br /> +</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="FOOTNOTES" id="FOOTNOTES"></a>FOOTNOTES</h2> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See "The Prehistoric Culture of Tusayan," <i>American Anthropologist</i>, May, 1896. "Two Ruins +Recently Discovered in the Red Rock Country, Arizona," ibid., August, 1896. "The Cliff Villages of +the Red Rock Country, and the Tusayan Ruins, Sikyatki and Awatobi, Arizona," Smithsonian Report +for 1895.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> The reader's attention is called to the fact that this report is not intended to cover all the ruins +in the section of Arizona through which the expedition passed; it is simply a description of those +which were examined, with a brief mention of such others as would aid in a general comprehension +of the subject. The ruins on the Little Colorado, near Winslow, Arizona, will be considered in a +monograph to follow the present, which will be a report on the field work in 1896. If a series of +monographs somewhat of this nature, but more comprehensive, recording explorations during many +years in several different sections, were available, we would have sufficient material for a comprehensive +treatment of southwestern archeology.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> It may be borne in mind that several other clans besides the Patki claim to have lived long ago +in the region southward from modern Tusayan. Among these may be mentioned the Patuñ (Squash) +and the Tawa (Sun) people who played an important part in the early colonization of Middle Mesa.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Report upon the Indian Tribes, Pacific Railroad Survey, vol. <span class="smcap">iii</span>, pt. iii, p. 14, Washington, 1856. +The cavate dwellings of the Rio Verde were first described by Dr E. A. Mearns. Although it has +sometimes been supposed that Coronado followed the trail along Verde valley, and then over the +Mogollones to Rio Colorado Chiquito, Bandelier has conclusively shown a more easterly route.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See mention of cliff houses in Walnut canyon in the Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> The kinship of Cliff dwellers and Pueblos was long ago recognized by ethnologists, both from +resemblances of skulls, the character of architecture, and archeological objects found in each class +of dwellings. It is only in later years, however, that the argument from similar ceremonial paraphernalia +has been adduced, owing to an increase of our knowledge of this side of Pueblo life. See +Bessels, Bull. U. S. Geological and Geographical Survey of the Territories, vol. <span class="smcap">ii</span>, 1876; Hoffman, +Report on Chaco Cranium, ibid., 1877, p. 457. Holmes, in 1878, says: "The ancient peoples of the San +Juan country were doubtless the ancestors of the present Pueblo tribes of New Mexico and Arizona." +See, likewise, Cushing, Nordenskiöld, and later writers regarding the kinship of Cliff villagers +and Pueblos.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Report of the Director of the Bureau of American Ethnology for the year ending June 30, 1894; +Smithsonian Report, 1894.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> The ruins in Chaves Pass, 110 miles south of Oraibi, will be considered in the report of the expedition +of 1896, when extensive excavations were made at this point. About midway between the +Chaves Pass ruins and those of Beaver creek, in Verde valley, there are other ruins, as at Rattlesnake +Tanks, and as a well-marked trail passes by these former habitations and connects the Verde series +with those of Chaves Pass, it is possible that early migrations may have followed this course. There +is also a trail from Homolobi and the Colorado Chiquito ruins through Chaves Pass into Tonto Basin.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Smithsonian Report, 1883; Report of Major Powell, Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 57 et +seq. Explorations in the Southwest, ibid., 1886, p. 52 et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Report of an Expedition down the Zuñi and Colorado rivers; Washington, 1853.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Smithsonian Report, 1883, Report of the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 62: "Pending +the arrival of goods at Moki, Mr Cushing returned across the country to Zuñi for the purpose of +observing more minutely than on former occasions the annual sun ceremonials. En route he discovered +two ruins, apparently before unvisited. One of these was the outlying structure of K'n'-i-K'él, +called by the Navajos Zïnni-jin'ne and by the Zuñis He'-sho'ta pathl-tâĭe, both, according to Zuñi tradition, +belonging to the Thlé-e-tâ-kwe, the name given to the traditional northwestern migration +of the Bear, Crane, Frog, Deer, Yellow-wood, and other gentes of the ancestral pueblos."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> The reduplicated syllable recalls Hopi methods of forming their plural, but is not characteristic of +them, and the word Totonteac has a Hopi sound. The supposed derivation of Tonto from Spanish +<i>tonto</i>, "fool," is mentioned, elsewhere. The so-called Tonto Apache was probably an intruder, the +cause of the desertion of the "basin" by the housebuilders. The question whether Totonteac is the +same as Tusayan or Tuchano is yet to be satisfactorily answered. The map makers of the sixteenth +century regarded them as different places, and notwithstanding Totonteac was reported to be "a hotte +lake" in the middle of the previous century, it held its place on maps into the seventeenth century. +It is always on or near a river flowing into the Gulf of California.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Mr Mindeleff's descriptions deal with the same cluster of cavate ruins here described, but are +more specially devoted to the more southern section of them, not considering, if I understand him, +the northern row here described. I had also made extensive studies of the rooms figured by him +previously to the publication of his article, but as my notes on these rooms are anticipated by his +excellent memoir I have not considered the rooms described by him, but limited my account to brief +mention of a neighboring row of chambers not described in his report.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> <i>Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology</i>, vol. <span class="smcap">ii</span>, No. 1. All the Tusayan kivas with which +I am familiar have this raised spectator's part at one end. The altars are always erected at the +opposite end of the room, in which is likewise the hole in the floor called the <i>sipapû</i>, symbolic of +the traditional opening through which races emerged to the earth's surface from an underworld. +Banquettes exist in some Tusayan kivas; in others, however, they are wanting. The raised platform +in dwelling rooms is commonly a sleeping place, above which blankets are hung and, in some +instances, corn is stored. A small opening in the step often admits light to an otherwise dark granary +below the floor. In no instance, however, are there more than one such platform, and that commonly +partakes of the nature of another room, although seldom separated from the other chamber by +a partition.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> Counting from the point of the cliff shown in <a href="#PL_XCIa">plate <span class="smcap">xci</span><i>a</i></a>. The positions of the rooms are indicated +by the row of entrances.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> It was from this region that the individual chambers, described by Mindeleff, were chosen.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> Mr Mindeleff, in his valuable memoir, has so completely described the cavate dwellings of the +Rio Grande and San Juan regions that their discussion in this account would be superfluous.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> See Mindeleff, Cliff Ruins of Canyon de Chelly, <i>American Anthropologist</i>, April, 1895. The suggestion +that cliff outlooks were farming shelters in some instances is doubtless true, but I should +hesitate giving this use a predominance over outlooks for security. In times of danger, naturally +the agriculturist seeks a high or commanding position for a wide outlook; but to watch his crops he +must camp among them.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> Ancient Dwellings of the Rio Verde Valley, Dr E. A. Mearns; <i>Popular Science Monthly</i>, vol. +<span class="smcap">xxvii</span>. Mindeleff, Aboriginal Remains in Verde Valley; Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau +of Ethnology.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> Since the above lines were written Mr C. F. Lummis, who has made many well-known contributions +to the ethnology and archeology of the Pueblo area, has published in <i>Land of Sunshine</i> (Los +Angeles, 1895), a beautiful photographic illustration and an important description of this unique place.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> Miscellaneous Ethnographic Observations on Indians inhabiting Nevada, California, and Arizona, +Tenth Annual Report of the Hayden Survey, p. 478; Washington, 1878.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> The cliff houses of Bloody Basin I have not examined, but I suspect they are of the same type as +the so-called Montezuma Castle, or Casa Montezuma, on the right bank of Beaver creek. The latter +is referred to the cliff-house class, but it differs considerably from the ruins of the Red-rocks, on +account of the character of the cavern in which it is built (see <a href="#Fig_246">figure 246</a>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> Fortified hilltops occur in many places in Arizona and are likewise found in the Mexican states of +Sonora and Chihuahua, where they are known as <i>trincheras</i>. They are regarded as places of refuge +of former inhabitants of the country, contemporaneous with ancient pueblos and cliff houses.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> This pinnacle is visible for miles, and is one of many prominences in the surrounding country. +Unfortunately this region is so imperfectly surveyed that only approximations of distances are possible +in this account, and the maps known to me are too meager in detail to fairly illustrate the distribution +of these buttes.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> In certain cavate houses on Oak creek we find these caverns in two tiers, one above the other, and +the hill above is capped by a well-preserved building. In one of these we find the entrance to the +cavern walled in, with the exception of a T-shape doorway and a small window. This chamber shows +a connecting link between the type of true cavate dwellings and that of cliff-houses.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> The absence of kivas in the ruins of the Verde has been commented on by Mindeleff, and has +likewise been found to be characteristic of the cliff houses on the upper courses of the other tributaries +of Gila and Salado rivers. The round kiva appears to be confined to the middle and eastern +ruins of the pueblo area, and are very numerous in the ruins of San Juan valley.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> See "Tusayan Totemic Signatures," <i>American Anthropologist</i>, Washington, January, 1897.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> An exhaustive report on the ruins near Winslow, at the Sunset Crossing of the Little Colorado, +will later be published. These ruins were the sites of my operations in the summer of 1896, and +from them a very large collection of prehistoric objects was taken. The report will consider also the +ruins at Chaves Pass, on the trail of migration used by the Hopi in prehistoric times in their visits, +for barter and other purposes, to the Gila-Salado watershed.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> Possibly the Shoshonean elements in Hopi linguistics are due to the Snake peoples, the early colonists +who came from the north, where they may have been in contact with Paiute or other divisions +of the Shoshonean stock. The consanguinity of this phratry may have been close to that of the Shoshonean +tribes, as that of the Patki was to the Piman, or the Asa to the Tanoan. The present Hopi +are a composite people, and it is yet to be demonstrated which stock predominates in them.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> A Study of Pueblo Architecture: Tusayan and Cibola; Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of +Ethnology, 1886-87.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> This account was copied from a copy made by the eminent scholar, A. F. Bandelier, for the archives +of the Hemenway Expedition, now at the Peabody Museum, in Cambridge, Massachusetts.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> Hano or "Tewa."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> Sichomovi. In the manuscript report by Don José Cortez, who wrote of the northern provinces +of Mexico, where he lived in 1799, Sichomovi is mentioned as a nameless village between Tanos (Hano) +and Gualpi (Walpi), settled by colonists from the latter pueblo. One of the first references to this +village by name was in a report by Indian Agent Calhoun (1850), where it is called Chemovi.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> Mishoñinovi.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Shipaulovi.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> Shuñopovi.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> In 1896 I collected over a hundred beautiful specimens from this cemetery.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> There lived in Walpi, years ago, an old woman, who related to a priest, who repeated the story to +the writer, that when a little girl she remembered seeing the Payüpki people pass along the valley +under Walpi when they returned to the Rio Grande. Her story is quite probable, for the lives of two +aged persons could readily bridge the interval between that event and our own time.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> "La Mission de N. Sra. de las Dolores de Zandia de Indios Teguas á Moqui."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> See J. F. Meline, Two Thousand Miles on Horseback, 1867. Sandia, according to Bancroft, is +not mentioned by Menchero in 1744, but Bonilla gave it a population of 400 Indians in 1749. In 1742 +two friars visited Tusayan, and, it is said, brought out 441 apostate Tiguas, who were later settled in +the old pueblo of Sandia. Considering, then, that Sandia was resettled in 1748, six years after this +visit, and that the numbers so closely coincide, we have good evidence that Payüpki, in Tusayan, +was abandoned about 1742. It is probable, from known evidence, that this pueblo was built somewhere +between 1680 and 1690; so that the whole period of its occupancy was not far from fifty years.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> Mindeleff mentions two other sites of Old Walpi—a mound near <i>Wala</i>, and one in the plain between +Mishoñinovi and Walpi; but neither of these is large, although claimed as former sites of the +early clans which later built the town on the terrace of East Mesa below Walpi. I have regarded +Küchaptüvela as the ancient Walpi, but have no doubt that the Hopi emigrants had several temporary +dwellings before they settled there.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> Sometimes called Nüsaki, a corruption of "Missa ki," Mass House, Mission. One of the beams of the +old mission at Nüsaki or Kisakobi is in the roof of Pauwatiwa's house in the highest range of rooms +of Walpi. This beam is nicely squared, and bears marks indicative of carving. There are also large +planks in one of the kivas which were also probably from the church building, although no one has +stated that they are. Pauwatiwa, however, declares that a legend has been handed down in his family +that the above-mentioned rafter came from the mission.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> Proceedings of the Boston Society of Natural History, January 2, 1895, p. 441.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> Thus in Castañeda's account we are told: "Farther off [near Cia?] was another large village where +we found in the courtyards a great number of stone balls of the size of a leather bag, containing one +arroba. They seem to have been cast with the aid of machines, and to have been employed in the +destruction of the village." It is needless for me to say that I find no knowledge of such a machine +in Tusayan!</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> The ceremonials attending to burial of the eagle, whose plumes are used in secret rites, have never +been described, and nothing is known of the rites about the Eagle shrine at Tukinobi.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> Recent Archeologic Find in Arizona, <i>American Anthropologist</i>, Washington, July, 1893.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> For a previous description see the Preliminary Account, Smithsonian Report for 1895; also "Awatobi: +An Archeological Verification of a Tusayan Legend," <i>American Anthropologist</i>, Washington, +October, 1893.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> This important ceremony celebrates the departure from the pueblos of ancestral gods called +<i>katcinas</i>, and is one of the most popular in the ritual.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> Pacheco-Cardenas, Colleccion de Documentos Inéditos, <span class="smcap">xv</span>, 122, 182.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> Voyages, <span class="smcap">iii</span>, pp. 463, 470, 1600; reprint 1810.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> Pacheco-Cardenas, Documentos Inéditos, op. cit., <span class="smcap">xvi</span>, 139.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> Menologio Franciscano, 275; Teatro Mexicano, <span class="smcap">iii</span>, 321.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> San Bernardino de Ahuatobi (Vetancurt, 1680); San Bernardo de Aguatuvi (Vargas, 1692). I find +that the mission at Walpi was also mentioned by Vargas as dedicated to San Bernardino. The church +at Oraibi was San Francisco de Oraybe and San Miguel. The mission at Shuñopovi was called San +Bartolomé, San Bernardo, and San Bernabe.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> This article was in type too early for a review of Dellenbaugh's identification of Cibola with a +more southeasterly locality. His arguments bear some plausibility, but they are by no means decisive.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> An exact translation by Winship of the copy of Castañeda in the Lenox Library was published in +the Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> "At evening the chiefs asked that notices be written for them warning all white people to keep +away from the mesa tomorrow, and these were set up by the night patrols in cleft wands on all the +principal trails. At daybreak on the following morning the principal trails leading from the four +cardinal points were 'closed' by sprinkling meal across them and laying on each a whitened elk +horn. Anawita told the observer that in former times if any reckless person had the temerity to +venture within this proscribed limit the Kwakwantû inevitably put him to death by decapitation +and dismemberment." ("Naacnaiya," <i>Journal of American Folk-lore</i>, vol. v, p. 201.) This appears +to be the same way in which the Awatobians "closed" the trail to Tobar.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> When the Flute people approach Walpi, as is biennially dramatized at the present time, "an assemblage +of people there (at the entrance to the village) meet them, and just back of a line of meal drawn +across the trail stood Winuta and Hoñyi," also two girls and a boy. After these Flute people are +challenged and sing their songs the trail is opened, viz: "Alosaka drew the end of his <i>moñkohu</i> along +the line of meal, and Winuta rubbed off the remainder from the trail with his foot." "Walpi Flute +Observance," <i>Journal of American Folk-lore</i>, vol. <span class="smcap">vii</span>, p. 19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> This custom of sprinkling the trail with sacred meal is one of the most common in the Tusayan +ritual. The gods approach and leave the pueblos along such lines, and no doubt the Awatobians +regarded the horses of Espejo as supernatural beings and threw meal on the trail before them with +the same thought in mind that they now sprinkle the trails with meal in all the great ceremonials +in which personators of the gods approach the villages.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> According to the reprint of 1891. In the reprint of 1810 it appears as "Ahuato." I would suggest +that possibly the error in giving the name of a pueblo to a chief may have arisen not from the copyist +or printer, but from inability of the Spaniards and Hopi to understand each other. If you ask a Hopi +Indian his name, nine times out of ten he will not tell you, and an interlocutor for a party of natives +will almost invariably name the pueblos from which his comrades came.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> This was possibly the expedition which P. Fr. Antonio (Alonzo?) made among the Hopi in 1628; +however that may be, there is good evidence that Porras, after many difficulties, baptized several +chiefs in 1629.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> <i>Segunda Relacion de la grandiosa conversion que ha avido en el Nuevo Mexico. Embiada por el Padre +Estevā de Perea</i>, etc, 1633.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> An earlier rumor was that the horses were anthropophagous.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> As Vargas appears not to have entered Oraibi at this time he may have found it too hostile. +Whether Frasquillo had yet arrived with his Tanos people and their booty is doubtful. The story of +the migration to Tusayan of the Tanos under Frasquillo, the assassin of Fray Simón de Jesus, and +the establishment there of a "kingdom" over which he ruled as king for thirty years, is a most interesting +episode in Tusayan history. Many Tanos people arrived in several bands among the Hopi +about 1700, but which of them were led by Frasquillo is not known to me.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> "El templo acabo en llamas." At this time Awatobi was said to have 800 inhabitants.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> At the present time one of the most bitter complaints which the Hopi have against the Spaniards +is that they forcibly baptized the children of their people during the detested occupancy by the conquerors.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> <i>Naacnaiya</i> and <i>Wüwütcimti</i> are the elaborate and abbreviated New-fire ceremonies now observed +by four religious warrior societies, known as the <i>Tataukyamû</i>, <i>Wüwütcimtû</i>, <i>Aaltû</i> and <i>Kwakwantû</i>. +Both of these ceremonials, as now observed at Walpi, have elsewhere been described.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> Obiit 1892. Shimo was chief of the Flute Society and "Governor" of Walpi.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> Oldest woman of the Snake clan; mother of Kopeli, the Snake chief of Walpi; chief priestess of +the Mamzráuti ceremony.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> Vetancurt, Chronica, says that Aguatobi (Awatobi) had 800 inhabitants and was converted by +Padre Francisco de Porras. In 1630 Benavides speaks of the Mokis as being rapidly converted. It +would appear, if we rely on Vetancurt's figures, that Awatobi was not one of the largest villages of +Tusayan in early times, for he ascribes 1,200 to Walpi and 14,000 to Oraibi. The estimate of the population +of Awatobi was doubtless nearer the truth than that of the other pueblos, and I greatly doubt +if Oraibi ever had 14,000 people. Probably 1,400 would be more nearly correct.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> Architecture of Cibola and Tusayan, p. 225.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> There are two fragments, one of which is large enough to show the size of the bell, which was +made either in Mexico or in Spain. The smaller fragment was used for many years as a paint-grinder +by a Walpi Indian priest.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> See his Final Report, p. 372.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> The only Awatobi name I know is that of a chief, Tapolo, which is not borne by any Hopi of my +acquaintance (see page 603).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> This explains the fact that the ruins in Tusayan, as a rule, have no signs of kivas, and the same +appears to be true of the ruins of the pueblos on the Little Colorado and the Verde, in Tonto Basin, +and other more southerly regions.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> See Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. <span class="smcap">ii</span>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> "Las casas son de tres altos"—<i>Segunda Relacion</i>, p. 580.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> So far as our limited knowledge of the older ruins of Tusayan goes, we find that their inhabitants +must have been as far removed from rude Shohonean nomads as their descendants are today. The +settlement at the early site of Walpi is reported to have been made in very early times, some legends +stating that it occurred at a period when the people were limited to one family—the Snake. The fragments +of pottery which I have found in the mounds of that ancient habitation are as fine and as +characteristic of Tusayan as that of Sikyatki or Awatobi. It is inferior to none in the whole pueblo +area, and betrays long sedentary life of its makers before it was manufactured.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> Journal of American Folk-lore, vol. v, No. xviii, 1892.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> There is a rude sketch of these two idols of <i>Alosaka</i> in the archives of the Hemenway Expedition. +They represent figurines about 4 feet tall, with two horns on the head not unlike those of the Tewan +clowns or gluttons called Paiakyamû. As so little is known of the Mishoñinovi ritual, the rites in +which they are used are at present inexplicable.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> See the ear-ornament of the mask shown in plate <span class="smcap">cviii</span>, of the Fifteenth Annual Report.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> Similar "spouts" were found by Mindeleff at Awatobi, and a like use of them is suggested in his +valuable memoir.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> The Keresan people are called by the same name, Kawaika, which, as hitherto explained, is specially +applied to the modern pueblo of Laguna.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> The Asa people who came to Tusayan from the Rio Grande claim to have lived for a few generations +in Tubka or Tségi (Chelly) canyon.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> The pottery of ancient Cibola is practically identical with that of the ruined pueblos of the Colorado +Chiquito, near Winslow, Arizona.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> The specimens labeled "New Mexico" and "Arizona" are too vaguely classified to be of any +service in this consideration. It is suggested that collectors carefully label their specimens with the +exact locality in which they are found, giving care to their association and, when mortuary, to their +position in the graves in relation to the skeletons.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> I am informed by Mr F. W. Hodge that similar fragments were found by the Hemenway Expedition +in 1888 in the prehistoric ruins of the Salado.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> The head is round, with lateral appendages. The face is divided into two quadrants above, with +chin blackened, and marked with zigzag lines, which are lacking in modern pictures. In the left +hand the figure holds a rattle. The body is wanting, but the breast is decorated with rectangles.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> A single metate of lava or malpais was excavated at Awatobi. This object must have had a long +journey before it reached the village, since none of the material from which it was made is found +within many miles of the ruin.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> There are many fine pictographs, some of which are evidently ancient, on the cliffs of the Awatobi +mesa. These are in no respect characteristic, and among them I have seen the <i>awata</i> (bow), +<i>honani</i> (badger's paw), <i>tcüa</i> (snake), and <i>omowûh</i> (rain-cloud). On the side of the precipitous wall of +the mesa south of the western mounds there is a row of small hemispherical depressions or pits, with a +groove or line on one side. There is likewise, not far from this point, a realistic figure of a vulva, +not very unlike the <i>asha</i> symbols on Thunder mountain, near Zuñi.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> <i>Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology</i>, vol. <span class="smcap">ii</span>, No. 1, p. 77.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> In the expedition of 1896 there were found a large number of shell ornaments, which will be +described in a forthcoming report of the operations during that year. See the preliminary account +in the article "Pacific Coast Shells in Tusayan Ruins," <i>American Anthropologist</i>, December, 1896.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> One of these bells was found in a grave at Chaves Pass during the field work of 1896.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> Bells made of clay are not rare in modern Tusayan villages, and while their form is different from +that of the Awatobi specimen, and the size larger, there seems no reason to doubt the antiquity of the +specimen from the ruin of Antelope mesa.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> Many of the specimens in the well-known Keam collection, now in the Tusayan room of the Peabody +Museum at Cambridge, are undoubtedly from Sikyatki, and still more are from Awatobi. Since +the beginning of my excavations at Sikyatki it has come to be a custom for the Hopi potters to dispose +of, as Sikyatki ware, to unsuspecting white visitors, some of their modern objects of pottery. +These fraudulent pieces are often very cleverly made.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> Architecture of Tusayan and Cibola, op. cit., pp. 20, 21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> These rooms I failed to find. One of the rocky knolls may be that called by me the "acropolis." +The second knoll I cannot identify, unless it is the elevation in continuation of the same side toward +the east. Possibly he confounded the ruin of Küküchomo with that of Sikyatki.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> The legends of the origin of Oraibi are imperfectly known, but it has been stated that the pueblo +was founded by people from Old Shuñopovi. It seems much more likely, however, that our knowledge +is too incomplete to accept this conclusion without more extended observations. The composition of +the present inhabitants indicates amalgamation from several quarters, and neighboring ruins should +be studied with this thought in mind.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> It is distinctly stated that the Tanoan families whose descendants now inhabit Hano were not in +Tusayan when Awatobi fell. To be sure they may have been sojourning in some valley east of the +province, which, however, is not likely, since they were "invited" to East Mesa for the specific purpose +of aiding the Hopi against northern nomads. Much probability attaches to a suggestion that +they belonged to the emigrants mentioned by contemporary historians as leaving the Rio Grande on +account of the unsettled condition of the country after the great rebellion of 1680.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> The succession of priests is through the clan of the mother, so that commonly, as in the case of +Katci, the nephew takes the place of the uncle at his death. Some instances, however, have come to +my knowledge where, the clan having become extinct, a son has been elevated to the position made +vacant by the death of a priest. The Kokop people at Walpi are vigorous, numbering 21 members +if we include the Coyote and Wolf clans, the last mentioned of which may be descendants of +the former inhabitants of Küküchomo, the twin ruins on the mesa above Sikyatki.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> In this census I have used also the apparently conservative statement of Vetancurt that there +were 800 people in Awatobi at the end of the seventeenth century.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> <i>Kanel</i> = Spanish <i>carnero</i>, sheep; <i>ba</i> = water, spring.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> Wipo spring, a few miles northward from the eastern end of the mesa, would be an excellent site +for a Government school. It is sufficiently convenient to the pueblos, has an abundant supply of +potable water at all seasons, and cultivable fields in the neighborhood.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> The boy who brought our drinking water from Kanelba could not be prevailed upon to visit it on +the day of the snake hunt to the east in 1895, on the ground that no one not a member of the society +should be seen there or take water from it at that time. This is probably a phase of the taboo of all +work in the world-quarter in which the snake hunts occur, when the Snake priests are engaged in +capturing these reptilian "elder brothers."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> Tcino lives at Sichomovi, and in the Snake dance at Walpi formerly took the part of the old man +who calls out the words, "<i>Awahaia</i>," etc. at the kisi, before the reptiles are carried about the plaza. +These words are Keresan, and Tcino performed this part on account of his kinship. He owns the +grove of peach trees because they are on land of his ancestors, a fact confirmatory of the belief that +the people of Sikyatki came from the Rio Grande.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> Nasyuñweve, who died a few years ago, formerly made the prayer-stick to Masauwûh, the Fire or +Death god. This he did as one of the senior members of the Kokop or Firewood people, otherwise +known as the Fire people, because they made fire with the fire-drill. On his death his place in the +kiva was taken by Katci. Nasyuñweve was Intiwa's chief assistant in the Walpi <i>katcinas</i>, and wore +the mask of Eototo in the ceremonials of the <i>Niman</i>. All this is significant, and coincides with the +theory that <i>katcinas</i> are incorporated in the Tusayan ritual, that Eototo is their form of Masauwûh, +and that he is a god of fire, growth, and death, like his dreaded equivalent.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> The Hano people call the Hopi <i>Koco</i> or <i>Koso</i>; the Santa Clara (also Tewa) people call them <i>Khoso</i>, +according to Hodge.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> The replastering of kivas at Walpi takes place during the <i>Powamu</i>, an elaborate <i>katcina</i> celebration. +I have noticed that in this renovation of the kivas one corner, as a rule, is left unplastered, +but have elicited no satisfactory explanation of this apparent oversight, which, no doubt, has significance. +Someone, perhaps overimaginative, suggested to me that the unplastered corner was the +same as the break in encircling lines on ancient pottery.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> I was aided in making this plan by the late J. G. Owens, my former assistant in the field work of +the Hemenway Expedition. It was prepared with a few simple instruments, and is not claimed to +be accurate in all particulars.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> The existence of these peach trees near Sikyatki suggests, of course, an abandonment of the neighboring +pueblo in historic times, but I hardly think it outweighs other stronger proofs of antiquity.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> The position of the cemeteries in ancient Tusayan ruins is by no means uniform. They are +rarely situated far from the houses, and are sometimes just outside the walls. While the dead were +seldom carried far from the village, a sandy locality was generally chosen and a grave excavated a +few feet deep. Usually a few stones were placed on the surface of the ground over the burial place, +evidently to protect the remains from prowling beasts.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> The excavations at Homolobi in 1896 revealed two beautiful cups with braided handles and one +where the clay strands are twisted.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> The modern potters commonly adorn the ends of ladle handles with heads of different mythologic +beings in their pantheon. The knob-head priest-clowns are favorite personages to represent, although +even the Corn-maid and different <i>katcinas</i> are also sometimes chosen for this purpose. The heads of +various animals are likewise frequently found, some in artistic positions, others less so.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> The clay ladles with perforated handles with which the modern Hopi sometimes drink are +believed to be of late origin in Tusayan.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> The oldest medicine bowls now in use ordinarily have handles and a terraced rim, but there are one +or two important exceptions. In this connection it may be mentioned that, unlike the Zuñi, the Hopi +never use a clay bowl with a basket-like handle for sacred meal, but always carry the meal in basket +trays. This the priests claim is a very old practice, and so far as my observations go is confirmed +by archeological evidence. The bowl with a basket-form handle is not found either in ancient or +modern Tusayan.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> Symbolism rather than realism was the controlling element of archaic decoration. Thus, while +objects of beauty, like flowers and leaves, were rarely depicted, and human forms are most absurd +caricatures, most careful attention was given to minute details of symbolism, or idealized animals +unknown to the naturalist.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> Certainly no more appropriate design could be chosen for the decoration of the inside of a food +vessel than the head of the Corn-maid, and from our ideas of taste none less so than that of a lizard +or bird. The freshness and absence of wear of many of the specimens of Sikyatki mortuary pottery +raises the question whether they were ever in domestic use. Many evidently were thus employed, as +the evidences of wear plainly indicate, but possibly some of the vessels were made for mortuary +purposes, either at the time of the decease of a relative or at an earlier period.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> The figure shown in <a href="#PL_CXXIX">plate <span class="smcap">cxxix</span>, <i>a</i></a>, was probably intended to represent the Corn-maid, or an +Earth goddess of the Sikyatki pantheon. Although it differs widely in drawing from figures of +Calako-mana on modern bowls, it bears a startling resemblance to the figure of the Germ goddess +which appears on certain Tusayan altars.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> Hopi legends recount how certain clans, especially those of Tanoan origin, lived in Tségi canyon +and intermarried with the Navaho so extensively that it is said they temporarily forgot their own +language. From this source may have sprung the numerous so-called Navaho <i>katcinas</i>, and the +reciprocal influence on the Navaho cults was even greater.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_120_120" id="Footnote_120_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> These priests wear a close-fitting skullcap, with two long, banded horns made of leather, to the end +of which corn husks are tied. For an extended description see <i>Journal of American Ethnology and +Archæology</i>, vol. <span class="smcap">ii</span>, No. 1, page 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_121_121" id="Footnote_121_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> The rarity of human figures on such kinds of pottery as are found in the oldest ruins would appear +to indicate that decorations of this kind were a late development. No specimen of black-and-white +ware on which pictures of human beings are present has yet been figured. The sequence of evolution +in designs is believed to be (1) geometrical figures, (2) birds, (3) other animals, (4) human beings.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_122_122" id="Footnote_122_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> In some of the figurines used in connection with modern Hopi altars these whorls are represented +by small wheels made of sticks radiating from a common juncture and connected by woolen yarn.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_123_123" id="Footnote_123_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> The natives of Cibola, according to Castañeda, "gather their hair over the two ears, making a frame +which looks like an old-fashioned headdress." The Tusayan Pueblo maidens are the only Indians +who now dress their hair in this way, although the custom is still kept up by men in certain sacred +dances at Zuñi. The country women in Salamanca, Spain, do their hair up in two flat coils, one on +each side of the forehead, a custom which Castañeda may have had in mind when he compared the +Pueblo coiffure to an "old-fashioned headdress."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_124_124" id="Footnote_124_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> <i>American Anthropologist</i>, April, 1892.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_125_125" id="Footnote_125_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> Troano and Cortesiano codices.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_126_126" id="Footnote_126_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> A <i>nakwákwoci</i> is an individual prayer-string, and consists of one or more prescribed feathers tied +to a cotton string. These prayer emblems are made in great numbers in every Tusayan ceremony.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_127_127" id="Footnote_127_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a> The evidence afforded by this bowl would seem to show that the cult of the Corn-maid was a part +of the mythology and ritual of Sikyatki. The elaborate figures of the rain-cloud, which are so prominent +in representations of the Corn-maid on modern plaques, bowls, and dolls, are not found in the +Sikyatki picture.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_128_128" id="Footnote_128_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a> The reason for my belief that this is a breath feather will be shown under the discussion of feather +and bird pictures.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_129_129" id="Footnote_129_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a> For the outline of this legend see <i>Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology</i>, vol. <span class="smcap">iv</span>. The maid +is there called the Tcüa-mana or Snake-maid, a sacerdotal society name for the Germ goddess. The +same personage is alluded to under many different names, depending on the society, but they are all +believed to refer to the same mythic concept.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_130_130" id="Footnote_130_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a> The attitude of the male and female here depicted was not regarded as obscene; on the contrary, +to the ancient Sikyatki mind the picture had a deep religious meaning. In Hopi ideas the male is a +symbol of active generative power, the female of passive reproduction, and representations of these +two form essential elements of the ancient pictorial and graven art of that people.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_131_131" id="Footnote_131_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a> The doll of Kokopeli has along, bird-like beak, generally a rosette on the side of the head, a hump +on the back, and an enormous penis. It is a phallic deity, and appears in certain ceremonials which +need not here be described. During the excavations at Sikyatki one of the Indians called my attention +to a large Dipteran insect which he called "Kokopeli."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_132_132" id="Footnote_132_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a> The practice still exists at Zuñi, I am told, and there is no sign of its becoming extinct. It is said +that old Naiutci, the chief of the Priesthood of the Bow, was permanently injured during one of +these performances. (Since the above lines were written I have excavated from one of the ruins on +the Little Colorado a specimen of one of these objects used by ancient stick-swallowers. It is made +of bone, and its use was explained to me by a reliable informant familiar with the practices of Oraibi +and other villagers. It is my intention to figure and describe this ancient object in the account of the +explorations of 1896.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_133_133" id="Footnote_133_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a> "Tusayan Katcinas," Fifteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1893-94, Washington, +1897. Hewüqti is also called Soyokmana, a Keresan-Hopi name meaning the Natacka-maid. The +Keresan (Sia) Skoyo are cannibal giants, according to Mrs Stevenson, an admirable definition of the +Hopi Natackas.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_134_134" id="Footnote_134_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a> The celebration occurs in the modern Tusayan pueblos in the <i>Powamû</i> where the representative of +Calako flogs the children. Calako's picture is found on the <i>Powamû</i> altars of several of the villages +of the Hopi.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_135_135" id="Footnote_135_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a> Figures of the human hand have been found on the walls of cliff houses. These were apparently +made in somewhat the same way as that on the above bowl, the hand being placed on the surface and +pigment spattered about it. See "The Cliff Ruins of Canyon de Chelly," by Cosmos Mindeleff; Sixteenth +Annual Report, 1894-95.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_136_136" id="Footnote_136_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a> Mu<sup>r</sup>yi, mole or gopher; mu<sup>r</sup>iyawû, moon. There maybe some Hopi legend connecting the gopher +with the moon, but thus far it has eluded my studies, and I can at present do no more than call attention +to what appears to be an interesting etymological coincidence.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_137_137" id="Footnote_137_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a> This form of mouth I have found in pictures of quadrupeds, birds, and insects, and is believed to +be conventionalized. Of a somewhat similar structure are the mouths of the <i>Natacka</i> monsters +which appear in the Walpi <i>Powamû</i> ceremony. See the memoir on "Tusayan Katcinas," in the +Fifteenth Annual Report.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_138_138" id="Footnote_138_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a> Figures of the tadpole and frog are often found on modern medicine bowls in Tusayan. The +snake, so common on Zuñi ceremonial pottery, has not been seen by me on a single object of earthenware +in use in modern Hopi ritual.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_139_139" id="Footnote_139_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a> <i>Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology</i>, vol. <span class="smcap">iv</span>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_140_140" id="Footnote_140_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a> Although made of beautiful yellow ware, it shows at one point marks of having been overheated +in firing, as is often the case with larger vases and jars.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_141_141" id="Footnote_141_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a> One of the best examples of the rectangular or ancient type of medicine bowl is used in the celebration +of the Snake dance at Oraibi, where it stands on the rear margin of the altar of the Antelope +priesthood of that pueblo.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_142_142" id="Footnote_142_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a> One of the best of these is that of the Humis-katcina, but good examples occur on the dolls of the +Calakomanas. The Lakone maid, however, wears a coronet of circular rain-cloud symbols, which +corresponds with traditions which recount that this form was introduced by the southern clans or +the Patki people.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_143_143" id="Footnote_143_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a> In the evolution of ornament among the Hopi, as among most primitive peoples where new designs +have replaced the old, the meaning of the ancient symbols has been lost. Consequently we are forced +to adopt comparative methods to decipher them. If, for instance, on a fragment of ancient pottery we +find the figure of a bird in which the wing or tail feathers have a certain characteristic symbol form, +we are justified, when we find the same symbolic design on another fragment where the rest of the +bird is wanting, in considering the figure that of a wing or tail feather. So when the prescribed +figure of the feather has been replaced by another form it is not surprising to find it incomprehensible +to modern shamans. The comparative ethnologist may in this way learn the meanings of symbols +to which the modern Hopi priest can furnish no clue.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_144_144" id="Footnote_144_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a> In an examination of many figures of ancient vessels where this peculiar design occurs it will be +found that in all instances they represent feathers, although the remainder of the bird is not to be +found. The same may also be said of the design which represents the tail-feathers. This way of +representing feathers is not without modern survival, for it may still be seen in many dolls of mystic +personages who are reputed to have worn feathered garments.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_145_145" id="Footnote_145_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145_145"><span class="label">[145]</span></a> At the present time the circle is the totemic signature of the Earth people, representing the horizon, +but it has likewise various other meanings. With certain appendages it is the disk of the sun—and +there are ceremonial paraphernalia, as annulets, placed on sand pictures or tied to helmets, which +may be represented by a simple ring. The meaning of these circles in the bowl referred to above is +not clear to me, nor is my series of pictographs sufficiently extensive to enable a discovery of its significance +by comparative methods. A ring of meal sometimes drawn on the floor of a kiva is called +a "house," and a little imagination would easily identify these with the mythic houses of the sky-bird, +but this interpretation is at present only fanciful.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_146_146" id="Footnote_146_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146_146"><span class="label">[146]</span></a> The <i>paho</i> is probably a substitution of a sacrifice of corn or meal given as homage to the god +addressed.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_147_147" id="Footnote_147_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147_147"><span class="label">[147]</span></a> <i>Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology</i>, vol. <span class="smcap">iv</span>. These water gourds figure conspicuously +in many ceremonies of the Tusayan ritual. The two girls personating the Corn-maids carry them in +the Flute observance, and each of the Antelope priests at Oraibi bears one of these in the Antelope or +Corn dance.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_148_148" id="Footnote_148_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148_148"><span class="label">[148]</span></a> "A few Tusayan Pictographs;" <i>American Anthropologist</i>, Washington, January, 1892.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_149_149" id="Footnote_149_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149_149"><span class="label">[149]</span></a> A beautiful example of this kind was found at Homolobi in the summer of 1896.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_150_150" id="Footnote_150_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150_150"><span class="label">[150]</span></a> In this connection the reader is referred to the story, already told in former pages of this memoir, +concerning the flogging of the youth by the husband of the two women who brought the Hopi the +seeds of corn. It may be mentioned as corroboratory evidence that Calako-taka represents a supernatural +sun-bird, that the Tataukyamû priests carry a shield with Tunwup (Calako-taka) upon it in the +Soyaluña. These priests, as shown by the etymology of their name, are associated with the sun. In +the Sun drama, or Calako ceremony, in July, Calako-takas are personated, and at Zuñi the Shalako +is a great winter sun ceremony.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_151_151" id="Footnote_151_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151_151"><span class="label">[151]</span></a> <i>American Anthropologist</i>, April, 1895, p. 133. As these cross-shape pahos which are now made in +Tusayan are attributed to the Kawaika or Keres group of Indians, and as they were seen at the Keresan +pueblo of Acoma in 1540, it is probable that they are derivative among the Hopi; but simple cross +decorations on ancient pottery were probably autochthonous.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_152_152" id="Footnote_152_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152_152"><span class="label">[152]</span></a> In dolls of the Corn-maids this germinative symbol is often found made of wood and mounted on +an elaborate tablet representing rain-clouds.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_153_153" id="Footnote_153_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153_153"><span class="label">[153]</span></a> Many similarities might be mentioned between the terraced figures used in decoration in Old +Mexico and in ancient Tusayan pottery, but I will refer to but a single instance, that of the stuccoed +walls of Mitla, Oaxaca, and Teotitlan del Valle. Many designs from these ruins are gathered together +for comparative purposes by that eminent Mexicanist, Dr E. Seler, in his beautiful memoir on +Mitla (<i>Wandmalereien von Mitla</i>, plate <span class="smcap">x</span>). In this plate exact counterparts of many geometric +patterns on Sikyatki pottery appear, and even the broken spiral is beautifully represented. There +are key patterns and terraced figures in stucco on monuments of Central America identical with the +figures on pottery from Sikyatki.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_154_154" id="Footnote_154_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154_154"><span class="label">[154]</span></a> This pillar, so conspicuous in all photographs of Walpi, is commonly called the Snake rock.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_155_155" id="Footnote_155_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155_155"><span class="label">[155]</span></a> <i>American Anthropologist</i>, April, 1892.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_156_156" id="Footnote_156_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156_156"><span class="label">[156]</span></a> I failed to find out how the Hopi regard fossils.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_157_157" id="Footnote_157_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157_157"><span class="label">[157]</span></a> These objects were eagerly sought by the Hopi women who visited the camps at Awatobi and +Sikyatki.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_158_158" id="Footnote_158_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158_158"><span class="label">[158]</span></a> The tubular form of pipe was almost universal in the pueblo area, and I have deposited in the +National Museum pipes of this kind from several ruins in the Rio Grande valley.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_159_159" id="Footnote_159_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159_159"><span class="label">[159]</span></a> <i>Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology</i>, vol. <span class="smcap">iv</span>, pp. 31, 32, 33.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_160_160" id="Footnote_160_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160_160"><span class="label">[160]</span></a> This form of pipe occurs over the whole pueblo area.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_161_161" id="Footnote_161_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161_161"><span class="label">[161]</span></a> Ancient cigarette reeds, found in sacrificial caves, have a small fragment of woven fabric tied +about them.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_162_162" id="Footnote_162_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162_162"><span class="label">[162]</span></a> The so-called "implements of wood" figured by Nordenskiöld ("The Cliff Dwellers of the Mesa +Verde," plate <span class="smcap">xlii</span>) are identical with some of the pahos from Sikyatki, and are undoubtedly prayer-sticks.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_163_163" id="Footnote_163_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163_163"><span class="label">[163]</span></a> Primitive Culture, vol. ii, p. 396.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_164_164" id="Footnote_164_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164_164"><span class="label">[164]</span></a> Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, Vol. <i>ii</i>, p. 131.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_165_165" id="Footnote_165_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165_165"><span class="label">[165]</span></a> <i>American Anthropologist</i>, July, 1892.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_166_166" id="Footnote_166_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166_166"><span class="label">[166]</span></a> As stated in former pages, there is some paleographic evidence looking in that direction.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_167_167" id="Footnote_167_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167_167"><span class="label">[167]</span></a> <i>Journal of American Folk-Lore</i>, vol. <span class="smcap">v</span>, no. xviii, p. 213.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_168_168" id="Footnote_168_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168_168"><span class="label">[168]</span></a> Op. cit., p. 214.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_169_169" id="Footnote_169_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169_169"><span class="label">[169]</span></a> They failed to germinate.</p></div> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_743" id="Page_743">[Pg 743]</a></span></p> + +<h2><a name="APPENDIX" id="APPENDIX"></a>APPENDIX</h2> + + +<p>The following list introduces the numbers by which the specimens +illustrated in this memoir are designated in the catalog of the United +States National Museum. Each specimen is also marked with a field +catalog number, the locality in which it was found, and the name of the +collector:</p> + + +<div class='center'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="apndx"> +<tr><td align='right'><span class="smcap">Plate</span> <a href="#PL_CXI"><span class="smcap">cxi</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155895; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155897; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155898; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155896; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155900; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155916.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXII"><span class="smcap">cxii</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155875; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155996; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155902; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155996; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155997.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXIII"><span class="smcap">cxiii</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155992; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155913; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155991; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155994; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155993.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXIV"><span class="smcap">cxiv</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>-<i>g</i>, 156018; </td><td align='right'><i>h</i>, 156131; </td><td align='right'><i>i</i>, 156091; </td><td align='right'><i>j</i>, 156018.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXIX"><span class="smcap">cxix</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155806; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155841; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155832; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155678; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155820; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155838.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXX"><span class="smcap">cxx</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155867; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155866; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155871; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155856; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155861; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155460.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXI"><span class="smcap">cxxi</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155694; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155698; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155719.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXII"><span class="smcap">cxxii</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155702; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155684; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155688.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXIII"><span class="smcap">cxxiii</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155711; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155703; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155707; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155673.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXIV"><span class="smcap">cxxiv</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155674; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155683.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXV"><span class="smcap">cxxv</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155750; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155753; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155751; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155752; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155749; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155747.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXVI"><span class="smcap">cxxvi</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155700; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155682.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXVII"><span class="smcap">cxxvii</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155718; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155714; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155723; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155691.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXVIII"><span class="smcap">cxxviii</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155745; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155744; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155746; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155735; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155734; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155733; </td><td align='right'><i>g</i>, 155736.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXIX"><span class="smcap">cxxix</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155467; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155462; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155463; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155464; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155466; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155465.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXX"><span class="smcap">cxxx</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155474; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155475; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155477; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155484; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155473; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155476.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXXI"><span class="smcap">cxxxi</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155758; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155773; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155768; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155771; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155546; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i> 155764.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXXII"><span class="smcap">cxxxii</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155482; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155483; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155481; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155480; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155479; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155485.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXXIII"><span class="smcap">cxxxiii</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155614; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155757; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155502; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155772; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155758; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155781.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXXIV"><span class="smcap">cxxxiv</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155570; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155597; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155567; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155507; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155575; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155505.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXXV"><span class="smcap">cxxxv</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155692; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155681.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXXVI"><span class="smcap">cxxxvi</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155687; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155737; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155695.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXXVII"><span class="smcap">cxxxvii</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155488; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155450; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155468; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155732; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155776; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155740.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXXVIII"><span class="smcap">cxxxviii</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155498; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155490; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155492; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155500; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155499; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155494.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXXXIX"><span class="smcap">cxxxix</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155524; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155528; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155491; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155523; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155527; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155522.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXL"><span class="smcap">cxl</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155529; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155489; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155540; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155541; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155606; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155410.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXLI"><span class="smcap">cxli</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155501; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155503; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155509; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155511; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155510; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155512.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXLII"><span class="smcap">cxlii</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155712; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155693; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155756; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155636; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155697.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXLIII"><span class="smcap">cxliii</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, <i>b</i>, 155690.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXLIV"><span class="smcap">cxliv</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, <i>b</i>, 155689.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXLV"><span class="smcap">cxlv</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155717; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155696.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXLVI"><span class="smcap">cxlvi</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155538; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155508; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155802; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155537; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155487; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155653.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXLVII"><span class="smcap">cxlvii</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155493; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155497; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155602; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155504; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155608; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155495.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXLVIII"><span class="smcap">cxlviii</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155556; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155408; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155545; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155548; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155544; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155542.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CXLIX"><span class="smcap">cxlix</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155554; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155549; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155573; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155607; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155572; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155581.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CL"><span class="smcap">cl</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155565; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155519; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155518; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155569; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155551; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155574.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLI"><span class="smcap">cli</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155535; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155532; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155539; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155526; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155613; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155615.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLII"><span class="smcap">clii</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155555; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155547; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155571; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155553; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155536; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155521.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLIII"><span class="smcap">cliii</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155558; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155564.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLIV"><span class="smcap">cliv</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155560; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155568.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_744" id="Page_744">[Pg 744]</a></span><a href="#PL_CLV"><span class="smcap">clv</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155543; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155557.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLVI"><span class="smcap">clvi</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155562; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155561; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155562; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155796; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155601; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155588.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLVII"><span class="smcap">clvii</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155531; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155530; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155525; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155585; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155563; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155552.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLVIII"><span class="smcap">clviii</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155628; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155742; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155632; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155633; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155587; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155634.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLIX"><span class="smcap">clix</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155583; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155598; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155516; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155629; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155590; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155520.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLX"><span class="smcap">clx</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155577; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155576; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155622; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155594; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155647; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155654.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLXI"><span class="smcap">clxi</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155642; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155506; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155517; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155472; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155589; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155600.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLXII"><span class="smcap">clxii</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155637; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155618; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155643; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155621; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155534; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155533.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLXIII"><span class="smcap">clxiii</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155611; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155612.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLXIV"><span class="smcap">clxiv</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155610; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155609.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLXV"><span class="smcap">clxv</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155593; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155592.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLXVI"><span class="smcap">clxvi</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155641; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155616; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155617; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155619; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155584; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155640.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLXVII"><span class="smcap">clxvii</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155877; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155878; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155892; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155882; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155890; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155881.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLXVIII"><span class="smcap">clxviii</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155876; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155891; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 155884; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 155914; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 155940; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 155880.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLXIX"><span class="smcap">clxix</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 156095; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 156098; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 156175; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 156174; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 156154; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 156065.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLXX"><span class="smcap">clxx</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, <i>b</i>, 156227.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLXXI"><span class="smcap">clxxi</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 156270; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, <i>c</i>, 156303; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 156199; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 156043.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLXXII"><span class="smcap">clxxii</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 156042; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 156169; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 156169; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 156170; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, 156184; </td><td align='right'><i>f</i>, 156164.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLXXIII"><span class="smcap">clxxiii</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 155999; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, 155154; </td><td align='right'><i>c</i>, 156128; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 156131; </td><td align='right'><i>e</i>, <i>f</i>, 1561?0; </td><td align='right'><i>g</i>, 156010; </td><td align='right'><i>h-l</i>, 156130.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLXXIV"><span class="smcap">clxxiv</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>a</i>, 156191; </td><td align='right'><i>b</i>, <i>c</i>, 156183; </td><td align='right'><i>d</i>, 156185; </td><td align='right'><i>e-g</i>, 156183; </td><td align='right'><i>h-j</i>, 156194; </td><td align='right'><i>k</i>, 156180; </td><td align='right'><i>l</i>, <i>m</i>, 156191; </td><td align='right'><i>n</i>, 156182.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'><a href="#PL_CLXXV"><span class="smcap">clxxv</span></a>. </td><td align='right'><i>o</i>, 156188; </td><td align='right'><i>p</i>, 156185; </td><td align='right'><i>q</i>, 156191; </td><td align='right'><i>r</i>, 156186; </td><td align='right'><i>s</i>, 156180; </td><td align='right'><i>t</i>, 156188; </td><td align='right'><i>u</i>, 156181; </td><td align='right'><i>v</i>, 156179; </td><td align='right'><i>w</i>, 156187.</td></tr> +</table></div> + + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_745" id="Page_745">[Pg 745]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="INDEX" id="INDEX"></a>INDEX</h2> + + +<p> +<span class="smcap">Acropolis</span> of Sikyatki <a href="#Page_638">638</a>, <a href="#Page_640">640</a>, <a href="#Page_643">643</a><a href="#Page_646">-646</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Adobe</span> plastering in cavate houses <a href="#Page_542">542</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Adobe</span>], <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Masonry">Masonry</a></span>, <span class="smcap"><a href="#Plastering">Plastering</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Agave</span> fiber used in Tusayan <a href="#Page_629">629</a>, <a href="#Page_630">630</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Aguato</span>, an Awatobi synonym <a href="#Page_594">594</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Aguatobi</span>, an Awatobi synonym <a href="#Page_594">594</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Aguatuví</span>, an Awatobi synonym <a href="#Page_594">594</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Aguatuya</span>, an Awatobi synonym <a href="#Page_594">594</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Aguatuybá</span>, an Awatobi synonym <a href="#Page_594">594</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Aguitobi</span>, an Awatobi synonym <a href="#Page_594">594</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Ahuato</span>, an Awatobi synonym <a href="#Page_594">594</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Ahuatobi</span>, an Awatobi synonym <a href="#Page_594">594</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Ahuatu</span>, an Awatobi synonym <a href="#Page_594">594</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Ahuatuyba</span>, an Awatobi synonym <a href="#Page_594">594</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Ah-wat-tenna</span> an Awatobi synonym <a href="#Page_594">594</a><br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Alosaka" id="Alosaka"></a>Alosaka</span> idols in Awatobi shrine <a href="#Page_619">619</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Anawita</span>, traditional information given by <a href="#Page_595">595</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Ancestor</span> worship at Sikyatki <a href="#Page_732">732</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Antelope valley</span>, <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Jeditoh_valley">Jeditoh valley</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Apache</span> depredation in Tusayan <a href="#Page_585">585</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Apache</span>], late appearance of, at Tusayan <a href="#Page_581">581</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Apache</span>] occupancy of Verde ruins <a href="#Page_550">550</a>, <a href="#Page_565">565</a>, <a href="#Page_570">570</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Apache</span>] pictographs in Verde valley <a href="#Page_550">550</a>, <a href="#Page_556">556</a>, <a href="#Page_567">567</a>, <a href="#Page_568">568</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Aquatasi</span>, an Awatobi synonym <a href="#Page_594">594</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Aquatubi</span>, an Awatobi synonym <a href="#Page_594">594</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Archeological</span> expedition to Arizona, 1895 <a href="#Page_519">519</a><a href="#Page_744">-744</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Arizona</span>, archeological expedition to, 1895 <a href="#Page_519">519</a><a href="#Page_744">-744</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Arizona</span>], <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Navaho">Navaho</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Arrowhead kilt</span> worn by man-eagle <a href="#Page_692">692</a><a href="#Page_693">-693</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Arrowheads</span> from Awatobi <a href="#Page_618">618</a>, <a href="#Page_625">625</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Arrowheads</span>] in Sikyatki graves <a href="#Page_731">731</a>, <a href="#Page_740">740</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Arrowshaft polishers</span> from Awatobi <a href="#Page_611">611</a>, <a href="#Page_731">731</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Arrowshaft polishers</span>] in Sikyatki graves <a href="#Page_731">731</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Art remains</span> in Palatki and Honanki <a href="#Page_569">569</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Asa people</span> join the Hopi <a href="#Page_578">578</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Asa people</span>], migration of <a href="#Page_622">622</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Asa people</span>] settle at Sichomovi <a href="#Page_578">578</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Ash-heap pueblo</span>, former site of Walpi <a href="#Page_635">635</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Atabi-hogandi</span>, an Awatobi synonym <a href="#Page_594">594</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Aua-tu-ui</span>, an Awatobi synonym <a href="#Page_594">594</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">A-wa-te-u</span>, an Awatobi synonym <a href="#Page_594">594</a><br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Awatobi" id="Awatobi"></a>Awatobi</span> and Sikyatki pottery compared <a href="#Page_659">659</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Awatobi</span>], arrowshaft polishers from <a href="#Page_611">611</a>, <a href="#Page_731">731</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Awatobi</span>], etymology of <a href="#Page_594">594</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Awatobi</span>], legend of destruction of <a href="#Page_602">602</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Awatobi</span>], population of <a href="#Page_637">637</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Awatobi</span>], reasons for excavating <a href="#Page_591">591</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Awatobi</span>] ruin discussed <a href="#Page_592">592</a><a href="#Page_631">-631</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Awatobi</span>] ruin examined <a href="#Page_535">535</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Awatobi</span>], settlement of Sikyatki people at <a href="#Page_634">634</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Awatobi</span>] settled by Küküchomo and Sikyatki people <a href="#Page_589">589</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Awatobi</span>] visited in 1540 <a href="#Page_596">596</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Awatûbi</span>, an Awatobi synonym <a href="#Page_594">594</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Á-wat-u-i</span>, an Awatobi synonym <a href="#Page_594">594</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Awls</span>, bone, from Awatobi <a href="#Page_627">627</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Axes</span>, stone, in Sikyatki graves <a href="#Page_730">730</a>, <a href="#Page_731">731</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Axes</span>] from Awatobi <a href="#Page_625">625</a><br /> +<br /> +<span class="smcap">Badger people</span> settle Sichomovi <a href="#Page_578">578</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Baer, Erwin</span>, with archeological expedition in 1895 <a href="#Page_527">527</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Bancroft, H. H.</span>, on destruction of Awatobi <a href="#Page_601">601</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Bandelier, A. F.</span>, Cibola identified by <a href="#Page_595">595</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Bandelier, A. F.</span>], on record of Awatobi destruction <a href="#Page_610">610</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Baptism</span> opposed by the Hopi <a href="#Page_601">601</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Basins</span>, <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Pottery">Pottery</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Basketry</span> found in Honanki <a href="#Page_572">572</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Basketry</span>] not found at Sikyatki <a href="#Page_649">649</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Bat-house</span>, ruin of the <a href="#Page_590">590</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Beads</span> from Awatobi <a href="#Page_628">628</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Beads</span>] in Sikyatki graves <a href="#Page_733">733</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Beams</span> of mission in Walpi houses <a href="#Page_586">586</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Beams</span>] of Palatki ruin <a href="#Page_557">557</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Bean-planting</span> ceremony of the Hopi <a href="#Page_702">702</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Bear clans</span>, early arrival of, at Tusayan <a href="#Page_582">582</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Bell</span>, clay, from Awatobi <a href="#Page_628">628</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Bell</span>], copper fragments of, from Awatobi <a href="#Page_609">609</a>, <a href="#Page_631">631</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Bell</span>] used in Hopi ceremony <a href="#Page_628">628</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Berries</span> in Sikyatki graves <a href="#Page_733">733</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Bessels, Emil</span>, on affinity of cliff-dwellers and pueblos <a href="#Page_532">532</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Bickford, F. D.</span>, on cliff houses in Walnut canyon <a href="#Page_532">532</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Bird</span> figures on Hopi pottery <a href="#Page_660">660</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Bird</span>] figures on Sikyatki pottery <a href="#Page_658">658</a>, <a href="#Page_682">682</a><a href="#Page_698">-698</a>, <a href="#Page_714">714</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Bird</span>] ornaments from Awatobi <a href="#Page_628">628</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Bird</span>] ornaments in Sikyatki graves <a href="#Page_733">733</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Bird</span>] vessels from Awatobi <a href="#Page_624">624</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Bloody Basin</span>, cliff houses of <a href="#Page_549">549</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Bodkins</span>, bone, from Awatobi <a href="#Page_627">627</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Bone beads</span> from Honanki <a href="#Page_573">573</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Bone beads</span>] in Sikyatki graves <a href="#Page_733">733</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Bone objects</span> from Awatobi <a href="#Page_627">627</a>, <a href="#Page_628">628</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Bone objects</span>], from Honanki <a href="#Page_572">572</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Bonilla</span>, —, on Sandia population in 1749 <a href="#Page_584">584</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Bourke, J. G.</span>, identifies Tally-hogan with Awatobi <a href="#Page_602">602</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Bowls</span>, Sikyatki, decorations on <a href="#Page_705">705</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Bowls</span>], <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Pottery">Pottery</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Boxes</span>, earthenware, from Sikyatki <a href="#Page_655">655</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Bracelets</span> from Awatobi <a href="#Page_628">628</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Butterfly</span> figures on Sikyatki pottery. <a href="#Page_678">678</a><a href="#Page_680">-680</a>, <a href="#Page_698">698</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Butterfly</span>] symbol on Hopi pottery <a href="#Page_687">687</a><br /> +<br /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_746" id="Page_746">[Pg 746]</a></span> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Calako" id="Calako"></a>Calako</span> in Hopi mythology <a href="#Page_700">700</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Calako</span>] katcina, origin of <a href="#Page_666">666</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Campbell, Geo.</span>, cliff houses discovered by <a href="#Page_533">533</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Camp Verde</span>, ruins near <a href="#Page_534">534</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Cardenas, G. L.</span>, visits Tusayan in 1540 <a href="#Page_595">595</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Cardinal points</span> in Hopi ceremony <a href="#Page_613">613</a>, <a href="#Page_628">628</a>, <a href="#Page_678">678</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Casa Grande</span> ascribed to the Hopi <a href="#Page_531">531</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Casa Grandes</span>, pottery from <a href="#Page_624">624</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Casa Montezuma</span>, <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Montezuma_Castle">Montezuma Castle</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Casteñeda, P. de</span>, account of Tusayan <a href="#Page_596">596</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Casteñeda, P. de</span>] on Cibola hair-dressing <a href="#Page_661">661</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Casteñeda, P. de</span>] on early pueblo warfare <a href="#Page_588">588</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Casteñeda, P. de</span>] on Hopi fabrics <a href="#Page_629">629</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Casteñeda, P. de</span>] on pueblo kivas in 1540 <a href="#Page_575">575</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Casteñeda, P. de</span>] on visit to Tusayan in 1540 <a href="#Page_596">596</a>, <a href="#Page_597">597</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Cavate dwellings</span>, function of <a href="#Page_544">544</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Cavate dwellings</span>] in Verde valley discussed <a href="#Page_536">536</a>, <a href="#Page_537">537</a><a href="#Page_545">-545</a><br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Cemeteries" id="Cemeteries"></a>Cemeteries</span> of Sikyatki <a href="#Page_646">646</a><a href="#Page_649">-649</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Cemetery</span> of Awatobi <a href="#Page_593">593</a>, <a href="#Page_618">618</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Ceremonial circuit</span> of the Hopi <a href="#Page_681">681</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Chairs</span> tabooed in Hopi kivas <a href="#Page_626">626</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Charm stones</span> from Sikyatki <a href="#Page_729">729</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Chavero, A.</span>, on Nahuatl water symbol <a href="#Page_569">569</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Chaves pass</span>, ruins at <a href="#Page_532">532</a>, <a href="#Page_573">573</a><br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Chelly_canyon" id="Chelly_canyon"></a>Chelly canyon</span>, cliff houses in <a href="#Page_578">578</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Chelly canyon</span>], <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Ts">Tségi</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Chimneys</span>, absence of, at Sikyatki <a href="#Page_646">646</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Chukubi</span>, ruin of, discussed <a href="#Page_583">583</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Cibola</span>, identification of <a href="#Page_595">595</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Cibola</span>], <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Zu">Zuñi</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Cigarettes</span> of reeds in sacrificial caves <a href="#Page_736">736</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Cigarettes</span>] in Hopi ceremony <a href="#Page_735">735</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Cinder cones</span>, ruins in <a href="#Page_532">532</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Circular ruins</span> absent in southern pueblo area <a href="#Page_576">576</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Cist</span> in Awatobi kiva <a href="#Page_612">612</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Cist</span>] in cavate lodges <a href="#Page_542">542</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Cist</span>] near cavate houses <a href="#Page_543">543</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Clans</span> formerly occupying Sikyatki <a href="#Page_636">636</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Clans</span>] of Awatobi <a href="#Page_610">610</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Clans</span>] of Küküchomo and Sikyatki <a href="#Page_587">587</a>, <a href="#Page_588">588</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Cliff dwellers</span> defined <a href="#Page_531">531</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Cliff houses</span>, age of, in Red-rocks <a href="#Page_545">545</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Cliff houses</span>] and pueblos similar <a href="#Page_537">537</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Cliff houses</span>] formerly occupied by Hopi <a href="#Page_578">578</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Cliff houses</span>], human hand figures on <a href="#Page_668">668</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Cliff houses</span>] in Walnut canyon <a href="#Page_532">532</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Cliff houses</span>] of the Red-rocks <a href="#Page_548">548</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Cliff houses</span>] of Verde valley classified <a href="#Page_536">536</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Cliff Palace</span> and Honanki compared <a href="#Page_552">552</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Cliff's Ranch</span>, pictographs near <a href="#Page_548">548</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Cloud</span>, <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Raincloud">Raincloud</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Clown-priest</span> figures on Hopi pottery <a href="#Page_659">659</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Colander</span> fragments from Tusayan ruins <a href="#Page_624">624</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Comupaví</span> identified with Shuñopovi <a href="#Page_599">599</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Concepcion, Cristoval de la</span>, at founding of Awatobi mission <a href="#Page_599">599</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Copper</span> found in Awatobi <a href="#Page_608">608</a>, <a href="#Page_609">609</a>, <a href="#Page_631">631</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Copper</span>] bells in Arizona ruins <a href="#Page_628">628</a>, <a href="#Page_629">629</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Copper</span>] unknown to ancient Tusayan <a href="#Page_741">741</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Corn</span> attached to prayer-sticks <a href="#Page_739">739</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Corn</span>] found in Awatobi <a href="#Page_606">606</a>, <a href="#Page_619">619</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Corn</span>] found in Honanki <a href="#Page_572">572</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Corn</span>], Hopi symbolism of <a href="#Page_662">662</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Corn</span>] in Hopi ceremony <a href="#Page_628">628</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Corn</span>], sweet, introduced in Mishoñinovi <a href="#Page_604">604</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Corn-maid</span> dolls of the Hopi <a href="#Page_704">704</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Corn-maid</span>] figures of the Hopi <a href="#Page_661">661</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Corn-maid</span>] figures on Hopi pottery <a href="#Page_657">657</a>, <a href="#Page_658">658</a>, <a href="#Page_662">662</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Corn mound</span>, symbolic <a href="#Page_740">740</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Corn pollen</span> in Hopi ceremony <a href="#Page_628">628</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Cornado, F. V. de</span>, route of <a href="#Page_530">530</a><br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Cosmogony" id="Cosmogony"></a>Cosmogony</span> of the Hopi <a href="#Page_647">647</a>, <a href="#Page_666">666</a>, <a href="#Page_732">732</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Cotton</span> cultivated by the Hopi <a href="#Page_596">596</a>, <a href="#Page_629">629</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Cotton</span>] fabrics in Verde ruins <a href="#Page_573">573</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Cotton</span>] garments of the Hopi <a href="#Page_599">599</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Coville, F. V.