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Warde Fowler. + </title> + <style type="text/css"> +/*<![CDATA[ XML blockout */ +<!-- + p { margin-top: .75em; + text-align: justify; + margin-bottom: .75em; + } + + p.two { text-align: justify; margin-top: 0em; + margin-bottom: 0em; margin-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} + + p.quotsig { text-align:right; margin-right:2em; + margin-top: 0em; margin-bottom: 0em;} + + h1,h2,h3,h4,h5,h6 { + text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ + clear: both; font-weight: normal; + } + hr { width: 33%; + margin-top: 2em; + margin-bottom: 2em; + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; + clear: both; + } + + table {margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;} + + + td.cell_left {vertical-align: top; font-size: .85em; width: 90%; text-align: left;} + td.cell_right {vertical-align: bottom; font-size: .85em; width: 10%; text-align: right;} + td.cell_center {vertical-align: top; font-size: .85em; width: 80%; text-align: left;} + + body{margin-left: 10%; + margin-right: 10%; + } + + ul {list-style-type: none;} + ul.IX { /* styling the IndeX */ + list-style-type: none; + font-size: 90%; text-indent: -2em; + } + ul.IX li { /* list items in an index list: compressed */ + margin-top: 0; text-indent: -2em;} + + + + .pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ + /* visibility: hidden; */ + position: absolute; + left: 92%; + font-size: .8em; + text-align: right; + } /* page numbers */ + + .linenum {position: absolute; top: auto; left: 4%;} /* poetry number */ + + + .smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + .u {text-decoration: underline;} + + .footnotes {border: dashed 1px;} + .footnote {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-size: 0.85em;} + .footnote .label {position: absolute; right: 84%; font-size: 0.85em; text-align: right;} + .fnanchor {vertical-align: super; font-size: .80em; text-decoration: none;} + + .poem {margin-left:15%; font-size: .9em; margin-right:10%; text-align: left;} + .poem br {display: none;} + .poem .stanza {margin: 1em 0em 1em 0em;} + + .poem span.i0 {display: block; margin-left: 0em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} + .poem span.i1 {display: block; margin-left: 1em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} + .poem span.i2 {display: block; margin-left: 2em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} + .poem span.i15 {display: block; margin-left: 15em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} + .poem span.i1_5 {display: block; margin-left: 1.5em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} + .poem span.i9 {display: block; margin-left: 9em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} + + + // --> + /* XML end ]]>*/ + </style> + </head> +<body> + + +<pre> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Religious Experience of the Roman People, by +W. Warde Fowler + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Religious Experience of the Roman People + From the Earliest Times to the Age of Augustus + +Author: W. Warde Fowler + +Release Date: November 6, 2007 [EBook #23349] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE OF THE ROMAN PEOPLE *** + + + + +Produced by Turgut Dincer, Ted Garvin and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net + + + + + + +</pre> + + +<h5>THE</h5> +<h2>RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE</h2> +<h6>OF THE</h6> +<h1>ROMAN PEOPLE</h1> + +<h5>FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE<br /> +AGE OF AUGUSTUS</h5> + +<h6>THE GIFFORD LECTURES FOR 1909-10<br /> +DELIVERED IN EDINBURGH UNIVERSITY</h6> + +<h6>BY</h6> + +<h3>W. WARDE FOWLER, M.A.</h3> + +<h6><small>FELLOW AND LATE SUB-RECTOR OF LINCOLN COLLEGE, OXFORD<br /> +HON. D.LITT. UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER<br /> +AUTHOR OF 'THE ROMAN FESTIVALS OF THE PERIOD OF THE REPUBLIC,' ETC.</small><br /><br /></h6> + + +<h5>"Sanctos ausus recludere fontes"<br /><br /><br /></h5> + + +<h5>MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED<br /> +ST. MARTIN'S STREET, LONDON<br /> +1911<br /><br /></h5> + + +<h5>TO</h5> +<h3>PROFESSOR W.R. HARDIE</h3> +<h5>AND<br /> +MY MANY OTHER KIND FRIENDS AND FRIENDLY HEARERS<br /> +IN EDINBURGH</h5> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'>vii</span></p> +<h3>PREFACE</h3> + + +<p>Lord Gifford in founding his lectureship directed that +the lectures should be public and popular, <i>i.e.</i> not restricted +to members of a University. Accordingly in lecturing I +endeavoured to make myself intelligible to a general +audience by avoiding much technical discussion and +controversial matter, and by keeping to the plan of +describing in outline the development and decay of the +religion of the Roman City-state. And on the whole I +have thought it better to keep to this principle in publishing +the lectures; they are printed for the most part much +as they were delivered, and without footnotes, but at the +end of each lecture students of the subject will find the +notes referred to by the numbers in the text, containing +such further information or discussion as has seemed +desirable. My model in this method has been the admirable +lectures of Prof. Cumont on "les Religions +Orientales dans le Paganisme Romain."</p> + +<p>I wish to make two remarks about the subject-matter +of the lectures. First, the idea running through them is +that the primitive religious (or magico-religious) instinct, +which was the germ of the religion of the historical +Romans, was gradually atrophied by over-elaboration of +ritual, but showed itself again in strange forms from the +period of the Punic wars onwards. For this religious +instinct I have used the Latin word <i>religio</i>, as I have<span class='pagenum'>viii</span> +explained in the <i>Transactions of the Third International +Congress for the History of Religions</i>, vol. ii. p. 169 foll. I +am, however, well aware that some scholars take a different +view of the original meaning of this famous word, which +has been much discussed since I formed my plan of +lecturing. But I do not think that those who differ from +me on this point will find that my general argument is +seriously affected one way or another by my use of the +word.</p> + +<p>Secondly, while I have been at work on the lectures, +the idea seems to have been slowly gaining ground that +the patrician religion of the early City-state, which became +so highly formalised, so clean and austere, and eventually +so political, was really the religion of an invading +race, like that of the Achaeans in Greece, engrafted on +the religion of a primitive and less civilised population. +I have not definitely adopted this idea; but I am inclined +to think that a good deal of what I have said in the +earlier lectures may be found to support it. Once only, +in Lecture XVII., I have used it myself to support a +hypothesis there advanced.</p> + +<p>I have retained the familiar English spelling of certain +divine names, <i>e.g.</i> Jupiter (instead of Iuppiter), as less +startling to British readers.</p> + +<p>I wish to express my very deep obligations to the +works of Prof. Wissowa and Dr. J. G. Frazer, and also to +Mr. R. R. Marett, who gave me useful personal help in +my second and third lectures. From Prof. Wissowa and +Dr. Frazer I have had the misfortune to differ on one or +two points; but "difference of opinion is the salt of life," +as a great scholar said to me not long ago. In reading +the proofs I have had much kind and valuable help from +my Oxford friends Mr. Cyril Bailey and Mr. A. S. L. +Farquharson, who have read certain parts of the work, and<span class='pagenum'>ix</span> +to whose suggestions I am greatly indebted. The whole +has been read through by my old pupil Mr. Hugh Parr, +now of Clifton College, to whom my best thanks are due +for his timely discovery of many misprints and awkward +expressions. The loyalty and goodwill of my old Oxford +pupils never seem to fail me.</p> + +<p class="quotsig">W. W. F.</p> +<p> +<span style="margin-left: 2.0em;"><span class="smcap"><small>Kingham, Oxon,</small></span></span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 4.0em;"><small><i>3rd March 1911</i>.</small></span></p> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'>x-xi</span></p> +<h3>CONTENTS</h3> + + +<h4>LECTURE I</h4> + +<h5>INTRODUCTORY</h5> + +<table width="100%" summary="TOC"> +<tr> +<td class="cell_left"> </td> +<td class="cell_right"><span class="smcap">page</span></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Accounts of the Roman religion in recent standard works; a hard +and highly formalised system. Its interest lies partly in this +fact. How did it come to be so? This the main question of +the first epoch of Roman religious experience. Roman religion +and Roman law compared. Roman religion a technical subject. +What we mean by religion. A useful definition applied to the +plan of Lectures I.-X.; including (1) survivals of primitive or +quasi-magical religion; (2) the religion of the agricultural family; +(3) that of the City-state, in its simplest form, and in its first +period of expansion. Difficulties of the subject; present position +of knowledge and criticism. Help obtainable from (1) archaeology, +(2) anthropology . . .</p></td> +<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_1">1</a>-23</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<h4>LECTURE II</h4> + +<h5>ON THE THRESHOLD OF RELIGION: SURVIVALS</h5> +<table width="100%" summary="TOC"> +<tr> +<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Survivals at Rome of previous eras of quasi-religious experience. +Totemism not discernible. Taboo, and the means adopted of +escaping from it; both survived at Rome into an age of real +religion. Examples: impurity (or holiness) of new-born infants; +of a corpse; of women in certain worships; of strangers; of +criminals. Almost complete absence of blood-taboo. Iron. +Strange taboos on the priest of Jupiter and his wife. Holy or +tabooed places; holy or tabooed days; the word <i>religiosus</i> as +applied to both of these</p></td> +<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_24">24</a>-46</td> +</tr> +</table> +<p><span class='pagenum'>xii</span></p> + +<h4>LECTURE III</h4> + +<h5>ON THE THRESHOLD OF RELIGION: MAGIC</h5> +<table width="100%" summary="TOC"> +<tr> +<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Magic; distinction between magic and religion. Religious authorities +seek to exclude magic, and did so at Rome. Few survivals of +magic in the State religion. The <i>aquaelicium</i>. Vestals and +runaway slaves. The magical whipping at the Lupercalia. The +throwing of puppets from the <i>pons sublicius</i>. Magical processes +surviving in religious ritual with their meaning lost. Private +magic: <i>excantatio</i> in the XII. Tables; other spells or <i>carmina</i>. +Amulets: the <i>bulla</i>; <i>oscilla</i> +</p></td> +<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_47">47</a>-67</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<h4>LECTURE IV</h4> +<h5>THE RELIGION OF THE FAMILY</h5> +<table width="100%" summary="TOC"> +<tr> +<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Continuity of the religion of the Latin agricultural family. What the +family was; its relation to the <i>gens</i>. The <i>familia</i> as settled on +the land, an economic unit, embodied in a <i>pagus</i>. The house as +the religious centre of the <i>familia</i>; its holy places. Vesta, +Penates, Genius, and the spirit of the doorway. The <i>Lar +familiaris</i> on the land. Festival of the Lar belongs to the +religion of the <i>pagus</i>: other festivals of the <i>pagus</i>. <i>Religio +terminorum.</i> Religion of the household: marriage, childbirth, +burial and cult of the dead +</p></td> +<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_68">68</a>-91</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<h4>LECTURE V</h4> +<h5>THE CALENDAR OF NUMA</h5> +<table width="100%" summary="TOC"> +<tr> +<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Beginnings of the City-state: the <i>oppidum</i>. The earliest historical +Rome, the city of the four regions; to this belongs the surviving +religious calendar. This calendar described; the basis of our +knowledge of early Roman religion. It expresses a life agricultural, +political, and military. Days of gods distinguished from +days of man. Agricultural life the real basis of the calendar; +gradual effacement of it. Results of a fixed routine in calendar; +discipline, religious confidence. Exclusion from it of the barbarous +and grotesque. Decency and order under an organising +priestly authority +</p></td> +<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_92">92</a>-113</td> +</tr> +</table> +<p><span class='pagenum'>xiii</span></p> +<h4>LECTURE VI</h4> +<h5> +THE DIVINE OBJECTS OF WORSHIP</h5> +<table width="100%" summary="TOC"> +<tr> +<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Sources of knowledge about Roman deities. What did the Romans +themselves know about them? No personal deity in the religion +of the family. Those of the City-state are <i>numina</i>, marking a +transition from animism to polytheism. Meaning of <i>numen</i>. +Importance of names, which are chiefly adjectival, marking +functional activity. Tellus an exception. Importance of priests +in development of <i>dei</i>. The four great Roman gods and their +priests: Janus, Jupiter, Mars, Quirinus. Characteristics of each +of these in earliest Rome. Juno and the difficulties she presents. +Vesta +</p></td> +<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_114">114</a>-144</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<h4>LECTURE VII</h4> +<h5> +THE DEITIES OF THE EARLIEST RELIGION:<br /> +GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS</h5> +<table width="100%" summary="TOC"> +<tr> +<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">No temples in the earliest Rome; meaning of <i>fanum, ara, lucus, +sacellum</i>. No images of gods in these places, until end of regal +period. Thus deities not conceived as persons. Though masculine +and feminine they were not married pairs; Dr. Frazer's +opinion on this point. Examination of his evidence derived +from the <i>libri sacerdotum</i>; meaning of Nerio Martis. Such +combinations of names suggest forms or manifestations of a +deity's activity, not likely to grow into personal deities without +Greek help. Meaning of <i>pater</i> and <i>mater</i> applied to deities; +procreation not indicated by them. The deities of the <i>Indigitamenta</i>; +priestly inventions of a later age. Usener's theory of +Sondergötter criticised so far as it applies to Rome +</p></td> +<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_145">145</a>-168</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<h4>LECTURE VIII</h4> +<h5> +RITUAL OF THE IUS DIVINUM</h5> +<table width="100%" summary="TOC"> +<tr> +<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Main object of <i>ius divinum</i> to keep up the <i>pax deorum</i>; meaning of +<i>pax</i> in this phrase. Means towards the maintenance of the <i>pax</i>: +sacrifice and prayer, fulfilment of vows, lustratio, divination. +Meaning of <i>sacrificium</i>. Little trace of sacramental sacrifice. +Typical sacrifice of <i>ius divinum</i>: both priest and victim must be +acceptable to the deity; means taken to secure this. Ritual of +slaughter: examination and <i>porrectio</i> of entrails. Prayer; the +phrase <i>Macte esto</i> and its importance in explaining Roman sacrifice. +Magical survivals in Roman and Italian prayers; yet they +are essentially religious +</p></td> +<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_169">169</a>-199</td> +</tr> +</table> +<p><span class='pagenum'>xiv</span></p> +<h4>LECTURE IX</h4> + +<h5>RITUAL (continued)</h5> +<table width="100%" summary="TOC"> +<tr> +<td class="cell_left"><p class="two"> +<i>Vota</i> (vows) have suggested the idea that Roman worship was bargaining. +Examination of private vows, which do not prove this; of +public vows, which in some degree do so. Moral elements in +both these. Other forms of vow: <i>evocatio</i> and <i>devotio</i>. +</p> +<p class="two"> +<i>Lustratio</i>: meaning of <i>lustrare</i> in successive stages of Roman experience. +<i>Lustratio</i> of the farm and <i>pagus</i>; of the city; of the +people (at Rome and Iguvium); of the army; of the arms and +trumpets of the army: meaning of <i>lustratio</i> in these last cases, +both before and after a campaign +</p></td> +<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_200">200</a>-222</td> +</tr> +</table> + + +<h4>LECTURE X</h4> + +<h5>THE FIRST ARRIVAL OF NEW CULTS IN ROME</h5> + +<table width="100%" summary="TOC"> +<tr> +<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Recapitulation of foregoing lectures. Weak point of the organised +State religion: it discouraged individual development. Its +moral influence mainly a disciplinary one; and it hypnotised the +religious instinct.</p> +<p class="two">Growth of a new population at end of regal period, also of trade and +industry. New deities from abroad represent these changes: +Hercules of Ara Maxima; Castor and Pollux; Minerva. Diana +of the Aventine reflects a new relation with Latium. Question +as to the real religious influence of these deities. The Capitoline +temple of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, of Etruscan origin. Meaning +of cult-titles Optimus Maximus, and significance of this great +Jupiter in Roman religious experience +</p></td> +<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_223">223</a>-247</td> +</tr> +</table> + + +<h4>LECTURE XI</h4> + +<h5>CONTACT OF THE OLD AND NEW IN RELIGION</h5> + +<table width="100%" summary="TOC"> +<tr> +<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Plan of this and following lectures. The formalised Roman religion +meets with perils, material and moral, and ultimately proves +inadequate. Subject of this lecture, the introduction of Greek +deities and rites; but first a proof that the Romans were a really +religious people; evidence from literature, from worship, from +the practice of public life, and from Latin religious vocabulary.</p> +<p class="two"> +Temple of Ceres, Liber, Libera (Demeter, Dionysus, Persephone); +its importance for the date of Sibylline influence at Rome. +Nature of this influence; how and when it reached Rome. The +keepers of the "Sibylline books"; new cults introduced by +them. New rites: lectisternia and supplicationes, their meaning +and historical importance +</p></td> +<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_248">248</a>-269</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<p><span class='pagenum'>xv</span></p> + + +<h4>LECTURE XII</h4> + +<h5>THE PONTIFICES AND THE SECULARISATION OF +RELIGION</h5> + +<table width="100%" summary="TOC"> +<tr> +<td class="cell_left"><p class="two"> +Historical facts about the Pontifices in this period; a powerful +exclusive "collegium" taking charge of the <i>ius divinum</i>. The +legal side of their work; they administered the oldest rules of +law, which belonged to that <i>ius</i>. New ideas of law after +Etruscan period; increasing social complexity and its effect on +legal matters; result, publication of rules of law, civil and +religious, in XII. Tables, and abolition of legal monopoly of +Pontifices. But they keep control of (1) procedure, (2) interpretation, +till end of fourth century b.c. Publication of Fasti +and <i>Legis actiones</i>; the college opened to Plebeians. Work of +Pontifices in third century: (1) admission of new deities, (2) +compilation of annals, (3) collection of religious formulae. +General result; formalisation of religion; and secularisation of +pontifical influence +</p></td> +<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_270">270</a>-291</td> +</tr> +</table> + + + +<h4>LECTURE XIII</h4> + +<h5>THE AUGURS AND THE ART OF DIVINATION</h5> + +<table width="100%" summary="TOC"> +<tr> +<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Divination a universal practice: its relation to magic. Want of a +comprehensive treatment of it. Its object at Rome: to assure +oneself of the <i>pax deorum</i>; but it was the most futile method +used. Private divination; limited and discouraged by the State, +except in the form of family <i>auspicia</i>. Public divination; +<i>auspicia</i> needed in all State operations; close connection with +<i>imperium</i>. The augurs were skilled advisers of the magistrates, +but could not themselves take the auspices. Probable result of +this: Rome escaped subjection to a hierarchy. Augurs and +<i>auspicia</i> become politically important, but cease to belong to +religion. State divination a clog on political progress. Sinister +influence on Rome of Etruscan divination; history of the <i>haruspices</i> +</p></td> +<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_292">292</a>-313</td> +</tr> +</table> + + + + + +<h4>LECTURE XIV</h4> + +<h5>THE HANNIBALIC WAR</h5> + +<table width="100%" summary="TOC"> +<tr> +<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Tendency towards contempt of religious forms in third century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>; +disappears during this war. <i>Religio</i> in the old sense takes its +place, <i>i.e.</i> fear and anxiety. This takes the form +of reporting<span class='pagenum'>xvi</span> <i>prodigia</i>; account of these in 218 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, and of the prescriptions +supplied by Sibylline books. Fresh outbreak of <i>religio</i> after +battle of Trasimene; <i>lectisternium</i> of 216, without distinction of +Greek and Roman deities; importance of this. Religious panic +after battle of Cannae; extraordinary religious measures, including +human sacrifice. Embassy to Delphi and its result; symptoms +of renewed confidence. But fresh and alarming outbreak +in 213; met with remarkable skill. Institution of Apolline +games. Summary of religious history in last years of the war; +gratitude to the gods after battle of Metaurus. Arrival of the +Great Mother of Phrygia at Rome. Hannibal leaves Italy +</p></td> +<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_314">314</a>-334</td> +</tr> +</table> + + + + +<h4>LECTURE XV</h4> + +<h5>AFTER THE HANNIBALIC WAR</h5> + +<table width="100%" summary="TOC"> +<tr> +<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Religion used to support Senatorial policy in declaring war (1) with +Philip of Macedon, (2) with Antiochus of Syria; but this is not +the old religion. Use of <i>prodigia</i> and Sibylline oracles to secure +political and personal objects; mischief caused in this way. +Growth of individualism; rebellion of the individual against the +<i>ius divinum</i>. Examples of this from the history of the priesthoods; +strange story of a Flamen Dialis. The story of the +introduction of Bacchic rites in 186 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>; interference of the +Senate and Magistrates, and significance of this. Strange +attempt to propagate Pythagoreanism; this also dealt with by +the government. Influence of Ennius and Plautus, and of translations +from Greek comedy, on the dying Roman religion +</p></td> +<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_335">335</a>-356</td> +</tr> +</table> + + + + +<h4>LECTURE XVI</h4> + +<h5>GREEK PHILOSOPHY AND ROMAN RELIGION</h5> + +<table width="100%" summary="TOC"> +<tr> +<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Religious destitution of the Roman in second century b.c. in regard +to (1) his idea of God, (2) his sense of Duty. No help from +Epicurism, which provided no religious sanction for conduct; +Lucretius, and Epicurean idea of the Divine. Arrival of Stoicism +at Rome; Panaetius and the Scipionic circle. Character of +Scipio. The religious side of Stoicism; it teaches a new doctrine +of the relation of man to God. Stoic idea of God as Reason, +and as pervading the universe; adjustment of this to Roman +idea of <i>numina</i>. Stoic idea of Man as possessing Reason, and +so partaking the Divine nature. Influence of these two ideas on +the best type of Roman; they appeal to his idea of Duty, and +ennoble his idea of Law. Weak points in Roman Stoicism: (1) +doctrine of Will, (2) neglect of emotions and sympathy. It +failed to rouse an "enthusiasm of humanity" +</p></td> +<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_357">357</a>-379</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<p><span class='pagenum'>xvii</span></p> + + + +<h4>LECTURE XVII</h4> + +<h5>MYSTICISM—IDEAS OF A FUTURE LIFE</h5> + + +<table width="100%" summary="TOC"> +<tr> +<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Early Pythagoreanism in S. Italy; its reappearance in last century +<span class="smcap">b.c.</span> under the influence of Posidonius, who combined Stoicism +with Platonic Pythagoreanism. Cicero affected by this revival; +his Somnium Scipionis and other later works. His mysticism +takes practical form on the death of his daughter; letters to +Atticus about a <i>fanum</i>. Individualisation of the Manes; freedom +of belief on such questions. Further evidence of Cicero's +tendency to mysticism at this time (45 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>), and his belief in a +future life. But did the ordinary Roman so believe? Question +whether he really believed in the torments of Hades. Probability +of this: explanation to be found in the influence of +Etruscan art and Greek plays on primitive Roman ideas of the +dead. Mysticism in the form of astrology; Nigidius Figulus +</p></td> +<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_380">380</a>-402</td> +</tr> +</table> + + + + +<h4>LECTURE XVIII</h4> + +<h5>RELIGIOUS FEELING IN THE POEMS OF VIRGIL</h5> + +<table width="100%" summary="TOC"> +<tr> +<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Virgil sums up Roman religious experience, and combines it with +hope for the future. Sense of depression in his day; want of +sympathy and goodwill towards men. Virgil's sympathetic outlook; +shown in his treatment of animals, Italian scenery, man's +labour, and man's worship. His idea of <i>pietas</i>. The theme of +the Aeneid; Rome's mission in the world, and the <i>pietas</i> needed +to carry it out. Development of the character of Aeneas; his +<i>pietas</i> imperfect in the first six books, perfected in the last six, +resulting in a balance between the ideas of the Individual and +the State. Illustration of this from the poem. Importance of +Book vi., which describes the ordeal destined to perfect the <i>pietas</i> +of the hero. The sense of Duty never afterwards deserts him; +his <i>pietas</i> enlarged in a religious sense +</p></td> +<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_403">403</a>-427</td> +</tr> +</table> + + + + +<h4>LECTURE XIX</h4> + +<h5>THE AUGUSTAN REVIVAL</h5> + +<table width="100%" summary="TOC"> +<tr> +<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Connection of Augustus and Virgil. Augustus aims at re-establishing +the national <i>pietas</i>, and securing the <i>pax deorum</i> by means of the +<i>ius divinum</i>. How this formed part of his political plans. +Temple restoration and its practical result. Revival of the +ancient ritual; illustrated from the records of the Arval Brethren. +<span class='pagenum'>xviii</span> +The new element in it; Caesar-worship; but Augustus was content +with the honour of re-establishing the <i>pax deorum</i>. Celebration +of this in the Ludi saeculares, 17 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> Our detailed knowledge +of this festival; meaning of <i>saeculum</i>; description of the <i>ludi</i>, +and illustration of their meaning from the <i>Carmen saeculare</i> of +Horace. Discussion of the performance of this hymn by the +choirs of boys and girls +</p></td> +<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_428">428</a>-451</td> +</tr> +</table> + + + + +<h4>LECTURE XX</h4> + +<h5>CONCLUSION</h5> + +<table width="100%" summary="TOC"> +<tr> +<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Religious ingredients in Roman soil likely to be utilised by Christianity. +The Stoic ingredient; revelation of the Universal, and +ennobling of Individual. The contribution of Mysticism; preparation +for Christian eschatology. The contribution of Virgil; +sympathy and sense of Duty. The contribution of Roman +religion proper: (1) sane and orderly character of ritual, (2) +practical character of Latin Christianity visible in early Christian +writings, (3) a religious vocabulary, <i>e.g. religio, pietas, sanctus, +sacramentum</i>. But all this is but a slight contribution; essential +difference between Christianity and all that preceded it in Italy; +illustration from the language of St. Paul +</p></td> +<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_452">452</a>-472</td> +</tr> +</table> + + + + +<h4>APPENDIX</h4> + +<table width="100%" summary="TOC"> +<tr> +<td class="cell_right"><p class="two"><span class="smcap">I.</span></p></td> +<td class="cell_center"><p class="two"><span class="smcap">On the Use of Huts or Booths in Religious Ritual</span></p></td> +<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_473">473</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="cell_right"><p class="two"><span class="smcap">II.