</span>, on identification of ancient food remains <a href="#Page_741">741</a><a href="#Page_742">-742</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Cremation</span> not practiced at Sikyatki <a href="#Page_649">649</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Crooks</span> in Tusayan ritual <a href="#Page_703">703</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Crooks</span>] on Sikyatki pottery <a href="#Page_703">703</a><a href="#Page_704">-704</a>, <a href="#Page_714">714</a>, <a href="#Page_724">724</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Cross</span> figure allied to sun symbol <a href="#Page_623">623</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Cross</span>] on Sikyatki pottery <a href="#Page_702">702</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Crystal</span>, <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Quartz_crystal">Quartz crystal</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Cuanrabi</span> mentioned by Oñate <a href="#Page_599">599</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Cups</span> from Sikyatki described <a href="#Page_654">654</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Cups</span>], <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Pottery">Pottery</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Cushing, F. H.</span>, on affinity of cliff dwellers and pueblos <a href="#Page_532">532</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Cushing, F. H.</span>], on southern origin of Zuñi clans <a href="#Page_574">574</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Cushing, F. H.</span>], ruins visited by <a href="#Page_534">534</a><br /> +<br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Decoration" id="Decoration"></a>Decoration</span> of Awatobi pottery <a href="#Page_623">623</a>, <a href="#Page_624">624</a><a href="#Page_625">-625</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Decoration</span>] of Honanki pottery <a href="#Page_570">570</a>, <a href="#Page_571">571</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Decoration</span>] of ladle handles <a href="#Page_624">624</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Decoration</span>] of pottery by spattering <a href="#Page_650">650</a>, <a href="#Page_668">668</a>, <a href="#Page_671">671</a>, <a href="#Page_677">677</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Decoration</span>] of Sikyatki pottery <a href="#Page_650">650</a>, <a href="#Page_652">652</a>, <a href="#Page_655">655</a>, <a href="#Page_657">657</a><a href="#Page_728">-728</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Dellenbaugh, F. S.</span>, on identification of Cibola <a href="#Page_595">595</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Dippers</span> from Awatobi described <a href="#Page_624">624</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Dippers</span>], <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Pottery">Pottery</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Dolls" id="Dolls"></a>Dolls</span>, Corn-maid, of the Hopi <a href="#Page_704">704</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Domestic animals</span> of the Hopi <a href="#Page_731">731</a><br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Doorway" id="Doorway"></a>Doorways</span> of cavate houses <a href="#Page_543">543</a>, <a href="#Page_552">552</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Dragonfly</span> symbolic of rain <a href="#Page_630">630</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Dragonfly</span>] symbol on pottery <a href="#Page_669">669</a>, <a href="#Page_680">680</a><a href="#Page_682">-682</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Drill</span> balances from Sikyatki graves <a href="#Page_740">740</a><br /> +<br /> +<span class="smcap">Eagle plumes</span> in Hopi rites <a href="#Page_589">589</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Eagle shrine</span> at Tukinobi <a href="#Page_589">589</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Eagles</span> kept by the Hopi <a href="#Page_731">731</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">East mesa</span>, ruins at <a href="#Page_581">581</a>, <a href="#Page_585">585</a><br /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_747" id="Page_747">[Pg 747]</a></span> +<span class="smcap">Espejo, Antonio</span>, Awatobi referred to by <a href="#Page_596">596</a>, <a href="#Page_599">599</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Espejo, Antonio</span>], Awatobi visited by <a href="#Page_594">594</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Espejo, Antonio</span>], on Hopi fabrics <a href="#Page_629">629</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Espejo, Antonio</span>], visits Tusayan in 1583 <a href="#Page_598">598</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Espeleta</span>, an Oraibi chief <a href="#Page_601">601</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Espeleta</span>], visits Santa Fé <a href="#Page_601">601</a>, <a href="#Page_602">602</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Espeleta</span>, José, killed at Oraibi <a href="#Page_600">600</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Esperiez</span> mentioned by Oñate <a href="#Page_599">599</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Estufa</span>, <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Kiva">Kiva</a></span>.<br /> +<br /> +<span class="smcap">Fabrics</span>, <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Textile">Textile</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Feather</span> fabrics from Sikyatki <a href="#Page_629">629</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Feather</span>] symbols on Hopi pottery <a href="#Page_663">663</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Feather</span>] symbols on Sikyatki pottery <a href="#Page_658">658</a>, <a href="#Page_682">682</a><a href="#Page_698">-698</a>, <a href="#Page_714">714</a>, <a href="#Page_723">723</a>, <a href="#Page_724">724</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Feathered strings</span> represented on pottery <a href="#Page_662">662</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Feathers</span> on prayer-sticks <a href="#Page_739">739</a><br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Fetish" id="Fetish"></a>Fetish</span>, mountain lion, from Awatobi <a href="#Page_618">618</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Fetish</span>], mountain lion, from Sikyatki <a href="#Page_730">730</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Fetish</span>], personal, from Sikyatki <a href="#Page_729">729</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Fewkes, J. W.</span>, on archeological expedition to Arizona, 1895 <a href="#Page_519">519</a><a href="#Page_744">-744</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Figueroa, José</span>, killed at Awatobi <a href="#Page_600">600</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Fire</span>, Hopi purification by <a href="#Page_647">647</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Fire</span>], <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#New-fire_ceremonies">New-fire ceremony</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Fire-house</span>, ancient occupancy of <a href="#Page_633">633</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Fire-house</span>] ruin of Tusayan <a href="#Page_590">590</a>, <a href="#Page_633">633</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Fireplaces</span> in cavate dwellings <a href="#Page_641">641</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Firewood people</span> at Sikyatki <a href="#Page_632">632</a>, <a href="#Page_633">633</a>, <a href="#Page_640">640</a>, <a href="#Page_646">646</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Firewood people</span>] of Tusayan <a href="#Page_672">672</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Flagstaff</span>, cliff houses near <a href="#Page_533">533</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Flower figure</span> on Hopi pottery <a href="#Page_697">697</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Flower figure</span>] on Sikyatki pottery <a href="#Page_658">658</a>, <a href="#Page_680">680</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Flowers</span>, <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Vegetal_designs">Vegetal designs</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Flute ceremony</span> not performed in kiva <a href="#Page_575">575</a>, <a href="#Page_612">612</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Flute ceremony</span>], trails closed during <a href="#Page_597">597</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Flute-like objects</span> from Awatobi <a href="#Page_624">624</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Flute-like objects</span>] from Sikyatki <a href="#Page_656">656</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Flute society</span>, prayer-sticks of the <a href="#Page_737">737</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Food remains</span> in mortuary vessels <a href="#Page_741">741</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Fossils</span> used in Hopi ceremony <a href="#Page_730">730</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Frasquillo</span>, flight of Tanoan refugees under <a href="#Page_578">578</a>, <a href="#Page_600">600</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Frog</span> figures on Sikyatki pottery <a href="#Page_658">658</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Frog</span>] figures on Tusayan bowls <a href="#Page_677">677</a><br /> +<br /> +<span class="smcap">Garaycoechea, Juan</span>, Awatobi visited by <a href="#Page_600">600</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Garaycoechea, Juan</span>], missionary labors of <a href="#Page_601">601</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Gardens</span>, modern, at Sikyatki <a href="#Page_646">646</a><br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Genesis" id="Genesis"></a>Genesis</span>, <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Cosmogony">Cosmogony</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Geometric</span> figures on Sikyatki pottery <a href="#Page_701">701</a><a href="#Page_705">-705</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Germinative</span> symbol on Sikyatki pottery <a href="#Page_704">704</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Goddard, S.</span>, with archeological expedition in 1895 <a href="#Page_527">527</a><br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="God_of_Death" id="God_of_Death"></a>God of Death</span> of the Hopi <a href="#Page_641">641</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Goode, G. Brown</span>, acknowledgments to <a href="#Page_528">528</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Gorgets</span> in Sikyatki graves <a href="#Page_733">733</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Gutierrez, Andres</span>, at founding of Awatobi mission <a href="#Page_599">599</a><br /> +<br /> +<span class="smcap">Hair</span>, human, woven by the Hopi <a href="#Page_630">630</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Hairdressing</span> of the Hopi <a href="#Page_661">661</a>, <a href="#Page_663">663</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Hance's ranch</span>, pictograph bowlder near <a href="#Page_545">545</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Hand</span> figures on Sikyatki pottery <a href="#Page_666">666</a><a href="#Page_668">-668</a>, <a href="#Page_728">728</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Hano</span> compared with Walpi <a href="#Page_642">642</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Hano</span>] in 1782 <a href="#Page_579">579</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Hano</span>], when established <a href="#Page_636">636</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Havasupai</span>, cliff dwellings occupied by <a href="#Page_533">533</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Heart</span> represented in animal figures <a href="#Page_673">673</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Hematite</span> fetish from Sikyatki <a href="#Page_730">730</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Hemenway, Mary</span>, Kawaika pottery purchased by <a href="#Page_590">590</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Hé-shóta-pathl-tâĭe</span>, Zuñi name of Kintiel <a href="#Page_534">534</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Hodge, F. W.</span>, acknowledgments to <a href="#Page_527">527</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Hodge, F. W.</span>] on colander fragments from Salado ruins <a href="#Page_624">624</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Hodge, F. W.</span>] on recent advent of the Navaho <a href="#Page_658">658</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Hodge, F. W.</span>], Sikyatki excavation aided by <a href="#Page_648">648</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Hodge</span>, <i>Mrs</i> M. W., acknowledgments to <a href="#Page_527">527</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Hoffman, W. J.</span>, on ruins at Montezuma Well <a href="#Page_546">546</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Holbrook</span>, ruins near <a href="#Page_533">533</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Holguin</span>, <i>Capt</i>., Payüpki attacked by <a href="#Page_583">583</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Holmes, W. H.</span>, on evolution of pottery designs <a href="#Page_715">715</a>, <a href="#Page_716">716</a>, <a href="#Page_727">727</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Homolobi</span>, location of <a href="#Page_532">532</a><br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Honanki" id="Honanki"></a>Honanki</span>, art remains found at <a href="#Page_569">569</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Honanki</span>], origin of name <a href="#Page_553">553</a>, <a href="#Page_559">559</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Honanki</span>], discovery of ruin of <a href="#Page_534">534</a>, <a href="#Page_551">551</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Honanki</span>] ruin discussed <a href="#Page_558">558</a><a href="#Page_569">-569</a><br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Hopi" id="Hopi"></a>Hopi</span>, abandonment of villages by <a href="#Page_580">580</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Hopi</span>] and Verde ruins compared <a href="#Page_573">573</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Hopi</span>], early migrations of clans of <a href="#Page_574">574</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Hopi</span>] knowledge of Montezuma Well <a href="#Page_547">547</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Hopi</span>] pictographic score <a href="#Page_568">568</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Hopi</span>] pueblos in 1782 <a href="#Page_579">579</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Hopi</span>] request removal to Tonto basin <a href="#Page_534">534</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Hopi</span>] ruins, distribution of <a href="#Page_581">581</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Hopi</span>], southern origin of part of <a href="#Page_568">568</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Horn clans</span> at Sikyatki <a href="#Page_669">669</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Horn-house</span>, ruin of <a href="#Page_590">590</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Horses</span>, how regarded by ancient Hopi <a href="#Page_598">598</a>, <a href="#Page_599">599</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Hough, W.</span>, pottery figure interpreted by <a href="#Page_664">664</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Howell, E.</span>, cliff houses discovered by <a href="#Page_533">533</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Human figures</span> on Sikyatki pottery <a href="#Page_660">660</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Human remains</span> in Awatobi ruins <a href="#Page_610">610</a>, <a href="#Page_612">612</a>, <a href="#Page_618">618</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Human remains</span>], <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Cemeteries">Cemeteries</a></span>.<br /> +<br /> +<span class="smcap">Idol</span>, <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Alosaka">Alosaka</a></span>, <span class="smcap"><a href="#Dolls">Doll</a></span>, <span class="smcap"><a href="#Fetish">Fetish</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Insect</span> figures on Sikyatki pottery <a href="#Page_658">658</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Irrigation</span> represented in pictography <a href="#Page_545">545</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Irrigation</span>] ditches in Verde valley <a href="#Page_538">538</a><br /> +<br /> +<span class="smcap">Jacob's Well</span> described <a href="#Page_546">546</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Jakwaina</span>, farm of, at Sikyatki <a href="#Page_640">640</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Jaramillo, Juan</span>, on "Tucayan" <a href="#Page_595">595</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Jars</span>, <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Pottery">Pottery</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Jeditoh_valley" id="Jeditoh_valley"></a>Jeditoh valley</span>, ruins in <a href="#Page_581">581</a>, <a href="#Page_589">589</a>, <a href="#Page_592">592</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Judd, James S.</span>, acknowledgments to <a href="#Page_527">527</a><br /> +<br /> +<span class="smcap">Kachinba</span> ruin described <a href="#Page_589">589</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Katci</span>, a Hopi folklorist <a href="#Page_637">637</a><br /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_748" id="Page_748">[Pg 748]</a></span> +[<span class="smcap">Katci</span>], farm of, at Sikyatki <a href="#Page_641">641</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Katcina</span> cult in Tusayan <a href="#Page_625">625</a>, <a href="#Page_633">633</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Katcina</span>] defined <a href="#Page_661">661</a>, <a href="#Page_732">732</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Katcina</span>] figures on Hopi pottery <a href="#Page_624">624</a>, <a href="#Page_658">658</a>, <a href="#Page_665">665</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Kawaika</span>, application of name <a href="#Page_622">622</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Kawaika</span>], pottery from <a href="#Page_622">622</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Kawaika</span>], ruins at <a href="#Page_590">590</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Keam, T. V.</span>, excavations by, at Kawaika <a href="#Page_622">622</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Keam, T. V.</span>], idols removed and returned by <a href="#Page_619">619</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Keam's canyon</span>, ruins in <a href="#Page_581">581</a><br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Kinnazinde" id="Kinnazinde"></a>Kinnazinde</span>, ruin of <a href="#Page_534">534</a><br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Kintiel" id="Kintiel"></a>Kintiel</span> ascribed to the Zuñi <a href="#Page_534">534</a>, <a href="#Page_591">591</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Kintiel</span>], location of <a href="#Page_533">533</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Kisakobi</span>, former site of Walpi <a href="#Page_578">578</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Kisakobi</span>] ruins described <a href="#Page_585">585</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Kisakobi</span>], settlement of <a href="#Page_635">635</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Kishyuba</span>, a Hopi ruin <a href="#Page_591">591</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Kisi</span> and cavate house compared <a href="#Page_544">544</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Kiva-like</span> remains at Honanki <a href="#Page_560">560</a><br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Kiva" id="Kiva"></a>Kivas</span>, absence of, in Sikyatki <a href="#Page_642">642</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Kivas</span>], absence of, in southern cliff houses <a href="#Page_574">574</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Kivas</span>], ceremonial replastering of <a href="#Page_645">645</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Kivas</span>], distribution of <a href="#Page_561">561</a>, <a href="#Page_574">574</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Kivas</span>] of Awatobi <a href="#Page_611">611</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Kivas</span>], platforms characteristic of <a href="#Page_541">541</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Kivas</span>], round, evolution of <a href="#Page_575">575</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">K'n'-i-K'él</span>, <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Kintiel">Kintiel</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Kokopeli</span>, a Hopi deity <a href="#Page_663">663</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Kopeli</span>, services of, at Sikyatki <a href="#Page_641">641</a>, <a href="#Page_643">643</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Kóyimse</span> of the Hopi <a href="#Page_659">659</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Küchaptüvela</span>, former site of Walpi <a href="#Page_578">578</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Küchaptüvela</span>] ruin described <a href="#Page_585">585</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Küküchomo</span> ruins described <a href="#Page_586">586</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Kwataka</span>, a Hopi monster <a href="#Page_691">691</a><br /> +<br /> +<span class="smcap">Ladles</span> from Awatobi described <a href="#Page_624">624</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Ladles</span>] from Sikyatki described <a href="#Page_655">655</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Ladles</span>], <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Pottery">Pottery</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Langley, S. P.</span>, acknowledgments to <a href="#Page_528">528</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Lelo</span>, farm of, at Sikyatki <a href="#Page_640">640</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Leroux, A.</span>, Verde ruins discovered by <a href="#Page_530">530</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Lightning</span> symbol on Hopi pottery <a href="#Page_673">673</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Lignite</span> deposits near Sikyatki <a href="#Page_643">643</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Lignite</span>] gorgets in Sikyatki graves <a href="#Page_733">733</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Lines</span>, broken, on Sikyatki pottery <a href="#Page_704">704</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Lummis, C. F.</span>, on Montezuma Well ruins <a href="#Page_546">546</a><br /> +<br /> +<span class="smcap">Mamzráuti</span> ceremony introduced at Walpi <a href="#Page_604">604</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Man-eagle</span>, a Hopi monster <a href="#Page_691">691</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Man-eagle</span>] on Sikyatki pottery <a href="#Page_683">683</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Marie, Aug. Sta.</span>, an Awatobi missionary <a href="#Page_600">600</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Masauwûh</span> in Hopi mythology <a href="#Page_666">666</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Masauwûh</span>], <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#God_of_Death">God of Death</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Masiumptiwa</span>, Awatobi legend repeated by <a href="#Page_603">603</a><br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Masonry" id="Masonry"></a>Masonry</span> of Awatobi <a href="#Page_616">616</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Masonry</span>] of Honanki <a href="#Page_563">563</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Masonry</span>] of Palatki <a href="#Page_554">554</a><a href="#Page_555">-555</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Masonry</span>] of Sikyatki <a href="#Page_644">644</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Meal</span>, sacred, trail closed with <a href="#Page_596">596</a>, <a href="#Page_597">597</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Meal</span> sacrifice by the Hopi <a href="#Page_739">739</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Mearns, E. A.</span>, on Verde valley ruins <a href="#Page_535">535</a>, <a href="#Page_544">544</a>, <a href="#Page_546">546</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Medicine bowls</span> of the Hopi <a href="#Page_681">681</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Medicine bowls</span> of the Zuñi and Hopi <a href="#Page_655">655</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Meline, J. F.</span>, on settlement of Sandia <a href="#Page_584">584</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Mescal</span> in Verde valley caves <a href="#Page_550">550</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Metal</span> not found at Honanki <a href="#Page_571">571</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Metal</span>] not found at Sikyatki <a href="#Page_649">649</a>, <a href="#Page_741">741</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Metates</span> found in Awatobi <a href="#Page_625">625</a>, <a href="#Page_626">626</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Metates</span>] found in Honanki <a href="#Page_571">571</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Metates</span>] found in Sikyatki graves <a href="#Page_731">731</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Mica</span>, <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Selenite">Selenite</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Middle mesa</span>, ruins at <a href="#Page_581">581</a>, <a href="#Page_582">582</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Migration</span> of Hopi clans <a href="#Page_577">577</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Miller</span>, <i>Dr</i>, pottery collected by <a href="#Page_675">675</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Mindeleff, Cosmos</span>, Homolobi ruins examined by <a href="#Page_532">532</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Mindeleff, Cosmos</span>], on absence of kivas in Verde ruins <a href="#Page_561">561</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Mindeleff, Cosmos</span>], on cavate houses <a href="#Page_543">543</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Mindeleff, Cosmos</span>], on function of cavate lodges <a href="#Page_544">544</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Mindeleff, Cosmos</span>], on origin of circular kivas <a href="#Page_576">576</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Mindeleff, Cosmos</span>], on similarity of cliff dwellings and pueblos <a href="#Page_537">537</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Mindeleff, Cosmos</span>], on Verde valley ruins <a href="#Page_535">535</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Mindeleff, Victor</span>, Awatobi described by <a href="#Page_602">602</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Mindeleff, Victor</span>], groundplan of Chukubi by <a href="#Page_583">583</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Mindeleff, Victor</span>], groundplan of Mishiptonga by <a href="#Page_590">590</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Mindeleff, Victor</span>], on Awatobi kivas <a href="#Page_612">612</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Mindeleff, Victor</span>], on distribution of Tusayan ruins <a href="#Page_577">577</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Mindeleff, Victor</span>], on former sites of Walpi <a href="#Page_585">585</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Mindeleff, Victor</span>], on Horn-house and Bat-house <a href="#Page_590">590</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Mindeleff, Victor</span>], on origin of circular kivas <a href="#Page_576">576</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Mindeleff, Victor</span>], Shitaimovi mentioned by <a href="#Page_582">582</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Mindeleff, Victor</span>], Sikyatki described by <a href="#Page_632">632</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Mishiptonga</span>, ruin of <a href="#Page_590">590</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Mishoñinovi</span> in 1782 <a href="#Page_579">579</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Mishoñinovi, Old</span>, discussed <a href="#Page_582">582</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Mission</span>, ruins of, at Awatobi <a href="#Page_606">606</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Mission</span>], when established at Awatobi <a href="#Page_599">599</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Missions</span> among the Hopi <a href="#Page_595">595</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Moki</span>, <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Hopi">Hopi</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Montezuma_Castle" id="Montezuma_Castle"></a>Montezuma Castle</span> and Honanki compared <a href="#Page_563">563</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Montezuma Castle</span>] on Beaver creek <a href="#Page_549">549</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Montezuma Well</span>, ruins at <a href="#Page_534">534</a>, <a href="#Page_546">546</a><a href="#Page_548">-548</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Mooney, James</span>, cited on Kawaika pottery <a href="#Page_590">590</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Morfi, Juan A.</span>, on Hopi pueblos in 1782 <a href="#Page_579">579</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Morfi, Juan A.</span>], on settlement of Sandia <a href="#Page_584">584</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Mortars</span> found in Awatobi <a href="#Page_626">626</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Mortuary</span> customs of the Hopi <a href="#Page_648">648</a>, <a href="#Page_656">656</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Mortuary</span>] <span class="smcap">objects</span> in Sikyatki graves <a href="#Page_650">650</a>, <a href="#Page_656">656</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Mortuary</span>] <span class="smcap">remains</span> in Awatobi <a href="#Page_617">617</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Mortuary</span>] <span class="smcap">slabs</span> from Sikyatki <a href="#Page_732">732</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Mortuary</span>] <span class="smcap">vessels</span>, food remains in <a href="#Page_741">741</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Moth figures</span> on Sikyatki pottery <a href="#Page_678">678</a><a href="#Page_680">-680</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Mountain-lion</span> fetish from Sikyatki <a href="#Page_730">730</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Mountain-lion</span>] figure on pottery <a href="#Page_671">671</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Mountain-lion</span>] in Hopi mythology <a href="#Page_545">545</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Mountain-sheep</span> figure on pottery <a href="#Page_669">669</a>, <a href="#Page_671">671</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Müyinwû</span>, a Hopi deity <a href="#Page_647">647</a>, <a href="#Page_667">667</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Myth</span>, <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Cosmogony">Cosmogony</a></span>, <span class="smcap"><a href="#Genesis">Genesis</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Mythic</span> origin of Kanelba <a href="#Page_638">638</a><a href="#Page_639">-639</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Mythic</span>] personages on pottery <a href="#Page_665">665</a><br /> +<br /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_749" id="Page_749">[Pg 749]</a></span> +<span class="smcap">Nahuatl</span> and Hopi pictographs compared <a href="#Page_569">569</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Naiutci</span> injured by stick swallowing <a href="#Page_664">664</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Nakwákwoci</span> defined <a href="#Page_662">662</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Nampéo</span>, a Hopi potter <a href="#Page_660">660</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Nasyuñweve</span>, a Hopi folklorist <a href="#Page_637">637</a>, <a href="#Page_640">640</a><br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Navaho" id="Navaho"></a>Navaho</span> and Hopi intermarriage <a href="#Page_658">658</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Navaho</span>] ceremonial circuit <a href="#Page_681">681</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Navaho</span>] depredations in Tusayan <a href="#Page_585">585</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Navaho</span>] in Antelope valley <a href="#Page_592">592</a>, <a href="#Page_593">593</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Navaho</span>] katcinas on Hopi pottery <a href="#Page_658">658</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Navaho</span>], late appearance of, in Tusayan <a href="#Page_581">581</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Navaho</span>] name of Awatobi <a href="#Page_594">594</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Navaho</span>], recent advent of, in New Mexico <a href="#Page_658">658</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Navaho</span>], shrine robbed by <a href="#Page_612">612</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Naybi</span> identified with Oraibi <a href="#Page_599">599</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Necklaces</span> in Sikyatki graves <a href="#Page_733">733</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Needles</span>, bone, from Awatobi <a href="#Page_627">627</a><br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="New-fire_ceremonies" id="New-fire_ceremonies"></a>New-fire ceremonies</span> of the Hopi <a href="#Page_586">586</a>, <a href="#Page_602">602</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">New Mexico</span>, <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Navaho">Navaho</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Niel, J. A.</span>, on Tanoan migration to Tusayan <a href="#Page_578">578</a>, <a href="#Page_584">584</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Nimankatcina</span> of the Hopi <a href="#Page_593">593</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Niza, Marcos de</span>, on Totonteac fabrics <a href="#Page_629">629</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Nomenclature</span> of Awatobi <a href="#Page_594">594</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Nomenclature</span>] of Sikyatki <a href="#Page_636">636</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Nordenskiöld, G.</span>, on affinity of cliff dwellers and pueblos <a href="#Page_532">532</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Nordenskiöld, G.</span>], on evolution of pottery design <a href="#Page_716">716</a>, <a href="#Page_727">727</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Nordenskiöld, G.</span>], cited on Mesa Verde villages <a href="#Page_555">555</a>, <a href="#Page_563">563</a>, <a href="#Page_678">678</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Nordenskiöld, G.</span>], on origin of round kivas <a href="#Page_575">575</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Nordenskiöld, G.</span>], on platforms in Mesa Verde kivas <a href="#Page_541">541</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Nordenskiöld, G.</span>], prayer-sticks found by <a href="#Page_736">736</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Nüshaki</span>, etymology of <a href="#Page_578">578</a>, <a href="#Page_586">586</a><br /> +<br /> +<span class="smcap">Oak creek</span>, ruins on <a href="#Page_533">533</a>, <a href="#Page_550">550</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Obsidian</span> objects from Sikyatki <a href="#Page_732">732</a><br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Offerings" id="Offerings"></a>Offerings</span> by Indian excavators <a href="#Page_641">641</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Oñate, Juan de</span>, Awatobi visited by <a href="#Page_594">594</a>, <a href="#Page_599">599</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Openings</span> in Honanki walls <a href="#Page_565">565</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Openings</span>], <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Doorway">Doorway</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Oraibi</span>, age of <a href="#Page_607">607</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Oraibi</span>] in 1782 <a href="#Page_580">580</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Oraibi</span>] legendary origin of <a href="#Page_634">634</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Oraibi</span>], site of <a href="#Page_578">578</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Orientation</span> of Awatobi mission <a href="#Page_609">609</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Ornaments</span> in Sikyatki graves <a href="#Page_733">733</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Otermin, Ant.</span>, attempted reconquest by <a href="#Page_584">584</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Owens, J. G.</span>, acknowledgments to <a href="#Page_646">646</a><br /> +<br /> +<span class="smcap">Padilla, Juan</span>, visits Tusayan in 1540 <a href="#Page_596">596</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Paho</span>, <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Prayer-stick">Prayer-stick</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Paiakyamu</span> figures on Hopi pottery <a href="#Page_659">659</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Paint</span>, <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Pigment">Pigment</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Palatki" id="Palatki"></a>Palatki</span>, art remains found at <a href="#Page_569">569</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Palatki</span>], population of <a href="#Page_567">567</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Palatki</span>] ruins discovered <a href="#Page_534">534</a>, <a href="#Page_551">551</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Palatki</span>] ruins described <a href="#Page_553">553</a><a href="#Page_558">-558</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Palatkwabi</span>, a traditional land of the Hopi <a href="#Page_529">529</a>, <a href="#Page_531">531</a>, <a href="#Page_568">568</a>, <a href="#Page_672">672</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Paleography</span>, <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Decoration">Decoration</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Passageways</span> in cavate dwellings <a href="#Page_542">542</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Passageways</span>] in Honanki <a href="#Page_565">565</a><br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Patki" id="Patki"></a>Patki people</span>, early migrations of the <a href="#Page_574">574</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Patki people</span>], southern origin of the <a href="#Page_529">529</a>, <a href="#Page_568">568</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Patuñ phratry</span>, southern origin of <a href="#Page_529">529</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Payüpki</span>, a ruin in Tusayan <a href="#Page_578">578</a>, <a href="#Page_583">583</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Payüpki</span>], possible origin of <a href="#Page_584">584</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Peaches</span> cultivated near Sikyatki <a href="#Page_646">646</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Peaches</span>] introduced in Oraibi <a href="#Page_604">604</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Peaches</span>] of the Hopi <a href="#Page_639">639</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Phallic</span> representations among the Hopi <a href="#Page_663">663</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Pictographs</span> at Honanki <a href="#Page_567">567</a>, <a href="#Page_568">568</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Pictographs</span>] at Palatki ruin <a href="#Page_556">556</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Pictographs</span>] in Verde valley <a href="#Page_545">545</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Pictographs</span>] near Montezuma Well <a href="#Page_548">548</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Pictographs</span>] near Schürmann's ranch <a href="#Page_550">550</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Pictographs</span>] of Awatobi totems <a href="#Page_610">610</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Pictographs</span>] on Awatobi cliffs <a href="#Page_626">626</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Pictographs</span>], <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Decoration">Decoration</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Pigment" id="Pigment"></a>Pigment</span> found at Awatobi <a href="#Page_618">618</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Pigment</span>] found at Sikyatki <a href="#Page_728">728</a>, <a href="#Page_729">729</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Pigment</span>] how applied by the Hopi <a href="#Page_650">650</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Pigment</span>] used on prayer-sticks <a href="#Page_630">630</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Pipes</span> in Sikyatki graves <a href="#Page_733">733</a><br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Plastering" id="Plastering"></a>Plastering</span> on Awatobi walls <a href="#Page_616">616</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Plastering</span>] of Honanki ruin <a href="#Page_563">563</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Plastering</span>] of Palatki ruin <a href="#Page_555">555</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Plastering</span>] of Sikyatki rooms <a href="#Page_645">645</a>, <a href="#Page_646">646</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Platforms</span> in cavate dwellings <a href="#Page_541">541</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Platforms</span>] in Honanki <a href="#Page_566">566</a><br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Plumed_snake" id="Plumed_snake"></a>Plumed snake</span> cult in Tusayan <a href="#Page_671">671</a>, <a href="#Page_672">672</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Plumed snake</span>] figures on Hopi kilts <a href="#Page_696">696</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Plumed snake</span>] figure on pottery <a href="#Page_658">658</a>, <a href="#Page_671">671</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Plumed snake</span>] in Hopi mythology <a href="#Page_668">668</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Polishing stones</span> from Sikyatki <a href="#Page_729">729</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Population</span> of Awatobi <a href="#Page_605">605</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Population</span>] of Honanki <a href="#Page_567">567</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Porcupine</span> figure on pottery <a href="#Page_669">669</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Porras</span>, <i>Padre</i>, missionary labors of <a href="#Page_595">595</a>, <a href="#Page_599">599</a>, <a href="#Page_600">600</a>, <a href="#Page_605">605</a><br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Pottery" id="Pottery"></a>Pottery</span> decoration of the Hopi <a href="#Page_569">569</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Pottery</span>] from ancient Walpi <a href="#Page_585">585</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Pottery</span>] from Awatobi <a href="#Page_621">621</a><a href="#Page_625">-625</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Pottery</span>] from Honanki classified <a href="#Page_570">570</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Pottery</span>] from Payüpki <a href="#Page_584">584</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Pottery</span>] from Shuñopovi and Mishoñinovi <a href="#Page_582">582</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Pottery</span>] from Sikyatki discussed <a href="#Page_650">650</a><a href="#Page_728">-728</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Pottery</span>] from Verde and Colorado Chiquito compared <a href="#Page_573">573</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Pottery</span>], mortuary, from Awatobi <a href="#Page_617">617</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Pottery</span>], mortuary, from Kawaika <a href="#Page_590">590</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Pottery</span>], mortuary, from Sikyatki <a href="#Page_649">649</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Pottery</span>] of ancient Tusayan <a href="#Page_617">617</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Powamû</span> ceremony of the Hopi <a href="#Page_702">702</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Powell, J. W.</span>, ruins found by <a href="#Page_532">532</a><br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Prayer-stick" id="Prayer-stick"></a>Prayer-sticks</span>, cross-shape, of Keres origin <a href="#Page_703">703</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Prayer-sticks</span>] from Awatobi <a href="#Page_613">613</a>, <a href="#Page_618">618</a>, <a href="#Page_630">630</a><a href="#Page_631">-631</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Prayer-sticks</span>] from Honanki <a href="#Page_573">573</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Prayer-sticks</span>] from Sikyatki <a href="#Page_649">649</a>, <a href="#Page_736">736</a><a href="#Page_739">-739</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Prayer-sticks</span>] in Hopi ceremony <a href="#Page_628">628</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Prayer-sticks</span>], prescribed length of <a href="#Page_668">668</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Prayer-sticks</span>], significance of <a href="#Page_688">688</a>, <a href="#Page_738">738</a><br /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_750" id="Page_750">[Pg 750]</a></span> +<span class="smcap">Prayer-strings</span> of the Hopi <a href="#Page_662">662</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Priests</span>, Hopi, succession of <a href="#Page_637">637</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Pueblo Grande</span>, <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Kintiel">Kintiel</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Pueblo Indians</span> descended from cliff dwellers <a href="#Page_531">531</a>, <a href="#Page_532">532</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Pueblo Indians</span>] <span class="smcap">ruins</span>, of Verde valley classified <a href="#Page_536">536</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Pueblo Indians</span>] and cliff dwellings similar <a href="#Page_537">537</a><br /> +<br /> +<span class="smcap">Quadruped</span> figures on Sikyatki pottery <a href="#Page_668">668</a><a href="#Page_671">-671</a><br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Quartz_crystal" id="Quartz_crystal"></a>Quartz crystal</span> from Sikyatki <a href="#Page_729">729</a><br /> +<br /> +<span class="smcap">Rabbit</span> figure on Sikyatki pottery <a href="#Page_669">669</a>, <a href="#Page_670">670</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Rabbit-skin</span> robes of Tusayan <a href="#Page_629">629</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Rain</span> symbol on bird ornaments <a href="#Page_733">733</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Rainbow</span> symbols on Sikyatki pottery <a href="#Page_681">681</a><br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Raincloud" id="Raincloud"></a>Raincloud symbol</span> of the Hopi <a href="#Page_681">681</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Raincloud symbol</span>] on Awatobi cist <a href="#Page_613">613</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Raincloud symbol</span>] on gravestones <a href="#Page_732">732</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Raincloud symbol</span>] on Hopi pottery <a href="#Page_694">694</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Raincloud symbol</span>] on Sikyatki pottery <a href="#Page_689">689</a>, <a href="#Page_690">690</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Rattlesnake Tanks</span>, ruins at <a href="#Page_532">532</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Red rocks</span>, cliff houses of the <a href="#Page_548">548</a><a href="#Page_549">-549</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Reptile</span> figures on pottery <a href="#Page_658">658</a>, <a href="#Page_671">671</a><a href="#Page_677">-677</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Ruins</span> of East Mesa discussed <a href="#Page_585">585</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Ruins</span>] of Tusayan <a href="#Page_577">577</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Ruins</span>], <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Awatobi">Awatobi</a></span>, <span class="smcap"><a href="#Honanki">Honanki</a></span>, <span class="smcap"><a href="#Palatki">Palatki</a></span>, <span class="smcap"><a href="#Sikyatki">Sikyatki</a></span>, etc.<br /> +<br /> +<span class="smcap">Sacrifice</span> among the Hopi <a href="#Page_738">738</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Sacrifice</span>], <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Offerings">Offering</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Saint Johns</span>, ruins near <a href="#Page_533">533</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Saliko</span>, Awatobi legend repeated by <a href="#Page_603">603</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Saliko</span>] on the Awatobi Mamzráutu <a href="#Page_611">611</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">San Bernabe</span>, mission name of Shuñopovi <a href="#Page_607">607</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">San Bernardo</span>, mission name of Awatobi <a href="#Page_594">594</a>, <a href="#Page_595">595</a>, <a href="#Page_599">599</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Sandals</span> found in Honanki <a href="#Page_573">573</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Sandia</span>, Hopi name for <a href="#Page_584">584</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Sandia</span>] settled by Tanoan people from Tusayan <a href="#Page_584">584</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">San Juan</span>, headdress from <a href="#Page_734">734</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Schürmann</span>, —, acknowledgments to <a href="#Page_559">559</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Schürmann</span>], ruins near ranch of <a href="#Page_550">550</a><a href="#Page_553">-553</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Seats</span>, stone, in Awatobi ruins <a href="#Page_626">626</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Seeds</span> in mortuary vessels <a href="#Page_741">741</a><br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Selenite" id="Selenite"></a>Selenite</span> deposits near Sikyatki <a href="#Page_643">643</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Selenite</span>] in Sikyatki graves <a href="#Page_730">730</a>, <a href="#Page_733">733</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Seler, E.</span>, Mexican designs gathered by <a href="#Page_705">705</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Serpent</span>, plumed, of the Hopi <a href="#Page_547">547</a>, <a href="#Page_548">548</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Shalako</span>, <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Calako">Calako</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Shell</span> beads from Honanki <a href="#Page_573">573</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Shell</span>] bracelet from Honanki <a href="#Page_572">572</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Shell</span>] from Sikyatki graves <a href="#Page_739">739</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Shell</span>] ornaments from Awatobi <a href="#Page_628">628</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Shell</span>] ornaments in Sikyatki graves <a href="#Page_733">733</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Shimo</span>, Awatobi legend repeated by <a href="#Page_602">602</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Shipaulovi</span> in 1782 <a href="#Page_579">579</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Shitaimovi</span>, ruin of <a href="#Page_582">582</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Shrines</span> at Awatobi described <a href="#Page_619">619</a><a href="#Page_621">-621</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Shrines</span>] at Walpi <a href="#Page_586">586</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Shrines</span>] near Tukinobi <a href="#Page_589">589</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Shrines</span>] robbed by Navaho <a href="#Page_612">612</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Shrines</span>] unearthed at Awatobi <a href="#Page_613">613</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Shrines</span>] of the Hopi <a href="#Page_613">613</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Shuñopovi</span> in 1782 <a href="#Page_579">579</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Shuñopovi</span>], <span class="smcap">Old</span>, discussed <a href="#Page_582">582</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Sichomovi</span> compared with Walpi <a href="#Page_642">642</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Sichomovi</span>], Tewa name for <a href="#Page_642">642</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Sichomovi</span>], when established <a href="#Page_578">578</a>, <a href="#Page_636">636</a><br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Sikyatki" id="Sikyatki"></a>Sikyatki</span> and Awatobi pottery compared <a href="#Page_623">623</a>, <a href="#Page_659">659</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Sikyatki</span>] and modern Hopi pottery compared <a href="#Page_649">649</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Sikyatki</span>], destruction of <a href="#Page_633">633</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Sikyatki</span>], etymology of <a href="#Page_636">636</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Sikyatki</span>] inhabitants settle at Awatobi <a href="#Page_596">596</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Sikyatki</span>] people harrassed by Walpians <a href="#Page_588">588</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Sikyatki</span>], prehistoric character of <a href="#Page_592">592</a>, <a href="#Page_632">632</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Sikyatki</span>] ruins described <a href="#Page_631">631</a><a href="#Page_742">-742</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Sikyatki</span>], reasons for excavating <a href="#Page_591">591</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Sikyatki</span>] ruins examined <a href="#Page_535">535</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Sites</span> of Tusayan pueblos <a href="#Page_578">578</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Sitgreaves, L.</span>, on ruins near San Francisco mountains <a href="#Page_532">532</a>, <a href="#Page_533">533</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Sitgreaves, L.</span>], cited on selenite deposits <a href="#Page_643">643</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Slipper-form vessels</span> from Sikyatki <a href="#Page_652">652</a><br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Smoking" id="Smoking"></a>Smoking</span> in Hopi ceremony <a href="#Page_734">734</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Snake</span> represented on pottery <a href="#Page_671">671</a>, <a href="#Page_677">677</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Snake</span>], <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Plumed_snake">Plumed snake</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Snake hunt</span>, taboo of work during <a href="#Page_639">639</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Snake people</span>, absence of, at Sikyatki <a href="#Page_740">740</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Snake people</span>], early arrival of, at Tusayan <a href="#Page_582">582</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Snake people</span>], northern origin of <a href="#Page_575">575</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Snake people</span>] settle at Walpi <a href="#Page_617">617</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Snake-rattle</span> in Sikyatki grave <a href="#Page_740">740</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Snake-rattle</span>] used for ornament <a href="#Page_740">740</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Sorcery</span>, Awatobi men accused of <a href="#Page_603">603</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Spanish objects</span> found at Awatobi <a href="#Page_606">606</a>, <a href="#Page_623">623</a>, <a href="#Page_631">631</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Spanish objects</span>] unknown to early Tusayan <a href="#Page_741">741</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Spattering</span>, pottery decorated by <a href="#Page_650">650</a>, <a href="#Page_668">668</a>, <a href="#Page_671">671</a>, <a href="#Page_677">677</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Spoons</span> from Sikyatki described <a href="#Page_655">655</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Spoons</span>], <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Pottery">Pottery</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Squash</span> indigenous to the southwest <a href="#Page_621">621</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Squash</span>] flower, symbolism of the <a href="#Page_661">661</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Squaw mountain</span>, cavate dwellings near <a href="#Page_534">534</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Stalactites</span> in Sikyatki graves <a href="#Page_730">730</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Star</span> figures on Sikyatki pottery <a href="#Page_702">702</a>, <a href="#Page_724">724</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Star</span>] symbol on Hopi pottery <a href="#Page_696">696</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Star</span>] symbols on Sikyatki pottery <a href="#Page_680">680</a>, <a href="#Page_690">690</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Stephen, A. M.</span>, on Awatobi kivas <a href="#Page_612">612</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Stephen, A. M.</span>], on Horn-house and Bat-house <a href="#Page_590">590</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Stephen, A. M.</span>], on Mishiptonga ruin <a href="#Page_590">590</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Stephen, A. M.</span>], on occupancy of Küküchomo <a href="#Page_587">587</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Stephen, A. M.</span>], on origin of certain katcina <a href="#Page_666">666</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Stevenson, James</span>, ruins discovered by <a href="#Page_532">532</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Stevenson, M. C.</span>, on Keresan cannibal giants <a href="#Page_665">665</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Stick swallowing</span> by the Hopi <a href="#Page_664">664</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Stone implements</span> from Awatobi <a href="#Page_625">625</a><a href="#Page_626">-626</a><br /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_751" id="Page_751">[Pg 751]</a></span> +[<span class="smcap">Stone implements</span>] from Honanki <a href="#Page_571">571</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Stone implements</span>] from Sikyatki <a href="#Page_729">729</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Sun figure</span> in Powamû ceremony <a href="#Page_702">702</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Sunflower</span> symbols on Sikyatki pottery <a href="#Page_702">702</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Sun symbol</span>, cross allied to <a href="#Page_623">623</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Sun symbol</span>] on Sikyatki pottery <a href="#Page_699">699</a><a href="#Page_701">-701</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Sun worship</span> of the Hopi <a href="#Page_699">699</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Supela</span>, Awatobi legend repeated by <a href="#Page_603">603</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Swastika</span> figures on Sikyatki pottery <a href="#Page_703">703</a><br /> +<br /> +<span class="smcap">Taboo</span> of work during snake hunt <a href="#Page_639">639</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Tadpole</span> figures on Sikyatki pottery <a href="#Page_658">658</a>, <a href="#Page_677">677</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Talla-hogan</span>, meaning of <a href="#Page_594">594</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Talla-hogan</span>], Navaho name of Awatobi <a href="#Page_594">594</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Tanoan</span> migration to Tusayan <a href="#Page_578">578</a>, <a href="#Page_600">600</a>, <a href="#Page_636">636</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Tapolo</span>, an Awatobi chief <a href="#Page_603">603</a>, <a href="#Page_611">611</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Tataukyamû</span>, a Hopi priesthood <a href="#Page_611">611</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Tatcukti</span>, a Hopi clown-priest <a href="#Page_659">659</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Tawa (sun) phratry</span>, southern origin of <a href="#Page_529">529</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Tcino</span>, garden of, at Sikyatki <a href="#Page_638">638</a>, <a href="#Page_640">640</a>, <a href="#Page_646">646</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Terraced figures</span> of Mexico and Tusayan <a href="#Page_705">705</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Terraced figures</span>] on Sikyatki pottery <a href="#Page_701">701</a>, <a href="#Page_703">703</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Tewa people</span> occupy Payüpki <a href="#Page_584">584</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Tewa people</span>], progressiveness of, in Tusayan <a href="#Page_580">580</a><br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Textile" id="Textile"></a>Textile fabrics</span> from Awatobi <a href="#Page_629">629</a><a href="#Page_630">-630</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Textile fabrics</span>], absence of, at Sikyatki <a href="#Page_649">649</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Textile fabrics</span>] found in Honanki <a href="#Page_572">572</a>, <a href="#Page_573">573</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Textile fabrics</span>], Sikyatki dead wrapped with <a href="#Page_656">656</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Tinder tube</span> from Honanki <a href="#Page_572">572</a>, <a href="#Page_573">573</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Tobacco</span>, <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Smoking">Smoking</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Tobacco phratry</span> in Awatobi <a href="#Page_611">611</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Tobar, Pedro</span>, visits Tusayan in 1540 <a href="#Page_578">578</a>, <a href="#Page_595">595</a>, <a href="#Page_596">596</a>, <a href="#Page_631">631</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Tonto</span>, origin of term <a href="#Page_534">534</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Tonto Basin</span>, ruins in <a href="#Page_534">534</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Totonaka</span>, a Hopi deity <a href="#Page_647">647</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Totonteac</span> identified with Tusayan <a href="#Page_534">534</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Totonteac</span>], suggested origin of <a href="#Page_534">534</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Toys</span> of pottery from Sikyatki <a href="#Page_656">656</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Trails</span> ceremonially closed <a href="#Page_596">596</a><a href="#Page_597">-597</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Trincheras</span> defined <a href="#Page_550">550</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Trincheras</span>] in Red-rock country <a href="#Page_549">549</a>, <a href="#Page_550">550</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Trujillo, José</span>, probably killed at Shuñopovi <a href="#Page_600">600</a><br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Ts" id="Ts"></a>Tsêgi canyon</span> and Tusayan pottery compared <a href="#Page_623">623</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Tsêgi canyon</span>] formerly occupied by Hopi clans <a href="#Page_658">658</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Tsêgi canyon</span>], <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Chelly_canyon">Chelly canyon</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Tubes</span>, bone, from Awatobi <a href="#Page_627">627</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Tucano</span>, name applied to Tusayan <a href="#Page_595">595</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Tucayan</span>, name applied to Tusayan <a href="#Page_595">595</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Tukinobi</span>, ruin of, described <a href="#Page_589">589</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Turquois</span> beads found at Honanki <a href="#Page_573">573</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Turquois</span>] mosaics of the Hopi <a href="#Page_662">662</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Turquois</span>] objects in Sikyatki graves <a href="#Page_641">641</a>, <a href="#Page_733">733</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Tusayan</span>, application of term <a href="#Page_577">577</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Tusayan</span>] identified with Hopi villages <a href="#Page_595">595</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Tusayan</span>] ruins discussed <a href="#Page_577">577</a><a href="#Page_742">-742</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Tusayan</span>] towns in 1540 <a href="#Page_606">606</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Tusayan</span>], <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Hopi">Hopi</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Tuzan</span>, name applied to Tusayan <a href="#Page_595">595</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Tylor, E. B.</span>, cited on primitive sacrifice <a href="#Page_738">738</a><br /> +<br /> +<span class="smcap">Ute</span> depredations in Tusayan <a href="#Page_585">585</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Ute</span>], late appearance of, at Tusayan <a href="#Page_581">581</a><br /> +<br /> +<span class="smcap">Vargas, Diego de</span>, Awatobi visited by <a href="#Page_594">594</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Vargas, Diego de</span>], Tusayan conquered by <a href="#Page_600">600</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Vases</span>, <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Pottery">Pottery</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Vegetal_designs" id="Vegetal_designs"></a>Vegetal designs</span> on Hopi pottery <a href="#Page_698">698</a><a href="#Page_699">-699</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Verde valley</span> and Tusayan ruins compared <a href="#Page_573">573</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Verde valley</span>], archeology of <a href="#Page_530">530</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Verde valley</span>] ruins discussed <a href="#Page_536">536</a>, <a href="#Page_576">576</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Vetancurt, A. de</span>, Awatobi mentioned by <a href="#Page_594">594</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Vetancurt, A. de</span>], on destruction of Awatobi mission <a href="#Page_600">600</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Voth, H. R.</span>, decorated bowl collected by <a href="#Page_665">665</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Voth, H. R.</span>], on ancient pottery found at Oraibi <a href="#Page_607">607</a><br /> +<br /> +<span class="smcap">Walls</span> of Honanki described <a href="#Page_559">559</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Walls</span>] of Palatki ruin <a href="#Page_557">557</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Walls</span>], <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Masonry">Masonry</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Walnut canyon</span>, cliff houses in <a href="#Page_532">532</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Walpi</span>, ancient, pottery of <a href="#Page_660">660</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Walpi</span>] compared with other villages <a href="#Page_642">642</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Walpi</span>], former sites of <a href="#Page_585">585</a>, <a href="#Page_635">635</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Walpi</span>], gradual desertion of <a href="#Page_586">586</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Walpi</span>] in 1540 <a href="#Page_578">578</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Walpi</span>] in 1782 <a href="#Page_579">579</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Walpi</span>], origin of name <a href="#Page_585">585</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Walpi</span>], southern origin of clans of <a href="#Page_529">529</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Walther, Henry</span>, pottery repaired by <a href="#Page_682">682</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">War god</span> symbolism on Hopi pottery <a href="#Page_664">664</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Water</span> used in Hopi ceremony <a href="#Page_689">689</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Water-house people</span> of Tusayan <a href="#Page_672">672</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Water-house people</span>], <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Patki">Patki</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Water supply</span> of Sikyatki <a href="#Page_638">638</a>, <a href="#Page_646">646</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Weapons</span> of ancient Tusayan <a href="#Page_596">596</a>, <a href="#Page_598">598</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Whistles</span>, bone, from Awatobi <a href="#Page_627">627</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Whistles</span>] used in Hopi ceremonies <a href="#Page_628">628</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Winship, G. P.</span>, acknowledgments to <a href="#Page_527">527</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Winship, G. P.</span>], Castañeda's narrative translated by <a href="#Page_596">596</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Wipo spring</span> in Tusayan <a href="#Page_639">639</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Wood</span> in Palatki ruin <a href="#Page_555">555</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Wood</span>], method of working, at Honanki <a href="#Page_571">571</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Wood</span>], remains of, at Honanki <a href="#Page_562">562</a>, <a href="#Page_566">566</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Wood</span>], objects of, from Honanki <a href="#Page_572">572</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Wood's ranch</span>, pictograph bowlder near <a href="#Page_545">545</a><br /> +<br /> +<span class="smcap">Xumupamí</span> identified with Shuñopovi <a href="#Page_599">599</a><br /> +<br /> +<span class="smcap">Yucca</span> fiber anciently used <a href="#Page_572">572</a><br /> +<br /> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_752" id="Page_752">[Pg 752]</a></span> +<span class="smcap">Zagnato</span>, an Awatobi synonym <a href="#Page_594">594</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Zaguate</span>, an Awatobi synonym <a href="#Page_594">594</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Zaguato</span>, an Awatobi synonym <a href="#Page_594">594</a><br /> +<span class="smcap">Zinni-jinne</span>, <i>see</i> <span class="smcap"><a href="#Kinnazinde">Kinnazinde</a></span>.<br /> +<span class="smcap"><a name="Zu" id="Zu"></a>Zuñi</span> and other pottery compared <a href="#Page_623">623</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Zuñi</span>] origin of Kintiel <a href="#Page_534">534</a>, <a href="#Page_591">591</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Zuñi</span>], Shalako ceremony of <a href="#Page_700">700</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Zuñi</span>], snake figures on pottery of <a href="#Page_677">677</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Zuñi</span>], southern origin of clans of <a href="#Page_574">574</a><br /> +[<span class="smcap">Zuñi</span>], stick-swallowing at <a href="#Page_664">664</a><br /> +</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3>Transcriber's Notes:</h3> + + +<p>Some illustrations have been repositioned to avoid breaking up the +text. Page numbers in the List of Illustrations refer to the original printed report. +The Index has been edited to list only the topics contained in this report.<br /> +</p> +<p><a href="#Page_522">Page 522</a>, Table of Contents: Ornaments, necklaces, and gorgets (page 733) in original report +changed to Necklaces, gorgets, and other ornaments to match the actual section heading.<br /> +</p> +<p><a href="#Page_525">Page 525</a>, List of Illustrations: CXXXV, <i>a</i> in original report changed to +CXXXV, <i>b</i> to match the actual caption.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">(Fig. 270. Outline of plate CXXXV, _a_)</span><br /> +</p> +<p><a href="#Page_526">Page 526</a>, List of Illustrations: triangles in original report changed to triangle +to match the actual captions.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">(Fig. 336. Double triangles) and</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">(Fig. 337. Double triangles and feathers)</span><br /> +</p> + +<p>Page <a href="#Page_652">652</a>: attemps in original report changed to attempts.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">(The first attemps at ornamentation)</span><br /> +</p> +<p>Page 688, Footnote 1 in original report, now <a href="#Footnote_145_145">Footnote 145</a>:<br /> +annulets is possibly a typo for amulets.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">(ceremonial paraphernalia, as annulets, placed on sand pictures)</span><br /> +</p> +<p>Page <a href="#Page_702">702</a>: respresented in original report changed to represented.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">(A large number of crosses are respresented in plate)</span><br /> +</p> +<p>Page <a href="#Page_706">706</a>: Sityatki in original report changed to Sikyatki.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">(animal figures are unknown in this position in Sityatki pottery;)</span><br /> +</p> +<p>Page 709 in original report, now page <a href="#Page_708">708</a>: lines in original report changed to line.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">(Fig. 288--Single lines with triangles)</span><br /> +</p> +<p>Page <a href="#Page_731">731</a>: to-day in original report changed to today for consistency.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">(tethering in use today.)</span><br /> +</p> +<p>Page <a href="#Page_737">737</a>: offerigs in original report changed to offerings.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">(ancient prayer offerigs)</span><br /> +</p> +<p>Page <a href="#Page_741">741</a>: accompaning in original report changed to accompanying.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">(is set forth in the accompaning letter)</span><br /> +</p> +<p>Page <a href="#Page_744">744</a>: In Appendix, Plate CLXXIII, <i>f</i>, the 5th digit of number<br /> +is missing in original report; represented by a question mark.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">(<i>f</i>, 1561 0;)</span><br /> +</p> +<p><a href="#PL_CXL">Plate CXL</a>: SITYATKI in original report changed to SIKYATKI.<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;">(FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SITYATKI)</span><br /> +</p> +<p>All other spelling and accent variations and inconsistencies have not +been changed from the original document, except for minor punctuation +corrections.<br /> +</p> + + + + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Archeological Expedition to Arizona in +1895, by Jesse Walter Fewkes + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EXPEDITION TO ARIZONA *** + +***** This file should be named 23691-h.htm or 23691-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/2/3/6/9/23691/ + +Produced by PM for Bureau of American Ethnology, Carlo +Traverso, Diane Monico, and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was +produced from images generously made available by the +Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF/Gallica) at +http://gallica.bnf.fr) + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Archeological Expedition to Arizona in 1895 + Seventeenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American + Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, + 1895-1896, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1898, + pages 519-744 + +Author: Jesse Walter Fewkes + +Release Date: December 3, 2007 [EBook #23691] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EXPEDITION TO ARIZONA *** + + + + +Produced by PM for Bureau of American Ethnology, Carlo +Traverso, Diane Monico, and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was +produced from images generously made available by the +Bibliotheque nationale de France (BnF/Gallica) at +http://gallica.bnf.fr) + + + + + + + + + +ARCHEOLOGICAL EXPEDITION TO ARIZONA IN 1895 + +BY + +JESSE WALTER FEWKES + + + + +CONTENTS + + + Page +Introductory note 527 +Plan of the expedition 529 +Ruins in Verde valley 536 + Classification of the ruins 536 + Cavate dwellings 537 + Montezuma Well 546 + Cliff houses of the Red-rocks 548 + Ruins near Schuermann's ranch 550 + Palatki 553 + Honanki 558 + Objects found at Palatki and Honanki 569 + Conclusions regarding the Verde valley ruins 573 +Ruins in Tusayan 577 + General features 577 + The Middle Mesa ruins 582 + Shunopovi 582 + Mishoninovi 582 + Chukubi 583 + Payuepki 583 + The East Mesa ruins 585 + Kuechaptuevela and Kisakobi 585 + Kuekuechomo 586 + Kachinba 589 + Tukinobi 589 + Jeditoh valley ruins 589 + Awatobi 592 + Characteristics of the ruin 592 + Nomenclature of Awatobi 594 + Historical knowledge of Awatobi 595 + Legend of the destruction of Awatobi 603 + Evidences of fire in the destruction 606 + The ruins of the mission 606 + The kivas of Awatobi 611 + Old Awatobi 614 + Rooms of the western mound 614 + Smaller Awatobi 617 + Mortuary remains 617 + Shrines 619 + Pottery 621 + Stone implements 625 + Bone objects 627 + Miscellaneous objects 628 + Ornaments in the form of birds and shells 628 + Clay bell 628 + Textile fabrics 629 + Prayer-sticks--Pigments 630 + Objects showing Spanish influence 631 + The ruins of Sikyatki 631 + Traditional knowledge of the pueblo 631 + Nomenclature 636 + Former inhabitants of Sikyatki 636 + General features 637 + The acropolis 643 + Modern gardens 646 + The cemeteries 646 + Pottery 650 + Characteristics--Mortuary pottery 650 + Coiled and indented ware 651 + Smooth undecorated ware 652 + Polished decorated ware 652 + Paleography of the pottery 657 + General features 657 + Human figures 660 + The human hand 666 + Quadrupeds 668 + Reptiles 671 + Tadpoles 677 + Butterflies or moths 678 + Dragon-flies 680 + Birds 682 + Vegetal designs 698 + The sun 699 + Geometric figures 701 + Interpretation of the figures 701 + Crosses 702 + Terraced figures 703 + The crook 703 + The germinative symbol 704 + Broken lines 704 + Decorations on the exterior of food bowls 705 + Pigments 728 + Stone objects 729 + Obsidian 732 + Necklaces, gorgets, and other ornaments 733 + Tobacco pipes 733 + Prayer-sticks 736 + Marine shells and other objects 739 + Perishable contents of mortuary food bowls 741 +FOOTNOTES +APPENDIX 743 +INDEX 745 + + + + +ILLUSTRATIONS + + +PLATE Page +XCI_a_. Cavate dwellings--Rio Verde 537 +XCI_b_. Cavate dwellings--Oak creek 539 +XCII. Entrances to cavate ruins 541 +XCIII. Bowlder with pictographs near Wood's ranch 545 +XCIV. Montezuma Well 547 +XCV. Cliff house, Montezuma Well 549 +XCVI. Ruin on the brink of Montezuma Well 551 +XCVII. Pictographs near Cliff ranch, Verde valley 553 +XCVIII. The Red-rocks; Temple canyon 555 +XCIX. Palatki (Ruin I) 557 +C. Palatki (Ruin I) 559 +CI. Front wall of Palatki (Ruin II) 561 +CII Honanki (Ruin II) 563 +CIII. Walls of Honanki 565 +CIV. Approach to main part of Honanki 567 +CV. Map of the ruins of Tusayan 583 +CVI. The ruins of Kuekuechomo 587 +CVII. Ground plan of Awatobi 603 +CVIII. Ruins of San Bernardino de Awatobi 607 +CIX. Excavations in the western mound of Awatobi 615 +CX. Excavated room in the western mound of Awatobi 617 +CXI. Vase and mugs from the western mounds of Awatobi 618 +CXII. Paint pots, vase, and dipper from Awatobi 620 +CXIII. Pottery from intramural burial at Awatobi 622 +CXIV. Bone implements from Awatobi and Sikyatki 626 +CXV. Sikyatki mounds from the Kanelba trail 637 +CXVI. Ground plan of Sikyatki 639 +CXVII. Excavated rooms on the acropolis of Sikyatki 643 +CXVIII. Plan of excavated rooms on the acropolis of Sikyatki 644 +CXIX. Coiled and indented pottery from Sikyatki 650 +CXX. Saucers and slipper bowls from Sikyatki 652 +CXXI. Decorated pottery from Sikyatki 654 +CXXII. Decorated pottery from Sikyatki 654 +CXXIII. Decorated pottery from Sikyatki 657 +CXXIV. Decorated pottery from Sikyatki 660 +CXXV. Flat dippers and medicine box from Sikyatki 662 +CXXVI. Double-lobe vases from Sikyatki 664 +CXXVII. Unusual forms of vases from Sikyatki 666 +CXXVIII. Medicine box and pigment pots from Sikyatki 668 +CXXIX. Designs on food bowls from Sikyatki 670 +CXXX. Food bowls with figures of quadrupeds from Sikyatki 672 +CXXXI. Ornamented ladles from Sikyatki 674 +CXXXII. Food bowls with figures of reptiles from Sikyatki 676 +CXXXIII. Bowls and dippers with figures of tadpoles, birds, + etc., from Sikyatki 676 +CXXXIV. Food bowls with figures of sun, butterfly, and flower, + from Sikyatki 676 +CXXXV. Vases with figures of butterflies from Sikyatki 678 +CXXXVI. Vases with figures of birds and feathers from Sikyatki 678 +CXXXVII. Vessels with figures of human hand, birds, turtle, + etc., from Sikyatki 680 +CXXXVIII. Food bowls with figures of birds from Sikyatki 682 +CXXXIX. Food bowls with figures of birds from Sikyatki 684 +CXL. Figures of birds from Sikyatki 686 +CXLI. Food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from + Sikyatki 688 +CXLII. Vases, bowls, and ladle with figures of feathers from + Sikyatki 688 +CXLIII. Vase with figures of birds from Sikyatki 690 +CXLIV. Vase with figures of birds from Sikyatki 690 +CXLV. Vases with figures of birds from Sikyatki 690 +CXLVI. Bowls and potsherd with figures of birds from Sikyatki 692 +CXLVII. Food bowls with figures of birds from Sikyatki 692 +CXLVIII. Food bowls with symbols of feathers from Sikyatki 694 +CXLIX. Food bowls with symbols of feathers from Sikyatki 694 +CL. Figures of birds and feathers from Sikyatki 696 +CLI. Figures of birds and feathers from Sikyatki 696 +CLII. Food bowls with bird, feather, and flower symbols from + Sikyatki 698 +CLIII. Food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from + Sikyatki 698 +CLIV. Food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from + Sikyatki 700 +CLV. Food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from + Sikyatki 700 +CLVI. Food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from + Sikyatki 700 +CLVII. Figures of birds and feathers from Sikyatki 702 +CLVIII. Food bowls with figures of sun and related symbols + from Sikyatki 702 +CLIX. Cross and related designs from Sikyatki 704 +CLX. Cross and other symbols from Sikyatki 704 +CLXI. Star, sun, and related symbols from Sikyatki 704 +CLXII. Geometric ornamentation from Sikyatki 706 +CLXIII. Food bowls with geometric ornamentation from Sikyatki 708 +CLXIV. Food bowls with geometric ornamentation from Sikyatki 710 +CLXV. Food bowls with geometric ornamentation from Sikyatki 714 +CLXVI. Linear figures on food bowls from Sikyatki 718 +CLXVII. Geometric ornamentation from Awatobi 722 +CLXVIII. Geometric ornamentation from Awatobi 726 +CLXIX. Arrowshaft smoothers, selenite, and symbolic corn from + Sikyatki 728 +CLXX. Corn grinder from Sikyatki 730 +CLXXI. Stone implements from Palatki, Awatobi, and Sikyatki 732 +CLXXII. Paint grinder, fetish, lignite, and kaolin disks from + Sikyatki 734 +CLXXIII. Pipes, bell, clay birds, and shells from Awatobi and + Sikyatki 736 +CLXXIV. Pahos or prayer-sticks from Sikyatki 738 +CLXXV. Pahos or prayer-sticks from Sikyatki 738 + +FIGURE +245. Plan of cavate dwelling on Rio Verde 540 +246. Casa Montezuma on Beaver creek 552 +247. Ground plan of Palatki (Ruins I and II) 554 +248. Ground plan of Honanki 559 +249. The main ruin of Honanki 562 +250. Structure of wall of Honanki 564 +251. Stone implement from Honanki 571 +252. Tinder tube from Honanki 572 +253. Kuekuechomo 587 +254. Defensive wall on the East Mesa 588 +255. Ground plan of San Bernardino de Awatobi 608 +256. Structure of house wall of Awatobi 615 +257. Alosaka shrine at Awatobi 620 +258. Shrine at Awatobi 621 +259. Shrine at Awatobi 621 +260. Shrine at Awatobi 621 +261. Clay bell from Awatobi 629 +262. The acropolis of Sikyatki 644 +263. War god shooting an animal (fragment of food bowl) 665 +264. Mountain sheep 669 +265. Mountain lion 670 +266. Plumed serpent 672 +267. Unknown reptile 674 +268. Unknown reptile 675 +269. Unknown reptile 676 +270. Outline of plate CXXXV, _b_ 678 +271. Butterfly design on upper surface of plate CXXXV, _b_ 679 +272. Man-eagle 683 +273. Pendent feather ornaments on a vase 690 +274. Upper surface of vase with bird decoration 691 +275. Kwataka eating an animal 692 +276. Decoration on the bottom of plate CXLVI, _f_ 694 +277. Oblique parallel line decoration 706 +278. Parallel lines fused at one point 706 +279. Parallel lines with zigzag arrangement 706 +280. Parallel lines connected by middle bar 707 +281. Parallel lines of different width; serrate margin 707 +282. Parallel lines of different width; median serrate 707 +283. Parallel lines of different width; marginal serrate 707 +284. Parallel lines and triangles 708 +285. Line with alternate triangles 708 +286. Single line with alternate spurs 708 +287. Single line with hourglass figures 708 +288. Single line with triangles 709 +289. Single line with alternate triangles and ovals 709 +290. Triangles and quadrilaterals 709 +291. Triangle with spurs 709 +292. Rectangle with single line 709 +293. Double triangle; multiple lines 710 +294. Double triangle; terraced edges 710 +295. Single line; closed fret 710 +296. Single line; open fret 711 +297. Single line; broken fret 711 +298. Single line; parts displaced 711 +299. Open fret; attachment displaced 711 +300. Simple rectangular design 711 +301. Rectangular S-form 712 +302. Rectangular S-form with crooks 712 +303. Rectangular S-form with triangles 712 +304. Rectangular S-form with terraced triangles 712 +305. S-form with interdigitating spurs 713 +306. Square with rectangles and parallel lines 713 +307. Rectangles, triangles, stars, and feathers 713 +308. Crook, feathers, and parallel lines 713 +309. Crooks and feathers 714 +310. Rectangle, triangles, and feathers 714 +311. Terraced crook, triangle, and feathers 714 +312. Double key 715 +313. Triangular terrace 715 +314. Crook, serrate end 715 +315. Key pattern; rectangle and triangles 716 +316. Rectangle and crook 716 +317. Crook and tail-feathers 716 +318. Rectangle, triangle, and serrate spurs 717 +319. W-pattern; terminal crooks 717 +320. W-pattern; terminal rectangles 717 +321. W-pattern; terminal terraces and crooks 718 +322. W-pattern; terminal spurs 718 +323. W-pattern; bird form 719 +324. W-pattern; median triangle 719 +325. Double triangle; two breath feathers 720 +326. Double triangle; median trapezoid 720 +327. Double triangle; median rectangle 720 +328. Double compound triangle; median rectangle 720 +329. Double triangle; median triangle 721 +330. Double compound triangle 721 +331. Double rectangle; median rectangle 721 +332. Double rectangle; median triangle 721 +333. Double triangle with crooks 722 +334. W-shape figure; single line with feathers 722 +335. Compound rectangles, triangles, and feathers 722 +336. Double triangle 722 +337. Double triangle and feathers 723 +338. Twin triangles 723 +339. Triangle with terraced appendages 723 +340. Mosaic pattern 723 +341. Rectangles, stars, crooks, and parallel lines 724 +342. Continuous crooks 724 +343. Rectangular terrace pattern 724 +344. Terrace pattern with parallel lines 725 +345. Terrace pattern 725 +346. Triangular pattern with feathers 725 +347. S-pattern 726 +348. Triangular and terrace figures 726 +349. Crook, terrace, and parallel lines 726 +350. Triangles, squares, and terraces 726 +351. Bifurcated rectangular design 727 +352. Lines of life and triangles 727 +353. Infolded triangles 727 +354. Human hand 728 +355. Animal paw, limb, and triangle 728 +356. Kaolin disk 729 +357. Mortuary prayer-stick 736 + + + + +ARCHEOLOGICAL EXPEDITION TO ARIZONA IN 1895 + +By JESSE WALTER FEWKES + + + + +INTRODUCTORY NOTE + + +About the close of May, 1895, I was invited to make a collection of +objects for the National Museum, illustrating the archeology of the +Southwest, especially that phase of pueblo life pertaining to the +so-called cliff houses. I was specially urged to make as large a +collection as possible, and the choice of locality was generously left +to my discretion. + +Leaving Washington on the 25th of May, I obtained a collection and +returned with it to that city on the 15th of September, having spent +three months in the field. The material brought back by the expedition +was catalogued under 966 entries, numbering somewhat over a thousand +specimens. The majority of these objects are fine examples of mortuary +pottery of excellent character, fully 500 of which are decorated. + +I was particularly fortunate in my scientific collaborators. Mr F. W. +Hodge, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, joined me at Sikyatki, and +remained with the expedition until it disbanded, at the close of +August. Much of my success in the work at that ruin was due to his +advice and aid. He was constantly at the excavations, and the majority +of the beautiful specimens were taken out of the graves by him. It is +with the greatest pleasure that I am permitted to express my +appreciation of his assistance in my archeological investigations at +Sikyatki. Mr G. P. Winship, now librarian of the John Carter Brown +Library at Providence, visited our camp at the ruin mentioned, and +remained with us a few weeks, rendering important aid and adding an +enthusiastic student to our number. Mr James S. Judd was a volunteer +assistant while we were at Sikyatki, aiding me in many ways, +especially in the management of our camp. I need only to refer to the +beautiful drawings which accompany this memoir to show how much I am +indebted to Mrs Hodge for faithful colored figures of the remarkable +pottery uncovered from the Tusayan sands. My party included Mr S. +Goddard, of Prescott, Arizona, who served as cook and driver, and Mr +Erwin Baer, of the same city, as photographer. The manual work at the +ruins was done by a number of young Indians from the East Mesa, who +very properly were employed on the Moki reservation. An all too +prevalent and often unjust criticism that Indians will not work if +paid for their labor, was not voiced by any of our party. They gave +many a weary hour's labor in the hot sun, in their enthusiasm to make +the collection as large as possible. + +On my return to Washington I was invited to prepare a preliminary +account of my work in the field, which the Secretary of the +Smithsonian Institution did me the honor to publish in his report for +1895. This report was of a very general character, and from necessity +limited in pages; consequently it presented only the more salient +features of my explorations. + +The following account was prepared as a more exhaustive discussion of +the results of my summer's work. The memoir is much more extended than +I had expected to make it when I accepted the invitation to collect +archeological objects for the Museum, and betrays, I fear, +imperfections due to the limited time spent in the field. The main +object of the expedition was a collection of specimens, the majority +of which, now on exhibition in the National Museum, tell their own +story regarding its success. + +I am under deep obligations to the officers of the Smithsonian +Institution, the National Museum, and the Bureau of American Ethnology +for many kindnesses, and wish especially to express my thanks to Mr S. +P. Langley, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, for the +opportunity to study the ancient ruins of Tusayan. Nothing had a +greater influence on my final decision to abandon other congenial work +and undertake this, than my profound respect for the late Dr G. Brown +Goode, who suggested the expedition to me and urged me to plan and +undertake it. + + JESSE WALTER FEWKES. + +_Washington, May, 1897._ + + + + +PLAN OF THE EXPEDITION + + +It seemed to me in making a plan for archeological field work in 1895, +that the prehistoric cliff houses, cave dwellings, and ruined pueblos +of Arizona afforded valuable opportunities for research, and past +experience induced me to turn my steps more especially to the northern +and northeastern parts of the territory.[1] The ruins of ancient +habitations in these regions had been partially, and, I believe, +unsatisfactorily explored, especially those in a limited area called +Tusayan, now inhabited by the Moki or Hopi Indians. These agricultural +people claim to be descendants of those who once lived in the now +deserted villages of that province. + +I had some knowledge of the ethnology of the Hopi, derived from +several summers' field work among them, and I believed this +information could be successfully utilized in an attempt to solve +certain archeological questions which presented themselves.[2] I +desired, among other things, to obtain new information on the former +extension, in one direction, of the ancestral abodes of certain clans +of the sedentary people of Tusayan which are now limited to six +pueblos in the northeastern part of the territory. In carrying out +this general plan I made an examination of cliff dwellings and other +ruins in Verde valley, and undertook an exploration of two old pueblos +near the Hopi villages. The reason which determined my choice of the +former as a field for investigation was a wish to obtain archeological +data bearing on certain Tusayan traditions. It is claimed by the +traditionists of Walpi, especially those of the Patki[3] or +Water-house phratry, that their ancestors came from a land far to the +south of Tusayan, to which they give the name Palatkwabi. The +situation of this mythic place is a matter of considerable conjecture, +but it was thought that an archeological examination of the country at +or near the headwaters of the Rio Verde and its tributaries might shed +light on this tradition. + +It is not claimed, however, that all the ancestors of the Tusayan +people migrated from the south, nor do I believe that those who came +from that direction necessarily passed through Verde valley. Some, no +doubt, came from Tonto Basin, but I believe it can be shown that a +continuous line of ruins, similar in details of architecture, extend +along this river from its junction with Salt river to well-established +prehistoric dwelling places of the Hopi people. Similar lines may +likewise be traced along other northern tributaries of the Salt or the +Gila, which may be found to indicate early migration stages. + +The ruins of Verde valley were discovered in 1854 by Antoine Leroux, a +celebrated guide and trapper of his time, and were thus described by +Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner in the following year: + + The river banks were covered with ruins of stone houses and + regular fortifications; which, he [Leroux] says, appeared to + have been the work of civilized men, but had not been + occupied for centuries. They were built upon the most + fertile tracts of the valley, where were signs of acequias + and of cultivation. The walls were of solid masonry, of + rectangular form, some twenty or thirty paces in length, and + yet remaining ten or fifteen feet in height. The buildings + were of two stories, with small apertures or loopholes for + defence when besieged.... In other respects, however, Leroux + says that they reminded him of the great pueblos of the + Moquinos.[4] + +A fragment of folklore, which is widely distributed among both the +aboriginal peoples of Gila valley and the modern Tusayan Indians, +recounts how the latter were at one time in communication with the +people of the south, and traditions of both distinctly connect the +sedentary people of Tusayan with those who formerly inhabited the +great pueblos, now in ruins, dotting the plain in the delta between +Gila and Salt rivers. That archeology might give valuable information +on this question had long been my conviction, and was the main +influence which led me to the studies recorded in the following pages. + +An examination of a map of Arizona will show that one of the pathways +or feasible routes of travel possible to have been used in any +connection between the pueblos of the Gila and those of northern +Arizona would naturally be along Rio Verde valley. Its tributaries +rise at the foot of San Francisco mountains, and the main river +empties into the Salt, traversing from north to south a comparatively +fertile valley, in the main advantageous for the subsistence of +semisedentary bands in their migrations. Here was a natural highway +leading from the Gila pueblos, now in ruins, to the former villages in +the north. + +The study of the archeology of Verde valley had gone far enough to +show that the banks of the river were formerly the sites of many and +populous pueblos, while the neighboring mesas from one end to another +are riddled with cavate dwellings or crowned with stone buildings. +Northward from that famous crater-like depression in the Verde region, +the so-called Montezuma Well on Beaver creek, one of the affluents of +the Rio Verde, little archeological exploration had been attempted. +There was, in other words, a break in the almost continuous series of +ruins from Tusayan as far south as the Gila. Ruined towns had been +reported as existing not far southward from San Francisco +mountains,[5] and from there by easy stages the abodes of a former +race had been detected at intervals all the way to the Tusayan +pueblos. At either end the chain of ruins between the Tusayan towns +and the Gila ruins was unbroken, but middle links were wanting. All +conditions imply former habitations in this untrodden hiatus, the +region between the Verde and the Tusayan series, ending near the +present town of Flagstaff, Arizona; but southward from that town the +country was broken and impassable, a land where the foot of the +archeologist had not trodden. Remains of human habitations had, +however, been reported by ranchmen, but these reports were vague and +unsatisfactory. So far as they went they confirmed my suspicions, and +there were other significant facts looking the same way. The color of +the red cliffs fulfilled the Tusayan tradition of Palatkwabi, or their +former home in the far south. Led by all these considerations, before +I took to the field I had long been convinced that this must have been +one of the homes of certain Hopi clans, and when the occasion +presented itself I determined to follow the northward extension of the +ancient people of the Verde into these rugged rocks. By my discoveries +in this region of ruins indicative of dwellings of great size in +ancient times I have supplied the missing links in the chain of +ancient dwellings extending from the great towns of the Gila to the +ruins west of the modern Tusayan towns. If this line of ruins, +continuous from Gila valley to Tusayan and beyond, be taken in +connection with legends ascribing Casa Grande to the Hopi and those of +certain Tusayan clans which tell of the homes of their ancestors in +the south, a plausible explanation is offered for the many +similarities between two apparently widely different peoples, and the +theory of a kinship between southern and northern sedentary tribes of +Arizona does not seem as unlikely as it might otherwise appear. + +The reader will notice that I accept without question the belief that +the so-called cliff dwellers were not a distinct people, but a +specially adaptive condition of life of a race whose place of +habitation was determined by its environment. We are considering a +people who sometimes built dwellings in caverns and sometimes in the +plains, but often in both places at the same epoch. Moreover, as long +ago pointed out by other students, the existing Pueblo Indians are +descendants of a people who at times lived in cliffs, and some of the +Tusayan clans have inhabited true cliff houses in the historic period. +By intermarriage with nomadic races and from other causes the +character of Pueblo consanguinity is no doubt somewhat different from +that of their ancient kin, but the character of the culture, as shown +by a comparison of cliff-house and modern objects, has not greatly +changed. + +While recognizing the kinship of the Pueblos and the Cliff villagers, +this resemblance is not restricted to any one pueblo or group of +modern pueblos to the exclusion of others. Of all modern +differentiations of this ancient substratum of culture of which cliff +villages are one adaptive expression, the Tusayan Indians are the +nearest of all existing people of the Southwest[6] to the ancient +people of Arizona. + +The more southerly ruins of Tusayan, which I have been able +satisfactorily to identify and to designate by a Hopi name, are those +called Homolobi, situated not far from Winslow, Arizona, near where +the railroad crosses the Little Colorado. These ruins are claimed by +the Hopi as the former residences of their ancestors, and were halting +places in the migration of certain clans from the south. They were +examined by Mr Cosmos Mindeleff, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, +in 1893,[7] but no report on them has yet been published. + +While, however, the Homolobi group of ruins is the most southerly to +which I have been able to affix a Hopi name, others still more to the +southward are claimed by certain of their traditions.