</span></p></td> +<td class="cell_center"><p class="two"><span class="smcap">Prof. Deubner's Theory of the Lupercalia</span></p></td> +<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_478">478</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="cell_right"><p class="two"><span class="smcap">III.</span></p></td> +<td class="cell_center"><p class="two"><span class="smcap">The Pairs of Deities in Gellius</span></p></td> +<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_481">481</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="cell_right"><p class="two"><span class="smcap">IV.</span></p></td> +<td class="cell_center"><p class="two"><span class="smcap">The Early Usage of the Words Ius and Fas</span></p></td> +<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_486">486</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="cell_right"><p class="two"><span class="smcap">V.</span></p></td> +<td class="cell_center"><p class="two"><span class="smcap">The Worship of Sacred Utensils</span></p></td> +<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_489">489</a></td> +</tr> +</table> + +<table width="100%" summary="TOC"> +<tr> +<td class="cell_left">INDEX</td> +<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_491">491</a></td> +</tr> +</table> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">1</a></span></p> + +<h4>LECTURE I</h4> + +<h3>INTRODUCTORY</h3> + + +<p>I was invited to prepare these lectures, on Lord Gifford's +foundation, as one who has made a special study of the +religious ideas and practice of the Roman people. So far +as I know, the subject has not been touched upon as yet +by any Gifford lecturer. We are in these days interested +in every form of religion, from the most rudimentary to +the most highly developed; from the ideas of the aborigines +of Australia, which have now become the common +property of anthropologists, to the ethical and spiritual +religions of civilised man. Yet it is remarkable how few +students of the history of religion, apart from one or two +specialists, have been able to find anything instructive in +the religion of the Romans—of the Romans, I mean, as +distinguished from that vast collection of races and nationalities +which eventually came to be called by the name of +Rome. At the Congress for the History of Religions held +at Oxford in 1908, out of scores of papers read and +offered, not more than one or two even touched on the +early religious ideas of the most practical and powerful +people that the world has ever known.</p> + +<p>This is due, in part at least, to the fact that just when +Roman history begins to be of absorbing interest, and +fairly well substantiated by evidence, the Roman religion, +as religion, has already begun to lose its vitality, its purity, +its efficacy. It has become overlaid with foreign rites and +ideas, and it has also become a religious monopoly of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">2</a></span> +State; of which the essential characteristic, as Mommsen +has well put it, and as we shall see later on, was "the +conscious retention of the principles of the popular belief, +which were recognised as irrational, for reasons of outward +convenience."<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> It was not unlike the religion of the Jews +in the period immediately before the Captivity, and it was +never to profit by the refining and chastening influence of +such lengthy suffering. In this later condition it has not +been attractive to students of religious history; and to +penetrate farther back into the real religious ideas of the +genuine Roman people is a task very far from easy, of +which indeed the difficulties only seem to increase as we +become more familiar with it.</p> + +<p>It must be remarked, too, that as a consequence of this +unattractiveness, the accounts given in standard works of +the general features of this religion are rather chilling and +repellent. More than fifty years ago, in the first book of +his <i>Roman History</i>, Mommsen so treated of it—not indeed +without some reservation,—and in this matter, as in so +many others, his view remained for many years the +dominant one. He looked at this religion, as was natural +to him, from the point of view of law; in religion as such +he had no particular interest. If I am not mistaken, it +was for him, except in so far as it is connected with +Roman law, the least interesting part of all his far-reaching +Roman studies. More recent writers of credit and ability +have followed his lead, and stress has been laid on the +legal side of religion at Rome; it has been described over +and over again as merely a system of contracts between +gods and worshippers, secured by hard and literal formalism, +and without ethical value or any native principle +of growth. Quite recently, for example, so great an +authority as Professor Cumont has written of it thus:—</p> + +<p>"Il n'a peut être jamais existé aucune religion aussi +froide, aussi prosaïque que celle des Romains. Subordonnée +à la politique, elle cherche avant tout, par la +stricte exécution de pratiques appropriées, à assurer à +l'État la protection des dieux ou à détourner les effets<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">3</a></span> +de leur malveillance. Elle a conclu avec les puissances +célestes un contrat synallagmatique d'où découlent des +obligations réciproques: sacrifices d'une part, faveurs de +l'autre.... Sa liturgie rappelle par la minutie de ses +prescriptions l'ancien droit civil. Cette religion se défie +des abandons de l'âme et des élans de la dévotion." And +he finishes his description by quoting a few words of the +late M. Jean Réville: "The legalism of the Pharisees, in +spite of the dryness of their ritualistic minutiae, could make +the heart vibrate more than the formalism of the Romans."<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">2</a></p> + +<p>Now it is not for me to deny the truth of such statements +as this, though I might be disposed to say that it is +rather approximate than complete truth as here expressed, +does not sum up the whole story, and only holds good for a +single epoch of this religious history. But surely, for anyone +interested in the history of religion, a religious system +of such an unusual kind, with characteristics so well +marked, must, one would suppose, be itself an attractive +subject. A religion that becomes highly formalised claims +attention by this very characteristic. At one time, however +far back, it must have accurately expressed the needs and +the aspirations of the Roman people in their struggle for +existence. It is obviously, as described by the writers I +have quoted, a very mature growth, a highly developed +system; and the story, if we could recover it, of the way +in which it came to be thus formalised, should be one of +the deepest interest for students of the history of religion. +Another story, too, that of the gradual discovery of the +<i>inadequacy</i> of this system, and of the engrafting upon it, +or substitution for it, of foreign rites and beliefs, is assuredly +not less instructive; and here, fortunately, our records +make the task of telling it an easier one.</p> + +<p>Now these two stories, taken together, sum up what +we may call the <i>religious experience of the Roman people</i>; +and as it is upon these that I wish to concentrate your +attention during this and the following course, I have +called these lectures by that name. My plan is not to +provide an exhaustive account of the details of the Roman<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">4</a></span> +worship or of the nature of the Roman gods: that can be +found in the works of carefully trained specialists, of whom +I shall have something to say presently. More in accordance +with the intentions of the Founder of these lectures, +I think, will be an attempt to follow out, with such detailed +comment as may be necessary, the religious experience +of the Romans, as an important part of their history. +And this happens to coincide with my own inclination +and training; for I have been all my academic life occupied +in learning and teaching Roman history, and the +fascination which the study of the Roman religion has +long had for me is simply due to this fact. Whatever +may be the case with other religions, it is impossible to +think of that of the Romans as detached from their history +as a whole; it is an integral part of the life and growth of +the people. An adequate knowledge of Roman history, +with all its difficulties and doubts, is the only scientific +basis for the study of Roman religion, just as an adequate +knowledge of Jewish history is the only scientific basis for +a study of Jewish religion. The same rule must hold good +in a greater or less degree with all other forms of religion +of the higher type, and even when we are dealing with the +religious ideas of savage peoples it is well to bear it steadfastly +in mind. I may be excused for suggesting that in +works on comparative religion and morals this principle is +not always sufficiently realised, and that the panorama of +religious or quasi-religious practice from all parts of the +world, and found among peoples of very different stages +of development, with which we are now so familiar, needs +constant testing by increased knowledge of those peoples +in all their relations of life. At any rate, in dealing with +Roman evidence the investigator of religious history should +also be a student of Roman history generally, for the facts +of Roman life, public and private, are all closely concatenated +together, and spring with an organic growth from +the same root. The branches tend to separate, but the +tree is of regular growth, compact in all its parts, and you +cannot safely concentrate your attention on one of these<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">5</a></span> +parts to the comparative neglect of the rest. Conversely, +too, the great story of the rise and decay of the Roman +dominion cannot be properly understood without following +out the religious history of this people—their religious +experience, as I prefer to call it. To take an example of +this, let me remind you of two leading facts in Roman +history: first, the strength and tenacity of the family as a +group under the absolute government of the paterfamilias; +secondly, the strength and tenacity of the idea of the State +as represented by the <i>imperium</i> of its magistrates. How +different in these respects are the Romans from the Celts, +the Scandinavians, even from the Greeks! But these two +facts are in great measure the result of the religious ideas +of the people, and, on the other hand, they themselves react +with astonishing force on the fortunes of that religion.</p> + +<p>I do not indeed wish to be understood as maintaining +that the religion of the Roman was the most important +element in his mental or civic development: far from it. +I should be the first to concede that the religious element +in the Roman mind was not that part of it which has left +the deepest impress on history, or contributed much, except +in externals, to our modern ideas of the Divine and of +worship. It is not, as Roman law was, the one great contribution +of the Roman genius to the evolution of humanity. +But Roman law and Roman religion sprang from the same +root; they were indeed in origin <i>one and the same thing</i>. +Religious law was a part of the <i>ius civile</i>, and both were +originally administered by the same authority, the Rex. +Following the course of the two side by side for a few +centuries, we come upon an astonishing phenomenon, +which I will mention now (it will meet us again) as +showing how far more interest can be aroused in our +subject if we are fully equipped as Roman historians than +if we were to study the religion alone, torn from the living +body of the State, and placed on the dissecting-board by +itself. As the State grew in population and importance, +and came into contact, friendly or hostile, with other +peoples, both the religion and the law of the State were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">6</a></span> +called upon to expand, and they did so. But they did so +in different ways; Roman law expanded <i>organically</i> and +intensively, absorbing into its own body the experience +and practice of other peoples, while Roman religion expanded +<i>mechanically</i> and extensively, by taking on the +deities and worship of others <i>without any organic change +of its own being</i>. Just as the English language has been +able to absorb words of Latin origin, through its early +contact with French, into the very tissue and fibre of its +being, while German has for certain reasons never been +able to do this, but has adopted them as strangers only, +without making them its very own: so Roman law contrived +to take into its own being the rules and practices of +strangers, while Roman religion, though it eventually admitted +the ideas and cults of Greeks and others, did so +without taking them by a digestive process into its own +system. Had the law of Rome remained as inelastic as +the religion, the Roman people would have advanced as +little in civilisation as those races which embraced the faith +of Islam, with its law and religion alike impermeable to +any change.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> Here is a phenomenon that at once attracts +attention and suggests questions not easy to answer. +Why is it that the Roman religion can never have the +same interest and value for mankind as Roman law? I +hope that we shall find an answer to this question in the +course of our studies: at this moment I only propose it +as an example of the advantage gained for the study of +one department of Roman life and thought by a pretty +complete equipment in the knowledge of others.</p> + +<p>At the same time we must remember that the religion +of the Romans is a highly technical subject, like Roman +law, the Roman constitution, and almost everything else +Roman; it calls for special knowledge as well as a sufficient +training in Roman institutions generally. Each of +these Roman subjects is like a language with a delicate +accidence, which is always presenting the unwary with +pitfalls into which they are sure to blunder unless they +have a thorough mastery of it. I could mention a book<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">7</a></span> +full of valuable thoughts about the relation to Paganism +of the early Christian Church, by a scholar at once +learned and sympathetic;<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> who when he happens to deal +for a moment with the old Roman religion, is inaccurate +and misleading at every point. He knew, for +example, that this religion is built on the foundation of +the worship of the family, but he yielded to the temptation +to assume that the family in heaven was a counterpart +of the family on earth, "as it might be seen in any +palace of the Roman nobility." "Jupiter and Juno," he +says, "were the lord and lady, and beneath them was +an army of officers, attendants, ministers, of every rank +and degree." Such a description of the pantheon of his +religion would have utterly puzzled a Roman, even in +the later days of theological syncretism. Again he says +that this religion was strongly moral; that "the gods +gave every man his duty, and expected him to perform +it." Here again no Roman of historical times, or indeed +of any age, could have allowed this to be his creed. +Had it really been so, not only the history of the Roman +religion, but that of the Roman state, would have been +very different from what it actually was.</p> + +<p>The principles then on which I wish to proceed in +these lectures are—(1) to keep the subject in continual +touch with Roman history and the development of the +Roman state; (2) to exercise all possible care and +accuracy in dealing with the technical matters of the +religion itself. I may now go on to explain more +exactly the plan I propose to follow.</p> + +<p>It will greatly assist me in this explanation if I begin +by making clear what I understand, for our present purposes, +by the word <i>religion</i>. There have been many +definitions propounded—more in recent years than ever +before, owing to the recognition of the study of religion +as a department of anthropology. Controversies are +going on which call for new definitions, and it is only +by slow degrees that we are arriving at any common +understanding as to the real essential thing or fact for<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">8</a></span> +which we should reserve this famous word, and other +words closely connected with it, <i>e.g.</i> the supernatural. +We are still disputing, for example, as to the relation of +religion to magic, and therefore as to the exact meaning +to be attributed to each of these terms.</p> + +<p>Among the many definitions of religion which I have +met with, there is one which seems to me to be particularly +helpful for our present purposes; it is contributed +by an American investigator. "<i>Religion is the +effective desire to be in right relation to the Power manifesting +itself in the universe.</i>"<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> Dr. Frazer's definition is +not different in essentials: "By religion I understand a +propitiation or conciliation of powers superior to man +which are believed to direct and control the course of +nature and of human life;"<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> only that here the word is +used of acts of worship rather than of the feeling or +desire that prompts them. The definition of the late +M. Jean Réville, in a chapter on "Religious Experience," +written near the end of his valuable life, is in my view +nearer the mark, and more comprehensive. "Religion," +he says, "is essentially a principle of life, the feeling of +a living relation between the human individual and the +powers or power of which the universe is the manifestation. +What characterises each religion is its way of +looking upon this relation and its method of applying +it."<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> And a little further on he writes: "It is generally +admitted that this feeling of dependence upon the universe +is the root of all religion." But this is not so +succinct as the definition which I quoted first, and it +introduces at least one term, <i>the individual</i>, which, for +certain good reasons, I think it will be better for us to +avoid in studying the early Roman religious ideas.</p> + +<p>"<i>Religion is the effective desire to be in right relations +with the Power manifesting itself in the universe.</i>" This +has the advantage of treating religion as primarily and +essentially a <i>feeling</i>, an instinctive desire, and the word +"effective," skilfully introduced, suggests that this feeling +manifests itself in certain actions undertaken in order to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">9</a></span> +secure a desired end. Again, the phrase "right relations" +seems to me well chosen, and better than the "living +relation" of M. Réville, which if applied to the religions +of antiquity can only be understood in a sacramental +sense, and is not obviously so intended. "Right relation" +will cover all religious feeling, from the most material to +the most spiritual. Think for a moment of the 119th +Psalm, the high-water mark of the religious feeling of +the most religious people of antiquity; it is a magnificent +declaration of conformity to the will of God, <i>i.e.</i> of the +desire to be in right relation to Him, to His statutes, +judgments, laws, commands, testimonies, righteousness. +This is religion in a high state of development; but our +definition is so skilfully worded as to adapt itself readily +to much earlier and simpler forms. The "Power manifesting +itself in the universe" may be taken as including +all the workings of nature, which even now we most +imperfectly understand, and which primitive man so little +understood that he misinterpreted them in a hundred +different ways. The effective desire to be in right relation +with these mysterious powers, so that they might +not interfere with his material well-being—with his flocks +and herds, with his crops, too, if he were in the agricultural +stage, with his dwelling and his land, or with +his city if he had got so far in social development—this +is what we may call the religious instinct, the origin of +what the Romans called <i>religio</i>.<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> The effective desire +to have your own will brought into conformity to the +will of a heavenly Father is a later development of the +same feeling; to this the genuine Roman never attained, +and the Greek very imperfectly.</p> + +<p>If we keep this definition steadily in mind, I think we +shall find it a valuable guide in following out what I call +the religious experience of the Roman people; and at +the present moment it will help me to explain my plan +in drawing up these lectures. To begin with, in the +prehistoric age of Rome, so far as we can discern from +survivals of a later age, the feeling or desire must have<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">10</a></span> +taken shape, ineffectively indeed, in many quaint acts, +some of them magical or quasi-magical, and possibly +taken over from an earlier and ruder population among +whom the Latins settled. Many of these continued, +doubtless, to exist among the common folk, unauthorised +by any constituted power, while some few were absorbed +into the religious practice of the State, probably with the +speedy loss of their original significance. Such survivals +of ineffective religion are of course to be found in the +lowest stratum of the religious ideas of every people, +ancient and modern; even among the Israelites,<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> and in +the rites of Islam or Christianity. They form, as it were, +<i>a kind of protoplasm of religious vitality</i>, from which an +organic growth was gradually developed. But though +they are necessarily a matter of investigation as survivals +which have a story to tell, they do not carry us very far +when we are tracing the religious experience of a people, +and in any case the process of investigating them is one +of groping in the dark. I shall deal with these survivals +in my next two lectures, and then leave them for good.</p> + +<p>I am more immediately concerned with the desire +expressed in our definition <i>when it has become more +effective</i>; and this we find in the Latins when they have +attained to a complete settlement on the land, and are +well on in the agricultural stage of social development. +This stage we can dimly see reflected in the life of the +home and farm of later times; we have, I need hardly +say, no contemporary evidence of it, though archaeology +may yet yield us something. But the conservatism of +rural life is a familiar fact, and comes home to me when +I reflect that in my own English village the main features +of work and worship remained the same through many +centuries, until we were revolutionised by the enclosure +of the parish and the coming of the railroad in the +middle of the nineteenth century. The intense conservatism +of rural Italy, up to the present day, has +always been an acknowledged fact, and admits of easy +explanation. We may be sure that the Latin farmer,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">11</a></span> +before the City-state was developed, was like his descendants +of historical times, the religious head of a family, +whose household deities were <i>effectively</i> worshipped by a +regular and orderly procedure, whose dead were cared +for in like manner, and whose land and stock were protected +from malignant spirits by a boundary made sacred +by yearly rites of sacrifice and prayer. Doubtless these +wild spirits beyond his boundaries were a constant source +of anxiety to him; doubtless charms and spells and +other survivals from the earlier stage were in use to keep +them from mischief; but these tend to become exceptions +in an orderly life of agricultural routine which we may +call <i>religious</i>. Spirits may accept domicile within the +limits of the farm, and tend, as always in this agricultural +stage, to become fixed to the soil and to take more +definite shape as in some sense deities. This stage—that +of the agricultural family—is the foundation of +Roman civilised life, in religious as in all other aspects, +and it will form the subject of my fourth lecture.</p> + +<p>The growing effectiveness of the desire, as seen in +the family and in the agricultural stage, prepares us for +still greater effectiveness in the higher form of civilisation +which we know as that of the City-state. That desire, +let me say once more, is to be in right relations with the +Power manifesting itself in the universe. It is only in +the higher stages of civilisation that this desire can really +become effective; social organisation, as I shall show, +produces an increased knowledge of the nature of the +Power, and with it a systematisation of the means +deemed necessary to secure the right relations. The +City-state, the peculiar form in which Greek and Italian +social and political life eventually blossomed and fructified, +was admirably fitted to secure this effectiveness. It was, +of course, an intensely <i>local</i> system; and the result was, +first, that the Power is localised in certain spots and propitiated +by certain forms of cult within the city wall, +thus bringing the divine into closest touch with the +human population and its interests; and secondly, that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">12</a></span> +the concentration of intelligence and will-power within a +small space might, and did at Rome, develop a very +elaborate system for securing the right relations—in other +words, it produced a religious system as highly ritualistic +as that of the Jews.</p> + +<p>With the several aspects of this system my fifth and +succeeding lectures will be occupied. I shall deal first +with the religious calendar of the earliest historical form +of the City-state, which most fortunately has come down +to us entire. I shall devote two lectures to the early +Roman ideas of divinity, and the character of their deities +as reflected in the calendar, and as further explained +by Roman and Greek writers of the literary age. Two +other lectures will discuss the ritual of sacrifice and +prayer, with the priests in charge of these ceremonies, and +the ritual of vows and of "purification." In each of these +I shall try to point out wherein the weakness of this +religious system lay—viz. in attempts at effectiveness so +elaborate that they overshot their mark, in a misconception +of the means necessary to secure the right relations, and +in a failure to grow in knowledge of the Power itself.</p> + +<p>Lastly, as the City-state advances socially and politically, +in trade and commerce, in alliance and conquest, +we shall find that the ideas of other peoples about the +Power, and their methods of propitiation, begin to be +adopted in addition to the native stock. The first stages +of this revolution will bring us to the conclusion of my +present course; but we shall be then well prepared for +what follows. For later on we shall find the Romans +feeling afresh the desire to be in right relation with the +Power, discovering that their own highly formalised system +is no longer equal to the work demanded of it, and pitiably +mistaking their true course in seeking a remedy. Their +knowledge of the Divine, always narrow and limited, +becomes by degrees blurred and obscured, and their sight +begins to fail them. I hope in due course to explain +this, and to give you some idea of the sadness of their +religious experience before the advent of an age of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">13</a></span> +philosophy, of theological syncretism, and of the worship +of the rulers of the state.</p> + +<p>Let us now turn for a few minutes to the special +difficulties of our subject. These are serious enough; but +they have been wonderfully and happily reduced since I +began to be interested in the Roman religion some twenty-five +years ago. There were then only two really valuable +books which dealt with the whole subject. Though I +could avail myself of many treatises, good and bad, on +particular aspects of it, some few of which still survive, +the only two comprehensive and illuminating books were +Preller's <i>Römische Mythologie</i>, and Marquardt's volume on +the cult in his <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>. Both of these were +then already many years old, but they had just been reedited +by two eminent scholars thoroughly well equipped +for the task—Preller's work by H. Jordan, and Marquardt's +by Georg Wissowa. They were written from +different points of view; Preller dealt with the deities and +the ideas about them rather than with the cults and the +priests concerned with them; while Marquardt treated the +subject as a part of the administration of government, dealing +with the worship and the <i>ius divinum</i>, and claiming +that this was the only safe and true way of arriving at the +ideas underlying that law and worship.