[8] The Hopi +likewise regard as homes of their ancestors certain habitations, now +in ruins, near San Francisco mountains. In a report on his exploration +of Zuni and Little Colorado rivers in 1852, Captain L. Sitgreaves +called attention to several interesting ruins, one of which was not +far from the "cascades" of the latter river. After ascending the +plateau, which he found covered with volcanic detritus, he discovered +that "all the prominent points" were "occupied by the ruins of stone +houses, which were in some instances three stories in height. They are +evidently," he says, "the remains of a large town, as they occurred at +intervals for an extent of eight or nine miles, and the ground was +thickly strewn with fragments of pottery in all directions." + +In 1884 a portion of Colonel James Stevenson's expedition, under F. D. +Bickford, examined the cliff houses in Walnut canyon, and in 1886 +Major J. W. Powell and Colonel Stevenson found scattered ruins north +of San Francisco mountains having one, two, or three rooms, each +"built of basaltic cinders and blocks of lava." These explorers +likewise reported ruins of extensive dwellings in the same region +made of sandstone and limestone. At about 25 miles north of the +mountains mentioned they discovered a small volcanic cone of cinders +and basalt, which was formerly the site of a village or pueblo built +around a crater, and estimated that this little pueblo contained 60 or +70 rooms, with a plaza occupying one-third of an acre of surface.[9] + +Twelve miles eastward from San Francisco mountains they found another +cinder cone resembling a dome, and on its southern slope, in a +coherent cinder mass, were many chambers, of which one hundred and +fifty are said to have been excavated. They mention the existence on +the summit of this cone of a plaza inclosed by a rude wall of volcanic +cinders, with a carefully leveled floor. The former inhabitants of +these rooms apparently lived in underground chambers hewn from the +volcanic formation. Eighteen miles farther eastward was another ruined +village built about the crater of a volcanic cone. Several villages +were discovered in this locality and many natural caves which had been +utilized as dwellings by inclosing them in front with walls of +volcanic rocks and cinders. These cavate rooms were arranged tier +above tier in a very irregular way. + +At this place three distinct kinds of ruins were found--cliff +villages, cave dwellings, and pueblos. Eight miles southeastward from +Flagstaff, in Oak creek canyon, a cliff house of several hundred rooms +was discovered. It was concluded that all these ruins were abandoned +at a comparatively recent date, or not more than three or four +centuries ago, and the Havasupai Indians of Cataract canyon were +regarded as descendants of the former inhabitants of these villages. +The situation of some of these ruins and the published descriptions +would indicate that some of them were similar to those described and +figured by Sitgreaves,[10] to which reference has already been made. + +In 1896 two amateur explorers, George Campbell and Everett Howell, of +Flagstaff, reported that they had found, about eighteen miles from +that place, several well-preserved cliff towns and a remarkable tunnel +excavation. The whole region in the immediate neighborhood of San +Francisco mountains appears, therefore, to have been populated in +ancient times by an agricultural people, and legends ascribe some of +these ruins to ancestors of the Hopi Indians. + +There are several ruins due south of Tusayan which have not been +investigated, but which would furnish important contributions to a +study of Hopi migrations. Near Saint Johns, Arizona, likewise, there +are ruins of considerable size, possibly referable to the Cibolan +series; and south of Holbrook, which lies about due south of Walpi, +there are ruins, the pottery from which I have examined and found to +be of the black-and-white ware typical of the Cliff people. Perhaps, +however, no ruined pueblo presents more interesting problems than the +magnificent Pueblo Grande or Kintiel, about 20 miles north of Navaho +Springs. This large ruin, lying between the Cibolan and Tusayan +groups, has been referred to both of these provinces, and would, if +properly excavated, shed much light on the archeology of the two +provinces.[11] Kinnazinde lies not far from Kintiel. + +The ruins reported from Tonto Basin, of which little is known, may +later be found to be connected with early migrations of those Hopi +clans which claim southern origin. From what I can judge by the +present appearance of ruins just north of the Mogollon mountains, in a +direct line between Tonto Basin and the present Tusayan towns, there +is nothing to show the age of these ruined villages, and it is quite +likely that they may have been inhabited in the middle of the +sixteenth century. While it is commonly agreed that the province of +"Totonteac," which figures extensively in certain early Spanish +narratives, was the same as Tusayan, the linguistic similarity of the +word to "tonto" has been suggested by others. In the troublesome years +between 1860 and 1870 the Hopi, decimated by disease and harried by +nomads, sent delegates to Prescott asking to be removed to Tonto +Basin, and it is not improbable that in making this reasonable request +they simply wished to return to a place which they associated with +their ancestors, who had been driven out by the Apache. Totonteac[12] +is ordinarily thought to be the same as Tusayan, but it may have +included some of the southern pueblos now in ruins west of Zuni. + +Having determined that the line of Verde ruins was continued into the +Red-rock country, it was desirable to see how the latter compared with +those nearer Tusayan. This necessitated reexamination of many ruins in +Verde valley, which was my aim during the most of June. I followed +this valley from the cavate dwellings near Squaw mountain past the +great ruin in the neighborhood of Old Camp Verde, the unique Montezuma +Well, to the base of the Red-rocks. Throughout this region I saw, as +had been expected, no change in the character of the ruins great +enough to indicate that they originally were inhabited by peoples +racially different. Stopped from further advance by a barrier of +rugged cliffs, I turned westward along their base until I found +similar ruins, which were named Palatki and Honanki. Having satisfied +myself that there was good evidence that the numbers of ancient +people were as great here as at any point in the Verde valley and that +their culture was similar, I continued the work with an examination of +the ruins north of the Red-rocks, where there is substantial evidence +that these were likewise of the same general character. + +The last two months of the summer, July and August, 1895, were devoted +to explorations of two Tusayan ruins, called Awatobi and Sikyatki. In +this work, apparently unconnected with that already outlined, I still +had in mind the light to be shed on the problem of Tusayan origin. The +question which presented itself was: How are these ruins related to +the modern pueblos? Awatobi was a historic ruin, destroyed in 1700, +and therefore somewhat influenced by the Spaniards. Many of the +survivors became amalgamated with pueblos still inhabited. Its kinship +with the surviving villagers was clear. Sikyatki, however, was +overthrown in prehistoric times, and at its destruction part of its +people went to Awatobi. Its culture was prehistoric. The discovery of +what these two ruins teach, by bringing prehistoric Tusayan culture +down to the present time and comparing them with the ruins of Verde +valley and southern Arizona, is of great archeological interest. + +While engaged in preparing this report, having in fact written most of +it, I received Mr Cosmos Mindeleff's valuable article on the Verde +ruins,[13] in which special attention is given to the cavate lodges +and villages of this interesting valley. This contribution anticipates +many of my observations on these two groups of aboriginal habitations, +and renders it unnecessary to describe them in the detailed manner I +had planned. I shall therefore touch but briefly on these ruins, +paying special attention to the cliff houses of Verde valley, situated +in the Red-rock country. This variety of dwelling was overlooked in +both Mearns' and Mindeleff's classifications, from the fact that it +seems to be confined to the region of the valley characterized by the +red-rock formation, which appears not to have been explored by them. +The close resemblance of these cliff houses to those of the region +north of Tusayan is instructive, in view of the ground, well taken, I +believe, by Mr Mindeleff, that there is a close likeness between the +Verde ruins and those farther north, especially in Tusayan. + + + + +RUINS IN VERDE VALLEY + +CLASSIFICATION OF THE RUINS + + +The ruined habitations in the valley of the Rio Verde may be +considered under three divisions or types, differing in form, but +essentially the same in character. In adopting this classification, +which is by no means restricted to this single valley, I do not claim +originality, but follow that used by the best writers on this subject. +My limitation of the types and general definitions may, however, be +found to differ somewhat from those of my predecessors. + +The three groups of ruins in our Southwest are the following: + + I--Pueblos, or Independent habitations. + II--Cliff Houses } +III--Cavate Dwellings } Dependent habitations. + +In the first group are placed those ancient or modern habitations +which are isolated, on all sides, from cliffs. They may be situated in +valleys or on elevations or mesas; they may be constructed of clay, +adobe, or stone of various kinds, but are always isolated from cliffs. +They are single or multiple chambered, circular or rectangular in +shape, and may have been built either as permanent habitations or as +temporary outlooks. Their main feature is freedom, on all sides except +the foundation, from cliffs or walls of rock in place. + +The second group includes those not isolated from natural cliffs, but +with some part of their lateral walls formed by natural rock in situ, +and are built ordinarily in caverns with overhanging roofs, which the +highest courses of their walls do not join. Generally erected in +caves, their front walls never close the entrances to those caverns. +This kind of aboriginal buildings may, like the former, vary in +structural material; but, so far as I know, they are not, for obvious +reasons, made of adobe alone. + +The third kind of pueblo dwellings are called cavate dwellings or +lodges, a group which includes that peculiar kind of aboriginal +dwelling where the rooms are excavated from the cliff wall, forming +caves, where natural rock is a support or more often serves as the +wall itself of the dwelling. The entrance may be partially closed by +masonry, the floor laid with flat stones, and the sides plastered with +clay; but never in this group is there a roof distinct from the top of +the cave. + +Naturally cavate dwellings grade into cliff houses, but neither of +these types can be confounded with the first group, which affords us +no difficulty in identification. All these kinds of dwellings were +made by people of the same culture, the character of the habitation +depending on geological environment. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCI^_a_ + +CAVATE DWELLINGS--RIO VERDE] + +In Verde valley, villages, cliff houses, and cavate dwellings exist +together, and were, I believe, contemporaneously inhabited by a people +of the same culture. + +These types of ancient habitations are not believed to stand in the +relationship of sequence in development; nor is one simpler or less +difficult of construction than the others. Cliff houses display no +less skill and daring than do the villages in the plain, called +pueblos. The cavate dwellings are likewise a form of habitation which +shows considerable workmanship, and are far from caves like those +inhabited by "cave men." These dwellings were laboriously excavated +with rude implements; had floors, banquettes, windows, walled +recesses, and the like. It is hardly proper to regard them, as less +difficult to construct than pueblos or cliff houses. + +Cavate dwellings, like villages or cliff houses, may be single or +multiple, single or many chambered, and a cluster of these troglodytic +dwellings was, in fact, as truly a village as a pueblo or cliff house. +The same principle of seeking safety by crowding together held in all +three instances; and this very naturally, for the culture of the +inhabitants was identical. I shall consider only two of the three +types of dwellings in Verde valley, namely, the second and third +groups. + +It has, I think, been conclusively shown by Mr Cosmos Mindeleff, so +far as types of the first group of ruins on the Verde are concerned, +that they practically do not differ from the modern Tusayan pueblos. +The remaining types, when rightly interpreted, furnish evidence of no +less important character. Notwithstanding Mindeleff's excellent +descriptions of the cavate dwellings of this region, already cited, I +have thought it well to bring into prominence certain features which +seem to me to indicate that this form of aboriginal dwelling was high +in its development, showing considerable skill in its construction, +and was fashioned on the same general plan as the others. For this +demonstration I have chosen one of the most striking clusters in Verde +valley. + + +CAVATE DWELLINGS + +The most accessible cavate dwellings in Verde valley (plate XCI _a_) +are situated on the left bank of the river, about eight miles +southward from Camp Verde and three miles from the mouth of Clear +creek. The general characteristics of this group have been well +described by Mr Mindeleff in the Thirteenth Annual Report of the +Bureau, so that I need but refer to a few additional observations made +on these interesting habitations.[14] + +These cavate lodges afford a fair idea of the best known of these +prehistoric dwellings in this part of Arizona. Although Verde valley +has many fine ranches, the land in immediate proximity to these ruins +is uncultivated. The nearest habitation, however, is not far away, and +it is not difficult to find guides to these caves, so well known are +they to the inhabitants of this part of the valley. It did not take +long to learn that any investigations which I might attempt there had +been anticipated by other archeologists and laymen, for many of the +rooms had been rifled of their contents and their walls thrown down, +while it was also evident that some careful excavations had been made. + +There is, however, abundant opportunity for more detailed scientific +work than has yet been attempted on these ruins, and what has thus far +been accomplished has been more in the nature of reconnoissance. The +cemeteries and burial places of the prehistoric people of the cavate +dwellings are yet to be discovered, and it is probable, judging from +experience gained at other ruins, that when they are found and +carefully investigated much light will be thrown on the character of +ancient cave life. + +The entrances to the cavate dwellings opposite Squaw mountain are +visible from the road for quite a distance, appearing as rows of holes +in the steep walls of the cliff on the opposite or left bank of the +Rio Verde. Owing to their proximity to the river, from which the +precipice in which they are situated rises almost vertically, we were +unable to camp under them, but remained on the right bank of the +river, where a level plain extends for some distance, bordering the +river and stretching back to the distant cliffs. We pitched our camp +on a bluff, about 30 feet above the river, in full sight of the cave +entrances, near a small stone inclosure which bears quite a close +resemblance to a Tusayan shrine. + +Aboriginal people had evidently cultivated the plain where we camped, +for there are many evidences of irrigating ditches and even walls of +former houses. At present, however, this once highly cultivated field +lies unused, and is destitute of any valuable plants save the scanty +grass which served to eke out the fodder of our horses. + +At the time of my visit the water of Rio Verde at this point was +confined to a very narrow channel under the bluff near its right bank, +but the appearance of its bed showed that in heavy freshets during the +rainy season the water filled the interval between the base of the +cliffs in which the cavate dwellings are situated and the bluffs which +form the right bank. + +In visits to the caves it was necessary, on account of the site of the +camp, to ford the stream each time and to climb to their level over +fallen stones, a task of no slight difficulty. The water in places was +shallow and the current only moderately rapid. Considering the fact +that it furnished potable liquid for ourselves and horses, and that +the line of trees which skirted the bluff was available for firewood, +our camp compared well with many which we subsequently made in our +summer's explorations. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCI^_b_ + +CAVATE DWELLINGS--OAK CREEK] + +The section of the cliff which was examined embraced the northern +series of these caves, extending from a promontory forming one side of +a blind or box canyon to nearly opposite our camp. Adjacent to this +series of rooms, but farther down the river, on the same side, there +are two narrow side canyons, in both of which are also numerous caves, +in all respects similar to the series we chose for examination. At +several points on the summit of the cliffs, above the caves, large +rectangular ruins, with fallen walls, were discovered; these ruins +are, however, in no respect peculiar, but closely resemble those +ordinarily found in a similar position throughout this region and +elsewhere in Arizona and New Mexico. From their proximity to the caves +it would seem that the cavate dwellings, and the pueblos on the +summits of the mesas in which they are found, had been inhabited by +one people; but better evidence that such is true is drawn from the +character of the architecture and the nature of the art remains common +to both. + +Let us first consider the series of caves from a point opposite our +camp to the promontory which forms a pinnacle at the mouth of the +first of the two side caverns--a row of caves the entrances to which +are shown in the accompanying illustration (plate XCII). I have +lettered these rooms, as indicated by their entrances, _a_ to _l_, +beginning with the opening on the left. + +The rock in which these caves have been hewn is very soft, and almost +white in color, save for a slightly reddish brown stratum just below +the line of entrances to the cavate chambers. Although, as a general +thing, the wall of the cliff is almost perpendicular, and the caves at +points inaccessible, entrance to the majority of them can be effected +by mounting the heaps of small stones forming the debris, which has +fallen even to the bed of the river at various places, and by +following a ledge which connects the line of entrances. The easiest +approach mounts a steep decline, not far from the promontory at the +lower level of the line, which conducts to a ledge running along in +front of the caves about 150 feet above the bed of the stream. Roughly +speaking, this ledge is about 100 feet below the summit of the cliff. +It was impossible to reach several of the rooms, and it is probable +that when the caves were inhabited access to any one of them was even +more difficult than at present. + +Judging from the number of rooms, the cliffs on the left bank of the +Verde must have had a considerable population when inhabited. These +caverns, no doubt, swarmed with human beings, and their inaccessible +position furnished the inhabitants with a safe refuge from enemies, or +an advantageous outlook or observation shelter for their fields on the +opposite side of the stream. The soft rock of which the mesa is formed +is easily worked, and there are abundant evidences, from the marks of +tools employed, that the greater part of each cave was pecked out by +hand. Fragments of wood were very rarely seen in these cliff dugouts; +and although there is much adobe plastering, only in a few instances +were the mouths of the caves walled or a doorway of usual shape +present. The last room at the southern end, near the promontory at the +right of the entrance to a side canyon, has walls in front resembling +those of true cliff houses and pueblos in the Red-rock country farther +northward, as will be shown in subsequent pages. + +This group of cavate dwellings, while a good example of the cavern +type of ruins, is so closely associated, both in geographical position +and in archeological remains, with other types in Verde valley, that +we are justified in referring them to one and the same people. The +number of these troglodytic dwelling places on the Verde is very +large; indeed the mesas may be said to be fairly honeycombed with +subterranean habitations. Confined as a general thing to the softer +strata of rock, which from its character was readily excavated, they +lie side by side at the same general level, and are entered from a +projecting ledge, formed by the top of the talus which follows the +level of their entrances. + +[Illustration: FIG. 245--Plan of cavate dwelling on Rio Verde] + +This ledge is easily accessible in certain places from the river bed, +where stones have fallen to the base of the cliff; but at most points +no approach is possible, and in their impregnable position the +inhabitants could easily defend themselves from hostile peoples. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCII + +ENTRANCES TO CAVATE RUINS] + +Whether the rock had recesses in it before the caves were enlarged +would seem to be answered in the affirmative, for similar caves +without evidences of habitations were observed. These, however, are as +a rule small, and wherever available the larger caverns have been +appropriated and enlarged by stone implements, as shown by the pecking +on the walls. The enlargement of these caverns, however, would not be +a difficult task, for the rock is very soft and easily worked. + +Entering one of these cavate rooms the visitor finds himself in a dark +chamber, as a rule with side openings or passageways into adjoining +rooms. Broad lateral banquettes are prominent features in the most +complicated caves, and there are many recesses and small closets or +cists. + +The ramifications formed by lateral rooms are often extensive, and the +chambers communicate with others so dark that we can hardly regard +them as once inhabited. In these dimly lighted rooms the walls were +blackened with smoke, as if from former fires, and in many of the +largest the position of fireplaces could plainly be discovered. As a +type of one of the more complicated I have chosen that figured to +illustrate the arrangement of these cavate dwellings (figure 245). +Many are smaller, others have more lateral chambers, but one type is +characteristic of all. + +A main room (_A_, figure 245), or that first entered from outside, is +roughly rectangular in shape, 12 feet long by 6 feet wide, and about 6 +feet high. The floor, however, was covered with very dry debris which +had blown in from the exterior or, in some instances, fallen from the +roof. That part of the floor which was exposed shows that it was +roughly plastered, sometimes paved or formed of solid rock. + +On three sides of this room there is a step 2 feet high, to platforms, +three in number, one in the rear and one on each side. These platforms +are 5, 6, and 6 feet 6 inches wide, respectively, and of the same +length as the corresponding sides of the central room. It would appear +that these platforms are characteristic architectural features of +these habitations, and we find them reproduced in some of the rooms of +the cliff houses of the Red-rocks, while Nordenskioeld has described a +kindred feature in the kivas of the Mesa Verde ruins. A somewhat +similar elevation of the floor in modern Tusayan kivas forms what may +be called the spectator's part, in front of the ladder as one +descends, and the same feature is common to many older Hopi +dwellings.[15] + +Beginning with the lateral platforms (_B_, figure 245) we first note, +as we step upon it at _c_, about midway of its length, a small +circular depression in the floor of the central room extending +slightly beneath the platform, as indicated by the dotted line. It is +possible that this niche was a receptacle for important household +objects, although it may have been a fireplace. + +In a corner of the right platform a round cist, partially hewn out of +the rock, was found, but its walls (_a_, figure 245) were badly broken +down by some former explorer. The floor of this recess lies below that +of the platform, while the cist itself (_D_) reminds one of the closed +or walled structures, so commonly found in the Verde, attached to the +side of the cliff. On the lateral wall of this chamber, at about the +height of the head, a row of small holes had been drilled into the +solid wall. These holes (_d_, _d_, _d_) are almost too small for the +insertion of roof beams, and were probably made for pegs on which to +rest a beam for hanging blankets and other textile fabrics when not in +use. The roof of the cave was the natural rock, and showed over its +whole surface marks of a pecking implement. + +The left chamber is 6 feet 6 inches broad, and from one corner, +opposite the doorway, a low passageway leads into a circular chamber, +6 feet in diameter, with its floor below the platform of the lateral +room. Between the chamber, on the left of the entrance, and the open +air, the wall of solid rock is broken by a slit-like crevice, which +allows the light to enter, and no doubt served as a window. A recess, +the floor of which is elevated, on a platform opposite the doorway, is +5 feet broad, and has a small circular depression in one corner. The +floor and upraise of this recess is plastered with adobe, which in +several places is smooth and well made. + +In comparing the remaining cavate dwellings of this series with that +described, we find every degree of complication in the arrangement of +rooms, from a simple cave, or irregular hole in the side of the cliff, +to squared chambers with lateral rooms. The room _I_,[16] for +instance, is rectangular, 6 feet long by 3 feet wide, with an entrance +the same width as that of the room itself. + +In room _III_, however, the external opening is very small, and there +is a low, narrow ledge, or platform, opposite the doorway. There is +likewise in this room a small shelf in the left-hand wall. In _IV_ +there is a raised platform on two adjacent sides of the square room, +and the doorway is an irregular orifice broken through the wall to the +open air. + +Room _IV_ is a subterranean chamber, most of the floor of which is +littered with large fragments of rock which have fallen from the roof. +It has numerous small recesses in the wall resembling cubby-holes +where household utensils of various kinds were undoubtedly formerly +kept. This room is instructive, in that the entrance is partially +closed by two walls of masonry, which do not join. The stones are +laid in adobe in which fragments of pottery were detected. These +unjoined walls leave a doorway which is thus flanked on each side by +stone masonry, recalling in every particular the well-known walls of +cliff houses. Here, in fact, we have so close a resemblance to the +masonry of true cliff houses that we can hardly doubt that the +excavators of the cavate dwellings were, in reality, people similar to +those who built the cliff houses of Verde valley. + +Room _VIII_ is a simple cave hewn out of the rock, with a chamber +behind it, entered by a passageway made of masonry, which partially +fills a larger opening. The doorway through this masonry is small +below, but broadens above in much the same manner as some of the +doorways in Tusayan of today. + +Continuing along the left bank of the river, from the row of cavate +rooms, just described, on the first mesa, we round a promontory and +enter a small canyon,[17] which is perforated on each side with +numerous other cavate dwellings, large and small, all of the same +general character as the type described. Here, likewise, are small +external openings which evidently communicated with subterranean +chambers, but many of them are so elevated that access to them from +the floor of the canyon or from the cliff above is not possible. A +marked feature of the whole series is the existence here and there of +small, often inaccessible, stone cists of masonry plastered to the +side of the rocky cliff like swallows' nests. + +All of these cists which are accessible had been opened and plundered +before my visit, but there yet remain a few which are still intact and +would repay examination and study. Similar walled-up cists are +likewise found, as we shall see later, in the cliff-houses of the +Red-rock country, hence are not confined to the Verde system of ruins. + +Cavate dwellings similar to those here described are reported to exist +in the canyons of upper Salado, Gala, and Zuni rivers, and we may with +reason suspect that the distribution[18] of cavate dwellings is as +wide as that of the pueblos themselves, the sole requisite being a +soft tufaceous rock, capable of being easily worked by people with +stone implements. In none of the different regions in which they exist +is there any probability that these caves were made by people +different in culture from pueblo or cliff dwellers. They are much more +likely to have been permanent than temporary habitations of the same +culture stock of Indians who availed themselves of rock shelters +wherever the nature of the cliff permitted excavation in its walls. + +That the cavate lodges are simple "horticultural outlooks" is an +important suggestion, but one might question whether they were +conveniently placed for that purpose. So far as overlooking the +opposite plain (which had undoubtedly been cultivated in ancient +times) is concerned, the position of some of them may be regarded good +for that purpose, but certainly not so commanding as that of the hill +or mesa above, where well-marked ruins still exist. + +The position of the cavate dwellings is a disadvantageous one to reach +any cultivated fields if defenders were necessary. When the Tusayan +Indian today moves to his _kisi_ or summer brush house shelter he +practically camps in his corn or near it, in easy reach to drive away +crows, or build wind-breaks to shelter the tender sprouts; but to go +to their cornfields the inhabitants of the cavate dwellings I have +described were forced to cross a river before the farm was reached. +That these cavate dwellings were lookouts none can deny, but I incline +to a belief that this does not tell the whole story if we limit them +to such use. It is not wholly clear to me that they were not likewise +an asylum for refuge, possibly not inhabited continuously, but a very +welcome retreat when the agriculturist was sorely pressed by enemies. +Following the analogy of a Hopi custom of building temporary booths +near their fields, may we not suppose that the former inhabitants of +Verde valley may have erected similar shelters in their cornfields +during summer months, retiring to the cavate dwellings and the mesa +tops in winter? All available evidence would indicate that the cavate +dwellings were permanent habitations.[19] + +There are several square ruins on top of the mesa above the cavate +dwellings. The walls of these were massive, but they are now very much +broken down, and the adobe plastering is so eroded from the masonry +that I regard them of considerable antiquity. They do not differ from +other similar ruins, so common elsewhere in New Mexico and Arizona, +and are identical with others in the Verde region. I visited several +of these ruins, but made no excavations in them, nor added any new +data to our knowledge of this type of aboriginal buildings. The +pottery picked up on the surface resembles that of the ruins of the +Little Colorado and Gila. + +The dwellings which I have mentioned above are said[20] to be +duplicated at many other points in the watershed of the Verde, and +many undescribed ruins of this nature were reported to me by ranchmen. +I do not regard them as older than the adjacent ruins on the mesa +above or the plains below them, much less as productions of people of +different stages of culture, for everything about them suggests +contemporaneous occupancy. + +From what little I saw of the village sites on the Verde I believe +that Mindeleff is correct in considering that these ruins represent +a comparatively late period of pueblo architecture. The character +of the cliff houses of the Red-rocks shows no very great antiquity of +occupancy. While it is not possible to give any approximate date when +they were inhabited, their general appearance indicates that they are +not more than two centuries old. There is, however, no reference to +them in the early Spanish history of the Southwest. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCIII + +BOWLDER WITH PICTOGRAPHS NEAR WOOD'S RANCH] + +Few pictographs were found in the immediate neighborhood of the cavate +dwellings; indeed the rock in their vicinity is too soft to preserve +for any considerable time any great number of these rock etchings. +Examples of ancient paleography were, however, discovered a short +distance higher up the river on malpais rock, which is harder and less +rapidly eroded. A half-buried bowlder (plate XCIII) near Wood's ranch +was found to be covered with the well-known spirals with zigzag +attachments, horned animals resembling antelopes, growing corn, rain +clouds, and similar figures. These pictographs occur on a black, +superficial layer of lava rock, or upon lighter stone with a malpais +layer, which had been pecked through, showing a lighter color beneath. +There is little doubt that many examples of aboriginal pictography +exist in this neighborhood, which would reward exploration with +interesting data. The Verde pictographs can not be distinguished, so +far as designs are concerned, from many found elsewhere in Colorado, +Utah, New Mexico, and Arizona. + +An instructive pictograph, different from any which I have elsewhere +seen, was discovered on the upturned side of a bowlder not far from +Hance's ranch, near the road from Camp Verde to the cavate dwellings. +The bowlder upon which they occur lies on top of a low hill, to the +left of the road, near the river. It consists of a rectangular network +of lines, with attached key extensions, crooks, and triangles, all +pecked in the surface. This daedalus of lines arises from grooves, +which originate in two small, rounded depressions in the rock, near +which is depicted the figure of a mountain lion. The whole pictograph +is 3-1/2 feet square, and legible in all its parts. + +The intent of the ancient scribe is not wholly clear, but it has been +suggested that he sought to represent the nexus of irrigating ditches +in the plain below. It might have been intended as a chart of the +neighboring fields of corn, and it is highly suggestive, if we adopt +either of these explanations or interpretations, that a figure of the +mountain lion is found near the depressions, which may provisionally +be regarded as representing ancient reservoirs. Among the Tusayan +Indians the mountain lion is looked on as a guardian of cultivated +fields, which he is said to protect, and his stone image is sometimes +placed there for the same purpose. + +In the vicinity of the pictograph last described other bowlders, of +which there are many, were found to be covered with smaller rock +etchings in no respect characteristic, and there is a remnant of an +ancient shrine a few yards away from the bowlder upon which they +occur. + + +MONTEZUMA WELL + +One of the most interesting sites of ancient habitation in Verde +valley is known as Montezuma Well, and it is remarkable how little +attention has been paid to it by archeologists.[21] Dr Mearns, in his +article on the ancient dwellings of Verde valley, does not mention the +well, and Mindeleff simply refers to the brief description by Dr +Hoffman in 1877. These ruins are worthy of more study than I was able +to give them, for like many other travelers I remained but a short +time in the neighborhood. It is possible, however, that some of my +hurried observations at this point may be worthy of record. + +Montezuma Well (plate XCIV) is an irregular, circular depression, +closely resembling a volcanic crater, but evidently, as Dr Hoffman +well points out, due to erosion rather than to volcanic agencies. As +one approaches it from a neighboring ranch the road ascends a low +elevation, and when on top the visitor finds that the crater occupies +the whole interior of the hill. The exact dimensions I did not +accurately determine, but the longest diameter of the excavation is +estimated at about 400 feet; its depth possibly 70 feet. On the +eastern side this depression is separated from Beaver creek by a +precipitous wall which can not be scaled from that side. At the time +of my visit there was considerable water in the "well," which was +reported to be very deep, but did not cover the whole bottom. It is +possible to descend to the water at one point on the eastern side, +where a trail leads to the water's edge. + +There appears to be a subterranean waterway under the eastern rim of +the well, and the water from the spring rushes through this passage +into Beaver creek. At the time of my visit this outflow was very +considerable, and in the rainy season it must be much greater. The +well is never dry, and is supplied by perennial subterranean springs +rather than by surface drainage. + +The geological agency which has been potent in giving the remarkable +crater-like form to Montezuma Well was correctly recognized by Dr +Hoffman[22] and others as the solvent or erosive power of the spring. +There is no evidence of volcanic formation in the neighborhood, and +the surrounding rocks are limestones and sandstones. Not far from +Navaho springs there is a similar circular depression, called Jacob's +Well, but which was dry when visited by me. This may later be found to +have been formed in a similar way. At several places in Arizona there +are formations of like geological character. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCIV + +MONTEZUMA WELL] + +The walls of Montezuma Well are so nearly perpendicular that descent +to the edge of the water is difficult save by a single trail which +follows the detritus to a cave on one side. In this cave, the roof of +which is not much higher than the water level, there are fragments +of masonry, as if structures of some kind had formerly been erected in +it. I have regarded this cave rather as a place of religious rites +than of former habitation, possibly a place of retreat for ancient +priests when praying for rain or moisture, or a shrine for the deposit +of prayer offerings to rain or water gods. + +Several isolated cliff dwellings are built at different levels in the +sides of the cliffs. One of the best of these is diametrically +opposite the cave mentioned above, a few feet below the rim of the +depression. While this house was entered with little difficulty, there +were others which I did not venture to visit. + +The accompanying illustration (plate XCV) gives an idea of the general +appearance of one of these cliff houses of Montezuma Well. It is built +under an overhanging archway of rock in a deep recess, with masonry on +three sides. The openings are shown, one of which overlooks the +spring; the other is an entrance at one side. The face of masonry on +the front is not plastered, and if it was formerly rough cast the mud +has been worn away, leaving the stones exposed. The side wall, which +has been less exposed to the elements, still retains the plastering, +which is likewise found on the inner walls where it is quite smooth in +places. + +The number of cliff rooms in the walls of the well is small and their +capacity, if used as dwellings, very limited. There are, however, +ruins of pueblos of some size on the edge of the well. + +One of the largest of these, shown in the accompanying illustration +(plate XCVI), is situated on the neck of land separating the well from +the valley of Beaver creek. This pueblo was rectangular in form, of +considerable size, built of stones, and although at present almost +demolished, shows perfectly the walls of former rooms. Fragments of +ancient pottery would seem to indicate that the people who once +inhabited this pueblo were in no respect different from other +sedentary occupants of Verde valley. From their housetops they had a +wide view over the creek on one side and the spring on the other, +defending, by the site of their village, the one trail by which +descent to the well was possible. + +The remarkable geological character of Montezuma Well, and the spring +within it, would have profoundly impressed itself on the folklore of +any people of agricultural bent who lived in its neighborhood after +emigrating to more arid lands. About a month after my visit to this +remarkable spring I described the place to some of the old priests at +Walpi and showed them sketches of the ruins. These priests seemed to +have legendary knowledge of a place somewhat like it where they said +the Great Plumed Snake had one of his numerous houses. They reminded +me of a legend they had formerly related to me of how the Snake arose +from a great cavity or depression in the ground, and how, they had +heard, water boiled out of that hole into a neighboring river. The +Hopi have personal knowledge of Montezuma Well, for many of their +number have visited Verde valley, and they claim the ruins there as +the homes of their ancestors. It would not be strange, therefore, if +this marvelous crater was regarded by them as a house of Palueluekon, +their mythic Plumed Serpent. + +Practically little is known of the pictography of this part of the +Verde valley people, although it has an important bearing on the +distribution of the cliff dwellers of the Southwest. There is evidence +of at least two kinds of petroglyphs, indicative of two distinct +peoples. One of these was of the Apache Mohave; the other, the +agriculturists who built the cliff homes and villages of the plain. +Those of the latter are almost identical with the work of the Pueblo +peoples in the cliff dweller stage, from southern Utah and Colorado to +the Mexican boundary. It is not a difficult task to distinguish the +pictography of these two peoples, wherever found. The pictographs of +the latter are generally pecked into the rock with a sharpened +implement, probably of stone, while those of the former are usually +scratched or painted on the surface of the rocks. Their main +differences, however, are found in the character of the designs and +the objects represented. This difference can be described only by +considering individual rock drawings, but the practiced eye may +readily distinguish the two kinds at a glance. The pictographs which +are pecked in the cliff are, as a rule, older than those which are +drawn or scratched, and resemble more closely those widely spread in +the Pueblo area, for if the cliff-house people ever made painted +pictographs, as there is every reason to believe they did, time has +long ago obliterated them. + +The pictured rocks (plate XCVII) near Cliff's ranch, on Beaver creek, +four miles from Montezuma Well, have a great variety of objects +depicted upon them. These rocks, which rise from the left bank of the +creek opposite Cliff's ranch, bear over a hundred different rock +pictures, figures of which are seen in the accompanying illustration. +The rock surface is a layer of black malpais, through which the totem +signatures have been pecked, showing the light stone beneath, and thus +rendering them very conspicuous. Among these pictographs many familiar +forms are recognizable, among them being the crane or blue heron, +bears' and badgers' paws, turtles, snakes, antelopes, earth symbols, +spirals, and meanders. + +Among these many totems there was an unusual pictograph in the form of +the figure 8, above which was a bear's paw accompanied by a human +figure so common in southwestern rock etchings. A square figure with +interior parallel squares extending to the center is also found, as +elsewhere, in cliff-dweller pictography. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCV + +CLIFF HOUSE, MONTEZUMA WELL] + + +CLIFF HOUSES OF THE RED-ROCKS + +After the road from old Camp Verde to Flagstaff passes a deserted +cabin at Beaver Head, it winds up a steep hill of lava or malpais to +the top of the Mogollones. If, instead of ascending this hill, one +turns to the left, taking an obscure road across the river bed, +which is full of rough lava blocks, and in June, when I traveled its +course, was without water, he soon finds himself penetrating a rugged +country with bright-red cliffs on his right (plate XCVIII). Continuing +through great parks and plains he finally descends to the well-wooded +valley of Oak creek, an affluent of Rio Verde. Here he finds evidences +of aboriginal occupancy on all sides--ruins of buildings, fortified +hilltops, pictographs, and irrigating ditches--testifying that there +was at one time a considerable population in this valley. The fields +of the ancient inhabitants have now given place to many excellent +ranches, one of the most flourishing of which is not far from a lofty +butte of red rock called the Court-house, which from its great size is +a conspicuous object for miles around. In many of these canyons there +are evidences of a former population, but the country is as yet almost +unexplored; there are many difficult places to pass, yet once near the +base of the rocks a way can be picked from the mouth of one canyon to +another. It does not take long to discover that this now uninhabited +region contains, like that along the Verde and its tributaries, many +ancient dwellings, for there is scarcely a single canyon leading into +these red cliffs in which evidences of former human habitations are +not found in the form of ruins. There is little doubt that these +unfrequented canyons have many and extensive cliff houses, the +existence of which has thus far escaped the explorer. The sandstone of +which they are composed is much eroded into caves with overhanging +roofs, forming admirable sites for cliff houses as distinguished from +cavate dwellings like those we have described. They are the only +described ruins of a type hitherto thought to be unrepresented in the +valley of the Verde.[23] + +In our excursion into the Red-rock country we were obliged to make our +own wagon road, as no vehicle had ever penetrated the rugged canyons +visited by us. It was necessary to carry our drinking water with us +from Oak creek, which fact impeded our progress and limited the time +available in our reconnoissance. There was, however, in the pool near +the ruins of Honanki enough water for our horses, and at the time we +were there a limited amount of grass for fodder was found. I was told +that later in the season both forage and water are abundant, so that +these prime necessities being met, there is no reason why successful +archeological investigations may not be successfully conducted in this +part of the Verde region. + +The limited population of this portion of the country rendered it +difficult to get laborers at the time I made my reconnoissance, so +that it would be advisable for one who expects to excavate the ruins +in this region to take with him workmen from the settled portions of +the valley. + + +RUINS NEAR SCHUeRMANN'S RANCH + +The valley of Oak creek, near Court-house butte, especially in the +vicinity of Schuermann's ranch, is dotted with fortifications, mounds +indicative of ruins, and like evidences of aboriginal occupancy. There +is undoubted proof that the former occupants of this plain constructed +elaborate irrigating ditches, and that the waters of Oak creek were +diverted from the stream and conducted over the adjoining valleys. +There are several fortified hills in this locality. One of the best of +these defensive works crowned a symmetrical mountain near Schuermann's +house. The top of this mesa is practically inaccessible from any but +the southern side, and was found to have a flat surface covered with +scattered cacti and scrub cedar, among which were walls of houses +nowhere rising more than two feet. The summit is perhaps 200 feet +above the valley, and the ground plan of the former habitations +extends over an area 100 feet in length, practically occupying the +whole of the summit. Although fragments of pottery are scarce, and +other evidences of long habitation difficult to find, the house walls +give every evidence of being extremely ancient, and most of the rooms +are filled with red soil out of which grow trees of considerable age. + +Descending from this ruin-capped mesa, I noticed on the first terrace +the remains of a roundhouse, or lookout, in the middle of which a +cedar tree had taken root and was growing vigorously. Although the +walls of this structure do not rise above the level of the ground, +there is no doubt that they are the remains of either a lookout or +circular tower formerly situated at this point. + +Many similar ruins are found throughout this vicinity, yet but little +more is known of them than that they antedate the advent of white men. +The majority of them were defensive works, built by the house +dwellers, and their frequency would indicate either considerable +population or long occupancy. Although many of those on the hilltops +differ somewhat from the habitations in the valleys, I think there is +little doubt that both were built by the same people.[24] There are +likewise many caves in this region, which seem to have been camping +places, for their walls are covered with soot and their floors strewn +with charred mescal, evidences, probably, of Apache occupancy. This +whole section of country was a stronghold of this ferocious tribe +within the last few decades, which may account for the modern +appearance of many of the evidences of aboriginal habitation. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCVI + +RUIN ON THE BRINK OF MONTEZUMA WELL] + +There are some good pictographs on the foundation rocks of that great +pinnacle of red rock, called the Court-house, not far from Schuermann's +ranch.[25] Some of these are Apache productions, and the neighboring +caves evidently formed shelters for these nomads, as ash pit and +half-burnt logs would seem to show. This whole land was a stronghold +of the Apache up to a recent date, and from it they were dislodged, +many of the Indians being killed or removed by authority of the +Government. + +From the geological character of the Red-rocks I was led to suspect +that cavate dwellings were not to be expected. The stone is hard and +not readily excavated by the rude implements with which the aborigines +of the region were supplied. But the remarkable erosion shown in this +rock elsewhere had formed many deep caverns or caves, with +overreaching roofs, very favorable for the sites of cliff houses. My +hurried examination confirmed my surmises, for we here found dwellings +of this kind, so similar to the type best illustrated in Mancos canyon +of southern Colorado. There were several smoke-blackened caves without +walls of masonry, but with floors strewn with charred wood, showing +Apache occupancy. No cavate dwellings were found in the section of the +Red-rocks visited by our party. + +The two largest of the Red-rock cliff houses to which I shall refer +were named Honanki or Bear-house and Palatki or Red-house. The former +of these, as I learned from the names scribbled on its walls, had +previously been visited by white men, but so far as I know it has +never been mentioned in archeological literature. My attention was +called to it by Mr Schuermann, at whose hospitable ranch I outfitted +for my reconnoissance into the Red-rock country. The smaller ruin, +Palatki, we discovered by chance during our visit, and while it is +possible that some vaquero in search of a wild steer may have visited +the neighborhood before us, there is every reason to believe that the +ruin had escaped even the notice of these persons, and, like Honanki, +was unknown to the archeologist. + +The two ruins, Honanki and Palatki, are not the only ones in the lone +canyon where we encamped. Following the canyon a short distance from +its entrance, there was found to open into it from the left a +tributary, or so-called box canyon, the walls of which are very +precipitous. Perched on ledges of the cliffs there are several rows of +fortifications or walls of masonry extending for many yards. It was +impossible for us to enter these works, even after we had clambered up +the side of the precipice to their level, so inaccessible were they to +our approach. These "forts" were probably for refuge, but they are ill +adapted as points of observation on account of the configuration of +the canyon. Their masonry, as examined at a distance with a field +glass, resembles that of Palatki and Honanki. + +I was impressed by the close resemblance between the large cliff +houses of the Red-rocks, with their overhanging roof of rock, and +those of the San Juan and its tributaries in northern New Mexico. +While it is recognized that cliff houses have been reported from Verde +valley, I find them nowhere described, and our lack of information +about them, so far as they are concerned, may have justified +Nordenskioeld's belief that "the basin of the Colorado actually +contains almost all the cliff dwellings of the United States." As the +Gila flows into the Colorado near its mouth, the Red-rock ruins may in +a sense be included in the Colorado basin, but there are many and +beautiful cliff houses higher up near the sources of the Gila and its +tributary, the Salt. In calling attention to the characteristic cliff +dwellings of the Red-rocks I am making known a new region of ruins +closely related to those of Canyon de Tsegi, or Chelly, the San Juan +and its tributaries. + +Although the cliff houses of Verde valley had been known for many +years, and the ruins here described are of the same general character, +anyone who examines Casa Montezuma, on Beaver creek, and compares it +with Honanki, will note differences of an adaptive nature. The one +feature common to Honanki and the "Cliff Palace" of Mancos canyon is +the great overhanging roof of the cavern, which, in that form, we miss +in Casa Montezuma (figure 246).[26] + +[Illustration: FIG. 246--Casa Montezuma on Beaver creek] + +We made two camps in the Red-rock country, one at the mouth of a wild +canyon near an older camp where a well had been dug and the cellar of +an American house was visible. This camp was fully six miles from +Schuermann's ranch and was surrounded by some of the wildest scenery +that I had ever witnessed. The accompanying view (plate XCVIII) was +taken from a small elevation near by, and gives a faint idea of the +magnificent mountains by which we were surrounded. The colors of the +rocks are variegated, so that the gorgeous cliffs appear to be banded, +rising from 800 to 1,000 feet sheer on all sides. These rocks had +weathered into fantastic shapes suggestive of cathedrals, Greek +temples, and sharp steeples of churches extending like giant needles +into the sky. The scenery compares very favorably with that of the +Garden of the Gods, and is much more extended. This place, I have no +doubt, will sooner or later become popular with the sightseer, and I +regard the discovery of these cliffs one of the most interesting of my +summer's field work. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCVII + +PICTOGRAPHS NEAR CLIFF RANCH, VERDE VALLEY] + +On the sides of these inaccessible cliffs we noticed several cliff +houses, but so high were they perched above us that they were almost +invisible. To reach them at their dizzy altitude was impossible, but +we were able to enter some caves a few hundred feet above our camp, +finding in them nothing but charred mescal and other evidences of +Apache camps. Their walls and entrances are blackened with smoke, but +no sign of masonry was detected. + +We moved our camp westward from this canyon (which, from a great cliff +resembling the Parthenon, I called Temple canyon), following the base +of the precipitous mountains to a second canyon, equally beautiful but +not so grand, and built our fire in a small grove of scrub oak and +cottonwood. In this lonely place Lloyd had lived over a winter, +watching his stock, and had dug a well and erected a corral. We +adopted his name for this camp and called it Lloyd canyon. There was +no water in the well, but a few rods beyond it there was a pool, from +which we watered our horses. On the first evening at this camp we +sighted a bear, which gave the name Honanki, "Bear-house," to the +adjacent ruined dwellings. + +The enormous precipice of red rock west of our camp at Lloyd's corral +hid Honanki from view at first, but we soon found a trail leading +directly to it, and during our short stay in this neighborhood we +remained camped near the cottonwoods at the entrance to the canyon, +not far from the abandoned corral. Our studies of Honanki led to the +discovery of Palatki (figure 247), which we investigated on our return +to Temple canyon. I will, therefore, begin my description of the +Red-rock cliff houses with those last discovered, which, up to the +visit which I made, had never been studied by archeologists. + + +PALATKI + +There are two neighboring ruins which I shall include in my +consideration of Palatki, and these for convenience may be known as +Ruin I and Ruin II, the former situated a little eastward from the +latter. They are but a short distance apart, and are in the same box +canyon. Ruin I (plate XCIX) is the better preserved, and is a fine +type of the compact form of cliff dwellings in the Red-rock country. + +This ruin is perched on the top of a talus which has fallen from the +cliff above, and is visible for some distance above the trees, as one +penetrates the canyon. It is built to the side of a perpendicular +wall of rock which, high above its tallest walls, arches over it, +sheltering the walls from rain or eroding influences. From the dry +character of the earth on the floors I suspect that for years not a +drop of water has penetrated the inclosures, although they are now +roofless. + +A highly characteristic feature of Ruin I is the repetition of rounded +or bow-shape front walls, occurring several times in their length, and +arranged in such a way as to correspond roughly to the inclosures +behind them. By this arrangement the size of the rooms was increased +and possibly additional solidity given to the wall itself. This +departure from a straight wall implies a degree of architectural +skill, which, while not peculiar to the cliff dwellings of the +Red-rocks, is rarely found in southern cliff houses. The total length +of the front wall of the ruin, including the part which has fallen, is +approximately 120 feet, and the altitude of the highest wall is not +far from 30 feet. + +[Illustration: FIG. 247--Ground plan of Palatki (Ruins I and II)] + +From the arrangement of openings in the front wall at the highest part +there is good evidence of the former existence of two stories. At +several points the foundation of the wall is laid on massive bowlders, +which contribute to the height of the wall itself. The masonry is made +up of irregular or roughly squared blocks of red stone laid in red +clay, both evidently gathered in the immediate neighborhood of the +ruin. The building stones vary in size, but are as a rule flat, and +show well directed fractures as if dressed by hammering. In several +places there still remains a superficial plastering, which almost +conceals the masonry. The blocks of stone in the lower courses are +generally more massive than those higher up; this feature, however, +whether considered as occurring here or in the cliff houses of Mesa +Verde, as pointed out by Nordenskioeld, seems to me not to indicate +different builders, but is due simply to convenience. There appears to +be no regularity in the courses of component blocks of stone, and when +necessity compelled, as in the courses laid on bowlders, which serve +as a foundation, thin wedges of stone, or spalls, were inserted in the +crevices. The walls are vertical, but the corners are sometimes far +from perpendicular. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCVIII + +THE RED ROCKS; TEMPLE CANYON] + +The interior of the ruin is divided into a number of inclosures by +partitions at right angles to the front wall, fastening it to the face +of the cliff. This I have lettered, beginning at the extreme right +inclosure with _A_. The inclosure has bounding walls, built on a +bowlder somewhat more than six feet high. It has no external +passageway, and probably the entrance was from the roof. This +inclosure communicates by a doorway directly with the adjoining +chamber, _B_. The corner of this room, or the angle made by the +lateral with the front walls, is rounded, a constant feature in +well-built cliff houses. No windows exist, and the upper edge of both +front and lateral walls is but slightly broken. + +The front wall of inclosure _B_ bulges into bow-shape form, and was +evidently at least two stories high. This wall is a finely laid +section of masonry, composed of large, rough stones in the lower +courses, upon which smaller, roughly hewn stones are built. It is +probable, from the large amount of debris in the neighborhood, that +formerly there were rows of single-story rooms in front of what are +now the standing walls, but the character of their architecture is +difficult to determine with certainty. Their foundations, although +partially covered, are not wholly concealed. + +The front wall of inclosure _B_ is pierced by three openings, the +largest of which is a square passageway into the adjoining room, and +is situated in the middle of the curved wall. A wooden lintel, which +had been well hewn with stone implements, still remains in place above +this passageway, and under it the visitor passes through a low opening +which has the appearance of having been once a doorway. Above this +entrance, on each side, in the wall, is a square hole, which +originally may have been the points of support of floor beams. +Formerly, likewise, there was a large square opening above the middle +passageway, but this has been closed with masonry, leaving in place +the wooden beam which once supported the wall above. The upper edge of +the front wall of inclosure _B_ is level, and is but little broken +except in two places, where there are notches, one above each of the +square holes already mentioned. It is probable that these depressions +were intended for the ends of the beams which once supported a +combined roof and floor. + +On the perpendicular wall which forms the rear of inclosure _B_, many +feet above the top of the standing front walls, there are several +pictographs of Apache origin. The height of these above the level of +the former roof would appear to indicate the existence of a third +story, for the hands which drew them must have been at least 15 feet +above the present top of the standing wall. + +The front of _C_ is curved like that of inclosure _B_, and is much +broken near the foundations, where there is a passageway. There is a +small hole on each side of a middle line, as in _B_, situated at about +the same level as the floor, indicating the former position of a beam. +Within the ruin there is a well-made partition separating inclosures +_B_ and _C_. + +The size of room _D_ is much less than that of _B_ or _C_, but, with +the exception of a section at the left, the front wall has fallen. The +part which remains upright, however, stands like a pinnacle, +unconnected with the face of the cliff or with the second-story wall +of inclosure _C_. It is about 20 feet in height, and possibly its +altitude appears greater than it really is from the fact that its +foundations rest upon a bowlder nearly six feet high (plate CX). + +The foundations of rooms _E_ and _F_ (plate C) are built on a lower +level than those of _B_ and _C_ or _D_, and their front walls, which +are really low, are helped out by similar bowlders, which serve as +foundations. The indications are that both these inclosures were +originally one story in height, forming a wing to the central section +of the ruin, which had an additional tier of rooms. There is an +entrance to _F_ at the extreme left, and the whole room was lower than +the floor of the lower stories of _B_, _C_, and _D_. + +The most conspicuous pictograph on the cliff above Ruin I of Palatki, +is a circular white figure, seen in the accompanying illustration. +This pictograph is situated directly above the first room on the +right, _A_, and was apparently made with chalk, so elevated that at +present it is far above the reach of a person standing on any of the +walls. From its general character I am led to believe that it was made +by the Apache and not by the builders of the pueblo. + +There were no names of white visitors anywhere on the walls of +Palatki, which, so far as it goes, affords substantial support of my +belief that we were the first white men to visit this ruin. While it +can not be positively asserted that we were the original discoverers +of this interesting building, there is no doubt that I was the first +to describe it and to call attention to its highly characteristic +architectural plan. + +The walls of Palatki are not so massive as those of the neighboring +Honanki, and the number of rooms in both ruins which form Palatki is +much smaller. Each of these components probably housed not more than a +few families, while several phratries could readily be accommodated in +Honanki. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCIX + +PALATKI (RUIN I)] + +The second Palatki ruin is well preserved, and as a rule the rooms, +especially those in front, have suffered more from vandalism and from +the elements than have those of Ruin I. The arrangement of the rooms +is somewhat different from that of the more exposed eastern ruin, to +which it undoubtedly formerly belonged. + +Ruin II lies in a deep recess or cave, the roof of which forms a +perfect arch above the walls. It is situated a few hundred feet to the +west, and is easily approached by following the fallen debris at the +foot of a perpendicular cliff. The front walls have all fallen, +exposing the rear wall of what was formerly a row of rooms, as shown +in the accompanying illustration (plate CI). There are evidences that +this row of rooms was but a single story in height, while those behind +it have indications of three stories. Ruin II is more hidden by the +trees and by its obscure position in a cavern than the former, but the +masonry in both is of the same general character. + +On approaching Ruin II from Ruin I there is first observed a well-made +though rough wall, as a rule intact, along which the line of roof and +flooring can readily be traced (plate CI). In front of this upright +wall are fragments of other walls, some standing in unconnected +sections, others fallen, their fragments extending down the sides of +the talus among the bushes. It was observed that this wall is broken +by an entrance which passes into a chamber, which may be called _A_, +and two square holes are visible, one on each side, above it. These +holes were formerly filled by two logs, which once supported the floor +of a second chamber, the line of which still remains on the upright +wall. The small square orifice directly above the entrance is a +peephole. + +In examining the character of the wall it will be noticed that its +masonry is in places rough cast, and that there was little attempt at +regularity in the courses of the component stones, which are neither +dressed nor aligned, although the wall is practically vertical. + +At one point, in full view of the observer, a log is apparently +inserted in the wall, and if the surrounding masonry be examined it +will be found that an opening below it had been filled in after the +wall was erected. It is evident, from its position relatively to the +line indicating the roof, that this opening was originally a +passageway from one room to another. Passing back of the standing wall +an inclosure (room _A_) is entered, one side of which is the rock of +the cliff, while the other three bounding walls are built of masonry, +20 feet high. This inclosure was formerly divided into an upper and a +lower room by a partition, which served as the roof of the lower and +the floor of the upper chambers. Two beams stretched across this +inclosure about six feet above the debris of the present floor, and +the openings in the walls, where these beams formerly rested, are +readily observed. In the same way the beam-holes of the upper story +may also be easily seen on the top of the wall. Between the rear wall +of this inclosure and the perpendicular cliff there was a recess which +appears to have been a dark chamber, probably designed for use as a +storage room or granary. The configuration of the cliff, which forms +the major part of the inclosing wall of this chamber, imparts to it an +irregular or roughly triangular form. + +The entire central portion of the ruin is very much broken down, and +the floor is strewn to a considerable depth with the debris of fallen +walls. On both sides there are nicely aligned, smoothly finished +walls, with traces of beams on the level of former floors. Some of +these bounding walls are curved; others are straight, and in places +they rise 20 feet. Marks of fire are visible everywhere; most of the +beams have been wrenched from their places, as a result of which the +walls have been much mutilated, badly cracked, or thrown down. + +There are no pictographs near this ruin, and no signs of former visits +by white men. + +Midway between Honanki and the second Palatki ruin a small ancient +house of the same character as the latter was discovered. This ruin is +very much exposed, and therefore the walls are considerably worn, but +six well-marked inclosures, indicative of former rooms, were readily +made out. No overarching rock shielded this ruin from the elements, +and rubble from fallen walls covers the talus upon which it stands. +The adobe mortar between the stones is much worn, and no fragment of +plastering is traceable within or without. This evidence of the great +weathering of the walls of the ruin is not considered indicative of +greater age than the better preserved ruins in the neighborhood, but +rather of exposure to the action of the elements. Not only are the +walls in a very poor condition, but also the floors show, from the +absence of dry soil upon them, that the whole ruin has suffered +greatly from the same denudation. There are no fragments of pottery +about it, and small objects indicating former habitation are also +wanting. A cedar had taken root where the floor once was, and its +present great size shows considerable age. If any pictographs formerly +existed in the adjacent cliff they have disappeared. There is likewise +no evidence that the Apache had ever sought it for shelter, or if they +had, their occupancy occurred so long ago that time has effaced all +evidence of their presence. + + +HONANKI + +The largest ruin visited in the Red-rock country was called, following +Hopi etymology, Honanki; but the nomenclature was adopted not because +it was so called by the Hopi, but following the rule elsewhere +suggested. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. C + +PALATKI (RUIN I)] + +This ruin lies under a lofty buttress of rock westward from Lloyd's +canyon, which presented the only available camping place in its +neighborhood. At the time of my visit there was but scanty water in +the canyon and that not potable except for stock. We carried with us +all the water we used, and when this was exhausted were obliged to +retrace our steps to Oak creek. There are groves of trees in the +canyon and evidences that at some seasons there is an abundant water +supply. A corral had been made and a well dug near its mouth, but with +these exceptions there were no evidences of previous occupancy by +white men. We had hardly pitched our camp before tracks of large game +were noticed, and before we left we sighted a bear which had come down +to the water to drink, but which beat a hasty retreat at our approach. +As previously stated, the knowledge of this ruin was communicated to +me by Mr Schuermann. + +[Illustration: FIG. 248--Ground plan of Honanki] + +The Honanki ruin (figure 248) extends along the base of the cliff for +a considerable distance, and may for convenience of description be +divided into two sections, which, although generally similar, differ +somewhat in structural features. The former is lineal in its +arrangement, and consists of a fringe of houses extending along the +base of the cliff at a somewhat lower level than the other. The walls +of this section were for the greater part broken, and at no place +could anything more than the foundation of the front wall be detected, +although fragments of masonry strewed the sides of the declivity near +its base. The house walls which remain are well-built parallel spurs +constructed at right angles to the cliff, which served as the rear of +all the chambers. At the extreme right end of this row of rooms, +situated deep in a large cavern with overhanging roof, portions of a +rear wall of masonry are well preserved, and the lateral walls of one +or two chambers in this portion of the ruin are still intact. +Straggling along from that point, following the contour of the base of +the cliff under which it lies, there extends a long row of rooms, all +destitute of a front wall. + +The first division (plate CII), beginning with the most easterly of +the series, is quite hidden at one end in a deep cavern. At this point +the builders, in order to obtain a good rear wall to their rooms, +constructed a line of masonry parallel with the face of the cliff. At +right angles to this construction, at the eastern extremity, there are +remnants of a lateral wall, but the remainder had tumbled to the +ground. The standing wall of _z_ is not continuous with that of the +next room, _y_, and apparently was simply the rear of a large room +with the remains of a lateral wall at right angles to it. The other +walls of this chamber had tumbled into a deep gorge, overgrown with +bushes which conceal the fragments. This building is set back deeply +in the cave, and is isolated from the remaining parts of the ruin, +although at the level which may have been its roof there runs a kind +of gallery formed by a ledge of rock, plastered with adobe, which +formerly connected the roof with the rest of the pueblo. This ledge +was a means of intercommunication, and a continuation of the same +ledge, in rooms _s_, _t_, and _u_, supported the rafters of these +chambers. At _u_ there are evidences of two stories or two tiers of +rooms, but those in front have fallen to the ground. + +The standing wall at _u_ is about five feet high, connected with the +face of the cliff by masonry. The space between it and the cliff was +not large enough for a habitable chamber, and was used probably as a +storage place. In front of the standing wall of room _u_ there was +another chamber, the walls of which now strew the talus of the cliff. + +The highest and best preserved room of the second series of chambers +at Honanki is that designated _p_, at a point where the ruin reached +an elevation of 20 feet. Here we have good evidence of rooms of two +stories, as indicated by the points of insertion of the beams of a +floor, at the usual levels above the ground. In fact, it is probable +that the whole section of the ruin was two stories high throughout, +the front walls having fallen along the entire length. From the last +room on the left to the eastern extremity of the line of houses which +leads to the main ruin of Honanki, no ground plans were detected at +the base of the cliffs, but fallen rocks and scattered debris are +strewn over the whole interval. + +The eastern part of the main ruin of Honanki, however, lies but a +short distance west of that described, and consists of many similar +chambers, arranged side by side. These are lettered in the diagram _h_ +to _u_, beginning with _h_, which is irregularly circular in form, and +ends with a high wall, the first to be seen as one approaches the ruin +from Lloyd canyon. This range of houses is situated on a lower +foundation and at a lower level than that of the main quarter of +Honanki, and a trail runs along so close to the rooms that the whole +series is easily visited without much climbing. No woodwork remains in +any of these rooms, and the masonry is badly broken in places either +by natural agencies or through vandalism. + +Beginning with _h_, the round room, which adjoins the main quarter of +Honanki, we find much in its shape to remind us of a kiva. The walls +are in part built on foundations of large bowlders, one of which +formed the greater part of the front wall. This circular room was +found to be full of fallen debris, and could not be examined without +considerable excavation. If it were a kiva, which I very much doubt, +it is an exception among the Verde valley ruins, where no true kiva +has yet been detected.[27] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CI + +FRONT WALL OF PALATKI (RUIN II)] + +Following _h_ there is an inclosure which originally may have been a +habitable room, as indicated by the well-constructed front wall, but +it is so filled with large stones that it is difficult to examine its +interior. On one side the wall, which is at right angles to the face +of the cliff, is 10 feet high, and the front wall follows the surface +of a huge bowlder which serves as its foundation. + +Room _i_ is clearly defined, and is in part inclosed by a large rock, +on top of which there still remains a fragment of a portion of the +front wall. A spur of masonry connects this bowlder with the face of +the cliff, indicating all that remains of the former division between +rooms _i_ and _j_. An offshoot from this bowlder, in the form of a +wall 10 feet high, formerly inclosed one side of a room. In the rear +of chamber _j_ there are found two receptacles or spaces left between +the rear wall and the face of the cliff, while the remaining wall, +which is 10 feet high, is a good specimen of pueblo masonry. + +The two side walls of room _k_ are well preserved, but the chamber +resembles the others of the series in the absence of a front wall. In +this room, however, there remains what may have been the fragment of a +rear wall parallel with the face of the cliff. This room has also a +small cist of masonry in one corner, which calls to mind certain +sealed cavities in the cavate dwellings. + +The two side walls of _m_ and _n_ are respectively eight and ten feet +high. There is nothing exceptional in the standing walls of room _o_, +one of which, five feet in altitude, still remains erect. Room _p_ has +a remnant of a rear wall plastered to the face of the cliff. + +Room _r_ (plate CIII) is a finely preserved chamber, with lateral +walls 20 feet high, of well-constructed masonry, that in the rear, +through which there is an opening leading into a dark chamber, +occupying the space between it and the cliff. It is braced by +connecting walls at right angles to the face of the solid rock. + +At _s_, the face of the cliff forms a rear wall of the room, and one +of the side walls is fully 20 feet high. The points of insertion of +the flooring are well shown, about 10 feet from the ground, proving +that the ruin at this point was at least two stories high. + +Two walled inclosures, one within the other, characterize room _u_. On +the cliff above it there is a series of simple pictographs, consisting +of short parallel lines pecked into the rock, and are probably of +Apache origin. This room closes the second series, along the whole +length of which, in front of the lateral walls which mark different +chambers, there are, at intervals, piles of debris, which enabled an +approximate determination of the situation of the former front wall, +fragments of the foundations of which are traceable in situ in several +places. + +The hand of man and the erosion of the elements have dealt harshly +with this portion of Honanki, for not a fragment of timber now remains +in its walls. This destruction, so far as human agency is concerned, +could not have been due to white men, but probably to the Apache, or +possibly to the cliff villagers themselves at the time of or shortly +after the abandonment of the settlement. + +From the second section of Honanki we pass to the third and +best-preserved portion of the ruins (figure 249), indicated in the +diagram from _a_ to _g_. To this section I have referred as the "main +ruin," for it was evidently the most populous quarter of the ancient +cliff dwelling. It is better preserved than the remainder of Honanki, +and is the only part in which all four walls of the chambers still +remain erect. Built at a higher level than the series of rooms already +considered, it must have towered above them, and possibly served as a +place of retreat when danger beset the more exposed quarters of the +village. + +[Illustration: FIG. 249--The main ruin of Honanki] + +Approaching the main ruin of Honanki (plate CIV) from the east, or +the parts already described, one passes between the buttress on which +the front wall of the rounded room _h_ is built and a fragment of +masonry on the left, by a natural gateway through which the trail is +very steep. On the right there towers above the visitor a +well-preserved wall of masonry, the front of room _a_, and he soon +passes abreast of the main portion of the ruin of Honanki. This +section is built in a huge cavern, the overhanging roof of which, is +formed by natural rock, arching far above the tops of the highest +walls of the pueblo and suggesting the surroundings of the "Cliff +Palace" of Mesa Verde, so well described by the late Baron G. +Nordenskioeld in his valuable monograph on the ruins of that section of +southern Colorado. The main ruin of Honanki is one of the largest and +best preserved architectural monuments of the former people of Verde +valley that has yet been described. Although somewhat resembling its +rival, the well-known "Casa Montezuma" of Beaver creek, its +architecture is dissimilar on account of the difference in the form of +the cavern in which it is built and the geological character of the +surrounding cliffs. Other Verde ruins may have accommodated more +people, when inhabited, but none of its type south of Canyon de Chelly +have yet been described which excel it in size and condition of +preservation. I soon found that our party were not the first whites +who had seen this lonely village, as the names scribbled on its walls +attested; but so far as I know it had not previously been visited by +archeologists. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CII + +HONANKI (RUIN II)] + +In the main portion of Honanki we found that the two ends of the +crescentic row of united rooms which compose it are built on rocky +elevations, with foundations considerably higher than those of the +rooms in the middle portion of the ruins. The line of the front wall +is, therefore, not exactly crescentic, but irregularly curved (figure +249), conforming to the rear of the cavern in which the houses are +situated. About midway in the curve of the front walls two walls +indicative of former rooms extend at an angle of about 25 deg. to the main +front wall. All the component rooms of the main part of Honanki can be +entered, some by external passageways, others by doorways +communicating with adjacent chambers. None of the inclosures have +roofs or upper floors, although indications of the former existence of +both these structural features may readily be seen in several places. +Although wooden beams are invariably wanting, fragments of these still +project from the walls, almost always showing on their free ends, +inside the rooms, the effect of fire. I succeeded in adding to the +collection a portion of one of these beams, the extremity of which had +been battered off, evidently with a stone implement. In the alkaline +dust which covered the floor several similar specimens were seen. + +The stones which form the masonry of the wall (figure 250) were not, +as a rule, dressed or squared before they were laid with adobe mortar, +but were generally set in place in the rough condition in which they +may still be obtained anywhere under the cliff. + +All the mortar used was of adobe or the tenacious clay which serves so +many purposes among the Pueblos. The walls of the rooms were plastered +with a thick layer of the same material. The rear wall of each room is +the natural rock of the cliff, which rises vertically and has a very +smooth surface. The great natural archway which covers the whole +pueblo protects it from wind and rain, and as a consequence, save on +the front face, there are few signs of natural erosion. The hand of +man, however, has dealt rudely with this venerable building, and many +of the walls, especially of rooms which formerly stood before the +central portion, lie prone upon the earth; but so securely were the +component stones held together by the adobe that even after their fall +sections of masonry still remain intact. + +[Illustration: FIG. 250--Structure of wall of Honanki] + +There are seven walled inclosures in the main part of Honanki, and as +each of these was formerly at least two stories high there is +substantial evidence of the former existence of fourteen rooms in this +part of the ruin. There can be little doubt that there were other +rooms along the front of the central portion, and the fallen walls +show them to have been of large size. It would likewise appear that +the middle part was higher than the two wings, which would increase +the number of chambers, so that with these additions it may safely be +said that this part of Honanki alone contained not far from twenty +rooms. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CIII + +WALLS OF HONANKI] + +The recess in the cliff in which the ruin is situated is lower in the +middle than at either side, where there are projecting ledges of rock +which were utilized by the builders in the construction of the +foundations, the line of the front wall following the inequalities of +the ground. It thus results that rooms _g_, _a_, _b_, and a part of +_c_, rise from a foundation about breast high, or a little higher than +the base of rooms _d_, _e_, and _f_. + +The front wall of _a_ has for its foundation a spur or ledge of rock, +which is continued under _b_ and a part of _c_. The corner or angle of +this wall, facing the round chamber, is curved in the form of a tower, +a considerable section of its masonry being intact. Near the +foundation and following the inequalities of the rock surface the +beginning of a wall at right angles to the face of the ruin at this +point is seen. A small embrasure, high above the base of the front +wall, on the side by which one approaches the ruin from the east, and +two smaller openings on the same level, looking out over the valley, +suggest a floor and lookouts. The large square orifice in the middle +of the face of the wall has a wooden lintel, still in place; the +opening is large enough for use as a door or passageway. The upper +edge of the front wall is somewhat irregular, but a notch in it above +the square opening is conspicuous. + +The rear wall of room _a_ was the face of the cliff, formed of solid +rock without masonry and very much blackened by smoke from former +fires. As, however, there is evidence that since its destruction or +abandonment by its builders this ruin has been occupied as a camping +place by the Apache, it is doubtful to which race we should ascribe +this discoloration of the walls by soot. + +On the ground floor there is a passageway into chamber _b_, which is +considerably enlarged, although the position of the lintel is clearly +indicated by notches in the wall. The beam which was formed there had +been torn from its place and undoubtedly long ago used for firewood by +nomadic visitors. The open passageway, measured externally, is about +15 feet above the foundation of the wall, through which it is broken, +and about 8 feet below the upper edge of the wall. + +Room _b_ is an irregular, square chamber, two stories high, +communicating with _a_ and _c_ by passages which are enlarged by +breakage in the walls. A small hole in the front wall, about 6 feet +from the floor, opens externally to the air. The walls are, in +general, about 2 feet thick, and are composed of flat red stones laid +in clay of the same color. The cliff forms the rear wall of the +chamber. The clay at certain places in the walls, especially near the +insertions of the beams and about the window openings, appears to have +been mixed with a black pitch, which serves to harden the mixture. + +Room _c_ is the first of a series of chambers, with external +passageways, but its walls are very much broken down, and the openings +thereby enlarged. The front wall is almost straight and in one place +stands 30 feet, the maximum height of the standing wall of the ruins. +In one corner a considerable quantity of ashes and many evidences of +fire, some of which may be ascribed to Apache occupants, was detected. +A wooden beam, marking the line of the floor of a second story, was +seen projecting from the front wall, and there are other evidences of +a floor at this level. Large beams apparently extended from the front +wall to the rear of the chamber, where they rested on a ledge in the +cliff, and over these smaller sticks were laid side by side and at +right angles to the beams. These in turn supported either flat stones +or a layer of mud or clay. The method of construction of one of these +roofs is typical of a Tusayan kiva, where ancient architectural forms +are adhered to and best preserved. + +The entrance to room _d_ is very much enlarged by the disintegration +of the wall, and apparently there was at this point a difference in +level of the front wall, for there is evidence of rooms in advance of +those connected with the chambers described, as shown by a line of +masonry, still standing, parallel to the front face of inclosures _c_ +and _d_. + +Room _e_ communicates by a doorway with the chamber marked _f_, and +there is a small window in the same partition. This room had a raised +banquette on the side toward the cliff, recalling an arrangement of +the floor similar to that in the cavate dwellings opposite Squaw +mountain which I have described. This platform is raised about three +feet above the remainder of the floor of _f_, and, like it, is strewn +with large slabs of stone, which have fallen from the overhanging +roof. In the main floor, at one corner, near the platform, there is a +rectangular box-like structure made of thin slabs of stone set on +edge, suggesting the grinding bins of the Pueblos. Room _f_ +communicates with _g_ by a passageway which has a stone lintel. The +holes in the walls, in which beams were once inserted, are seen in +several places at different levels above the floor. The ends of +several beams, one extremity of which is invariably charred, were +found set in the masonry, and others were dug from the debris in the +floor. + +As a result of the curve in the front wall of the ruin at that point, +the shape of room _f_ is roughly quadrate, with banquettes on two +sides. There are six large beam holes in the walls, and the position +of the first floor is well shown on the face of the partition, +separating _f_ from _g_. The passageway from one of these rooms to the +other is slightly arched. + +Room _g_ is elongated, without an external entrance, and communicates +with _f_ by a small opening, through which it is very difficult to +crawl. Its longest dimension is almost at right angles to the front +face of the remaining rooms, and it is raised above them by its +foundation on an elevated rock like that of _a_, _b_, and _c_. There +is a small, square, external opening which may have served as the +position of a former beam or log. The upper level of the front wall is +more or less broken down in places, and formerly may have been much +higher. Beyond _g_ a spur of masonry is built at right angles to the +cliff, inclosing a rectangular chamber at the end of the ruin which +could not be entered. Possibly in former times it was accessible by +means of a ladder from the roof, whence communication with other +portions of the structure was also had. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CIV + +APPROACH TO MAIN PART OF HONANKI] + +A short distance beyond the westernmost rooms of Honanki, almost +covered with bushes and adjoining the base of the cliff, there is a +large ash heap in which are many fragments of pottery and the bones of +various animals. It is probable that excavation in this quarter would +reveal many interesting objects. In the cliffs above this ash heap, +far beyond reach, there is a walled niche which has never been +disturbed. This structure is similar to those near the cavate +dwellings, and when opened will probably be found to contain buried +mortuary objects of interesting character. I did not disturb this +inclosure, inasmuch as I had no ladders or ropes with which to +approach it. + +It is very difficult to properly estimate, from the number of rooms in +a cliff house, the former population, and as a general thing the +tendency is rather to overstate than to fall short of the true total. +In a pueblo like Hano, on the first or east mesa of Tusayan, for +instance, there are many uninhabited rooms, and others serve as +storage chambers, while in places the pueblo has so far fallen into +ruin as to be uninhabitable. If a pueblo is very much concentrated the +population varies at different seasons of the year. In summer it is +sparsely inhabited; in winter it is rather densely populated. While +Palatki and Honanki together had rooms sufficient to house 500 people, +I doubt whether their aggregate population, ever exceeded 200. This +estimate, of course, is based on the supposition that these villages +were contemporaneously inhabited. + +The evidences all point to a belief, however, that they were both +permanent dwelling places and not temporary resorts at certain seasons +of the year. + +The pictographs on the face of the cliff above Honanki are for the +greater part due to the former Apache occupants of the rooms, and are +situated high above the tops of the walls of the ruin. They are, as a +rule, drawn with white chalk, which shows very clearly on the red +rock, and are particularly numerous above room _g_. The figure of a +circle, with lines crossing one another diametrically and continued as +rays beyond the periphery, possibly represent the sun. Many spiral +figures, almost constant pictographs in cliff ruins, are found in +several places. Another strange design, resembling some kind of +insect, is very conspicuous. + +A circle painted green and inclosed in a border of yellow is +undoubtedly of Apache origin. There is at one point a row of small +pits, arranged in line, suggesting a score or enumeration of some +kind, and a series of short parallel lines of similar import was found +not far away. This latter method of recording accounts is commonly +used at the present time in Tusayan, both in houses and on cliffs; and +one of the best of these, said to enumerate the number of Apache +killed by the Hopi in a raid many years ago, may be seen above the +trail by which the visitor enters the pueblo of Hano on the East Mesa. +The names of several persons scratched on the face of the cliff +indicate that Americans had visited Honanki before me. + +The majority of the paleoglyphs at both Palatki and Honanki are of +Apache origin, and are of comparatively modern date, as would +naturally be expected. In some instances their colors are as fresh as +if made a few years ago, and there is no doubt that they were drawn +after the building was deserted by its original occupants. The +positions of the pictographs on the cliffs imply that they were drawn +before the roofs and flooring had been destroyed, thus showing how +lately the ruin preserved its ancient form. In their sheltered +position there seems to be no reason why the ancient pictographs +should not have been preserved, and the fact that so few of the +figures pecked in the cliff now remain is therefore instructive. + +One of the first tendencies of man in visiting a ruin is to inscribe +his name on its walls or on neighboring cliffs. This is shared by both +Indians and whites, and the former generally makes his totem on the +rock surface, or adds that of his gods, the sun, rain-cloud, or +katcinas. Inscriptions recording events are less common, as they are +more difficult to indicate with exactitude in this system of +pictography. The majority of ancient pictographs in the Red-rock +country, like those I have considered in other parts of Verde valley, +are identical with picture writings now made in Tusayan, and are +recognized and interpreted without hesitation by the Hopi Indians. In +their legends, in which the migrations of their ancestors are +recounted, the traditionists often mention the fact that their +ancestors left their totem signatures at certain points in their +wanderings. The Patki people say that you will find on the rocks of +Palatkwabi, the "Red Land of the South" from which they came, totems +of the rain-cloud, sun, crane, parrot, etc. If we find these markings +in the direction which they are thus definitely declared to exist, and +the Hopi say similar pictures were made by their ancestors, there +seems no reason to question such circumstantial evidence that some of +the Hopi clans once came from this region.[28] + +One of the most interesting of the pictographs pecked in the rock is a +figure which, variously modified, is a common decoration on +cliff-dweller pottery from the Verde valley region to the ruins of the +San Juan and its tributaries. This figure has the form of two +concentric spirals, the ends of which do not join. As this design +assumes many modifications, it may be well to consider a few forms +which it assumes on the pottery of the cliff people and on that of +their descendants, the Pueblos. + +The so-called black-and-white ware, or white pottery decorated with +black lines, which is so characteristic of the ceramics of the +cliff-dwellers, is sometimes, as we shall see, found in ruins like +Awatobi and Sikyatki; but it is so rare, as compared with other +varieties, that it may be regarded as intrusive. + +One of the simplest forms of the broken-line motive is a Greek fret, +in which there is a break in the component square figures or where the +line is noncontinuous. In the simplest form, which appears prominently +on modern pottery, but which is rare or wanting on true +black-and-white ware, we have two crescentic figures, the concavities +of which face in different directions, but the horns overlap. This is +a symbol which the participants in the dance called the Humiskatcina +still paint with pigments on their breasts, and which is used on +shields and various religious paraphernalia. + +A study of any large collection of decorated Pueblo ware, ancient or +modern, will show many modifications of this broken line, a number of +which I shall discuss more in detail when pottery ornamentation is +considered. A design so distinctive and so widespread as this must +certainly have a symbolic interpretation. The concentric spirals with +a broken line, the Hopi say, are symbols of the whirlpool, and it is +interesting to find in the beautiful plates of Chavero's _Antigueedades +Mexicanas_ that the water in the lagoon surrounding the ancient Aztec +capital was indicated by the Nahuatl Indians with similar symbols. + + +OBJECTS FOUND AT PALATKI AND HONANKI + +The isolation of these ruins and the impossibility of obtaining +workmen, combined with the brief visit which I was able to make to +them, rendered it impossible to collect very many specimens of ancient +handiwork. The few excavations which were made were limited almost +wholly to Honanki, and from their success I can readily predict a rich +harvest for anyone who may attempt systematic work in this virgin +field. We naturally chose the interior of the rooms for excavation, +and I will say limited our work to these places. Every chamber was +more or less filled with debris--fragments of overturned walls, +detached rock from the cliff above, dry alkaline soil, drifted sand, +dust, and animal excreta. In those places where digging was possible +we found the dust and guano so dry and alkaline that it was next to +impossible to work for any length of time in the rooms, for the air +became so impure that the workmen could hardly breathe, especially +where the inclosing walls prevented ventilation. Notwithstanding this +obstacle, however, we removed the accumulated debris down to the floor +in one or two chambers, and examined with care the various objects of +aboriginal origin which were revealed. + +In studying the specimens found in cliff-houses due attention has not +always been given to the fact that occupants have oftentimes camped in +them subsequently to their abandonment by the original builders. As a +consequence of this temporary habitation objects owned by unrelated +Indians have frequently been confused with those of the cliff-dwellers +proper. We found evidences that both Honanki and Palatki had been +occupied by Apache Mohave people for longer or shorter periods of +time, and some of the specimens were probably left there by these +inhabitants. + +The ancient pottery found in the rooms, although fragmentary, is +sufficiently complete to render a comparison with known ceramics from +the Verde ruins. Had we discovered the cemeteries, for which we +zealously searched in vain, no doubt entire vessels, deposited as +mortuary offerings, would have been found; but the kind of ware of +which they were made would undoubtedly have been the same as that of +the fragments. + +No pottery distinctively different from that which has already been +reported from the Verde valley ruins was found, and the majority +resembled so closely in texture and symbolism that of the cliff houses +of the San Juan, in northern New Mexico and southern Utah, that they +may be regarded as practically identical. + +The following varieties of pottery were found at Honanki: + + I. Coiled ware. + II. Indented ware. +III. Smooth ware. + IV. Smooth ware painted white, with black geometric figures. + V. Smooth red ware, with black decoration. + +By far the largest number of fragments belong to the first division, +and these, as a rule, are blackened by soot, as if used in cooking. +The majority are parts of large open-mouth jars with flaring rims, +corrugated or often indented with the thumb-nail or some hard +substance, the coil becoming obscure on the lower surface. The inside +of these jars is smooth, but never polished, and in one instance the +potter used the corrugations of the coil as an ornamental motive. The +paste of which this coiled ware was composed is coarse, with +argillaceous grains scattered through it; but it was well fired and is +still hard and durable. When taken in connection with its tenuity, +these features show a highly developed potter's technique. A single +fragment is ornamented with an S-shape coil of clay fastened to the +corrugations in much the same way as in similar ware from the ruins +near the Colorado Chiquito. + +The fragments of smooth ware show that they, too, had been made +originally in the same way as coiled ware, and that their outer as +well as their inner surface had been rubbed smooth before firing. As a +rule, however, they are coarse in texture and have little symmetry of +form. Fragments identified as parts of bowls, vases, jars, and dippers +are classed under this variety. As a rule they are badly or unevenly +fired, although evidently submitted to great heat. There was seldom an +effort made to smooth the outer surface to a polish, and no attempt at +pictorial ornamentation was made. + +The fragments represented in classes IV and V were made of a much +finer clay, and the surface bears a gloss, almost a glaze. The +ornamentation on the few fragments which were found is composed of +geometric patterns, and is identical with the sherds from other ruins +of Verde valley. A fragment each of a dipper and a ladle, portions of +a red bowl, and a rim of a large vase of the same color were picked up +near the ruin. Most of the fragments, however, belong to the first +classes--the coiled and indented wares. + +There was no evidence that the former inhabitants of these buildings +were acquainted with metals. The ends of the beams had been hacked off +evidently with blunt stone axes, aided by fire, and the lintels of the +houses were of split logs which showed no evidence that any metal +implement was used in fashioning them. We found, however, several +stone tools, which exhibit considerable skill in the art of stone +working. These include a single ax, blunt at one end, sharpened at the +other, and girt by a single groove. The variety of stone from which +the ax was made does not occur in the immediate vicinity of the ruin. +There were one or two stone hammers, grooved for hafting, like the ax. +A third stone maul, being grooveless, was evidently a hand tool for +breaking other stones or for grinding pigments. + +[Illustration: FIG. 251--Stone implement from Honanki] + +Perhaps the most interesting stone implement which was found was +uncovered in the excavation of one of the middle rooms of the western +part of the ruin, about three feet below the surface. It consists of a +wooden handle rounded at each end and slightly curved, with a +sharpened stone inserted midway of its length and cemented to the wood +with pitch or asphaltum. The stone of this implement would hardly bear +rough usage, or sustain, without fracture, a heavy blow. The edge is +tolerably sharp, and it therefore may have been used in skinning +animals. Judging from the form of the handle, the implement is better +suited for use as a scraper than for any other purpose which has +occurred to me (figure 251). + +The inhabitants of the two ruins of the Red-rocks used obsidian +arrowpoints with shafts of reeds, and evidently highly regarded +fragments of the former material for knives, spearheads, and one or +two other purposes. + +The stone metates from these ruins are in no respect characteristic, +and several fine specimens were found in place on the floors of the +rooms. One of these was a well-worn specimen of lava, which must have +been brought from a considerable distance, since none of that +material occurs in the neighborhood. The existence of these grinding +stones implies the use of maize as food, and this evidence was much +strengthened by the finding of corncobs, kernels of corn, and charred +fragments at several points below the surface of the debris in the +chambers of Honanki. One of these grinding stones was found set in the +floor of one of the rooms in the same way that similar metates may be +seen in Walpi today. + +Of bone implements, our limited excavations revealed only a few +fragments. Leg bones of the turkey were used for awls, bodkins, +needles, and similar objects. In general character the implements of +this kind which were found are almost identical in form with the bone +implements from Awatobi and Sikyatki, which are later figured and +described. Although the bone implements unearthed were not numerous, +we were well repaid for our excavations by finding an ancient +fireboard, identical with those now used at Tusayan in the ceremony of +kindling "new fire," and probably universally used for that purpose in +former times. The only shell was a fragment of a bracelet made from a +_Pectunculus_, a Pacific coast mollusk highly esteemed in ancient +times among prehistoric Pueblos. The majority of the wooden objects +found showed marks of fire, which were especially evident on the ends +of the roof and floor beams projecting from the walls. + +[Illustration: FIG. 252--Tinder tube from Honanki] + +A considerable collection of objects made of wickerwork and woven +vegetal fiber was found in the alkaline dust and ashes of the Red-rock +cliff houses, and while there is some difficulty here as elsewhere, in +deciding whether certain specimens belonged to the original builders +or to later temporary occupants, there is little doubt that most of +them were the property of the latter. + +There were many specimens of basketry found on the surface of the +rubbish of the floors which, from the position of their occurrence and +from their resemblance to the wickerwork still used by the Apache, +seem without doubt to have been left there by temporary occupants of +the rooms. There were likewise many wisps of yucca fiber tied in knots +which must probably be regarded as of identical origin. The _Yucca +baccata_ affords the favorite fiber used by the natives at the present +time, and it appears to have been popular for that purpose among the +ancients. + +Several specimens of sandals, some of which are very much worn on the +soles, were found buried at the floor level. These are all of the same +kind, and are made of yucca leaves plaited in narrow strips. The mode +of attachment to the foot was evidently by a loop passing over the +toes. Hide and cloth sandals have as yet not been reported from the +Red-rock ruins of Verde valley. These sandals belonged to the original +occupants of the cliff houses. + +Fabrics made of cotton are common in the ruins of the Red-rocks, and +at times this fiber was combined with yucca. Some of the specimens of +cotton cloth were finely woven and are still quite strong, although +stained dark or almost black. Specimens of netting are also common, +and an open-mesh legging, similar to the kind manufactured in ancient +times by the Hopi and still worn by certain personators in their +sacred dances, were taken from the western room of Honanki. There were +also many fragments of rope, string, cord, and loosely twisted bands, +resembling head bands for carrying burdens. + +A reed (figure 252) in which was inserted a fragment of cotton fiber +was unlike anything yet reported from cliff houses, and as the end of +the cotton which projected beyond the cavity of the reed was charred, +it possibly was used as a slow-match or tinder-box. + +Several shell and turquois beads were found, but my limited studies of +the cliff-houses revealed only a few other ornaments, among them being +beads of turkey-bone and a single wristlet fashioned from a +_Pectunculus_. One or two fragments of prayer-sticks were discovered +in a rock inclosure in a cleft to the west of the ruin. + + +CONCLUSIONS REGARDING THE VERDE VALLEY RUINS + +The ruins of the Verde region closely resemble those of Tusayan, and +seem to support the claim of the Hopi that some of their ancestors +formerly lived in that region. This is true more especially of the +villages of the plains and mesa tops, for neither cave-houses nor +cavate dwellings are found in the immediate vicinity of the inhabited +Tusayan pueblos. The objects taken from the ruins are similar to those +found universally over the pueblo area, and from them alone we can not +say more than that they probably indicate the same substratum of +culture as that from which modern pueblo life with its many +modifications has sprung. + +The symbolism of the decorations on the fragments of pottery found in +the Verde ruins is the same as that of the ancient pueblos of the +Colorado Chiquito, and it remains to be shown whether the ancestors of +these were Hopi or Zuni. I believe it will be found that they were +both, or that when the villages along the Colorado Chiquito[29] were +abandoned part of the inhabitants went to the mesas of Tusayan and +others migrated farther up the river to the Zuni villages. + +Two centers of distribution of cliff houses occur in our Southwest: +those of the upper tributaries of the Colorado in the north and the +cliff houses of the affluents of the Salt and the Gila in the south. +The watershed of the Rio Grande is, so far as is known, destitute of +this kind of aboriginal dwellings. Between the two centers of +distribution lie the pueblos of the Little Colorado and its +tributaries, the home of the ancestors of the Hopi and the Zuni. The +many resemblances between the cliff houses of the north and those of +the south indicate that the stage of culture of both was uniform, and +probably the same conditions of environment led both peoples to build +similar dwellings. All those likenesses which can be found between the +modern Zuni and the Hopi to the former cliff peoples of the San Juan +region in the north, apply equally to those of the upper Salado and +the Gila and their tributaries to the south; and so far as arguments +of a northern origin of either, built on architectural or +technological resemblances, are concerned, they are not conclusive, +since they are also applicable to the cliff peoples of the south. The +one important difference between the northern and the southern tier of +cliff houses is the occurrence of the circular kiva, which has never +been reported south of the divide between the Little Colorado and the +Gila-Salado drainage. If a kiva was a feature in southern cliff +houses, which I doubt, it appears to have been a rectangular chamber +similar to a dwelling room. The circular kiva exists in neither the +modern Hopi nor the Zuni pueblos, and it has not been found in +adjacent Tusayan ruins; therefore, if these habitations were +profoundly influenced by settlers from the north, it is strange that +such a radical change in the form of this room resulted. The arguments +advanced that one of the two component stocks of the Zuni, and that +the aboriginal, came from the cliff peoples of the San Juan, are not +conclusive, although I have no doubt that the Zuni may have received +increment from that direction. + +Cushing has, I believe, furnished good evidence that some of the +ancestors of the Zuni population came from the south and southwest; +and that some of these came from pueblos now in ruins on the Little +Colorado is indicated by the great similarity in the antiquities of +ancient Zuni and the Colorado Chiquito ruins. Part of the Patki people +of the Hopi went to Zuni and part to Tusayan, from the same abandoned +pueblo, and the descendants of this family in Walpi still recognize +this ancient kinship; but I do not know, and so far as can be seen +there is no way of determining, the relative antiquity of the pueblos +in Zuni valley and those on the lower Colorado. + +The approximate date of the immigration of the Patki people to Tusayan +is as yet a matter of conjecture. It may have been in prehistoric +times, or more likely at a comparatively late period in the history of +the people. It seems well substantiated, however, that when this +Water-house people joined the other Hopi, the latter inhabited pueblos +and were to all intents a pueblo people. If this hypothesis be a +correct one, the Snake, Horn, and Bear peoples, whom the southern +colonists found in Tusayan, had a culture of their own similar to that +of the people from the south. Whence that culture came must be +determined by studies of the component clans of the Hopi before the +arrival of the Patki people.[30] + +The origin of the round shape of the estufa, according to Nordenskioeld +(p. 168), is most easily explained on the hypothesis that it is a +reminiscence of the cliff-dwellers' nomadic period. "There must be +some very cogent reason for the employment of this shape," he says, +"for the construction of a cylindrical chamber within a block of +rectangular rooms involves no small amount of labor. We know how +obstinately primitive nations cling to everything connected with their +religious ideas. Then what is more natural than the retention, for the +room where religious ceremonies were performed, of the round shape +characteristic of the original dwelling place, the nomadic hut? This +assumption is further corroborated by the situation of the hearth and +the structure of the roof of the estufa, when we find points of +analogy to the method employed by certain nomadic Indians in the +erection of their huts." This theory of the origin of the round form +of dwelling and its retention in the architecture of the kiva, +advanced by Nordenskioeld in 1893, has much in its favor, but the +rectangular form, which, so far as known, is the only shape of these +sacred rooms in the Tusayan region, is still unexplained. From +Castaneda's narrative of the Coronado expedition it appears that in +the middle of the sixteenth century the eastern pueblos had both +square and round estufas or kivas, and that these kivas belonged to +the men while the rooms of the pueblo were in the possession of the +women. The apparent reason why we find no round rooms or kivas in the +southern cliff houses and in Tusayan may be due to several causes. +Local conditions, including the character of the building sites on the +Hopi mesa, made square rooms more practical, or the nomadic stage was +so far removed that the form of the inclosure in which the ancients +held their rites had not been preserved. Moreover, some of the most +ancient and secret observances at Walpi, as the Flute ceremony, are +not performed in special kivas, but take place in ordinary living +rooms. + +As in all the other ruins of Verde valley, circular kivas are absent +in the Red-rock country, and this fact, which has attracted the +attention of several observers, is, I believe, very significant. +Although as yet our knowledge of the cliff houses of the upper Gila +and Salado and their numerous tributaries is very fragmentary, and +generalization on that account unsafe, it may be stated provisionally +that no circular kivas have yet been found in any ruins of the +Gila-Salado watershed. This form of kiva, however, is an essential +feature of the cliff dwellings of Rio Colorado, especially of those +along its affluents in southern Colorado and northern New Mexico. +Roughly speaking, then, the circular kiva is characteristic of the +ruins of this region and of certain others in the valley of the Rio +Grande, where they still survive in inhabited pueblos. + +Circular ruins likewise are limited in their distribution in the +Southwest, and it is an interesting fact that the geographic +distribution of ancient pueblos of this form is in a general way the +same as that of circular kivas. There are, of course, many exceptions, +but so far as I know these can readily be explained. No ruins of +circular dwellings occur in the Gila-Salado drainage area, where +likewise no circular kivas have been observed. Moreover, the circular +form of dwelling and kiva is distinctively characteristic of +prehistoric peoples east of Tusayan, and the few instances of their +occurrence on its eastern border can readily be explained as +extra-Hopi. + +The explanation of these circular kivas advanced by Nordenskioeld and +the Mindeleffs, that they are survivals of round habitations of +nomads, has much to commend it; but whether sufficient or not, the +geographic limitation of these structures tells in favor of the +absence of any considerable migration of the prehistoric peoples of +the upper Colorado and Rio Grande watersheds southward into the +drainage area of the Gila-Salado. Had the migration been in that +direction it may readily be believed that the round kiva and the +circular form of dwelling would have been brought with it. + +The round kiva has been regarded as a survival of the form of the +original homes of the nomad, when he became a sedentary agriculturist +by conquest and marriage. + +The presence of rectangular kivas in the same areas in which round +kivas occur does not necessarily militate against this theory, nor +does it oblige us to offer an explanation of a necessarily radical +change in architecture if we would derive it from a circular form. It +would indeed be very unusual to find such a change in a structure +devoted to religious purposes where conservatism is so strong. The +rectangular kiva is the ancient form, or rather the original form; the +round kiva is not a development from it, but an introduction from an +alien people. It never penetrated southward of the Colorado and upper +Rio Grande drainage areas because the element which introduced it in +the north was never strong enough to influence the house builders of +the Gila-Salado and tributary valleys. + + + + + +RUINS IN TUSAYAN + +GENERAL FEATURES + + +No region of our Southwest presents more instructive antiquities than +the ancient province of Tusayan, more widely known as the Moki +reservation. In the more limited use of the term, Tusayan is applied +to the immediate surroundings of the Hopi pueblos, to which "province" +it was given in the middle of the sixteenth century. In a broader +sense the name would include an as yet unbounded country claimed by +the component clans of this people as the homes of their ancestors. + +The general character and distribution of Tusayan ruins (plate XVI) +has been ably presented by Mr Victor Mindeleff in a previous +report.[31] While this memoir is not regarded as exhaustive, it +considers most of the large ruins in immediate proximity to the three +mesas on which the pueblos inhabited by the Hopi are situated. It is +not my purpose here to consider all Tusayan ruins, even if I were able +to do so, but to supplement with additional data the observations +already published on two of the most noteworthy pueblo settlements. +Broadly speaking, I have attempted archeological excavations in order +to obtain more light on the nature of prehistoric life in Tusayan. It +may be advantageous, however, to refer briefly to some of the ruins +thus far discovered in the Tusayan region as preliminary to more +systematic descriptions of the two which I have chosen for special +description. + +The legends of the surviving Hopi contain constant references to +former habitations of different clans in the country round about their +present villages. These clans, which by consolidation make up the +present population of the Hopi pueblos, are said to have originally +entered Tusayan from regions as far eastward as the Rio Grande, and +from the southern country included within the drainage of the Gila, +the Salt, and their affluents. Other increments are reputed to have +come from the northward and the westward, so that the people we now +find in Tusayan are descendants from an aggregation of stocks from +several directions, some of them having migrated from considerable +distances. Natives of other regions have settled among the ancient +Hopi, built pueblos, and later returned to their former homes; and the +Hopi in turn have sent colonists into the eastern pueblo country. + +These legends of former movements of the tribal clans of Tusayan are +supplemented and supported by historical documents, and we know from +this evidence that there has been a continual interchange between the +people of Tusayan and almost every large pueblo of New Mexico and +Arizona. Some of the ruins of this region were abandoned in historic +times; others are prehistoric; many were simply temporary halting +places in Hopi migrations, and were abandoned as the clans drifted +together in friendship or destroyed as a result of internecine +conflicts. + +There is documentary evidence that in the years following the great +rebellion of the Pueblo tribes in 1680, which were characterized by +catastrophes of all kinds among the Rio Grande villagers, many Tanoan +people fled to Tusayan to escape from their troubles. According to +Niel, 4,000 Tanoan refugees, under Frasquillo, loaded with booty which +they had looted from the churches, went to Oraibi by way of Zuni, and +there established a "kingdom," with their chief as ruler. How much +reliance may be placed on this account is not clear to me, but there +is no doubt that many Tanoan people joined the Hopi about this time, +and among them were the Asa people, the ancestors of the present +inhabitants of Hano pueblo, and probably the accolents of Payuepki. The +ease with which two Franciscan fathers, in 1742, persuaded 441 of +these to return to the Rio Grande, implies that they were not very +hostile to Christianity, and it is possible that one reason they +sought Tusayan in the years after the Spaniards were expelled may have +been their friendship for the church party. + +With the exception of Oraibi, not one of the present inhabited pueblos +of Tusayan occupies the site on which it stood in the sixteenth +century, and the majority of them do not antedate the beginning of the +eighteenth century. The villages have shifted their positions but +retained their names. + +At the time of the advent of Tobar, in 1540, there was but one of the +present three villages of East Mesa. This was Walpi, and at the period +referred to it was situated on the terrace below the site of the +present town, near the northwestern base of the mesa proper. Two +well-defined ruins, called Kisakobi and Kuechaptuevela, are now pointed +out as the sites of Old Walpi. Of these Kuechaptuevela is regarded as +the older. + +Judging by their ruins these towns were of considerable size. From +their exposed situation they were open to the inroads of predatory +tribes, and from these hostile raids their abandonment became +necessary. From Kuechaptuevela the ancient Walpians moved to a point +higher on the mesa, nearer its western limit, and built Kisakobi, +where the pueblo stood in the seventeenth century. There is evidence +that a Spanish mission was erected at this point, and the place is +sometimes called Nueshaki, a corruption of "Missa-ki," Mass-house. From +this place the original nucleus of Walpians moved to the present site +about the close of the seventeenth century. Later the original +population was joined by other phratries, some of which, as the Asa, +had lived in the cliff-houses of Tsegi, or Canyon de Chelly, as late +as the beginning of the eighteenth century. This, however, is not the +place to trace the composition of the different modern villages. + +Sichomovi was a colony from Walpi, founded about 1750, and Hano was +built not earlier than 1700. The former was settled by the Badger +people, later joined by a group of Tanoan clans called the Asa, from +the Rio Grande, who were invited to Tusayan to aid the Hopi in +resisting the invasions of northern nomads. + +By the middle of the eighteenth century the population of the province +of Tusayan was for the first time distributed in the seven pueblos now +inhabited. No village has been deserted since that time, nor has any +new site been occupied. + +In order that the reader may have an idea of the Tusayan pueblos at +the time mentioned, an account of them from a little-known description +by Morfi in 1782 is introduced:[32] + + _Morfi's account of the Tusayan pueblos_ + + Quarenta y seis leguas al Poniente de Zuni, con alguna + inclinacion al N. O. estan los tres primeros pueblos de la + provincia de Moqui, que en el dia en el corto distrito de + 4-1/2 leguas (112 recto) tiene siete pueblos en tres mesas o + penoles que corren linea recta de Oriente a Poniente. + + _Tanos_[33] + + En la punta occidental de la primera, y en la mas estrecho + de su eminencia estan situados tres de los quales el primero + es el de Tanos (alli dicen Tegueas), cuyas moradores tienen + idioma particular y distinto del Moquino. Es pueblo regular + con un plaza en el centro, y un formacion de calles. Tendra + 110 familias. + + El segundo[34] pueblo dista del precedente como un tiro de + piedra, es de fundacion moderna, y se compondra de mas 15 + familias que se retiraron aqui de: + + _Gualpi_ + + Gualpi que dista del anterior un tiro de fusil, es mas + grande y populoso que los dos anteriores, puede tener hasta + 200 familias. Estas tres pueblos tienen poco caballada, y + algunas vacas; pero mucho ganado lanar. + + _Mosasnabi_[35] + + Al poniente de esta mesa, y a legua y media de distancia + esta la segunda, cuyo intermedio es un (112 v.) arenal, que + ertrando un poco en ella la divide en dos brazas. En el + septentrional, que es el mas inmediata a Gualpi hay dos + anillos distantes entre si un tiro de piedra. En la cima del + primero esta situado el pueblo de Mosasnabi compuesto de 50 + familias poco mas o menos. + + _Xipaolabi_[36] + + En la cumbre del secundo cerrito se fundo el quinto pueblo + llamado Xipaolabi, que tendra solo 14 familias: esta casi + arruinado, porque sus vecinos se han trasladado al brazo + austral de la mesa y formaron el sexto pueblo llamado: + + _Xongopabi_[37] + + Xongopabi goza mejor situacion que todos los demas, tienen + tres quarteles mui bien dispuestos y en ellas unas 60 + familias. Estos tres pueblos tienen mas caballada que los + primeros y mucho ganado menor. + + + _Oraybe_ + + Dos y media leguas al Poniente de esta mesa, esta la + tercera, y en sucima el septimo pueblo que llaman Oraybe. Es + como la capital de la provincia, el mayor y mas bien formado + de toda ella, y acaso de todas las provincias internas. + Tiene once quarteles o manzanas bien largas y dispuestos con + calles a cordel ya (113 r.) todos vientos, y puede llegar su + poblacion a 800 familias. Tienen buena caballada, mucho + ganado menor y algun vacuno. Aunque no gozan sino una + pequena fuente de buena agua, distante del pueblo mas de una + milla al Norte, han construido para suplir esta escasez, en + la misma mesa, y mui inmediato a las casas seis cisternas + grandes donde recoger la agua de las lluvias y nieves. + +The distribution of the population of Tusayan in the seven pueblos +mentioned above remained practically the same during the century +between 1782 and 1882. Summer settlements for farming purposes were +inhabited by the Oraibi for brief periods. Between the years 1880 and +1890 a beginning of a new distribution of Hopi families began, when +one or two of the less timid erected houses near Coyote spring, at the +East Mesa. The Tewa, represented by Polaka and Jakwaina, took the lead +in this movement. From 1890 to the present time a large number of +Walpi, Sichomovi, and Hano families have built houses in the foothills +of the East Mesa and in the plain beyond the "wash." A large +schoolhouse has been erected at Sun spring and a considerable number +of East Mesa villagers have abandoned their mesa dwellings. In this +shifting of the population the isolated house is always adopted and +the aboriginal method of roof building is abandoned. The indications +are that in a few years the population of the East Mesa will be +settled in unconnected farmhouses with little resemblance to the +ancient communal pueblo. + +This movement is shared to a less extent by the Middle Mesa and Oraibi +people. On my first visit to the pueblos of these mesas, in 1890, +there was not a single permanent dwelling save in the ancient pueblos; +but now numerous small farmhouses have been erected at or near the +springs in the foothills. I mention these facts as a matter of record +of progress in the life of these people in adapting themselves to the +new conditions or influences by which they are surrounded. I believe +that if this exodus of Hopi families from the old pueblo to the plain +continues during the next two decades as it has in the last ten years, +there are children now living in Walpi who will some day see it +uninhabited. + +This disintegration of the Hopi phratries, by which families are +separated from one another, is, I believe, a return to the prehistoric +distribution of the clans, and as Walpi grew into a pueblo by a union +of kindred people, so now it is again being divided and distributed, +still preserving family ties in new clusters or groupings. It is thus +not impossible that the sites of certain old ruins, as Sikyatki, +deserted for many years, will again be built upon if better suited for +new modes of life. The settlement near Coyote spring, for instance, is +not far from the old site of a former home of the Tanoan families, who +went to Tusayan in the beginning of the eighteenth century, and the +people who inhabit these new houses are all Tanoan descendants of the +original contingent. + +In order to become familiar with the general character of Tusayan +ruins, I made a brief reconnoissance of those mentioned in the +following list, from which I selected Awatobi and Sikyatki as places +for a more exhaustive exploration. This list is followed by a brief +mention of those which I believe would offer fair opportunities for a +continuation of the work inaugurated. The ruins near Oraibi were not +examined and are therefore omitted, not that they are regarded as less +important, but because I was unable to undertake a study of them in +the limited time at my disposal. There are also many ruins in Tusayan, +north of the inhabited pueblos, which have never been described, and +would well repay extended investigation. Some of these, as the ruins +at the sacred spring called Kishuba, are of the utmost traditional +importance. + + I. _Middle Mesa ruins_--(1) Old Shunopovi; (2) Old + Mishoninovi; (3) Shitaumu; (4) Chukubi; (5) Payuepki. + + II. _East Mesa ruins_--(1) Kisakobi; (2) Kuechaptuevela; (3) + Kuekuechomo; (4) Tukinobi; (5) Kachinba; (6) Sikyatki. + + III. _Ruins in Keam's canyon_. + + IV. _Jeditoh valley ruins_--(1) Bat-house; (2) Jeditoh, + Kawaika; (3) Horn-house; (4) Awatobi; Smaller Awatobi. + +This method of classification is purely geographical, and is adopted +simply for convenience; but there are one or two facts worthy of +mention in regard to the distribution of ruins in these four sections. +The inhabited pueblos, like the ruins, are, as a rule, situated on the +eastern side of their respective mesas, or on the cliffs or hills +which border the adjacent plains on the west. This uniformity is +thought to have resulted from a desire to occupy a sunny site for +warmth and for other reasons. + +The pueblos at or nearest the southern ends of the mesas were found to +be best suited for habitation, consequently the present towns occupy +those sites, or, as in the case of the Jeditoh series, the pueblo at +that point was the last abandoned. The reason for this is thought to +be an attempt to concentrate on the most inaccessible sites available, +which implies inroads of hostile peoples. For the same reason, +likewise, the tendency was to move from the foothills to the mesa tops +when these invasions began. + +Early settlers near East Mesa appeared to have chosen exposed sites +for their pueblos. This would imply that they feared no invasion, and +legendary history indicates that the first pueblos were erected before +the hostile Ute, Apache, and Navaho appeared. The early settlements on +Middle Mesa were also apparently not made with an absorbing idea of +inaccessibility. All the Jeditoh villages, however, were on the mesa +tops, these sites having been selected evidently with a view to +protection, since they were not convenient to the farms. + +For many reasons it would seem that the people who occupied the now +ruined Jeditoh villages were later arrivals in Tusayan than those of +East and Middle Mesas, and that, as a rule, they came from the +eastward, while those of Middle Mesa arrived from the south. The first +colonists of all, however, appear to have been the East Mesa clans, +the Bear and Snake families. If this conjecture be true, we may +believe that the oldest pueblos in Tusayan were probably the house +groups of the Snake clan of East Mesa, for whom their traditionists +claim a northern origin. + + +THE MIDDLE MESA RUINS + +SHUNOPOVI + +The site of Old Shunopovi (plate CV) at the advent of the first +Spaniards, and for a century or more afterward, was at the foot of the +mesa on which the present village stands. The site of the old pueblo +is easily detected by the foundations of the ancient houses and their +overturned walls, surrounded by mounds of soil filled with fragments +of the finest pottery. + +The old village was situated on a ridge of foothills east of the +present town and near the spring, which is still used. On the highest +point of the ridge there rise to a considerable height the massive +walls of the old Spanish mission church, forming an inclosure, now +used as a sheep corral. The cemeteries are near by, close to the outer +walls, and among a clump of peach trees about half a mile east of the +old houses. The pottery,[38] as shown by the fragments, is of the +finest old Tusayan ware, cream and red being the predominating colors, +while fragments of coiled and black-and-white ware are likewise +common. + + +MISHONINOVI + +The ruins of Old Mishoninovi lie west of the present pueblo in the +foothills, not far from the two rocky pinnacles at that point and +adjacent to a spring. In strolling over the site of the old town I +have noted its ground plan, and have picked up many sherds which +indicate that the pottery made at that place was the fine cream-color +ware for which Tusayan has always been famous. The site offers unusual +opportunities for archeological studies, but excavation there is not +practicable on account of the opposition of the chiefs. + +Old Mishoninovi was a pueblo of considerable size, and was probably +inhabited up to the close of the seventeenth century. It was probably +on this site that the early Spanish explorers found the largest pueblo +of the Middle Mesa. The ruin of Shitaimovi, in the foothills near +Mishoninovi, mentioned by Mindeleff, was not visited by our party. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY. + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CV. + +SKETCH MAP OF THE MESA COUNTRY +OCCUPIED BY THE +HOPI INDIANS] + + +CHUKUBI + +The ruin of Chukubi bears every evidence of antiquity. It is situated +on one of the eastward projecting spurs of Middle Mesa, midway between +Payuepki and Shipaulovi, near an excellent spring at the base of the +mesa. + +Chukubi was built in rectangular form, with a central plaza surrounded +by rooms, two deep. There are many indications of outlying chambers, +some of which are arranged in rows. The house walls are almost wholly +demolished, and in far poorer state of preservation than those of the +neighboring ruin of Payuepki. The evidence now obtainable indicates +that it was an ancient habitation of a limited period of occupancy. It +is said to have been settled by the Patun or Squash people, whose +original home was far to the south, on Little Colorado river. A fair +ground plan is given by Mindeleff in his memoir on Pueblo +Architecture; but so far as known no studies of the pottery of this +pueblo have ever been made. + + +PAYUePKI + +One of the best-preserved ruins on Middle Mesa is called Payuepki by +the Hopi, and is interesting in connection with the traditions of the +migration of peoples from the Rio Grande, which followed the +troublesome years at the close of the seventeenth century. In the +reconquest of New Mexico by the Spaniards we can hardly say that +Tusayan was conquered; the province was visited and nominally +subjugated after the great rebellion, but with the exception of +repeated expeditions, which were often repulsed, the Hopi were +practically independent and were so regarded. No adequate punishment +was inflicted on the inhabitants of Walpi for the destruction of the +town of Awatobi, and although there were a few military expeditious to +Tusayan no effort at subjugation was seriously made. + +Tusayan was regarded as an asylum for the discontented or apostate, +and about the close of the seventeenth century many people from the +Rio Grande fled there for refuge. Some of these refugees appear to +have founded pueblos of their own; others were amalgamated with +existing villages. Payuepki seems to have been founded about this +period, for we find no account of it before this time, and it is not +mentioned in connection with ancient migrations. In 1706 Holguin is +said to have attacked the "Tanos" village between Walpi and Oraibi and +forced the inhabitants to give hostages, but he was later set upon by +the Tano and driven back to Zuni. It would hardly seem possible that +the pueblo mentioned could have been Hano, for this village does not +lie between Oraibi and Walpi and could not have been surrounded in the +way indicated in the account. Payuepki, however, not only lay on the +trail between Walpi and Oraibi--about midway, as the chronicler +states--but was so situated on a projecting promontory that it could +easily have been surrounded and isolated from the other pueblos. + +The Hopi legends definitely assert that the Payuepki people came from +the "great river," the Rio Grande, and spoke a language allied to that +of the people of Hano. They were probably apostates, who came from the +east about 1680, but did not seem to agree well with the people of the +Middle Mesa, and about 1750 returned to the river and were domiciled +in Sandia, where their descendants still live. The name Payuepki is +applied by the Hopi to the pueblo of Sandia as well as to the ruin on +the Middle Mesa. The general appearance of the ruin of Payuepki +indicates that it was not long inhabited, and that it was abandoned at +a comparatively recent date. The general plan is not that common to +ancient Tusayan ruins, but more like that of Hano and Sichomovi, which +were erected about the time Payuepki was built. Many fragments of a +kind of pottery which in general appearance is foreign to Tusayan, but +which resembles the Rio Grande ware, were found on the mounds, and the +walls are better preserved than those of the ancient Tusayan ruins. + +A notable absence of fragments of obsidian, the presence of which in +abundance is characteristic of ancient ruins, was observed on the site +of Payuepki. All these evidences substantiate the Hopi legend that the +Tanoan inhabitants of the village of Middle Mesa, above the trail from +Walpi to Oraibi, made but a short stay in Tusayan.[39] + +There is good documentary evidence that Sandia was settled by Tanoan +people from Tusayan. Morfi in 1782 so states,[40] and in a copy of the +acts of possession of the pueblo grants of 1748 we find still further +proof of the settlement of "Moquinos" in Sandia.[41] + +When Otermin returned to New Mexico in his attempted reconquest, in +1681, he reached Isleta on December 6, and on the 8th Dominguez +encamped in sight of Sandia, but found the inhabitants had fled. The +discord following this event drove the few surviving families of the +Tiwa on their old range to Tusayan, for they were set upon by Keres +and Jemez warriors on the plea that they received back the Spaniards. +Possibly these families formed the nucleus of Payuepki. It was about +this time, also, if we can believe Niel's story, that 4,000 Tanos went +to Tusayan. It would thus appear that the Hopi Payuepki was settled in +the decade 1680-1690. + + +THE EAST MESA RUINS + +KUeCHAPTUeVELA AND KISAKOBI + +The two ruins of Kuechaptuevela and Kisakobi mark the sites of Walpi +during the period of Spanish exploration and occupancy between 1540 +and 1700. The former was the older. In all probability the latter had +a mission church and was inhabited at the time of the great rebellion +in 1680, having been founded about fifty years previously. + +The former or more ancient[42] pueblo was situated on the first or +lowest terrace of East Mesa, below the present pueblo, on the northern +and western sides. The name Kuechaptuevela signifies "Ash-hill terrace," +and probably the old settlement, like the modern, was known as Walpi, +"Place-of-the-gap," referring to the gap or notch (_wala_) in the mesa +east of Hano. + +Old Walpi is said to have been abandoned because it was in the shade +of the mesa, but doubtless the true cause of its removal was that the +site was too much exposed, commanded as it was by the towering mesa +above it, and easily approached on three sides. The Walpi which was +contemporary with Sikyatki was built in an exposed location, for at +that time the Hopi were comparatively secure from invaders. Later, +however, Apache, Ute, and Navaho began to raid their fields, and the +Spaniards came in their midst again and again, forcing them to work +like slaves. A more protected site was necessary, and late in the +seventeenth century the Walpians began to erect houses on the mesa, +which formed the nucleus of the present town. The standing walls of +Old Walpi are buried in the debris, but the plans of the rooms may +readily be traced. Comparatively speaking, it was a large, compact, +well-built pueblo, and, from the great piles of debris in the +neighborhood, would seem to have been occupied during several +generations. + +The pottery found in the neighborhood is the fine, ancient Tusayan +ware, like that of Sikyatki and Shunopovi. Extended excavations would +reveal, I am sure, many beautiful objects and shed considerable light +on the obscure history of Walpi and its early population. + +After moving from Old Walpi it seems that the people first built +houses on the terrace above, or on the platform extending westward +from the western limits of the summit of East Mesa. The whole top of +that part of the mesa is covered with house walls, showing the former +existence of a large pueblo. Here, no doubt, if we can trust +tradition, the mission of Walpi was built, and I have found in the +debris fragments of pottery similar to that used in Mexico, and very +different from ancient or modern Pueblo ware. But even Kisakobi[43] +was not a safe site for the Walpians to choose for their village, so +after they destroyed the mission and killed the priest they moved up +to their present site and abandoned both of their former villages. + +It is said that with this removal of the villagers there were found to +be no easy means of climbing the precipitous walls, and that the +stairway trails were made as late as the beginning of the present +century. In those early days there was a ladder near where the +stairway trail is now situated, and some of the older men of Walpi +have pointed out to me where this ladder formerly stood. + +The present plan of Walpi shows marked differences from that made +twenty years ago, and several houses between the stairway trail and +the Wikwaliobi kiva, on the edge of the mesa, which have now fallen +into ruin, were inhabited when I first visited Walpi in 1890. The +buildings between the Snake kiva and the Nacab kiva are rapidly +becoming unsafe for habitation, and most of these rooms will soon be +deserted. As many Walpi families are building new houses on the plain, +it needs no prophet to predict that the desertion of the present site +of Walpi will progress rapidly in the next few years, and possibly by +the end of our generation the pueblo may be wholly deserted--one more +ruin added to the multitudes in the Southwest. + +The site of Old Walpi, at Kuechaptuevela, is the scene of an interesting +rite in the New-fire ceremony at Walpi, for not far from it is a +shrine dedicated to a supernatural being called Tuewapontumsi, +"Earth-altar-woman." This shrine, or house, as it is called, is about +230 feet from the ruin, among the neighboring bowlders, and consists +of four flat slabs set upright, forming an inclosure in which stands a +log of fossil wood. + +The ceremonials at Old Walpi in the New-fire rites are described in my +account[44] of this observance, and from their nature I suspect that +the essential part of this episode is the deposit of offerings at this +shrine. The circuits about the old ruin are regarded as survivals of +the rites which took place in former times at Old Walpi. The ruin was +spoken of in the ceremony as the _Sipapueni_, the abode of the dead who +had become _katcinas_, to whom the prayers said in the circuits were +addressed. + + +KUeKUeCHOMO + +The two conical mounds on the mesa above Sikyatki are often referred +to that ancient pueblo, but from their style of architecture and from +other considerations I am led to connect them with other phratries of +Tusayan. From limited excavations made in these mounds in 1891, I was +led to believe that they were round pueblos, similar to those east of +Tusayan, and that they were temporary habitations, possibly vantage +points, occupied for defense. Plate CVI illustrates their general +appearance, while the rooms of which they are composed are shown in +figure 253. At the place where the mesa narrows between these mounds +and the pueblos to the west, a wall was built from one edge of the +mesa to the other to defend the trail on this side. This wall appears +to have had watch towers or houses at intervals, which are now in +ruins, as shown in figure 254. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CVI + +THE RUINS OF KUeKUeCHOMO] + +[Illustration: FIG. 253--Kuekuechomo] + +The legends concerning the ancient inhabitants of Kuekuechomo are +conflicting. The late A. M. Stephen stated that tradition ascribes +them to the Coyote and Pikya (Corn) peoples, with whom the denizens of +Sikyatki made friendship, and whom the latter induced to settle there +to protect them from the Walpians. He regarded them as the last +arrivals of the Water-house phratry, while the Coyote people came from +the north at nearly the same time. From his account it would appear +that the twin mounds, Kuekuechomo, were abandoned before the destruction +of Sikyatki. The Coyote people were, I believe, akin to the Kokop or +Firewood phratry, and as the pueblo of Sikyatki was settled by the +latter, it is highly probable that the inhabitants of the two villages +were friendly and naturally combined against the Snake pueblo of +Walpi. I believe, however, there is some doubt that any branch of the +Patki people settled in Kuekuechomo, and the size of the town as +indicated by the ruin was hardly large enough to accommodate more than +one clan. Still, as there are two Kuekuechomo ruins, there may have been +a different family in each of the two house clusters. + +[Illustration: FIG. 254--Defensive wall on the East Mesa] + +It has been said that in ancient times, before the twin mounds of +Kuekuechomo were erected, the people of Sikyatki were greatly harassed +by the young slingers and archers of Walpi, who would come across to +the edge of the high cliff and assail them with impunity. Anyone, +however, who contemplates the great distance from Sikyatki to the edge +of the mesa may well doubt whether it was possible for the Walpi +bowmen to inflict much harm in that way. + +Moreover, if the word "slingers" is advisedly chosen, it introduces a +kind of warfare which is not mentioned in other Tusayan legends, +although apparently throwing stones at their enemies was practiced +among Pueblos of other stocks in early historic times.[45] + +We may suppose, however, that the survivors of both Kuekuechomo and +Sikyatki sought refuge in Awatobi after the prehistoric destruction of +their pueblos, for both were peopled by clans which came from the +east, and naturally went to that village, the founders of which +migrated from the same direction. + + +KACHINBA + +The small ruin at Kachinba, the halting place of the Kachina people, +seems to have escaped the attention of students of Tusayan archeology. +It lies about six miles from Sikyatki, about east of Walpi, and is +approached by following the trail at the foot of the same mesa upon +which Kuekuechomo is situated. The ruin is located on a small foothill +and has a few standing walls. It was evidently diminutive in size and +only temporarily inhabited. The best wall found at this ruin lies at +the base of the hill, where the spring formerly was. This spring is +now filled in, but a circular wall of masonry indicates its great size +in former times. + + +TUKINOBI + +There are evidences that the large hill on top of East Mesa, not far +from the twin mounds, was once the site of a pueblo of considerable +size, but I have not been able to gather any definite legend about it. +Near this ruin is the "Eagle shrine" in which round wooden imitations +of eagle eggs are ceremonially deposited, and in the immediate +vicinity of which is another shrine near which tracks are cut in the +rock, and which were evidently considered by the Indian who pointed +them out to me as having been made by some bird.[46] It is probably +from these footprints, which are elsewhere numerous, that the two +ruins called Kuekuechomo ("footprints mound") takes its name. + + +JEDITOH VALLEY RUINS + +As one enters Antelope valley, following the Holbrook road, he finds +himself in what was formerly a densely populated region of Tusayan. +This valley in former times was regarded as a garden spot, and the +plain was covered with patches of corn, beans, squashes, and chile. +The former inhabitants lived in pueblos on the northern side, high up +on the mesa which separates Jeditoh valley from Keam's canyon. All of +these pueblos are now in ruins, and only a few Navaho and Hopi +families cultivate small tracts in the once productive fields. + +The majority of the series of ruins along the northern rim of Antelope +valley resemble Awatobi, which is later described in detail. It is +interesting to note that in the abandonment of villages the same law +appears to have prevailed here as in the other Tusayan mesas, for in +the shrinkage of the Hopi people they concentrated more and more to +the points of the mesas. Thus, at East Mesa, Sikyatki, Kachinba, and +Kuekuechomo were destroyed, while Walpi remained. At Middle Mesa, +Chukubi and Payuepki became ruins, and in Antelope valley Awatobi was +the last of the Jeditoh series to fall. There has thus been a gradual +tendency to drift from readily accessible locations to the most +impregnable sites, which indicates how severely the Hopi must have +been harassed by their foes. It is significant that some of the oldest +pueblos were originally built in the most exposed positions, and it +may rightly be conjectured that the pressure on the villagers came +long after these sites were chosen. The ancient or original Hopi had a +sense of security when they built their first houses, and they, +therefore, did not find it necessary to seek the protection of cliffs. +Many of them lived in the valley of the Colorado Chiquito, others at +Kishuba. As time went on, however, they were forced, as were their +kindred in other pueblos, to move to inaccessible mesas guarded by +vertical cliffs. + +Of the several ruins of Antelope valley, that on the mesa above +Jeditoh or Antelope spring is one of the largest and most interesting. +Stephen calls this ruin Mishiptonga, and a plan of the old house is +given by Mindeleff. + +The spring called Kawaika, situated near the former village of the +same name, was evidently much used by the ancient accolents of +Antelope valley. From this neighborhood there was excavated a few +years ago a beautiful collection of ancient mortuary pottery objects, +which was purchased by Mrs Mary Hemenway, of Boston, and is now in the +Peabody Museum at Cambridge. These objects have never been adequately +described, although a good illustration of some of the specimens, with +a brief reference thereto, was published by James Mooney[47] a few +years ago. + +Among the most striking objects in this collection are clay models of +houses, dishes, and small vases with rims pierced with holes, and +rectangular vessels ornamented with pictures of birds. There are +specimens of cream, yellow, red, and white pottery in the collection +which, judging by the small size of most of the specimens, was +apparently votive in character. + +The ruins called by Stephen "Horn-house" and "Bat-house," as well as +the smaller ruin between them, have been described by Mindeleff, who +has likewise published plans of the first two. From their general +appearance I should judge they were not occupied for so long a time as +Awatobi, and by a population considerably smaller. If all these +Jeditoh pueblos were built by peoples from the Rio Grande, it is +possible that those around Jeditoh spring were the first founded and +that Awatobi was of later construction; but from the data at hand the +relative age of the ruins of this part of Tusayan can not be +determined. + +There are many ruins situated on the periphery of Tusayan which are +connected traditionally with the Hopi, but are not here mentioned. Of +these, the so-called "Fire-house" is said to have been the home of +the ancestors of Sikyatki, and Kintiel of certain Zuni people akin to +the Hopi. Both of the ruins mentioned differ in their architectural +features from characteristic prehistoric Tusayan ruins, for they are +circular in form, as are many of the ruins in the middle zone of the +pueblo area. With these exceptions there are no circular ruins within +the area over which the Hopi lay claim, and it is probable that the +accolents of Kintiel were more Zuni than Hopi in kinship. + +Many ruins north of Oraibi and in the neighborhood of the farming +village of Moenkopi are attributed to the Hopi by their traditionists. +The ruins about Kishyuba, connected with the Kachina people, also +belong to Tusayan. These and many others doubtless offer most +important contributions to an exact knowledge of the prehistoric +migrations of this most interesting people. + +Among the many Tusayan ruins which offer good facilities for +archeological work, the two which I chose for that purpose are Awatobi +and Sikyatki. My reasons for this choice may briefly be stated. + +Awatobi is a historic pueblo of the Hopi, which was more or less under +Spanish influence between the years 1540 and 1700. When properly +investigated, in the light of archeology, it ought to present a good +picture of Tusayan life before the beginning of the modifications +which appear in the modern villages of that isolated province. While I +expected to find evidences of Spanish occupancy, I also sought facts +bearing on the character of Tusayan life in the seventeenth century. + +Sikyatki, however, showed us the character of Tusayan life in the +fifteenth century, or the unmodified aboriginal pueblo culture of this +section of the Southwest. Here we expected to find Hopi culture +unmodified by Spanish influence. + +The three pueblos of Sikyatki, Awatobi, and Walpi, when properly +studied, will show the condition of pueblo culture in three +centuries--in Sikyatki, pure, unmodified pueblo culture; in Awatobi, +pueblo life as slightly modified by the Spaniards, and in Walpi, those +changes resulting from the advent of Americans superadded. While +special attention has thus far been given by ethnologists mainly to +the last-mentioned pueblo, a study of the ruins of the other two +villages is of great value in showing how the modern life developed +and what part of it is due to foreign influence. + +A knowledge of the inner life of the inhabitants of Tusayan as it +exists today is a necessary prerequisite to the interpretation of the +ancient culture of that province; but we must always bear in mind the +evolution of society and the influences of foreign origin which have +been exerted on it. Many, possibly the majority, of modern customs at +Walpi are inherited, but others are incorporated and still others, of +ancient date, have become extinct. + +As much stress is laid in this memoir on the claim that objects from +Sikyatki indicate a culture uninfluenced by the Spaniards, it is well +to present the evidence on which this assertion is based. + +(1) Hopi legends all declare that Sikyatki was destroyed before the +Spaniards, called the "long-gowned" and "iron-shirted" men, came to +Tusayan. (2) Sikyatki is not mentioned by name in any documentary +account of Tusayan, although the other villages are named and are +readily identifiable with existing pueblos. (3) No fragment of glass, +metal, or other object indicative of the contact of European +civilization was found anywhere in the ruin. If we add to the above +the general appearance of age in the mounds and the depth of the +debris which has accumulated in the rooms and over the graves, we have +the main facts on which I have relied to support my belief that +Sikyatki is a prehistoric ruin. + + +AWATOBI + +CHARACTERISTICS OF THE RUIN + +No Tusayan ruin offers to the archeologist a better picture of the +character of Hopi village life in the seventeenth century than that +known as Awatobi (plate CVII).[48] It is peculiarly interesting as +connecting the prehistoric culture of Sikyatki and modern Tusayan +life, with which we have become well acquainted through recent +research. Awatobi was one of the largest Tusayan pueblos in the middle +of the sixteenth century, and continued to exist to the close of the +seventeenth. It was therefore a historic pueblo. It had a mission, +notices of which occur in historical documents of the period. From its +preponderance in size, no less than from its position, we may suspect +that it held relatively the same leadership among the other Antelope +valley ruins that Walpi does today to Sichomovi and Hano. + +The present condition of the ruins of Awatobi is in no respect +peculiar or different from that of the remains of prehistoric +structures, except that its mounds occupy a position on a mesa top +commanding a wide outlook over a valley. On its east it is hemmed in +by extensive sand dunes, which also stretch to the north and west, +receding from the village all the way from a few hundred yards to a +quarter of a mile. On the south the ruins overlook the plain, and the +sands on the west separate it from a canyon in which there are several +springs, some cornfields, and one or two modern Hopi houses. There is +no water in the valley which stretches away from the mesa on which +Awatobi is situated, and the foothills are only sparingly clothed with +desert vegetation. The mounds of the ruin have numerous clumps of +_sibibi_ (_Rhus trilobata_), and are a favorite resort of Hopi women +for the berries of this highly prized shrub. There is a solitary tree +midway between the sand dunes west of the village and the western +mounds, near which we found it convenient to camp. The only +inhabitants of the Awatobi mesa are a Navaho family, who have +appropriated, for the shade it affords, a dwarf cedar east of the old +mission walls. No land is cultivated, save that in the canyons above +mentioned, west of the sand hills; some fair harvests are, however, +still gathered from Antelope valley by the Navaho, especially in the +section higher up, near Jeditoh spring. + +The ruin may be approached from the road between Holbrook and Keam's +Canyon, turning to the left after climbing the mesa. This road, +however, is not usually traveled, since it trends through the +difficult sand hills. As Keam's Canyon is the only place in this +region at which to provision an expedition, it is usual to approach +Awatobi from that side, the road turning to the right shortly after +one ascends the steep hill out of the canyon near Keam's trading post. + +My archeological work at Awatobi began on July 6, 1895, and was +continued for two weeks, being abandoned on account of the defection +of my Hopi workmen, who left their work to attend the celebration of +the _Niman_ or "Farewell" _katcina_,[49] a July festival in which many +of them participated. The ruin is conveniently situated for the best +archeological results; it has a good spring near by, and is not far +from Keam's Canyon, the base of supplies. The soil covering the rooms, +however, is almost as hard as cement, and fragile objects, such as +pottery, were often broken before their removal from the matrix. A +considerable quantity of debris had to be removed before the floors +were reached, and as this was firmly impacted great difficulty was +encountered in successful excavations. + +With a corps of trained workmen much better results than those we +obtained might have been expected, and the experience which the +Indians subsequently had at Sikyatki would have made my excavations at +Awatobi, had they been carried on later in the season, more +remunerative. While my archeological work at certain points in these +interesting mounds of Awatobi was more or less superficial, it was in +other places thorough, and revealed many new facts in regard to the +culture of the inhabitants of this most important pueblo. + +I found it inexpedient to dig in the burial places among the sand +dunes, on account of the religious prejudices of my workmen. This fear +they afterward overcame to a certain extent, but never completely +outgrew, although the cemeteries at Sikyatki were quite thoroughly +excavated, yielding some of the most striking results of the summer's +exploration. The sand hills west of Sikyatki are often swept by +violent gales, by which the surface is continually changing, and +mortuary pottery is frequently exposed. This has always been a +favorite place for the collector, and many a beautiful food bowl has +been carried by the Indians from this cemetery to the trading store, +for the natives do not seem to object to selling a vase or other +object which they find on the surface, but rarely dig in the ground +for the purpose of obtaining specimens. + + +NOMENCLATURE OF AWATOBI + +The name Awatobi is evidently derived from _awata_, a bow (referring +to the Bow clan, one of the strongest in the ancient pueblo), and +_obi_, "high place of." A derivation from _owa_, rock, has also been +suggested, but it seems hardly distinctive enough to be applicable, +and is not accepted by the Hopi themselves. + +While the different pueblos of Tusayan were not specially mentioned +until forty years after they were first visited, the name Awatobi is +readily recognized in the account of Espejo in 1583, where it is +called Aguato,[50] which appears as Zaguato and Ahuato in Hakluyt.[51] +In the time of Onate (1598) the same name is written Aguatuyba.[52] +Vetancurt,[53] about 1680, mentions the pueblo under the names +Aguatobi and Ahuatobi, and in 1692, or twelve years after the great +rebellion, Vargas visited "San Bernardo de Aguatuvi," ten leagues from +Zuni. The name appears on maps up to the middle of the eighteenth +century, several years after its destruction. In more modern times +various older spellings have been adopted or new ones introduced. +Among these may be mentioned: + +AGUATUVI. Buschmann, Neu-Mexico, 231, 1858. +AGUATUYA. Bandelier in Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, III, 85, 1892 (misquoting Onate). +AGUITOBI. Bandelier in Archaeological Institute Papers, Am. series, III, pt. 1, 115, 1890. +AHUATU. Bandelier, ibid., 115, 135. +AHUATUYBA. Bandelier, ibid., 109. +AH-WAT-TENNA. Bourke, Snake Dance of the Moquis of Arizona, 195, 1884 (so called by a Tusayan Indian). +AQUATASI. Walch, Charte America, 1805. +AQUATUBI. Davis, Spanish Conquest of New Mexico, 368, 1869. +ATABI-HOGANDI. Bourke, op. cit., 84, 1884 (Navaho name). +AUA-TU-UI. Bandelier in Archaeological Institute Papers, op. cit., IV, pt. 2, 368, 1892. +A-WA-TE-U. Cushing in Atlantic Monthly, 367, September, 1882. +AWATUBI. Bourke, op. cit., 91, 1884. +A WAT U I. Cushing in Fourth Report Bureau of Ethnology, 493, 1886 (or Aguatobi). +ZAGNATO. Brackenridge, Early Spanish Discoveries, 19, 1857 (misprint of Hakluyt's Zaguato). +ZAGUATE. Prince, New Mexico, 34, 1883 (misquoting Hakluyt). +ZUGUATO. Hinton, Handbook to Arizona, 388, 1878 (misquoting Hakluyt). + +The Navaho name of the ruin, as is well known, is Talla-hogan, +ordinarily translated "Singing-house," and generally interpreted to +refer to the mass said by the padres in the ancient church. It is +probable, however, that kivas were used as chambers where songs were +sung in ceremonials prior to the introduction of Christianity. +Therefore why Awatobi should preeminently be designated as the +"Singing-house" is not quite apparent. + +The name of the mission, San Bernardino,[54] or San Bernardo, refers +to its patron saint, and was first applied by Porras in honor of the +natal day of this saint, on which day, in 1629, he and his companions +arrived in Tusayan. + + +HISTORICAL KNOWLEDGE OF AWATOBI + +The identification of Tusayan with the present country of the Hopi +depends in great measure on the correct determination of the situation +of Cibola. I have regarded as conclusive Bandelier's argument that +Cibola comprised the group of pueblos inhabited by the Zuni in the +sixteenth century.[55] Regarding this as proven, Tusayan corresponds +with the Hopi villages, of which Awatobi was one of the largest. It +lies in the same direction and about the same distance from Zuni as +stated in Castaneda's narrative. The fact that Cardenas passed through +Tusayan when he went from Cibola to the Grand Canyon in 1540 is in +perfect harmony with the identification of the Hopi villages with +Tusayan, and Zuni with Cibola. Tobar, in Tusayan, heard of the great +river to the west, and when he returned to the headquarters of +Coronado at Cibola the general dispatched Cardenas to investigate the +truth of the report. Cardenas naturally went to Tusayan where Tobar +had heard the news, and from there took guides who conducted him to +the Grand Canyon. Had the general been in any Hopi town at the time he +sent Tobar, and later Cardenas, it is quite impossible to find any +cluster of ruins which we can identify as Tusayan in the direction +indicated. There can be no doubt that Tusayan was the modern Hopi +country, and with this in mind the question as to which Hopi pueblo +was the one first visited by Tobar is worthy of investigation. + +In order to shed what light is possible on this question, I have +examined the account by Castaneda, the letter of Coronado to Mendoza, +and the description in the "Relacion del Suceso," but find it +difficult to determine that point definitely. + +In Hakluyt's translation of Coronado's letter, it is stated that the +houses of the "cities" which Tobar was sent to examine were "of +earth," and the "chiefe" of these towns is called "Tucano." As this +letter was written before Coronado had received word from Tobar +concerning his discoveries, naturally we should not expect definite +information concerning the new province. Capt. Juan Jaramillo's +account speaks of "Tucayan" as a province composed of seven towns, and +states that the houses are terraced. + +In the "Relacion del Suceso" we likewise find the province called +"Tuzan" (Tusayan), and the author notes the resemblance of the +villages to Cibola, but he distinctly states that the inhabitants +cultivated cotton. + +Castaneda's account, which is the most detailed, is that on which I +have relied in my identification of Awatobi as the first Hopi pueblo +seen by the Spaniards. + +It seems that Don Pedro de Tobar was dispatched by Coronado to explore +a province called Tusayan which was reported to be twenty-five leagues +from Cibola. He had in his command seventeen horsemen and one or two +foot-soldiers, and was accompanied by Friar Juan de Padilla. They +arrived in the new province after dark and concealed themselves under +the edge of the mesa, so near that they heard the voices of the +Indians in their houses. The natives, however, discovered them at +daylight drawn up in order, and came out to meet them armed with +wooden clubs, bow and arrows, and carrying shields. The chief drew a +line of sacred meal across the trail, and in that way symbolized that +the entrance to their pueblo was closed to the intruders. During a +parley, however, one of the men made a move to cross the line of meal, +and an Indian struck his horse on the bridle. This opened hostilities, +in which the Hopi were worsted, but apparently without loss of life. +The vanquished brought presents of various kinds--cotton cloth, +cornmeal, birds, skins, pinon nuts, and a few turquoises--and finding +a good camping place near their pueblo, Tobar established headquarters +and received homage from all the province. They allowed the Spaniards +to enter their villages and traded with them.[56] + +Espejo's reference to Awatobi in 1583 leaves no doubt that the pueblo +was in existence in that year, and while, of course, we can not +definitely say that it was not built between 1540 and 1583, the +indications are that it was not. Hopi traditions assert that it was in +existence when the Spaniards came, and the statement of the legendists +whom I have consulted are definite that the survivors of Sikyatki went +to Awatobi after the overthrow of the former pueblo. It would not +appear, however, that Awatobi was founded prior to Sikyatki, nor is it +stated that the refugees from Sikyatki built Awatobi, which is within +the bounds of possibility, but it seems to be quite generally conceded +that the Sikyatki tragedy antedated the arrival of the first +Spaniards. + +There can, I think, be no doubt that the Hopi pueblo first entered by +Pedro de Tobar, in 1540, was Awatobi, and that the first conflict of +Spanish soldiers and Hopi warriors, which occurred at that time, took +place on the well-known Zuni trail in Antelope valley, not far from +Jeditoh or Antelope spring. This pueblo is the nearest village to +Cibola (Zuni), from which Tobar came, and as he took the Zuni trail he +would naturally first approach this village, even if the other pueblos +on the rim of this valley were inhabited. It is interesting to +consider a few lines from Castaneda, describing the event of that +episode, to see how closely the site of Awatobi conforms to the +narrative. In Castaneda's account of Tobar's visit we find that the +latter with his command entered Tusayan so secretly that their +presence was unknown to the inhabitants, and they traversed a +cultivated plain without being seen, so that, we are told, they +approached the village near enough to hear the voices of the Indians +without being discovered. Moreover, the Indians, the narrative says, +had a habit of descending to their cultivated fields, which implies +that they lived on a mesa top. Awatobi was situated on a mesa, and the +cultivated fields were in exactly the position indicated. The habit of +retiring to their pueblo at night is still observed, or was to within +a few years. Tobar arrived at the edge of Antelope valley after dark +(otherwise he would have been discovered), crossed the cultivated +fields under cover of night, and camped under the town at the base of +the mesa. The soldiers from that point could readily hear the voices +of the villagers above them. Even at the base of the lofty East Mesa I +have often heard the Walpi people talking, while the words of the town +crier are intelligible far out on the plain. From the configuration of +the valley it would not, however, have been easier for Awatobians to +have seen the approaching Spaniards than for the Walpians; still it +was possible for the invaders to conceal their approach to Walpi in +the same way. If, however, the first pueblo approached was Walpi, and +Tobar followed the Zuni trail, I think he would have been discovered +by the Awatobi people before nightfall if he entered the cultivated +fields early in the evening. It would be incredible to believe that he +wandered from the trail; much more likely he went directly to Awatobi, +the first village en route, and then encamped until the approach of +day before entering the pueblo. At sunrise the inhabitants, early +stirring, detected the presence of the intruders, and the warriors +went down the mesa to meet them. They had already heard from Cibola of +the strange beings, men mounted on animals which were said to devour +enemies. + +It may seem strange that the departure of an expedition against +Tusayan was unknown to the Hopi, but the narrative leads us to believe +that such was the fact. The warriors descended to the plain, and their +chief drew a line of sacred meal across the trail to symbolize that +the way to their pueblo was closed; whoever crossed it was an enemy, +and punishment should be meted out to him. This custom is still +preserved in several ceremonials at the present day, as, for instance, +in the New-fire rites[57] in November and in the Flute observance in +July.[58] The priests say that in former times whoever crossed a line +of meal drawn on the trail at that festival was killed, and even now +they insist that no one is allowed to pass a closed trail. The Awatobi +warriors probably warned Tobar and his comrades not to advance, but +the symbolic barrier was not understood by them. The Spaniards were +not there to parley long, and it is probable that their purpose was to +engage in a quarrel with the Indians. Urged on by the priest, Juan de +Padilla, "who had been a soldier in his youth," they charged the +Indians and overthrew a number, driving the others before them. The +immediate provocation for this, according to the historian, was that +an Indian struck one of the horses on the bridle, at which the holy +father, losing patience, exclaimed to his captain, "Why are we here?" +which was interpreted as a sign for the assault. + +It must, however, be confessed that if the pueblo of Walpi was the +first discovered an approach by stealth without being seen would have +been easier for Tobar if the village referred to was Walpi then +situated on the Ash-hill terrace, with the East Mesa between it and +the Zuni trail. To offset this probability, however, is the fact that +the Zuni trail now runs through Awatobi, or in full view of it and +there is hardly a possibility that Tobar left that trail to avoid +Awatobi. He would naturally visit the first village, and not go out of +his way seven miles beyond it, seeking a more distant pueblo. + +The effect of this onslaught on men armed with spears, clubs, and +leather shields can be imagined, and the encounter seems to have +discouraged the Awatobi warriors from renewed resistance. They fled, +but shortly afterward brought presents as a sign of submission, when +Tobar called off his men. Thus was the entry of the Spaniards into +Tusayan marked with bloodshed for a trifling offense. Shortly +afterward Tobar entered the village and received the complete +submission of the people. + +The names of the Tusayan pueblos visited by Tobar in this first +entrance are nowhere mentioned in the several accounts which have come +down to us. Forty years later, however, the Spaniards returned and +found the friendly feeling of Awatobi to the visitors had not lapsed. +When Espejo approached the town in 1583, over the same Zuni trail, the +multitudes with their caciques met him with great joy and poured maize +(sacred meal?) on the ground for the horses to walk upon. This was +symbolic of welcome; they "made" the trail, a ceremony which is still +kept up when entrance to the pueblo is formally offered.[59] + +The people, considering their poverty, were generous, and gave Espejo +"hand towels with tassels" at the corners. These were probably dance +kilts and ceremonial blankets, which then, as now, the Hopi made of +cotton. + +The pueblo, called "Aguato" in the account of that visit, was without +doubt Awatobi. The name Aguatuyba, mentioned by Onate, is also +doubtless the same, although, as pointed out to me by Mr Hodge, +"through an error probably of the copyist or printer, the name +Aguatuyba is inadvertently given by Onate among his list of Hopi +chiefs, while Esperiez is mentioned among the pueblos." In Onate's +list we recognize Oraibi in "Naybi," and Shunopovi in "Xumupami" and +"Comupavi," the most westerly town of the Middle Mesa. "Cuanrabi" and +"Esperiez" are not recognizable as pueblos. + +Espejo, therefore, appears to have been the first to mention Awatobi +as "Aguato," which is metamorphosed in Hakluyt into "Zaguato or +"Ahuzto,"[60] although evidently Onate's "Aguatuyba" was intended as a +name of a pueblo. + +I have not been able to determine satisfactorily the date of the +erection of the mission building of San Bernardino at Awatobi, but the +name is mentioned as early as 1629. In that year three friars went to +Tusayan and began active efforts to convert the Hopi.[61] + +It is recorded[62] that Padre Porras, with Andres Gutierrez, Cristoval +de la Concepcion, and ten soldiers, arrived in Tusayan, "dia del +glorioso San Bernardo (que es el apellido que aora tiene aquel +pueblo)," which leaves no doubt why the mission at Awatobi was so +named. Although an apostate Indian had spread the report, previously +to the advent of these priests in Tusayan, that the Spaniards were +coming among them to burn their pueblos, rob their homes, and +devour[63] their children, the zealous missionaries in 1629 converted +many of the chiefs and baptized their children. The cacique, Don +Augustin, who appears to have been baptized at Awatobi, apparently +lived in Walpi or at the Middle Mesa, and returning to his pueblo, +prepared the way for a continuation of the apostolic work in the +villages of the other mesas. + +But the missionary labors of Porras came to an untimely end. It is +written that by 1633 he had made great progress in converting the +Hopi, but in that year, probably at Awatobi, he was poisoned. Of the +fate of his two companions and the success of their work little is +known, but it is recorded that the succession of padres was not +broken up to the great rebellion in 1680. Figueroa, who was massacred +at Awatobi in that year, went to Tusayan in 1674 with Aug. Sta. Marie. +Between the death of Porras and the arrival of Figueroa there was an +interval of eleven years, during which time the two comrades of Porras +or Espeleta, who went to Tusayan in 1650, took charge of the spiritual +welfare of the Hopi. Espeleta and Aug. Sta. Marie were killed in 1680 +at San Francisco de Oraibi and Walpi, respectively, and Jose Trujillo +probably lost his life at Old Shunopovi at the same time. As there is +no good reason to suppose that Awatobi, one of the most populous +Tusayan pueblos, was neglected by the Spanish missionaries after the +death of Porras in 1633, and as it was the first pueblo encountered on +the trail from Zuni, doubtless San Bernardino was one of the earliest +missions erected in Tusayan. From 1680 until 1692, the period of +independence resulting from the great Pueblo revolt, there was no +priest in Tusayan, nor, indeed, in all New Mexico. Possibly the +mission was repaired between 1692 and 1700, but it is probable that it +was built as early as the time Porras lived in Awatobi. It is +explicitly stated that in the destruction of Awatobi in 1700 no +missionaries were killed, although it is recorded that early in that +year Padre Garaycoechea made it a visit. + +The disputes between the Jesuits and Franciscans to obtain the Hopi +field for missionary work during the eighteenth century naturally +falls in another chapter of Spanish-Tusayan history. Aside from +sporadic visits to the pueblos, nothing tangible appears to have +resulted from the attempts at conversion in this epoch. True, many +apostates were induced to return to their old homes on the Rio Grande +and some of the Hopi frequently asked for resident priests, making +plausible offers to protect them; but the people as a whole were +hostile, and the mission churches were never rebuilt, nor did the +fathers again live in this isolated province. + +In 1692 Awatobi was visited by Don Diego de Vargas, the reconquerer of +New Mexico, who appears to have had no difficulty bringing to terms +the pueblos of Awatobi, Walpi, Mishoninovi, and Shunopovi.[64] He +found, however, that Awatobi was "fortified," and the entrance so +narrow that but one man could enter at a time. The description leads +us to conclude that the fortification was the wall at the eastern end, +and the entrance the gateway, the sides of which are still to be seen. +The plaza in which the cross was erected was probably just north of +the walls of the mission. + +There would seem to be no doubt that a mission building was standing +at Awatobi before 1680, for Vetancurt, writing about the year named, +states that in the uprising it was burned.[65] At the time of the +visit of Garaycoechea, in the spring of 1700, he found that the +mission had been rebuilt. In this connection it is instructive, as +bearing on the probable cause of the destruction of Awatobi, to find +that while the inhabitants of this pueblo desired to have the mission +rehabilitated, the other Tusayan pueblos were so hostile that the +friends of the priest in Awatobi persuaded him not to attempt to visit +the other villages. This warning was no doubt well advised, and the +tragic fate which befell Awatobi before the close of the year shows +that the trouble was brewing when the padre was there, and possibly +Garaycoechea's visit hastened the catastrophe or intensified the +hatred of the other pueblos. + +At the time of Garaycoechea's visit he baptized, it is said, 73 +persons. This rite was particularly obnoxious[66] to the Hopi, as +indeed to the other Pueblo Indians, notwithstanding they performed +practically the same ceremony in initiations into their own secret +societies. The Awatobians, however, or at least some of them, allowed +this rite of the Christians, thus intensifying the hatred of the more +conservative of their own village and of the neighboring pueblos. +These and other facts seem to indicate that the real cause of the +destruction of Awatobi was the reception of Christianity by its +inhabitants, which the other villagers regarded as sorcery. The +conservative party, led by Tapolo, opened the gate of the town to the +warriors of Walpi and Mishoninovi, who slaughtered the liberals, thus +effectually rooting out the new faith from Tusayan, for after that +time it never again obtained a foothold. + +The visit of Padre Juan Garaycoechea to Tusayan was at the invitation +of Espeleta, chief of Oraibi, but he went no farther than Awatobi, +where he baptized the 73 Hopi. He then returned to the "governor," and +arrived at Zuni in June. According to Bancroft (p. 222), "In the +'Moqui Noticias' MS., 669, it is stated that the other Moquis, angry +that Aguatuvi had received the padres, came and attacked the pueblo, +killed all the men, and carried off all the women and children, +leaving the place for many years deserted." Although I have not been +able to consult the document quoted, this conclusion corresponds so +closely with Hopi tradition that I believe it is practically true, +although Bancroft unfortunately closes the quotation I have made from +his account with the words, "I think this must be an error." Espeleta, +the Oraibi chief, and 20 companions were in Santa Fe in October, 1700, +and proposed a peace in which the Hopi asked for religious toleration, +which Governor Cubero refused. As a final appeal he desired that the +fathers should not permanently reside with them, but should visit one +pueblo each year for six years; but this request was also rejected. +Espeleta returned to Oraibi, and immediately on his appearance an +unsuccessful attempt was made to destroy Awatobi, followed, as +recounted in the legend, by a union with Walpi and Mishoninovi, by +which the liberal-minded villagers of the Antelope mesa were +overthrown. Documentary and legendary accounts are thus in strict +accord regarding the cause of the destruction. + +The meager fragmentary historical evidence that can be adduced shows +that the destruction of Awatobi occurred in the autumn or early winter +of 1700. In May of that year we have the account of the visiting +padre, and in the summer when Espeleta was at Santa Fe, the pueblo was +flourishing. The month of November would have been a favorable one for +the destruction of the town for the reason that during this time the +warriors would all be engaged in secret kiva rites. The legend relates +that the overthrow of the pueblo was at the _Naacnaiya_,[67] which now +takes place in November. + +For many years after its destruction the name of Awatobi was still +retained on maps including the Tusayan province, and there exist +several published references to the place as if still inhabited; but +these appear to be compilations, as no traveler visited the site +subsequently to 1700. It is never referred to in writings of the +eighteenth or first half of the nineteenth centuries, and its site +attracted no attention. The ruins remained unidentified until about +1884, when the late Captain J. G. Bourke published his book on the +"Snake Dance of the Moquis," in which he showed that the ruin called +by the Navaho Tally-hogan was the old Awatobi which played such a +prominent part in early Tusayan history. + +The ruin was described and figured a few years later by Mr Victor +Mindeleff in his valuable memoir on Cibola and Tusayan architecture. +Bourke's reference is very brief and Mindeleff's plan deficient, as it +includes only a portion of the ruin, namely, the conspicuous mission +walls and adjacent buildings, overlooking entirely the older or +western mounds, which are the most characteristic. In 1892 I published +the first complete ground-plan of the ruins of Awatobi, including both +eastern and western sections. As Mindeleff's plan is defective, his +characterization of the architectural features of the pueblo is +consequently faulty. He says: "The plan suggests that the original +pueblo was built about three sides of a rectangular court, the fourth +or southeast side, later occupied by the mission buildings, being left +open or protected by a low wall." While the eastern portion +undoubtedly supports this conclusion, had he examined the western or +main section he would doubtless have qualified his conclusion (plate +CVII). This portion was compact, without a rectangular court, and was +of pyramidal form. The eastern section was probably of later +construction, and the mission was originally built outside the main +pueblo, although probably a row of rooms of very ancient date extended +along the northern side opposite the church. As it was customary in +Tusayan to isolate the kivas, these rooms in Awatobi were probably +extramural and may have been situated in this eastern court, but the +majority of the people lived in the western section. The architecture +of the mission and adjacent rooms shows well-marked Spanish influence, +which is wholly absent in the buildings forming the western mounds. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CVII + +GROUND PLAN OF AWATOBI] + + +LEGEND OF THE DESTRUCTION OF AWATOBI + +The legend of the overthrow of Awatobi is preserved in detail among +the living villagers of Tusayan, and like all stories which have been +transmitted for several generations exist in several variants, +differing in episodes, but coinciding in general outlines. In the +absence of contemporary documentary history, which some time may +possibly be brought to light, the legends are the only available data +regarding an event of great importance in the modern history of +Tusayan. + +I have obtained the legends from Supela, Shimo,[68] Masiumptiwa, and +Saliko, and the most complete appears to be that of the last +mentioned. The others dilated more on the atrocities which were +committed on the bodies of the unfortunate captives, and the tortures +endured before they were killed. All show traces of modification, +incorporation, and modern invention. + + +_Destruction of Awatobi as related by Saliko_[69] + + "The chiefs Wiki and Shimo, and others, have told you their + stories, and surely their ancestors were living here at Walpi + when Awatobi was occupied. It was a large village, and many + people lived there, and the village chief was called Tapolo, + but he was not at peace with his people, and there were + quarreling and trouble. Owing to this conflict only a little + rain fell, but the land was fertile and fair harvests were + still gathered. The Awatobi men were bad (_powako_, + sorcerers). Sometimes they went in small bands among the + fields of the other villagers and cudgeled any solitary + worker they found. If they overtook any woman they ravished + her, and they waylaid hunting parties, taking the game, after + beating and sometimes killing the hunters. There was + considerable trouble in Awatobi, and Tapolo sent to the + Oraibi chief asking him to bring his people and kill the evil + Awatobians. The Oraibi came and fought with them, and many + were killed on both sides, but the Oraibi were not strong + enough to enter the village, and were compelled to withdraw. + On his way back the Oraibi chief stopped at Walpi and talked + with the chiefs there. Said he, 'I can not tell why Tapolo + wants the Oraibi to kill his folks, but we have tried and + have not succeeded very well. Even if we did succeed, what + benefit would come to us who live too far away to occupy the + land? You Walpi people live close to them and have suffered + most at their hands; it is for you to try.' While they were + talking Tapolo had also come, and it was then decided that + other chiefs of all the villages should convene at Walpi to + consult. Couriers were sent out, and when all the chiefs had + arrived Tapolo declared that his people had become sorcerers + (Christians), and hence should all be destroyed. + + "It was then arranged that in four days large bands from all + the other villages should prepare themselves, and assemble at + a spring not far from Awatobi. A long while before this, when + the Spaniards lived there, they had built a wall on the side + of the village that needed protection, and in this wall was a + great, strong door. Tapolo proposed that the assailants + should come before dawn, and he would be at this door ready + to admit them, and under this compact he returned to his + village. During the fourth night after this, as agreed upon, + the various bands assembled at the deep gulch spring, and + every man carried, besides his weapons, a cedar-bark torch + and a bundle of greasewood. Just before dawn they moved + silently up to the mesa summit, and, going directly to the + east side of the village, they entered the gate, which opened + as they approached. In one of the courts was a large kiva, + and in it were a number of men engaged in sorcerer's rites. + The assailants at once made for the kiva, and plucking up the + ladder, they stood around the hatchway, shooting arrows down + among the entrapped occupants. In the numerous cooking pits + fire had been maintained through the night for the + preparation of food for a feast on the appointed morning, and + from these they lighted their torches. Great numbers of these + and the bundles of greasewood being set on fire, they were + cast down the hatchway, and firewood from stacks upon the + house terraces were also thrown into the kiva. The red + peppers for which Awatobi was famous were hanging in thick + clusters along the fronts of the houses, and these they + crushed in their hands and flung upon the blazing fire in the + kiva to further torment their burning occupants. After this, + all who were capable of moving were compelled to travel or + drag themselves until they came to the sand-hills of + Mishoninovi, and there the final disposition of the prisoners + was made. + + "My maternal ancestor had recognized a woman chief (_Mamzrau + monwi_), and saved her at the place of massacre called Maski, + and now he asked her whether she would be willing to initiate + the woman of Walpi in the rites of the _Mamzrau_. She + complied, and thus the observance of the ceremonial called + the Mamzrauti came to Walpi. I can not tell how it came to + the other villages. This Mamzrau-monwi had no children, and + hence my maternal ancestor's sister became chief, and her + _tiponi_ (badge of office) came to me. Some of the other + Awatobi women knew how to bring rain, and such of them as + were willing to teach their songs were spared and went to + different villages. The Oraibi chief saved a man who knew how + to cause peaches to grow, and that is why Oraibi has such an + abundance of peaches now. The Mishoninovi chief saved a + prisoner who knew how to make the sweet, small-ear corn grow, + and that is why it is more abundant there than elsewhere. All + the women who knew song prayers and were willing to teach + them were spared, and no children were designedly killed, but + were divided among the villages, most of them going to + Mishoninovi. The remainder of the prisoners, men and women, + were again tortured and dismembered and left to die on the + sand hills, and there their bones are, and that is the reason + the place is called _Maschomo_ (Death-mound). This is the + story of Awatobi told by my old people." + +All variants of the legend are in harmony in this particular, that +Awatobi was destroyed by the other Tusayan pueblos, and that +Mishoninovi, Walpi, and probably Oraibi and Shunopovi participated in +the deed. A grievance that would unite the other villagers against +Awatobi must have been a great one, indeed, and not a mere dispute +about water or lands. The more I study the real cause, hidden in the +term _powako_, "wizard" or "sorcerer," the more I am convinced that +the progress Christianity was making in Awatobi, after the reconquest +of the Pueblos in 1692, explains the hostility of the other villagers. +The party favoring the Catholic fathers in Awatobi was increasing, and +the other Tusayan pueblos watched its growth with alarm. They foresaw +that it heralded the return of the hated domination of the priests, +associated in their minds with practical slavery, and they decided on +the tragedy, which was carried out with all the savagery of which +their natures were capable. + +They greatly feared the return of the Spanish soldiers, as the epoch +of Spanish rule, mild though it may have been, was held in universal +detestation. Moreover, after the reconquest of the Rio Grande pueblos, +many apostates fled to Tusayan and fanned the fires of hatred against +the priests. Walpi received these malcontents, who came in numbers a +few years later. Among these arrivals were Tanoan warriors and their +families, part of whom were ancestors of the present inhabitants of +Hano. + +It was no doubt hoped that the destruction of Awatobi would +effectually root out the growing Christian influence, which it in fact +did; and for fifty years afterward Tusayan successfully resisted all +efforts to convert it. Franciscans from the east and Jesuits from the +Gila in the south strove to get a new hold, but they never succeeded +in rebuilding the missions in this isolated province, which was +generally regarded as independent. + +From the scanty data I have been able to collect from historical and +legendary sources, it seems probable that Awatobi was always more +affected by the padres than were the other Tusayan pueblos. This was +the village which was said to have been "converted" by Padre Porras, +whose work, after his death by poison in 1633, was no doubt continued +by his associates and successors. About 1680, as we learn from +documentary accounts, the population of Awatobi was 800,[70] and it +was probably not much smaller in 1700, the time of its destruction. + + +EVIDENCES OF FIRE IN THE DESTRUCTION + +Wherever excavations were conducted in the eastern section of Awatobi, +we could not penetrate far below the surface without encountering +unmistakable evidences of a great conflagration. The effect of the +fire was particularly disastrous in the rooms of the eastern section, +or that part of the pueblo contiguous to the mission. Hardly a single +object was removed from this part of Awatobi that had not been +charred. Many of the beams were completely burned; others were charred +only on their surfaces. The rooms were filled with ashes and scoriae, +while the walls had been cracked as if by intense heat. + +Perhaps the most significant fact in regard to the burning of Awatobi +was seen in some of the houses where the fire seems to have been less +intense. In many chambers of the eastern section, which evidently were +used as granaries, the corn was stacked in piles just as it is today +under many of the living rooms at Walpi, a fact which tends to show +that there was no attempt to pillage the pueblo before its +destruction. The ears of corn in these store-rooms were simply +charred, but so well preserved that entire ears of maize were +collected in great numbers. It may here be mentioned that upon one of +the stacks of corn I found during my excavations for the Hemenway +Expedition in 1892, a rusty iron knife-blade, showing that the owner +of the room was acquainted with objects of Spanish manufacture. This +blade is now deposited with the Hemenway collection in the Peabody +Museum at Cambridge. + + +THE RUINS OF THE MISSION + +The mission church of San Bernardino de Awatobi was erected very early +in the history of the Spanish occupancy, and its ruined walls are the +only ones now standing above the surface. This building was +constructed by the padres on a mesa top, while the churches at Walpi +and Shunopovi were built in the foothills near those pueblos. The +mission at Oraibi likewise stood on a mesa top, so that we must +qualify Mindeleff's statement[71] that "at Tusayan there is no +evidence that a church or mission house ever formed part of the +villages on the mesa summits.... These summits have been extensively +occupied only in comparatively recent time, although one or more +churches may have been built here at an early date as outlooks over +the fields in the valley below." + +At the time of the Spanish invasion three of the Hopi villages stood +on the foothills or lower terraces of the mesas on which they now +stand, and the other two, Awatobi and Oraibi, occupied the same sites +as today, on the summits of the mesas. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CVIII + +RUINS OF SAN BERNARDINO DE AWATOBI] + +I believe that at the time of the Spanish discovery of Tusayan by +Pedro de Tobar in 1540, there were only five Tusayan towns--Walpi, +Awatobi, Shunopovi, Mishoninovi, and Oraibi. Later, Awatobi was +destroyed, and shortly after 1680 Walpi, the only East Mesa town, +together with Mishoninovi and Shunopovi, on the Middle Mesa, were +moved to the elevated sites they now occupy. Oraibi, therefore, is +probably the only Tusayan pueblo, at present inhabited, which occupies +practically the same site that it did in 1540. + +In their excavations for the foundations of new houses the present +inhabitants of Oraibi often find, as I am informed by Mr H. R. Voth, +the missionary at that place, vessels or potsherds of ancient Tusayan +ware closely resembling that which is found in the ruins of Sikyatki +and Awatobi. + +The mission building at Awatobi, known in the church history of New +Mexico and Arizona as San Bernardo or San Bernardino, was reputed to +be the largest in Tusayan, and its walls are still the best preserved +of any mission structure in that province. This, however, does not +imply that the church structures of Tusayan are well preserved, for +the mission buildings at Walpi have wholly disappeared, while at +Oraibi little more than a pile of stones remains. Of the Shunopovi +mission of San Bernabe there are no standing walls save at one end, +which are now used as a sheep corral. + +The mission of San Bernardino de Awatobi was built on the southern +side of the eastern part of the pueblo on the edge of the cliff, and +its walls are the only ones of Awatobi now standing above ground. From +the situation of these walls, as compared with the oldest part of +Awatobi--the western mounds--I believe that San Bernardino mission +was, when erected, beyond the limits of the pueblo proper--a custom +almost universally followed in erecting pueblo mission +churches--necessary in this instance, since from the compactness of +the village there was no other available site. The same was true of +the missions of Oraibi and Shunopovi, and probably of Old Walpi. As +time passed additional buildings were erected near it, this eastward +extension altering the original plan of the town, but in no way +affecting the configuration of the older portion. + +From its commanding position on the edge of the mesa the mission walls +must have presented an imposing appearance from the plain below, +rising as they did almost continuously with the side of the cliff, +making a conspicuous structure for miles across Antelope valley, from +which its crumbling walls are still visible (plate CVIII). + +When compared with the masonry of unmodified pueblo ruins the walls of +the mission may be designated massive, and excavation at their +foundations was very difficult on account of the great amount of +debris which had fallen about them. With the limited force of laborers +at my command the excavations could not be conducted with a great +degree of thoroughness. + +In the middle of what I supposed to have been the main church there +was much sand, evidently drift, and in it I sank a trench 10 feet +below the surface without reaching anything which I considered a +floor. We found in excavations at the foundation of the church walls +fragments of glass, several copper nails, a much-corroded iron hook, a +copper bell pivot, and fragments of Spanish pottery. From the +character of these objects alone there is no doubt in my mind of the +former existence of Spanish influence, and the method of construction +of the mission walls and the addition constructed of adobe containing +chopped straw, substantiate this conclusion. Supposing, from the +architecture and orientation of other New Mexican missions, that the +altar was at the western end, opposite the entrance to the church, I +sank a trench along the foundation of the wall on that side, but +encountered such a mass of fallen stone at that point that I found it +impossible to make much progress, and the fact that the floor was more +than 10 feet below the surface of the central depression led me to +abandon, as impossible with my little band of native excavators, the +laying bare of the floor of the church. + +[Illustration: FIG. 255--Ground plan of San Bernardino de Awatobi] + +The ground plan (figure 255) of the mission resembles that of the Zuni +church, and is not unlike the plans of the churches in the Rio Grande +pueblos. The tall buttresses, which rise 15 or 20 feet above the trail +up the mesa on the southern corner, are, I believe, remnants of +towers which formerly supported a balcony. During a previous visit to +Tusayan I obtained fragments[72] of the ancient bell, which are now on +exhibition in the Hemenway section of the Peabody Museum at Cambridge. + +The stone walls of the mission were rarely dressed or carefully +fitted, the interstices being filled in with loose rubble laid in +adobe. There was apparently a gallery over the entrance to the +building overlooking many smaller buildings, which evidently were the +quarters of the resident priest. The construction of the walls was +apparently a laborious task, as many of the stones are large and must +have been brought a considerable distance. These stones were laid in +adobe, and apparently were plastered without and within, although +little evidence of the former plastering may now be seen. At the +northwestern corner, however, there still remain well-made adobe +walls, the clay having been intermixed with straw. From the general +appearance of these walls I regard them as of late construction, +probably long after the destruction of the mission. + +An examination of the plan of the mission building shows that it was +oriented about north and south, with the entrance toward the latter +direction. Compared with many other pueblo missions, this would seem +to be an exceptional position. In my excavations I naturally sought +the probable position of the entrance and, opposite it, the recess for +the altar. It is evident, from the form of the standing walls, that an +entrance from the east would be blocked by standing walls, and the +axis of the building is north and south. The theory that the door was +at the south has much in its favor, but there are several almost fatal +objections to this conclusion. + +If, however, we suppose that the entrance was in the south wall, the +high walls still standing above the trail up the mesa would then +recall the facades of other missions. The rooms east of the largest +inclosure, by this interpretation, would be outbuildings--residence +rooms for the padres--one side of which forms the eastern walls of the +church edifice. The form of the Awatobi church, as indicated by the +walls still standing, is very similar to that of Zuni, notwithstanding +the orientation appears to be somewhat different. + +Excavations failed to reveal any sign of the altar recess at either +the northern or the western end, which is not surprising, since the +walls are so poorly preserved in both these directions. It was, +moreover, very difficult to make a satisfactory examination of the +foundations of the walls at any point on account of the fallen +stories, which encumbered the floor at their bases. + +From the appearance of antiquity it seems probable that long before +the mission buildings were erected a ridge of many-storied houses +extended eastward from the pueblo on the northern side of a level +space or court, in which there were, either then or later, ceremonial +chambers or kivas. The southern side of this open space was the site +of the mission, but was then unoccupied. This open space recalls the +large court at Walpi, where the Snake dance occurs, but it was +considerably broader, one side being formed by the structures which +rose from the edge of the mesa. In course of time, however, the +mission buildings were erected on this site, and a wall connecting the +ridge of houses on the north and the outhouses of the mission was +made, thus inclosing the court on all four sides. It was into this +inclosure, through a gateway, the buttresses of which still remain, +that the assailants passed on that eventful night when Awatobi was +destroyed. + +There is good evidence that a massacre of Awatobians occurred in the +southeastern angle of the eastern part of the pueblo, just east of the +mission. If so, it is probable that many of the unfortunates sought +refuge in the outbuildings of the church. Suspecting that such was the +case, I excavated a considerable space of ground at these places and +found many human skulls and other bones thrown together in confusion. +The earth was literally filled with bones, evidently hastily placed +there or left where the dead fell. These bodies were not buried with +pious care, for there were no fragments of mortuary pottery or other +indication of burial objects. Many of the skulls were broken, some +pierced with sharp implements. While it is true that possibly this may +have been a potter's field, or, from its position east of the mission, +a Christian burial place, as at Zuni, the evidence from the appearance +of the bodies points to a different conclusion. According to the +legends, the hostiles entered the pueblo through the adjacent gateway; +their anger led them especially against those of the inhabitants who +were regarded as _powako_ or sorcerers, and their first acts of +violence would naturally have been toward those who sought refuge in +the buildings adjacent the church. Near this hated "Singing-house" the +slaughter began, soon extending to the kivas and the whole of the +eastern section of the village. There was no evidence of murderous +deeds in the rooms of the western section of the old pueblo, and the +legends agree in relating that most of the men were in kivas, not far +from the mission, when the village was overthrown. There is no +legendary evidence that there were any Spanish priests in the mission +at the time of its destruction, and there is no record extant of any +Spaniards losing their lives at Awatobi at the time of its +destruction, although the fact of the occurrence, according to +Bandelier,[73] was recorded. + +The traditional clans which inhabited Awatobi were the Awata (Bow), +Honani (Badger), Piba (Tobacco), and Buli (Butterfly). The Bow people +appear to have been the most important of these, since their name was +applied to the village. Their totemic signatures, in pictographic +form, may still be seen on the sides of the cliff under Awatobi, and +in the ruins was found a fine arrowshaft polisher on which was an +incised drawing of a bow and an arrow, suggesting that the owner was a +member of the Bow phratry. Saliko, the chief of the woman's society +known as the Mamzrautu, insists that this priesthood was strong in the +fated pueblo, and that a knowledge of its mysteries was brought to +Walpi by one of the women who was saved. + +It is claimed by the folklorists of the Tataukyamu, a priesthood +which, controls the New-fire ceremonies at Walpi, and is prominent in +the Soyaluna, or the rites of the winter solstice, that the Piba or +Tobacco phratry brought the fetishes of that society to Walpi, and +there are many obscurely known resemblances between the Mamzrauti and +the Wuewuetcimti celebrations in Walpi which appear to support that +claim. The Piba phratry is likewise said to have come to Walpi +comparatively late in the history of the village, which fact points +the same way. + +Undoubtedly Awatobi received additions to its population from the +south when the pueblos on the Little Colorado were abandoned, and +there are obscure legends which support that belief; but the largest +numbers were recruited from the pueblos in the eastern section of the +country.