<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">10</a> Both books are +still indispensable for the student; but Marquardt's is the +safer guide, as dealing with facts to the exclusion of +fancies. The two taken together had collected and sifted +the evidence so far as it was then available.</p> + +<p>The <i>Corpus Inscriptionum</i> had not at that time got +very far, but its first volume, edited by Mommsen, contained +the ancient Fasti, which supply us with the religious +calendar of early Rome, and with other matter throwing +light upon it. This first volume was an invaluable help, +and formed the basis (in a second edition) of the book I +was eventually able to write on the <i>Roman Festivals of the +Period of the Republic</i>. At that time, too, in the 'eighties, +Roscher's <i>Lexicon of Greek and Roman Mythology</i> began +to appear, which aimed at summing up all that was then<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">14</a></span> +known about the deities of both peoples; this is not even +yet completed, and many of the earlier articles seem now +almost antiquated, as propounding theories which have not +met with general acceptance. All these earlier articles +are now being superseded by those in the new edition +of Pauly's <i>Real-Encyclopädie</i>, edited by Wissowa. Lastly, +Wissowa himself in 1902 published a large volume +entitled <i>Die Religion und Kultus der Römer</i>, which will +probably be for many years the best and safest guide for +all students of our subject. Thoroughly trained in the +methods of dealing with evidence both literary and +archaeological, Wissowa produced a work which, though it +has certain limitations, has the great merit of not being +likely to lead anyone astray. More skilfully and successfully +than any of his predecessors, he avoided the chief +danger and difficulty that beset all who meddle with +Roman religious antiquities, and invariably lead the +unwary to their destruction; he declined to accept as +evidence what in nine cases out of ten is no true evidence +at all—the statements of ancient authors influenced by +Greek ideas and Greek fancy. He holds in the main to +the principle laid down by Marquardt, that we may use, +as evidence for their religious ideas, what we are told that +the Romans <i>did</i> in practising their worship, but must regard +with suspicion, and subject to severe criticism, what either +they themselves or the Greeks wrote about those religious +ideas—that is, about divine beings and their doings.</p> + +<p>It is indeed true that the one great difficulty of our +subject lies in the nature of the evidence; and it is one +which we can never hope entirely to overcome. We have +always to bear in mind that the Romans produced no +literature till the third century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>; and the documentary +evidence that survives from an earlier age in the form of +inscriptions, or fragments of hymns or of ancient law +(such as the calendar of which I spoke just now), is of +the most meagre character, and usually most difficult to +interpret. Thus the Roman religion stands alone among +the religions of ancient civilisations in that we are almost<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">15</a></span> +entirely without surviving texts of its forms of prayer, of +its hymns or its legends;<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> even in Greece the Homeric +poems, with all the earliest Greek literature and art, make up +to some extent for the want of that documentary evidence +which throws a flood of light on the religions of Babylon, +Egypt, the Hindus, and the Jewish people. We know in +fact as little about the religion of the old Italian populations +as we do about that of our own Teutonic ancestors, +less perhaps than we do about that of the Celtic peoples. +The Romans were a rude and warlike folk, and meddled +neither with literature nor philosophy until they came +into immediate contact with the Greeks; thus it was that, +unfortunately for our purposes, the literary spirit, when at +last it was born in Italy, was rather Greek than Roman. +When that birth took place Rome had spread her influence +over Italy,—perhaps the greatest work she ever accomplished; +and thus the latest historian of Latin literature +can venture to write that "the greatest time in Roman +history was already past when real historical evidence +becomes available."<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">12</a></p> + +<p>We have thus to face two formidable facts: (1) +that the period covered by my earlier lectures must +in honesty be called prehistoric; and (2) that when +the Romans themselves began to write about it they did +so under the overwhelming influence of Greek culture. +With few exceptions, all that we can learn of the early +Roman religion from Roman or Greek writers comes +to us, not in a pure Roman form, clearly conceived as +all things truly Roman were, but seen dimly through +the mist of the Hellenistic age. The Roman gods, for +example, are made the sport of fancy and the subject +of Hellenistic love-stories, by Greek poets and their +Roman imitators,<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> or are more seriously treated by Graeco-Roman +philosophy after a fashion which would have been +absolutely incomprehensible to the primitive men in whose +minds they first had their being. The process of disentangling +the Roman element from the Greek in the +literary evidence is one which can never be satisfactorily<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">16</a></span> +accomplished; and on the whole it is better, with Wissowa +and Marquardt, to hold fast by the facts of the cult, +where the distinction between the two is usually obvious, +than to flounder about in a slough of what I can only +call pseudo-evidence. If all that English people knew +about their Anglo-Saxon forefathers were derived from +Norman-French chroniclers, how much should we really +know about government or religion in the centuries before +the Conquest! And yet this comparison gives but a +faint idea of the treacherous nature of the literary evidence +I am speaking of. It is true indeed that in the last age +of the Republic a few Romans began to take something +like a scientific interest in their own religious antiquities; +and to Varro, by far the most learned of these, and to +Verrius Flaccus, who succeeded him in the Augustan +age, we owe directly or indirectly almost all the solid +facts on which our knowledge of the Roman worship +rests. But their works have come down to us in a most +imperfect and fragmentary state, and what we have of them +we owe mainly to the erudition of later grammarians and +commentators, and the learning of the early Christian +fathers, who drew upon them freely for illustrations of the +absurdities of paganism. And it must be added that +when Varro himself deals with the Roman gods and the +old ideas about them, he is by no means free from the +inevitable influence of Greek thought.</p> + +<p>Apart from the literary material and the few surviving +fragments of religious law and ritual, there are two other +sources of light of which we can now avail ourselves, +archaeology and anthropology; but it must be confessed +that as yet their illuminating power is somewhat uncertain. +It reminds the scrupulous investigator of those early days +of the electric light, when its flickering tremulousness +made it often painful to read by, and when, too, it might +suddenly go out and leave the reader in darkness. It is +well to remember that both sciences are young, and have +much of the self-confidence of youth; and that Italian +archaeology, now fast becoming well organised within<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">17</a></span> +Italy, has also to be co-ordinated with the archaeology +of the whole Mediterranean basin, before we can expect +from it clear and unmistakable answers to hard questions +about race and religion. This work, which cannot possibly +be done by an individual without <i>co-operation</i>—the secret +of sound work which the Germans have long ago discovered—is +in course of being carried out, so far as is at present +possible, by a syndicate of competent investigators.<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">14</a></p> + +<p>In order to indicate the uncertain nature of the light +which for a long time to come is all we can expect from +Italian archaeology, I have only to remind you that one +of the chief questions we have to ask of it is the relation +of the mysterious Etruscan people to the other Italian +stocks, in respect of language, religion, and art. Whether +the Etruscans were the same people whom the Greeks +called Pelasgians, as many investigators now hold: whether +the earliest Roman city was in any true sense an Etruscan +one: these are questions on the answers to which it is not +as yet safe to build further hypotheses. In regard to +religion, too, we are still very much in the dark. For +example, there are many Etruscan works of art in which +Roman deities are portrayed, as is certain from the fact +that their names accompany the figures; but it is as yet +almost impossible to determine how far we can use these +for the interpretation of Roman religious ideas or legends. +Many years ago a most attractive hypothesis was raised +on the evidence of certain of these works of art, where +Hercules and Juno appear together in a manner which +strongly suggests that they are meant to represent the +male and female principles of human life; this hypothesis +was taken up by early writers in the <i>Mythological Lexicon</i>, +and relying upon them I adopted it in my <i>Roman Festivals</i>,<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">15</a> +and further applied it to the interpretation of an unsolved +problem in the fourth <i>Eclogue</i> of Virgil.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> But since +then doubt has been thrown on it by Wissowa, who had +formerly accepted it. As being of Etruscan origin, and +found in places very distant from each other and from +Rome, we have, he says, no good right to use these works<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">18</a></span> +of art as evidence for the Roman religion.<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">17</a> The question +remains open as to these and many other works of art, +but the fact that the man of coolest judgment and most +absolute honesty is doubtful, suggests that we had best +wait patiently for more certain light.</p> + +<p>In Rome itself, where archaeological study is concentrated +and admirably staffed, great progress has been +made, and much light thrown on the later periods of +religious history. But for the religion of the ancient +Roman state, with which we are at present concerned, it +must be confessed that very little has been gleaned. +The most famous discovery is that recently made in the +Forum of an archaic inscription which almost certainly +relates to some religious act; but as yet no scholar has +been able to interpret it with anything approaching to +certainty.<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">18</a> More recently excavations on the further +bank of the Tiber threw a glint of light on the nature +of an ancient deity, Furrina, about whom till then we +practically knew nothing at all; but the evidence thus +obtained was late and in Greek characters. We must +in fact entertain no great hopes of illumination from +excavations, but accept thankfully what little may be +vouchsafed to us. On the other hand, from the gradual +development of Italian archaeology as a whole, and, I +must here add, from the study of the several old Italian +languages, much may be expected in the future.</p> + +<p>The other chief contributory science is anthropology, +<i>i.e.</i> the study of the working of the mind of primitive +man, as it is seen in the ideas and practices of uncivilised +peoples at the present day, and also as it can be traced in +survivals among more civilised races. For the history of +the religion of the Roman City-state its contribution +must of necessity be a limited one; that is a part of +Roman history in general, and its material is purely +Roman, or perhaps I should say, Graeco-Roman; and +Wissowa in all his work has consistently declined to +admit the value of anthropological researches for the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">19</a></span>elucidation of Roman problems. Perhaps it is for this +very reason that his book is the safest guide we +possess for the study of what the Romans did and +thought in the matter of religion; but if we wish to +try and get to the original significance of those acts +and thoughts, it is absolutely impossible in these days +to dispense with the works of a long series of anthropologists, +many of them fortunately British, who have +gradually been collecting and classifying the material +which in the long run will fructify in definite results. +If we consider the writings of eminent scholars who +wrote about Greek and Roman religion and mythology +before the appearance of Dr. Tylor's <i>Primitive Culture</i>—Klausen, +Preuner, Preller, Kuhn, and many others, +who worked on the comparative method but with +slender material for the use of it—we see at once what +an immense advance has been effected by that monumental +work, and by the stimulus that it gave to others +to follow the same track. Now we have in this country +the works of Lang, Robertson Smith, Farnell, Frazer, +Hartland, Jevons, and others, while a host of students on +the Continent are writing in all languages on anthropological +subjects. Some of these I shall quote incidentally +in the course of these lectures; at present I will +content myself with making one or two suggestions as to +the care needed in using the collections and theories of +anthropologists, as an aid in Roman religious studies.</p> + +<p>First, let us bear in mind that anthropologists are apt +to have their favourite theories—conclusions, that is, which +are the legitimate result of reasoning inductively on the +class of facts which they have more particularly studied. +Thus Mannhardt had his theory of the Vegetation-spirit, +Robertson Smith that of the sacramental meal, Usener +that of the Sondergötter, Dr. Frazer that of divine +Kingship; all of which are perfectly sound conclusions +based on facts which no one disputes. They have been +of the greatest value to anthropological research; but +when they are applied to the explanation of Roman +practices we should be instantly on our guard, ready<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">20</a></span> +indeed to welcome any glint of light that we may get +from them, but most carefully critical and even suspicious +of their application to other phenomena than those which +originally suggested them. It is in the nature of man +as a researcher, when he has found a key, to hasten to +apply it to all the doors he can find, and sometimes, it +must be said, to use violence in the application; and +though the greatest masters of the science will rarely try +to force the lock, they will use so much gentle persuasion +as sometimes to make us fancy that they have unfastened +it. All such attempts have their value, but it behoves +us to be cautious in accepting them. The application by +Mannhardt of the theory of the Vegetation-spirit to +certain Roman problems, <i>e.g.