[74] + + +THE KIVAS OF AWATOBI + +A pueblo of the size of Awatobi, with so many evidences of long +occupancy, would no doubt have several ceremonial chambers or kivas, +but as yet no one has definitely indicated their positions. I have +already called attention to evidences that if they existed they were +probably to be looked for in the open court east of the western mounds +and in the space north of the mission. In all the inhabited Tusayan +pueblos the kivas are separated from the house clusters and are +surrounded by courts or dance plazas. No open spaces existed in the +main or western mounds of Awatobi, and there was no place there for +kivas unless the pueblo was exceptional in having such structures +built among the dwellings, as at Zuni. A tradition has survived that +Awatobi had regular kivas, partially subterranean, of rectangular +shape, and that they were situated in open courts. This would indicate +that the space east of the oldest part of the ruin may have been the +sites of these chambers. The old priests whom I have consulted in +regard to the probable positions of Awatobi kivas have invariably +pointed out the mounds north of the mission walls in the eastern +section of the ruin as the location of the kivas, and in 1892 I proved +to my satisfaction that these directions were correct. + +There is no reason to suppose that the kiva was a necessity in the +ancient performance of the Tusayan ritual, and there are still +performed many ceremonials as secret and as sacred as any others which +occur in rooms used as dwellings or for the storage of corn. Thus, the +Flute ceremony, one of the most complicated in Tusayan, is not, and +according to legends never was, performed in a kiva. On the contrary, +the secret rites of the Flute society are performed in the ancestral +Flute chamber or home of the oldest woman of the Flute clan. +Originally, I believe, the same was true in the case of other +ceremonials, and that the kiva was of comparatively recent +introduction into Tusayan.[75] + +Speaking of the sacred rooms of Awatobi, Mindeleff says: "No traces of +kivas were visible at the time the ruin was surveyed," but Stephen is +quoted in a legend that "the people of Walpi had partly cleaned out +one of these chambers and used it as a depository for ceremonial +plume-sticks, but the Navaho carried off their sacred deposits, +tempted probably by their market value as ethnologic specimens." It is +true that while from a superficial examination of the Awatobi mounds +the position of the kivas is difficult to locate, a little excavation +brings their walls to light. It is likewise quite probable that the +legend reported by Stephen has a basis in fact, and that the people at +Walpi may have used old shrines in Awatobi, after its destruction, as +the priests of Mishoninovi do at the present time; but I very much +doubt if the Navaho sold any of the sacred prayer emblems from these +fanes. It is hardly characteristic of these people to barter such +objects among one another, and no specimens from the shrines appear to +have made their way into the numerous collections of traders known to +me. There is, however, archeological evidence revealed by excavations +that the room centrally placed in the court north of the mission +contained a shrine in its floor on the night Awatobi fell. + +In 1892, while removing the soil from a depression about the middle of +the eastern court of Awatobi, about 100 feet north of the northern +wall of the mission, I laid bare a room 28 by 14 feet, in which were +found a skull and many other human bones which, from their +disposition, had not been buried with care. The discovery of these +skeletons accorded with the Hopi traditions that this was one of the +rooms in which the men of Awatobi were gathered on the fatal night, +and the inclosure where many died. I was deterred from further +excavation at that place by the horror of my workmen at the +desecration of the chamber. In 1895, however, I determined to continue +my earlier excavations and to trace the course of the walls of +adjacent rooms. The results obtained in this work led to a new phase +of the question, which sheds more light on the character of the rooms +in the middle of the eastern court of Awatobi. Instead of a single +room at this point, there are three rectangular chambers side by side, +all of about the same size (plate CVIII). In the center of the floor +of the middle room, 6 feet below the surface, I came upon a cist or +stone shrine. As the workmen approached the floor they encountered a +stone slab, horizontally placed in the pavement of the room. This slab +was removed, and below it was another flat stone which was perforated +by a rectangular hole just large enough to admit the hand and forearm. +This second slab was found to cover a stone box, the sides of which +were formed of stone slabs about 2-1/2 feet square. On the inner faces +of the upright slabs rain-cloud symbols were painted. These symbols +were of terrace form, in different colors outlined with black lines. +One of the stones bore a yellow figure, another a red, and a third +white. The color of the fourth was not determinable, but evidently, +from its position relatively to the others, was once green. This +arrangement corresponds with the present ceremonial assignment of +colors to the cardinal points, or at least the north and south, as at +the present time, were yellow and red, respectively, and presumably +the white and green were on the east and west sides of the cist. The +colors are still fairly bright and may be seen in the restoration of +this shrine now in the National Museum. + +There was no stone floor to this shrine, but within it were found +fragments of prayer-plumes or pahos painted green, but so decayed +that, when exposed to sunlight, some of them fell into dust. There +were likewise fragments of green carbonate of copper and kaolin, a +yellow ocher, and considerable vegetal matter mixed with the sand. All +these facts tend to the belief that this crypt was an ancient shrine +in the floor of a chamber which may have been a kiva. + +The position of this room with a shrine in the middle of the court is +interesting in comparison with that of similar shrines in some of the +modern Hopi pueblos. Shrines occupy the same relative position in +Sichomovi, Hano, Shipaulovi, and elsewhere, and within them sacred +prayer-offerings are still deposited on ceremonial occasions. At +Walpi, in the middle of the plaza, there is a subterranean crypt in +which offerings are often placed, as I have elsewhere described in +treating of certain ceremonies. This shrine is not visible, for a slab +of stone which is placed over it lies on a level with the plaza, and +is securely luted in place with adobe. There are similar subterranean +prayer crypts in other Tusayan villages. They represent the +traditional opening, or _sipapu_, through which, in Pueblo cosmogony, +races crawled to the surface of the earth from an underworld. In +Awatobi also there is a similar shrine, for the deposit of +prayer-offerings, almost in the middle of a plaza bounded on three +sides by the mission, the spur of many-storied houses, and the wall +with a gateway, while the remaining side was formed by the great +communal houses of the western part of the pueblo. + +While we were taking from their ancient resting places the slabs of +stone which formed this Awatobi shrine, the workmen reminded me how +closely it resembled the _pahoki_ used by the _katcinas_, and when, a +month later, I witnessed the _Niman-katcina_ ceremony at Walpi, and +accompanied the chief, Intiwa, when he deposited the prayer-sticks in +that shrine,[76] I was again impressed by the similarity of the two, +one in a ruin deserted two centuries ago, the other still used in the +performance of ancient rites, no doubt much older than the overthrow +of the great pueblo of Antelope mesa. + + +OLD AWATOBI + +The western mounds of Awatobi afford satisfactory evidence that they +cover the older rooms of the pueblo, and show by their compact form +that the ancient village in architectural plan was similar to modern +Walpi. They indicate that Awatobi was of pyramidal form, was +symmetrical, three or four stories high,[77] without a central plaza, +but probably penetrated by narrow courts or passages. No great +ceremonial dance could have taken place in the heart of the pueblo, +since there was not sufficient space for its celebration, but it must +have occurred outside the village, probably in the open space to the +east, near where the ruined walls of the mission now stand. + +From the nature of the western mounds I found it advantageous to begin +the work of excavation in the steep decline on the southern side, and +to penetrate the mound on the level of its base or the rock formation +which forms its foundation. In this way all the debris could +advantageously be moved and thrown over the side of the mesa. We began +to open the mounds, therefore, on the southern side, making converging +trenches at intervals, working toward their center. We found that +these trenches followed continuous walls connected by cross +partitions, forming rooms, and that these were continued as far as we +penetrated. The evidence is good that these rooms are followed by +others which extend into the deepest part of the mound. We likewise +excavated at intervals over the whole surface of the western area of +Awatobi, and wherever we dug, walls of former rooms, which diminished +in altitude on the northern side, were found. From these excavations I +concluded that if any part of the western mound was higher than the +remainder, it was on the southern side just above the edge of the +mesa, and from that highest point the pueblo diminished in altitude to +the north, in which direction it was continued for some distance in +low, single-story rooms. + + +ROOMS OF THE WESTERN MOUND + +The older or western portion of Awatobi is thus believed to be made up +of a number of high mounds which rise steeply, and for a considerable +height from the southern edge of the cliff, from which it slopes more +gradually to the north and west. On account of this steep declivity we +were able to examine, in vertical section, the arrangement of the +rooms, one above the other (figure 256). By beginning excavations on +the rocky foundation and working into the mound, parallel walls were +encountered at intervals as far as we penetrated. From the edge of the +cliff there seemed to extend a series of these parallel walls, +which were united by cross partitions, forming a series of rooms, +one back of another. The deeper we penetrated the mound the higher the +walls were found to be, and this was true of the excavations along the +whole southern side of the elevation (plate CIX). If, as I suspect, +these parallel walls extend to the heart of the mounds, the greatest +elevation of the former buildings must have been four stories. It +would likewise seem probable that the town was more or less pyramidal, +with the highest point somewhat back from the one- or two-story walls +at the edge of the cliff, a style of architecture still preserved in +Walpi. The loftiest wall, which was followed down to the floor, was 15 +feet high, but as that was measured over 20 feet below the apex of the +mound, it would seem that, from a distance, there would be a wall 30 +feet high in the center of the mound. Even counting 7 feet as the +height of each story we would have four stories above the foundation, +and this, I believe, was the height of the old pueblo. But probably +the wall did not rise to this height at the edge of the mesa, where it +could not have been more than one or two stories high. There is no +evidence of the former existence of an inclosed court of any +considerable size between the buildings and the cliff, although a +passage probably skirted the brink of the precipice, and house ladders +may have been placed on that side for ready access to upper rooms. By +a series of platforms or terraces, which were in fact the roofs of the +houses, one mounted to the upper stories which formed the apex of the +pueblo. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CIX + +EXCAVATIONS IN THE WESTERN MOUND OF AWATOBI] + +[Illustration: FIG. 256--Structure of house wall of Awatobi] + +On the western, northern, and eastern sides the slope is more gradual, +and while there are many obscurely marked house plans visible over the +surface, even quite near the top of the elevation, they are doubtless +the remains of single-story structures. This leads me to suspect that +when Awatobi was built it was reared on a mound of soil or sand, and +not on the solid rock surface of the mesa. The configuration, then, +shows that the pueblo sloped by easy decline to the plain to the +north, but rose more abruptly from the south and west. There are low +extramural mounds to the north, showing that on this side the +dwellings were composed of straggling chambers. The general character +of the rooms on the level slope at the western side of old Awatobi is +shown in the accompanying illustration (plate CX). The peculiarity of +these rooms appears by a comparison with the many-story chambers of +the southern declivity of the ruin. Extending the excavations four +feet below the surface we encountered a floor which rested on solid +earth, and there were no signs of walls beneath it. This was without +doubt a single-story house, the roof of which had disappeared. The +surrounding surface of the ground is level, but the tops of adjoining +walls of rooms may readily be traced near by. + +The room was rectangular, twice as long as wide, and without +passageways into adjoining chambers. The northern, eastern, and +western walls were unbroken, and there was nothing peculiar in the +floor of these sections; but we found a well-preserved, elevated +settle at the southern side, extending two-thirds of the length of the +main wall to a small side wall, inclosing a square recess, the object +of which is unknown to me. + +All walls were smoothly plastered, and the floor was paved with flat +stones set in adobe. The singular inclosure at the southern corner +could not be regarded as a fireplace, for there was no trace of soot +upon its walls. I incline to the belief that it may have served as a +closet, or possibly as a granary. Its arrangement is not unlike that +in certain modern rooms at Walpi. + +An examination of the masonry of the rooms of the western mounds of +Awatobi shows that the component stones were in a measure dressed into +shape, which was, as a rule, cubical. In this respect they differ from +the larger stones of which the mission walls were built, for in this +masonry the natural cleavage is utilized for the face of the wall. + +The differences between the masonry of the mission and that of the +room in which we found a chief buried were very marked. In the former, +elongated slabs of stone, without pecking or dressing, were universal, +while in the latter the squared stones were laid in courses and neatly +fitted together. The partitions likewise are narrower, being not more +than 6 inches thick. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CX + +EXCAVATED ROOM IN THE WESTERN MOUND OF AWATOBI] + + +SMALLER AWATOBI + +About an eighth of a mile west of the great mounds of Awatobi there is +a small rectangular ruin, the ground plan of which is well marked, and +in which individual houses are easy to trace. Like its larger +neighbor, it stands on the very edge of the mesa. None of its walls +rise above the surface of the mounds, which, however, are considerably +elevated and readily distinguished for some distance. The pueblo was +built in the form of a rectangle of single-story houses surrounding a +plaza. There was an opening or entrance on the southern side, near +which is a mound, possibly the remains of a kiva. A trail now passes +directly through the ruin and down the mesa side to Jeditoh valley, +probably the pathway by which the ancient inhabitants ascended the +cliff. The Hopi Indians employed by me in excavating Awatobi had no +name for this ruin and were not familiar with its existence before I +pointed it out to them. For want of a better interpretation I have +regarded it as a colony of old Awatobi, possibly of later +construction. + +Excavations in its mounds revealed no objects of interest, although +fragments of beautiful pottery, related to that found at Awatobi and +Sikyatki, show that it must have been made by people of the older or +best epoch[78] of Tusayan ceramics. + + +MORTUARY REMAINS + +Although it is well known that the ancient inhabitants of the great +houses of the Gila-Salado drainage buried some of their dead within +their dwellings, or in other rooms, and that the same mortuary +practice was observed in ancient Zuni-Cibola, up to the time of my +excavations this form of burial had never been found in Tusayan. I am +now able to record that the same custom was practiced at Awatobi. + +Excavation made in the southeastern declivity of the western mounds +led to a burial chamber in which we found the well-preserved skeleton +of an old man, apparently a priest. The body was laid on the floor, at +full length, and at his head, which pointed southward, had been +placed, not mortuary offerings of food in bowls, but insignia of his +priestly office. Eight small objects of pottery were found on his left +side (plate CXII, _a_, _b_, _d_, _e_). Among these was a symmetrical +vase of beautiful red ware (plate CXI, _a_) richly decorated with +geometric patterns, and four globular paint pots, each full of pigment +of characteristic color. These paint pots were of black-and-white +ware, and contained, respectively, yellow ocher, sesquioxide of iron, +green copper carbonate, and micaceous hematite (plate CXIII, _a_, +_d_, _e_) such as is now called _yayala_ and used by the Snake priests +in the decoration of their faces. There were also many arrowpoints in +an earthen colander, and a ladle was luted over the mouth of the red +vase. My native excavators pronounced this the grave of a warrior +priest. The passageways into this chamber of death had all been +closed, and there were no other mortuary objects in the room. This was +the only instance of intramural interment which I discovered in the +excavations at Awatobi, but a human bone was found on the floor of +another chamber. So far as known the Awatobi people buried most of +their dead outside the town, either in the foothills at the base of +the mesa, or in the adjacent sand-dunes. + +The work of excavating the graves at the foot of the mesa was +desultory, as I found no single place where many interments had been +made. Several food vessels were dug up at a grave opened by Kopeli, +the Snake chief. I was not with him when he found the grave, but he +called me to see it soon after its discovery. We took from this +excavation a sandstone fetish of a mountain-lion, a fragment of the +bottom of a basin perforated with holes as if used as a colander. +Deposited in this fragment were many stone arrowheads, several +fragments of green paint, a flat green paho ornamented with figures of +dragon-flies in black. In addition to a single complete prayer-stick +there were fragments of many others too much broken to be identified. +One of these was declared by Kopeli to be a chief's paho. The grave in +which these objects were found was situated about halfway down the +side of the mesa to the southward of the highest mounds of the western +division of the pueblo. + +Here and there along the base of all the foothills south of Awatobi +are evidences of former burials, and complete bowls, dippers, and +vases were unearthed (plate CXIII, _b_, _c_). The soil is covered with +fragments of pottery, and in places, where the water has washed +through them, exposing a vertical section of the ground, it was found +that the fragments of pottery extended through the soil sometimes to a +depth of fifty feet below the surface. There was evidence, however, +that this soil had been transported more or less by rain water, which +often courses down the sides of the mesa in impetuous torrents. + +Human bones and mortuary vessels were found south of the mission near +the trail, at the foot of the mesa. In a single grave, a foot below +the surface, there were two piles of food bowls, each pile containing +six vessels, all broken. + +The cemetery northwest of Awatobi, where the soil is sandy and easy to +excavate, had been searched by others, and many beautiful objects of +pottery taken from it. This burial place yielded many bowls (plates +CLXVII, CLXVIII) and jars, as well as several interesting pahos +similar to those from Sikyatki, which I shall later describe but which +have never before been reported from Awatobi. It was found that one of +these prayer-sticks was laid over the heart of the deceased, and as +the skeleton was in a sitting posture, with the hand on the breast, +the prayer-stick may thus have been held at the time of burial. Our +success in finding places of interment on all sides of Sikyatki, +irrespective of direction, leads me to suspect that further +investigation of the sand-dunes north of Awatobi will reveal graves at +that point. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXI + +VASE AND MUGS FROM THE WESTERN MOUNDS OF AWATOBI] + +I have already called attention to the great abundance of charred corn +found in the rooms north of the mission. Renewed work in this quarter +revealed still greater quantities of this corn stacked in piles, +sometimes filling the entire side of a room. Evidently, as I have +elsewhere shown, the row of rooms at this part of the ruin were burned +with all their contents. The corn was not removed from the granaries, +as it would have been if the place had been gradually abandoned. When +an Indian burns stored corn in such quantities as were found at +Awatobi we can not believe he was bent on pillage, and it is an +instructive fact that thus far no stacked corn has been found in the +western or most ancient section of Awatobi. + + +SHRINES + +Although Awatobi was destroyed almost two centuries ago, the shrines +of the old pueblo were used for many years afterward, and are even now +frequented by some of the Mishoninovi priests. In one of these ancient +depositories two wooden figurines sat in state up to within a few +years ago. + +This shrine lies below the ruins of the mission, among the bowlders on +the side of the cliff, about fifty feet from the edge of the mesa, and +is formed in an eroded cavity in the side of a bowlder of unusual +size. A rude wall had been built before this recess, which opened to +the east, and apparently the orifice was closed with logs, which have +now fallen in. The present appearance of this shrine is shown in the +accompanying illustration (figure 257). + +In former times two wooden idols, called the _Alosaka_, were kept in +this crypt, in much the same manner as the Dawn Maid is now sealed up +by the Walpians, when not used in the New-fire ceremony, as I have +described in my account of _Naacnaiya_.[79] Mr Thomas V. Keam, not +knowing that the Awatobi idols were still used in the Mishoninovi +ritual, had removed them to his residence, but when this was known a +large number of priests begged him to return them, saying that they +were still used in religious exercises. With that consideration which +he has always shown to the Indians, Mr Keam allowed the priests to +take the images of _Alosaka_. The figurines were this time carried to +Mishoninovi, the priests sprinkling a line of meal along the trail +over which they carried them. The two idols[80] have not been seen by +white people since that time, and are now, no doubt, in some hidden +crypt near the Mishoninovi village. + +There is a shrine of simple character, near the ruins of smaller +Awatobi, which bears evidence of antiquity (figure 258). It consisted, +in 1892, of a circle of small stones in which were two large +water-worn stones and a fragment of petrified wood. There was no +evidence that it had lately been used. + +[Illustration: FIG. 257--Alosaka shrine at Awatobi] + +On the extreme western point of the mesa, at the very edge of the +cliff, there was also a simple shrine (figure 259). Judging from its +general appearance, this, likewise, had not been used in modern times, +but there were several old prayer-sticks not far away. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXII + +PAINT POTS, BOWL, AND DIPPER FROM AWATOBI] + +At the foot of the mesa, below the point last mentioned, however, +there is a shrine (figure 260), the earth of which contained hundreds +of prayer-sticks, in all stages of decay, while some of them had been +placed there only a few days before my visit. This shrine, I was +told, is still used by the Mishoninovi priests in their sacred +observances. Among other forms of prayer offerings there were many +small wooden cylinders with radiating sticks connected with yarn, the +symbolic prayer offering for squashes.[81] In former times Antelope +valley was the garden spot of Tusayan, and from what we know of the +antiquity of the cultivation of squashes in the Southwest, there is +little doubt that they were cultivated by the Awatobians, and that +similar offerings were made by the ancient farmers for a good crop of +these vegetables. + +[Illustration: FIG. 258--Shrine at Awatobi] + +[Illustration: FIG. 259--Shrine at Awatobi] + + +POTTERY + +The mounds of Awatobi are entirely covered with fragments of pottery +of all the various kinds and colors known to ancient Tusayan. There +were found coiled and indented ware, coarse undecorated vessels, fine +yellow and smooth ware with black-and-white and red decorations. There +is no special kind of pottery peculiar to Awatobi, but it shares with +the other Tusayan ruins all types, save a few fragments of black +glazed ware, which occur elsewhere. + +[Illustration: FIG. 260--Shrine at Awatobi] + +It is highly probable that the few specimens of black-and-white ware +found in this ruin were not manufactured in the village, and the red +ware probably came from settlements to the south, on the Little +Colorado. These colors are in part due to the character of the paste +which was used, and the clay most often selected by Awatobi potters +made a fine yellow vessel. The material from which most of the vessels +were manufactured came, no doubt, from a bank near the ruin, where +there is good evidence that it was formerly quarried. + +Three coarse clay objects, such as might have been used for roof +drains, were found. The use of these objects, possibly indicated by +their resemblance, is not, however, perfectly clear. Their capacity +would not be equal to the torrents of rain which, no doubt, often fell +on the housetops of Awatobi, and they can hardly be identified as +spouts of large bowls, since they are attached to a circular disk with +smooth edges. In want of a satisfactory explanation I have +provisionally regarded them as water spouts, but whether they are from +ancient vessels or from the roofs of houses I am in much doubt.[82] + +One of the most instructive fragments of pottery taken from the ruins +is that of a coarse clay vessel, evidently a part of a flat basin or +saucer. The rim of this vessel is punctured with numerous holes, the +intervals between which are not greater than the diameter of the +perforations. + +Several platter-like vessels with similar holes about their rims have +been taken from other ruins of Jeditoh valley and mesa, the holes +being regarded as having been made as a means of suspension. Near a +sacred spring called Kawaika,[83] not far from Jeditoh, near Awatobi, +a large number of beautiful vessels with similar holes in their rims +were excavated by Mr T. V. Keam, and later passed into the collections +of the Hemenway Expedition, now installed at Cambridge. They are of +all kinds of ware, widely different in shape, the number of marginal +perforations varying greatly. As they were found in large numbers near +a spring they are regarded as sacrificial vessels, in which food or +sacred meal was deposited as an offering to some water deity. The +handle of a mug (plate CXI, _f_) from Awatobi, so closely resembles +the handles of certain drinking cups taken from the cliff-houses of +San Juan valley that it should be specially mentioned. There is in the +handle of this mug a T-shape opening quite similar in form to the +peculiar doorways of certain cliff-dwellings. The mug is made of the +finest white ware, decorated with black lines arranged in geometric +patterns. So close is its likeness in form and texture to cliff-house +pottery that the two may be regarded as identical. Moreover, it is not +impossible that the object may have been brought to Tusayan from Tsegi +canyon, in the cliff-houses of which Hopi clans[84] lived while +Awatobi was in its prime, and, indeed, possibly after the tragedy of +1700. The few fragments of Tsegi canyon pottery known to me have +strong resemblances to ancient Hopi ware, although the black-and-white +variety predominates. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXIII + +POTTERY FROM INTRAMURAL BURIAL AT AWATOBI] + +The collection of pottery from Awatobi is, comparatively speaking, +small, but it shows many interesting forms. Awatobi pottery may be +classed under the same groups as other old Tusayan ceramics, but most +of the specimens collected belong to the yellow, black-and-white, and +red varieties. It resembles that of Sikyatki, but bears little +likeness to modern ware in texture or symbolism. One is impressed by +the close resemblance between the Awatobi pottery and that from the +ruins of the Little Colorado and Zuni,[85] which no doubt is +explained, in part, by the identity in the constituents of the +potter's clay near Awatobi with that in more southerly regions. + +Evidences of Spanish influence may be traced on certain objects of +pottery from Awatobi, especially on those obtained from the eastern +mounds of the ruin. In most essentials, however, the Awatobi ware +resembles that of the neighboring ruins, and is characteristically +Tusayan. + +The differentiation in modern Cibolan and Tusayan symbolism is much +greater than that of the ancient pottery from the same provinces, a +fact which is believed to point to a similarity, possibly identity, of +culture in ancient times. With this thought in mind, it would be +highly instructive to study the ancient ruins of the Rio Grande +region, as unfortunately no large collections of archeological objects +from that part of the Southwest have been made.[86] + +The majority of the bowls from Awatobi are decorated in geometric +patterns and a few have animal or human figures. The symbols, as well +as the pottery itself, can not be distinguished from those of +Sikyatki. Fragments of glazed ware are not unknown at Awatobi, but so +far as recorded, entire specimens have never been obtained from the +latter ruin. + +In order that the character of the geometric designs on Awatobi +pottery may be better understood, two plates are introduced to +illustrate their modifications in connection with my discussion of the +geometric forms figured on Sikyatki ware. The figures on these bowls +(plates CLXVI, CLXVII), with one or two exceptions, need no special +description in addition to what is said of Sikyatki geometric designs, +which they closely resemble. + +The cross-shape figure (plate CLXVI, _b_) may profitably be studied in +connection with the account of the modification of Sikyatki sun +symbols. Evidences of the use of a white pigment as a slip were found +on one or two fragments of fine pottery from Awatobi, but no +decoration of this kind was observed on the Sikyatki vessels. The red +ware is the same as that found in ancient Cibola, while one or two +fragments of glossy black recall the type common to modern Santa +Clara. + +Two bird-shape vessels, one made of black-and-white ware, the other +red with black-and-white decoration, were found at Awatobi. Large +masses of clay suited to the potter's art were not uncommonly found in +the corners of the rooms or in the niches in their walls. Some of +these masses are of fine paste, the others coarse with grains of sand. +The former variety was used in making the finest Tusayan ceramics; the +latter was employed in modeling cooking pots and other vessels of +ruder finish. + +Several flute-shape objects of clay, with flaring extremities, were +found on the surface of the mounds of Awatobi, and one was taken from +a Sikyatki grave. The use of these objects is unknown to me. + +Among the fragments of dippers from Awatobi are several with +perforations in the bottom, irregularly arranged or in geometric form, +as that of a cross. These colanders were rare at Sikyatki, but I find +nothing in them to betray Spanish influence.[87] Handled dippers or +mugs have been found so often by me in the prehistoric ruins of our +Southwest that I can not accept the dictum that the mug form was not +prehistoric, and the conclusion is legitimate that the Tusayan Indians +were familiar with mugs when the Spaniards came among them. The +handles of the dippers or ladles are single or double, solid or +hollow, simply turned up at one end or terminating with the head of an +animal. The upper side of the ladle handle may be grooved or convex. +No ladle handle decorated with an image of a "mud-head" or clown +priest, so common on modern ladles, was found either at Awatobi or +Sikyatki. + +Rudely made imitations in miniature of all kinds of pottery, +especially of ladles, were common. These are regarded as votive +offerings, from the fact that they were found usually in the graves of +children, and were apparently used as playthings before they were +buried. + +A common decoration on the handles of ladles is a series of short +parallel lines arranged in alternating longitudinal and transverse +zones. This form of decoration of ladle handles I have observed on +similar vessels from the Casas Grandes of Chihuahua, and it reappears +on pottery in all the ruins I have studied between Mexico and Tusayan. +In the exhibit of the Mexican Government at Madrid in 1892-93 a fine +collection of ancient pottery from Oaxaca was shown, and I have +drawings of one of these ladles with the same parallel marks on the +handle that are found on Pueblo ware from the Gila-Salado, the Cibola, +and the Tusayan regions. + +The only fragment of pottery from Awatobi or Sikyatki with designs +which could be identified with any modern picture of a _katcina_ was +found, as might be expected, in the former ruin. This small fragment +is instructive, in that it indicates the existence of the _katcina_ +cult in Tusayan before 1700; but the rarity of the figures of these +supernatural beings is very suggestive. The fragment in question is of +ancient ware, resembling the so-called orange type of pottery, and is +apparently a part of the neck of a vase. The figure represents Wupamo, +the Great-cloud _katcina_, and is marked like the doll of the same as +it appears in the _Powamu_ or February celebration at Walpi.[88] + +The associates of the _katcinas_ are the so-called "mud-heads" or +clowns, an order of priests as widely distributed as the Pueblo area. +In Tusayan villages they are called the Tcukuwympkia, and are +variously personated. As they belong especially to the _katcina_ cult, +which is naturally supposed to have been in vogue at Awatobi, I was +greatly interested in the finding of a fragment representing a +grotesque head which reminded me of a glutton of the division of the +Tcukuwympkia called Tcuckutu. While there may be some doubt of the +validity of my identification, yet, taken in connection with the +fragment of a vase with the face of Wupamo, I think there is no doubt +that the _katcina_ cult was practiced at Awatobi. + + +STONE IMPLEMENTS + +Comparatively few stone implements, such as mauls, hammers, axes, and +spearpoints, were found; but some of those unearthed from the mounds +are finely finished, being regular in form and highly polished. There +were many spherical stones, resembling those still sometimes used in +Tusayan on important occasions as badges of authority. These stones +were tied in a buckskin bag, which was attached to a stick and used as +a warclub. Many of the axes were grooved for hafting; one of the +specimens was doubly grooved and had two cutting edges. By far the +largest number were blunt at one pole and sharpened at the opposite +end. A single highly polished specimen (plate CLXXI, _f_) resembles a +type very common in the Gila Salado ruins. + +Arrowheads, some of finely chipped obsidian, were common, being +frequently found in numbers in certain mortuary bowls. Three or four +specimens of other kinds of implements fashioned from this volcanic +glass were picked up on the surface of the mounds. + +Metates, or flat stones for grinding corn, were dug up in several +houses; they were in some instances much worn, and were eagerly sought +by the Indian women who visited our camp. These specimens differ in no +respect from similar mealing stones still used at Walpi and other +modern Tusayan pueblos. Many were made of very coarse stone[89] for +use in hulling corn preparatory to grinding; others were of finer +texture, and both kinds were accompanied by the corresponding mano or +muller held in the hand in grinding meal. + +The modern Hopi often use as seats in their kivas cubical blocks of +stone with depressions in two opposite sides which serve as handholds +by which they are carried from place to place. Two of these stones, +about a cubic foot in size, were taken out of the chamber which I have +supposed to be the Awatobi kiva. In modern Tusayan these seats are +commonly made of soft sandstone, and are so few in number that we can +hardly regard them as common. They are often used to support the +uprights of altars when they are erected, and I have seen priests +grind pigments in the depressions. Incidentally, it may be said that I +have never seen priests use chairs in any kiva celebration; nor do +they have boxes to sit upon. During the droning of the tedious songs +they have nothing under them except a folded blanket or sheepskin. + +Excavations in the Awatobi rooms revealed several interesting shallow +mortars used for grinding pigments, but no one of these is comparable +in finish with that shown in the accompanying illustration (plate +CLXXII, _a_). This object is made of a hard stone in the form of a +perfect parallelopipedon with slightly rounded faces. The depression +is shallow, and when found there was a discoloration of pigment upon +its surface. + +In almost every house that bore evidence of former occupancy, +beautifully made mullers and metates were exhumed. These were +ordinarily in place in the corner of the chamber, and were much worn, +as if by constant use. In one grave there was found a metate reversed +over a skeleton, probably that of a woman--although the bones were so +disintegrated that the determination of the sex of the individual was +impossible. Several of these metates were taken by Indian women, who +prized them so highly that they loaded the stones on burros and +carried them ten miles to Walpi, where they are now applied to the +same purpose for which they were used over two centuries ago. + +On the surface of the mesa, beyond the extension of the ground plan of +the ruin, there are many depressions worn in the rocks where the +Awatobi women formerly whetted their grinding stones, doubtless in the +manner practiced by the modern villagers of Tusayan. These depressions +are especially numerous near the edge of the cliff, between the +eastern and western sections of the ruin.[90] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXIV + +BONE IMPLEMENTS FROM AWATOBI AND SIKYATKI] + + +BONE OBJECTS + +A large and varied collection of bone implements was gathered at +Awatobi, and a few additional specimens were exhumed from Sikyatki. It +is worthy of note that, as a rule, bone implements are more common in +houses than in graves; and since the Awatobi excavations were +conducted mostly in living rooms, while those at Sikyatki were largely +in the cemeteries, the bone implements from the former pueblo far +outnumber those from the latter. + +The collection consists of awls, bodkins, needles, whistles, and tubes +made of the bones of birds and quadrupeds. The two animals which +contributed more than others to these objects were the turkey and the +rabbit, although there were fragments of the horns and shin-bones of +the antelope or deer. Several of these specimens were blackened by +fire, and one was stained with green pigment. There was also evidence +of an attempt at ornamenting the implements by incised lines, while +one was bound with string. Bones of animals which had served for food +were very common in all the excavations at Awatobi, especially near +the floors of the houses. With the exception of a number of large +bones of a bear, found in one of the houses in the northern range of +the eastern section, these bones were not carefully collected. + +Plate CXIV gives a general idea of some of the forms of worked bone +which were obtained. Figure _a_ shows an awl, for the handle of which +one of the trochanters was used, the point at the opposite end being +very sharp; _b_ and _c_ are similar objects, but slighter, and more +carefully worked; _d_ is a flattened bone implement perforated with +two holes, and may have been used as a needle. There are similar +implements in the collection, but with a single terminal perforation. +Other forms of bone awls are shown in _e_, _f_, _g_, and _j_. + +There are a number of bone objects the use of which is problematical. +One of the best of these is a section of the tibia of a bird, cut +longitudinally, convex on the side represented in plate CXIV, _h_, and +concave on the opposite side. When found this bone fragment was tied +to a second similar section by a string (remnants of which can be seen +in the figure), thus forming a short tube. The use of this object is +not known to me, nor were any satisfactory suggestions made by the +Indians whom I consulted in relation to it. This does not apply, +however, to the object illustrated in plate CXIV, _i_, which was +declared by several Hopi to be a bird whistle, similar to that used in +ceremonials connected with medicine making. + +The manner in which a bone whistle is used in imitation of a bird's +call has been noticed by me in the accounts of several ceremonials, +and I will therefore quote the description of its use in the +_Nimankatcina_ at Walpi.[91] + + Then followed an interval of song and accompanying rattle, at + the termination of which Intiwa's associate took the bird + whistle (_tatuekpi_) and blew three times into the liquid, + making a noise not unlike that produced by a toy bird + whistle. This was repeated four times, accompanied by song + and rattle. He first inserted the bone whistle on the north + side, then on the other cardinal points in turn. The + monotonous song and rattle then ceased, and Intiwa sprinkled + corn pollen on the ears of corn in the water, and upon the + line of pahos. + +The object of the whistle is to call the summer birds which are +associated with planting and harvesting. The whistle figures in many +rites, especially in those connected with the making of medicine or +charm liquid. + + +MISCELLANEOUS OBJECTS + +ORNAMENTS IN THE FORM OF BIRDS AND SHELLS + +In the excavations, as well as on the surface of the mounds at +Awatobi, were found many imitations of marine shells made of clay, +often painted red and ranging from the size of half a dollar to that +of the thumb nail (plate CLXXIII, _j-m_). On the convex surface of +these objects parallel lines are etched, and they are pierced at the +valves for suspension. I have never found them suspended from the neck +of a skeleton, although their general appearance indicates that they +were used as ornaments. Similarly made clay images of birds (plate +CLXXIII, _g_, _h_, _i_) with extended wings were also found, and of +these there are several different forms in the collection. A small +perforated knob at the breast served for attachment. In the absence of +any better explanation of these objects, I have regarded them as +gorgets, or pendants, for personal decoration. + +In the Awatobi collections there are several small disks made +apparently of pipe clay, which also were probably used as ornaments. +These are very smooth and wonderfully regular in shape--in one case +with a perforation near the rim. Turquois and shell beads were found +in considerable numbers in the excavations at Awatobi, but, as they +are similar to those from Sikyatki, I have reserved a discussion of +them for following pages. A few fragments of shell armlets and +wristlets were also exhumed. These were made generally of the Pacific +coast _Pectunculus_, so common in the ruins of the Little +Colorado.[92] + + +CLAY BELL + +Copper bells are said to be used in the secret ceremonials of the +modern Tusayan villages, and in certain of the ceremonial foot races +metal bells of great age and antique pattern are sometimes tied about +the waists of the runners. Small copper hawk bells,[93] found in +southern Arizonian ruins, are identical in form and make with those +used by the ancient Nahuatl people. So far as the study of the +antiquities of the ruins of Tusayan immediately about the inhabited +towns has gone, we have no record of the finding of copper bells of +any great age. It was, therefore, with considerable interest that I +exhumed from one of the rooms of the westernmost or oldest section of +Awatobi a clay bell (figure 261) made in exact imitation of one of the +copper bells that have been reported from several southern ruins +(plate CLXXIII, _a_). While it may be said that it would be more +decisive evidence of the prehistoric character of this object if +Awatobi had not been under Spanish influence for over a century, +still, from the position where it was dug up and its resemblance to +metal bells which are undoubtedly prehistoric, there seems to be +little reason to question its age. As with the imitation of marine +shells in clay, it is probable that in this bell we have a facsimile +of a metal bell with which the ancient Tusayan people were undoubtedly +familiar.[94] + +[Illustration: FIG. 261--Clay Bell from Awatobi (natural size)] + + +TEXTILE FABRICS + +In the very earliest accounts which we have of Tusayan the Hopi are +said to raise cotton and to weave it into mantles. These mantles, or +"towels" as they were styled by Espejo, were, according to Castaneda, +ornamented with embroidery, and had tassels at the corners. In early +times garments were made of the fiber of the maguey, and of feathers +and rabbit skins. Fabrics made of animal fiber are mentioned by Friar +Marcos de Niza, and he was told that the inhabitants of Totonteac +obtained the material from which they were made from animals as large +as the greyhounds which the father had with him. The historical +references which can be mentioned to prove that the Tusayan people, +when they were first visited, knew how to spin and weave are numerous, +and need not be quoted here. That the people of Awatobi made cotton +fabrics there is no doubt, for it is distinctly stated by early +visitors that they were acquainted with the art of weaving, and some +of the presents made to the first Spanish explorers were of native +cotton. + +The archeological evidence supports the historical in this particular, +and several fragments of cloth were found in our excavations in the +western mounds of the village. These fragments were of cotton and +agave fiber, of cotton alone, and in one instance of the hair of some +unknown animal. No signs of the famous rabbit-skin blankets were seen, +and from the perishable nature of the material of which they were made +it would be strange if any traces had been discovered. At Sikyatki a +small textile fragment made of feathers was found in one of the +burial vases, but no feather garments or even fragments of the same +were unearthed at Awatobi. + +A woven rope of agave fiber and many charred strings of the same +material were found in a niche in the wall of a house in the eastern +section, and from the same room there was taken a string, over a yard +long, made of human hair. It was suggested to me by one of the Hopi +that this string was part of the coiffure of an Awatobi maid, and that +it was probably used to tie up her hair in whorls above the ears, as +is still the Hopi custom. + +The whole number of specimens of textile fabrics found at Awatobi was +small, and their character disappointing for study, for the conditions +of burial in the soil are not so good for their preservation as in the +dry caves or cliff houses, from which beautifully preserved cloth, +made at a contemporary period, has been taken. + + +PRAYER-STICKS--PIGMENTS + +Among the most significant mortuary objects used by the ancient +Tusayan people may be mentioned the so-called prayer-sticks or pahos. +These were found in several graves, placed on the breast, in the hand, +or at the side of the person interred, and have a variety of form, as +shown in the accompanying illustrations (plates CLXXIV, CLXXV). As I +shall discuss the forms and meaning of prayer-sticks in my account of +Sikyatki, where a much larger number were found, I will simply mention +a few of the more striking varieties from Awatobi. + +One of the most instructive of these objects is flat in shape, painted +green, and decorated with figures of a dragon-fly. As this insect is a +symbol of rain, its occurrence on mortuary objects is in harmony with +the Hopi conception of the dead which will later be explained. + +Pahos, in the form of flat slats with a notched extension at one end +were common, but generally were poorly preserved. The prayer-sticks +from the shrine in the middle of the rooms in the plaza of the eastern +section crumbled into fragments when exposed to the air, but they were +apparently small, painted green, and decorated with black spots. On +several of the prayer-sticks the impressions of the string and +feathers that were formerly attached are still readily seen. It is +probable that the solution of a carbonate of copper, with which the +green pahos were so colored, contributed to the preservation of the +wood of which they had been manufactured. + +The only pigments detected on the prayer-sticks are black, red, and +green, and traces of red are found also on the inner surface of a +stone implement from a grave at the base of the mesa. All the pigments +used by the modern Tusayan Indians were found in the intramural burial +already described. My Hopi workmen urged me to give them small +fragments of these paints, regarding them efficacious in their +ceremonials. + + +OBJECTS SHOWING SPANISH INFLUENCE + +We would naturally expect to find many objects of Caucasian origin in +the ruins of a pueblo which had been under Spanish influence for a +century. I have already spoken of certain architectural features in +the eastern part of Awatobi which may be traced to the influence of +the Spanish missionaries, and of small objects there were several +different kinds which show the same thing. The old iron knife-blade +already mentioned as having been found among the corn in a storage +chamber in the northern row of houses was not the only metallic object +found. Not far from the mission there were unearthed many corroded +iron nails, a small hook of the same metal, a piece of cast copper, +and a fragment of what appeared to be a portion of a bell. There were +several pieces of glass, the surfaces of which had become ground by +the sand which had beaten upon them during the years in which they had +been exposed. There was found also a fragment of a green glazed cup, +which was undoubtedly of Spanish or Mexican make, and sherds of white +china similar to that sold today by the traders. These latter +specimens were, as a rule, found on the surface of the ground. + +It will therefore appear that the archeology of Awatobi supports the +documentary evidence that the pueblo was under Spanish influence for +some time, and the fact that all the above-mentioned objects were +taken on or in the eastern mounds emphasizes the conclusion that this +section of the town was the part directly under Spanish influences. +Nothing of Spanish manufacture was found in the rooms of the western +mounds, but from this negative evidence there is no reason to suspect +that this section of Awatobi was not inhabited contemporaneously with +that in the vicinity of the mission. + + +THE RUINS OF SIKYATKI + +TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE PUEBLO + +Very vague ideas are current regarding the character of Hopi culture +prior to Tobar's visit to Tusayan in 1540, and with the exception of +the most meager information nothing concerning it has come down to us +from early historical references in the sixteenth century. It is +therefore interesting to record all possible information in regard to +these people prior to the period mentioned, and this must be done +mainly through archeology. + +Although there are many Tusayan ruins which we have every reason to +believe are older than the time of Coronado, no archeologist has +gathered from them the evidences bearing on prehistoric Tusayan +culture which they will undoubtedly yield. Large and beautiful +collections of pottery ascribed to Tusayan ruins have shown the +excellent artistic taste of the ancient potters of this region, +indicating that in the ceramic art they were far in advance of their +descendants. But these collections have failed to teach, the lesson +they might have taught, from the fact that data concerning the objects +composing them are so indefinite. Very little care had been taken to +label these collections accurately or to collect any specimens but +those which were strikingly beautiful or commercially valuable. It was +therefore with the hope of giving a more precise and comprehensive +character to our knowledge of Tusayan antiquities that I wished to +excavate one of the ruins of this province which was undoubtedly +prehistoric. Conditions were favorable for success at the mounds +called by the Indians Sikyatki.[95] These ruins are situated near the +modern Tusayan pueblos of East Mesa, from which I could hire workmen, +and not far from Keam's Canyon, which could be made a base of +supplies. The existing legends bearing on these ruins, although +obscure, are sufficiently definite for all practical purposes. + +I find no mention of Sikyatki in early historical documents, nor can +the name be even remotely identified with any which has been given to +a Tusayan pueblo. My knowledge of the mounds which mark the site of +this ancient village dates back to 1892, when I visited them with one +of the old men of Walpi, who then and there narrated the legend of its +destruction by the Walpians previously to the advent of the Spaniards. +I was at that time impressed by the extent of the mounds, and prepared +a rough sketch of the ground plan of the former houses, but from lack +of means was unable to conduct any systematic excavation of the ruin. + +Comparatively nothing concerning the ruin of Sikyatki has been +published, although its existence had been known for several years +previously to my visit. In his brief account Mr Victor Mindeleff[96] +speaks of it as two prominent knolls, "about 400 yards apart," the +summits of which are covered with house walls. He also found portions +of walls on intervening hummocks, but gives no plan of the ruin. The +name, Sikyatki, is referred to the color of the sandstone of which the +walls were built. He found some of the rooms were constructed of small +stones, dressed by rubbing, and laid in mud. The largest chamber was +stated to be 9-1/2 by 4-1/2 feet, and it was considered that many of +the houses were "built in excavated places around the rocky summits of +the knolls."[97] Mr Mindeleff identified the former inhabitants with +the ancestors of the Kokop people, and mentioned the more important +details of their legend concerning the destruction of the village. + +We can rely on the statement that Sikyatki was inhabited by the Kokop +or Firewood people of Tusayan, who were so named because they obtained +fire from wood by the use of drills. These people are represented +today at Walpi by Katci, whose totem is a picture of Masauwu, the God +of Fire. It is said that the home of the Firewood people before they +built Sikyatki was at Tebunki, or Fire-house, a round ruin +northeastward from Keam's canyon. They were late arrivals in Tusayan, +coming at least after the Flute people, and probably before the Honani +or Badger people, who brought, I believe, the _katcina_ cult. Although +we can not definitely assert that this cultus was unknown at Sikyatki, +it is significant that in the ruins no ornamental vessel was found +with a figure of a _katcina_ mask, although these figures occur on +modern bowls. The original home of the Kokop people is not known, but +indefinite legends ascribe their origin to Rio Grande valley. They are +reputed to have had kindred in Antelope valley and at the Fire-house, +above alluded to, near Eighteen-mile spring. + +The ruin of Fire-house, one of the pueblos where the Kokop people are +reputed to have lived before they built Sikyatki, is situated on the +periphery of Tusayan. It is built of massive stones and differs from +all other ruins in that province in that it is circular in form. The +round type of ruin is, however, to be seen in the two conical mounds +on the mesa above Sikyatki, which was connected in some way with the +inhabitants who formerly lived at its base. + +The reason the Kokop people left Fire-house is not certain, but it is +said that they came in conflict with Bear clans who were entering the +province from the east. Certain it is that if the Kokop people once +inhabited Fire-house they must have been joined by other clans when +they lived at Sikyatki, for the mounds of this pueblo indicate a +village much larger than the round ruin on the brink of the mesa +northeast of Keam's canyon. The general ground plan of the ruin +indicates an inclosed court with surrounding tiers of houses, +suggesting the eastern type of pueblo architecture. + +The traditional knowledge of the destruction of Sikyatki is very +limited among the present Hopi, but the best folklorists all claim +that it was destroyed by warriors from Walpi and possibly from Middle +Mesa. Awatobi seems not to have taken part in the tragedy, while Hano +and Sichomovi did not exist when the catastrophe took place. + +The cause of the destruction of Sikyatki is not clearly known, and +probably was hardly commensurate with the result. Its proximity to +Walpi may have led to disputes over the boundaries of fields or the +ownership of the scanty water supply. The people who lived there were +intruders and belonged to clans not represented in Walpi, which in all +probability kept hostility alive. The early Tusayan peoples did not +readily assimilate, but quarreled with one another even when sorely +oppressed by common enemies. + +There is current in Walpi a romantic story connected with the +overthrow of Sikyatki. It is said that a son of a prominent chief, +disguised as a _katcina_, offered a prayer-stick to a maiden, and as +she received it he cut her throat with a stone knife. He is said to +have escaped to the mesa top and to have made his way along its edge +to his own town, taunting his pursuers. It is also related that the +Walpians fell upon the village of Sikyatki to avenge this bloody deed, +but it is much more likely that there was ill feeling between the two +villages for other reasons, probably disputes about farm limits or the +control of the water supply, inflamed by other difficulties. The +inhabitants of the two pueblos came into Tusayan from different +directions, and as they may have spoken different languages and thus +have failed to understand each other, they may have been mutually +regarded as interlopers. Petty quarrels no doubt ripened into +altercations, which probably led to bloodshed. The forays of the +Apache from the south and the Ute from the north, which began at a +later period, should naturally have led to a defensive alliance; but +in those early days confederation was not dreamed of and the feeling +between the two pueblos culminated in the destruction of Sikyatki. +This was apparently the result of a quarrel between two pueblos of +East Mesa, or at least there is no intimation that the other pueblos +took prominent part in it. It is said that after the destruction some +of those who escaped fled to Oraibi, which would imply that the Walpi +and Oraibi peoples, even at that early date, were not on very friendly +terms. If, however, the statement that Oraibi was then a distinct +pueblo be true, it in a way affords a suggestion of the approximate +age[98] of this village. + +There was apparently a more or less intimate connection between the +inhabitants of old Sikyatki and those of Awatobi, but whether or not +it indicates that the latter was founded by the refugees from the +former I have not been able definitely to make out. All my informants +agree that on the destruction of Sikyatki some of its people fled to +Awatobi, but no one has yet stated that the Kokop people were +represented in the latter pueblo. The distinctive clans of the pueblo +of Antelope mesa are not mentioned as living in Sikyatki, and yet the +two pueblos are said to have been kindred. The indications are that +the inhabitants of both came from the east--possibly were intruders, +which may have been the cause of the hostility entertained by both +toward the Walpians. The problem is too complex to be solved with our +present limited knowledge in this direction, and archeology seems not +to afford very satisfactory evidence one way or the other. We may +never know whether the Sikyatki refugees founded Awatobi or simply +fled to that pueblo for protection. + +There appears to be no good evidence that Sikyatki was destroyed by +fire, nor would it seem that it was gradually abandoned. The larger +beams of the houses have disappeared from many rooms, evidently having +been appropriated in building or enlarging other pueblos. + +There is nothing to show that any considerable massacre of the people +took place when the village was destroyed, in which respect it differs +considerably from Awatobi. There is little doubt that many Sikyatki +women were appropriated by the Walpians, and in support of this it is +stated that the Kokop people of the present Walpi are the descendants +of the people of that clan who dwelt at Sikyatki. This conclusion is +further substantiated by the statements of one of the oldest members +of the Kokop phratry who frequently visited me while the excavations +were in progress. + +The destruction of Sikyatki and its consequent abandonment doubtless +occurred before the Spaniards obtained a foothold in the country. The +aged Hopi folklorists insist that such is the case, and the +excavations did not reveal any evidence to the contrary. If we add to +the negative testimony that Sikyatki is not mentioned in any of the +early writings, and that no fragment of metal, glass, or Spanish +glazed pottery has been taken from it, we appear to have substantial +proof of its prehistoric character. + +In the early times when Sikyatki was a flourishing pueblo, Walpi was +still a small settlement on the terrace of the mesa just below the +present town that bears its name. Two ruins are pointed out as the +sites of Old Walpi, one to the northward of the modern town, and a +second more to the westward. The former is called at present the +Ash-heap house or pueblo, the latter Kisakobi. It is said that the +people whose ancestors formed the nucleus of the more northerly town +moved from there to Kisakobi on account of the cold weather, for it +was too much in the shadow of the mesa. Its general appearance would +indicate it to be older than the more westerly ruin, higher up on the +mesa. It was a pueblo of some size, and was situated on the edge of +the terrace. The refuse from the settlement was thrown over the edge +of the decline, where it accumulated in great quantities. This debris +contains many fragments of characteristic pottery, similar to that +from Sikyatki, and would well repay systematic investigation. No walls +of the old town rise more than a few feet above the surface, for most +of the stones have long ago been used in rebuilding the pueblo on +other sites. Kisakobi was situated higher up on the mesa, and bears +every appearance of being more modern than the ruin below. Its site +may readily be seen from the road to Keam's canyon, on the +terrace-like prolongation of the mesa. Some of the walls are still +erect, and the house visible for a great distance is part of the old +pueblo. This, I believe, was the site of Walpi at the time the +Spaniards visited Tusayan, and I have found here a fragment of pottery +which I believe is of Spanish origin. The ancient pueblo crowned the +ridge of the terrace which narrows here to 30 or 40 feet, so that +ancient Walpi was an elongated pueblo, with narrow passageways and no +rectangular court. I should judge, however, that the pueblo was not +inhabited for a great period, but was moved to its present site after +a few generations of occupancy. The Ash-hill village was inhabited +contemporaneously with Sikyatki, but Kisakobi was of later +construction. Neither Sichomovi nor Hano was in existence when +Sikyatki was in its prime, nor, indeed, at the time of its +abandonment. In 1782 Morfi spoke of Sichomovi as a pueblo recently +founded, with but fifteen families. Hano, although older, was +certainly not established before 1700.[99] + +The assertions of all Hopi traditionists that Sikyatki is a +prehistoric ruin, as well as the scientific evidence looking the same +way, are most important facts in considering the weight of deductions +in regard to the character of prehistoric Tusayan culture. + +Although we have no means of knowing how long a period has elapsed +since the occupancy and abandonment of Sikyatki, we are reasonably +sure that objects taken from it are purely aboriginal in character and +antedate the inception of European influence. It is certain, however, +that the Sikyatki people lived long enough in that pueblo to develop a +ceramic art essentially peculiar to Tusayan. + + +NOMENCLATURE + +The commonly accepted definition of Sikyatki is "yellow house" +(_sikya_, yellow; _ki_, house). One of the most reliable chiefs of +Walpi, however, called my attention to the fact that the hills in the +locality were more or less parallel, and that there might be a +relationship between the parallel valleys and the name. The +application of the term "yellow" would not seem to be very appropriate +so far as it is distinctive of the general color of the pueblo. The +neighboring spring, however, contains water which after standing some +time has a yellowish tinge, and it was not unusual to name pueblos +from the color of the adjacent water or from some peculiarity of the +spring, which was one of the most potent factors in the determination +of the site of a village. Although the name may also refer to a +cardinal point, a method of nomenclature followed in some regions of +the Southwest, if such were the case in regard to Sikyatki it would be +exceptional in Tusayan. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXV + +SIKYATKI MOUNDS FROM THE KANELBA TRAIL] + + +FORMER INHABITANTS OF SIKYATKI + +The origin of the pueblo settlement at Sikyatki is doubtful, but as I +have shown in my enumeration of the clans of Walpi, the Kokop +(Firewood) and the Isauuh (Coyote) phratries which lived there are +supposed to have come into Tusayan from the far east or the valley +of the Rio Grande. The former phratry is not regarded as one of the +earliest arrivals in Tusayan, for when its members arrived at Walpi +they found living there the Flute, Snake, and Water-house phratries. +It is highly probable that the Firewood, or as they are sometimes +called the Fire, people, once lived in the round pueblo known as +Fire-house, and as the form of this ruin is exceptional in Tusayan, +and highly characteristic of the region east of this province, there +is archeological evidence of the eastern origin of the Fire people. +Perhaps the most intelligent folklorist of the Kokop people was +Nasyunweve, who died a few years ago--unfortunately before I had been +able to record all the traditions which he knew concerning his +ancestors. At the present day Katci, his successor[100] in these +sacerdotal duties in the Antelope-Snake mysteries, claims that his +people formerly occupied Sikyatki, and indeed the contiguous fields +are still cultivated by members of that phratry. + +It is hardly possible to do more than estimate the population of +Sikyatki when in its prime, but I do not believe that it was more than +500;[101] probably 300 inhabitants would be a closer estimate if we +judge from the relative population to the size of the pueblo of Walpi +at the present time. On the basis of population given, the evidences +from the size of the Sikyatki cemeteries would not point to an +occupancy of the village for several centuries, although, of course, +the strict confines of these burial places may not have been +determined by our excavations. The comparatively great depth at which +some of the human remains were found does not necessarily mean great +antiquity, for the drifting sands of the region may cover or uncover +the soil or rocks in a very short time, and the depth at which an +object is found below the surface is a very uncertain medium for +estimating the antiquity of buried remains. + + +GENERAL FEATURES + +The ruin of Sikyatki (plates CXV, CXVI) lies about three miles east of +the recent settlement of Tanoan families at Isba or Coyote spring, +near the beginning of the trail to Hano. Its site is in full view from +the road extending from the last-mentioned settlement to Keam's +canyon, and lies among the hills just below the two pyramidal +elevations called Kuekuechomo, which are visible for a much greater +distance. When seen from this road the mounds of Sikyatki are observed +to be elevated at least 300 feet above the adjacent cultivated plain, +but at the ruin itself this elevation is scarcely appreciable, so +gradual is the southerly decline to the arroyo which drains the plain. +The ruin is situated among foothills a few hundred yards from the base +of the mesa, and in the depression between it and the mesa there is a +stretch of sand in which grow peach trees and a few stunted cedars. At +this point, likewise, there is a spring, now feeble in its flow from +the gradually drifting sand, yet sufficient to afford a trickling +stream by means of which an enterprising native, named Tcino, +irrigates a small garden of melons and onions. On all sides of the +ruin there are barren stretches of sand relieved in some places by +stunted trees and scanty vegetation similar to that of the adjacent +plains. The soil in the plaza of the ruin is cultivated, yielding a +fair crop of squashes, but is useless for corn or beans. + +Here and there about the ruins stand great jagged bowlders, relieving +what would otherwise be a monotonous waste of sand. One of these stony +outcrops forms what I have called the "acropolis" of Sikyatki, which +will presently be described. On the eastern side the drifting sand has +so filled in around the elevation on which the ruin stands that the +ascent is gradual, and the same drift extends to the rim of the mesa, +affording access to the summit that otherwise would necessitate +difficult climbing. Along the ridge of this great drift there runs a +trail which passes over the mesa top to a beautiful spring, on the +other side, called Kanelba.[102] + +The highest point of the ruin as seen from the plain is the rocky +eminence rising at the western edge, familiarly known among the +members of my party as the "acropolis." As one approaches the ruin +from a deep gulch on the west, the acropolis appears quite lofty, and +a visitor would hardly suspect that it marks the culminating point of +a ruin, so similar does it appear to surrounding hills of like +geologic character where no vestiges of former house-walls appear. + +The spring from which the inhabitants of the old pueblo obtained their +water supply lies between the ruin and the foot of the mesa, nearer +the latter. The water is yellow in color, especially after it has +remained undisturbed for some time, and the quantity is very limited. +It trickles out of a bed of clay in several places and forms a pool +from which it is drawn to irrigate a small garden and a grove of peach +trees. It is said that when Sikyatki was in its prime this spring was +larger than at present, and I am sure that a little labor spent in +digging out the accumulation of sand would make the water more +wholesome and probably sufficiently abundant for the needs of a +considerable population. + +The nearest spring of potable water available for our excavation camp +at Sikyatki was Kanelba, or Sheep spring, one of the best sources of +water supply in Tusayan. The word Kanelba, containing a Spanish +element, must have replaced a Hopi name, for it is hardly to be +supposed that this spring was not known before sheep were brought into +the country. There is a legend that formerly the site of this spring +was dry, when an ancient priest, who had deposited his _tiponi_, or +chieftain's badge, at the place, caused the water to flow from the +ground; at present however the water rushes from a hole as large as +the arm in the face of the rock, as well as from several minor +openings. It is situated on the opposite side of the mesa from +Sikyatki, a couple of miles northeastward from the ruin. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXVI + +GROUND PLAN OF SIKYATKI] + +Half-way up the side of the mesa, about opposite Sikyatki, there is a +large reservoir, used as a watering place for sheep. The splash of the +water, as it falls into this reservoir, is an unusual sound in this +arid region, and is worth a tramp of many miles. There are many +evidences that this spring was a popular one in former times. As it is +approached from the top of the mesa, a brief inspection of the +surroundings shows that for about a quarter of a mile, on either side, +there are signs of ancient terraced gardens, walled in with rows of +stones. These gardens have today greatly diminished in size, as +compared with the ancient outlines, and only that portion which is +occupied by a grove of peach trees is now under cultivation, although +there is plenty of water for the successful irrigation of a much +larger tract of land than the gardens now cover.[103] Judging from +their size, many of the peach trees are very old, although they still +bear their annual crop of fruit. Everything indicates, as the legends +relate, that these Kanelba gardens, the walls of which now form sheep +corrals, were long ago abandoned. + +The terraces south of the Kanelba peach grove resemble the lower +terraces of Wipo. About 100 rods farther south, along the foot of the +mesa, on the same level, are a number of unused fields, and a cluster +of house remains. The whole of this terrace is of a type which shows +greater action of the weather than the others, but the boundaries of +the fields are still marked with rows of stones. The adjacent +foothills contain piles of ashes in several places, as if the sites of +ancient pottery kilns, and very old stone inclosures occur on the top +of the mesa above Kanelba. All indications seem to point to the +ancient occupancy of the region about Kanelba by many more farmers +than today. Possibly the inhabitants of Sikyatki, which is only two or +three miles away, frequented this place and cultivated these ancient +gardens. Kanelba is regarded as a sacred spring by several Hopi +religious societies of East Mesa. The Snake priests of Walpi always +celebrate a feast there on the day of the snake hunt to the east in +odd years,[104] while in the alternate years it is visited by the +Flute men. + +The present appearance of Sikyatki (plate CXV) is very desolate, and +when visited by our party previously to the initiation of the work, +seemed to promise little in the way of archeological results. No walls +were standing above ground, and the outlines of the rooms were very +indistinct. All we saw at that time was a series of mounds, +irregularly rectangular in shape, of varying altitude, with here and +there faint traces of walls. Prominent above all these mounds, +however, was the pinnacle of rock on the northwestern corner, rising +abruptly from the remainder of the ruin, easily approached from the +west and sloping more gradually to the south. This rocky elevation, +which we styled the acropolis, was doubtless once covered with houses. + +On the western edge of the ruin a solitary farmhouse, used during the +summer season, had been constructed of materials from the old walls, +and was inhabited by an Indian named Lelo and his family during our +excavations. He is the recognized owner of the farm land about +Sikyatki and the cultivator of the soil in the old plaza of the ruins. +Jakwaina, an enterprising Tewan who lives not far from Isba, the +spring near the trail to Hano, has also erected a modern house near +the Sikyatki spring, but it had not been completed at the time of our +stay. Probably never since its destruction in prehistoric times have +so many people as there were in our party lived for so long a time at +this desolate place. + +The disposition of the mounds show that the ground plan of Sikyatki +(plate CXVI) was rectangular in shape, the houses inclosing a court in +which are several mounds that may be the remains of kivas. The highest +range of rooms, and we may suppose the most populous part of the +ancient pueblo, was on the same side as the acropolis, where a large +number of walled chambers in several series were traced. + +The surface of what was formerly the plaza is crossed by rows of +stones regularly arranged to form gardens, in which several kinds of +gourds are cultivated. In the sands north of the ruin there are many +peach trees, small and stunted, but yearly furnishing a fair crop. +These are owned by Tcino,[105] and of course were planted long after +the destruction of the pueblo. + +In order to obtain legends of the former occupancy and destruction of +Sikyatki, I consulted Nasyunweve, the former head of the Kokop people, +and while the results were not very satisfactory, I learned that the +land about Sikyatki is still claimed by that phratry. Nasyunweve,[106] +Katci, and other prominent Kokop people occupy and cultivate the land +about Sikyatki on the ground of inheritance from their ancestors who +once inhabited the place. + +Two routes were taken to approach Sikyatki--one directly across the +sandy plain from the entrance to Keam's canyon, following for some +distance the road to East Mesa; the other along the edge of the mesa, +on the first terrace, to the cluster of houses at Coyote spring. The +trail to the pueblos of East Mesa ascends the cliff just above +Sikyatki spring, and joins that to Kanelba or Sheep spring, not far +from Kuekuechomo, the twin mounds. By keeping along the first terrace a +well-traveled trail, with interesting views of the plain and the ruin, +joins the old wagon road to _Wala_, the "gap" of East Mesa, at a +higher level than the cluster of Tewan houses at Isba. In going and +returning from their homes our Hopi workmen preferred the trail along +the mesa, which we also often used; but the climb to the mesa top from +the ruin is very steep and somewhat tiresome. + +We prosecuted our excavations at Sikyatki for a few days over three +weeks, choosing as a site for our camp a small depression to the east +of the ruin near a dwarf cedar at the point where the trail to Kanelba +passes the ruin. The place was advantageously near the cemeteries, and +not too far from water. For purposes other than cooking and drinking +the Sikyatki spring was used, the remainder of the supply being +brought from Kanelba by means of a burro. + +I employed Indian workmen at the ruin, and found them, as a rule, +efficient helpers. The zeal which they manifested at the beginning of +the work did not flag, but it must be confessed that toward the close +of the excavations it became necessary to incite their enthusiasm by +prizes, and, to them, extraordinary offers of overalls and calico. +They at first objected to working in the cemeteries, regarding it as a +desecration of the dead, but several of their number overcame their +scruples, even handling skulls and other parts of skeletons. The Snake +chief, Kopeli, however, never worked with the others, desiring not to +dig in the graves. Respecting his feelings, I allotted him the special +task of excavating the rooms of the acropolis, which he performed with +much care, showing great interest in the results. At the close of our +daily work prayer-offerings were placed in the trenches by the Indian +workmen, as conciliatory sacrifices to Masauwuh, the dread God of +Death, to offset any malign influence which might result from our +desecration of his domain. A superstitious feeling that this god was +not congenial to the work which was going on, seemed always to haunt +the minds of the laborers, and once or twice I was admonished by old +men, visitors from Walpi, not to persist in my excavations. The +excavators, at times, paused in their work and called my attention to +strange voices echoing from the cliffs, which they ascribed, half in +earnest, to Masauwuh. + +The Indians faithfully delivered to me all objects which they found in +their digging, with the exception of turquoises, many of which, I +have good reason to suspect, they concealed while our backs were +turned and, in a few instances, even before our eyes. + +The accompanying plan of Sikyatki (plate CXVI) shows that it was a +rectangular ruin with an inclosed plaza. It is evident that the +ancient pueblo was built on a number of low hills and that the eastern +portion was the highest. In this respect it resembled Awatobi, but +apparently differed from the latter pueblo in having the inclosed +plaza. In the same way it was unlike Walpi or the ancient and modern +pueblos of Middle Mesa and Oraibi. In fact, there is no Tusayan ruin +which resembles it in ground plan, except Payuepki, a Tanoan town of +much later construction. The typical Tusayan form of architecture is +the pyramidal, especially in the most ancient pueblos. The ground plan +of Sikyatki is of a type more common in the eastern pueblo region and +in those towns of Tusayan which were built by emigrants from the Rio +Grande region. Sikyatki and some of the villages overlooking Antelope +valley are of this type. + +In studying the ground plans of the three modern villages on East +Mesa, the fact is noted that both Sichomovi and Hano differ +architecturally from Walpi. The forms of the former smaller pueblos +are primarily rectangular with an inclosed plaza in which is situated +the kiva; Walpi, on the other hand, although furnished with a small +plaza at the western end, has kivas located peripherally rather than +in an open space between the highest house clusters. Sichomovi is +considered by the Hopi as like Zuni, and is sometimes called by the +Hano people, Sionimone, "Zuni court," because to the Tewan mind it +resembles Zuni; but the term is never applied to Walpi.[107] The +distinction thus recognized is, I believe, architecturally valid. The +inclosed court or plaza in Tusayan is an intrusion from the east, and +as eastern colonists built both Hano and Sichomovi, they preserved the +form to which they were accustomed. The Sikyatki builders drew their +architectural inspiration likewise from the east, hence the inclosed +court in the ruins of that village. + +The two most considerable house clusters of Sikyatki are at each end +of a longer axis, connected by a narrow row of houses on the other +sides. The western rows of houses face the plain, and were of one +story, with a gateway at one point. The opposite row was more +elevated, no doubt overlooking cultivated fields beyond the confines +of the ruin. No kivas were discovered, but if such exist they ought to +be found in the mass of houses at the southern end. I thought we had +found circular rooms in that region, but cursory excavations did not +demonstrate their existence. As there is no reason to suspect the +existence of circular kivas in ancient Tusayan, it would be difficult +to decide whether or not any one of the large rectangular rooms was +used for ceremonial purposes, for it is an interesting fact that some +of the oldest secret rites in the Hopi villages occur, not in kivas, +but in ordinary dwelling rooms in the village. It has yet to be shown +that there were special kivas in prehistoric Tusayan. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXVII + +EXCAVATED ROOMS ON THE ACROPOLIS OF SIKYATKI] + +The longer axis of the ruin is about north and south; the greatest +elevation is approximately 50 feet. Rocks outcrop only at one place, +the remainder of the ruin being covered with rubble, sand, stones, and +fragments of pottery. The mounds are not devoid of vegetation, for +sagebrush, cacti, and other desert genera grow quite profusely over +their surface; but they are wholly barren of trees or large bushes, +and except in the plaza the ruin area is uncultivated. As previously +stated, Sikyatki is situated about 250 or 300 feet above the plain, +and when approached from Keam's canyon appears to be about halfway up +the mesa height. On several adjacent elevations evidences of former +fires, or places where pottery was burned, were found, and one has not +to go far to discover narrow seams of an impure lignite. Here and +there are considerable deposits of selenite, which, as pointed out by +Sitgreaves in his report on the exploration of the Little Colorado, +looks like frost exuding from the ground in early spring. + + +THE ACROPOLIS + +During the limited time devoted to the excavation of Sikyatki it was +impossible, in a ruin so large, to remove the soil covering any +considerable number of rooms. The excavations at different points over +such a considerable area as that covered by the mounds would have been +more or less desultory and unsatisfactory, but a limited section +carefully opened would be much more instructive and typical. While, +therefore, the majority of the Indian workmen were kept employed at +the cemeteries, Kopeli, the Snake chief, a man in whom I have great +confidence, was assigned to the excavation of a series of rooms at the +highest point of the ruin, previously referred to as the acropolis +(figure 262). Although his work in these chambers did not yield such +rich results as the others, so far as the number of objects was +concerned, he succeeded in uncovering a number of rooms to their +floors, and unearthed many interesting objects of clay and stone. A +brief description of these excavations will show the nature of the +work at that point. + +The acropolis, or highest point of Sikyatki, is a prominent rocky +elevation at the western angle, and overlooks the entire ruin. On the +side toward the western cemetery it rises quite abruptly, but the +ascent is more gradual from the other sides. The surface of this +elevation, on which the houses stood, is of rock, and originally was +as destitute of soil as the plaza of Walpi. This surface supported a +double series of rooms, and the highest point is a bare, rocky +projection. + +From the rooms of the acropolis there was a series of chambers, +probably terraced, sloping to the modern gardens now occupying the old +plaza, and the broken walls of these rooms still protrude from the +surface in many places (plate CXVIII). When the excavations on the +acropolis were begun, no traces of the biserial rows of rooms were +detected, although the remains of the walls were traceable. The +surface was strewn with fragments of pottery and other evidences of +former occupancy. + +On leveling the ground and throwing off the surface stones, it was +found that the narrow ridge which formed the top of the acropolis was +occupied by a double line of well-built chambers which show every +evidence of having been living rooms. The walls were constructed of +squared stones set in adobe, with the inner surface neatly plastered. +Many of the rooms communicated by means of passageways with adjacent +chambers, some of them being provided with niches and shelves. The +average height of the standing walls revealed by excavation, as +indicated by the distance of the floor below the surface of the soil, +was about 5 feet. + +[Illustration: FIG. 262--The acropolis of Sikyatki] + +The accompanying illustration (plate CXVIII) shows a ground plan of +nine of these rooms, which, for purposes of reference, are lettered +_a_ to _l_. A description of each, it is hoped, will give an idea of a +typical room of Sikyatki. Room _a_ is rectangular in shape, 5 feet 3 +inches by 6 feet 8 inches, and is 5 feet 8 inches deep. It has two +depressions in the floor at the southeastern corner, and there is a +small niche in the side wall above them. Some good specimens of mural +plastering, much blackened by soot, are found on the eastern wall. +Room _a_ has no passageway into room _b_, but it opens into the +adjoining room _c_ by an opening in the wall 3 feet 4 inches wide, +with a threshold 9 inches high. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXVIII + +PLAN OF EXCAVATED ROOMS ON THE ACROPOLIS OF SIKYATKI + +(Dimensions in feet and inches)] + +The shape of room _b_ is more irregular. It is 8 feet 1 inch long by 4 +feet 5 inches wide, and the floor is 5 feet 2 inches below the +surface. In one corner there is a raised triangular platform 2 feet 7 +inches above the floor. A large cooking pot, blackened with soot, was +found in one corner of this room, and near it was a circular +depression in the floor 17 inches in diameter, evidently a fireplace. + +Room _c_ is smaller than either of the preceding, and is the only one +with two passageways into adjoining chambers. Remains of wooden beams +in a fair state of preservation were found on the floors of rooms _c_ +and _b_, but they were not charred, as is so often the case, nor were +there any ashes except in the supposed fireplace. + +Room _d_ is larger than those already mentioned, being 7 feet 8 inches +by 5 feet, and connects with room _c_ by means of a passageway. Rooms +_e_ and _f_ communicate with each other by an opening 16 inches wide. +We found the floors of these rooms 4 feet below the surface. The +length of room _e_ is 8 feet. + +Room _f_ is 6 feet 8 inches long and of the same width as _e_. The +three chambers _g_, _h_, and _i_ are each 6 feet 9 inches wide, but of +varying width. Room _g_ is 5 feet 2 inches, _h_ is 8 feet 6 inches, +and _i_, the smallest of all, only a foot wide. These three rooms have +no intercommunication. + +The evidence of former fires in some of these rooms, afforded by soot +on the walls and ashes in the depressions identified as old +fireplaces, is most important. In one or two places I broke off a +fragment of the plastering and found it to be composed of many strata +of alternating black and adobe color, indicating successive +plasterings of the room. Apparently when the surface wall became +blackened by smoke it was renewed by a fresh layer or wash of adobe in +the manner followed in renovating the kiva walls today.[108] + +An examination of the dimensions of the rooms of the acropolis will +show that, while small, they are about the average size of the +chambers in most other southwestern ruins. They are, however, much +smaller than the rooms of the modern pueblo of Walpi or those of the +cliff ruins in the Red-rock region, elsewhere described. Evidently the +roof was 2 or 3 feet higher than the top of the present walls, and the +absence of external passageways would seem to indicate that entrance +was through the roof. The narrow chamber, _i_, is no smaller than some +of those which were excavated at Awatobi, but unless it was a storage +bin or dark closet for ceremonial paraphernalia its function is not +known to me. The mural plastering was especially well done in rooms +_g_ and _h_, a section thereof showing many successive thin strata of +soot and clay, implying long occupancy. No chimneys were found, the +smoke, as is the case with that from kiva fires today, doubtless +finding an exit through the hatchway in the roof. + + +MODERN GARDENS + +The whole surface of the ancient plaza of Sikyatki is occupied by +rectangular gardens outlined by rows of stones. These are of modern +construction and are cultivated by an enterprising Hopi who, as +previously mentioned, has erected a habitable dwelling on one of the +western mounds from the stones of the old ruin. These gardens are +planted yearly with melons and squashes, and stones forming the +outlines serve as wind-breaks to protect the growing plants from +drifting sand. The plotting of the plan of these gardens was made in +1891, when a somewhat larger part of the plaza was under cultivation +than in 1895.[109] + +There is a grove of dwarf peach trees in the sands between the +northern side of the ruin and the mesa along the run through which +sometimes trickles a little stream from the spring. These trees belong +to an inhabitant of Sichomovi named Tcino, who, it is claimed, is a +descendant of the ancient Sikyatkians. The trees were of course +planted there since the fall of the village, on land claimed by the +Kokop phratry by virtue of their descent from the same phratral +organization of the ancient pueblo.[110] The spring shows no evidence +of having been walled up, but apparently has been filled in by +drifting sand since the time that it formed the sole water supply of +the neighboring pueblo. It still preserves the yellow color mentioned +in traditions of the place. + + +THE CEMETERIES + +By far the largest number of objects found at Sikyatki were gathered +from the cemeteries outside the ruin, and were therefore mortuary in +character. It would seem that the people buried their dead a short +distance beyond the walls, at the three cardinal points. The first of +these cemeteries was found in the dune between the ruin and the peach +trees below the spring, and from its relative position from the pueblo +has been designated the northern cemetery. The cemetery proper lies on +the edge of the sandy tract, and was first detected by the finding of +the long-bones of a human skeleton projecting from the soil. The +position of individual graves was indicated usually by small, oblong +piles of stones; but, as this was not an invariable sign, it was +deemed advisable to extend long trenches across the lower part of the +dune. As a rule, the deeper the excavations the more numerous and +elaborate were the objects revealed. Most of the skeletons were in a +poor state of preservation, but several could have been saved had we +the proper means at our disposal to care for them. + +No evidence of cremation of the dead was found, either at Awatobi or +Sikyatki, nor have I yet detected any reference to this custom among +the modern Hopi Indians. They have, however, a strange concept of the +purification of the breath-body, or shade of the dead, by fire, which, +although I have always regarded it as due to the teaching of Christian +missionaries, may be aboriginal in character. This account of the +judgment of the dead is as follows: + +There are two roads from the grave to the Below. One of these is a +straight way connected with the path of the sun into the Underworld. +There is a branch trail which divides from this straight way, passing +from fires to a lake or ocean (_patuebha_). At the fork of the road +sits Tokonaka, and when the breath-body comes to this place this chief +looks it over and, if satisfied, he says "_Uem-pac lo-la-mai, ta ai_," +"You are very good; go on." Then the breath-body passes along the +straight way to the far west, to the early _Sipapu_, the Underworld +from which it came, the home of Mueiyinwu. Another breath-body comes to +the fork in the road, and the chief says, "You are bad," and he +conducts it along the crooked path to the place of the first fire pit, +where sits a second chief, Tokonaka, who throws the bad breath-body +into the fire, and after a time it emerges purified, for it was not +wholly bad. The chief says, "You are good now," and carries it back to +the first chief, who accepts the breath-body and sends it along the +straight road to the west. + +If, on emerging from the first fire, the soul is still unpurified, or +not sufficiently so to be accepted, it is taken to the second fire pit +and cast into it. If it emerges from this thoroughly purified, in the +opinion of the judge, it is immediately transformed into a +_ho-ho-ya-ueh_, or prayer-beetle. All the beetles we now see in the +valleys or among the mesas were once evil Hopi. If, on coming out of +the second fire pit, the breath-body is still considered bad by the +chief, he takes it to the third fire, and, if there be no evil in it +when it emerges from this pit, it is metamorphosed into an ant, but if +unpurified by these three fires--that is, if the chief still finds +evil left in the breath-body--he takes it to a fourth fire and again +casts it into the flames, where it is utterly consumed, the only +residue being soot on the side of the pit. + +I have not recorded this as a universal or an aboriginal belief among +the Hopi, but rather to show certain current ideas which may have been +brought to Tusayan by missionaries or others. The details of the +purification of the evil soul are characteristic. + +The western cemetery of Sikyatki is situated among the hillocks +covered with surface rubble below a house occupied in summer by a +Hopi and his family. From the nature of the soil the excavation of +this cemetery was very difficult, although the mortuary objects were +more numerous. Repeated attempts to make the Indians work in a +systematic manner failed, partly on account of the hard soil and +partly from other reasons. Although the lower we went the more +numerous and beautiful were the objects exhumed, the Indians soon +tired of deep digging, preferring to confine their work to within two +or three feet of the surface. At many places we found graves under and +between the huge bowlders, which are numerous in this cemetery. + +The southern cemetery lies between the outer edge of the ruin on that +side and the decline to the plain, a few hundred feet from the +southern row of houses. Two conspicuous bowlders mark the site of most +of the excavations in that direction. The mortuary objects from this +cemetery are not inferior in character or number to those from the +other burial places. All attempts to discover a cemetery on the +eastern side of the pueblo failed, although a single food basin was +brought to the camp by an Indian who claimed he had dug it out of the +deep sand on the eastern side of the ruins. Another bowl was found in +the sand drift near the trail over the mesa to Kanelba, but careful +investigation failed to reveal any systematic deposit of mortuary +vessels east of the ruin.