</i> to that of the Lupercalia,<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">19</a> +and the October horse,<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">20</a> must be allowed, fascinating +as it was, to have failed in the main. The application +by Dr. Frazer of the theory of divine Kingship to the +early religious history of Rome, is still <i>sub judice</i>, and +calls for most careful and discriminating criticism.<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">21</a></p> + +<p>Secondly, as I have already said, Roman evidence is +peculiarly difficult to handle, except in so far as it deals +with the simple facts of worship; when we use it for +traditions, myths, ideas about the nature of divine beings, +we need a training not only in the use of evidence in +general, but in the use of Roman evidence in particular. +Anthropologists, as a rule, have not been through such +a training, and they are apt to handle the evidence of +Roman writers with a light heart and rather a rough +hand. The result is that bits of evidence are put +together, each needing conscientious criticism, to support +hypotheses often of the flimsiest kind, which again are +used to support further hypotheses, and so on, until the +sober inquirer begins to feel his brain reeling and his +footing giving way beneath him. I shall have occasion +to notice one or two examples of this uncritical use of +evidence later on, and will say no more of it now. No +one can feel more grateful than I do to the many leading +anthropologists who have touched in one way or another<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">21</a></span> +on Roman evidence; but for myself I try never to forget +the words of Columella, with which a great German +scholar began one of his most difficult investigations: +"In universa vita pretiosissimum est intellegere quemque +nescire se quod nesciat."<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">22</a></p> + + +<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE I</h5> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">1</span></a> Mommsen, <i>Hist. of Rome</i> (<i>E.T.)</i>, vol. ii. p. 433.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">2</span></a> Cumont, <i>Les Religions orientales dans le paganisme romain</i>, +p. 36. Cp. Dill, <i>Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western +Empire</i>, p. 63. Gwatkin, <i>The Knowledge of God</i>, vol. ii. p. 133.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">3</span></a> See some valuable remarks in Lord Cromer's <i>Modern Egypt</i>, +vol. ii. p. 135.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">4</span></a> Since this lecture was written this scholar has passed away, +to the great grief of his many friends; and I refrain from mentioning +his name.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">5</span></a> Ira W. Howerth, in <i>International Journal of Ethics</i>, 1903, +p. 205. I owe the reference to R. Karsten, <i>The Origin of Worship</i>, +Wasa, 1905, p. 2, note. Cp. E. Caird, <i>Gifford Lectures</i> ("Evolution +of Theology in the Greek Philosophers"), vol. i. p. 32. "That +which underlies all forms of religion, from the highest to the lowest, +is the idea of God as an absolute power or principle." To this +need only be added the desire to be in right relation to it. Mr. +Marett's word "supernaturalism" seems to mean the same thing; +"There arises in the region of human thought a powerful impulse +to objectify, and even to personify, the mysterious or supernatural +something felt; and in the region of will a corresponding impulse +to render it innocuous, or, better still, propitious, by force of +constraint (<i>i.e.</i> magic), communion, or conciliation." See his +<i>Threshold of Religion</i>, p. 11. Prof. Haddon, commenting on this +(<i>Magic and Fetishism</i>, p. 93), adds that "there are thus produced +the two fundamental factors of religion, the belief in some mysterious +power, and the desire to enter into communication with the power +by means of worship." Our succinct definition seems thus to be +adequate.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">6</span></a> <i>The Golden Bough</i>, ed. 2, vol. i. p. 62.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">7</span></a> <i>Liberal Protestantism</i>, p. 64.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">8</span></a> For <i>religio</i> as a feeling essentially, see Wissowa, <i>Religion +und Kultus der Römer</i>, p. 318 (henceforward to be cited as <i>R.K.</i>. +For further development of the meaning of the word in Latin +literature, see the author's paper in <i>Proceedings of the Congress for +the History of Religions</i> (Oxford, 1908), vol. ii. p. 169 foll. A +different view of the original meaning of the word is put forward by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">22</a></span> +W. Otto in <i>Archiv für Religionswissenschaft</i>, vol. xii., 1909, p. 533 +(henceforward to be cited as <i>Archiv</i> simply). See also below, +p. <a href="#Page_459">459</a> foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">9</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i>, Frazer in <i>Anthropological Essays presented to +E. B. Tylor</i>, p. 101 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">10</span></a> <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>, iii. p. 2. This will henceforward be cited +as <i>Marquardt</i> simply. It forms part of the great <i>Handbuch der +römischen Alterthümer</i> of Mommsen and Marquardt, and is translated +into French, but unfortunately not into English. I may add +here that I have only recently become acquainted with what was, at +the time it was written, a remarkably good account of the Roman +religion, full of insight as well as learning, viz. Döllinger's <i>The +Gentile and the Jew</i>, Book VII. (vol. ii. of the English translation, +1906).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">11</span></a> Two fragments of ancient carmina, <i>i.e.</i> formulae which are +partly spells and partly hymns, survive—those of the Fratres Arvales +and the Salii or dancing priests of Mars. For surviving formulae of +prayer see below, p. 185 foll. Our chief authority on the ritual of +prayer and sacrifice comes from Iguvium in Umbria, and is in the +Umbrian dialect; it will be referred to in Bücheler's <i>Umbrica</i> +(1883), where a Latin translation will be found. The Umbrian text +revised by Prof. Conway forms an important part of that eminent +scholar's work on the Italian dialects.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">12</span></a> F. Leo, in <i>Die griechische und lateinische Literatur und +Sprache</i>, p. 328. Cp. Schanz, <i>Geschichte der röm. Literatur</i>, vol. i. +p. 54 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">13</span></a> Among Roman poets Ovid is the worst offender, Propertius +and Tibullus mislead in a less degree; but they all make up for it to +some extent by preserving for us features of the worship as it existed +in their own day. The confusion that has been caused in Roman +religious history by mixing up Greek and Roman evidence is incalculable, +and has recently been increased by Pais (<i>Storia di Roma</i>, +and <i>Ancient Legends of Roman History</i>), and by Dr. Frazer in his +lectures on the early history of Kingship—writers to whom in some +ways we owe valuable hints for the elucidation of Roman problems. +See also Soltau, <i>Die Anfänge der römischen Geschichtsschreibung</i>, +1909, p. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">14</span></a> Most welcome to English readers has been Mr. T. E. Peet's +recently published volume on <i>The Stone and Bronze Ages in Italy</i>, +and still more valuable for our purposes will be its sequel, when it +appears, on the Iron Age.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">15</span></a> <i>Roman Festivals</i>, p. 142 foll.; henceforward to be cited as +<i>R.F.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">16</span></a> See Virgil's <i>Messianic Eclogue</i>, by Mayor, Fowler, and +Conway, p. 75 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">17</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 227.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">18</span></a> An account of this in English, with photographs, will be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">23</a></span> +found in Pais's <i>Ancient Legends of Roman History</i>, p. 21 foll., and +notes.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">19</span></a> Mannhardt, <i>Mythologische Forschungen</i>, p. 72 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">20</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 156 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">21</span></a> <i>Lectures on the Early History of Kingship</i>, lectures 7-9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">22</span></a> Not long after these last sentences were written, a large +work appeared by Dr. Binder, a German professor of law, entitled +<i>Die Plebs</i>, which deals freely with the oldest Roman religion, and +well illustrates the difficulties under which we have to work while +archaeologists, ethnologists, and philologists are still constantly in +disagreement as to almost every important question in the history +of early Italian culture. Dr. Binder's main thesis is that the +earliest Rome was composed of two distinct communities, each +with its own religion, <i>i.e.</i> deities, priests, and sacra; the one +settled on the Palatine, a pastoral folk of primitive culture, and of +pure Latin race; the other settled on the Quirinal, Sabine in origin +and language, and of more advanced development in social and +religious matters. So far this sounds more or less familiar to us, +but when Dr. Binder goes on to identify the Latin folk with the +Plebs and the Sabine settlement with the Patricians, and calls in +religion to help him with the proof of this, it is necessary to look +very carefully into the religious evidence he adduces. So far as I +can see, the limitation of the word <i>patrician</i> to the Quirinal settlement +is very far from being proved by this evidence (see <i>The +Year's Work in Classical Studies</i>, 1909, p. 69). Yet the hypothesis +is an extremely interesting one, and were it generally accepted, +would compel us to modify in some important points our ideas of +Roman religious history, and also of Roman legal history, with +which Dr. Binder is mainly concerned.</p></div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">24</a></span></p> +<h4>LECTURE II</h4> + +<h5>ON THE THRESHOLD OF RELIGION: SURVIVALS</h5> + + +<p>My subject proper is the religion of an organised State: +the religious experience of a comparatively civilised +people. But I wish, in the first place, to do what has +never yet been done by those who have written on +the Roman religion—I wish to take a survey of the +relics, surviving in later Roman practice and belief, of +earlier stages of rudimentary religious experience. In +these days of anthropological and sociological research, +it is possible to do this without great difficulty; and if I +left it undone, our story of the development of religion +at Rome would be mutilated at the beginning. Also +we should be at a disadvantage in trying to realise the +wonderful work done by the early authorities of the +State in eliminating from their rule of worship (<i>ius +divinum</i>) almost all that was magical, barbarous, or, as +later Romans would have called it, superstitious. This +is a point on which I wish to lay especial stress in the +next few lectures, and it entails a somewhat tiresome +account of the ideas and practices of which, as I believe, +they sought to get rid. These, I may as well say at +once, are to be found for the most part surviving, as we +might expect, <i>outside</i> of the religion of the State; where +they survive within its limits, they will be found to have +almost entirely lost their original force and meaning.</p> + +<p>Every student of religious history knows that a +religious system is a complex growth, far more complex +than would appear at first sight; that it is sure to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">25</a></span> +contain relics of previous eras of human experience, +embedded in the social strata as lifeless fossils. These +only indeed survive because human nature is intensely +conservative, especially in religious matters; and of this +conservative instinct the Romans afford as striking an +example as we can readily find. They clung with extraordinary +tenacity, all through their history, to old forms; +they seem to have had a kind of superstitious feeling that +these dead forms had still a value as such, though all +the life was gone out of them. It would be easy to +illustrate this curious feature of the Roman mind from +the history of its religion; it never disappeared; and to +this day the Catholic church in Italy retains in a thinly-disguised +form many of the religious practices of the +Roman people.</p> + +<p>Stage after stage must have been passed by the +Latins long before our story rightly begins; how many +revolutions of thought they underwent, how much they +learnt and took over from earlier inhabitants of the country +in which they finally settled, we cannot even guess. As I +said in the last lecture, we have no really ancient history +of the Romans, as we have, for example, of the Egyptians +or Babylonians; to us it is all darkness, save where a +little light has been thrown on the buried strata by +archaeology and anthropology. That little light, which +may be expected to increase in power, shows survivals +here and there of primitive modes of thought; and +these I propose to deal with now in the following order. +<i>Totemism</i> I shall mention merely to clear it out of the +way; but <i>taboo</i> will take us some little time, and so will +<i>magic</i> in its various forms.</p> + +<p>About totemism all I have to say is this. As I +write, Dr. Frazer's great work on this subject has just +appeared; it is entirely occupied with totemism among +modern savages, true totemic peoples, with the object +of getting at the real principles of that curious stratum +of human thought, and he leaves to others the discussion +of possible survivals of it among Aryans, Semites, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">26</a></span> +Egyptians. He himself is sceptical about all the evidence +that has been adduced to prove its existence in classical +antiquity (see vol. i. p. 86 and vol. iv. p. 13). Under these +circumstances, and seeing that Dr. Frazer has always been +the accepted exponent of totemism in this country since +the epoch-making works appeared of Tylor and Robertson +Smith, it is obviously unnecessary for me either to +attempt to explain what it is, or to examine the attempts +to find survivals of it in ancient Italy. When it first +became matter of interest to anthropologists it was only +natural that they should be apt to find it everywhere. Dr. +Jevons, for example, following in the steps of Robertson +Smith, found plenty of totemistic survivals both in Greece +and Italy in writing his valuable <i>Introduction to the History +of Religion</i>; but he is now aware that he went too far in +this direction. Quite recently there has been a run after +the same scent in France; not long ago a French scholar +published a book on the ensigns of the Roman army,<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">23</a> +which originally represented certain animals, and using +Dr. Frazer's early work on totemism with a very imperfect +knowledge of the subject, tried to prove that +these were originally totem signs. Roman names of +families and old Italian tribe-names are still often quoted +as totemistic; but the Fabii and Caepiones, named after +cultivated plants, and the Picentes and Hirpini, after +woodpecker and wolf, though tempting to the totemist, +have not persuaded Dr. Frazer to accept them as +totemistic, and may be left out of account here; there +may be many reasons for the adoption of such names +besides the totemistic one. In the course of the last +Congress of religious history, a sober French scholar, +M. Toutain, made an emphatic protest against the +prevailing tendency in France, of which the leading +representative is M. Salomon Reinach.<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">24</a> Let us pass +on at once to the second primitive mode of thought which +I mentioned just now, and which is not nearly so remote—speaking +anthropologically—from classical times as +totemism. Totemism belongs to a form of society, that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">27</a></span> +of tribe or clan, in which family life is unknown in our +sense of the word, and it is therefore wholly remote +from the life of the ancient Italian stocks, in whose social +organisation the family was a leading fact; but <i>taboo</i> +seems rather to be a mode of thought common to primitive +peoples up to a comparatively advanced stage of development, +and has left its traces in all systems of religion, +including those of the present day.</p> + +<p>By this famous word <i>taboo</i>, of Polynesian origin, +is to be understood a very important part of what I +have called the protoplasm of primitive religion, and one +closely allied both to magic and fetishism. For our +present purposes we may define it as a mysterious +influence believed to exist in objects both animate and +inanimate, which makes them <i>dangerous</i>, <i>infectious</i>, <i>unclean</i>, +<i>or holy</i>, which two last qualities are often almost +identical in primitive thought, as Robertson Smith +originally taught us.<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> What exactly the savage or semi-civilised +mind thought about this influence we hardly +yet know; we have another Polynesian word, <i>mana</i>, +which expresses conveniently its positive aspect, and may +in time help us towards a better understanding of it.<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">26</a> It +is in origin pre-animistic, <i>i.e.</i> it is not so much believed +to emanate from a <i>spirit</i> residing in the object, as from +some occult miasmatic quality. All human beings in +contact with other men or things possessing this quality +are believed to suffer in some way, and to communicate +the infection which they themselves receive. As Dr. +Farnell says in his chapter on the ritual of purification,<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">27</a> +"The sense-instinct that suggests all this was +probably some primeval terror or aversion evoked by +certain objects, as we see animals shrink with disgust +at the sight or smell of blood. The nerves of savage +man are strangely excited by certain stimuli of touch, +smell, taste, sight; the specially exciting object is something +that we should call mysterious, weird, or uncanny."</p> + +<p>Based on this notion of constant danger from infection, +there arose a code of unwritten custom as rigid as that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">28</a></span> +enforced by a careful physician in infectious cases at the +present day; and thus, too, in course of time there was +developed the idea of the possibility of <i>disinfection</i>, an +idea as salutary as the discovery in medical science of +effective methods for the disinfection of disease. The +code of taboo had an obvious ethical value, as Dr. +Jevons pointed out long ago;<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> like all discipline carried +out with a social end in view, it helped men to realise +that they were under obligations to the community of +which they were a part, and that they would be visited +by severe penalties if they neglected these duties. But +it inevitably tended to forge a set of fetters binding and +cramping the minds of its captives with a countless +number of terrors; life was full of constant anxiety, of +that feeling expressed by the later Romans in the word +<i>religio</i>,<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">29</a> which, as we shall see, probably had its origin +in this period of primitive superstition. The only remedy +is the <i>discovery of the means of disinfection</i>, or, as we +commonly call it, of <i>purification</i>: a discovery which must +have been going on for ages, and only finds its completion +at Rome in the era of the City-state. We shall return +to this part of the subject when we deal with the ritual +of purification; at present we must attend to certain +survivals in that ritual which suggest that at one time +the ancestors of the Roman people lived under this +unwritten code of taboo.</p> + +<p>Let us see, in the first place, how human beings were +supposed to be affected by this mysterious influence +under certain circumstances and at particular periods of +their existence. As universally in primitive life, the newborn +infant must originally have been taboo; for every +Roman child needed purification or disinfection, boys on +the ninth, girls on the eighth day after birth. This day +was called the <i>dies lustricus</i>, the day of a purificatory +rite; "est lustricus dies," says Macrobius, "<i>quo infantes +lustrantur</i> et nomen accipiunt."<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">30</a> In historical times the +naming of the child was doubtless the more practically +important part of the ceremony; though we may note<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">29</a></span> +in passing that the mystic value attaching to names, of +which there are traces in Roman usage, may have even +originally given that part a greater significance than we +should naturally attribute to it.<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">31</a> Again, when the child +reaches the age of puberty, it is all the world over +believed to be in a critical or dangerous condition, +needing disinfection; of this idea, so far as I know, +the later Romans show hardly a trace, but we may +suppose that the ceremony of laying aside the <i>toga</i> of +childhood, which was accompanied by a sacrifice, was a +faint survival of some process of purification.<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">32</a> Once +more, after a death the whole family had to be purified +with particular care from the contagion of the corpse,<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">33</a> +which was here as everywhere taboo; a cypress bough +was stuck over the door of the house of a noble family +to give warning to any passing pontifex that he was not +to enter it;<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">34</a> and those who followed the funeral cortège +were purified by being sprinkled with water and by stepping +over fire.<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">35</a> <i>Society had effectually protected itself against +the miasma in all these cases by the discovery of the means +of disinfection.</i></p> + +<p>One of the commonest forms of taboo is that on women, +who, especially at certain periods, were apparently believed +to be "infectious."<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">36</a> Of this belief we have very distinct +survivals in Roman ritual, which I must here be content to +mention only, leaving details to trained anthropologists to +explain. We find them both in <i>sacra privata</i> and <i>sacra +publica</i>. Cato has preserved the formula for the propitiation +of Mars Silvanus in the private rites of the farm; it +is to take place <i>in silva</i>, and its object is the protection of +the cattle, doubtless those which have been turned out to +pasture in the forest, and are therefore in danger from +evil beasts and evil spirits. Now this <i>res divina</i> may be +performed either by a free man or a slave, <i>but no woman +may be present</i>, nor see what is going on.<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">37</a> In <i>sacra +publica</i> women were excluded from the cult of Hercules +at the Ara Maxima, and were not allowed to swear by the +name of that god; facts which are usually connected with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">30</a></span> +the doubtful identification of Hercules with Genius, or the +male principle of life.<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">38</a> More conclusive evidence of taboo +in the case of women is the fact that at certain sacrifices +they were ordered to withdraw, both <i>mulieres</i> and <i>virgines</i>, +together with other persons to be mentioned directly.<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">39</a> +Unfortunately we are not told what those sacrifices were; +but it seems clear enough that there had been at one time +a scruple (<i>religio</i>) about admitting women of any age to +certain sacred rites. If so, it is remarkable how the good +sense of the Roman people overcame any serious disabilities +which might have been produced by such ideas; +the Roman woman gained for herself a position of dignity, +and even of authority, in her household, which had very +important results on the formation of the character of the +people.<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">40</a> Traces of the old superstition doubtless continued +to survive in folklore; an example, interesting +because it seems to illustrate the positive aspect of taboo +(<i>mana</i>), may be found by the curious in Pliny's <i>Natural +History</i>, xxviii. 78.</p> + +<p>Another widely-spread example of the class of ideas +we are discussing is the belief that <i>strangers</i> are dangerous. +Dr. Frazer tells us that "to guard against the baneful +influence exerted voluntarily or involuntarily by strangers +is an elementary dictate of savage prudence." You have +to disarm them of their magical powers, to counteract "the +baneful influence which is believed to emanate from them."<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">41</a> +Of this feeling he has collected a great number of convincing +illustrations. We find it also surviving in Roman +ritual. A note, referred to above, which has come down +to us from the learned Verrius Flaccus, informs us that at +certain sacrifices the lictor proclaimed "<i>hostis vinctus +mulier virgo exesto</i>," where <i>hostis</i> has its old meaning of +stranger.<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">42</a> This is, of course, merely the old feeling of +taboo surviving in the religious ritual of the City-state, and +is also no doubt connected with the belief that the recognised +deities of a community could not be approached by any +but the members of that community; but its taproot is +probably to be found in the ideas described by Dr. Frazer.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">31</a></span> +We can illustrate it well from the ritual of another Italian +city, Iguvium in Umbria, which, as I mentioned in a note +to my last lecture, has come down to us in a very elaborate +form. In the ordinance for the <i>lustratio populi</i> of that city +the magistrate is directed to expel all members of certain +neighbouring communities by a thrice-repeated proclamation.<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">43</a> +Such fear of strangers is not even yet extinct in +Italy. Professor von Duhn told me that once when +approaching an Italian village in search of inscriptions he +was taken for the devil, being unluckily mounted on a black +horse and dressed in black, and was met by a priest with +a crucifix, who was at last persuaded to "disinfect" him +with holy water as a condition of his being admitted to the +village. But the Romans of historical times, in this as in +so many other ways, discovered easy methods of overcoming +these fears and scruples: we find a good example of +this in the organised college of Fetiales, who, on entering +as envoys a foreign territory, were fully protected by their +sacred herbs, carried by a <i>verbenarius</i>, against all hostile +contamination.