[111] + +The method of excavation pursued in the cemeteries was not so +scientific as I had wished, but it was the only practicable one to be +followed with native workmen. Having found the location of the graves +by means of small prospecting holes sunk at random, the workmen were +aligned and directed to excavate a single long, deep trench, removing +all the earth as they advanced. It was with great difficulty that the +Indians were taught the importance of excavating to a sufficient +depth, and even to the end of the work they refused to be taught not +to burrow. In their enthusiasm to get the buried treasures they worked +very well so long as objects were found, but became at once +discouraged when relics were not so readily forthcoming and went off +prospecting in other places when our backs were turned. A shout that +anyone had discovered a new grave in the trench was a signal for the +others to stop work, gather around the place, light cigarettes, and +watch me or my collaborators dig out the specimens with knives. This +we always insisted on doing, for the reason that in their haste the +Indians at first often broke fragile pottery after they had discovered +it, and in spite of all precautions several fine jars and bowls were +thus badly damaged by them. It is therefore not too much to say that +most of the vessels which are now entire were dug out of the impacted +sand by Mr Hodge or myself. + +No rule could be formulated in regard to the place where the pottery +would occur, and often the first indication of its presence was the +stroke of a shovel on the fragile edge of a vase or bowl. Having once +found a skeleton, or discolored sand which indicated the former +presence of human remains, the probability that burial objects were +near by was almost a certainty, although in several instances even +these signs failed. + +A considerable number of the pottery objects had been broken when the +soil and stones were thrown on the corpse at interment. So many were +entire, however, that I do not believe any considerable number were +purposely broken at that time, and none were found with holes made in +them to "kill" or otherwise destroy their utility. + +No evidences of cremation--no charred bones of man or animal in or +near the mortuary vessels--were found. From the character of the +objects obtained from neighboring graves, rich and poor were +apparently buried side by side in the same soil. Absolutely no +evidence of Spanish influence was encountered in all the excavations +at Sikyatki--no trace of metal, glass, or other object of Caucasian +manufacture such as I have mentioned as having been taken from the +ruins of Awatobi--thus confirming the native tradition that the +catastrophe of Sikyatki antedated the middle of the sixteenth century, +when the first Spaniards entered the country. + +It is remarkable that in Sikyatki we found no fragments of basketry or +cloth, the fame of which among the Pueblo Indians was known to +Coronado before he left Mexico. That the people of Sikyatki wore +cotton kilts no one can doubt, but these fabrics, if they were buried +with the dead, had long since decayed. Specimens of strings and ropes +of yucca, which were comparatively abundant at Awatobi, were not found +at Sikyatki; yet their absence by no means proves that they were not +used, for the marks of the strings used to bind feathers to the +mortuary pahos, on the green paint with which the wood was covered, +may still be readily seen. + +The insight into ancient beliefs and practices afforded by the +numerous objects found at Sikyatki is very instructive, and while it +shows the antiquity of some of the modern symbols, it betrays a still +more important group of conventionalized figures, the meaning of which +may always remain in doubt. This is particularly true of the +decoration on many specimens of the large collection of highly +ornamented pottery found in the Sikyatki cemeteries. + +If we consider the typical designs on modern Hopi pottery and compare +them with the ancient, as illustrated by the collections from Awatobi +and Sikyatki, it is noted, in the first place, how different they are, +and secondly, how much better executed the ancient objects are than +the modern. Nor is it always clear how the modern symbols are derived +from the ancient, so widely do they depart from them in all their +essential characters. + + +POTTERY + +CHARACTERISTICS--MORTUARY POTTERY + +The pottery exhumed from the burial places of Sikyatki falls in the +divisions known as-- + + I--Coiled and indented ware. + II--Smooth undecorated ware. + III--Polished decorated ware. + _a_. Yellow. + _b_. Red. + _c_. Black-and-white. + +By far the largest number of ancient pottery objects from this +locality belong to the yellow-ware group in the above classification. +This is the characteristic pottery of Tusayan, although coiled and +indented ware is well represented in the collection. The few pieces of +red ware are different from that found in the ruins of the Little +Colorado, while the black-and-white pottery closely resembles the +archaic ware of northern cliff houses. Although the Sikyatki pottery +bears resemblance to that of Awatobi, it can be distinguished from it +without difficulty. The paste of both is of the finest character and +was most carefully prepared. Some of the ancient specimens are much +superior to those at present made, and are acknowledged by the finest +potters of East Mesa to be beyond their power of ceramic production. +The coloration is generally in red, brown, yellow, and black. +Decorative treatment by spattering is common in the food basins, and +this was no doubt performed, Chinese fashion, by means of the mouth. +The same method is still employed by the Hopi priests in painting +their masks. + +The Sikyatki collection of pottery shows little or no duplication in +decorative design, and every ornamented food basin bears practically +different symbols. The decoration of the food basins is mainly on the +interior, but there is almost invariably a geometrical design of some +kind on the outside, near the rim. The ladles, likewise, are +ornamented on their interior, and their handles also are generally +decorated. When the specimens were removed from the graves their +colors, as a rule, were apparently as well preserved as at the time of +their burial; nor, indeed, do they appear to have faded since their +deposit in the National Museum. + +The best examples of ceramic art from the graves of Sikyatki, in +texture, finish, and decoration, are, in my judgment, superior to any +pottery made by ancient or modern Indians north of Mexico. Indeed, in +these respects the old Tusayan pottery will bear favorable comparison +even with Central American ware. It is far superior to the rude +pottery of the eastern pueblos, and is also considerably better than +that of the great villages of the Gila and Salado. Among the Hopi +themselves the ceramic art has degenerated, as the few remaining +potters confess. These objects can hardly be looked upon as products +of a savage people destitute of artistic feeling, but of a race which +has developed in this line of work, through the plane of savagery, to +a high stage of barbarism. While, as a whole, we can hardly regard the +modern Hopi as a degenerate people with a more cultured ancestry, +certainly the entire Pueblo culture in the Southwest, judged by the +character of their pottery manufacture, has greatly deteriorated since +the middle of the sixteenth century. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXIX + +COILED AND INDENTED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI] + + +COILED AND INDENTED WARE + +The rudest type of pottery from Sikyatki has been classed as coiled +and indented ware. It is coarse in texture, not polished, and usually +not decorated. Although the outer surface of the pottery of this class +is rough, the general form of the ware is not less symmetrical than +that of the finer vessels. The objects belonging to this group are +mostly jars and moccasin-shape vessels, there being no bowls of this +type. As a rule, the vessels are blackened with soot, although some of +the specimens are light-brown in color. The former variety were +undoubtedly once used in cooking; the latter apparently for containing +water or food. In the accompanying illustration (plate CXIX, _a_) is +shown one of the best specimens of indented ware, the pits forming an +equatorial zone about the vessel. All traces of the coil of clay with +which the jar was built up have been obliterated save on the bottom. +The vessel is symmetrical and the indentations regular, as if made +with a pointed stone, bone, or stick. + +In another form of coarse pottery (plate CXIX, _b_) the rim merges +into two ears or rudimentary handles on opposite sides. Traces of the +original coiling are readily observable on the sides of this vessel. + +Another illustration (plate CXIX, _c_) shows an amphora or jar with +diametrically opposite handles extending from the rim to the side of +the bowl. The surface of this rude jar is rough and without +decoration, but the form is regular and symmetrical. In another +amphora (plate CXIX, _d_) the opposite handles appear below the neck +of the vessel; they are broader and apparently more serviceable. + +The jar shown in plate CXIX, _e_, has two ear-like extensions or +projections from the neck of the jar, which are perforated for +suspension. This vessel is decorated with an incised zigzag line, +which surrounds it just above its equator. This is a fair example of +ornamented rough ware. + +Several of the vessels made of coarse clay mixed with sand, the grains +of which make the surface very rough, are of slipper or moccasin +shape. These are covered with soot or blackened by fire, indicating +their former use as cooking pots. By adopting this form the ancients +were practically enabled to use the principle of the dutch-oven, the +coals being piled about the vessels containing the food to be cooked +much more advantageously than in the vase-like forms. + +The variations in slipper-shape cooking pots are few and simple. The +blind end is sometimes of globular form, as in the example illustrated +in plate CXX, _a_, and sometimes pointed as in figures _b_ and _c_ of +the same plate. One of the specimens of this type has a handle on the +rim and another has a flaring lip. Slipper-form vessels are always of +coarse ware for the obvious reason that, being somewhat more porous, +they are more readily heated than polished utensils. They are not +decorated for equally obvious reasons. + + +SMOOTH UNDECORATED WARE + +There are many specimens of undecorated ware of all shapes and sizes, +a type of which is shown in plate CXX, _d_. These include food bowls, +saucers, ladles, and jars, and were taken from many graves. These +utensils differ from the coarse-ware vessels not only in the character +of the clay from which they are made, but also in their superficial +polish, which, in some instances, is as fine as that of vessels with +painted designs. Several very good spoons of half-gourd shape were +found, and there are many undecorated food bowls and vases. The first +attempts at ornamentation appear to have been a simple spattering of +the surface with liquid pigment or a drawing of simple encircling +bands. In one instance (plate CXX, _d_) a blackening of the surface by +exposure to smoke was detected, but no superficial gloss, as in the +Santa Clara ware, was noted. + + +POLISHED DECORATED WARE + +By far the greater number of specimens of mortuary pottery from +Sikyatki are highly polished and decorated with more or less +complicated designs. Of these there are at least three different +groups, based on the color of the ware. Most of the vessels are light +yellow or of cream color; the next group in point of color is the red +ware, the few remaining specimens being white with black decorations +in geometric patterns. These types naturally fall into divisions +consisting of vases, jars, bowls, square boxes, cups, ladles, and +spoons. + +In the group called vases (plates CXXI, CXXII) many varieties are +found; some of these are double, with an equatorial constriction; +others are rounded below, flat above, with an elevated neck and a +recurved lip. It is noteworthy that these jars or vases are destitute +of handles, and that their decoration is always confined to the +equatorial and upper sections about the opening. In the specimens of +this group which were found at Sikyatki there is no basal rim and no +depression on the pole opposite the opening. No decoration is found on +the interior of the vases, although in several instances the inside of +the lip bears lines or markings of various kinds. The opening is +always circular, sometimes small, often large; the neck of a vessel is +occasionally missing, although the specimens bear evidence of use +after having been thus broken. In one or two instances the equatorial +constriction is so deep that the jar is practically double; in other +cases the constriction is so shallow that it is hardly perceptible +(plate CXXVI, _a, b_). The size varies from a simple globular vessel +not larger than a walnut to a jar of considerable size. Many show +marks of previous use; others are as fresh as if made but yesterday. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXX + +SAUCERS AND SLIPPER BOWLS FROM SIKYATKI] + +One of the most fragile of all the globular vessels is a specimen of +very thin black-and-white ware, perforated near the rim for suspension +(plate CXXXII). This form, although rare at Sikyatki, is represented +by several specimens, and in mode of decoration is very similar to the +cliff-house pottery. From its scarcity in Tusayan I am inclined to +believe that this and related specimens were not made of clay found in +the immediate vicinity of Sikyatki, but that the vessels were brought +to the ancient pueblo from distant places. As at least some of the +cliff houses were doubtless inhabited contemporaneously with and long +after the destruction of Sikyatki, I do not hesitate to say that the +potters of that pueblo were familiar with the cliff-dweller type of +pottery and acquainted with the technic which gave the black-and-white +ware its distinctive colors. + +By far the largest number of specimens of smooth decorated pottery +from Sikyatki graves are food bowls or basins, evidently the dishes in +which food was placed on the floor before the members of a family at +their meals. As the mortuary offerings were intended as food for the +deceased it is quite natural that this form of pottery should far +outnumber any and all the others. In no instance do the food bowls +exhibit marks of smoke blackening, an indication that they had not +been used in the cooking of food, but merely as receptacles of the +same. + +The beautiful decoration of these vessels speaks highly for the +artistic taste of the Sikyatki women, and a feast in which they were +used must have been a delight to the native eye so far as dishes were +concerned. When filled with food, however, much of the decoration of +the bowls must have been concealed, a condition avoided in the mode of +ornamentation adopted by modern Tusayan potters; but there is no doubt +that when not in use the decoration of the vessels was effectually +exhibited in their arrangement on the floor or convenient shelves. + +The forms of these food bowls are hemispherical, gracefully rounded +below, and always without an attached ring of clay on which to stand +to prevent rocking. Their rims are seldom flaring, but sometimes have +a slight constriction, and while the rims of the majority are +perfectly circular, oblong variations are not wanting. Many of the +bowls are of saucer shape, with almost vertical sides and flat bases; +several are double, with rounded or flat base. + +The surface, inside and out, is polished to a fine gloss, and when +exteriorly decorated, the design is generally limited to one side just +below the rim, which is often ornamented with double or triple +parallel lines, drawn in equidistant, quaternary, and other forms. +Most of the bowls show signs of former use, either wear on the inner +surface or on the base where they rested on the floor in former +feasts. + +These mortuary vessels were discovered generally at one side of the +chest or neck of the person whose remains they were intended to +accompany, and a single specimen was found inverted over the head of +the deceased. The number of vessels in each grave was not constant, +and as many as ten were found with one skeleton, while in other graves +only one or two were found. In one instance a nest of six of these +basins, one inside another, was exhumed. While many of these mortuary +offerings were broken and others chipped, there were still a large +number as perfect as when made. Some of the bowls had been mended +before burial, as holes drilled on each side of a crack clearly +indicate. Fragments of various vessels, which evidently had been +broken before they were thrown into the graves, were common. + +There is a general similarity in the artistic decoration of bowls +found in the same grave, as if they were made by the same potter; and +persons of distinction, as shown by other mortuary objects, were, as a +rule, more honored than some of their kindred in the character and +number of pottery objects deposited with their remains. There were +also a number of skeletons without ceramic offerings of any kind. + +In one or two interments two or more small jars were found placed +inside of a food bowl, and in many instances votive offerings, like +turquois, beads, stones, and arrowpoints, had been deposited with the +dead. The bowls likewise contained, in some instances, prayer-sticks +and other objects, which will later be described. + +One of the most interesting modifications in the form of the rim of +one of these food bowls is shown in plate CXX, _e_, which illustrates +a variation from the circular shape, forming a kind of handle or +support for the thumb in lifting the vessel. The utility of this +projection in handling a bowl of hot food is apparent. This form of +vessel is very rare, it being the only one of its kind in the +collection. + +A considerable number of cups were found at Sikyatki; these vary in +size and shape from a flat-bottom saucer like specimen to a mug-shape +variety, always with a single handle (plate CXXV). Many of these +resemble small bowls with rounded sides, but there are others in which +the sides are vertical, and still others the sides of which incline at +an angle to the flattened base. + +The handles of these cups are generally smooth, and in one instance +adorned with a figure in relief. The rims of these dippers are never +flaring, either inward or outward. As a rule they are decorated on the +exterior; indeed there is only one instance of interior decoration. +The handles of the dippers are generally attached at both ends, but +sometimes the handle is free at the end near the body of the utensil +and attached at the tip. These handles are usually flat, but sometimes +they are round, and often are decorated. Traces of imitations of the +braiding of two coils of clay are seen in a single specimen.[112] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXI + +DECORATED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXII + +DECORATED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI] + +Small and large ladles, with long handles, occurred in large numbers +in Sikyatki graves, but there was little variation among them except +in the forms of their handles. Many of these utensils were much worn +by use, especially on the rim opposite the attachment of the handle, +and in some specimens the handle itself had evidently been broken and +the end rounded off by rubbing long before it was placed in the grave. +From the comparatively solid character of the bowls of these dippers +they were rarely fractured, and were commonly found to contain smaller +mortuary objects, such as paint, arrowheads, or polishing stones. + +The ladles, unlike most of the cups, are generally decorated on the +interior as well as on the exterior. Their handles vary in size and +shape, are usually hollow, and sometimes are perforated at the end. In +certain specimens the extremity is prolonged into a pointed, recurved +tip, and sometimes is coiled in a spiral. A groove in the upper +surface of one example is an unusual variation, and a right-angle bend +of the tip is a unique feature of another specimen. The Sikyatki +potters, like their modern descendants,[113] sometimes ornamented the +tip of a single handle with the head of an animal and painted the +upper surface of the shaft with alternate parallel bars, zigzags, +terraces, and frets. + +Several spoons or scoops of earthenware, which evidently had been used +in much the same way as similar objects in the modern pueblos, were +found. Some of these have the shape of a half gourd--a natural object +which no doubt furnished the pattern. These spoons, as a rule, were +not decorated, but on a single specimen bars and parallel lines may be +detected. In the innovations of modern times pewter spoons serve the +same purpose, and their form is sometimes imitated in earthenware. +More often, in modern and probably also in ancient usage, a roll of +paper-bread or _piki_ served the same purpose, being dipped into the +stew and then eaten with the fingers. Possibly the Sikyatkian drank +from the hollow handle of a gourd ladle, as is frequently done in +Walpi today, but he generally slaked his thirst by means of a clay +substitute.[114] + +Several box-like articles of pottery of both cream and red ware were +found in the Sikyatki graves, some of them having handles, others +being without them (plate CXXV). They are ornamented on the exterior +and on the rim, and the handle, when not lacking, is attached to the +longer side of the rectangular vessel. Not a single bowl was found +with a terraced rim, a feature so common in the medicine bowls of +Tusayan at the present time.[115] + +In addition to the various forms of pottery which have been mentioned, +there are also pieces made in the form of birds, one of the most +typical of which is figured in plate CXII, _c_. In these objects the +wings are represented by elevations in the form of ridges on the +sides, and the tail and head by prolongations, which unfortunately +were broken off. + +Toys or miniature reproductions of all the above-mentioned ceramic +specimens occurred in several graves. These are often very roughly +made, and in some cases contained pigments of different colors. The +finding of a few fragments of clay in the form of animal heads, and +one or two rude images of quadrupeds, would seem to indicate that +sometimes such objects were likewise deposited with the dead. A clay +object resembling the flaring end of a flageolet and ornamented with a +zigzag decoration is unique in the collections from Sikyatki, although +in the western cemetery there was found a fragment of an earthenware +tube, possibly a part of a flute. + +In order to show more clearly the association of mortuary objects in +single graves a few examples of the grouping of these deposits will be +given. + +In a grave in the western cemetery the following specimens were found: +1, ladle; 2, paint grinder; 3, paint slab; 4, arrowpoints; 5, +fragments of a marine shell (_Pectunculus_); 6, pipe, with fragments +of a second pipe, and 7, red paint (sesquioxide of iron). + +In the grave which contained the square medicine bowl shown in plate +CXXVIII, _a_, a ladle containing food was also unearthed. + +The bowl decorated with a picture of a girl's head was associated with +fragments of another bowl and four ladles. + +Another single grave contained four large and small cooking pots and a +broken metate. + +In a grave 8 feet below the surface in the western cemetery we found: +1, decorated food vessel; 2, black shoe-shape cooking pot resting in a +food bowl and containing a small rude ladle; 3, coarse undecorated +basin. + +A typical assemblage of mortuary objects comprised: 1, small decorated +bowl containing polishing stones; 2, miniature cooking pot blackened +by soot; 3, two small food bowls. + +In modern Hopi burials the food bowls with the food for the dead are +not buried with the deceased, but are placed on the mound of soil and +stones which covers the remains. From the position of the mortuary +pottery as regards the skeletons in the Sikyatki interments, it is +probable that this custom is of modern origin. Whether in former times +food bowls were placed on the burial mounds as well as in the grave I +am not able to say. The number of food bowls in ancient graves exceeds +those placed on modern burials. + +The Sikyatki dead were apparently wrapped in coarse fabrics, possibly +matting. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXIII + +DECORATED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI] + + +PALEOGRAPHY OF THE POTTERY + +GENERAL FEATURES + +The pottery from Sikyatki is especially rich in picture writing, and +imperfect as these designs are as a means of transmitting a knowledge +of manners, customs, and religious conceptions, they can be +interpreted with good results. + +One of the most important lessons drawn from the pottery is to be had +from a study of the symbols used in its decoration, as indicative of +current beliefs and practices when it was made. The ancient +inhabitants of Sikyatki have left no written records, for, unlike the +more cultured people of Central America, they had no codices; but they +have left on their old mortuary pottery a large body of picture +writings or paleography which reveals many instructive phases of their +former culture. The decipherment of these symbols is in part made +possible by the aid of a knowledge of modern survivals, and when +interpreted rightly they open a view of ancient Tusayan myths, and in +some cases of prehistoric practices.[116] + +Students of Pueblo mythology and ritual are accumulating a +considerable body of literature bearing on modern beliefs and +practices. This is believed to be the right method of determining +their aboriginal status, and is therefore necessary as a basis of our +knowledge of their customs and beliefs. It is reasonable to suppose +that what is now practiced in Pueblo ritual contains more or less of +what has survived from prehistoric times, but from Taos to Tusayan +there is no pueblo which does not show modifications in mythology and +ritual due to European contact. Modern Pueblo life resembles the +ancient, but is not a facsimile of it, and until we have rightly +measured the effects of incorporated elements, we are more or less +inexact in our estimation of the character of prehistoric culture. The +vein of similarity in the old and the new can be used in an +interpretation of ancient paleography, but we overstep natural +limitations if by so doing we ascribe to prehistoric culture every +concept which we find current among the modern survivors. To show how +much the paleography of Tusayan has changed since Sikyatki was +destroyed, I need only say that most of the characteristic figures of +deities which are used today in the decoration of pottery are not +found on the Sikyatki ware. Perhaps the most common figures on modern +food bowls is the head of a mythologic being, the Corn-maid, +_Calako-mana_, but this picture, or any which resembles it, is not +found on the bowls from Sikyatki. A knowledge of the cult of the +Corn-maid possibly came into Tusayan, through foreign influences, +after the fall of Sikyatki, and there is no doubt that the picture +decoration of modern Tusayan pottery, made within a league of +Sikyatki, is so different from the ancient that it indicates a +modification of the culture of the Hopi in historic times, and implies +how deceptive it may be to present modern beliefs and practices as +facsimiles of ancient culture. + +The main subjects chosen by the native women for the decoration of +their pottery are symbolic, and the most abundant objects which bear +these decorations are food bowls and water vases. Many mythic concepts +are depicted, among which may be mentioned the Plumed Snake, various +birds, reptiles, frogs, tadpoles, and insects. Plants or leaves are +seldom employed as decorative motives, but the flower is sometimes +used. The feather was perhaps the most common object utilized, and it +may likewise be said the most highly conventionalized. + +An examination of the decorations of modern food basins used in the +villages of East Mesa shows that the mythologic personages most +commonly chosen for the ornamentation of their interiors are the Corn +or Germ goddesses.[117] These assume a number of forms, yet all are +reducible to one type, although known by very different names, as +Hewueqti, "Old Woman," Kokle, and the like. + +Figures of reptiles, birds, the antelope, and like animals do not +occur on any of the food bowls from the large collection of modern +Tusayan pottery which I have studied, and as these figures are well +represented in the decorations on Sikyatki food bowls, we may suppose +their use has been abandoned or replaced by figures of the +Corn-maids.[118] This fact, like so many others drawn from a study of +the Tusayan ritual, indicates that the cult of the Corn-maids is more +vigorous today than it was when Sikyatki was in its prime. + +Many pictures of masks on modern Tusayan bowls are identified as +_Tacab_ or Navaho _katcinas_.[119] Their symbolism is well +characterized by chevrons on the cheeks or curved markings for eyes. +None of these figures, however, have yet been found on ancient Tusayan +ceramics. Taken in connection with facts adduced by Hodge indicative +of a recent advent of this vigorous Athapascan tribe into Tusayan, it +would seem that the use of the _Tacab katcina_ pictures was of recent +date, and is therefore not to be expected on the prehistoric pottery +of the age of that found in Sikyatki. + +In the decoration of ancient pottery I find no trace of figures of the +clown-priests, or _tcukuwympkiya_, who are so prominent in modern +Tusayan _katcina_ celebrations. These personages, especially the +Tatcukti, often called by a corruption of the Zuni name Koyimse +(Koyomaeshi), are very common on modern bowls, especially at the +extremities of ladles or smaller objects of pottery. + +Many handles of ladles made at Hano in late times are modeled in the +form of the Paiakyamu,[120] a glutton priesthood peculiar to that +Tanoan pueblo. From the data at hand we may legitimately conclude that +the conception of the clown-priest is modern in Tusayan, so far as the +ornamentation of pottery is concerned. + +The large collections of so-called modern Hopi pottery in our museums +is modified Tanoan ware, made in Tusayan. Most of the component +specimens were made by Hano potters, who painted upon them figures of +_katcinas_, a cult which they and their kindred introduced. + +Several of the food bowls had evidently cracked during their firing or +while in use, and had been mended before they were buried in the +graves. This repairing was accomplished either by filling the crack +with gum or by boring a hole on each side of the fracture for tying. +In one specimen of black-and-white ware a perfectly round hole was +made in the bottom, as if purposely to destroy the usefulness of the +bowl before burial. This hole had been covered inside with a rounded +disk of old pottery, neatly ground on the edge. It was not observed +that any considerable number of mortuary pottery objects were "killed" +before burial, although a large number were chipped on the edges. It +is a great wonder that any of these fragile objects were found entire, +the stones and soil covering the corpse evidently having been thrown +into the grave without regard to care. + +The majority of the ancient symbols are incomprehensible to the +present Hopi priests whom I have been able to consult, although they +are ready to suggest many interpretations, sometimes widely divergent. +The only reasonable method that can be pursued in determining the +meaning of the conventional signs with which the modern Tusayan +Indians are unfamiliar seems, therefore, to be a comparative one. This +method I have attempted to follow so far as possible. + +There is a closer similarity between the symbolism of the Sikyatki +pottery and that of the Awatobi ware than there is between the +ceramics of either of these two pueblos and that of Walpi, and the +same likewise may be said of the other Tusayan ruins so far as known. +It is desirable, however, that excavations be made at the site of Old +Walpi in order to determine, if possible, how widely different the +ceramics of that village are from the towns whose ruins were studied +in 1895. There are certain practical difficulties in regard to work at +Old Walpi, one of the greatest of which is its proximity to modern +burial places and shrines still used. Moreover, it is +probable--indeed, quite certain--that most of the portable objects +were carried from the abandoned pueblo to the present village when the +latter was founded; but the old cemeteries of Walpi contain many +ancient mortuary bowls which, when exhumed, will doubtless contribute +a most interesting chapter to the history of modern Tusayan decorative +art. + +One of the largest, and, so far as form goes, one of the most unique +vessels, is shown in plate CXXVI, _b_. This was not exhumed from +Sikyatki, but was said to have been found in the vicinity of that +ruin. While the ware is very old, I do not believe it is ancient, and +it is introduced in order to show how cleverly ancient patterns maybe +simulated by more modern potters. The sole way in which modern +imitations of ancient vessels may be distinguished is by the peculiar +crackled or crazed surface which the former always has. This is due, I +believe, to the method of firing and the unequal contraction or +expansion of the slip employed. All modern imitations are covered with +a white slip which, after firing, becomes crackled, a characteristic +unknown to ancient ware. The most expert modern potter at East Mesa is +Nampeo, a Tanoan woman who is a thorough artist in her line of work. +Finding a better market for ancient than for modern ware, she cleverly +copies old decorations, and imitates the Sikyatki ware almost +perfectly. She knows where the Sikyatki potters obtained their clay, +and uses it in her work. Almost any Hopi who has a bowl to sell will +say that it is ancient, and care must always be exercised in accepting +such claims. + +An examination of the ornamentation of the jar above referred to shows +a series of birds drawn in the fashion common to early pottery +decoration. This has led me to place this large vessel among the old +ware, although the character of the pottery is different from that of +the best examples found at Sikyatki. I believe this vessel was exhumed +from a ruin of more modern date than Sikyatki. The woman who sold it +to me has farming interests near Awatobi, which leads me to conjecture +that she or possibly one of her ancestors found it at or near that +ruin. She admitted that it had been in the possession of her family +for some time, but that the story she had heard concerning it +attributed its origin to Sikyatki. + + +HUMAN FIGURES + +Very few figures of men or women are found on the pottery, and these +are confined to the interior of food basins (plate CXXIX).[121] They +are ordinarily very roughly drawn, apparently with less care and with +much less detail than are the figures of animals. From their character +I am led to the belief that the drawing of human figures on pottery +was a late development in Tusayan art, and postdates the use of animal +figures on their earthenware. There are, however, a few decorations in +which human figures appear, and these afford an interesting although +meager contribution to our knowledge of ancient Tusayan art and +custom. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXIV + +DECORATED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI] + +As is well known, the Hopi maidens wear their hair in two whorls, one +over each ear, and that on their marriage it is tied in two coils +falling on the breast. The whorl is arranged on a U-shape stick called +a _gnela_; it is commonly done up by a sister, the mother, or some +friend of the maiden, and is stiffened with an oil pressed from squash +seeds. The curved stick is then withdrawn and the two puffs held in +place by a string tightly wound between them and the head. The habit +of dressing the hair in whorls is adopted after certain puberty +ceremonials, which have elsewhere been described. When on betrothal a +Hopi maid takes her gifts of finely ground cornmeal to the house of +her future mother-in-law, her hair is dressed in this fashion for the +last time, because on her return she is attacked by the women of the +pueblo, drawn hither and thither, her hair torn down, and her body +smeared with dirt. If her gifts are accepted she immediately becomes +the wife of her lover, and her hair is thenceforth dressed in the +fashion common to matrons. + +The symbolic meaning of the whorls of hair worn by the maidens is said +to be the squash-flower, or, perhaps more accurately speaking, the +potential power of fructification. There is legendary and other +evidence that this custom is very ancient among the Tusayan Indians, +and the data obtainable from their ritual point the same way. In the +personification of ancestral "breath-bodies," or spirits by men, +called _katcinas_, the female performers are termed _katcina-manas_ +(katcina-virgins), and it is their custom to wear the hair in the +characteristic coiffure of maidens. In the personification of the +Corn-maid by symbolic figures, such as graven images,[122] pictures, +and the like, in secret rites, the style of coiffure worn by the +maidens is common, as I have elsewhere shown in the descriptions of +the ceremonials known as the Flute, _Lalakonti_, _Mamzrauti_, +_Palueluekonti_, and others. The same symbol is found in images used as +dolls of Calako-mana, the equivalent, as the others, of the same +Corn-maid. From the nature of these images there can hardly be a doubt +of the great antiquity of this practice, and that it has been brought +down, through their ritual, to the present day. This style of hair +dressing was mentioned by the early Spanish explorers, and is +represented in pictographs of ancient date; but if all these evidences +of its antiquity are insufficient the testimony afforded by the +pictures on certain food-basins from Sikyatki leaves no doubt on this +point.[123] + +Plate CXXIX, _b_, represents a food-basin, on the inside of which is +drawn, in brown, the head and shoulders of a woman. On either side the +hair is done up in coils which bear some likeness to the whorls worn +by the present Hopi maidens. It must be borne in mind, however, that +similar coils are sometimes made after ceremonial head-washing, and +certain other rites, when the hair is tied with corn husks. The face +is painted reddish, and the ears have square pendants similar to the +turquois mosaics worn by Hopi women at the present day. Although there +is other evidence than this of the use of square ear-pendants, set +with mosaic, among the ancient people--and traditions point the same +way--this figure of the head of a woman from Sikyatki leaves no doubt +of the existence of this form of ornament in that ancient pueblo. + +However indecisive the last-mentioned picture may be in regard to the +coiffure of the ancient Sikyatki women, plate CXXIX, _a_, affords +still more conclusive evidence. This picture represents a woman of +remarkable form which, from likenesses to figures at present made in +sand on an altar in the _Lalakonti_ ceremony,[124] I have no +hesitation in ascribing to the Corn-maid. The head has the two whorls +of hair very similar to those made in that rite on the picture of the +Goddess of Germs, and the square body is likewise paralleled in the +same figure. The peculiar form is employed to represent the +outstretched blanket, a style of art which is common in Mayan +codices.[125] On each lower corner representations of feathered +strings, called in the modern ritual _nakwakwoci_,[126] are appended. +The figure is represented as kneeling, and the four parallel lines are +possibly comparable with the prayer-sticks placed in the belt of the +Germ goddess on the _Lalakonti_ altar. In her left hand (which, among +the Hopi, is the ceremonial hand or that in which sacred objects are +always carried) she holds an ear of corn, symbolic of germs, of which +she is the deity. The many coincidences between this figure and that +used in the ceremonials of the September moon, called Lalakonti, would +seem to show that in both instances it was intended to represent the +same mythic being. + +There is, however, another aspect of this question which is of +interest. In modern times there is a survival among the Hopi of the +custom of decorating the inside of a food basin with a figure of the +Corn-maid, and this is, therefore, a direct inheritance of ancient +methods represented by the specimen under consideration. A large +majority of modern food bowls are ornamented with an elaborate figure +of Calako-mana, the Corn-maid, very elaborately worked out, but still +retaining the essential symbolism figured in the Sikyatki bowl.[127] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXV + +FLAT DIPPERS AND MEDICINE BOX FROM SIKYATKI] + +While one of the two figures shown in plate CXXIX, _e_, is valuable as +affording additional and corroborative evidence of the character of +the ancient coiffure of the women, its main interest is of a somewhat +different kind. Two figures are rudely drawn on the inside of the +basin, one of which represents a woman, the other, judging from the +character of the posterior extremity of the body, a reptilian +conception in which a single foreleg is depicted, and the tail is +articulated at the end, recalling a rattlesnake. Upon the head is a +single feather;[128] the two eyes are represented on one side of the +head, and the line of the alimentary tract is roughly drawn. The +figure is represented as standing before that of the woman. + +With these few lines the potter no doubt intended to depict one of +those many legends, still current, of the cultus hero and heroine of +her particular family or priesthood. Supposing the reptilian figure to +be a totemic one, our minds naturally recall the legend of the +Snake-hero and the Corn-mist-maid[129] whom he brought from a mythic +land to dwell with his people. + +The peculiar hairdress is likewise represented in the figures on the +food basin illustrated in plate CXXIX, _c_, which represent a man and +a woman. Although the figures are partly obliterated, it can easily be +deciphered that the latter figure wears a garment similar to the +_kwaca_ or dark-blue blanket for which Tusayan is still famous, and +that this blanket was bound by a girdle, the ends of which hang from +the woman's left hip. While the figure of the man is likewise +indistinct (the vessel evidently having been long in use), the nature +of the act in which he is engaged is not left in doubt.[130] + +Among the numerous deities of the modern Hopi Olympus there is one +called Kokopeli,[131] often represented in wooden dolls and clay +images. From the obscurity of the symbolism, these dolls are never +figured in works on Tusayan images. The figure in plate CXXIX, _d_, +bears a resemblance to Kokopeli. It represents a man with arms raised +in the act of dancing, and the head is destitute of hair as if covered +by one of the peculiar helmets, used by the clowns in modern +ceremonials. As many of the acts of these priests may be regarded as +obscene from our point of view, it is not improbable that this figure +may represent an ancient member of this archaic priesthood. + +The three human figures on the food basin illustrated in plate CXXIX, +_f_, are highly instructive as showing the antiquity of a curious and +revolting practice almost extinct in Tusayan. + +As an accompaniment of certain religious ceremonials among the Pueblo +and the Navaho Indians, it was customary for certain priests to insert +sticks into the esophagus. These sticks are still used to some extent +and may be obtained by the collector. The ceremony of stick-swallowing +has led to serious results, so that now in the decline of this cult a +deceptive method is often adopted. + +In Tusayan the stick-swallowing ceremony has been practically +abandoned at the East Mesa, but I have been informed by reliable +persons that it has not wholly been given up at Oraibi. The +illustration above referred to indicates its former existence in +Sikyatki. The middle figure represents the stick-swallower forcing the +stick down his esophagus, while a second figure holds before him an +unknown object. The principal performer is held by a third figure, an +attendant, who stands behind him. This instructive pictograph thus +illustrates the antiquity of this custom in Tusayan, and would seem to +indicate that it was once a part of the Pueblo ritual.[132] It is +possible that the Navaho, who have a similar practice, derived it from +the Pueblos, but there are not enough data at hand to demonstrate this +beyond question. + +Regarding the pose of the three figures in this picture, I have been +reminded by Dr Walter Hough of the performers who carry the wad of +cornstalks in the Antelope dance. In this interpretation we have the +"carrier," "hugger," and possibly an Antelope priest with the unknown +object in his hand. This interpretation appears more likely to be a +correct one than that which I have suggested; and yet Kopeli, the +Snake chief, declares that the Snake family was not represented at +Sikyatki. Possibly a dance similar to the Antelope performance on the +eighth day of the Snake dance may have been celebrated at that pueblo, +and the discovery of a rattlesnake's rattle in a Sikyatki grave is yet +to be explained. + +One of the most prominent of all the deities in the modern Tusayan +Olympus is the cultus-hero called Pueuekonhoya, the Little War God. Hopi +mythology teems with legends of this god and his deeds in killing +monsters and aiding the people in many ways. He is reputed to have +been one of twins, children of the Sun and a maid by parthenogenetic +conception. His adventures are told with many variants and he +reappears with many aliases. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXVI + +DOUBLE-LOBE VASES FROM SIKYATKI] + +The symbolism of Pueuekonhoya at the present day consists of parallel +marks on the face or body, and when personated by a man the figure +is always represented as carrying weapons of war, such as a bow and +arrows. Images of the same hero are used in ceremonies, and are +sometimes found as household gods or penates, which are fed as if +human beings. A fragment of pottery represented in the accompanying +illustration (figure 263), shows enough of the head of a personage to +indicate that Pueuekonhoya was intended, for it bears on the cheek the +two parallel marks symbolic of that deity, while in his hands he holds +a bow and a jointed arrow as if shooting an unknown animal. All of +these features are in harmony with the identification of the figure +with that of the cultus-hero mentioned, and seem to indicate the truth +of the current legend that as a mythologic conception he is of great +antiquity in Tusayan. + +[Illustration: FIG. 263--War god shooting an animal. (Fragment of food +bowl.)] + +In this connection it may be instructive to call attention to two +figures on a food bowl collected by Mr H. R. Voth from a ruin near +Oraibi. It represents a man and a woman, the former with two horns, a +crescent on the forehead, and holding in his outstretched hand a +staff. The woman has a curious gorget, similar to some which I have +found in ruins near Tusayan, and a belt like those still worn by +Pueblo Indians. This smaller figure likewise has a crescent on its +face and three strange appendages on each side of the head. + +Another food basin in Mr Voth's collection is also instructive, and is +different in its decoration from any which I have found. The character +of the ware is ancient, but the figure is decidedly modern. If, +however, it should prove to be an ancient vessel it would carry back +to the time of its manufacture the existence of the _katcina_ cult in +Tusayan, no actual proof of the existence of which, at a time when +Sikyatki was in its prime, has yet been discovered. + +The three figures represent Hahaiwueqti, Hewueqti, and Natacka exactly +as these supernatural beings are now personated at Walpi in the +_Powamu_, as described and figured in a former memoir.[133] + +It is unfortunate that the antiquity of this specimen, suggestive as +it is, must be regarded as doubtful, for it was not exhumed from the +ruin by an archeologist, and the exact locality in which it was found +is not known. + + +THE HUMAN HAND + +Excepting the figure of the maid's head above described, the human +hand, for some unknown reason, is the only part of the body chosen by +the ancient Hopi for representation in the decoration of their +pottery. Among the present Tusayan Indians the human hand is rarely +used, but oftentimes the beams of the kivas are marked by the girls +who have plastered them with impressions of their muddy hands, and +there is a _katcina_ mask which has a hand painted in white on the +face. As in the case of the decoration of all similar sacred +paraphernalia, there is a legend which accounts for the origin of the +_katcina_ with the imprint of the hand on its mask. The following +tale, collected by the late A. M. Stephen, from whose manuscript I +quote, is interesting in this connection: + +"The figure of a hand with extended fingers is very common, in the +vicinity of ruins, as a rock etching, and is also frequently seen +daubed on the rocks with colored pigments or white clay. These are +vestiges of a test formerly practiced by the young men who aspired for +admission to the fraternity of the Calako. The Calako is a trinity of +two women and a man from whom the Hopi obtained the first corn, and of +whom the following legend is told: + + "In the early days, before houses were built, the earth was + devastated by a whirlwind. There was then neither springs nor + streams, although water was so near the surface that it could + be found by pulling up a tuft of grass. The people had but + little food, however, and they besought Masauwuh to help + them, but he could not. + + "There came a little old man, a dwarf, who said that he had + two sisters who were the wives of Calako, and it might be + well to petition them. So they prepared an altar, every man + making a _paho_, and these were set in the ground so as to + encircle a sand hillock, for this occurred before houses were + known. + + "Masauwuh's brother came and told them that when Calako came + to the earth's surface wherever he placed his foot a deep + chasm was made; then they brought to the altar a huge rock, + on which Calako might stand, and they set it between the two + pahos placed for his wives. + + "Then the people got their rattles and stood around the + altar, each man in front of his own paho; but they stood in + silence, for they knew no song with which to invoke this + strange god. They stood there for a long while, for they were + afraid to begin the ceremonies until a young lad, selecting + the largest rattle, began to shake it and sing. Presently a + sound like rushing water was heard, but no water was seen; a + sound also like great winds, but the air was perfectly still, + and it was seen that the rock was pierced with a great hole + through the center. The people were frightened and ran away, + all save the young lad who had sung the invocation. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXVII + +UNUSUAL FORMS OF VASES FROM SIKYATKI] + + "The lad soon afterward rejoined them, and they saw that his + back was cut and bleeding and covered with splinters of yucca + and willow. The flagellation, he told them, had been + administered by Calako, who told him that he must endure this + laceration before he could look upon the beings he had + invoked; that only to those who passed through his ordeals + could Calako become visible; and, as the lad had braved the + test so well, he should thenceforth be chief of the Calako + altar. The lad could not describe Calako, but said that his + two wives were exceedingly beautiful and arrayed with all + manner of fine garments. They wore great headdresses of + clouds and every kind of corn which they were to give to the + Hopi to plant for food. There were white, red, yellow, blue, + black, blue-and-white speckled, and red-and-yellow speckled + corn, and a seeded grass (_kwapi_). + + "The lad returned to the altar and shook his rattle over the + hole in the rock, and from its interior Calako conversed with + him and gave him instructions. In accordance with these he + gathered all the Hopi youths and brought them to the rock, + that Calako might select certain of them to be his priests. + The first test was that of putting their hands in the mud and + impressing them upon the rock. Only those were chosen as + novices the imprints of whose hands had dried on the instant. + + "The selected youths then moved within the altar and + underwent the test of flagellation. Calako lashed them with + yucca and willow. Those who made no outcry were told to + remain in the altar, to abstain from salt and flesh for ten + days, when Calako would return and instruct them concerning + the rites to be performed when they sought his aid. + + "Calako and his two wives appeared at the appointed time, and + after many ceremonials gave to each of the initiated five + grains of each of the different kinds of corn. The Hopi women + had been instructed to place baskets woven of grass at the + foot of the rock, and in these Calako's wives placed the + seeds of squashes, melons, beans, and all the other + vegetables which the Hopi have since possessed. + + "Calako and his wives, after announcing that they would again + return, took off their masks and garments, and laying them on + the rock disappeared within it. + + "Some time after this, when the initiated were assembled in + the altar, the Great Plumed Snake appeared to them and said + that Calako could not return unless one of them was brave + enough to take the mask and garments down into the hole and + give them to him. They were all afraid, but the oldest man of + the Hopi took them down and was deputed to return and + represent Calako. + + "Shortly afterward Masauwuh stole the paraphernalia, and with + his two brothers masqueraded as Calako and his wives. This + led the Hopi into great trouble, and they incurred the wrath + of Muiyinwuh, who withered all their grain and corn. + + "One of the Hopi finally discovered that the supposed Calako + carried a cedar bough in his hand, when it should have been + willow; then they knew that it was Masauwuh who had been + misleading them. + + "The boy hero one day found Masauwuh asleep, and so regained + possession of the mask. Muiyinwuh then withdrew his + punishments and sent Palueluekon (the Plumed Snake) to tell + the Hopi that Calako would never return to them, but that the + boy hero should wear his mask and represent him, and his + festival should be celebrated when they had a proper number + of novices to be initiated."[134] + +Several food basins from Sikyatki have a human hand depicted upon +them, and in one of these both hands are represented. On the most +perfect of these hand figures (plate CXXXVII, _c_) a wristlet is well +represented, with two triangular figures, which impart to it an +unusual form. From between the index and second finger there arises a +triangular appendage, which joins a graceful curve, extending on one +side to the base of the thumb and continued on the other side to the +arm. The whole inside of the basin, except the figure of the hand and +its appendage, is decorated with spattering,[135] and on the outside +there is a second figure, evidently a hand or the paw of some animal. +This external decoration also has a triangular figure in which are two +terraces, recalling rain-cloud symbols. + +One of the most interesting representations of the human hand (figure +354) is found on the exterior of a beautiful bowl. The four fingers +and the thumb are shown with representations of nails, a unique +feature in such decorations. From between the index finger and the +next, or rather from the tip of the former, arises an appendage +comparable with that before mentioned, but of much simpler form. The +palm of the hand is crossed by a number of parallel lines, which +recall a custom of using the palm lines in measuring ceremonial prayer +sticks, as I have described in a memoir on the Snake dance. In place +of the arm this hand has many parallel lines, the three medial ones +being continued far beyond the others, as shown in the figure. + + +QUADRUPEDS + +Figures of quadrupeds are sparingly used in the decoration of food +bowls or basins, but the collection shows several fine specimens on +which appear some of the mammalia with which the Hopi are familiar. +Most of these are so well drawn that there appears to be no question +as to their identification. + +One of the most instructive of these figures is shown in plate CXXX, +_a_, which is much worn, and indistinct in detail, although from what +can be traced it was probably intended to represent a mythic creature +known as the Giant Elk. The head bears two branched horns, drawn +without perspective, and the neck has a number of short parallel marks +similar to those occurring on the figure of an antelope on the walls +of one of the kivas at Walpi. The hoofs are bifid, and from a short +stunted tail there arises a curved line which encircles the whole +figure, connecting a series of round spots and terminating in a +triangular figure with three parallel lines representing feathers. +Perhaps the strangest of all appendages to this animal is at the tail, +which is forked, recalling the tail of certain birds. Its meaning is +unknown to me. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXVIII + +MEDICINE BOX AND PIGMENT POTS FROM SIKYATKI] + +There can be no doubt that the delineator sought to represent in this +figure one of the numerous horned _Cervidae_ with which the ancient +Hopi were familiar, but the drawing is so incomplete that to choose +between the antelope, deer, and elk seems impossible. It may be +mentioned, however, that the Horn people are reputed to have been +early arrivals in Tusayan, and it is not improbable that +representatives of the Horn clans lived in Sikyatki previous to its +overthrow. + +Two faintly drawn animals, evidently intended for quadrupeds, appear +on the interior of the food bowl shown in plate CXXX, _b_. These are +interesting from the method in which they were drawn. They are not +outlined with defined lines, but are of the original color of the +bowl, and appear as two ghost-like figures surrounded by a dense +spattering of red spots, similar in technic to the figure of the human +hand. I am unable to identify these animals, but provisionally refer +them to the rabbit. They have no distinctive symbolism, however, and +are destitute of the characteristic spots which members of the Rabbit +clan now invariably place on their totemic signatures. + +[Illustration: FIG. 264--Mountain sheep] + +The animal design on the bowl illustrated in plate CXXX, _c_, probably +represents a rabbit or hare, quite well drawn in profile, with a +feathered appendage from the head. Behind it is the ordinary symbol of +the dragon-fly. Several crosses are found in an opposite hemisphere, +separated from that occupied by the two animal pictures by a series of +geometric figures ornamented with crooks and other designs. + +The interior of the food bowl shown in plate CXXX, _d_, as well as the +inner sides of the two ladles represented in plate CXXXI, _b_, _d_, +are decorated with peculiar figures which suggest the porcupine. The +body is crescentic and covered with spines, and only a single leg, +with claws, is represented. It is worthy of mention that so many of +these animal forms have only one leg, representative, no doubt, of a +single pair, and that many of these have plantigrade paws like those +of the bear and badger. The appendages to the head in this figure +remind one of those of certain forms regarded as reptiles, with which +this may be identical. + +[Illustration: FIG. 265--Mountain lion] + +In another decoration we have what is apparently the same animal +furnished with both fore and hind legs, the tail curving upward like +that of a cottontail rabbit, which it resembles in other particulars +as well. This figure also hangs by a band from a geometric design +formed of two crescents and bearing four parallel marks representing +feathers. The single crescent depicted on the inside of the ladle +shown in plate CXXXI, _b_, is believed to represent the same +conception, or the moon; and in this connection the very close +phonetic resemblance between the Hopi name for moon[136] and that for +the mammal may be mentioned. In the decoration last described the same +crescentic figure is elaborated into its zooemorphic equivalent. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXIX + +DESIGNS ON FOOD BOWLS FROM SIKYATKI] + +An enumeration of the pictographic representations of mammalia +includes the beautiful food bowl shown in plate CXXX, _e_, which is +made of fine clay spattered with brown pigment. This design +(reproduced in figure 264) represents probably some ruminant, as the +mountain sheep or possibly the antelope, both of which gave names to +clans said to have resided at Sikyatki. The hoofs are characteristic, +and the markings on the back suggest a fawn or spotted deer. There is +a close similarity between the design below this animal and that of +the exterior decorations of certain vases and square medicine bowls. + +Among the pictures of quadrupedal animals depicted on ancient food +bowls there is none more striking than that illustrated in plate CXXX, +_f_, which has been identified as the mountain lion. While this +identification is more or less problematical, it is highly possible. +The claws of the forelegs (figure 265) are evidently those of one of +the carnivora of the cat family, of which the mountain lion is the +most prominent in Tusayan. The anterior part of the body is spotted; +the posterior and the hind legs are black. The snout bears little +resemblance to that of the puma. + +The entire inner surface of the bowl, save a central circle in which +the head, fore-limbs, and anterior part of the body are represented, +is decorated by spattering. Within this spattered area there are +highly interesting figures, prominent among which is a squatting +figure of a man, with the hand raised to the mouth and holding a +ceremonial cigarette, as if engaged in smoking. The seven patches in +black might well be regarded as either footprints or leaves, four of +which appear to be attached to the band inclosing the central area. In +the intervals between three of these there are branched bodies +representing plants or bushes. + + +REPTILES + +Snakes and other reptilian forms were represented by the ancient +potters in the decoration of food bowls, and it is remarkable how +closely some of these correspond in symbolism with conceptions still +current in Tusayan. Of all reptilian monsters the worship of which +forms a prominent element in Hopi ritual, that of the Great Plumed +Snake is perhaps the most important. Effigies of this monster exist in +all the larger Hopi villages, and they are used in at least two great +rites--the _Soyaluna_ in December and the _Palueluekonti_ in March, as I +have already described. The symbolic markings and appendages of the +Plumed Snake effigy are distinctive, and are found in all modern +representations of this mystic being. While several pictographs of +snakes are found on Sikyatki pottery, there is not a single instance +in which these modern markings appear; consequently there is +considerable doubt in regard to the identification of many of the +Sikyatki serpents with modern mythologic representatives. + +[Illustration: FIG. 266--Plumed serpent] + +In questioning the priests in regard to the derivation of the Plumed +Serpent cult in Tusayan, I have found that they declare that this +cultus was brought into Tusayan from a mythic land in the south, +called Palatkwabi, and that the effigies and fetiches pertaining to it +were introduced by the Patki or Water-house people. From good +evidence, I suspect that the arrival of this phratry was comparatively +late in Tusayan history, and it is possible that Sikyatki was +destroyed before their advent, for in all the legends which I have +been able to gather no one ascribes to Sikyatki any clan belonging to +the phratries which are said to have migrated from the far south. I +believe we must look toward the east, whence the ancestors of the +Kokop or Firewood people are reputed to have come, for the origin of +the symbolic markings of the snakes represented on Sikyatki ceramics. +Figures of apodal reptiles, with feathers represented on their heads, +occur in Sikyatki pictography, although there is no resemblance in the +markings of their bodies to those of modern pictures. One of the most +striking of these occurs on the inside of the food basin shown in +plate CXXXII, _a_. It represents a serpent with curved body, the tail +being connected with the head, like an ancient symbol of eternity. The +body (figure 266) is destitute of any distinctive markings, but is +covered with a crosshatching of black lines. The head bears two +triangular markings, which are regarded as feather symbols. The +position of the eyes would seem to indicate that the top of the head +is represented, but this conclusion is not borne out by comparative +studies, for it was often the custom of ancient Tusayan potters, like +other primitive artists, to represent both eyes on one side of the +head. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXX + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF QUADRUPEDS FROM SIKYATKI] + +The zigzag line occupying the position of the tongue and terminating +in a triangle is a lightning symbol, with which the serpent is still +associated. While striving not to strain the symbolism of this figure, +it is suggested that the three curved marks on the lower and upper +jaws represent fangs. It is highly probable that conceptions not +greatly unlike those which cluster about the Great Plumed Serpent were +associated with this mythic snake, the figure of which is devoid of +some of the most essential elements of modern symbolism. + +While from the worn character of the middle of the food bowl +illustrated in plate CXXXII, _b_, it is not possible to discover +whether the animal was apodal or not from the crosshatching of the +body and the resemblance of the appendages of the head to those of the +figure last considered, it appears probable that this pictograph +likewise was intended to represent a snake of mystic character. Like +the previous figure, this also is coiled, with the tail near the head, +its body crosshatched, and with two triangular appendages to the head. +There is, however, but one eye, and the two jaws are elongated and +provided with teeth,[137] as in the case of certain reptiles. + +The similarity of the head and its appendages to the snake figure last +described would lead me to regard the figure shown in plate CXXXII, +_c_, as representing a like animal, but the latter picture is more +elaborately worked out in details, and one of the legs is well +represented. I have shown in the discussion of a former figure how the +decorator, recognizing the existence of two eyes, represented them +both on one side of the head of a profile figure, although only one is +visible, and we see in this picture (figure 267) a somewhat similar +tendency, which is very common in modern Tusayan figures of animals. +The breath line is drawn from the extremity of the snout halfway down +the length of the body. In modern pictography a representation of the +heart is often depicted at the blind extremity of this line, as if, in +fact, there was a connection with this organ and the tubes through +which the breath passes. In the Sikyatki pottery, however, I find only +this one specimen of drawing in which an attempt to represent internal +organs is made. + +The tail of this singular picture of a reptile is highly +conventionalized, bearing appendages of unknown import, but recalling +feathers, while on the back are other appendages which might be +compared with wings. Both of these we might expect, considering the +association of bird and serpent in the Hopi conception of the Plumed +Snake. + +Exact identifications of these pictures with the animals by which the +Hopi are or were surrounded, is, of course, impossible, for they are +not realistic representations, but symbolic figures of mythic beings +unknown save to the imagination of the primitive mythologist. + +[Illustration: FIG. 267--Unknown reptile] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXI + +ORNAMENTED LADLES FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: FIG. 268--Unknown reptile] + +A similar reptile is pictured on the food bowl shown in plate CXXXII, +_d_, in which design, however, there are important modifications, the +most striking of which are: (1) The animal (figure 268) has both fore +and hind legs represented; (2) the head is round; (3) the mouth is +provided with teeth; and (4) there are four instead of two feather +appendages on the head, two of which are much longer than the others. +Were it not that ears are not represented in reptiles, one would be +tempted to regard the smaller appendages as representations of these +organs. Their similarity to the row of spines on the back and the +existence of spines on the head of the "horned toad" suggests this +reptile, with which both ancient and modern Hopi are very familiar. On +a fragment of a vessel found at Awatobi there is depicted the head of +a reptile evidently identical with this, since the drawing is an +almost perfect reproduction. There is a like figure, also from +Sikyatki, in the collection of pottery made at that ruin by Dr +Miller, of Prescott, the year following my work there. The most +elaborate of all the pictures of reptiles found on ancient Tusayan +pottery is shown in plate CXXXII, _e_, in which the symbolism is +complicated and the details carefully worked out. A few of these +symbols I am able to decipher; others elude present analysis. There is +no doubt as to the meaning of the appendage to the head (figure 269), +for it well portrays an elaborate feathered headdress on which the +markings that distinguish tail-feathers, three in number, are +prominent. The extension of the snout is without homologue elsewhere +in Hopi pictography, and, while decorative in part, is likewise highly +conventionalized. On the body semicircular rain cloud symbols and +markings similar to those of the bodies of certain birds are +distinguishable. The feet likewise are more avian than reptilian, but +of a form quite unusual in structure. It is interesting to note the +similarity in the carved line with six sets of parallel bars to the +band surrounding the figure of the human hand shown in plate CXXXVII, +_c_. In attempting to identify the pictograph on the bowl reproduced +in plate CXXXIV, _a_, there is little to guide me, and the nearest I +can come to its significance is to ascribe it to a reptile of some +kind. Highly symbolic, greatly conventionalized as this figure is, +there is practically nothing on which to base the absolute +identification of the figure save the serrated appendage to the body +and the leg, which resembles that of the lizard as it is sometimes +drawn. The two eyes indicate that the enlargement in which these were +placed is the head, and the extended curved snout a beak. All else is +incomprehensible to me, and my identification is therefore provisional +and largely speculative. + +[Illustration: FIG. 269--Unknown reptile] + +I wish, however, in leaving the description of this beautiful bowl, to +invite attention to the brilliancy and the characteristics of the +coloring, which differ from the majority of the decorated ware from +Sikyatki. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXII + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF REPTILES FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXIII + +BOWLS AND DIPPERS WITH FIGURES OF TADPOLES, BIRDS, ETC. FROM +SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXIV + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF SUN, BUTTERFLY, AND FLOWER FROM SIKYATKI] + +Among the fragments of pottery found in the Sikyatki graves there was +one which, had it been entire, would doubtless have thrown +considerable light on ancient pictography. This fragment has depicted +upon it portions of the body and the whole head and neck of a +reptilian animal. We find on that part of the body which is +represented, three parallel marks which recall those on the modern +pictures of the Great Plumed Serpent. On the back there were +apparently the representations of wings, a feather of which is shown +above the head. The head likewise bears a crest of three feathers, and +there are three reptilian like toes. Whether this represents a reptile +or a bird it is impossible for me to say, but enough has already been +recorded to indicate how close the symbolism of these two groups +sometimes is in ancient pictography. It would almost appear as if the +profound anatomical discovery of the close kinship of birds and +reptiles was unconsciously recognized by a people destitute of the +rudiments of the knowledge of morphology. + + +TADPOLES + +Among the inhabitants of an arid region, where rain-making forms a +dominant element in their ritual, water animals are eagerly adopted as +symbols. Among these the tadpole occupies a foremost position. The +figures of this batrachian are very simple, and are among the most +common of those used on ceremonial paraphernalia in Tusayan at the +present time. In none of these is anything more than a globular head +and a zigzag tail represented, and, as in nature, these are colored +black. The tadpole appears on several pieces of painted pottery from +Sikyatki, one of the best of which is the food bowl illustrated in +plate CXXXIII, _a_. The design represents a number of these aquatic +animals drawn in line across the diameter of the inner surface of the +bowl, while on each side there is a row of rectangular blocks +representing rain clouds. These blocks are separated from the tadpole +figures by crescentic lines, and above them are short parallel lines +recalling the symbol of falling rain. + +One of the most beautiful forms of ladles from Sikyatki is figured in +plate CXXXIII, _b_, a specimen in which the art of decoration by +spattering is effectively displayed. The interior of the bowl of this +dipper is divided by parallel lines into two zones, in each of which +two tadpoles are represented. The handle is pointed at the end and is +decorated. This specimen is considered one of the best from Sikyatki. + +The rudely drawn picture on the bowl figured in plate CXXXII, _f_, +would be identified as a frog, save for the presence of a tail which +would seem to refer it to the lizard kind. But in the evolution of the +tadpole into the frog a tailed stage persists in the metamorphosis +after the legs develop. In modern pictures[138] of the frog with which +I am familiar, this batrachian is always represented dorsally or +ventrally with the legs outstretched, while in the lizards, as we have +seen, a lateral view is always adopted. As the sole picture found on +ancient pottery where the former method is employed, this fact may be +of value in the identification of this rude outline as a frog rather +than as a true reptile. + + +BUTTERFLIES OR MOTHS + +One of the most characteristic modern decorations employed by the +Hopi, especially as a symbol of fecundity, is the butterfly or moth. +It is a constant device on the beautiful white or cotton blankets +woven by the men as wedding gifts, where it is embroidered on the +margin in the forms of triangles or even in more realistic patterns. +This symbol is a simple triangle, which becomes quite realistic when a +line is drawn bisecting one of the angles. This double triangle is not +only a constant symbol on wedding blankets, but also is found on the +dadoes of houses, resembling in design the arrangement of tiles in the +Alhambra and other Moorish buildings. This custom of decorating the +walls of a building with triangles placed at intervals on the upper +edge of a dado is a feature of cliff-house kivas, as shown in +Nordenskioeld's beautiful memoir on the cliff villages of Mesa Verde. +While an isosceles triangle represents the simplest form of the +butterfly symbol, and is common on ancient pottery, a few vessels from +Sikyatki show a much more realistic figure. In plate CXXXIV, _f_, is +shown a moth with extended proboscis and articulated antennae, and in +_d_ of the same plate another form, with the proboscis inserted in a +flower, is given. As an associate with summer, the butterfly is +regarded as a beneficent being aside from its fecundity, and one of +the ancient Hopi clans regarded it as their totem. Perhaps the most +striking, and I may say the most inexplicable, use of the symbol of +the butterfly is the so-called _Hokona_ or Butterfly virgin slab used +in the Antelope ceremonies of the Snake dance at Walpi, where it is +associated with the tadpole water symbol. + +[Illustration: FIG. 270--Outline of plate CXXXV, _b_] + +The most beautiful of all the butterfly designs are the six figures on +the vase reproduced in plate CXXXV, _b_. From the number of these +pictures it would seem that they bore some relationship to the six +world-quarters--north, west, south, east, zenith, and nadir. The vase +has a flattened shoulder, and the six butterfly figures are +represented as flying toward the orifice. These insect figures closely +resemble one another, and are divided into two groups readily +distinguished by the symbolism of the heads. Three have each a cross +with a single dot in each quadrant, and each of the other three has a +dotted head without the cross. These two kinds alternate with each +other, and the former probably indicate females, since the same +symbols on the heads of the snakes in the sand picture of the Antelope +altar in the Snake dance are used to designate the female.[139] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXV + +VASES WITH FIGURES OF BUTTERFLIES FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXVI + +VASES WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +Two antennae and a double curved proboscis are indicated in all the +figures of butterflies on the vase under consideration. The zones +above and below are both cut by a "line of life," the opening through +which is situated on opposite equatorial poles in the upper and under +rim. + +[Illustration: FIG. 271--Butterfly design on upper surface of plate +CXXXV, _b_] + +The rectangular figures associated with the butterflies on this +elaborately decorated vase are of two patterns alternating with each +other. The rectangles forming one of these patterns incloses three +vertical feathers, with a triangle on the right side and a crook on +the left. The remaining three rectangles also have three feathers, but +they are arranged longitudinally on the surface of the vase. + +The elaborate decoration of the zone outside the six butterflies is +made up of feathers arranged in three clusters of three each, +alternating with key patterns, crosshatched crooks, triangles, and +frets. The wealth of ornament on this part of the vase is noteworthy, +and its interpretation very baffling. This vase may well be considered +the most elaborately decorated in the whole collection from Sikyatki. + +There are several figures of butterflies, like those shown in plate +CXXXI, _a_, in which the modifications of wings and body have +proceeded still further, and the only features which refer them to +insects are the jointed antennae. The passage from this highly +conventionalized design into a triangular figure is not very great. +There are still others where the head, with attached appendages, +arises not from an angle of a triangle, but from the middle of one +side. This gives us a very common form of butterfly symbol, which is +found, variously modified, on many ancient vessels. In such designs +there is commonly a row of dots on each side, which may be represented +by a sinuous line, a series of triangles, bars, or parallel bars. + +The design reproduced in plate CXXXIV, _d_, represents a moth or +butterfly associated with a flower, and several star symbols. It is +evidently similar to that figured in _a_ of the same plate, and has +representations of antennae and extended proboscis, the latter organ +placed as if extracting honey from the flower. The conventional flower +is likewise shown in _e_ of this plate. The two crescentic designs in +plate CXXXV, _a_, are regarded as butterflies. + +The jar illustrated in plate CXLV, _b_, is ornamented with highly +conventionalized figures on four sides, and is the only one taken from +the Sikyatki cemeteries in which the designs are limited to the +equatorial surface. The most striking figure, which is likewise found +on the base of the paint saucer shown in plate CXLVI, _f_, is a +diamond-shape design with a triangle at each corner (figure 276). The +pictures drawn on alternating quadrants have very different forms, +which are difficult to classify, and I have therefore provisionally +associated this beautiful vessel with those bearing the butterfly and +the triangle. The form of this vessel closely approaches that of the +graceful cooking pots made of coiled and coarse indented ware, but the +vessel was evidently not used for cooking purposes, as it bears no +marks of soot.[140] + + +DRAGON-FLIES + +Among the most constant designs used in the decoration of Sikyatki +pottery are figures of the dragon-fly. These decorations consist of a +line, sometimes enlarged into a bulb at one end, with two parallel +bars drawn at right angles across the end, below the enlargement. Like +the tadpole, the dragon-fly is a symbol of water, and with it are +associated many legends connected with the miraculous sprouting of +corn in early times. It is a constant symbol on modern ceremonial +paraphernalia, as masks, tablets, and pahos, and it occurs also on +several ancient vessels (plates CXL, _b_; CLXIII, _a_), where it +always has the same simple linear form, with few essential +modifications. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXVII + +VESSELS WITH FIGURES OF HUMAN HAND, BIRDS, TURTLE, ETC. FROM +SIKYATKI] + +The symbols of four dragon-flies are well shown on the rim of the +square box represented in plate CXXVIII, _a_. This box, which was +probably for charm liquid, or possibly for feathers used in +ceremonials, is unique in form and is one of the most beautiful +specimens from the Sikyatki cemeteries. It is elaborately decorated on +the four sides with rain-cloud and other symbols, and is painted in +colors which retain their original brilliancy. The interior is not +decorated. + +The four dragon-flies on the rim of this object are placed in such a +way as to represent insects flying about the box in a dextral circuit, +or with the heads turned to the right. This position indicates a +ceremonial circuit, which is exceptional among the Tusayan people, +although common in Navaho ceremonies. In the sand picture of the Snake +society, for instance, where four snakes are represented in a border +surrounding a mountain lion, these reptiles are represented as +crawling about the picture from right to left. This sequence is +prescribed in Tusayan ceremonials, and has elsewhere been designated +by me as the sinistral circuit, or a circuit with the center on the +left hand. The circuit used by the decorator of this box is dextral or +sunwise. + +Several rectangular receptacles of earthenware, some with handles and +others without them, were obtained in the excavations at Sikyatki. The +variations in their forms may be seen in plates CXXVIII, _a, c,_ and +CXXV, _f_. These are regarded as medicine bowls, and are supposed to +have been used in ancient ceremonials where asperging was performed. +In many Tusayan ceremonials square medicine bowls, some of them +without handles, are still used,[141] but a more common and evidently +more modern variety are round and have handles. The rim of these +modern sacred vessels commonly bears, in its four quadrants, terraced +elevations representing rain-clouds of the cardinal points, and the +outer surface of the bowl is decorated with the same symbols, +accompanied with tadpole or dragon-fly designs. + +One of the best figures of the dragon-fly is seen on the saucer shown +in plate CXX, _f_. The exterior of this vessel is decorated with four +rectangular terraced rain-cloud symbols, one in each quadrant, and +within each there are three well-drawn figures of the dragon-fly. The +curved line below represents a rainbow. The terrace form of rain-cloud +symbol is very ancient in Tusayan and antedates the well-known +semicircular symbol which was introduced into the country by the Patki +people. It is still preserved in the form of tablets[142] worn on the +head and in sand paintings and various other decorations on altars and +religious paraphernalia. + + +BIRDS + +The bird and the feather far exceed all other motives in the +decoration of ancient Tusayan pottery, and the former design was +probably the first animal figure employed for that purpose when the +art passed out of the stage where simple geometric designs were used +exclusively. A somewhat similar predominance is found in the part +which the bird and the feather play in the modern Hopi ceremonial +system. As one of the oldest elements in the decoration of Tusayan +ceramics, figures of birds have in many instances become highly +conventionalized; so much so, in fact, that their avian form has been +lost, and it is one of the most instructive problems in the study of +Hopi decoration to trace the modifications of these designs from the +realistic to the more conventionalized. The large series of food bowls +from Sikyatki afford abundant material for that purpose, and it may +incidentally be said that by this study I have been able to interpret +the meaning of certain decorations on Sikyatki bowls of which the best +Hopi traditionalists are ignorant.[143] In order to show the method of +reasoning in this case I have taken a series illustrating the general +form of an unknown bird. + +There can be no reasonable doubt that the decoration of the food basin +shown in plate CXXXVII, _a_, represents a bird, and analogy would +indicate that it is the picture of some mythologic personage. It has a +round head (figure 272), to which is attached a headdress, which we +shall later show is a highly modified feather ornament. On each side +of the body from the region of the neck there arise organs which are +undoubtedly wings, with feathers continued into arrowpoints. The +details of these wings are very carefully and, I may add, +prescriptively worked out, so that almost every line, curve, or zigzag +is important. The tail is composed of three large feathers, which +project beyond two triangular extensions, marking the end of the body. + +The technic of this figure is exceedingly complicated and the colors +very beautiful. Although this bowl was quite badly broken when +exhumed, it has been so cleverly mended by Mr Henry Walther that no +part of the symbolism is lost. + +While it is quite apparent that this figure represents a bird, and +while this identification is confirmed by Hopi testimony, it is far +from a realistic picture of any known bird with which the ancients +could have been familiar. It is highly conventionalized and idealized +with significant symbolism, which is highly suggestive. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXVIII + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI] + +Bearing in mind the picture of this bird, we pass to a second form +(plate CXXXVIII, _a_), in which we can trace the same parts without +difficulty. On a round head is placed a feathered headdress. The +different parts of the outstretched wings are readily homologized even +in details in the two figures. There are, for instance, two terminal +wing feathers in each wing; the appendages to the shoulder exist in +both, and the lateral spurs, exteriorly and interiorly, are +represented with slight modifications. + +[Illustration: FIG. 272--Man-eagle] + +The body is ornamented in the same way in both figures. It is +continued posteriorly on each side into triangular extensions, and the +same is true of its anterior, which in one figure has three curved +lines, and in the other a simple crook. There are three tail-feathers +in each figure. I believe there can be no doubt that both these +designs represent the same idea, and that a mythologic bird was +intended in each instance. + +The step in conventionalism from the last-mentioned figure of a bird +to the next (plate CXLVII, _a_) is even greater than in the former. +The head in this picture is square or rectangular, and the wings +likewise simple, ending in three incurved triangles without +appendages. The tail has five feathers instead of three, in which, +however, the same symbolic markings which distinguish tail-feathers +are indicated. + +The conventionalized wings of this figure are repeated again and again +in ancient Tusayan pottery decorations, as one may see by an +examination of the various birds shown in the plates. In many +instances, however, all the other parts of the bird are lost and +nothing but the triangular feathers remain; but as these have the same +form, whatever organs are missing, the presumption is that their +meaning has not changed. + +In passing to the figure of the bird shown in plate CXXXVIII, _b_, we +find features homologous with those already considered, but also +detect considerable modification. The head is elongated, tipped with +three parallel lines, but decorated with markings similar to those of +the preceding figure. The outstretched wings have a crescentic form, +on the anterior horn of which are round spots with parallel lines +arising from them. This is a favorite figure in pottery decoration, +and is found very abundantly on the exterior of food bowls; it +represents highly conventionalized feathers, and should be so +interpreted wherever found. The figure of the body of the bird +depicted is simple, and the tail is continued into three +tail-feathers, as is ordinarily the case in highly conventionalized +bird figures. + +The most instructive of all the appendages to the body are the +club-shape bodies, one on each side, rising from the point of union of +the wings and the breast. These are spatulate in form, with a terraced +terminal marking. They, like other appendages, represent feathers, but +that peculiar kind which is found under the wing is called the breath +feather.[144] This feather is still used in certain ceremonials, and +is tied to certain prayer offerings. Its ancient symbolism is very +clearly indicated in this picture, and is markedly different from that +of either the wing or tail feathers, which have a totally different +ceremonial use at the present time. + +For convenience of comparison, a number of pictures which undoubtedly +refer to different birds in ancient interpretations will be grouped in +a single series. + +Plate CXXXVIII, _d_, represents a figure of a bird showing great +relative modification of organs when compared with those previously +discussed. The head is very much broadened, but the semicircular +markings, which occur also on the heads of previously described bird +figures, are well drawn. The wings are mere curved appendages, +destitute of feather symbols, but are provided with lateral spurs and +have knobs at their bases. The body is rectangular; the tail-feathers +are numerous, with well-marked symbolism. Perhaps the most striking +appendages to the body are the two well-defined extensions of parts of +the body itself, which, although represented in other pictures of +birds, nowhere reach such relatively large size. + + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXIX + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI] + +The figure of a bird shown in plate CXXXVIII, _c_, is similar in many +respects to that last described. The semicircular markings on the head +of the former are here replaced by triangles, but both are symbolic of +rain-clouds. The wings are curved projections, without any suggestion +of feathers or basal spurs and knobs. The tail-feathers show nothing +exceptional, and the body is bounded posteriorly by triangular +extensions, as in figures of birds already described. + +The representation of the bird in plate CXXXVIII, _e_, has a +triangular body continued into two points on the posterior end, +between which the tail-feathers are situated. The body is covered with +terraced and triangular designs, and the head is rectangular in form. +On each side of the bird figure there is a symbol of a flower, +possibly the sunflower or an aster. + +In the figures of birds already considered the relative sizes of the +heads and bodies are not overdrawn, but in the picture of a bird on +the food bowl shown in plate CXXXVIII, _f_, the head is very much +enlarged. It bears a well-marked terraced rain-cloud symbol above +triangles of the same meaning. The wings are represented as diminutive +appendages, each consisting of two feathers. The body has a triangular +extension on each side, and the tail is composed of two comparatively +short rectangular feathers. The figure itself could hardly be +identified as a representation of a bird were it not for the +correspondence, part for part, with figures which are undoubtedly +those of birds or flying animals. + +A more highly conventionalized figure of a bird than any thus far +described is painted on the food bowl reproduced in plate CXL, _b_. +The head is represented by a terraced figure similar to those which +appear as decorations on some of the other vessels; the wings are +simply extended crescents, the tips of which are connected by a band +which encircles the body and tail; the body is continued at the +posterior end into two triangular appendages, between which is a tail, +the feathers of which are not differentiated. On each side of the +body, in the space inclosed by the band connecting the tips of the +wings, a figure of a dragon-fly appears. + +The figure on the food bowl illustrated in plate CXXXIX, _c_, may also +be reduced to a conventionalized bird symbol. The two pointed objects +on the lower rim represent tail-feathers, and the triangular +appendages, one on each side above them, the body, as in the designs +which have already been described. Above the triangles is a +rectangular figure with terraced rain-cloud emblems, a constant +feature on the body and head of the bird, and on each side, near the +rim of the bowl, occur the primary feathers of the wings. The cross, +so frequently associated with designs representing birds, is replaced +by the triple intersecting lines in the remaining area. The +resemblance of this figure to those already considered is clearly +evident after a little study. + +The decoration on the food basin presented in plate CXXXIX, _a_, is +interesting in the study of the evolution of bird designs into +conventional forms. In this figure those parts which are identified as +homologues of the wings extend wholly across the interior of the food +bowl, and have the forms of triangles with smaller triangular spurs at +their bases. The wings are extended at right angles to the axis of the +body, and taper uniformly to the rim of the bowl. The smaller spurs +near the union of the wings and body represent the posterior part of +the latter, and between them are the tail-feathers, their number being +indicated by three triangles. + +There is no representation of a head, although the terraced rain-cloud +figure is drawn on the anterior of the body between the wings. + +The reduction of the triangular wings of the last figure to a simple +band drawn diametrically across the inner surface of the bowl is +accomplished in the design shown in plate CXXXIX, _b_. At intervals +along this line there are arranged groups of blocks, three in each +group, representing stars, as will later be shown. The semicircular +head has lost all appendages and is reduced to a rain-cloud symbol. +The posterior angles of the body are much prolonged, and the tail +still bears the markings representing three tail-feathers. + +The association of a cross with the bird figure is both appropriate +and common; its modified form in this decoration is not exceptional, +but why it is appended to the wings is not wholly clear. We shall see +its reappearance on other bowls decorated with more highly +conventionalized bird figures. + +In the peculiar decoration used in the treatment of the food bowl +shown in plate CXXXIX, _c_, we have almost a return to geometric +figures in a conventional representation of a bird. In this case the +semblance to wings is wholly lost in the line drawn diametrically +across the interior of the bowl. On one side of it there are many +crosses representing stars, and on the other the body and tail of a +bird. The posterior triangular extensions of the former are continued +to a bounding line of the bowl, and no attempt is made to represent +feathers in the tail. The rectangular figure, with serrated lower edge +and inclosed terraced figures, finds, however, a homologue in the +heads and bodies of most of the representations of birds which have +been described. + +This gradual reduction in semblance to a bird has gone still further +in the figure represented in plate CXXXIX, _d_, where the posterior +end of the body is represented by two spurs, and the tail by three +feathers, the triangular rain-clouds still persisting in the +rectangular body. In fact, it can hardly be seen how a more +conventionalized figure of a bird were possible did we not find in _e_ +of the same plate this reduction still greater. Here the tail is +represented by three parallel lines, the posterior of the body by two +dentate appendages, and the body itself by a square. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXL + +FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI] + +In plate CXL, _c_, we have a similar conventional bird symbol where +two birds, instead of one, are represented. In both these instances it +would appear that the diametric band, originally homologous to wings, +had lost its former significance. + +It must also be pointed out that there is a close likeness between +some of these so-called conventionalized figures of birds and those of +moths or butterflies. If, for instance, they are compared with the +figures of the six designs of the upper surface of the vase shown in +plate CXXXV, _b_, we note especially this resemblance. While, +therefore, it can hardly be said there is absolute proof that these +highly conventionalized figures always represent birds, we may, I +think, be sure that either the bird or the moth or butterfly is +generally intended. + +There are several modifications of these highly conventionalized +figures of birds which may be mentioned, one of the most interesting +of which is figured in plate CXXXIX, _f_. In this representation the +two posterior triangular extensions of the body are modified into +graceful curves, and the tail-feathers are simply parallel lines. The +figure in this instance is little more than a trifid appendage to a +broad band across the inner surface of the food bowl. In addition to +this highly conventionalized bird figure, however, there are two +crosses which represent stars. In this decoration all resemblance to a +bird is lost, and it is only by following the reduction of parts that +one is able to identify this geometric design with the more elaborate +pictures of mythic birds. When questioned in regard to the meaning of +this symbol, the best informed Hopi priests had no suggestion to +offer. + +In all the figures of birds thus far considered, the head, with one or +two exceptions, is represented or indicated by symbolic markings. In +that which decorates the vessel shown in plate CXL, _a_, we find a new +modification; the wings, instead of being attenuated into a diametric +line or band, are in this case curved to form a loose spiral. Between +them is the figure of a body and the three tail-feathers, while the +triangular extensions which generally indicate the posterior of the +body are simply two rounded knobs at the point of union of the wings +and tail. There is no indication of a head. + +The modifications in the figure of the bird shown in the last +mentioned pictograph, and the highly conventionalized forms which the +wings and other parts assume, give me confidence to venture an +interpretation of a strange figure shown in plate CXLI, _a_. This +picture I regard as a representation of a bird, and I do so for the +following resemblances to figures already studied. The head of the +bird, as has been shown, is often replaced by a terraced rain-cloud +symbol. Such a figure occurs in the pictograph under consideration, +where it occupies the position of the head. On either side of what +might be regarded as a body we find, at the anterior end, two curved +appendages which so closely resemble similarly placed bodies in the +pictograph last discussed that they are regarded as representations of +wings. These extensions at the posterior end of the body are readily +comparable with prolongations in that part on which we have already +commented. The tail, although different from that in figures of birds +thus far discussed, has many points of resemblance to them. The two +circles, one on each side of the bird figure, are important additions +which are treated in following pages.[145] + +From the study of the conventionalized forms of birds which I have +outlined above it is possible to venture the suggestion that the +star-shape figure shown in plate CLXVII, _b_, may be referred to the +same group, but in this specimen we appear to have duplication, or a +representation of the bird symbol repeated in both semicircles of the +interior of the bowl. Examining one of these we readily detect the two +tail-feathers in the middle, with the triangular end of the body on +each side. The lateral appendages duplicated on each side correspond +with the band across the middle of the bowl in other specimens, and +represent highly conventionalized wings. The middle of this compound +figure is decorated with a cross, and in each quadrant there is a row +of the same emblems, equidistant from one another. + +It would be but a short step from this figure to the ancient sun +symbol with which the eagle and other raptorial birds are intimately +associated. The figure represented in plate CXXXIII, _c_, is a +symbolic bird in which the different parts are directly comparable +with the other bird pictographs already described. One may easily +detect in it the two wings, the semicircular rain-cloud figures, and +the three tail-feathers. As in the picture last considered, we see the +two circles, each with a concentric smaller circle, one on each side +of the mythic bird represented. Similar circular figures are likewise +found in the zone surrounding the centrally placed bird picture. + +In the food bowl illustrated in plate CXLI, _b_, we find the two +circles shown, and between them a rectangular pictograph the meaning +of which is not clear. The only suggestion which I have in regard to +the significance of this object is that it is an example of +substitution--the substitution of a prayer offering to the mythic bird +represented in the other bowls for a figure of the bird itself. This +interpretation, however, is highly speculative, and should be accepted +only with limitations. I have sometimes thought that the prayer-stick +or paho may originally have represented a bird, and the use of it is +an instance of the substitution[146] of a symbolic effigy of a bird, a +direct survival of the time when a bird was sacrificed to the deity +addressed. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLI + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLII + +VASES, BOWLS, AND LADLE, WITH FIGURES OF FEATHERS, FROM SIKYATKI] + +The studies of the conventional bird figures which are developed in +the preceding pages make it possible to interpret one of the two +pictures on the food bowl represented in plate CLII, while the +realistic character of the smaller figure leaves no question that we +can rightly identify this also as a bird. In the larger figure the +wings are of unequal size and are tipped with appendages of a more or +less decorative nature. The posterior part of the body is formed of +two triangular extensions, to which feathers are suspended, and the +tail is composed of three large pointed feathers. The head bears the +terraced rain-cloud designs almost universal in pictographs of birds. + +It is hardly necessary for me to indicate the head, body, wings, and +legs of the smaller figure, for they are evidently avian, while the +character of the beak would indicate that a parrot or raptorial genus +was intended. The same beak is found in the decoration of a vase with +a bird design, which will later be considered. + +From an examination of the various figures of birds on the Sikyatki +pottery, and an analysis of the appendages to the wings, body, and +legs, it is possible to determine the symbolic markings characteristic +of two different kinds of feathers, the large wing or tail feathers +and the so-called breath or body feathers. There is therefore no +hesitation, when we find an object of pottery ornamented with these +symbols, in interpreting them as feathers. Such a bowl is that shown +in plate CXLI, _c_, in which we find a curved line to which are +appended three breast feathers. This curved band from which they hang +may take the form of a circle with two pendent feathers as in plate +CXLI, _d_. + +In the design on the bowl figured in plate CXLI, _e_, tail-feathers +hang from a curved band, at each extremity of which is a square design +in which the cross is represented. It has been suggested that this +represents the feathered rainbow, a peculiar conception of both the +Pueblo and the Navaho Indians. The design appearing on the small food +bowl represented in plate CXLI, _f_, is no doubt connected in some way +with that last mentioned, although the likeness between the appendages +to the ring and feathers is remote. It is one of those +conventionalized pictures, the interpretation of which, with the +scanty data at hand, must be largely theoretical. + +Figures of feathers are most important features in the decoration of +ancient Sikyatki pottery, and their many modifications may readily be +seen by an examination of the plates. In modern Tusayan ceremonials +the feather is appended to almost all the different objects used in +worship; it is essential in the structure of the _tiponi_ or badge of +the chief, without which no elaborate ceremony can be performed or +altar erected; it adorns the images on the altars, decorates the heads +of participants, is prescribed for the prayer-sticks, and is always +appended to aspergills, rattles, and whistles. + +In the performance of certain ceremonials water from sacred springs is +used, and this water, sometimes brought from great distances, is kept +in small gourd or clay vases, around the necks of which a string with +attached feathers is tied. Such a vase is the so-called _patne_ which +has been described in a memoir on the Snake ceremonies at Walpi.[147] +The artistic tendency of the ancient people of Sikyatki apparently +exhibited itself in painting these feathers on the outside of similar +small vases. Plate CXLII, _a_, shows one of these vessels, decorated +with an elaborate design with four breath-feathers suspended from the +equator. (See also figure 273.) On the vases shown in plate CXLII, +_b_, _c_, are found figures of tail-feathers arranged in two groups on +opposite sides of the rim or orifice. One of these groups has eight, +the other seven, figures of these feathers, and on the two remaining +quadrants are the star emblems so constantly seen in pottery decorated +with bird figures. The upper surface of the vase (figure 274) shows a +similar arrangement, although the feathers here are conventionalized +into triangular dentations, seven on one side and three on the other, +individual dentations alternating with rectangular designs which +suggest rain-clouds. This vase (plate CXLIII, _a_, _b_) is also +striking in having a well-drawn figure of a bird in profile, the head, +wings, tail, and legs suggesting a parrot. The zone of decoration of +this vessel, which surrounds the rows of feathers, is strikingly +complicated, and comprises rain-cloud, feather, and other designs. + +[Illustration: FIG. 273--Pendent feather ornaments on a vase.] + +In a discussion of the significance of the design on the food bowl +represented in plate CXXXIX, _a_, _b_, I have shown ample reason for +regarding it a figure of a highly conventionalized bird. On the upper +surface of the vase (plate CXLIV, _a_, _b_) are four similar designs, +representing birds of the four cardinal points, one on each quadrant. +The wings are represented by triangular extensions, destitute of +appendages but with a rounded body at their point of juncture with the +trunk. Each bird has four tail-feathers and rain-cloud symbols on the +anterior end of the body. As is the case with the figures on the food +basins, there are crosses representing stars near the extended wings. +A broad band connects all these birds, and terraced rain-cloud +symbols, six in number and arranged in pairs, fill the peripheral +sections between them. This vase, although broken, is one of the most +beautiful and instructive in the rich collection of Sikyatki +ceramics. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLIII + +VASE WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLIV + +VASE WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLV + +VASES WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: FIG. 274--Upper surface of vase with bird decoration] + +I have not ventured, in the consideration of the manifold pictures of +birds on ancient pottery, to offer an interpretation of their probable +generic identification. There is no doubt, however, that they +represent mythic conceptions, and are emblematic of birds which +figured conspicuously in the ancient Hopi Olympus. The modern legends +of Tusayan are replete with references to such bird-like beings which +play important roles and which bear evidence of archaic origins. There +is, however, one fragment of a food bowl which is adorned with a +pictograph so realistic and so true to modern legends of a harpy that +I have not hesitated to affix to it the name current in modern Tusayan +folklore. This fragment is shown in figure 275. + +[Illustration: FIG. 275--Kwataka eating an animal] + +According to modern folklore there once lived in the sky a winged +being called Kwataka, or Man-eagle, who sorely troubled the ancients. +He was ultimately slain by their War god, the legends of which have +elsewhere been published. There is a pictograph of this monster near +Walpi,[148] and pictures of him, as he exists in modern conceptions, +have been drawn for me by the priests. These agree so closely with the +pictograph and with the representation on the potsherd from Sikyatki, +that I regard it well-nigh proven that they represent the same +personage. The head is round and bears two feathers, while the star +emblem appears in the eye. The wing and the stump of a tail are well +represented, while the leg has three talons, which can only be those +of this monster. He holds in his grasp some animal form which he is +represented as eating. Across the body is a kilt, or ancient blanket, +with four diagonal figures which are said to represent flint +arrowheads. It is a remarkable fact that these latter symbols are +practically the same as those used by Nahuatl people for obsidian +arrow- or spearpoints. In Hopi lore Kwataka wore a garment of +arrowpoints, or, according to some legends, a flint garment, and his +wings are said to have been composed of feathers of the same +material. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLVI + +BOWLS AND POTSHERD WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLVII + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS, FROM SIKYATKI] + +From the pose of the figure and the various details of its symbolism +there can be little doubt that the ancient Sikyatki artists intended +to represent this monster, of which the modern Hopi rarely speak, and +then only in awe. Probably several other bird figures likewise +represent Kwataka, but in none of these do the symbols conform so +closely to legends of this monster which are still repeated in the +Tusayan villages. The home of Kwataka is reputed to be in the sky, and +consequently figures of him are commonly associated with star and +cloud emblems; he is a god of luck or chance, hence it is not +exceptional to find figures of gaming implements[149] in certain +elaborate figures of this monster. + +By far the most beautiful of the many food bowls from Sikyatki, and, I +believe, the finest piece of prehistoric aboriginal pottery from the +United States, is that figured in plate CXLVI, _d_. This remarkable +object, found with others in the sands of the necropolis of this +pueblo, several feet below the surface, is decorated with a highly +conventional figure of a bird in profile, but so modified that it is +difficult to determine the different parts. The four appendages to the +left represent the tail; the two knobs at the right the head, but the +remaining parts are not comprehensible. The delicacy of the detailed +crosshatching on the body is astonishing, considering that it was +drawn freehand and without pattern. The coloring is bright and the +surface glossy. + +The curved band from which this strange figure hangs is divided into +sections by perpendicular incised lines, which are connected by zigzag +diagonals. The signification of the figure in the upper part of the +bowl is unknown. While this vessel is unique in the character of its +decoration, there are others of equal fineness but less perfect in +design. Competent students of ceramics have greatly admired this +specimen, and so fresh are the colors that some have found it +difficult to believe it of ancient aboriginal manufacture. The +specimen itself, now on exhibition in the National Museum, gives a +better idea of its excellence than any figure which could be made. +This specimen, like all the others, is in exactly the same condition +as when exhumed, save that it has been wiped with a moist cloth to +clean the traces of food from its inner surface. All the pottery found +in the same grave is of the finest character, and although no two +specimens are alike in decoration, their general resemblances point to +the same maker. This fact has been noticed in several instances, +although there were many exceptional cases where the coarsest and most +rudely painted vessels were associated with the finest and most +elaborately decorated ware. + +The ladle illustrated in plate CXLII, _e_, is one of the most +beautiful in the collection. It is decorated with a picture of an +unknown animal with a single feather on the head. The eyes are double +and the snout continued into a long stick or tube, on which the animal +stands. While the appendage to the head is undoubtedly a feather and +the animal recalls a bird, I am in doubt as to its true +identification. The star emblems on the handle of the ladle are in +harmony with known pictures of birds. + +The feather decoration on the broken ladle shown in plate CXXXI, _f_, +is of more than usual interest, although it is not wholly +comprehensible. The representations include rain-cloud symbols, birds, +feathers, and falling rain. The medially placed design, with four +parallel lines arising from a round spot, is interpreted as a feather +design, and the two triangular figures, one on each side, are believed +to represent birds. + +The design on the food bowl depicted in plate CXXXI, _e_, is obscure, +but in it feather and star symbols predominate. On the inside of the +ladle shown in plate CXXXI, _c_, there is a rectangular design with a +conventionalized bird at each angle. The reduction of the figure of a +bird to head, body, and two or more tail-feathers occurs very +constantly in decorations, and in many instances nothing remains save +a crook with appended parallel lines representing feathers. Examples +of this kind occur on several vessels, of which that shown in plate +CXLV, _a_, is an example. + +[Illustration: FIG. 276--Decoration on the bottom of plate CXLVI, _f_] + +There are many pictures of birds and feathers where the design has +become so conventionalized that it is very difficult to recognize the +intention of the decorator. Plate CXLVII, _f_, shows one of these in +which the feather motive is prominent and an approximation to a bird +form evident. The wings are shown with a symmetric arrangement on the +sides of the tail, while the latter member has the three feathers +which form so constant a feature in many bird symbols. In _b_ of the +same plate there is shown a more elaborated bird figure, also highly +modified, yet preserving many of the parts which have been identified +in the design last described. + +The beautiful design shown in plate CXLVI, _e_, represents a large +breath feather with triangular appendages on the sides, recalling the +posterior end of the body of the bird figures above discussed. + +The interior of the saucer illustrated in plate CLXVI, _f_, is +decorated with feather symbols and four triangles. The remaining +figures of this plate have already been considered. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLVIII + +FOOD BOWLS WITH SYMBOLS OF FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLIX + +FOOD BOWLS WITH SYMBOLS OF FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +The figures on the vessel shown in plate CLXVII are so arranged that +there can be little question of their homologies, and from comparisons +it is clear that they should all be regarded as representations of +birds. There appears no necessity of discussing figures _a_ and +_b_ of the plate in this interpretation. In figure _c_ the center of +the design becomes circular, recalling certain sun symbols, and the +tail-feathers are readily recognized on one side. I am by no means +sure, however, that the lateral terraced appendages at the opposite +pole are representations of wings, but such an interpretation can not +be regarded as a forced one. Figure _d_ shows the three tail-feathers, +lateral appendages suggestive of wings, and a square body with the +usual decorations of the body and head of a bird. The design shown in +figure _f_ suggests in many ways a sun-bird, and is comparable with +those previously studied and illustrated. There is no question of the +homologues of tail, head, and wings. The meridional band across the +bowl is similar to those already discussed, and its relationship to +the head and tail of the bird identical. This design is interpreted as +that of one of the numerous birds associated with the sun. The +crescentic extension above what is apparently the head occurs in many +bird figures and may represent a beak. + +Many food bowls from Sikyatki are ornamented on their interior with +highly conventionalized figures, generally of curved form, in which +the feather is predominant. Many of these are shown in plates CXLVIII +to CLVII, inclusive, and in studying them I have found it very +difficult to interpret the symbolism, although the figures of feathers +are easy to find in many of them. While my attempt at decipherment is +not regarded as final, it is hoped that it may at least reveal the +important place which the feather plays in Tusayan ceramic decoration. + +Plate CXLVIII, _a_, shows the spiral ornament worn down to its lowest +terms, with no hint of the feather appendage, but its likeness in +outline to those designs where the feather occurs leads me to +introduce it in connection with those in which the feather is more +prominent. Figure _b_ of the same plate represents a spiral figure +with a bird form at the inner end, and a bundle of tail-feathers at +the outer extremity. On this design there is likewise a figure of the +dragon-fly and several unknown emblems. Figure _c_ has at one +extremity a trifid appendage, recalling a feather ornament on the head +of a bird shown in plate CXXXVIII, _a_. Figure _d_ has no +conventionalized feather decoration, but the curved line terminates +with a triangle. Its signification is unknown to me. For several +reasons the design in _e_ reminds me of a bird; it is accompanied by +three crosses, which are almost invariably found in connection with +bird figures, and at the inner end there is attached a breath feather. +This end of the figure is supposed to be the head, as will appear by +later comparative studies. The bird form is masked in _f_, but the +feather designs are prominent. This bowl is exceptional in having an +encircling band broken at two points, one of the components of which +is red, the other black. + +Feather designs are conspicuous in plate CXLIX, _a_, _b_, in the +former of which curved incised lines are successfully used. In _c_, +however, is found the best example of the use of incised work as an +aid in pottery decoration, for in this specimen there are semicircles, +and rings with four triangles, straight lines, and circles. The +symbolism of the whole figure has eluded analysis. Figure _d_ has no +feather symbols, but _e_ may later be reduced to a circle with +feathers. The only symbols in the design shown in _f_ which are at all +recognizable are the two zigzag figures which may have been intended +to represent snakes, lightning, or tadpoles. + +When the design in plate CL, _a_, is compared with the beautiful bowl +shown in plate CXLVI, _d_, a treatment of somewhat similar nature is +found. It is believed that both represent birds drawn in profile; the +four bands (_a_) are tail-feathers, while the rectangle represents the +body and the curved appendage a part of the head. From a similarity to +modern figures of a turkey feather, it is possible that the triangle +at the end of the curved appendage is the feather of this bird. An +examination of _b_ leads to the conclusion that the inner end of the +spiral represents a bird's head. Two eyes are represented therein, and +from it feathers are appended. The parallel marks on the body are +suggestive of similar decorations on the figure of the Plumed Snake +painted on the kilts of the Snake priests of Walpi. The star emblems +are constant accompaniments of bird designs. Figure _c_ has, in +addition to the spiral, the star symbols and what appears to be a +flower. The design shown in _d_ is so exceptional that it is here +represented with the circular forms. It will be seen that there are +well-marked feathers in its composition. Figure _f_ is made up of +several bird forms, feathers, rectangles, and triangles, combined in a +complicated design, the parts of which may readily be interpreted in +the light of what has already been recorded. + +The significance of the spiral in the design on plate CLI, _a_, is +unknown. It is found in several pictures, in some of which it appears +to have avian relationship. Figure _b_ of the same plate is a square +terraced design appended to the median line, on which symbolic stars +are depicted. As in many bird figures, a star is found on the opposite +semicircle. There is a remote likeness between this figure and that of +the head of the bird shown in plate CXLV, _d_. Plate CLI, _c_, is a +compound figure, with four feathers arranged in two pairs at right +angles to a median band. The triangular figure associated with them is +sometimes found in symbols of the sun. Figure _d_ is undoubtedly a +bird symbol, as may be seen by a comparison of it with the bird +figures shown in plate CXXXVIII, _a-f_. There are two tail-feathers, +two outstretched wings, and a head which is rectangular, with terraced +designs. The cross is triple, and occupies the opposite segment, which +is finely spattered with pigment. This trifid cross represents a game +played by the Hopi with reeds and is depicted on many objects of +pottery. As representations of it sometimes accompany those of birds I +am led to interpret the figure (plate CLVII, _c_) as that of a bird, +which it somewhat resembles. The two designs shown in plate CLI, _e_, +_f_, are believed to be decorative, or, if symbolic, they have been so +worn by the constant use of the vessel that it is impossible to +determine their meaning by comparative methods. Both of these figures +show the "line of life" in a somewhat better way than any yet +considered. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CL + +FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLI + +FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +In plate CLII, _a_, is shown a compound figure of doubtful +significance, made up of a series of crescents, triangles, and +spirals, which, in _c_, are more compactly joined together, and +accompanied by three parallel lines crossing three other lines. The +curved figure shown in _b_ represents three feathers; a large one on +each side, inclosing a medially smaller member. In _d_ is shown the +spiral bird form with appended feathers, triangles, and terraced +figures. Figure _f_ of this plate is decorated with a design which +bears many resemblances to a flower, the peripheral appendages +resembling bracts of a sunflower. A somewhat similar design is painted +on the side of the helmets of some _katcina_ dancers, where the bracts +or petals are colored in sequence, with the pigments corresponding to +the six directions--north, west, south, east, above, and below. In the +decoration on the ancient Sikyatki bowl we find seven peripheral +bracts, one of which is speckled. The six groups of stamens(?) are +represented between the triangular bracts. + +The designs shown in plates CLIII to CLV, inclusive, still preserve +the spiral form with attached feathers, some of them being greatly +conventionalized or differentiated. In the first of these plates +(figure _b_) is represented a bird form with triangular head with four +feathers arranged in fan shape. These feathers are different from any +which I have been able to find attached to the bodies of birds, and +are thus identified from morphological rather than from other reasons. + +The body of the conventionalized bird is decorated with terraced +figures, spirals, flowers, and other designs arranged in a highly +complicated manner. From a bar connecting the spiral with the +encircling line there arises a tuft of feathers. Figure _a_ of the +same plate is characterized by a medially placed triangle and a +graceful pendant from which hangs seven feathers. In this instance +these structures take the form of triangles and pairs of lines. The +relation of these structures to feathers would appear highly +speculative, but they have been so interpreted for the following +reason: If we compare them with the appendages represented in the +design on the vase shown in CXLIII, _b_, we find them the same in +number, form, and arrangement; the triangles in the design on this +vase are directly comparable with the figures in plate CXLIII, _b_, in +the same position, which are undoubtedly feathers, as has been shown +in the discussion of this figure. Consequently, although the triangles +on the pendant in plate CLIII, _a_, appear at first glance to have no +relation to the prescribed feather symbol, morphology shows their true +interpretation. The reduction of the wing feather to a simple +triangular figure is likewise shown in several other pictures on food +vessels, notably in the figure, undoubtedly of a bird, represented in +plate CXLVI, _a_. + +In the two figures forming plate CLIV are found simple bird symbols +and feather designs very much conventionalized. The same is true of +the two figures given in plate CLV. + +The vessels illustrated in plate CLVI, _a_, _b_, are decorated with +designs of unknown meaning, save that the latter recalls the +modification of the feather into long triangular forms. On the outer +surface this bowl has a row of tadpoles encircling it in a sinistral +direction, or with the center of the bowl on the left. The design of +figure _c_ shows a bird's head in profile, with a crest of feathers +and with the two eyes on one side of the head and a necklace. The +triangular figure bears the symbolism of the turkey feather, as at +present designated in Tusayan altar paraphernalia. As with other bird +figures, there is a representation in red of the triple star. + +Figure _d_ is the only specimen of a vessel in the conventional form +of a bird which was found at Sikyatki; it evidently formerly had a +handle. The vessel itself is globular, and the form of the bird is +intensified by the designs on its surface. The bird's head is turned +to the observer, and the row of triangles represent wing feathers. The +signification of the designs on _e_ and _f_ is unknown to me. + +Figures _e_ and _f_ of plate CLVI are avian decorations, reduced in +the case of the former to geometric forms. The triangular figure is a +marked feature in the latter design. + +The designs represented in plate CLVII are aberrant bird forms. Of +these _a_ and _b_ are the simplest and _c_ one of the most +complicated. Figure _d_ is interpreted as a double bird, or twins with +a common head and tails pointing in opposite directions. Figure _e_ +shows a bird in profile with one wing, furnished with triangular +feathers, extended. There is some doubt about the identification of +_f_ as a bird, but there is no question that the wing, tail, and +breath feathers are represented in it. Of the last mentioned there are +three, shown by the notch, colored black at their extremities. + + +VEGETAL DESIGNS + +Inasmuch as they so readily lend themselves as a motive of decoration, +it is remarkable that the ancient Hopi seem to have used plants and +their various organs so sparingly in their pottery painting. +Elsewhere, especially among modern Pueblos, this is not the case, and +while plants, flowers, and leaves are not among the common designs on +modern Tusayan ware, they are often employed. It would appear that the +corn plant or fruit would be found among other designs, especially as +corn plays a highly symbolic part in mythic conceptions, but we fail +to find it used as a decoration on any ancient vessel. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLII + +FOOD BOWLS WITH BIRD, FEATHER, AND FLOWER SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLIII + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +In a figure previously described, a flower, evidently an aster or +sunflower, appears with a butterfly, and in the bowl shown in +plate CXXXIV, _e_, we have a similar design. This figure +evidently represents the sunflower, the seeds of which were ground and +eaten in ancient times. The plant apparently is represented as growing +from the earth and is surrounded by a broad band of red in rudely +circular form. The totem of the earth today among the Hopi is a +circle; possibly it was the same among the ancients, in which case the +horizon may have been represented by the red encircling band, which is +accompanied by the crook and the emblem of rain. The petals are +represented by a row of dots and no leaves are shown. From the kinship +of the ancient accolents of Sikyatki with the Flute people, it is to +be expected that in their designs figures of asters or sunflowers +would appear, for these plants play a not inconspicuous role in the +ritual of this society which has survived to modern times. + + +THE SUN + +Sun worship plays a most important part in modern Tusayan ritual, and +the symbol of the sun in modern pictography can not be mistaken for +any other. It is a circle with radiating feathers on the periphery and +ordinarily with four lines arranged in quaternary groups. The face of +the sun is indicated by triangles on the forehead, two slits for eyes, +and a double triangle for the mouth. This symbol, however, is not +always used as that of the sun, for in the Oraibi _Powalawu_ there is +an altar in which a sand picture of the sun has the form of a +four-pointed star. The former of these sun symbols is not found on +Sikyatki pottery, but there is one picture which closely resembles the +latter. This occurs on the bowl illustrated in plate CLXI, _c_. The +main design is a four-pointed star, alternating with crosses and +surrounded by a zone in which are rectangular blocks. While the +identification may be fanciful, its resemblances are highly +suggestive. The existence of a double triangle adjacent to this figure +on the same bowl, and its likeness to the modern mouth-design of sun +pictures, appears to be more than a coincidence, and is so regarded in +this identification. + +In the design shown in plate CLVIII, _a_, one of the elaborate ancient +sun figures is represented. As in modern symbols, the tail-feathers of +the periphery of the disk are arranged in the four quadrants, and in +addition there are appended to the same points curved figures which +recall the objects, identified as stringed feathers, attached to the +blanket of the maid (plate CXXIX, _a_). The design on the disk is +different from that of any sun emblem known to me, and escapes my +interpretation. I have used the distribution of the feathers on the +four quadrants as an indication that this figure is a sun symbol, +although it must be confessed this evidence is not so strong as might +be wished. The triangles at the sides of two feathers indicate that a +tail-feather is intended, and for the correlated facts supporting this +conclusion the reader is referred to the description of the vessels +shown in plate CXXXVIII. + +It would appear that there is even more probability that the picture +on the bowl illustrated in plate CLVIII, _b_, is a sun symbol. It +represents a disk with tail and wing feathers arranged on the +periphery in four groups. This recalls the sun emblems used in Tusayan +at the present time, although the face of the sun is not represented +on this specimen. There is a still closer approximation to the modern +symbol of the sun on a bowl in a private collection from Sikyatki. + +In plate CLVIII, _c_, the sun's disk is represented with the four +clusters of feathers replaced by the extremities of the bodies of four +birds, the tail-feathers, for some unknown reason, being omitted. The +design on the disk is highly symbolic, and the only modern sun symbol +found in it are the triangles, which form the mouth of the face of the +sun in modern Hopi symbolism. + +One of the most aberrant pictures of the sun, which I think can be +identified with probability, is shown in the design on the specimen +illustrated in plate CXXXIV, _b_. The reasons which have led me to +this identification may briefly be stated as follows: + +Among the many supernaturals with which modern Hopi mythology is +replete is one called Calako-taka, or the male Calako. In legends he +is the husband of the two Corn-maids of like name. The ceremonials +connected with this being occur in Sichomovi in July, when four giant +personifications enter the village as have been described in a former +memoir. The heads of these giants are provided with two curved horns, +between which is a crest of eagle tail-feathers. + +Two of these giants, under another name, but with the same symbolism, +are depicted on the altars of the _katcinas_ at Walpi and Mishoninovi, +where they represent the sun. A chief personifying the same +supernatural flogs children when they are initiated into the knowledge +of the _katcinas_. + +The figure on the bowl under discussion has many points of resemblance +to the symbolism of this personage as depicted on the altars +mentioned. The head has two horns, one on each side, with a crest, +apparently of feathers, between them. The eyes and mouth are +represented, and on the body there is a four-pointed cross. The +meaning of the remaining appendages is unknown, but the likenesses to +Calako-taka[150] symbolism are noteworthy and important. The figure on +the food bowl illustrated in plate CXXXIV, _c_, is likewise regarded +as a sun emblem. The disk is represented by a ring in the center, to +which feathers are appended. The triangle, which is still a sun +symbol, is shown below a band across the bowl. This band is decorated +with highly conventionalized feathers. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLIV + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLV + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLVI + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +It may be added that in this figure we have probably the most aberrant +sun-symbol yet recognized, and on that account there is a possibility +that the validity of my identification is more or less doubtful. + +The three designs shown in plate CLVIII, _c_, _d_, _e_, evidently +belong in association with sun or star symbols, but it is hardly +legitimate to definitely declare that such an interpretation can be +demonstrated. The modern Tusayan Indians declare that the equal-arm +cross is a symbol of the "Heart of the Sky" god, which, from my +studies of the effigies of this personage on various altars, I have +good reason to identify with the lightning. + + +GEOMETRIC FIGURES + +INTERPRETATION OF THE FIGURES + +Most of the pottery from Sikyatki is ornamented with geometric designs +and linear figures, the import of many of which are unknown. + +Two extreme views are current in regard to the significance of these +designs. To one school everything is symbolic of something or some +religious conception; to the other the majority are meaningless save +as decorations. I find the middle path the more conservative, and +while regarding many of the designs as highly conventionalized +symbols, believe that there are also many where the decorator had no +thought of symbolism. I have ventured an explanation of a few of the +former. + +Terraced figures are among the most common rectangular elements in +Pueblo ceramic decorations. These designs bear so close a likeness to +the modern rain-cloud symbol that they probably may all be referred to +this category. Their arrangement on a bowl or jar is often of such a +nature as to impart very different patterns. Thus terraced figures +placed in opposition to each other may leave zigzag spaces suggesting +lightning, but such forms can hardly be regarded as designed for +symbols. + +Rectangular patterns (plates CLXII-CLXV) are more ancient in the +evolution of designs on Tusayan pottery than curved geometric figures, +and far outnumber them in the most ancient specimens; but there has +been no epoch in the development reaching to modern times when they +have been superseded. While there are many specimens of Sikyatki +pottery of the type decorated with geometric figures, which bear +ornamentations of simple and complex terraced forms, the majority +placed in this type are not reducible to stepped or terraced designs, +but are modified straight lines, bars, crosshatching, and the like. In +older Pueblo pottery the relative proportion of terraced figures is +even less, which would appear to indicate that basket-ware patterns +were secondary rather than primary decorative forms. + +By far the largest element in ancient Tusayan pottery decoration must +be regarded as simple geometric lines, triangles, spirals, curves, +crosshatching, and the like, some of which are no doubt symbolic, +others purely decorative (plate CLXVI). In the evolution of design I +am inclined to believe that this was the simplest form, and I find it +the most constant in the oldest ware. Rectangular figures are regarded +as older than circular figures, and they possibly preceded the latter +in evolution, but in many instances both are forms of reversion, +highly conventionalized representations of more elaborate figures. +Circles and crosses are sometimes combined, the former modified into a +wavy line surrounding the latter, as in plate CLIX, _c_, _d_, where +there is a suggestion (_d_) of a sun emblem. + + +CROSSES + +A large number of food bowls are decorated with simple or elaborate +crosses, stars, and like patterns. Simple crosses with arms of equal +length appear on the vessels shown in plate CLIX, _c_, _d_. There are +many similar crosses, subordinate to the main design, in various +bowls, especially those decorated with figures of birds and sky +deities. + +Plate CLX, _a_, exhibits a cruciform design, to the extremities of +three arms of which bird figures are attached. In this design there +are likewise two sunflower symbols. The modified cross figure in _b_ +of the same plate, like that just mentioned, suggests a swastica, but +fails to be one, and unless the complicated design in figure _c_ may +be so interpreted, no swastica was found at Sikyatki or Awatobi. Plate +CLX, _d_, shows another form of cross, two arms of which are modified +into triangles. + +On the opening of the great ceremony called _Powamu_ or +"Bean-planting," which occurs in February in the modern Tusayan +villages, there occurs a ceremony about a sand picture of the sun +which is called _Powalawu_. The object of this rite is the +fructification of all seeds known to the Hopi. The sand picture of the +sun which is made at that time is in its essentials identical with the +design on the food bowl illustrated in plate CLXI, _c_; consequently +it is possible that this star emblem represents the sun, and the +occurrence of the eight triangles in the rim, replaced in the modern +altar by four concentric bands of differently colored sands, adds +weight to this conclusion. The twin triangles outside the main figure +are identical with those in the mouth of modern sun emblems. These +same twin triangles are arranged in lines which cross at right angles +in plate CLXI, _d_, but from their resemblance to figure _b_ they +possibly have a different meaning. + +The most complicated of all the star-shape figures, like the simplest, +takes us to sun emblems, and it seems probable that there is a +relationship between the two. Plate CLXI, _f_, represents four bundles +of feathers arranged in quadrants about a rectangular center. These +feathers vary in form and arrangement, and the angles between them are +occupied by horn-shape bodies, two of which have highly complicated +extremities recalling conventionalized birds. + +[Illustration: BUREAU Of AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLVII + +FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLVIII + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF SUN AND RELATED SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI] + +A large number of crosses are represented in plate CLXII, _d_, in +which the remaining semicircle is filled with a tessellated pattern. A +spiral line with round spots at intervals adorns the specimen +shown in plate CLXI, _a_. Parallel lines with similar spots appear on +the vessel illustrated in plate CLXII, _e_, and a network of the same +is shown in _f_ of the same plate. Plate CLXVII, _b_, represents a +compound star. + +While simple swasticas are not found on any of the Sikyatki pottery, +modified and compound forms are well represented. There are several +specimens of figures of the Maltese cross, and one closely +approximating the Saint Andrew's cross. It is scarcely necessary to +say that the presence of the various kinds of crosses do not +necessarily indicate the influence of Semitic or Aryan races, for I +have already shown[151] that even cross-shape prayer-sticks were in +use among the Pueblos when Coronado first visited them. + + +TERRACED FIGURES + +Among the most common of all geometric designs on ancient Tusayan +pottery none excel in variety or number those which I place in the +above group. They form the major part of all decoration, and there is +hardly a score of ornamented vessels in which they can not be +detected. In a typical form they appear as stepped designs, +rectangular figures with diagonals continuous, or as triangular +designs with steps represented along their sides. + +While it is probable that in some instances these figures are simply +decorative, with no attempt at symbolism, in other cases without doubt +they symbolize rain-clouds, and the same figures are still used with +similar intent in modern ceremonial paraphernalia--altars, +mask-tablets, and the like. Decorative modifications of this figure +were no doubt adopted by artistic potters, thus giving varieties where +the essential meaning has been much obscured or lost. + + +THE CROOK + +Among the forms of geometric designs on ancient Tusayan pottery there +are many jars, bowls, and other objects on which a crook, variously +modified, is the essential type. This figure is so constant that it +must have had a symbolic as well as a decorative meaning. The crook +plays an important part in the modern ritual, and is prominent on many +Tusayan altars. Around the sand picture of the rain-cloud, for +example, we find a row of wooden rods with curved ends, and in the +public Snake dance these are carried by participants called the +Antelopes. A crook in the form of a staff to which an ear of corn and +several feathers are attached is borne by _katcinas_ or masked +participants in certain rain dances. It is held in the hand by a +personage who flogs the children when they are initiated into certain +religious societies. Many other instances might be mentioned in which +this crozier-like object is carried by important personages. While it +is not entirely clear to me that in all instances this crook is a +badge of authority, in some cases it undoubtedly represents the +standing of the bearer. There are, likewise, prayer offerings in the +form of crooks, and even common forms of prayer-sticks have miniature +curved sticks attached to them. + +Some of the warrior societies are said to make offerings in the form +of a crook, and a stick of similar form is associated with the gods of +war. There is little doubt that some of the crook-form decorations on +ancient vessels may have been used as symbols with the same intent as +the sticks referred to above. The majority of the figures of this +shape elude interpretation. Many of them have probably no definite +meaning, but are simply an effective motive of decoration. + +In some instances the figure of the crook on old pottery is a symbol +of a prayer offering of a warrior society, made in the form of an +ancient weapon, allied to a bow. + + +THE GERMINATIVE SYMBOL + +The ordinary symbol of germination, a median projection with lateral +extensions at the base (plate CXLIX, _e_), occurs among the figures on +this ancient pottery. In its simplest form, a median line with a +triangle on each side attached to one end, it is a phallic emblem. +When this median line becomes oval, and the triangles elongated and +curved at the ends, it represents the ordinary squash symbol,[152] +also used as an emblem of fertility. + +The triangle is also an emblem of germination and of fecundity--the +female, as the previously mentioned principle represents the male. The +geometric designs on the ancient Sikyatki ware abundantly illustrate +both these forms. + + +BROKEN LINES + +In examining the simple encircling bands of many of the food bowls, +jars, and other ceramic objects, it will be noticed that they are not +continuous, but that there is a break at one point, and this break is +usually limited to one point in all the specimens. Various +explanations of the meaning of this failure to complete the band have +been suggested, and it is a remarkable fact that it is one of the most +widely extended characteristics of ancient pottery decoration in the +whole Pueblo area, including the Salado and Gila basins. While in the +specimens from Sikyatki the break is simple and confined to one point, +in those from other regions we find two or three similar failures in +the continuity of encircling lines, and in some instances the lines at +the point of separation are modified into spirals, terraces, and other +forms of geometric figures. In the more complex figures we find the +most intricate variations, which depart so widely from the simple +forms that their resemblances are somewhat difficult to follow. A +brief consideration of these modifications may aid toward an +understanding of the character of certain geometric ornamental +motives. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLIX + +CROSS AND RELATED DESIGNS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLX + +CROSS AND OTHER SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXI + +STAR, SUN, AND RELATED SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI] + +If any of the interlocking spirals on bowls or vases are traced, it is +found that they do not join at the center of the figure. The same is +true when these spirals become frets. There is always a break in the +network which they form. This break is comparable with the hiatus on +encircling bands and probably admits of the same interpretation. In a +simple form this motive appears as two crescents or two key patterns +with the ends overlapping. This simple ornament, called the friendship +sign, is commonly used in the decoration of the bodies of _katcinas_, +and has been likened to the interlocking of fingers or hands of the +participants in certain dances, the fingers half retracted with inner +surfaces approximated, the palms of the hands facing in opposite +directions and the wrists at opposite points. If the points be +extended into an elaborate key pattern or curved into extended +spirals, a complicated figure is produced in which the separation is +less conspicuous although always present. + +The same points may be modified into terraced figures, the separation +then appearing as a zigzag line drawn across the figure, or they may +have interlocking dentate or serrate prolongations imparting a variety +of forms to the interval between them.[153] In order to trace out +these modifications it would be necessary to specify each individual +case, but I think that is unnecessary. In other words, the broken line +appears to be a characteristic not only of simple encircling bands, +but also of all geometric figures in which highly complicated designs +extend about the periphery of a utensil. + + +DECORATIONS ON THE EXTERIOR OF FOOD BOWLS + +The decorations on the exterior of the ancient food bowls are in most +instances very characteristic and sometimes artistic. Generally they +reproduce patterns which are found on the outside of vases and jars +and sometimes have a distant relationship to the designs in the +interior of the bowl upon which they occur. Usually these external +decorations are found only on one side, and in that respect they +differ from the modern food bowls, in which nothing similar to them +appears. + +The characteristics of the external decorations of food bowls are +symbolic, mostly geometric, square or rectangular, triangular or +stepped figures; curved lines and spirals rarely if ever occur, and +human or animal figures are unknown in this position in Sikyatki +pottery; the geometric figures can be reduced to a few patterns of +marked simplicity. + +It is apparent that I can best discuss the variety of geometric +designs by considering these external decorations of food vessels at +length. From the fact that they are limited to one side, the design is +less complicated by repetition and seems practically the same as the +more typical forms. It is rarely that two of these designs are found +to be exactly the same, and as there appears to be no duplication a +classification of them is difficult. Each potter seems to have +decorated her ware without regard to the work of her contemporaries, +using simple designs but combining them in original ways. Hence the +great variety found even in the grave of the same woman, whose +handiwork was buried with her. As, however, the art of the potter +degenerated, as it has in later times, the patterns became more alike, +so that modern Tusayan decorated earthenware has little variety in +ornamentation and no originality in design. Every potter uses the same +figures. + +[Illustration: FIG. 277--Oblique parallel line decoration] + +[Illustration: FIG. 278--Parallel lines fused at one point] + +[Illustration: FIG. 279--Parallel lines with zigzag arrangement] + +The simplest form of decoration on the exterior of a food bowl is a +band encircling it. This line may be complete or it may be broken at +one point. The next more complicated geometric decoration is a double +or multiple band, which, however, does not occur in any of the +specimens from Sikyatki. The breaking up of this multiple band into +parallel bars is shown in figure 277. These bars generally have a +quadruple arrangement, and are horizontal, vertical, or, as in the +illustration, inclined at an angle. They are often found on the lips +of the bowls and in a similar position on jars, dippers, and vases. +The parallel lines shown in figure 278 are seven in number, and do not +encircle the bowl. They are joined by a broad connecting band near one +extremity. The number of parallel bands in this decoration is highly +suggestive. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXII + +GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM SIKYATKI] + +Four parallel bands encircle the bowl shown in figure 279, but they +are so modified in their course as to form a number of trapezoidal +figures placed with alternating sides parallel. This interesting +pattern is found only on one vessel. + +The use of simple parallel bars, arranged at equal intervals on the +outside of food bowls, is not confined to these vessels, for they +occur on the margin of vases, cups, and dippers. They likewise occur +on ladle handles, where they are arranged in alternate transverse and +longitudinal clusters. + +[Illustration: FIG. 280--Parallel lines connected by middle bar.] + +The combination of two vertical bands connected by a horizontal band, +forming the letter H, is an ornamental design frequently occurring on +the finest Hopi ware. Figure 280 shows such an H form, which is +ordinarily repeated four times about the bowl. + +[Illustration: FIG. 281--Parallel lines of different width; serrate +margin] + +The interval between the parallel bands around the vessel may be very +much reduced in size, and some of the bands may be of different width, +or otherwise modified. Such a deviation is seen in figure 281, which +has three bands, one of which is broad with straight edges, the other +with serrate margin and hook-like appendages. + +[Illustration: FIG. 282--Parallel lines of different width; median +serrate] + +[Illustration: FIG. 283--Parallel lines of different width; marginal +serrate] + +In figure 282 eight bands are shown, the marginal broad with edges +entire, and the median pair serrated, the long teeth fitting each +other in such a way as to impart a zigzag effect to the space which +separates them. The remaining four lines, two on each side, appear as +black bands on a white ground. It will be noticed that an attempt was +made to relieve the monotony of the middle band of figure 282 by the +introduction of a white line in zigzag form. A similar result was +accomplished in the design shown in figure 283 by rectangles and +dots. + +[Illustration: FIG. 284--Parallel lines and triangles] + +The modification of the multiple bands in figure 283 has produced a +very different decorative form. This design is composed of five bands, +the marginal on each side serrate, and the middle band relatively very +broad, with diagonals, each containing four round dots regularly +arranged. In figure 284 there are many parallel, noncontinuous bands +of different breadth, arranged in groups separated by triangles with +sides parallel, and the whole united by bounding lines. This is the +most complicated form of design where straight lines only are used. + +[Illustration: FIG. 285--Line with alternate triangles] + +We have thus far considered modifications brought about by fusion and +other changes in simple parallel lines. They may be confined to one +side of the food bowl, may repeat each other at intervals, or surround +the whole vessel. Ordinarily, however, they are confined to one side +of the bowls from Sikyatki. + +[Illustration: FIG. 286--Single line with alternate spurs] + +[Illustration: FIG. 287--Single line with hourglass figures] + +Returning to the single encircling band, it is found, in figure 285, +broken up into alternating equilateral triangles, each pair united at +their right angles. This modification is carried still further in +figure 286, where the triangles on each side of the single line are +prolonged into oblique spurs, the pairs separated a short distance +from each other. In figure 287 there is shown still another +arrangement of these triangular decorations, the pairs forming +hourglass-shape figures connected by an encircling line passing +through their points of junction. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXIII + +FOOD BOWLS WITH GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: FIG. 288--Single line with triangles] + +[Illustration: FIG. 289--Single line with alternate triangles and +ovals] + +[Illustration: FIG. 290--Triangles and quadrilaterals] + +[Illustration: FIG. 291--Triangle with spurs] + +In figure 288 the double triangles, one on each side of the encircling +band, are so placed that their line of separation is lost, and a +single triangle replaces the pair. These are connected by the line +surrounding the bowl and there is a dot at the smallest angle. In +figure 289 there is a similar design, except that alternating with +each triangle, which bears more decoration than that shown in figure +288, there are hourglass figures composed of ovals and triangles. The +dots at the apex of that design are replaced by short parallel lines +of varying width. The triangles and ovals last considered are arranged +symmetrically in relation to a simple band. By a reduction in the +intervening spaces these triangles may be brought together and the +line disappears. I have found no specimen of design illustrating the +simplest form of the resultant motive, but that shown in figure 290 is +a new combination comparable with it. + +The simple triangular decorative design reaches a high degree of +complication in figure 290, where a connecting line is absent, and two +triangles having their smallest angles facing each other are +separated by a lozenge shape figure made up of many parallel lines +placed obliquely to the axis of the design. The central part is +composed of seven parallel lines, the marginal of which, on two +opposite sides, is minutely dentate. The median band is very broad and +is relieved by two wavy white lines. The axis of the design on each +side is continued into two triangular spurs, rising from a rectangle +in the middle of each triangle. This complicated design is the highest +development reached by the use of simple triangles. In figure 291, +however, we have a simpler form of triangular decoration, in which no +element other than the rectangle is employed. In the chaste decoration +seen in figure 292 the use of the rectangle is shown combined with the +triangle on a simple encircling band. This design is reducible to that +shown in figure 290, but is simpler, yet not less effective. In figure +293 there is an aberrant form of design in which the triangle is used +in combination with parallel and oblique bands. This form, while one +of the simplest in its elements, is effective and characteristic. The +triangle predominates in figure 294, but the details are worked out in +rectangular patterns, producing the terraced designs so common in all +Pueblo decorations. Rectangular figures are more commonly used than +the triangular in the decoration of the exterior of the bowls, and +their many combinations are often very perplexing to analyze. + +[Illustration: FIG. 292--Rectangle with single line] + +[Illustration: FIG. 293--Double triangle; multiple lines] + +[Illustration: FIG. 294--Double triangle; terraced edges] + +[Illustration: FIG. 295--Single line; closed fret] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXIV + +FOOD BOWLS WITH GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: FIG. 296--Single line; open fret] + +[Illustration: FIG. 297--Single line; broken fret] + +[Illustration: FIG. 298--Single line; parts displaced] + +In figure 295, starting with the simple encircling band, it is found +divided into alternating rectangles. The line is continuous, and hence +one side of each rectangle is not complete. Both this design and its +modification in figure 296 consist of an unbroken line of equal +breadth throughout. In the latter figure, however, the openings in the +sides are larger or the approach to a straight line closer. The forms +are strictly rectangular, with no additional elements. Figure 297 +introduces an important modification of the rectangular motive, +consisting of a succession of lines broken at intervals, but when +joined are always arranged at right angles. + +[Illustration: FIG. 299--Open fret; attachment displaced] + +[Illustration: FIG. 300--Simple rectangular design] + +Possibly the least complex form of rectangular ornamentation, next to +a simple bar or square, is the combination shown in figure 298, a type +in which many changes are made in interior as well as in exterior +decorations of Pueblo ware. One of these is shown in figure 299, where +the figure about the vessel is continuous. An analysis of the elements +in figure 300 shows squares united at their angles, like the last, but +that in addition to parallel bands connecting adjacent figures there +are two marginal lines uniting the series. Each of the inner parallel +lines is bound to a marginal on the opposite side by a band at right +angles to it. The marginal lines are unbroken through the length of +the figure. Like the last, this motive also may be regarded as +developed from a single line. + +[Illustration: FIG. 301--Rectangular reversed S-form] + +[Illustration: FIG. 302--Rectangular S-form with crooks] + +Figures 301 and 302 are even simpler than the design shown in figure +300, with appended square key patterns, all preserving rectangular +forms and destitute of all others. They are of S-form, and differ more +especially in the character of their appendages. + +[Illustration: FIG. 303--Rectangular S-form with triangles] + +[Illustration: FIG. 304--Rectangular S-form with terraced triangles] + +While the same rectangular idea predominates in figure 303, it is +worked out with the introduction of triangles and quadrilateral +designs. This fairly compound pattern, however, is still classified +among rectangular forms. A combination of rectangular and triangular +geometric designs, in which, however, the former predominate, is shown +in figure 304, which can readily be reduced to certain of those forms +already mentioned. The triangles appear to be subordinated to the +rectangles, and even they are fringed on their longer sides with +terraced forms. It may be said that there are but two elements +involved, the rectangle and the triangle. + +[Illustration: FIG. 305--S-form with interdigitating spurs] + +The decoration in figure 305 consists of rectangular and triangular +figures, the latter so closely approximated as to leave zigzag lines +in white. These lines are simply highly modified breaks in bands which +join in other designs, and lead by comparison to the so-called "line +of life" which many of these figures illustrate. + +[Illustration: FIG. 306--Square with rectangles and parallel lines] + +[Illustration: FIG. 307--Rectangles, triangles, stars, and feathers] + +The distinctive feature of figure 306 is the square, with rectangular +designs appended to diagonally opposite angles and small triangles at +intermediate corners. These designs have a distant resemblance to +figures later referred to as highly conventionalized birds, although +they may be merely simple geometrical patterns which have lost their +symbolic meaning. + +[Illustration: FIG. 308--Crook, feathers, and parallel lines] + +Figure 307 shows a complicated design, introducing at least two +elements in addition to rectangles and triangles. One of these is a +curved crook etched on a black ground. In no other exterior decoration +have curved lines been found except in the form of circles, and it is +worthy of note how large a proportion of the figures are drawn in +straight lines. The circular figures with three parallel lines +extending from them are found so constantly in exterior decorations, +and are so strikingly like some of the figures elsewhere discussed, +that I have ventured a suggestion in regard to their meaning. I +believe they represent feathers, because the tail-feathers of certain +birds are symbolized in that manner, and their number corresponds with +those generally depicted in the highly conventionalized tails of +birds. With this thought in mind, it may be interesting to compare the +two projections, one on each side of the three tail-feathers of this +figure, with the extremity of the body of a bird shown in plate CXLI, +_e_. On the supposition that a bird figure was intended in this +design, it is interesting also to note the rectangular decorations of +the body and the association with stars made of three blocks in +several bird figures, as already described. It is instructive also to +note the fact that the figure of a maid represented in plate CXXIX, +_a_, has two of the round designs with appended parallel lines hanging +to her garment, and four parallel marks drawn from her blanket. It is +still customary in Hopi ceremonials to tie feathers to the garments of +those who personate certain mythic beings, and it is possible that +such was also the custom at Sikyatki. If so, it affords additional +evidence that the parallel lines are representations of feathers. + +[Illustration: FIG. 309--Crooks and feathers] + +[Illustration: FIG. 310--Rectangle, triangles, and feathers] + +[Illustration: FIG. 311--Terraced crook, triangle, and feathers] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXV + +FOOD BOWLS WITH GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM SIKYATKI] + +In figure 308 a number of these parallel lines are represented, and +the general character of the design is rectangular. In figure 309 is +shown a combination of rectangular and triangular figures with three +tapering points and circles with lines at their tips radiating instead +of parallel. Another modification is shown in figure 310 in which the +triangle predominates, and figure 311 evidently represents one-half of +a similar device with modifications. + +[Illustration: FIG. 312--Double key] + +[Illustration: FIG. 313--Triangular terrace] + +One of the most common designs on ancient pottery is the stepped +figure, a rectangular ornamentation, modifications of which are shown +in figures 312-314. This is a very common design on the interior of +food vessels, where it is commonly interpreted as a rain-cloud symbol. + +[Illustration: FIG. 314--Crook, serrate end] + +Of all patterns on ancient Tusayan ware, that of the terrace figures +most closely resemble the geometrical ornamentation of cliff-house +pottery, and there seems every reason to suppose that this form of +design admits of a like interpretation. The evolution of this pattern +from plaited basketry has been ably discussed by Holmes and +Nordenskioeld, whose works have already been quoted in this memoir. +The terraced forms from the exterior of food bowls here considered are +highly aberrent; they may be forms of survivals, motives of decoration +which have persisted from very early times. Whatever the origin of the +stepped figure in Pueblo art was, it is well to remember, as shown by +Holmes, that it is "impossible to show that any particular design of +the highly constituted kind was desired through a certain identifiable +series of progressive steps." + +[Illustration: FIG. 315--Key pattern; rectangle and triangles] + +[Illustration: FIG. 316--Rectangle and crook] + +For some unknown reason the majority of the simple designs on the +exterior of food bowls from Tusayan are rectangular, triangular, or +linear in their character. Many can be reduced to simple or multiple +lines. Others were suggested by plaited ware. + +[Illustration: FIG. 317--Crook and tail feathers] + +In figure 312 is found one of the simplest of rectangular designs, a +simple band, key pattern in form, at one end, with a reentrant square +depression at the opposite extremity. In figure 313 is an equally +simple terrace pattern with stepped figures at the ends and in the +middle. These forms are common decorative elements on the exterior of +jars and vases, where they occur in many combinations, all of which +are reducible to these types. The simplest form of the key pattern is +shown in figure 314, and in figure 315 there is a second modification +of the same design a little more complicated. This becomes somewhat +changed in figure 316, not only by the modifications of the two +extremities, but also by the addition of a median geometric figure. + +[Illustration: FIG. 318--Rectangle, triangle, and serrate spurs] + +[Illustration: FIG. 319--W-pattern; terminal crooks] + +[Illustration: FIG. 320--W-pattern; terminal rectangles] + +The design in figure 317 is rectangular, showing a key pattern at one +end, with two long feathers at the opposite extremity. The five bodies +on the same end of the figure are unique and comparable with +conventionalized star emblems. The series of designs in the upper +left-hand end of this figure are unlike any which have yet been found +on the exterior of food bowls, but are similar to designs which have +elsewhere been interpreted as feathers. On the hypothesis that these +two parts of the figure are tail-feathers, we find in the crook the +analogue of the head of a bird. Thus the designs on the equator of the +vase (plate CXLV, _a_), which are birds, have the same crook for the +head, and two simple tail-feathers, rudely drawn but comparable with +the two in figure 317. The five dentate bodies on the lower left-hand +end of the figure also tell in favor of the avian character of the +design, for the following reason: These bodies are often found +accompanying figures of conventionalized birds (plates CXLIV, CLIV, +and others). They are regarded as modified crosses of equal arms, +which are all but universally present in combinations with birds and +feathers (plates CXLIV, _a_, _b_; CLIV, _a_), from the fact that in a +line of crosses depicted on a bowl one of the crosses is replaced by a +design of similar character. The arms of the cross are represented; +their intersection is left in white. The interpretation of figure 317 +as a highly conventionalized bird design is also in accord with the +same interpretation of a number of similar, although less complicated, +figures which appear with crosses. Thus the three arms of plate CLX, +_a_, have highly conventionalized bird symbols attached to their +extremities. In the cross figure shown in plate CLVIII, _d_, we find +four bird figures with short, stumpy tail-feathers. These highly +conventionalized birds, with the head in the form of a crook and the +tail-feathers as parallel lines, are illustrated on many pottery +objects, nowhere better, however, than in those shown in plates CXXVI, +_a_, and CLX, _e_. Figure 318 may be compared with figure 317. + +[Illustration: FIG. 321--W-pattern; terminal terraces and crooks.] + +[Illustration: FIG. 322--W-pattern; terminal spurs] + +Numerous modifications of a key pattern, often assuming a double +triangular form, but with rectangular elements, are found on the +exterior of many food bowls. These are variations of a pattern the +simplest form of which is shown in figure 319. Resolving this figure +into two parts by drawing a median line, we find the arrangement is +bilaterally symmetrical, the two sides exactly corresponding. Each +side consists of a simple key pattern with the shank inclined to the +rim of the bowl and a bird emblem at its junction with the other +member. + +In figure 320 there is a greater development of this pattern by an +elaboration of the key, which is continued in a line resembling a +square spiral. There are also dentations on a section of the edge of +the lines. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXVI + +LINEAR FIGURES ON FOOD BOWLS FROM SIKYATKI] + +In figure 321 there is a still further development of the same design +and a lack of symmetry on the two sides. The square spirals are +replaced on the left by three stepped figures, and white spaces with +parallel lines are introduced in the arms of a W-shape figure. + +[Illustration: FIG. 323--W-pattern; bird form] + +In figure 322 the same design is again somewhat changed by +modification of the spirals into three triangles rimmed on one side +with a row of dots, which are also found on the outer lines +surrounding the lower part of the design. + +[Illustration: FIG. 324--W-pattern; median triangle] + +In figure 323 the same W shape design is preserved, but the space in +the lower reentrant angle is occupied by a symmetrical figure +resembling two tail-feathers and the extremity of the body of a bird. +When this figure is compared with the design on plate CXLVI, _a_, +resemblances are found in the two lateral appendages or wings. The +star emblem is also present in the design. The median figure in that +design which I have compared to the tail of a bird is replaced in +figure 324 by a triangular ornament. The two wings are not +symmetrical, but no new decorative element is introduced. It, however, +will be noticed that there is a want of symmetry on the two sides of a +vertical line in the figure last mentioned. The right-hand upper side +is continued into five pointed projections, which fail on the +left-hand side. There is likewise a difference in the arrangement of +the terraced figures in the two parts. The sides of the median +triangles are formed of alternating black and white blocks, and the +quadrate figure which it incloses is etched with a diagonal and cross. + +[Illustration: FIG. 325--Double triangle; two breath feathers] + +[Illustration: FIG. 326--Double triangle; median trapezoid] + +The decoration in figure 325 consists of two triangles side by side, +each having marginal serrations, and a median square key pattern. One +side of these triangles is continued into a line from which hang two +breath feathers, while the other end of the same line ends in a round +dot with four radiating, straight lines. The triangles recall the +butterfly symbol, the key pattern representing the head. + +[Illustration: FIG. 327--Double triangle; median rectangle] + +[Illustration: FIG. 328--Double compound triangle; median rectangle] + +In figure 326 there is a still more aberrant form of the W-shape +design. The wings are folded, ending in triangles, and prolonged at +their angles into projections to which are appended round dots with +three parallel lines. The median portion, or that in the reentrant +angle of the W, is a four-sided figure in which the triangle +predominates with notched edges. Figure 327 shows the same design with +the median portion replaced by a rectangle, and in which the key +pattern has wholly disappeared from the wings. In figure 328 there are +still greater modifications, but the symmetry about a median axis +remains. The ends of the wings instead of being folded are expanded, +and the three triangles formerly inclosed are now free and extended. +The simple median rectangle is ornamented with a terrace pattern on +its lower angles. + +[Illustration: FIG. 329--Double triangle; median triangle] + +[Illustration: FIG. 330--Double compound triangle] + +Figure 329 shows a design in which the extended triangles are even +more regular and simple, with triangular terraced figures on their +inner edge. The median figure is a triangle instead of a rectangle. + +[Illustration: FIG. 331--Double rectangle; median rectangle] + +Figure 330 shows the same design with modification in the position of +the median figure, and a slight curvature in two of its sides. + +[Illustration: FIG. 332--Double rectangle; median triangle] + +[Illustration: FIG. 333--Double triangle with crooks] + +Somewhat similar designs, readily reduced to the same type as the last +three or four which have been mentioned, are shown in figures 331 and +332. The resemblances are so close that I need not refer to them in +detail. The W form is wholly lost, and there is no resemblance to a +bird, even in its most highly conventionalized forms. The median +design in figure 331 consists of a rectangle and two triangles so +arranged as to leave a rectangular white space between them. In figure +332 the median triangle is crossed by parallel and vertical zigzag +lines. + +[Illustration: FIG. 334--W-shape figure; single line with feathers] + +In the design represented in figure 333 there are two triangular +figures, one on each side of a median line, in relation to which they +are symmetrical. Each triangle has a simple key pattern in the middle, +and the line from which they appear to hang is blocked off with +alternating black and white rectangles. At either extremity of this +line there is a circular dot from which extend four parallel lines. + +[Illustration: FIG. 335--Compound rectangle, triangles, and feathers] + +A somewhat simpler form of the same design is found in figure 334, +showing a straight line above terminating with dots, from which extend +parallel lines, and two triangular figures below, symmetrically placed +in reference to an hypothetical upright line between them. + +[Illustration: FIG. 336--Double triangle] + +Figure 335 bears a similarity to the last mentioned only so far as the +lower half of the design is concerned. The upper part is not +symmetrical, but no new decorative element is introduced. Triangles, +frets, and terraced figures are inserted between two parallel lines +which terminate in round dots with parallel lines. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXVII + +GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM AWATOBI] + +[Illustration: FIG. 337--Double triangle and feathers] + +The design in figure 336 is likewise unsymmetrical, but it has two +lateral triangles with incurved terrace and dentate patterns. The same +general form is exhibited in figure 337, with the introduction of two +pointed appendages facing the hypothetical middle line. From the +general form of these pointed designs, each of which is double, they +have been interpreted as feathers. They closely resemble the +tail-feathers of bird figures on several bowls in the collection, as +will be seen in several of the illustrations. + +[Illustration: FIG. 338--Twin triangles] + +[Illustration: FIG. 339--Triangle with terraced appendages] + +[Illustration: FIG. 340--Mosaic pattern] + +Figure 338 is composed of two triangular designs fused at the greatest +angles. The regularity of these triangles is broken by a square space +at the fusion. At each of the acute angles of the two triangles there +are circular designs with radiating lines, a common motive on the +exterior of food bowls. Although no new elements appear in figure 338, +with the exception of bracket marks, one on each side of a circle, the +arrangement of the two parts symmetrically about a line parallel with +the rim of the bowl imparts to the design a unique form. The motive in +figure 339 is reducible to triangular and rectangular forms, and while +exceptional as to their arrangement, no new decorative feature is +introduced. + +The specimen represented in figure 340 has as its decorative elements, +rectangles, triangles, parallel lines, and birds' tails, to which may +be added star and crosshatch motives. It is therefore the most +complicated of all the exterior decorations which have thus far been +considered. There is no symmetry in the arrangement of figures about a +central axis, but rather a repetition of similar designs. + +[Illustration: FIG. 341--Rectangles, stars, crooks, and parallel +lines] + +The use of crosshatching is very common on the most ancient Pueblo +ware, and is very common in designs on cliff-house pottery. This style +of decoration is only sparingly used on Sikyatki ware. The +crosshatching is provisionally interpreted as a mosaic pattern, and +reminds one of those beautiful forms of turquois mosaic on shell, +bone, or wood found in ancient pueblos, and best known in modern times +in the square ear pendants of Hopi women. Figure 340 is one of the few +designs having terraced figures with short parallel lines depending +from them. These figures vividly recall the rain-cloud symbol with +falling rain represented by the parallel lines. Figure 341 is a +perfectly symmetrical design with figures of stars, rectangles, and +parallel lines. It may be compared with that shown in figure 340 in +order to demonstrate how wide the difference in design may become by +the absence of symmetrical relationship. It has been shown in some of +the previous motives that the crook sometimes represents a bird's +head, and parallel lines appended to it the tail-feathers. Possibly +the same interpretation may be given to these designs in the following +figures, and the presence of stars adjacent to them lends weight to +this hypothesis. + +[Illustration: FIG. 342--Continuous crooks] + +[Illustration: FIG. 343--Rectangular terrace pattern] + +An indefinite repetition of the same pattern of rectangular design is +shown in figure 342. This highly decorative motive may be varied +indefinitely by extension or concentration, and while it is modified +in that manner in many of the decorations of vases, it is not so +changed on the exterior of food bowls. + +There are a number of forms which I am unable to classify with the +foregoing, none of which show any new decorative design. All possible +changes have been made in them without abandoning the elemental +ornamental motives already considered. The tendency to step or terrace +patterns predominates, as exemplified in simple form in figure 343. In +figure 344 there is a different arrangement of the same terrace +pattern, and the design is helped out with parallel bands of different +length at the ends of a rectangular figure. A variation in the depth +of color of these lines adds to the effectiveness of the design. This +style of ornamentation is successfully used in the designs represented +in figures 345 and 346, in the body of which a crescentic figure in +the black serves to add variety to a design otherwise monotonous. The +two appendages to the right of figure 346 are interpreted as feathers, +although their depart forms widely from that usually assumed by these +designs. The terraced patterns are replaced by dentate margins in this +figure, and there is a successful use of most of the rectangular and +triangular designs. + +[Illustration: FIG. 344--Terrace pattern with parallel lines] + +[Illustration: FIG. 345--Terrace pattern] + +[Illustration: FIG. 346--Triangular pattern with feathers] + +In the specimens represented in figures 347 and 348 marginal +dentations are used. I have called the design referred to an S-form, +which, however, owing to its elongation is somewhat masked. The +oblique bar in the middle of the figure represents the body of the +letter, the two extremities taking the forms of triangles. + +[Illustration: FIG. 347--S-pattern] + +[Illustration: FIG. 348--Triangular and terrace figures] + +So far as decorative elements are concerned the design in figure 349 +can be compared with some of those preceding, but it differs from them +in combination. The motive in figure 350 is not unlike the +ornamentation of certain oriental vases, except from the presence of +the terraced figures. In figure 351 there are two designs separated by +an inclined break the edge of which is dentate. This figure is +introduced to show the method of treatment of alternating triangles of +varying depth of color and the breaks in the marginal bands or "lines +of life." One of the simplest combinations of triangular and +rectangular figures is shown in figure 353, proving how effectually +the original design may be obscured by concentration. + +[Illustration: FIG. 349--Crook, terrace, and parallel lines] + +[Illustration: FIG. 350--Triangles, squares, and terraces] + +In the foregoing descriptions I have endeavored to demonstrate that, +notwithstanding the great variety of designs considered, the types +used are very limited in number. The geometrical forms are rarely +curved lines, and it may be said that spirals, which appear so +constantly on pottery from other (and possibly equally ancient or +older) pueblos than Sikyatki, are absent in the external decorations +of specimens found in the ruins of the latter village. + +Every student of ancient and modern Pueblo pottery has been impressed +by the predominance of terraced figures in its ornamentation, and the +meaning of these terraces has elsewhere been spoken of at some length. +It would, I believe, be going too far to say that these step designs +always represent clouds, as in some instances they are produced by +such an arrangement of rectangular figures that no other forms could +result. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXVIII + +GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM AWATOBI] + +[Illustration: FIG. 351--Bifurcated rectangular design] + +[Illustration: FIG. 352--Lines of life and triangles] + +[Illustration: FIG. 353--Infolded triangles] + +The material at hand adds nothing new to the theory of the evolution +of the terraced ornament from basketry or textile productions, so ably +discussed by Holmes, Nordenskioeld, and others. When the Sikyatki +potters decorated their ware the ornamentation of pottery had reached +a high development, and figures both simple and complicated were used +contemporaneously. While, therefore, we can so arrange them as to make +a series, tracing modifications from simple to complex designs, thus +forming a supposed line of evolution, it is evident that there is no +proof that the simplest figures are the oldest. The great number of +terraced figures and their use in the representation of animals seem +to me to indicate that they antedate all others, and I see no reason +why they should not have been derived from basketry patterns. We must, +however, look to pottery with decorations less highly developed for +evidence bearing on this point. The Sikyatki artists had advanced +beyond simple geometric figures, and had so highly modified these that +it is impossible to determine the primitive form. + +As I have shown elsewhere, the human hand is used as a decorative +element in the ornamentation of the interior of several food bowls. It +is likewise in one instance chosen to adorn the exterior. It is the +only part of the human limbs thus used. Figure 354 shows the hand with +marks on the palm probably intended to represent the lines which are +used in the measurement of the length of pahos or prayer-sticks. From +between the index and the middle finger rises a line which recalls +that spoken of in the account of the hand on the interior of the food +bowl shown in plate CXXXVII. + +[Illustration: FIG. 354--Human hand] + +The limb of an animal with a paw, or possibly a human arm and hand, +appears as a decoration on the outside of another food bowl, where it +is combined with the ever-constant stepped figure, as shown in figure +355. + +[Illustration: FIG. 355--Animal paw, limb, and triangle] + + +PIGMENTS + +The ancient Sikyatki people were accustomed to deposit in their +mortuary vessels fragments of minerals or ground oxides and +carbonates, of different colors, used as paints. It thus appears +evident that these substances were highly prized in ancient as in +modern times, and it may be mentioned that the present native priests +regard the pigments found in the graves as so particularly efficacious +in coloring their ceremonial paraphernalia that they begged me to give +them fragments for that purpose. The green color, which was the most +common, is an impure carbonate of copper, the same as that with which +pahos are painted for ceremonial use today. Several shallow, +saucer-like vessels contained yellow ocher, and others sesquioxide of +iron, which afforded both the ancients and the moderns the red pigment +called _cuta_, an especial favorite of the warrior societies. The +inner surface of some of the bowls is stained with the pigments which +they had formerly contained, and it was not uncommon to find several +small paint pots deposited in a single grave. The white used was an +impure kaolin, which was found both in masses and in powdered form, +and there were unearthed several disks of this material which had been +cut into definite shape as if for a special purpose. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXIX + +ARROWSHAFT SMOOTHERS, SELENITE, AND SYMBOLIC CORN FROM SIKYATKI] + +One of these disks or circular plates (figure 356) was found on the +head of a skeleton. The rim is rounded, and the opposite faces are +concave, with a perforation in the middle. Other forms of this worked +kaolin are spherical, oblong, or lamellar, sometimes more or less +decorated on the outer surface, as shown in plate CLXXII, _e_. +Another, shown in _f_, of the same plate, is cylindrical, and other +fragments of irregular shapes were found. A pigment made of micaceous +hematite was found in one of the Sikyatki paint jars. This material is +still used as coloring matter by the Tusayan Indians, by whom it is +called _yayala_, and is highly prized by the members of the warrior +societies. + +[Illustration: FIG. 356--Kaolin disk (natural size)] + + +STONE OBJECTS + +Almost every grave at Sikyatki contained stone objects which were +found either in the bowls or in the soil in the immediate neighborhood +of the skeletons. Some of these implements are pecked or chipped, +others are smooth--pebbles apparently chosen for their botryoidal +shape, polished surface, or fancied resemblance to some animal or +other form. + +Many of the smooth stones were probably simply polishing stones, used +by the women in rubbing pottery to a gloss before it was fired. Others +were charm stones such as are still employed in making medicine, as +elsewhere described. There were still other stones which, from their +resemblance to animals, may have been personal fetishes. Among the +unusual forms of stones found in this association is a quartz crystal. +As I have shown in describing several ceremonies still observed, a +quartz crystal is used to deflect a ray of sunlight into the medicine +bowl, and is placed in the center of a sand picture of the sun in +certain rites called _Powalawu_; the crystal is also used in divining, +and for other purposes, and is highly prized by modern Tusayan +priests. + +A botryoidal fragment of hematite found in a grave reminds me that in +the so-called Antelope rock[154] at Walpi, around which the Snake +dancers biennially carry reptiles in their mouths, there is in one +side a niche in which is placed a much larger mass of that material, +to which prayers are addressed on certain ceremonial occasions, and +upon which sacred meal and prayer emblems are placed. + +One or two mortuary bowls contained fragments of stalactites +apparently from the Grand canyon of the Colorado or from some other +locality where water is or has been abundant. + +The loose shaly deposit which underlies the Tusayan mesas contains +many cephalopod fossils, a collection of which was made in former +years and deposited in the National Museum. Among these the most +beautiful are small cephalopods called by the Hopi, _koaitcoko_. Among +the many sacred objects in the _tiponi_ baskets of the Lalakonti +society, as described in my account[155] of the unwrapping of that +fetish, there was a specimen of this ammonite; that the shell was +preserved in this sacred bundle is sufficient proof that it is highly +venerated. As a natural object with a definite form it is regarded as +a fetish which is looked upon with reverence by the knowing ones and +pronounced bad by the uninitiated. The occurrence of this fossil in +one of the mortuary bowls is in harmony with the same idea and shows +that it was regarded in a similar light by the ancient occupants of +Sikyatki. + +But the resemblance of these and other stones to animal fossils[156] +is not always so remote as in the instances above mentioned. There was +in one grave a single large fetish of a mountain lion, made of +sandstone (plate CLXXII, _b_, _c_), in which legs, ears, tail, and +eyes are represented, and the mouth still retains the red pigment with +which it was colored, although there was no sign of paint on other +parts of the body. This fetish is very similar to the one found at +Awatobi, and is identical in form with those made by the Hopi at the +present time. + +It was customary to bury in Sikyatki graves plates or fragments of +selenite or mica, some of which are perforated as if for suspension, +while others are in plain sheets (plate CLXIX, _c_). + +Among the stone implements used as mortuary offerings which were found +in the cemeteries, was one made of the same fine lithographic +limestone as the so-called _tcamahia_ (plate CLXXI, _g_) which occur +on the Antelope altar in the Snake ceremonies. The exceptional +character of this fragment is instructive, and its resemblance to the +finely polished stone hoes found in other ruins is very suggestive. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXX + +CORN GRINDER FROM SIKYATKI] + +There were found many disk-shape stones, pecked on the periphery as if +used in grinding pigment or in bruising seeds, and spheroidal stones +with a facet worn at one pole as if used for the same or a similar +purpose (plate CLXXI, _b_, _c_). A few stone axes and hatchets were +also taken from the graves; most of these are rude specimens of stone +working, although one of them can hardly be excelled in any other +collection. Many arrowpoints were found, but these are in no respect +peculiar. They are made of many different kinds of stone, but those of +obsidian are the most numerous. They were generally found in numbers, +sometimes in bowls. Evidently they had not been attached to shafts +when buried, for no sign of the reeds remained. Arrowheads sewed into +a bandoleer are still worn as insignia of rank by warriors, and it is +probable that such was also true in the past, so that on interment +these arrowpoints might have been placed in the mortuary basin +deposited by the side of the warrior, as indicative of his standing or +rank, and the bandoleer or leather strap to which they were attached +decayed during its long burial in the earth. Spearpoints of much +coarser make and larger in size than the arrowheads were also found in +the graves, and a rare knife, made of chalcedony, showed that the +ancient, like the modern Hopi, prized a sharp cutting instrument. + +Among the many large stones picked up on the mounds of Sikyatki there +was one the use of which has long puzzled me. This is a rough stone, +not worked save in an equatorial groove. The object is too heavy to +have been carried about, except with the utmost difficulty, and the +probability of the former existence of a handle is out of the +question. It has been suggested that this and similar but larger +grooved stones might have been used as tethers for some domesticated +animal, as the eagle or the turkey, which is about the only +explanation I can suggest. Both of these creatures, and (if we may +trust early accounts) a quadruped about the size of a dog, were +domesticated by the ancient Pueblo people, but I have found no +survival of tethering in use today. Eagles, however, are tied by the +legs and not confined in corrals as at Zuni, while sheep are kept in +stone inclosures. It is probable that this latter custom came with the +introduction of sheep, and that these stones were weights to which the +Sikyatki people tied by the legs the eagles and turkeys, the feathers +of which play an important part in their sacred observances. + +Certain small rectangular slabs of stone have been found, with a +groove extending across one surface diagonally from one angle to +another (plate CLXIX, _a_, _b_.) These are generally called arrowshaft +polishers, and were used to rub down the surface of arrowshafts or +prayer-sticks. Several of these polishers were taken from Sikyatki +graves, and one or two were of such regular form that considerable +care must have been used in their manufacture. A specimen from Awatobi +is decorated with a bow and an arrow scratched on one side, and one of +dark basaltic rock evidently came from a distance. A number of metates +and mullers were found in the graves at Sikyatki. One of the best of +the latter is shown in plate CLXX. These stones are of different +degrees of fineness, and vary from simple triangular slabs of fine +sandstone to very coarse lava. The specimen figured has depressions on +the sides to facilitate handling.[157] + +Perhaps the most significant of all the worked stones found in the +Sikyatki cemeteries were the flat slabs the edges of which near the +surface of the soil marked the presence of the graves. These slabs may +be termed headstones, but they have a far different meaning from those +that bear the name of the deceased with which we are most familiar, +for when they have any marking on their faces, it is not a totem of +the dead, but a symbol of the rain-cloud, which is connected with +ancestor worship. + +One of the best of these mortuary slabs has its edge cut in such a way +as to give it a terraced outline, and on one face a similar terrace is +drawn in black pigment. These figures are symbols of rain-clouds, and +the interpretation of the use of this design in graves is as follows: + +The dead, according to current Tusayan thought, become rain-cloud +gods, or powerful intercessors with those deities which cause or send +the rains. Hence, the religious society to which the deceased +belonged, and the members of the clan who survive, place in the +mortuary bowls, or in the left hand of their friend, the paho or +prayer emblem for rain; hence, also, in prayers at interment they +address the breath body of the dead as a _katcina_, or rain god. These +_katcinas_, as divinized ancestors, are supposed to return to the +villages and receive prayers for rain. In strict accord with this +conception the rain-cloud symbol is placed, in some instances, on the +slab of rock in the graves of the dead at Sikyatki. It proves to me +that the cult of ancestor worship, and the conception that the dead +have power to bring needed rain, were recognized in Sikyatki when the +pueblo was in its prime. One of these slabs is perforated by a small +hole, an important fact, but one for which I have only a fanciful +explanation, namely, to allow the escape of the breath body. Elsewhere +I have found many instances of perforated mortuary stone slabs, which +will be considered in a report of my excavations in 1896. + + +OBSIDIAN + +Many fragments of obsidian, varying in size, are found strewn over the +surface of the majority of ancient ruins in Tusayan, and the quantity +of this material on some mounds indicates its abundance in those early +habitations. This material must have been highly prized for knives, +arrowpoints, and weapons of various kinds, as several of the graves +contained large fragments of it, some more or less chipped, others in +natural forms. The fact of its being deemed worthy of deposit in the +graves of the Sikyatkians would indicate that it was greatly esteemed. +I know of no natural deposit of obsidian near Sikyatki or in the +province of Tusayan, so that the probability is that these fragments +had been brought a considerable distance before they were buried in +the earth that now covers the dead of the ancient pueblos. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXI + +STONE IMPLEMENTS FROM PALATKI, AWATOBI, AND SIKYATKI] + + +NECKLACES, GORGETS, AND OTHER ORNAMENTS + +The Sikyatki people buried their dead adorned with necklaces and other +ornaments as when living. The materials most highly prized for +necklaces were turquois and shell which were fashioned into beads, +some of which were finely made. These necklaces did not differ from +those now worn, and the shells employed were mostly marine varieties +of the genus _Pectunculus_. The turquois beads are often as finely cut +as any now worn, and their presence in the graves led to the only +serious trouble which I had with my native workmen, as they +undoubtedly appropriated many which were found. Some of these turquois +beads are simply flat fragments, perforated at one end, others are +well formed. Many skeletons had a single turquois near the mastoid +process of the skull, showing that they had been worn as ear pendants. +On the neck of one skeleton we found a necklace of many strands, +composed of segments of the leg bones of the turkey, stained green. +There were other specimens of necklaces made of turkey bones, which +were smoothly finished and apparently had not been stained. + +Necklaces of perforated cedar berries were likewise found, some of +them still hanging about the necks of the dead, and in one instance, a +small saucer like vessel (plate CXX, _d_) was filled with beads of +this kind, as if the necklace had thus been deposited in the grave as +a votive offering. + +For gorgets the Sikyatki people apparently prized slabs of lignite +(plate CLXXII, _d_) and plates of selenite. It was likewise customary +to make small clay imitations of birds and shells for this and for +other ornamental purposes; these, for the most part, however, were not +found in the graves, but were picked up on the surface or in the +debris within the rooms. + +The three forms imitating birds shown in plate CLXXIII, _g_, _h_, _i_, +are rude in character, and one of them is crossed by a black line from +which depend parallel lines, representing falling rain; all of these +specimens have a perforated knot on the under side for suspension, as +shown in the figure between them. + +The forms of imitations of shells, in clay, of which examples are +shown in plate CLXXIII, _j_, _k_, _l_, are rude in character; they are +often painted with longitudinal or vertical black lines, and have a +single or double perforation for suspension. The shell imitated is +probably the young _Pectunculus_, a Pacific-coast mollusk, with which +the ancient Hopi were familiar. + + +TOBACCO PIPES + +I have elsewhere mentioned that every modern Tusayan ceremony opens +and closes with a ceremonial smoke, and it is apparent that pipes were +highly prized by the ancient Sikyatkians. + +The form of pipe used in most ceremonials today has a bowl with its +axis at right angles to the stem, but so far as I have studied ancient +Pueblo pipes this form appears to be a modern innovation.[158] To +determine the probable ancient form of pipe, as indicated by the +ritual, I will invite attention to one of the most archaic portions of +the ceremonies about the altar of the Antelope priesthood, at the time +of the Snake dance at Walpi:[159] + +"The songs then ceased, and Wi-ki sent Ka-tci to bring him a light. +Ka-tci went out, and soon returned with a burning corncob, while all +sat silently awaiting Wi-ki's preparation for the great _O-mow-uh_ +smoke, which was one of the most sacred acts performed by the Antelope +priests in these ceremonials. + +"The _wu-ko-tco-no_ is a huge, stemless pipe, which has a large +opening in the blunt end, and a smaller one in the pointed. It is five +inches long, one inch in diameter at the large aperture, and its +greatest circumference is seven and a half inches. The pipe is made of +some black material, possibly stone, and as far as could be seen was +not ornamented. The bowl had previously been filled with leaves +carefully gathered from such places as are designated by tradition. In +the subsequent smokes the ashes, "dottle," were saved, being placed in +a small depression in the floor, but were not again put in the pipe. + +"Wi-ki took the live ember from Ka-tci and placed it in the large +opening of the pipe, on the leaves which filled its cavity. He then +knelt down and placed the pipe between the two _ti-po-nis_, so that +the pointed end rested on the head of the large fetish, between the +ears. Every one remained silent, and Wi-ki blew several dense clouds +of smoke upon the sand altar, one after another, so that the picture +was concealed. The smoke was made by blowing through the pipe, the +fire being placed in the bowl next the mouth, and the whole larger end +of the pipe was taken into the mouth at each exhalation. + +"At the San Juan pueblo, near Santa Fe, where I stopped on my way to +Tusayan, I purchased a ceremonial headdress upon which several spruce +twigs were tied. Wi-ki received some fragments of these with +gratitude, and they formed one of the ingredients which were smoked in +the great _o-mow-uh_ pipe. The scent of the mixture was very fragrant, +and filled the room, like incense. The production of this great +smoke-cloud, which is supposed to rise to the sky, and later bring the +rain, ended the first series of eight songs. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXII + +PAINT GRINDER, FETISH, KAOLIN DISKS, AND LIGNITE FROM SIKYATKI] + +"Immediately after this event, Ha-ha-we filled one of the +small-stemmed pipes lying near the fireplace with native tobacco, and +after lighting it puffed smoke on the altar. He passed the pipe to +Wi-ki, holding it near the floor, bowl foremost, as he did so, and +exchanging the customary terms of relationship. Wi-ki then blew dense +clouds of smoke over the two _ti-po-nis_ and on the sand picture. +Ha-ha-we, meanwhile, lit a second pipe, and passed it to Ko-pe-li, the +Snake chief, who enjoyed it in silence, indiscriminately puffing smoke +on the altar, to the cardinal points, and in other directions. +Ko-pe-li later gave his pipe to Ka-kap-ti, who sat at his right, and +Wi-ki passed his to Na-syun-'we-ve, who, after smoking, handed the +pipe to Kwa-a, who in turn passed it to Ka-tci, by whom it was given +to Ha-ha-we. Ka-tci, the last priest to receive it before it was +returned to the pipe-lighter, smoked for a long time, and repeatedly +puffed clouds of smoke upon the sand picture. Meanwhile Ka-kap-ti had +handed his pipe to Ha-ha-we, both exchanging terms of relationship and +carefully observing the accompanying ceremonial etiquette. Ha-ha-we, +as was his unvarying custom, carefully cleaned the two pipes, and laid +them on the floor by the side of the fireplace." + +The form of pipe used in the above ceremony is typical of ancient +Pueblo pipes, several of which were found at Sikyatki. One of these, +much smaller than the _o-mow-uh_ pipe, was made of lava, and bore +evidence of use before burial. It is evident, however, that these +straight pipes were not always smoked as above described. The most +interesting pipes found at Sikyatki were more elongated than that +above mentioned and were made of clay. Their forms are shown in plate +CLXXIII, _b_, _c_, _d_, _f_. One of these (_b_) is very smooth, almost +glazed, and enlarged into two lateral wings near the mouth end, which +is perforated with a small hole. The cavity at the opposite end is +large enough to hold sufficient for a good smoke, and shows evidence +of former use. The whole median region of the exterior is formed by a +collar incised with lines, as if formerly wrapped with fiber. In some +of the modern ceremonials, as that of the Bear-Puma dramatization in +the Snake dance, a reed cigarette is used, ancient forms of which have +been found in sacrificial caves, and there seems no doubt that this +pipe is simply a clay form of those reeds. The markings on the collar +would by this interpretation indicate the former existence of a small +fabric wrapped about it. The two pipes shown, in plate CLXXIII, _b_, +_f_, are tubular in shape,[160] highly polished, and on one of them +(_f_) we see scratches representing the same feature as the collar of +_b_, and probably made with the same intent. + +The fragment of a pipe shown in plate CLXXIII, _d_, is interesting in +the same connection. The end of this pipe is broken, but the stem is +intact, and on two sides of the bowl there are elevations covered with +crosshatching. The pipe is of clay and has a rough external surface. + +It is improbable that these pipes were always smoked as the +_wu-ko-tco-no_ of the Snake ceremony, but the smaller end was placed +to the mouth, and smoke taken into the mouth and exhaled. It is +customary in ceremonials now practiced, to wind a wisp of yucca about +the stem of a short pipe, that it may not become too hot to hold in +the hand. This may be a possible explanation[161] of the scratches on +the sides of the ancient tube pipes from Sikyatki. + + +PRAYER-STICKS + +One of the most important objects made in the secret ceremonials of +the modern Pueblos is sacrificial in nature, and is called a paho or +"water wood," which is used as an offering to the gods (figure 357). +These pahos are made of a prescribed wood, of length determined by +tradition, and to them are tied appendages of symbolic meaning. They +are consecrated by songs, about an altar, upon which they are laid, +and afterward deposited in certain shrines by a special courier. + +[Illustration: FIG. 357--Mortuary prayer-stick (natural size)] + +In modern times the forms of these pahos differ very greatly, the +shape depending on the society which makes them, the god addressed, +and the purpose for which they are used, as understood by the +initiated. Among many other uses they are sometimes mortuary in +character, and are deposited in the graves of chiefs, as offerings +either to the God of Death, or to other deities, to whom they may be +presented by the shade or breath body of the deceased. This use of +pahos is of ancient origin in Tusayan, as shown by the excavations at +Sikyatki, where they were found in mortuary bowls or vases deposited +by the relatives or surviving members of the sacerdotal societies to +which the deceased had belonged. + +This pre-Spanish custom in Tusayan was discovered in my excavations at +Awatobi, but the prayer-sticks from that place were fragmentary as +compared with the almost perfect pahos from Sikyatki. These pahos are +of many forms;[162] some of them are of considerable size, and the +majority are of distinctive forms (plates CLXXIV-CLXXV). There are +also many fragments, the former shapes of which could not be +determined. When it is considered that these wooden objects with their +neat carvings were fashioned with stone implements, the high character +of the work is very remarkable. They show, in several instances, the +imprint of attached strings and feathers, portions of which still +remain; also, in one instance, fragments of a pine needle. They are +painted with green and black mineral pigments, the former of which had +undoubtedly done much to preserve the soft wood of which they were +manufactured. As at the present day, cottonwood and willow were the +favorite prescribed woods for pahos, and some of the best were made of +pine. The forms of these ancient prayer offerings, as mentioned +hereafter, differ somewhat from those of modern make, although in +certain instances there is a significant resemblance between the two +kinds. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXIII + +PIPES, BELL, AND CLAY BIRDS AND SHELLS FROM AWATOBI AND SIKYATKI] + +One of the most striking instances of resemblance between the old and +the new is the likeness of some of these ancient pahos to those now +made by the Flute society, and if this resemblance is more than a +coincidence, the conclusion that the present flute paho is a survival +of the ancient form may be accepted. As adding weight to this theory +it may be mentioned that traditionally the Flute people claim to be +the ancient people of Tusayan, and possibly contemporaries, in that +province, with the ancient inhabitants of Sikyatki. There is likewise +a most suggestive resemblance between these pahos and certain similar +sticks from cliff dwellings, and it is a belief, which I can not yet +demonstrate as true, that kindred people, or the same sacerdotal +societies represented in cliff houses and in Sikyatki, manufactured +ceremonial prayer offerings which are identical in design. Plate +CLXXIV, _a_, represents a double stick paho, which closely resembles +the prayer offering of the modern Flute society. The two rods were +found together and originally had been attached, as indicated by the +arrangement of the impression of the string midway of their length. +The stick of the left has a facet cut on one side, upon which +originally three dots were depicted to represent the eyes and the +mouth. This member of the paho was the female; the remaining stick was +the male. There are two deep grooves, or ferules, cut midway of their +length, a distinctive characteristic of the modern flute paho. Both +components are painted green, as is still customary in prayer-sticks +of this fraternity. The pahos shown in _b_, _c_, and _d_, are likewise +ascribed to the same society, and differ from the first only in +length. They represent female sticks of double flute pahos. The length +of these prayer-sticks varies on different ceremonial days, and is +determined by the distance of the shrines for which they are intended. +The unit of measurement is the length of certain joints of the finger, +and the space between the tip of longest digit to certain creases in +the palm of the hand. The length of the ancient Sikyatki pahos, +ascribed to the Flute society, follows the same rule. + +Plate CLXXIV, _e_, _f_, have the same ferules referred to in the +description above, but are of greater diameter. They are unlike any +modern paho except in this particular. In _g_ is depicted a still +larger prayer-stick, with two serrate incisions on each side of the +continuation of the flattened facet. + +Specimens _h_ to _m_ are forms of pahos which I can not identify. They +are painted green, generally with black tips, round, flattened, and of +small size. Figure _n_ is a part of a paho which closely resembles +prayer-sticks found in the cliff houses of Mesa Verde and San Juan +valley of northern New Mexico. + +Numerous specimens of a peculiar razor-shape paho were found, two of +which are shown in plate CLXXV, _o_, _s_. The paho shown in figure _d_ +is flat on one side and rounded on the other, narrowing at one end, +where it was probably continued in a shaft, and a hole is punctured at +the opposite extremity, as if for suspension. It is barely possible +that this may have been a whizzer or bull-roarer, such as are used at +the present day to imitate the wind, and commonly carried by the +performer in a public dance who personifies the warrior. Figure _t_ +differs from the ordinary flute paho in having five constrictions in +the upper part, and in being continued into a very long shank. + +The best preserved of all the pahos from the Sikyatki graves are +represented in _u_ and _v_, both of which were found in the same +mortuary bowl. They are painted with a thick layer of green pigment, +and have shafts, which are blackened and placed in opposite directions +in the two figures. Their general form may be seen at a glance. The +lower surface of the object shown in _u_ is perfectly flat, and the +part represented at the upper end is evidently broken off. This is +likewise true of both extremities of the object shown in _v_; it is +also probable that it had originally a serrated end, comparable with +that shown in _c_. A similar terraced extremity survives in the corn +paho carried by the so-called Flute girls in the biennial celebrations +of the Flute ceremonies in the modern Tusayan pueblos. + +I refer the paho to the second group of sacrifices mentioned by +Tylor,[163] that of homage, "a doctrine that the gist of sacrifice is +rather in the worshiper giving something precious to himself than in +the deity receiving benefit. This may be called the abnegation theory, +and its origin may be fairly explained by considering it as derived +from the original gift theory." + +While it is probably true that the Hopi barters his paho with the idea +of receiving in return some desired gift, the main element is probably +homage, but there is involved in it the third and highest element of +sacrifice, abnegation. It is a sacrifice by symbolism, a part for the +whole. + +On this theory the query naturally is, what does a paho represent? +While it is difficult to answer this question, I think a plausible +suggestion can be made. It is a sacrifice by symbolic methods of that +which the Hopi most prize, corn or its meal. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXIV + +PAHOS OR PRAYER-STICKS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXV + +PAHOS OR PRAYER-STICKS FROM SIKYATKI] + +In a simple prayer the sacrifice is a pinch of meal thrown on the +fetish or toward it. This is an individual method of prayer, and the +pinch of meal, his prayer bearer, the sacrifice. + +When a society made its prayers this meal, symbolic of a gift of corn, +is tied in a packet and attached to two sticks, one male, the other +female, with prescribed herbs and feathers. Here we have the ordinary +prayer-stick, varying in details but essentially the same, a sacrifice +to the gods appropriately designated by prescribed accessories. + +Frequently this packet of meal may be replaced by a picture of an ear +of corn drawn on a flat slat, the so-called "corn paho" of the Flute +maidens,[164] or we may have an ear of corn tied to the wooden slat. +In the _Mamzrau_ ceremony the women carry these painted slats in their +hands, as I have elsewhere described.[165] It appears as if, in all +these instances, there exists a sacrificial object, a symbolic +offering of corn or meal. + +The constant appearance of the feather on the paho has suggested an +interpretation of the prayer-plumes as symbolic sacrifices of birds on +the theory of a part for the whole; we know that among the Nahua +sacrifices of birds were common in many ceremonials. The idea of +animal sacrifice, and, if we judge from legends, of human sacrifice, +was not an unknown conception among the Pueblos. While it is possible +that the omnipresence of the feather on the prayer-sticks may admit of +that interpretation, to which it must be confessed the male and the +female components in double pahos lend some evidence,[166] I believe +the main object was, as above stated, an offering of meal, which +constituted the special wealth of an agricultural people. + + +MARINE SHELLS AND OTHER OBJECTS + +The excavations at Sikyatki did not reveal a large number of marine +shells, although some of the more common genera used in the ancient +pueblos were found. + +There were several fragments of _Pectunculus_ cut into the form of +wristlets, like those from the ruins on the Little Colorado which I +have described. Two beautiful specimens of _Oliva angulata_, truncated +at each pole, which occurred in one of the mortuary bowls, and a few +conical rattles, made of the spires of _Conus_, were taken from the +graves; there were also a few fragments of an unknown _Haliotis_. All +of the above genera are common to the Pacific, and no doubt were +obtained by barter or brought by migratory clans to Tusayan from the +far south. One of the most interesting objects in Sikyatki food basins +from the necropolis was a comparatively well preserved rattle of a +rattlesnake. The Walpi Snake chief, who was employed by me when this +was found and was present at the time it was removed from the earth, +declared that, according to the legends, there were no Snake people +living at Sikyatki when it was destroyed, but the discovery of the +snake rattle shows that the rattler was not without reverence there, +even if not in the house of his friends, and some other explanation +may be suggested to account for this discovery. There are evidences +that the ancient Hopi, like certain Yuman tribes, wore a snake's +rattle as an ornament for the neck, in which case the rattle found in +the Sikyatki food basin may have been simply a votive offering, and in +no way connected with ceremonial symbolism. + +Among many other mortuary offerings was one which was particularly +suggestive. This specimen represented in plate CLXIX, _e_, is made of +unbaked clay, and has a reticulated surface, as if once incrusted with +foreign objects. The Hopi who were at work for me declared that this +incrustation had been composed of seeds, and that the pits over the +surface of the clay cone were evidence of their former existence. They +identified this object as a "corn mound," and reminded me that a +similar object is now used in the _Powamu_, _Lalakonti_, and certain +other ceremonies. I have elsewhere mentioned the clay corn mound +incrusted with seeds of various kinds in a description of the altar of +the last-mentioned ceremony. These corn mountains (_ka-ue-tue'-kwi_) are +made in the November ceremony called the _N[=a]-ac-nai-ya_, as +described in my account of those rites from which I quote[167]-- + + "The _Ta-tau-kya-mu_ were very busy in their kib-va. Every + member was shelling corn of the different colors as if on a + wager. Each man made a figure of moist clay, about four or + five inches across the base. Some of these were in the form + of two mammae, and there were also many wedge and cone forms, + in all of which were embedded corn kernels, forming the + cloud and other of the simpler conventional figures in + different colors, but the whole surface was studded as full + as possible with the kernels. Each man brought down his own + _po-o-tas_ (tray), on which he sprinkled prayer-meal, and + set his _ka-ue-tue'-kwi_ (corn mountain) upon it. He also + placed ears of corn on the tray." + +These corn mountains were carried by the _Ta-tau-kya-mu_ priesthood +during an interesting ceremony which I have thus described:[168] + + "The whole line then passed slowly along the front of the + village sideways, facing the north, and singing, and all the + women came out and helped themselves to the clay molds and + the ears of corn borne by the _Ta-tau-kya-mu_, bestowing + many thanks upon the priests." + +The fragment of polished stone shown in plate CLXIX, _d_, is +perforated near the edge for suspension, and was found near the aural +orifice of a skull, apparently indicating that it had been used as a +pendant. With this object, many rude arrowpoints, concretions of +stone, and the kaolin disk mentioned above were also found. Small +round disks of pottery, with a median perforation, were not common, +although sometimes present. They are identified as parts of primitive +drills. + +No object made of metal was found at Sikyatki, nor is there any +evidence that the ancient people of that pueblo ever saw the Spaniards +or used any implement of their manufacture. While negative evidence +can hardly be regarded as a safe guide to follow, so far as knowledge +of copper is concerned, it is possible that the people of ancient +Tusayan pueblos, in their trading expeditions to southern Arizona, may +have met races who owned small copper bells and trinkets of metal. I +can hardly believe, however, that the Tusayan Indians were familiar +with the art of tempering copper, and even if objects showing this +treatment shall be found hereafter in the ruins of this province it +will have to be proved that they were made in that region, and not +brought from the far south. + +No glazed pottery showing Spanish influence was found at Sikyatki, but +there can hardly be a doubt that the art of glazing pottery was +practiced by the ancestors of the Tusayan people. The modern potters +of the East Mesa never glaze their pottery, and no fragment of glazed +ware was obtained from the necropolis of Sikyatki. + + +PERISHABLE CONTENTS OF MORTUARY FOOD BOWLS + +It is the habit of the modern Tusayan Indians to deposit food of +various kinds on the graves of their dead. The basins used for that +purpose are heaped up with paper-bread, stews, and various delicacies +for the breath-body of the deceased. Naturally from its exposed +position much of this food is devoured by animals or disappears in +other ways. There appears excellent evidence, however, that the +mortuary food offerings of the ancient Sikyatkians were deposited with +the body and covered with soil and sometimes stones. + +The lapse of time since these burials took place has of course caused +the destruction of the perishable food substances, which are found to +be simple where any sign of their former presence remains. Thin films +of interlacing rootlets often formed a delicate network over the whole +inner surface of the bowl. Certain of the contents of these basins in +the shape of seeds still remain; but these seeds have not germinated, +possibly on account of previous high temperatures to which they have +been submitted. A considerable quantity of these contents of mortuary +bowls were collected and submitted to an expert, the result of whose +examination is set forth in the accompanying letter: + +U. S. DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE, DIVISION OF BOTONY, +_Washington, D. C., March 25, 1896._ + + DEAR DR FEWKES: Having made a cursory examination of the + samples of supposed vegetable material sent by you day + before yesterday, collected at Sikyatki, Arizona, in + supposed prehistoric burial places, I have the following + preliminary report to make: + + No. 156247. A green resinous substance. I am unable to say + whether or not this is of vegetable origin. + + No. 156248. A mass of fibrous material intermixed with sand, + the fibers consisting in part of slender roots, in part of + the hair of some animal. + + No. 156249. This consists of a mixture of seed with a small + amount of sand present. The seeds are, in about the relative + order of their abundance, (_a_) a leguminous shiny seed of a + dirty olive color, possibly of the genus _Parosela_ (usually + known as _Dalea_); (_b_) the black seed shells, flat on one + side and almost invariably broken, of a plant apparently + belonging to the family _Malvaceae_; (_c_) large, flat, + nearly black achenia, possibly of a _Coreopsis_, bordered + with a narrow-toothed wing; (_d_) the thin lenticular + utricles of a _Carex_; (_e_) the minute black, bluntly + trihedral seeds of some plant of the family _Polygonaceae_, + probably an _Eriogonum_. The majority of these seeds have a + coating of fine sand, as if their surface had originally + been viscous; (_f_) a dried chrysalis bearing a slight + resemblance to a seed. + + No. 156250. This bottle contains the same material as No. + 156249, except that no larvae are found, but a large, plump, + brownish, lenticular seed 4 mm. in diameter, doubtless the + seed of a _Croton_. + + No. 156251. A thin fragment of matter consisting of minute + roots of plants partially intermixed on one surface with + sand. + + No. 156252. This consists almost wholly of plant rootlets + and contains a very slight amount of sand. + + No. 156254. This consists of pieces of rotten wood through + which had grown the rootlets of plants. The wood, upon a + microscopical examination, is shown to be that of some + dicotyledonous tree of a very loose and light texture. The + plant rootlets in most cases followed the large ducts that + run lengthwise through the pieces of wood and take up the + greater part of the space. + + No. 156255. The mass contained in this bottle is made up of + (_a_) grains, contained in their glumes or husks, of some + grass, probably _Oryzopsis membranacea_; (_b_) what appears + to be the minute spherical spore cases of some microscopical + fungus. The spore cases have a wall with a shiny brown + covering, or apparently with this covering worn off and + exhibiting an interior white shell. Within this is a very + large number of spherical spore-like bodies of a uniform + size; (_c_) a few plant rootlets. + + No. 156256. The material in this bottle is similar to that + in 156255 except that the amount of rootlets is greater, the + grass seeds are of a darker color, seemingly somewhat more + disorganized, and somewhat more slender in form, and that + the spore cases seem to be entirely wanting. + + No. 156257. The material in this bottle is similar to that + in No. 156249, containing the seeds numbered _a_, _b_, _c_, + and _d_ mentioned under that number, besides a greater + amount of plant rootlets and some fragments of corncob. + + No. 156258. This consists almost entirely of plant rootlets + and sand. + + No. 156259. This consists chiefly of the leaves of some + coniferous tree, either an _Abies_ or a _Pseudotsuga_. + + All the seeds with the exception of those of the leguminous + plant are dead and their seed-coats rotten. The leguminous + seeds are still hard and will be subjected to a germination + test.[169] + + For a specific and positive identification of these seeds it + will be necessary either for a botanist to visit the region + from which they came or to have at his disposal a complete + collection of the plants of the vicinity. Under such + conditions he could by process of exclusion identify the + seeds with an amount of labor almost infinitely less than + would be required in their identification by other means. + +Very sincerely yours, + +FREDERICK V. COVILLE, _Botanist._ + + + + +FOOTNOTES: + + +[Footnote 1: See "The Prehistoric Culture of Tusayan," _American +Anthropologist_, May, 1896. "Two Ruins Recently Discovered in the Red +Rock Country, Arizona," ibid., August, 1896. "The Cliff Villages of +the Red Rock Country, and the Tusayan Ruins, Sikyatki and Awatobi, +Arizona," Smithsonian Report for 1895.] + +[Footnote 2: The reader's attention is called to the fact that this +report is not intended to cover all the ruins in the section of +Arizona through which the expedition passed; it is simply a +description of those which were examined, with a brief mention of such +others as would aid in a general comprehension of the subject. The +ruins on the Little Colorado, near Winslow, Arizona, will be +considered in a monograph to follow the present, which will be a +report on the field work in 1896. If a series of monographs somewhat +of this nature, but more comprehensive, recording explorations during +many years in several different sections, were available, we would +have sufficient material for a comprehensive treatment of southwestern +archeology.] + +[Footnote 3: It may be borne in mind that several other clans besides +the Patki claim to have lived long ago in the region southward from +modern Tusayan. Among these may be mentioned the Patun (Squash) and +the Tawa (Sun) people who played an important part in the early +colonization of Middle Mesa.] + +[Footnote 4: Report upon the Indian Tribes, Pacific Railroad Survey, +vol. III, pt. iii, p. 14, Washington, 1856. The cavate dwellings of +the Rio Verde were first described by Dr E. A. Mearns. Although it has +sometimes been supposed that Coronado followed the trail along Verde +valley, and then over the Mogollones to Rio Colorado Chiquito, +Bandelier has conclusively shown a more easterly route.] + +[Footnote 5: See mention of cliff houses in Walnut canyon in the Fifth +Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.] + +[Footnote 6: The kinship of Cliff dwellers and Pueblos was long ago +recognized by ethnologists, both from resemblances of skulls, the +character of architecture, and archeological objects found in each +class of dwellings. It is only in later years, however, that the +argument from similar ceremonial paraphernalia has been adduced, owing +to an increase of our knowledge of this side of Pueblo life. See +Bessels, Bull. U. S. Geological and Geographical Survey of the +Territories, vol. II, 1876; Hoffman, Report on Chaco Cranium, ibid., +1877, p. 457. Holmes, in 1878, says: "The ancient peoples of the San +Juan country were doubtless the ancestors of the present Pueblo tribes +of New Mexico and Arizona." See, likewise, Cushing, Nordenskioeld, and +later writers regarding the kinship of Cliff villagers and Pueblos.] + +[Footnote 7: Report of the Director of the Bureau of American +Ethnology for the year ending June 30, 1894; Smithsonian Report, +1894.] + +[Footnote 8: The ruins in Chaves Pass, 110 miles south of Oraibi, will +be considered in the report of the expedition of 1896, when extensive +excavations were made at this point. About midway between the Chaves +Pass ruins and those of Beaver creek, in Verde valley, there are other +ruins, as at Rattlesnake Tanks, and as a well-marked trail passes by +these former habitations and connects the Verde series with those of +Chaves Pass, it is possible that early migrations may have followed +this course. There is also a trail from Homolobi and the Colorado +Chiquito ruins through Chaves Pass into Tonto Basin.] + +[Footnote 9: Smithsonian Report, 1883; Report of Major Powell, +Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 57 et seq. Explorations in the +Southwest, ibid., 1886, p. 52 et seq.] + +[Footnote 10: Report of an Expedition down the Zuni and Colorado +rivers; Washington, 1853.] + +[Footnote 11: Smithsonian Report, 1883, Report of the Director of the +Bureau of Ethnology, p. 62: "Pending the arrival of goods at Moki, Mr +Cushing returned across the country to Zuni for the purpose of +observing more minutely than on former occasions the annual sun +ceremonials. En route he discovered two ruins, apparently before +unvisited. One of these was the outlying structure of K'n'-i-K'el, +called by the Navajos Zinni-jin'ne and by the Zunis He'-sho'ta +pathl-ta[)i]e, both, according to Zuni tradition, belonging to the +Thle-e-ta-kwe, the name given to the traditional northwestern +migration of the Bear, Crane, Frog, Deer, Yellow-wood, and other +gentes of the ancestral pueblos."] + +[Footnote 12: The reduplicated syllable recalls Hopi methods of +forming their plural, but is not characteristic of them, and the word +Totonteac has a Hopi sound. The supposed derivation of Tonto from +Spanish _tonto_, "fool," is mentioned, elsewhere. The so-called Tonto +Apache was probably an intruder, the cause of the desertion of the +"basin" by the housebuilders. The question whether Totonteac is the +same as Tusayan or Tuchano is yet to be satisfactorily answered. The +map makers of the sixteenth century regarded them as different places, +and notwithstanding Totonteac was reported to be "a hotte lake" in the +middle of the previous century, it held its place on maps into the +seventeenth century. It is always on or near a river flowing into the +Gulf of California.] + +[Footnote 13: Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.] + +[Footnote 14: Mr Mindeleff's descriptions deal with the same cluster +of cavate ruins here described, but are more specially devoted to the +more southern section of them, not considering, if I understand him, +the northern row here described. I had also made extensive studies of +the rooms figured by him previously to the publication of his article, +but as my notes on these rooms are anticipated by his excellent memoir +I have not considered the rooms described by him, but limited my +account to brief mention of a neighboring row of chambers not +described in his report.] + +[Footnote 15: _Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology_, vol. II, +No. 1. All the Tusayan kivas with which I am familiar have this raised +spectator's part at one end. The altars are always erected at the +opposite end of the room, in which is likewise the hole in the floor +called the _sipapu_, symbolic of the traditional opening through which +races emerged to the earth's surface from an underworld. Banquettes +exist in some Tusayan kivas; in others, however, they are wanting. The +raised platform in dwelling rooms is commonly a sleeping place, above +which blankets are hung and, in some instances, corn is stored. A +small opening in the step often admits light to an otherwise dark +granary below the floor. In no instance, however, are there more than +one such platform, and that commonly partakes of the nature of another +room, although seldom separated from the other chamber by a +partition.] + +[Footnote 16: Counting from the point of the cliff shown in plate +XCI_a_. The positions of the rooms are indicated by the row of +entrances.] + +[Footnote 17: It was from this region that the individual chambers, +described by Mindeleff, were chosen.] + +[Footnote 18: Mr Mindeleff, in his valuable memoir, has so completely +described the cavate dwellings of the Rio Grande and San Juan regions +that their discussion in this account would be superfluous.] + +[Footnote 19: See Mindeleff, Cliff Ruins of Canyon de Chelly, +_American Anthropologist_, April, 1895. The suggestion that cliff +outlooks were farming shelters in some instances is doubtless true, +but I should hesitate giving this use a predominance over outlooks for +security. In times of danger, naturally the agriculturist seeks a high +or commanding position for a wide outlook; but to watch his crops he +must camp among them.] + +[Footnote 20: Ancient Dwellings of the Rio Verde Valley, Dr E. A. +Mearns; _Popular Science Monthly_, vol. XXVII. Mindeleff, Aboriginal +Remains in Verde Valley; Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of +Ethnology.] + +[Footnote 21: Since the above lines were written Mr C. F. Lummis, who +has made many well-known contributions to the ethnology and archeology +of the Pueblo area, has published in _Land of Sunshine_ (Los Angeles, +1895), a beautiful photographic illustration and an important +description of this unique place.] + +[Footnote 22: Miscellaneous Ethnographic Observations on Indians +inhabiting Nevada, California, and Arizona, Tenth Annual Report of the +Hayden Survey, p. 478; Washington, 1878.] + +[Footnote 23: The cliff houses of Bloody Basin I have not examined, +but I suspect they are of the same type as the so-called Montezuma +Castle, or Casa Montezuma, on the right bank of Beaver creek. The +latter is referred to the cliff-house class, but it differs +considerably from the ruins of the Red-rocks, on account of the +character of the cavern in which it is built (see figure 246).] + +[Footnote 24: Fortified hilltops occur in many places in Arizona and +are likewise found in the Mexican states of Sonora and Chihuahua, +where they are known as _trincheras_. They are regarded as places of +refuge of former inhabitants of the country, contemporaneous with +ancient pueblos and cliff houses.] + +[Footnote 25: This pinnacle is visible for miles, and is one of many +prominences in the surrounding country. Unfortunately this region is +so imperfectly surveyed that only approximations of distances are +possible in this account, and the maps known to me are too meager in +detail to fairly illustrate the distribution of these buttes.] + +[Footnote 26: In certain cavate houses on Oak creek we find these +caverns in two tiers, one above the other, and the hill above is +capped by a well-preserved building. In one of these we find the +entrance to the cavern walled in, with the exception of a T-shape +doorway and a small window. This chamber shows a connecting link +between the type of true cavate dwellings and that of cliff-houses.] + +[Footnote 27: The absence of kivas in the ruins of the Verde has been +commented on by Mindeleff, and has likewise been found to be +characteristic of the cliff houses on the upper courses of the other +tributaries of Gila and Salado rivers. The round kiva appears to be +confined to the middle and eastern ruins of the pueblo area, and are +very numerous in the ruins of San Juan valley.] + +[Footnote 28: See "Tusayan Totemic Signatures," _American +Anthropologist_, Washington, January, 1897.] + +[Footnote 29: An exhaustive report on the ruins near Winslow, at the +Sunset Crossing of the Little Colorado, will later be published. These +ruins were the sites of my operations in the summer of 1896, and from +them a very large collection of prehistoric objects was taken. The +report will consider also the ruins at Chaves Pass, on the trail of +migration used by the Hopi in prehistoric times in their visits, for +barter and other purposes, to the Gila-Salado watershed.] + +[Footnote 30: Possibly the Shoshonean elements in Hopi linguistics are +due to the Snake peoples, the early colonists who came from the north, +where they may have been in contact with Paiute or other divisions of +the Shoshonean stock. The consanguinity of this phratry may have been +close to that of the Shoshonean tribes, as that of the Patki was to +the Piman, or the Asa to the Tanoan. The present Hopi are a composite +people, and it is yet to be demonstrated which stock predominates in +them.] + +[Footnote 31: A Study of Pueblo Architecture: Tusayan and Cibola; +Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1886-87.] + +[Footnote 32: This account was copied from a copy made by the eminent +scholar, A. F. Bandelier, for the archives of the Hemenway Expedition, +now at the Peabody Museum, in Cambridge, Massachusetts.] + +[Footnote 33: Hano or "Tewa."] + +[Footnote 34: Sichomovi. In the manuscript report by Don Jose Cortez, +who wrote of the northern provinces of Mexico, where he lived in 1799, +Sichomovi is mentioned as a nameless village between Tanos (Hano) and +Gualpi (Walpi), settled by colonists from the latter pueblo. One of +the first references to this village by name was in a report by Indian +Agent Calhoun (1850), where it is called Chemovi.] + +[Footnote 35: Mishoninovi.] + +[Footnote 36: Shipaulovi.] + +[Footnote 37: Shunopovi.] + +[Footnote 38: In 1896 I collected over a hundred beautiful specimens +from this cemetery.] + +[Footnote 39: There lived in Walpi, years ago, an old woman, who +related to a priest, who repeated the story to the writer, that when a +little girl she remembered seeing the Payuepki people pass along the +valley under Walpi when they returned to the Rio Grande. Her story is +quite probable, for the lives of two aged persons could readily bridge +the interval between that event and our own time.] + +[Footnote 40: "La Mission de N. Sra. de las Dolores de Zandia de +Indios Teguas a Moqui."] + +[Footnote 41: See J. F. Meline, Two Thousand Miles on Horseback, 1867. +Sandia, according to Bancroft, is not mentioned by Menchero in 1744, +but Bonilla gave it a population of 400 Indians in 1749. In 1742 two +friars visited Tusayan, and, it is said, brought out 441 apostate +Tiguas, who were later settled in the old pueblo of Sandia. +Considering, then, that Sandia was resettled in 1748, six years after +this visit, and that the numbers so closely coincide, we have good +evidence that Payuepki, in Tusayan, was abandoned about 1742. It is +probable, from known evidence, that this pueblo was built somewhere +between 1680 and 1690; so that the whole period of its occupancy was +not far from fifty years.] + +[Footnote 42: Mindeleff mentions two other sites of Old Walpi--a mound +near _Wala_, and one in the plain between Mishoninovi and Walpi; but +neither of these is large, although claimed as former sites of the +early clans which later built the town on the terrace of East Mesa +below Walpi. I have regarded Kuechaptuevela as the ancient Walpi, but +have no doubt that the Hopi emigrants had several temporary dwellings +before they settled there.] + +[Footnote 43: Sometimes called Nuesaki, a corruption of "Missa ki," +Mass House, Mission. One of the beams of the old mission at Nuesaki or +Kisakobi is in the roof of Pauwatiwa's house in the highest range of +rooms of Walpi. This beam is nicely squared, and bears marks +indicative of carving. There are also large planks in one of the kivas +which were also probably from the church building, although no one has +stated that they are. Pauwatiwa, however, declares that a legend has +been handed down in his family that the above-mentioned rafter came +from the mission.] + +[Footnote 44: Proceedings of the Boston Society of Natural History, +January 2, 1895, p. 441.] + +[Footnote 45: Thus in Castaneda's account we are told: "Farther off +[near Cia?] was another large village where we found in the courtyards +a great number of stone balls of the size of a leather bag, containing +one arroba. They seem to have been cast with the aid of machines, and +to have been employed in the destruction of the village." It is +needless for me to say that I find no knowledge of such a machine in +Tusayan!] + +[Footnote 46: The ceremonials attending to burial of the eagle, whose +plumes are used in secret rites, have never been described, and +nothing is known of the rites about the Eagle shrine at Tukinobi.] + +[Footnote 47: Recent Archeologic Find in Arizona, _American +Anthropologist_, Washington, July, 1893.] + +[Footnote 48: For a previous description see the Preliminary Account, +Smithsonian Report for 1895; also "Awatobi: An Archeological +Verification of a Tusayan Legend," _American Anthropologist_, +Washington, October, 1893.] + +[Footnote 49: This important ceremony celebrates the departure from +the pueblos of ancestral gods called _katcinas_, and is one of the +most popular in the ritual.] + +[Footnote 50: Pacheco-Cardenas, Colleccion de Documentos Ineditos, XV, +122, 182.] + +[Footnote 51: Voyages, III, pp. 463, 470, 1600; reprint 1810.] + +[Footnote 52: Pacheco-Cardenas, Documentos Ineditos, op. cit., XVI, +139.] + +[Footnote 53: Menologio Franciscano, 275; Teatro Mexicano, III, 321.] + +[Footnote 54: San Bernardino de Ahuatobi (Vetancurt, 1680); San +Bernardo de Aguatuvi (Vargas, 1692). I find that the mission at Walpi +was also mentioned by Vargas as dedicated to San Bernardino. The +church at Oraibi was San Francisco de Oraybe and San Miguel. The +mission at Shunopovi was called San Bartolome, San Bernardo, and San +Bernabe.] + +[Footnote 55: This article was in type too early for a review of +Dellenbaugh's identification of Cibola with a more southeasterly +locality. His arguments bear some plausibility, but they are by no +means decisive.] + +[Footnote 56: An exact translation by Winship of the copy of Castaneda +in the Lenox Library was published in the Fourteenth Annual Report of +the Bureau.] + +[Footnote 57: "At evening the chiefs asked that notices be written for +them warning all white people to keep away from the mesa tomorrow, and +these were set up by the night patrols in cleft wands on all the +principal trails. At daybreak on the following morning the principal +trails leading from the four cardinal points were 'closed' by +sprinkling meal across them and laying on each a whitened elk horn. +Anawita told the observer that in former times if any reckless person +had the temerity to venture within this proscribed limit the Kwakwantu +inevitably put him to death by decapitation and dismemberment." +("Naacnaiya," _Journal of American Folk-lore_, vol. v, p. 201.) This +appears to be the same way in which the Awatobians "closed" the trail +to Tobar.] + +[Footnote 58: When the Flute people approach Walpi, as is biennially +dramatized at the present time, "an assemblage of people there (at the +entrance to the village) meet them, and just back of a line of meal +drawn across the trail stood Winuta and Honyi," also two girls and a +boy. After these Flute people are challenged and sing their songs the +trail is opened, viz: "Alosaka drew the end of his _monkohu_ along the +line of meal, and Winuta rubbed off the remainder from the trail with +his foot." "Walpi Flute Observance," _Journal of American Folk-lore_, +vol. VII, p. 19.] + +[Footnote 59: This custom of sprinkling the trail with sacred meal is +one of the most common in the Tusayan ritual. The gods approach and +leave the pueblos along such lines, and no doubt the Awatobians +regarded the horses of Espejo as supernatural beings and threw meal on +the trail before them with the same thought in mind that they now +sprinkle the trails with meal in all the great ceremonials in which +personators of the gods approach the villages.] + +[Footnote 60: According to the reprint of 1891. In the reprint of 1810 +it appears as "Ahuato." I would suggest that possibly the error in +giving the name of a pueblo to a chief may have arisen not from the +copyist or printer, but from inability of the Spaniards and Hopi to +understand each other. If you ask a Hopi Indian his name, nine times +out of ten he will not tell you, and an interlocutor for a party of +natives will almost invariably name the pueblos from which his +comrades came.] + +[Footnote 61: This was possibly the expedition which P. Fr. Antonio +(Alonzo?) made among the Hopi in 1628; however that may be, there is +good evidence that Porras, after many difficulties, baptized several +chiefs in 1629.] + +[Footnote 62: _Segunda Relacion de la grandiosa conversion que ha +avido en el Nuevo Mexico. Embiada por el Padre Estev[=a] de Perea_, +etc., 1633.] + +[Footnote 63: An earlier rumor was that the horses were +anthropophagous.] + +[Footnote 64: As Vargas appears not to have entered Oraibi at this +time he may have found it too hostile. Whether Frasquillo had yet +arrived with his Tanos people and their booty is doubtful. The story +of the migration to Tusayan of the Tanos under Frasquillo, the +assassin of Fray Simon de Jesus, and the establishment there of a +"kingdom" over which he ruled as king for thirty years, is a most +interesting episode in Tusayan history. Many Tanos people arrived in +several bands among the Hopi about 1700, but which of them were led by +Frasquillo is not known to me.] + +[Footnote 65: "El templo acabo en llamas." At this time Awatobi was +said to have 800 inhabitants.] + +[Footnote 66: At the present time one of the most bitter complaints +which the Hopi have against the Spaniards is that they forcibly +baptized the children of their people during the detested occupancy by +the conquerors.] + +[Footnote 67: _Naacnaiya_ and _Wuewuetcimti_ are the elaborate and +abbreviated New-fire ceremonies now observed by four religious warrior +societies, known as the _Tataukyamu_, _Wuewuetcimtu_, _Aaltu_ and +_Kwakwantu_. Both of these ceremonials, as now observed at Walpi, have +elsewhere been described.] + +[Footnote 68: Obiit 1892. Shimo was chief of the Flute Society and +"Governor" of Walpi.] + +[Footnote 69: Oldest woman of the Snake clan; mother of Kopeli, the +Snake chief of Walpi; chief priestess of the Mamzrauti ceremony.] + +[Footnote 70: Vetancurt, Chronica, says that Aguatobi (Awatobi) had +800 inhabitants and was converted by Padre Francisco de Porras. In +1630 Benavides speaks of the Mokis as being rapidly converted. It +would appear, if we rely on Vetancurt's figures, that Awatobi was not +one of the largest villages of Tusayan in early times, for he ascribes +1,200 to Walpi and 14,000 to Oraibi. The estimate of the population of +Awatobi was doubtless nearer the truth than that of the other pueblos, +and I greatly doubt if Oraibi ever had 14,000 people. Probably 1,400 +would be more nearly correct.] + +[Footnote 71: Architecture of Cibola and Tusayan, p. 225.] + +[Footnote 72: There are two fragments, one of which is large enough to +show the size of the bell, which was made either in Mexico or in +Spain. The smaller fragment was used for many years as a paint-grinder +by a Walpi Indian priest.] + +[Footnote 73: See his Final Report, p. 372.] + +[Footnote 74: The only Awatobi name I know is that of a chief, Tapolo, +which is not borne by any Hopi of my acquaintance (see page 603).] + +[Footnote 75: This explains the fact that the ruins in Tusayan, as a +rule, have no signs of kivas, and the same appears to be true of the +ruins of the pueblos on the Little Colorado and the Verde, in Tonto +Basin, and other more southerly regions.] + +[Footnote 76: See Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, vol. +II.] + +[Footnote 77: "Las casas son de tres altos"--_Segunda Relacion_, p. +580.] + +[Footnote 78: So far as our limited knowledge of the older ruins of +Tusayan goes, we find that their inhabitants must have been as far +removed from rude Shohonean nomads as their descendants are today. The +settlement at the early site of Walpi is reported to have been made in +very early times, some legends stating that it occurred at a period +when the people were limited to one family--the Snake. The fragments +of pottery which I have found in the mounds of that ancient habitation +are as fine and as characteristic of Tusayan as that of Sikyatki or +Awatobi. It is inferior to none in the whole pueblo area, and betrays +long sedentary life of its makers before it was manufactured.] + +[Footnote 79: Journal of American Folk-lore, vol. v, No. xviii, 1892.] + +[Footnote 80: There is a rude sketch of these two idols of _Alosaka_ +in the archives of the Hemenway Expedition. They represent figurines +about 4 feet tall, with two horns on the head not unlike those of the +Tewan clowns or gluttons called Paiakyamu. As so little is known of +the Mishoninovi ritual, the rites in which they are used are at +present inexplicable.] + +[Footnote 81: See the ear-ornament of the mask shown in plate CVIII, +of the Fifteenth Annual Report.] + +[Footnote 82: Similar "spouts" were found by Mindeleff at Awatobi, and +a like use of them is suggested in his valuable memoir.] + +[Footnote 83: The Keresan people are called by the same name, Kawaika, +which, as hitherto explained, is specially applied to the modern +pueblo of Laguna.] + +[Footnote 84: The Asa people who came to Tusayan from the Rio Grande +claim to have lived for a few generations in Tubka or Tsegi (Chelly) +canyon.] + +[Footnote 85: The pottery of ancient Cibola is practically identical +with that of the ruined pueblos of the Colorado Chiquito, near +Winslow, Arizona.] + +[Footnote 86: The specimens labeled "New Mexico" and "Arizona" are too +vaguely classified to be of any service in this consideration. It is +suggested that collectors carefully label their specimens with the +exact locality in which they are found, giving care to their +association and, when mortuary, to their position in the graves in +relation to the skeletons.] + +[Footnote 87: I am informed by Mr F. W. Hodge that similar fragments +were found by the Hemenway Expedition in 1888 in the prehistoric ruins +of the Salado.] + +[Footnote 88: The head is round, with lateral appendages. The face is +divided into two quadrants above, with chin blackened, and marked with +zigzag lines, which are lacking in modern pictures. In the left hand +the figure holds a rattle. The body is wanting, but the breast is +decorated with rectangles.] + +[Footnote 89: A single metate of lava or malpais was excavated at +Awatobi. This object must have had a long journey before it reached +the village, since none of the material from which it was made is +found within many miles of the ruin.] + +[Footnote 90: There are many fine pictographs, some of which are +evidently ancient, on the cliffs of the Awatobi mesa. These are in no +respect characteristic, and among them I have seen the _awata_ (bow), +_honani_ (badger's paw), _tcuea_ (snake), and _omowuh_ (rain-cloud). On +the side of the precipitous wall of the mesa south of the western +mounds there is a row of small hemispherical depressions or pits, with +a groove or line on one side. There is likewise, not far from this +point, a realistic figure of a vulva, not very unlike the _asha_ +symbols on Thunder mountain, near Zuni.] + +[Footnote 91: _Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology_, vol. II, +No. 1, p. 77.] + +[Footnote 92: In the expedition of 1896 there were found a large +number of shell ornaments, which will be described in a forthcoming +report of the operations during that year. See the preliminary account +in the article "Pacific Coast Shells in Tusayan Ruins," _American +Anthropologist_, December, 1896.] + +[Footnote 93: One of these bells was found in a grave at Chaves Pass +during the field work of 1896.] + +[Footnote 94: Bells made of clay are not rare in modern Tusayan +villages, and while their form is different from that of the Awatobi +specimen, and the size larger, there seems no reason to doubt the +antiquity of the specimen from the ruin of Antelope mesa.] + +[Footnote 95: Many of the specimens in the well-known Keam collection, +now in the Tusayan room of the Peabody Museum at Cambridge, are +undoubtedly from Sikyatki, and still more are from Awatobi. Since the +beginning of my excavations at Sikyatki it has come to be a custom for +the Hopi potters to dispose of, as Sikyatki ware, to unsuspecting +white visitors, some of their modern objects of pottery. These +fraudulent pieces are often very cleverly made.] + +[Footnote 96: Architecture of Tusayan and Cibola, op. cit., pp. 20, +21.] + +[Footnote 97: These rooms I failed to find. One of the rocky knolls +may be that called by me the "acropolis." The second knoll I cannot +identify, unless it is the elevation in continuation of the same side +toward the east. Possibly he confounded the ruin of Kuekuechomo with +that of Sikyatki.] + +[Footnote 98: The legends of the origin of Oraibi are imperfectly +known, but it has been stated that the pueblo was founded by people +from Old Shunopovi. It seems much more likely, however, that our +knowledge is too incomplete to accept this conclusion without more +extended observations. The composition of the present inhabitants +indicates amalgamation from several quarters, and neighboring ruins +should be studied with this thought in mind.] + +[Footnote 99: It is distinctly stated that the Tanoan families whose +descendants now inhabit Hano were not in Tusayan when Awatobi fell. To +be sure they may have been sojourning in some valley east of the +province, which, however, is not likely, since they were "invited" to +East Mesa for the specific purpose of aiding the Hopi against northern +nomads. Much probability attaches to a suggestion that they belonged +to the emigrants mentioned by contemporary historians as leaving the +Rio Grande on account of the unsettled condition of the country after +the great rebellion of 1680.] + +[Footnote 100: The succession of priests is through the clan of the +mother, so that commonly, as in the case of Katci, the nephew takes +the place of the uncle at his death. Some instances, however, have +come to my knowledge where, the clan having become extinct, a son has +been elevated to the position made vacant by the death of a priest. +The Kokop people at Walpi are vigorous, numbering 21 members if we +include the Coyote and Wolf clans, the last mentioned of which may be +descendants of the former inhabitants of Kuekuechomo, the twin ruins on +the mesa above Sikyatki.] + +[Footnote 101: In this census I have used also the apparently +conservative statement of Vetancurt that there were 800 people in +Awatobi at the end of the seventeenth century.] + +[Footnote 102: _Kanel_ = Spanish _carnero_, sheep; _ba_ = water, +spring.] + +[Footnote 103: Wipo spring, a few miles northward from the eastern end +of the mesa, would be an excellent site for a Government school. It is +sufficiently convenient to the pueblos, has an abundant supply of +potable water at all seasons, and cultivable fields in the +neighborhood.] + +[Footnote 104: The boy who brought our drinking water from Kanelba +could not be prevailed upon to visit it on the day of the snake hunt +to the east in 1895, on the ground that no one not a member of the +society should be seen there or take water from it at that time. This +is probably a phase of the taboo of all work in the world-quarter in +which the snake hunts occur, when the Snake priests are engaged in +capturing these reptilian "elder brothers."] + +[Footnote 105: Tcino lives at Sichomovi, and in the Snake dance at +Walpi formerly took the part of the old man who calls out the words, +"_Awahaia_," etc. at the kisi, before the reptiles are carried about +the plaza. These words are Keresan, and Tcino performed this part on +account of his kinship. He owns the grove of peach trees because they +are on land of his ancestors, a fact confirmatory of the belief that +the people of Sikyatki came from the Rio Grande.] + +[Footnote 106: Nasyunweve, who died a few years ago, formerly made the +prayer-stick to Masauwuh, the Fire or Death god. This he did as one of +the senior members of the Kokop or Firewood people, otherwise known as +the Fire people, because they made fire with the fire-drill. On his +death his place in the kiva was taken by Katci. Nasyunweve was +Intiwa's chief assistant in the Walpi _katcinas_, and wore the mask of +Eototo in the ceremonials of the _Niman_. All this is significant, and +coincides with the theory that _katcinas_ are incorporated in the +Tusayan ritual, that Eototo is their form of Masauwuh, and that he is +a god of fire, growth, and death, like his dreaded equivalent.] + +[Footnote 107: The Hano people call the Hopi _Koco_ or _Koso_; the +Santa Clara (also Tewa) people call them _Khoso_, according to Hodge.] + +[Footnote 108: The replastering of kivas at Walpi takes place during +the _Powamu_, an elaborate _katcina_ celebration. I have noticed that +in this renovation of the kivas one corner, as a rule, is left +unplastered, but have elicited no satisfactory explanation of this +apparent oversight, which, no doubt, has significance. Someone, +perhaps overimaginative, suggested to me that the unplastered corner +was the same as the break in encircling lines on ancient pottery.] + +[Footnote 109: I was aided in making this plan by the late J. G. +Owens, my former assistant in the field work of the Hemenway +Expedition. It was prepared with a few simple instruments, and is not +claimed to be accurate in all particulars.] + +[Footnote 110: The existence of these peach trees near Sikyatki +suggests, of course, an abandonment of the neighboring pueblo in +historic times, but I hardly think it outweighs other stronger proofs +of antiquity.] + +[Footnote 111: The position of the cemeteries in ancient Tusayan ruins +is by no means uniform. They are rarely situated far from the houses, +and are sometimes just outside the walls. While the dead were seldom +carried far from the village, a sandy locality was generally chosen +and a grave excavated a few feet deep. Usually a few stones were +placed on the surface of the ground over the burial place, evidently +to protect the remains from prowling beasts.] + +[Footnote 112: The excavations at Homolobi in 1896 revealed two +beautiful cups with braided handles and one where the clay strands are +twisted.] + +[Footnote 113: The modern potters commonly adorn the ends of ladle +handles with heads of different mythologic beings in their pantheon. +The knob-head priest-clowns are favorite personages to represent, +although even the Corn-maid and different _katcinas_ are also +sometimes chosen for this purpose. The heads of various animals are +likewise frequently found, some in artistic positions, others less +so.] + +[Footnote 114: The clay ladles with perforated handles with which the +modern Hopi sometimes drink are believed to be of late origin in +Tusayan.] + +[Footnote 115: The oldest medicine bowls now in use ordinarily have +handles and a terraced rim, but there are one or two important +exceptions. In this connection it may be mentioned that, unlike the +Zuni, the Hopi never use a clay bowl with a basket-like handle for +sacred meal, but always carry the meal in basket trays. This the +priests claim is a very old practice, and so far as my observations go +is confirmed by archeological evidence. The bowl with a basket-form +handle is not found either in ancient or modern Tusayan.] + +[Footnote 116: Symbolism rather than realism was the controlling +element of archaic decoration. Thus, while objects of beauty, like +flowers and leaves, were rarely depicted, and human forms are most +absurd caricatures, most careful attention was given to minute details +of symbolism, or idealized animals unknown to the naturalist.] + +[Footnote 117: Certainly no more appropriate design could be chosen +for the decoration of the inside of a food vessel than the head of the +Corn-maid, and from our ideas of taste none less so than that of a +lizard or bird. The freshness and absence of wear of many of the +specimens of Sikyatki mortuary pottery raises the question whether +they were ever in domestic use. Many evidently were thus employed, as +the evidences of wear plainly indicate, but possibly some of the +vessels were made for mortuary purposes, either at the time of the +decease of a relative or at an earlier period.] + +[Footnote 118: The figure shown in plate CXXIX, _a_, was probably +intended to represent the Corn-maid, or an Earth goddess of the +Sikyatki pantheon. Although it differs widely in drawing from figures +of Calako-mana on modern bowls, it bears a startling resemblance to +the figure of the Germ goddess which appears on certain Tusayan +altars.] + +[Footnote 119: Hopi legends recount how certain clans, especially +those of Tanoan origin, lived in Tsegi canyon and intermarried with +the Navaho so extensively that it is said they temporarily forgot +their own language. From this source may have sprung the numerous +so-called Navaho _katcinas_, and the reciprocal influence on the +Navaho cults was even greater.] + +[Footnote 120: These priests wear a close-fitting skullcap, with two +long, banded horns made of leather, to the end of which corn husks are +tied. For an extended description see _Journal of American Ethnology +and Archaeology_, vol. II, No. 1, page 11.] + +[Footnote 121: The rarity of human figures on such kinds of pottery as +are found in the oldest ruins would appear to indicate that +decorations of this kind were a late development. No specimen of +black-and-white ware on which pictures of human beings are present has +yet been figured. The sequence of evolution in designs is believed to +be (1) geometrical figures, (2) birds, (3) other animals, (4) human +beings.] + +[Footnote 122: In some of the figurines used in connection with modern +Hopi altars these whorls are represented by small wheels made of +sticks radiating from a common juncture and connected by woolen yarn.] + +[Footnote 123: The natives of Cibola, according to Castaneda, "gather +their hair over the two ears, making a frame which looks like an +old-fashioned headdress." The Tusayan Pueblo maidens are the only +Indians who now dress their hair in this way, although the custom is +still kept up by men in certain sacred dances at Zuni. The country +women in Salamanca, Spain, do their hair up in two flat coils, one on +each side of the forehead, a custom which Castaneda may have had in +mind when he compared the Pueblo coiffure to an "old-fashioned +headdress."] + +[Footnote 124: _American Anthropologist_, April, 1892.] + +[Footnote 125: Troano and Cortesiano codices.] + +[Footnote 126: A _nakwakwoci_ is an individual prayer-string, and +consists of one or more prescribed feathers tied to a cotton string. +These prayer emblems are made in great numbers in every Tusayan +ceremony.] + +[Footnote 127: The evidence afforded by this bowl would seem to show +that the cult of the Corn-maid was a part of the mythology and ritual +of Sikyatki. The elaborate figures of the rain-cloud, which are so +prominent in representations of the Corn-maid on modern plaques, +bowls, and dolls, are not found in the Sikyatki picture.] + +[Footnote 128: The reason for my belief that this is a breath feather +will be shown under the discussion of feather and bird pictures.] + +[Footnote 129: For the outline of this legend see _Journal of American +Ethnology and Archaeology_, vol. IV. The maid is there called the +Tcuea-mana or Snake-maid, a sacerdotal society name for the Germ +goddess. The same personage is alluded to under many different names, +depending on the society, but they are all believed to refer to the +same mythic concept.] + +[Footnote 130: The attitude of the male and female here depicted was +not regarded as obscene; on the contrary, to the ancient Sikyatki mind +the picture had a deep religious meaning. In Hopi ideas the male is a +symbol of active generative power, the female of passive reproduction, +and representations of these two form essential elements of the +ancient pictorial and graven art of that people.] + +[Footnote 131: The doll of Kokopeli has along, bird-like beak, +generally a rosette on the side of the head, a hump on the back, and +an enormous penis. It is a phallic deity, and appears in certain +ceremonials which need not here be described. During the excavations +at Sikyatki one of the Indians called my attention to a large Dipteran +insect which he called "Kokopeli."] + +[Footnote 132: The practice still exists at Zuni, I am told, and there +is no sign of its becoming extinct. It is said that old Naiutci, the +chief of the Priesthood of the Bow, was permanently injured during one +of these performances. (Since the above lines were written I have +excavated from one of the ruins on the Little Colorado a specimen of +one of these objects used by ancient stick-swallowers. It is made of +bone, and its use was explained to me by a reliable informant familiar +with the practices of Oraibi and other villagers. It is my intention +to figure and describe this ancient object in the account of the +explorations of 1896.)] + +[Footnote 133: "Tusayan Katcinas," Fifteenth Annual Report of the +Bureau of Ethnology, 1893-94, Washington, 1897. Hewueqti is also called +Soyokmana, a Keresan-Hopi name meaning the Natacka-maid. The Keresan +(Sia) Skoyo are cannibal giants, according to Mrs Stevenson, an +admirable definition of the Hopi Natackas.] + +[Footnote 134: The celebration occurs in the modern Tusayan pueblos in +the _Powamu_ where the representative of Calako flogs the children. +Calako's picture is found on the _Powamu_ altars of several of the +villages of the Hopi.] + +[Footnote 135: Figures of the human hand have been found on the walls +of cliff houses. These were apparently made in somewhat the same way +as that on the above bowl, the hand being placed on the surface and +pigment spattered about it. See "The Cliff Ruins of Canyon de Chelly," +by Cosmos Mindeleff; Sixteenth Annual Report, 1894-95.] + +[Footnote 136: Mu^{r}yi, mole or gopher; mu^{r}iyawu, moon. There +maybe some Hopi legend connecting the gopher with the moon, but thus +far it has eluded my studies, and I can at present do no more than +call attention to what appears to be an interesting etymological +coincidence.] + +[Footnote 137: This form of mouth I have found in pictures of +quadrupeds, birds, and insects, and is believed to be +conventionalized. Of a somewhat similar structure are the mouths of +the _Natacka_ monsters which appear in the Walpi _Powamu_ ceremony. +See the memoir on "Tusayan Katcinas," in the Fifteenth Annual Report.] + +[Footnote 138: Figures of the tadpole and frog are often found on +modern medicine bowls in Tusayan. The snake, so common on Zuni +ceremonial pottery, has not been seen by me on a single object of +earthenware in use in modern Hopi ritual.] + +[Footnote 139: _Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology_, vol. +IV.] + +[Footnote 140: Although made of beautiful yellow ware, it shows at one +point marks of having been overheated in firing, as is often the case +with larger vases and jars.] + +[Footnote 141: One of the best examples of the rectangular or ancient +type of medicine bowl is used in the celebration of the Snake dance at +Oraibi, where it stands on the rear margin of the altar of the +Antelope priesthood of that pueblo.] + +[Footnote 142: One of the best of these is that of the Humis-katcina, +but good examples occur on the dolls of the Calakomanas. The Lakone +maid, however, wears a coronet of circular rain-cloud symbols, which +corresponds with traditions which recount that this form was +introduced by the southern clans or the Patki people.] + +[Footnote 143: In the evolution of ornament among the Hopi, as among +most primitive peoples where new designs have replaced the old, the +meaning of the ancient symbols has been lost. Consequently we are +forced to adopt comparative methods to decipher them. If, for +instance, on a fragment of ancient pottery we find the figure of a +bird in which the wing or tail feathers have a certain characteristic +symbol form, we are justified, when we find the same symbolic design +on another fragment where the rest of the bird is wanting, in +considering the figure that of a wing or tail feather. So when the +prescribed figure of the feather has been replaced by another form it +is not surprising to find it incomprehensible to modern shamans. The +comparative ethnologist may in this way learn the meanings of symbols +to which the modern Hopi priest can furnish no clue.] + +[Footnote 144: In an examination of many figures of ancient vessels +where this peculiar design occurs it will be found that in all +instances they represent feathers, although the remainder of the bird +is not to be found. The same may also be said of the design which +represents the tail-feathers. This way of representing feathers is not +without modern survival, for it may still be seen in many dolls of +mystic personages who are reputed to have worn feathered garments.] + +[Footnote 145: At the present time the circle is the totemic signature +of the Earth people, representing the horizon, but it has likewise +various other meanings. With certain appendages it is the disk of the +sun--and there are ceremonial paraphernalia, as amulets, placed on +sand pictures or tied to helmets, which may be represented by a simple +ring. The meaning of these circles in the bowl referred to above is +not clear to me, nor is my series of pictographs sufficiently +extensive to enable a discovery of its significance by comparative +methods. A ring of meal sometimes drawn on the floor of a kiva is +called a "house," and a little imagination would easily identify these +with the mythic houses of the sky-bird, but this interpretation is at +present only fanciful.] + +[Footnote 146: The _paho_ is probably a substitution of a sacrifice of +corn or meal given as homage to the god addressed.] + +[Footnote 147: _Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology_, vol. +IV. These water gourds figure conspicuously in many ceremonies of the +Tusayan ritual. The two girls personating the Corn-maids carry them in +the Flute observance, and each of the Antelope priests at Oraibi bears +one of these in the Antelope or Corn dance.] + +[Footnote 148: "A few Tusayan Pictographs;" _American Anthropologist_, +Washington, January, 1892.] + +[Footnote 149: A beautiful example of this kind was found at Homolobi +in the summer of 1896.] + +[Footnote 150: In this connection the reader is referred to the story, +already told in former pages of this memoir, concerning the flogging +of the youth by the husband of the two women who brought the Hopi the +seeds of corn. It may be mentioned as corroboratory evidence that +Calako-taka represents a supernatural sun-bird, that the Tataukyamu +priests carry a shield with Tunwup (Calako-taka) upon it in the +Soyaluna. These priests, as shown by the etymology of their name, are +associated with the sun. In the Sun drama, or Calako ceremony, in +July, Calako-takas are personated, and at Zuni the Shalako is a great +winter sun ceremony.] + +[Footnote 151: _American Anthropologist_, April, 1895, p. 133. As +these cross-shape pahos which are now made in Tusayan are attributed +to the Kawaika or Keres group of Indians, and as they were seen at the +Keresan pueblo of Acoma in 1540, it is probable that they are +derivative among the Hopi; but simple cross decorations on ancient +pottery were probably autochthonous.] + +[Footnote 152: In dolls of the Corn-maids this germinative symbol is +often found made of wood and mounted on an elaborate tablet +representing rain-clouds.] + +[Footnote 153: Many similarities might be mentioned between the +terraced figures used in decoration in Old Mexico and in ancient +Tusayan pottery, but I will refer to but a single instance, that of +the stuccoed walls of Mitla, Oaxaca, and Teotitlan del Valle. Many +designs from these ruins are gathered together for comparative +purposes by that eminent Mexicanist, Dr E. Seler, in his beautiful +memoir on Mitla (_Wandmalereien von Mitla_, plate X). In this plate +exact counterparts of many geometric patterns on Sikyatki pottery +appear, and even the broken spiral is beautifully represented. There +are key patterns and terraced figures in stucco on monuments of +Central America identical with the figures on pottery from Sikyatki.] + +[Footnote 154: This pillar, so conspicuous in all photographs of +Walpi, is commonly called the Snake rock.] + +[Footnote 155: _American Anthropologist_, April, 1892.] + +[Footnote 156: I failed to find out how the Hopi regard fossils.] + +[Footnote 157: These objects were eagerly sought by the Hopi women who +visited the camps at Awatobi and Sikyatki.] + +[Footnote 158: The tubular form of pipe was almost universal in the +pueblo area, and I have deposited in the National Museum pipes of this +kind from several ruins in the Rio Grande valley.] + +[Footnote 159: _Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology_, vol. +IV, pp. 31, 32, 33.] + +[Footnote 160: This form of pipe occurs over the whole pueblo area.] + +[Footnote 161: Ancient cigarette reeds, found in sacrificial caves, +have a small fragment of woven fabric tied about them.] + +[Footnote 162: The so-called "implements of wood" figured by +Nordenskioeld ("The Cliff Dwellers of the Mesa Verde," plate XLII) are +identical with some of the pahos from Sikyatki, and are undoubtedly +prayer-sticks.] + +[Footnote 163: Primitive Culture, vol. ii, p. 396.] + +[Footnote 164: Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, Vol. +_ii_, p. 131.] + +[Footnote 165: _American Anthropologist_, July, 1892.] + +[Footnote 166: As stated in former pages, there is some paleographic +evidence looking in that direction.] + +[Footnote 167: _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, vol. V, no. xviii, p. +213.] + +[Footnote 168: Op. cit., p. 214.] + +[Footnote 169: They failed to germinate.] + + + + +APPENDIX + + +The following list introduces the numbers by which the specimens +illustrated in this memoir are designated in the catalog of the United +States National Museum. Each specimen is also marked with a field +catalog number, the locality in which it was found, and the name of +the collector: + + PLATE + CXI. _a_, 155895; _b_, 155897; _c_, 155898; _d_, 155896; _e_, 155900; + _f_, 155916. + + CXII. _a_, 155875; _b_, 155996; _c_, 155902; _d_, 155996; _e_, 155997. + + CXIII. _a_, 155992; _b_, 155913; _c_, 155991; _d_, 155994; _e_, 155993. + + CXIV. _a_-_g_, 156018; _h_, 156131; _i_, 156091; _j_, 156018. + + CXIX. _a_, 155806; _b_, 155841; _c_, 155832; _d_, 155678; _e_, 155820; + _f_, 155838. + + CXX. _a_, 155867; _b_, 155866; _c_, 155871; _d_, 155856; _e_, 155861; + _f_, 155460. + + CXXI. _a_, 155694; _b_, 155698; _c_, 155719. + + CXXII. _a_, 155702; _b_, 155684; _c_, 155688. + + CXXIII. _a_, 155711; _b_, 155703; _c_, 155707; _d_, 155673. + + CXXIV. _a_, 155674; _b_, 155683. + + CXXV. _a_, 155750; _b_, 155753; _c_, 155751; _d_, 155752; _e_, 155749; + _f_, 155747. + + CXXVI. _a_, 155700; _b_, 155682. + + CXXVII. _a_, 155718; _b_, 155714; _c_, 155723; _d_, 155691. + + CXXVIII. _a_, 155745; _b_, 155744; _c_, 155746; _d_, 155735; _e_, 155734; + _f_, 155733; _g_, 155736. + + CXXIX. _a_, 155467; _b_, 155462; _c_, 155463; _d_, 155464; _e_, 155466; + _f_, 155465. + + CXXX. _a_, 155474; _b_, 155475; _c_, 155477; _d_, 155484; _e_, 155473; + _f_, 155476. + + CXXXI. _a_, 155758; _b_, 155773; _c_, 155768; _d_, 155771; _e_, 155546; + _f_ 155764. + + CXXXII. _a_, 155482; _b_, 155483; _c_, 155481; _d_, 155480; _e_, 155479; + _f_, 155485. + + CXXXIII. _a_, 155614; _b_, 155757; _c_, 155502; _d_, 155772; _e_, 155758; + _f_, 155781. + + CXXXIV. _a_, 155570; _b_, 155597; _c_, 155567; _d_, 155507; _e_, 155575; + _f_, 155505. + + CXXXV. _a_, 155692; _b_, 155681. + + CXXXVI. _a_, 155687; _b_, 155737; _c_, 155695. + + CXXXVII. _a_, 155488; _b_, 155450; _c_, 155468; _d_, 155732; _e_, 155776; + _f_, 155740. + +CXXXVIII. _a_, 155498; _b_, 155490; _c_, 155492; _d_, 155500; _e_, 155499; + _f_, 155494. + + CXXXIX. _a_, 155524; _b_, 155528; _c_, 155491; _d_, 155523; _e_, 155527; + _f_, 155522. + + CXL. _a_, 155529; _b_, 155489; _c_, 155540; _d_, 155541; _e_, 155606; + _f_, 155410. + + CXLI. _a_, 155501; _b_, 155503; _c_, 155509; _d_, 155511; _e_, 155510; + _f_, 155512. + + CXLII. _a_, 155712; _b_, 155693; _c_, 155756; _d_, 155636; _e_, 155697. + + CXLIII. _a_, _b_, 155690. + + CXLIV. _a_, _b_, 155689. + + CXLV. _a_, 155717; _b_, 155696. + + CXLVI. _a_, 155538; _b_, 155508; _c_, 155802; _d_, 155537; _e_, 155487; + _f_, 155653. + + CXLVII. _a_, 155493; _b_, 155497; _c_, 155602; _d_, 155504; _e_, 155608; + _f_, 155495. + + CXLVIII. _a_, 155556; _b_, 155408; _c_, 155545; _d_, 155548; _e_, 155544; + _f_, 155542. + + CXLIX. _a_, 155554; _b_, 155549; _c_, 155573; _d_, 155607; _e_, 155572; + _f_, 155581. + + CL. _a_, 155565; _b_, 155519; _c_, 155518; _d_, 155569; _e_, 155551; + _f_, 155574. + + CLI. _a_, 155535; _b_, 155532; _c_, 155539; _d_, 155526; _e_, 155613; + _f_, 155615. + + CLII. _a_, 155555; _b_, 155547; _c_, 155571; _d_, 155553; _e_, 155536; + _f_, 155521. + + CLIII. _a_, 155558; _b_, 155564. + + CLIV. _a_, 155560; _b_, 155568. + + CLV. _a_, 155543; _b_, 155557. + + CLVI. _a_, 155562; _b_, 155561; _c_, 155562; _d_, 155796; _e_, 155601; + _f_, 155588. + + CLVII. _a_, 155531; _b_, 155530; _c_, 155525; _d_, 155585; _e_, 155563; + _f_, 155552. + + CLVIII. _a_, 155628; _b_, 155742; _c_, 155632; _d_, 155633; _e_, 155587; + _f_, 155634. + + CLIX. _a_, 155583; _b_, 155598; _c_, 155516; _d_, 155629; _e_, 155590; + _f_, 155520. + + CLX. _a_, 155577; _b_, 155576; _c_, 155622; _d_, 155594; _e_, 155647; + _f_, 155654. + + CLXI. _a_, 155642; _b_, 155506; _c_, 155517; _d_, 155472; _e_, 155589; + _f_, 155600. + + CLXII. _a_, 155637; _b_, 155618; _c_, 155643; _d_, 155621; _e_, 155534; + _f_, 155533. + + CLXIII. _a_, 155611; _b_, 155612. + + CLXIV. _a_, 155610; _b_, 155609. + + CLXV. _a_, 155593; _b_, 155592. + + CLXVI. _a_, 155641; _b_, 155616; _c_, 155617; _d_, 155619; _e_, 155584; + _f_, 155640. + + CLXVII. _a_, 155877; _b_, 155878; _c_, 155892; _d_, 155882; _e_, 155890; + _f_, 155881. + + CLXVIII. _a_, 155876; _b_, 155891; _c_, 155884; _d_, 155914; _e_, 155940; + _f_, 155880. + + CLXIX. _a_, 156095; _b_, 156098; _c_, 156175; _d_, 156174; _e_, 156154; + _f_, 156065. + + CLXX. _a_, _b_, 156227. + + CLXXI. _a_, 156270; _b_, _c_, 156303; _e_, 156199; _f_, 156043. + + CLXXII. _a_, 156042; _b_, 156169; _c_, 156169; _d_, 156170; _e_, 156184; + _f_, 156164. + + CLXXIII. _a_, 155999; _b_, 155154; _c_, 156128; _d_, 156131; + _e_, _f_, 1561?0; _g_, 156010; _h-l_, 156130. + + CLXXIV. _a_, 156191; _b_, _c_, 156183; _d_, 156185; _e-g_, 156183; + _h-j_, 156194; _k_, 156180; _l_, _m_, 156191; _n_, 156182. + + CLXXV. _o_, 156188; _p_, 156185; _q_, 156191; _r_, 156186; _s_, 156180; + _t_, 156188; _u_, 156181; _v_, 156179; _w_, 156187. + + + + +INDEX + + +ACROPOLIS of Sikyatki 638, 640, 643-646 +ADOBE plastering in cavate houses 542 + [ADOBE], _see_ MASONRY, PLASTERING. +AGAVE fiber used in Tusayan 629, 630 +AGUATO, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AGUATOBI, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AGUATUVI, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AGUATUYA, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AGUATUYBA, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AGUITOBI, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AHUATO, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AHUATOBI, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AHUATU, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AHUATUYBA, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AH-WAT-TENNA an Awatobi synonym 594 +ALOSAKA idols in Awatobi shrine 619 +ANAWITA, traditional information given by 595 +ANCESTOR worship at Sikyatki 732 +ANTELOPE VALLEY, _see_ JEDITOH VALLEY. +APACHE depredation in Tusayan 585 + [APACHE], late appearance of, at Tusayan 581 + [APACHE] occupancy of Verde ruins 550, 565, 570 + [APACHE] pictographs in Verde valley 550, 556, 567, 568 +AQUATASI, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AQUATUBI, an Awatobi synonym 594 +ARCHEOLOGICAL expedition to Arizona, 1895 519-744 +ARIZONA, archeological expedition to, 1895 519-744 + [ARIZONA], _see_ NAVAHO. +ARROWHEAD KILT worn by man-eagle 692-693 +ARROWHEADS from Awatobi 618, 625 + [ARROWHEADS] in Sikyatki graves 731, 740 +ARROWSHAFT POLISHERS from Awatobi 611, 731 +[ ARROWSHAFT POLISHERS] in Sikyatki graves 731 +ART REMAINS in Palatki and Honanki 569 +ASA PEOPLE join the Hopi 578 + [ASA PEOPLE], migration of 622 + [ASA PEOPLE] settle at Sichomovi 578 +ASH-HEAP PUEBLO, former site of Walpi 635 +ATABI-HOGANDI, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AUA-TU-UI, an Awatobi synonym 594 +A-WA-TE-U, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AWATOBI and Sikyatki pottery compared 659 + [AWATOBI], arrowshaft polishers from 611, 731 + [AWATOBI], etymology of 594 + [AWATOBI], legend of destruction of 602 + [AWATOBI], population of 637 + [AWATOBI], reasons for excavating 591 + [AWATOBI] ruin discussed 592-631 + [AWATOBI] ruin examined 535 + [AWATOBI], settlement of Sikyatki people at 634 + [AWATOBI] settled by Kuekuechomo and Sikyatki people 589 + [AWATOBI] visited in 1540 596 +AWATUBI, an Awatobi synonym 594 +A-WAT-U-I, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AWLS, bone, from Awatobi 627 +AXES, stone, in Sikyatki graves 730, 731 + [AXES] from Awatobi 625 + +BADGER PEOPLE settle Sichomovi 578 +BAER, ERWIN, with archeological expedition in 1895 527 +BANCROFT, H. H., on destruction of Awatobi 601 +BANDELIER, A. F., Cibola identified by 595 + [BANDELIER, A. F.], on record of Awatobi destruction 610 +BAPTISM opposed by the Hopi 601 +BASINS, _see_ POTTERY. +BASKETRY found in Honanki 572 + [BASKETRY] not found at Sikyatki 649 +BAT-HOUSE, ruin of the 590 +BEADS from Awatobi 628 + [BEADS] in Sikyatki graves 733 +BEAMS of mission in Walpi houses 586 + [BEAMS] of Palatki ruin 557 +BEAN-PLANTING ceremony of the Hopi 702 +BEAR CLANS, early arrival of, at Tusayan 582 +BELL, clay, from Awatobi 628 + [BELL], copper fragments of, from Awatobi 609, 631 + [BELL] used in Hopi ceremony 628 +BERRIES in Sikyatki graves 733 +BESSELS, EMIL, on affinity of cliff-dwellers and pueblos 532 +BICKFORD, F. D., on cliff houses in Walnut canyon 532 +BIRD figures on Hopi pottery 660 + [BIRD] figures on Sikyatki pottery 658, 682-698, 714 + [BIRD] ornaments from Awatobi 628 + [BIRD] ornaments in Sikyatki graves 733 + [BIRD] vessels from Awatobi 624 +BLOODY BASIN, cliff houses of 549 +BODKINS, bone, from Awatobi 627 +BONE BEADS from Honanki 573 + [BONE BEADS] in Sikyatki graves 733 +BONE OBJECTS from Awatobi 627, 628 + [BONE OBJECTS], from Honanki 572 +BONILLA, --, on Sandia population in 1749 584 +BOURKE, J. G., identifies Tally-hogan with Awatobi 602 +BOWLS, Sikyatki, decorations on 705 + [BOWLS], _see_ POTTERY. +BOXES, earthenware, from Sikyatki 655 +BRACELETS from Awatobi 628 +BUTTERFLY figures on Sikyatki pottery. 678-680, 698 + [BUTTERFLY] symbol on Hopi pottery 687 + +CALAKO in Hopi mythology 700 + [CALAKO] katcina, origin of 666 +CAMPBELL, GEO., cliff houses discovered by 533 +CAMP VERDE, ruins near 534 +CARDENAS, G. L., visits Tusayan in 1540 595 +CARDINAL POINTS in Hopi ceremony 613, 628, 678 +CASA GRANDE ascribed to the Hopi 531 +CASA MONTEZUMA, _see_ MONTEZUMA CASTLE. +CASAS GRANDES, pottery from 624 +CASTENEDA, P. DE, account of Tusayan 596 + [CASTENEDA, P. DE] on Cibola hair-dressing 661 + [CASTENEDA, P. DE] on early pueblo warfare 588 + [CASTENEDA, P. DE] on Hopi fabrics 629 + [CASTENEDA, P. DE] on pueblo kivas in 1540 575 + [CASTENEDA, P. DE] on visit to Tusayan in 1540 596, 597 +CAVATE DWELLINGS, function of 544 + [CAVATE DWELLINGS] in Verde valley discussed 536, 537-545 +CEMETERIES of Sikyatki 646-649 +CEMETERY of Awatobi 593, 618 +CEREMONIAL CIRCUIT of the Hopi 681 +CHAIRS tabooed in Hopi kivas 626 +CHARM STONES from Sikyatki 729 +CHAVERO, A., on Nahuatl water symbol 569 +CHAVES PASS, ruins at 532, 573 +CHELLY CANYON, cliff houses in 578 + [CHELLY CANYON], _see_ TSEGI. +CHIMNEYS, absence of, at Sikyatki 646 +CHUKUBI, ruin of, discussed 583 +CIBOLA, identification of 595 + [CIBOLA], _see_ ZUNI. +CIGARETTES of reeds in sacrificial caves 736 + [CIGARETTES] in Hopi ceremony 735 +CINDER CONES, ruins in 532 +CIRCULAR RUINS absent in southern pueblo area 576 +CIST in Awatobi kiva 612 + [CIST] in cavate lodges 542 + [CIST] near cavate houses 543 +CLANS formerly occupying Sikyatki 636 + [CLANS] of Awatobi 610 + [CLANS] of Kuekuechomo and Sikyatki 587, 588 +CLIFF DWELLERS defined 531 +CLIFF HOUSES, age of, in Red-rocks 545 + [CLIFF HOUSES] and pueblos similar 537 + [CLIFF HOUSES] formerly occupied by Hopi 578 + [CLIFF HOUSES], human hand figures on 668 + [CLIFF HOUSES] in Walnut canyon 532 + [CLIFF HOUSES] of the Red-rocks 548, 549 + [CLIFF HOUSES] of Verde valley classified 536 +CLIFF PALACE and Honanki compared 552 +CLIFF'S RANCH, pictographs near 548 +CLOUD, _see_ RAINCLOUD. +CLOWN-PRIEST figures on Hopi pottery 659 +COLANDER fragments from Tusayan ruins 624 +COMUPAVI identified with Shunopovi 599 +CONCEPCION, CRISTOVAL DE LA, at founding of Awatobi mission 599 +COPPER found in Awatobi 608, 609, 631 + [COPPER] bells in Arizona ruins 628, 629 + [COPPER] unknown to ancient Tusayan 741 +CORN attached to prayer-sticks 739 + [CORN] found in Awatobi 606, 619 + [CORN] found in Honanki 572 + [CORN], Hopi symbolism of 662 + [CORN] in Hopi ceremony 628 + [CORN], sweet, introduced in Mishoninovi 604 +CORN-MAID dolls of the Hopi 704 + [CORN-MAID] figures of the Hopi 661 + [CORN-MAID] figures on Hopi pottery 657, 658, 662 +CORN MOUND, symbolic 740 +CORN POLLEN in Hopi ceremony 628 +CORNADO, F. V. DE, route of 530 +COSMOGONY of the Hopi 647, 666, 732 +COTTON cultivated by the Hopi 596, 629 + [COTTON] fabrics in Verde ruins 573 + [COTTON] garments of the Hopi 599 +COVILLE, F. V., on identification of ancient food remains 741-742 +CREMATION not practiced at Sikyatki 649 +CROOKS in Tusayan ritual 703 + [CROOKS] on Sikyatki pottery 703-704, 714, 724 +CROSS figure allied to sun symbol 623 + [CROSS] on Sikyatki pottery 702 +CRYSTAL, _see_ QUARTZ CRYSTAL. +CUANRABI mentioned by Onate 599 +CUPS from Sikyatki described 654 + [CUPS], _see_ POTTERY. +CUSHING, F. H., on affinity of cliff dwellers and pueblos 532 + [CUSHING, F. H.], on southern origin of Zuni clans 574 + [CUSHING, F. H.], ruins visited by 534 + +DECORATION of Awatobi pottery 623, 624-625 + [DECORATION] of Honanki pottery 570, 571 + [DECORATION] of ladle handles 624 + [DECORATION] of pottery by spattering 650, 668, 671, 677 + [DECORATION] of Sikyatki pottery 650, 652, 655, 657-728 +DELLENBAUGH, F. S., on identification of Cibola 595 +DIPPERS from Awatobi described 624 + [DIPPERS], _see_ POTTERY. +DOLLS, Corn-maid, of the Hopi 704 +DOMESTIC ANIMALS of the Hopi 731 +DOORWAYS of cavate houses 543, 552 +DRAGONFLY symbolic of rain 630 + [DRAGONFLY] symbol on pottery 669, 680-682 +DRILL balances from Sikyatki graves 740 + +EAGLE PLUMES in Hopi rites 589 +EAGLE SHRINE at Tukinobi 589 +EAGLES kept by the Hopi 731 +EAST MESA, ruins at 581, 585 +ESPEJO, ANTONIO, Awatobi referred to by 596, 599 + [ESPEJO, ANTONIO], Awatobi visited by 594 + [ESPEJO, ANTONIO], on Hopi fabrics 629 + [ESPEJO, ANTONIO], visits Tusayan in 1583 598 +ESPELETA, an Oraibi chief 601 + [ESPELETA], visits Santa Fe 601, 602 +ESPELETA, JOSE, killed at Oraibi 600 +ESPERIEZ mentioned by Onate 599 +ESTUFA, _see_ KIVA. + +FABRICS, _see_ TEXTILE. +FEATHER fabrics from Sikyatki 629 + [FEATHER] symbols on Hopi pottery 663 + [FEATHER] symbols on Sikyatki pottery 658, 682-698, 714, 723, 724 +FEATHERED STRINGS represented on pottery 662 +FEATHERS on prayer-sticks 739 +FETISH, mountain lion, from Awatobi 618 + [FETISH], mountain lion, from Sikyatki 730 + [FETISH], personal, from Sikyatki 729 +FEWKES, J. W., on archeological expedition to Arizona, 1895 519-744 +FIGUEROA, JOSE, killed at Awatobi 600 +FIRE, Hopi purification by 647 + [FIRE], _see_ NEW-FIRE CEREMONY. +FIRE-HOUSE, ancient occupancy of 633 + [FIRE-HOUSE] ruin of Tusayan 590, 633 +FIREPLACES in cavate dwellings 641 +FIREWOOD PEOPLE at Sikyatki 632, 633, 640, 646 + [FIREWOOD PEOPLE] of Tusayan 672 +FLAGSTAFF, cliff houses near 533 +FLOWER FIGURE on Hopi pottery 697 + [FLOWER FIGURE] on Sikyatki pottery 658, 680 +FLOWERS, _see_ VEGETAL DESIGNS. +FLUTE CEREMONY not performed in kiva 575, 612 + [FLUTE CEREMONY], trails closed during 597 +FLUTE-LIKE OBJECTS from Awatobi 624 + [FLUTE-LIKE OBJECTS] from Sikyatki 656 +FLUTE SOCIETY, prayer-sticks of the 737 +FOOD REMAINS in mortuary vessels 741 +FOSSILS used in Hopi ceremony 730 +FRASQUILLO, flight of Tanoan refugees under 578, 600 +FROG figures on Sikyatki pottery 658 + [FROG] figures on Tusayan bowls 677 + +GARAYCOECHEA, JUAN, Awatobi visited by 600 + [GARAYCOECHEA, JUAN], missionary labors of 601 +GARDENS, modern, at Sikyatki 646 +GENESIS, _see_ COSMOGONY. +GEOMETRIC figures on Sikyatki pottery 701-705 +GERMINATIVE symbol on Sikyatki pottery 704 +GODDARD, S., with archeological expedition in 1895 527 +GOD OF DEATH of the Hopi 641 +GOODE, G. BROWN, acknowledgments to 528 +GORGETS in Sikyatki graves 733 +GUTIERREZ, ANDRES, at founding of Awatobi mission 599 + +HAIR, human, woven by the Hopi 630 +HAIRDRESSING of the Hopi 661, 663 +HANCE'S RANCH, pictograph bowlder near 545 +HAND figures on Sikyatki pottery 666-668, 728 +HANO compared with Walpi 642 + [HANO] in 1782 579 + [HANO], when established 636 +HAVASUPAI, cliff dwellings occupied by 533 +HEART represented in animal figures 673 +HEMATITE fetish from Sikyatki 730 +HEMENWAY, MARY, Kawaika pottery purchased by 590 +HE-SHOTA-PATHL-TA[)I]E, Zuni name of Kintiel 534 +HODGE, F. W., acknowledgments to 527 + [HODGE, F. W.] on colander fragments from Salado ruins 624 + [HODGE, F. W.] on recent advent of the Navaho 658 + [HODGE, F. W.], Sikyatki excavation aided by 648 +HODGE, _Mrs_ M. W., acknowledgments to 527 +HOFFMAN, W. J., on ruins at Montezuma Well 546 +HOLBROOK, ruins near 533 +HOLGUIN, _Capt_., Payuepki attacked by 583 +HOLMES, W. H., on evolution of pottery designs 715, 716, 727 +HOMOLOBI, location of 532 +HONANKI, art remains found at 569 + [HONANKI], origin of name 553, 559 + [HONANKI], discovery of ruin of 534, 551 + [HONANKI] ruin discussed 558-569 +HOPI, abandonment of villages by 580 + [HOPI] and Verde ruins compared 573 + [HOPI], early migrations of clans of 574 + [HOPI] knowledge of Montezuma Well 547 + [HOPI] pictographic score 568 + [HOPI] pueblos in 1782 579 + [HOPI] request removal to Tonto basin 534 + [HOPI] ruins, distribution of 581 + [HOPI], southern origin of part of 568 +HORN CLANS at Sikyatki 669 +HORN-HOUSE, ruin of 590 +HORSES, how regarded by ancient Hopi 598, 599 +HOUGH, W., pottery figure interpreted by 664 +HOWELL, E., cliff houses discovered by 533 +HUMAN FIGURES on Sikyatki pottery 660 +HUMAN REMAINS in Awatobi ruins 610, 612, 618 + [HUMAN REMAINS], _see_ CEMETERIES. + +IDOL, _see_ ALOSAKA, DOLL, FETISH. +INSECT figures on Sikyatki pottery 658 +IRRIGATION represented in pictography 545 + [IRRIGATION] ditches in Verde valley 538 + +JACOB'S WELL described 546 +JAKWAINA, farm of, at Sikyatki 640 +JARAMILLO, JUAN, on "Tucayan" 595 +JARS, _see_ POTTERY. +JEDITOH VALLEY, ruins in 581, 589, 592 +JUDD, JAMES S., acknowledgments to 527 + +KACHINBA ruin described 589 +KATCI, a Hopi folklorist 637 + [KATCI], farm of, at Sikyatki 641 +KATCINA cult in Tusayan 625, 633 + [KATCINA] defined 661, 732 + [KATCINA] figures on Hopi pottery 624, 658, 665 +KAWAIKA, application of name 622 + [KAWAIKA], pottery from 622 + [KAWAIKA], ruins at 590 +KEAM, T. V., excavations by, at Kawaika 622 + [KEAM, T. V.], idols removed and returned by 619 +KEAM'S CANYON, ruins in 581 +KINNAZINDE, ruin of 534 +KINTIEL ascribed to the Zuni 534, 591 + [KINTIEL], location of 533 +KISAKOBI, former site of Walpi 578 + [KISAKOBI] ruins described 585 + [KISAKOBI], settlement of 635 +KISHYUBA, a Hopi ruin 591 +KISI and cavate house compared 544 +KIVA-LIKE remains at Honanki 560 +KIVAS, absence of, in Sikyatki 642 + [KIVAS], absence of, in southern cliff houses 574 + [KIVAS], ceremonial replastering of 645 + [KIVAS], distribution of 561, 574 + [KIVAS] of Awatobi 611 + [KIVAS], platforms characteristic of 541 + [KIVAS], round, evolution of 575 +K'N'-I-K'EL, _see_ KINTIEL. +KOKOPELI, a Hopi deity 663 +KOPELI, services of, at Sikyatki 641, 643 +KOYIMSE of the Hopi 659 +KUeCHAPTUeVELA, former site of Walpi 578 + [KUeCHAPTUeVELA] ruin described 585 +KUeKUeCHOMO ruins described 586 +KWATAKA, a Hopi monster 691 + +LADLES from Awatobi described 624 + [LADLES] from Sikyatki described 655 + [LADLES], _see_ POTTERY. +LANGLEY, S. P., acknowledgments to 528 +LELO, farm of, at Sikyatki 640 +LEROUX, A., Verde ruins discovered by 530 +LIGHTNING symbol on Hopi pottery 673 +LIGNITE deposits near Sikyatki 643 + [LIGNITE] gorgets in Sikyatki graves 733 +LINES, broken, on Sikyatki pottery 704 +LUMMIS, C. F., on Montezuma Well ruins 546 + +MAMZRAUTI ceremony introduced at Walpi 604 +MAN-EAGLE, a Hopi monster 691 + [MAN-EAGLE] on Sikyatki pottery 683 +MARIE, AUG. STA., an Awatobi missionary 600 +MASAUWUH in Hopi mythology 666 + [MASAUWUH], _see_ GOD OF DEATH. +MASIUMPTIWA, Awatobi legend repeated by 603 +MASONRY of Awatobi 616 + [MASONRY] of Honanki 563 + [MASONRY] of Palatki 554-555 + [MASONRY] of Sikyatki 644 +MEAL, sacred, trail closed with 596, 597 + [MEAL] sacrifice by the Hopi 739 +MEARNS, E. A., on Verde valley ruins 535, 544, 546 +MEDICINE BOWLS of the Hopi 681 + [MEDICINE BOWLS] of the Zuni and Hopi 655 +MELINE, J. F., on settlement of Sandia 584 +MESCAL in Verde valley caves 550 +METAL not found at Honanki 571 + [METAL] not found at Sikyatki 649, 741 +METATES found in Awatobi 625, 626 + [METATES] found in Honanki 571 + [METATES] found in Sikyatki graves 731 +MICA, _see_ SELENITE. +MIDDLE MESA, ruins at 581, 582 +MIGRATION of Hopi clans 577 +MILLER, _Dr_, pottery collected by 675 +MINDELEFF, COSMOS, Homolobi ruins examined by 532 + [MINDELEFF, COSMOS], on absence of kivas in Verde ruins 561 + [MINDELEFF, COSMOS], on cavate houses 543 + [MINDELEFF, COSMOS], on function of cavate lodges 544 + [MINDELEFF, COSMOS], on origin of circular kivas 576 + [MINDELEFF, COSMOS], on similarity of cliff dwellings and pueblos 537 + [MINDELEFF, COSMOS], on Verde valley ruins 535 +MINDELEFF, VICTOR, Awatobi described by 602 + [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], groundplan of Chukubi by 583 + [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], groundplan of Mishiptonga by 590 + [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], on Awatobi kivas 612 + [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], on distribution of Tusayan ruins 577 + [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], on former sites of Walpi 585 + [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], on Horn-house and Bat-house 590 + [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], on origin of circular kivas 576 + [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], Shitaimovi mentioned by 582 + [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], Sikyatki described by 632 +MISHIPTONGA, ruin of 590 +MISHONINOVI in 1782 579 +MISHONINOVI, OLD, discussed 582 +MISSION, ruins of, at Awatobi 606 + [MISSION], when established at Awatobi 599 +MISSIONS among the Hopi 595 +MOKI, _see_ HOPI. +MONTEZUMA CASTLE and Honanki compared 563 + [MONTEZUMA CASTLE] on Beaver creek 549 +MONTEZUMA WELL, ruins at 534, 546-548 +MOONEY, JAMES, cited on Kawaika pottery 590 +MORFI, JUAN A., on Hopi pueblos in 1782 579 + [MORFI, JUAN A.], on settlement of Sandia 584 +MORTARS found in Awatobi 626 +MORTUARY CUSTOMS of the Hopi 648, 656 +MORTUARY OBJECTS in Sikyatki graves 650, 656 +MORTUARY REMAINS in Awatobi 617 +MORTUARY SLABS from Sikyatki 732 +MORTUARY VESSELS, food remains in 741 +MOTH FIGURES on Sikyatki pottery 678-680 +MOUNTAIN-LION fetish from Sikyatki 730 + [MOUNTAIN-LION] figure on pottery 671 + [MOUNTAIN-LION] in Hopi mythology 545 +MOUNTAIN-SHEEP figure on pottery 669, 671 +MUeYINWU, a Hopi deity 647, 667 +MYTH, _see_ COSMOGONY; GENESIS. +MYTHIC origin of Kanelba 638-639 + [MYTHIC] personages on pottery 665 + +NAHUATL and Hopi pictographs compared 569 +NAIUTCI injured by stick swallowing 664 +NAKWAKWOCI defined 662 +NAMPEO, a Hopi potter 660 +NASYUNWEVE, a Hopi folklorist 637, 640 +NAVAHO and Hopi intermarriage 658 + [NAVAHO] ceremonial circuit 681 + [NAVAHO] depredations in Tusayan 585 + [NAVAHO] in Antelope valley 592, 593 + [NAVAHO] katcinas on Hopi pottery 658 + [NAVAHO], late appearance of, in Tusayan 581 + [NAVAHO] name of Awatobi 594 + [NAVAHO], recent advent of, in New Mexico 658 + [NAVAHO], shrine robbed by 612 +NAYBI identified with Oraibi 599 +NECKLACES in Sikyatki graves 733 +NEEDLES, bone, from Awatobi 627 +NEW-FIRE CEREMONIES of the Hopi 586, 602 +NEW MEXICO, _see_ NAVAHO. +NIEL, J. A., on Tanoan migration to Tusayan 578, 584 +NIMANKATCINA of the Hopi 593 +NIZA, MARCOS DE, on Totonteac fabrics 629 +NOMENCLATURE of Awatobi 594 + [NOMENCLATURE] of Sikyatki 636 +NORDENSKIOeLD, G., on affinity of cliff dwellers and pueblos 532 + [NORDENSKIOeLD, G.], on evolution of pottery design 716, 727 + [NORDENSKIOeLD, G.], cited on Mesa Verde villages 555, 563, 678 + [NORDENSKIOeLD, G.], on origin of round kivas 575 + [NORDENSKIOeLD, G.], on platforms in Mesa Verde kivas 541 + [NORDENSKIOeLD, G.], prayer-sticks found by 736 +NUeSHAKI, etymology of 578, 586 + +OAK CREEK, ruins on 533, 550 +OBSIDIAN objects from Sikyatki 732 +OFFERINGS by Indian excavators 641 +ONATE, JUAN DE, Awatobi visited by 594, 599 +OPENINGS in Honanki walls 565 + [OPENINGS], _see_ DOORWAY. +ORAIBI, age of 607 + [ORAIBI] in 1782 580 + [ORAIBI] legendary origin of 634 + [ORAIBI], site of 578 +ORIENTATION of Awatobi mission 609 +ORNAMENTS in Sikyatki graves 733 +OTERMIN, ANT., attempted reconquest by 584 +OWENS, J. G., acknowledgments to 646 + +PADILLA, JUAN, visits Tusayan in 1540 596 +PAHO, _see_ PRAYER-STICK. +PAIAKYAMU figures on Hopi pottery 659 +PAINT, _see_ PIGMENT. +PALATKI, art remains found at 569 + [PALATKI], population of 567 + [PALATKI] ruins discovered 534, 551 + [PALATKI] ruins described 553-558 +PALATKWABI, a traditional land of the Hopi 529, 531, 568, 672 +PALEOGRAPHY, _see_ DECORATION. +PASSAGEWAYS in cavate dwellings 542 + [PASSAGEWAYS] in Honanki 565 +PATKI PEOPLE, early migrations of the 574 + [PATKI PEOPLE], southern origin of the 529, 568 +PATUN PHRATRY, southern origin of 529 +PAYUePKI, a ruin in Tusayan 578, 583 + [PAYUePKI], possible origin of 584 +PEACHES cultivated near Sikyatki 646 + [PEACHES] introduced in Oraibi 604 + [PEACHES] of the Hopi 639 +PHALLIC representations among the Hopi 663 +PICTOGRAPHS at Honanki 567, 568 + [PICTOGRAPHS] at Palatki ruin 556 + [PICTOGRAPHS] in Verde valley 545 + [PICTOGRAPHS] near Montezuma Well 548 + [PICTOGRAPHS] near Schuermann's ranch 550 + [PICTOGRAPHS] of Awatobi totems 610 + [PICTOGRAPHS] on Awatobi cliffs 626 + [PICTOGRAPHS], _see_ DECORATION. +PIGMENT found at Awatobi 618 + [PIGMENT] found at Sikyatki 728, 729 + [PIGMENT] how applied by the Hopi 650 + [PIGMENT] used on prayer-sticks 630 +PIPES in Sikyatki graves 733 +PLASTERING on Awatobi walls 616 + [PLASTERING] of Honanki ruin 563 + [PLASTERING] of Palatki ruin 555 + [PLASTERING] of Sikyatki rooms 645, 646 +PLATFORMS in cavate dwellings 541 + [PLATFORMS] in Honanki 566 +PLUMED SNAKE cult in Tusayan 671, 672 + [PLUMED SNAKE] figures on Hopi kilts 696 + [PLUMED SNAKE] figure on pottery 658, 671 + [PLUMED SNAKE] in Hopi mythology 668 +POLISHING STONES from Sikyatki 729 +POPULATION of Awatobi 605 + [POPULATION] of Honanki 567 +PORCUPINE figure on pottery 669 +PORRAS, _Padre_, missionary labors of 595, 599, 600, 605 +POTTERY decoration of the Hopi 569 + [POTTERY] from ancient Walpi 585 + [POTTERY] from Awatobi 621-625 + [POTTERY] from Honanki classified 570 + [POTTERY] from Payuepki 584 + [POTTERY] from Shunopovi and Mishoninovi 582 + [POTTERY] from Sikyatki discussed 650-728 + [POTTERY] from Verde and Colorado Chiquito compared 573 + [POTTERY], mortuary, from Awatobi 617 + [POTTERY], mortuary, from Kawaika 590 + [POTTERY], mortuary, from Sikyatki 649 + [POTTERY] of ancient Tusayan 617 +POWAMU ceremony of the Hopi 702 +POWELL, J. W., ruins found by 532 +PRAYER-STICKS, cross-shape, of Keres origin 703 + [PRAYER-STICKS] from Awatobi 613, 618, 630-631 + [PRAYER-STICKS] from Honanki 573 + [PRAYER-STICKS] from Sikyatki 649, 736-739 + [PRAYER-STICKS] in Hopi ceremony 628 + [PRAYER-STICKS], prescribed length of 668 + [PRAYER-STICKS], significance of 688, 738 +PRAYER-STRINGS of the Hopi 662 +PRIESTS, Hopi, succession of 637 +PUEBLO GRANDE, _see_ KINTIEL. +PUEBLO INDIANS descended from cliff dwellers 531, 532 + [PUEBLO INDIANS] RUINS, of Verde valley classified 536 + [PUEBLO INDIANS] and cliff dwellings similar 537 + +QUADRUPED figures on Sikyatki pottery 668-671 +QUARTZ CRYSTAL from Sikyatki 729 + +RABBIT figure on Sikyatki pottery 669, 670 +RABBIT-SKIN robes of Tusayan 629 +RAIN symbol on bird ornaments 733 +RAINBOW symbols on Sikyatki pottery 681 +RAINCLOUD SYMBOL of the Hopi 681 + [RAINCLOUD SYMBOL] on Awatobi cist 613 + [RAINCLOUD SYMBOL] on gravestones 732 + [RAINCLOUD SYMBOL] on Hopi pottery 694 + [RAINCLOUD SYMBOL] on Sikyatki pottery 689, 690 +RATTLESNAKE TANKS, ruins at 532 +RED ROCKS, cliff houses of the 548-549 +REPTILE figures on pottery 658, 671-677 +RUINS of East Mesa discussed 585 + [RUINS] of Tusayan 577 + [RUINS], _see_ AWATOBI, HONANKI, PALATKI, SIKYATKI, _etc._ + +SACRIFICE among the Hopi 738 + [SACRIFICE], _see_ OFFERING. +SAINT JOHNS, ruins near 533 +SALIKO, Awatobi legend repeated by 603 + [SALIKO] on the Awatobi Mamzrautu 611 +SAN BERNABE, mission name of Shunopovi 607 +SAN BERNARDO, mission name of Awatobi 594, 595, 599 +SANDALS found in Honanki 573 +SANDIA, Hopi name for 584 + [SANDIA] settled by Tanoan people from Tusayan 584 +SAN JUAN, headdress from 734 +SCHUeRMANN, --, acknowledgments to 559 + [SCHUeRMANN], ruins near ranch of 550-553 +SEATS, stone, in Awatobi ruins 626 +SEEDS in mortuary vessels 741 +SELENITE deposits near Sikyatki 643 + [SELENITE] in Sikyatki graves 730, 733 +SELER, E., Mexican designs gathered by 705 +SERPENT, plumed, of the Hopi 547, 548 +SHALAKO, _see_ CALAKO. +SHELL beads from Honanki 573 + [SHELL] bracelet from Honanki 572 + [SHELL] from Sikyatki graves 739 + [SHELL] ornaments from Awatobi 628 + [SHELL] ornaments in Sikyatki graves 733 +SHIMO, Awatobi legend repeated by 602 +SHIPAULOVI in 1782 579 +SHITAIMOVI, ruin of 582 +SHRINES at Awatobi described 619-621 + [SHRINES] at Walpi 586 + [SHRINES] near Tukinobi 589 + [SHRINES] robbed by Navaho 612 + [SHRINES] unearthed at Awatobi 613 + [SHRINES] of the Hopi 613 +SHUNOPOVI in 1782 579 + [SHUNOPOVI], OLD, discussed 582 +SICHOMOVI compared with Walpi 642 + [SICHOMOVI], Tewa name for 642 + [SICHOMOVI], when established 578, 636 +SIKYATKI and Awatobi pottery compared 623, 659 + [SIKYATKI] and modern Hopi pottery compared 649 + [SIKYATKI], destruction of 633 + [SIKYATKI], etymology of 636 + [SIKYATKI] inhabitants settle at Awatobi 596 + [SIKYATKI] people harrassed by Walpians 588 + [SIKYATKI], prehistoric character of 592, 632 + [SIKYATKI] ruins described 631-742 + [SIKYATKI], reasons for excavating 591 + [SIKYATKI] ruins examined 535 +SITES of Tusayan pueblos 578 +SITGREAVES, L., on ruins near San Francisco mountains 532, 533 + [SITGREAVES, L.], cited on selenite deposits 643 +SLIPPER-FORM VESSELS from Sikyatki 652 +SMOKING in Hopi ceremony 734 +SNAKE represented on pottery 671, 677 + [SNAKE], _see_ PLUMED SNAKE. +SNAKE HUNT, taboo of work during 639 +SNAKE PEOPLE, absence of, at Sikyatki 740 + [SNAKE PEOPLE], early arrival of, at Tusayan 582 + [SNAKE PEOPLE], northern origin of 575 + [SNAKE PEOPLE] settle at Walpi 617 +SNAKE-RATTLE in Sikyatki grave 740 + [SNAKE-RATTLE] used for ornament 740 +SORCERY, Awatobi men accused of 603 +SPANISH OBJECTS found at Awatobi 606, 623, 631 + [SPANISH OBJECTS] unknown to early Tusayan 741 +SPATTERING, pottery decorated by 650, 668, 671, 677 +SPOONS from Sikyatki described 655 + [SPOONS], _see_ POTTERY. +SQUASH indigenous to the southwest 621 + [SQUASH] flower, symbolism of the 661 +SQUAW MOUNTAIN, cavate dwellings near 534 +STALACTITES in Sikyatki graves 730 +STAR figures on Sikyatki pottery 702, 724 + [STAR] symbol on Hopi pottery 696 + [STAR] symbols on Sikyatki pottery 680, 690 +STEPHEN, A. M., on Awatobi kivas 612 + [STEPHEN, A. M.], on Horn-house and Bat-house 590 + [STEPHEN, A. M.], on Mishiptonga ruin 590 + [STEPHEN, A. M.], on occupancy of Kuekuechomo 587 + [STEPHEN, A. M.], on origin of certain katcina 666 +STEVENSON, JAMES, ruins discovered by 532 +STEVENSON, M. C., on Keresan cannibal giants 665 +STICK SWALLOWING by the Hopi 664 +STONE IMPLEMENTS from Awatobi 625-626 + [STONE IMPLEMENTS] from Honanki 571 + [STONE IMPLEMENTS] from Sikyatki 729 +SUN FIGURE in Powamu ceremony 702 +SUNFLOWER symbols on Sikyatki pottery 702 +SUN SYMBOL, cross allied to 623 + [SUN SYMBOL] on Sikyatki pottery 699-701 +SUN WORSHIP of the Hopi 699 +SUPELA, Awatobi legend repeated by 603 +SWASTIKA figures on Sikyatki pottery 703 + +TABOO of work during snake hunt 639 +TADPOLE figures on Sikyatki pottery 658, 677 +TALLA-HOGAN, meaning of 594 + [TALLA-HOGAN], Navaho name of Awatobi 594 +TANOAN migration to Tusayan 578, 600, 636 +TAPOLO, an Awatobi chief 603, 611 +TATAUKYAMU, a Hopi priesthood 611 +TATCUKTI, a Hopi clown-priest 659 +TAWA (SUN) PHRATRY, southern origin of 529 +TCINO, garden of, at Sikyatki 638, 640, 646 +TERRACED FIGURES of Mexico and Tusayan 705 + [TERRACED FIGURES] on Sikyatki pottery 701, 703 +TEWA PEOPLE occupy Payuepki 584 + [TEWA PEOPLE], progressiveness of, in Tusayan 580 +TEXTILE FABRICS from Awatobi 629-630 + [TEXTILE FABRICS], absence of, at Sikyatki 649 + [TEXTILE FABRICS] found in Honanki 572, 573 + [TEXTILE FABRICS], Sikyatki dead wrapped with 656 +TINDER TUBE from Honanki 572, 573 +TOBACCO, _see_ SMOKING. +TOBACCO PHRATRY in Awatobi 611 +TOBAR, PEDRO, visits Tusayan in 1540 578, 595, 596, 631 +TONTO, origin of term 534 +TONTO BASIN, ruins in 534 +TOTONAKA, a Hopi deity 647 +TOTONTEAC identified with Tusayan 534 + [TOTONTEAC], suggested origin of 534 +TOYS of pottery from Sikyatki 656 +TRAILS ceremonially closed 596-597 +TRINCHERAS defined 550 + [TRINCHERAS] in Red-rock country 549, 550 +TRUJILLO, JOSE, probably killed at Shunopovi 600 +TSEGI CANYON and Tusayan pottery compared 623 + [TSEGI CANYON] formerly occupied by Hopi clans 658 + [TSEGI CANYON], _see_ CHELLY CANYON. +TUBES, bone, from Awatobi 627 +TUCANO, name applied to Tusayan 595 +TUCAYAN, name applied to Tusayan 595 +TUKINOBI, ruin of, described 589 +TURQUOIS beads found at Honanki 573 + [TURQUOIS] mosaics of the Hopi 662 + [TURQUOIS] objects in Sikyatki graves 641, 733 +TUSAYAN, application of term 577 + [TUSAYAN] identified with Hopi villages 595 + [TUSAYAN] ruins discussed 577-742 + [TUSAYAN] towns in 1540 606 + [TUSAYAN], _see_ HOPI. +TUZAN, name applied to Tusayan 595 +TYLOR, E. B., cited on primitive sacrifice 738 + +UTE depredations in Tusayan 585 + [UTE], late appearance of, at Tusayan 581 + +VARGAS, DIEGO DE, Awatobi visited by 594 + [VARGAS, DIEGO DE], Tusayan conquered by 600 +VASES, _see_ POTTERY. +VEGETAL DESIGNS on Hopi pottery 698-699 +VERDE VALLEY and Tusayan ruins compared 573 + [VERDE VALLEY], archeology of 530 + [VERDE VALLEY] ruins discussed 536, 576 +VETANCURT, A. DE, Awatobi mentioned by 594 + [VETANCURT, A. DE], on destruction of Awatobi mission 600 +VOTH, H. R., decorated bowl collected by 665 + [VOTH, H. R.], on ancient pottery found at Oraibi 607 + +WALLS of Honanki described 559 + [WALLS] of Palatki ruin 557 + [WALLS], _see_ MASONRY. +WALNUT CANYON, cliff houses in 532 +WALPI, ancient, pottery of 660 + [WALPI] compared with other villages 642 + [WALPI], former sites of 585, 635 + [WALPI], gradual desertion of 586 + [WALPI] in 1540 578 + [WALPI] in 1782 579 + [WALPI], origin of name 585 + [WALPI], southern origin of clans of 529 +WALTHER, HENRY, pottery repaired by 682 +WAR GOD symbolism on Hopi pottery 664 +WATER used in Hopi ceremony 689 +WATER-HOUSE PEOPLE of Tusayan 672 + [WATER-HOUSE PEOPLE], _see_ PATKI. +WATER SUPPLY of Sikyatki 638, 646 +WEAPONS of ancient Tusayan 596, 598 +WHISTLES, bone, from Awatobi 627 + [WHISTLES] used in Hopi ceremonies 628 +WINSHIP, G. P., acknowledgments to 527 + [WINSHIP, G. P.], Castaneda's narrative translated by 596 +WIPO SPRING in Tusayan 639 +WOOD in Palatki ruin 555 + [WOOD], method of working, at Honanki 571 + [WOOD], remains of, at Honanki 562, 566 + [WOOD], objects of, from Honanki 572 +WOOD'S RANCH, pictograph bowlder near 545 + +XUMUPAMI identified with Shunopovi 599 + +YUCCA fiber anciently used 572 + +ZAGNATO, an Awatobi synonym 594 +ZAGUATE, an Awatobi synonym 594 +ZAGUATO, an Awatobi synonym 594 +ZINNI-JINNE, _see_ KINNAZINDE. +ZUNI and other pottery compared 623 + [ZUNI] origin of Kintiel 534, 591 + [ZUNI], Shalako ceremony of 700 + [ZUNI], snake figures on pottery of 677 + [ZUNI], southern origin of clans of 574 + [ZUNI], stick-swallowing at 664 + + * * * * * + + + + +Transcriber's Notes: + + +Some illustrations have been repositioned to avoid breaking up the +text. Page numbers in the List of Illustrations refer to the original +printed report. The Index has been edited to list only the topics +contained in this report. + +The original book contains some diacriticals that are represented in +this e-text as follows: + + The [)i] represents a breve (u-shaped) above the i. + (He'-sho'ta pathl-ta[)i]e,) + + The [=a] represents a macron (straight-line) above the a. + (_N[=a]-ac-nai-ya_, and Estev[=a]) + +Page 522, Table of Contents: Ornaments, necklaces, and gorgets (page +733) in original report changed to Necklaces, gorgets, and other +ornaments to match the actual section heading. + +Page 525, List of Illustrations: CXXXV, _a_ in original report changed +to CXXXV, _b_ to match the actual caption. + (Fig. 270. Outline of plate CXXXV, _a_) + +Page 526, List of Illustrations: triangles in original report changed +to triangle to match the actual captions. + (Fig. 336. Double triangles) and + (Fig. 337. Double triangles and feathers) + +Page 652: attemps in original report changed to attempts. + (The first attemps at ornamentation) + +Page 688, Footnote 1 in original report, now Footnote 145: +annulets in original report changed to amulets. + (ceremonial paraphernalia, as annulets, placed on sand pictures) + +Page 702: respresented in original report changed to represented. + (A large number of crosses are respresented in plate) + +Page 706: Sityatki in original report changed to Sikyatki. + (animal figures are unknown in this position in Sityatki pottery;) + +Page 709 in original report, now page 708: lines in original report changed to line. + (FIG. 288--Single lines with triangles) + +Page 731: to-day in original report changed to today for consistency. + (tethering in use today.) + +Page 737: offerigs in original report changed to offerings. + (ancient prayer offerigs) + +Page 741: accompaning in original report changed to accompanying. + (is set forth in the accompaning letter) + +Page 744: In Appendix, Plate CLXXIII, _f_, the 5th digit of number +is missing in original report; represented by a question mark. + (_f_, 1561 0;) + +Plate CXL: SITYATKI in original report changed to SIKYATKI. + (FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SITYATKI) + +All other spelling and accent variations and inconsistencies have not +been changed from the original document, except for minor punctuation +corrections. + + + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Archeological Expedition to Arizona in +1895, by Jesse Walter Fewkes + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EXPEDITION TO ARIZONA *** + +***** This file should be named 23691.txt or 23691.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/2/3/6/9/23691/ + +Produced by PM for Bureau of American Ethnology, Carlo +Traverso, Diane Monico, and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was +produced from images generously made available by the +Bibliotheque nationale de France (BnF/Gallica) at +http://gallica.bnf.fr) + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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