<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">44</a></p> + +<p>A remark seems here necessary about the apparent +inconsistency between this feeling of anxiety about +strangers and the well-known ancient Italian practice of +<i>hospitium</i>, by which two communities, or two individuals, +or an individual and a community, entered into relations +which bound them to mutual hospitality and kindness +in case of need:<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">45</a> a practice so widely spread and so +highly developed that it may be considered one of the +most valuable civilising agents in the early history of +Italy. There is, however, no real inconsistency here. In +the first place, the stranger who was removed on the +occasion of solemn public religious rites may be assumed +not to have been in possession of the <i>ius hospitii</i> with the +Roman state, and in any case it must be doubtful whether +that <i>ius</i> would give him the right of being present at all +sacrificial rites. Secondly, the researches of Dr. Westermarck +have recently, for the first time, made it clear that +both the taboo on strangers and the very widely-spread<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">32</a></span> +practice of hospitality can ultimately be traced down to +the same root. The stranger is dangerous; but for that +very reason it is desirable to secure his good-will at once. +He may have the evil eye; but if so, it is as well to disarm +him by offering him food and drink, and, when he has +partaken of these, by entering into communion with him +in the act of partaking also yourself. Expediency would +obviously suggest some such remedy for the danger of his +presence, and this would in course of time, in accordance +with the instinct of Romans and Italians, grow into a set +of rules sanctioned by law as well as custom—the <i>ius +hospitii</i>.<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">46</a></p> + +<p><i>Hostis vinctus mulier virgo exesto.</i> We have noticed +traces of taboo on women and strangers: what of the <i>vinctus</i>? +This is, so far as I know, the only proof we have that a +man in chains was thought to be religiously dangerous. +I am not sure how his expulsion from religious rites is to +be explained. It is, however, as well to note that criminals +were in primitive societies thought to be uncanny, probably +because the commonest of all crimes, if not the only +one affecting society as a whole, was the breaking of taboo, +which made the individual an outcast.<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">47</a> And we may put +this together with the fact that in the early City-state such +outcasts were probably not kept shut up in a prison, but +allowed to wander about secured with chains; this seems a +fair inference from the power which the priest of Jupiter +(<i>Flamen Dialis</i>) possessed of releasing from his chains any +prisoner who entered his house, <i>i.e.</i> who had taken refuge +there as in an asylum.<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">48</a> Thus the fettered criminal, who +was certainly not a citizen, might find his way to the place +where a sacrifice was going on, and have to submit to +expulsion together with the strangers. It is, however, also +possible that the iron of the chains, if they were of iron, +made him doubly dangerous; for, as we shall see directly, +iron was taboo, and the chains of the prisoner who took +refuge with the Flamen had to be thrown out of the house, +no doubt for this reason, by the <i>impluvium</i>.<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">49</a></p> + +<p>Turning to inanimate objects, which are supposed by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">33</a></span> +primitive man to be dangerous or taboo, we are met by a +fact which will astonish anthropologists, and which I cannot +satisfactorily explain. Blood is everywhere in the savage +world regarded with suspicion and anxiety; there is something +mysterious about it as containing (so they thought) +the life, and its colour and smell are also uncanny; horses +cannot endure it, and there are still strong men who faint +at the sight of it. Yet at Rome, so far as I can discover, +there was in historical times hardly a trace left of this +anxiety in its original form of taboo; the religious law had +effectually eliminated the various chances that might arouse +it. No student of Roman religious antiquities seems to have +noticed this singular fact. No anthropologist, as far as I +know, has observed that among the many taboos to which +the Flamen Dialis was subject, blood does not appear. +The reason no doubt is that anthropologists are not as a +rule Roman historians; their curiosity is not excited by a +fact which must have some explanation in Roman religious +history. From a single passage of Festus (p. 117) we +learn that soldiers following the triumphal car carried +laurel "ut quasi purgati a caede humana intrarent urbem"; +and this is the only distinct relic of the idea that I can +find. Pliny's <i>Natural History</i>, that wonderful thesaurus +of odds and ends, affords no help; the mystic qualities of +blood are hardly alluded to there, and the same can be said +of Servius' commentary on the <i>Aeneid</i>. The word blood +is not to be found in the index to Wissowa's great work, +of which the supreme value is its accurate record of the +religious law and all the ceremonies of the State. I am +constrained to believe that the priests or priest-kings who +developed the <i>ius divinum</i> of the Roman City-state deliberately +suppressed the superstition, for reasons which it is +impossible to conjecture with certainty. And this guess, +which I put forward with hesitation, is indeed in keeping +with certain other facts of Roman life. It is doubtful +whether human sacrifice ever existed among this people;<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">50</a> +it is certain that the execution of citizens in civil life by +beheading was abandoned at a very early period.<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">51</a> The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">34</a></span> +shedding of blood, except when a victim was sacrificed +under the rules of sacred law, was carefully avoided; thus +the horror of blood had a social and ethical result of value, +instead of remaining a mere <i>religio</i> (taboo). It is true +that in one or two rites, such as that of the October horse, +the blood of a sacrifice seems to have been thought to +possess peculiar powers;<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">52</a> but it is at the same time noticeable +that this rite is not included in the old calendar, a +fact of which a wholly satisfactory explanation has not yet +been offered. In the Lupercalia there is a trace of the +mystic use of blood in sacrifice, but a very faint one: to this +we shall return later on. The two Luperci had their foreheads +smeared with the knife bloody from the slaughter of +the victims, but the blood was at once wiped off with wool +dipped in milk.<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">53</a> This rite is of course in the old calendar; +it stands almost alone in its mystical character, and may +have been taken over by the Romans from previous inhabitants +of the site of Rome. Lastly, in the Terminalia, +or boundary-festival of arable land in country districts, the +boundary-stone was sprinkled with the blood of the victims, +showing that a spirit, or <i>numen</i>, was believed to reside in +it;<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">54</a> but I cannot find that this practice survived in the +public sacrifices of the city. It is found only in the sacrifices +(<i>Graeco ritu</i>) supervised by the <i>XV viri sacris faciundis</i> +in that part of the Ludi Saeculares of Augustus which was +concerned with Greek chthonic deities in the Campus +Martius.<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">55</a></p> + +<p>Yet unquestionably there had been a time when many +inanimate objects were supposed to have a mystic or +dangerous influence; this is sufficiently proved by the long +list of taboos to which the unfortunate Flamen Dialis was +even in historical times subject. He was forbidden to +touch a goat, a dog, raw meat, beans, ivy, wheat, leavened +bread; he might not walk under a vine, and his hair and +nails might not be cut with an iron knife; and he might +not have any knot or unbroken ring about his person. +Dr. Frazer has the merit of being the first to point out the +real meaning of this strange list of disabilities, and to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">35</a></span> +explain the mystic or miasmatic origin of some of them.<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">56</a> +They need not detain us now, as they are survivals only, +and survivals of ideas which must have been long extinct +before Roman history can be said to begin. Almost the +only one among them of which we have other traces is the +taboo on iron, which must have been of comparatively late +date, as the use of iron in Italy seems only to have begun +about the eighth century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span><a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">57</a> This is found also in the +ritual of the Arval Brotherhood, the ancient agricultural +priesthood revived by Augustus, and better known to us +than any other owing to the discovery of its <i>Acta</i> in the +site of the sacred grove between Rome and Ostia. These +Brethren had originally suffered from the taboo on iron; +but in characteristic fashion they had discovered that +a piacular or disinfecting sacrifice would sufficiently atone +for its use whenever it was necessary to take a pruning-hook +within the limits of the grove.<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">58</a> We may here also +recall the fact that no iron might be used in the building or +repairing of the ancient <i>pons sublicius</i>, the oldest of all the +bridges of the Tiber.<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">59</a></p> + +<p>Every one who wishes to get an idea of the nature of +taboo in primitive Rome, and of the way in which it was +got rid of, should study the disabilities of the Flamen +Dialis, and satisfy himself of their absence, with the +exception just mentioned, and possibly one or two more, in +the ritual of historical Rome. Nothing is more likely +to convince him of the way in which Roman civilisation +contrived to leave these superstitions as mere fossils, incapable +any longer of doing mischief by cramping the +conscience and inducing constant anxiety. If he is disposed +to ask why such a large number of these fossils +should be found attached to the priesthood of Jupiter, I +must ask him to let me postpone that question, which +would at this moment lead us too far afield.</p> + +<p>I may, however, mention here that the Flaminica +Dialis, who was not priestess of Juno as is commonly +supposed, but assisted her husband in the cult of Jupiter, +was also subject to certain taboos. On three occasions in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">36</a></span> +the religious year she might not appear in public with her +hair "done up," viz. the moving of the <i>ancilia</i> in March, +the festival of the Argei in March and May, and during +the cleansing of the <i>penus Vestae</i> in June. Also she might +not wear shoes made from the skin of a beast that had died +a natural death, but only from that of a sacrificial victim. +There are traces of a <i>religio</i> about shoe-leather, I may +remark, both in the Roman and in other religious systems. +Varro tells us that "in aliquot sacris et sacellis scriptum +habemus, Ne quid scorteum adhibeatur: ideo <i>ne morticinum</i> +quid adsit." Leather was taboo in the worship +of the almost unknown deity Carmenta. Petronius +describes women in the cult of Jupiter Elicius walking +barefoot; and we are reminded of the well-known rule +which still survives in Mahommedan mosques.<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">60</a> The +original idea may have been that the skin of an animal +not made sacred by sacrifice might destroy the efficacy of +the worship contemplated. On the other hand, the skin +of a duly sacrificed animal had potency of a useful kind—a +fact or belief so widespread as to need no illustration +here; but we shall come upon an example of it in my +next lecture.</p> + +<p>Certain <i>places</i> were also affected by the idea of taboo. +In the later religious law of the City-state the sites of +all temples, <i>i.e.</i> all places in which deities had consented +to take up their abode, were of course holy; but this is a +much more mature development, though it unquestionably +had its root in the same idea that we are now discussing. +Such sites, as we shall see in a later lecture, were <i>loca +sacra</i>, and <i>sacer</i> is a word of legal ritual, meaning that +the place has been made over to the deity by certain +formulae, accompanied with favourable auspices, under +the authority of the State.<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">61</a> But there were other +holy places which were not <i>sacra</i> but <i>religiosa</i>; and +the word <i>religiosum</i> here might almost be translated +"affected by taboo." Wissowa provides us with a list of +these places, and this and the quotations he supplies with +it are of the utmost value for my present subject.<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">62</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">37</a></span> +They comprised, of course, all holy places which the +State had not duly consecrated, and therefore some which +hardly concern us here, such as shrines belonging to +families and gentes, and temple-sites in the provinces of +a later age. More to our purpose at this moment are +the spots where thunderbolts were supposed to have fallen. +Such spots were encircled with a low wall and called +<i>puteal</i> from their resemblance to a well, or <i>bidental</i> from the +sacrifice there of a lamb as a <i>piaculum</i>; the bolt was supposed +to be thus buried, and the place became <i>religiosum</i>.<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">63</a> +So, too, all burial-grounds were not <i>loca sacra</i> but <i>loca +religiosa</i>, technically because they were not the property +of the state or consecrated by it; in reality, I venture to +say, because the place where a corpse was deposited was +of necessity taboo. Such places were <i>extra commercium</i>, +and their sanctity might not be violated: "religiosum +est," wrote the learned Roman Masurius Sabinus, "quod +propter sanctitatem aliquam <i>remotum et sepositum est</i> a +nobis."<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">64</a> So, too, the great lawyer of Cicero's time, +Servius Sulpicius, defines <i>religio</i> as "quae propter sanctitatem +aliquam remota ac seposita a nobis sit," where he +is using <i>religio</i> in the sense of a thing or place to which +a taboo attaches.<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">65</a> And again, another authority, Aelius +Gallus, said that <i>religiosum</i> was properly applied to an +object in regard to which there were things which a man +might not do: "quod si faciat," he goes on, "adversus +deorum voluntatem videatur facere."<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">66</a> These last words +are in the language of the City-state; if we would go +behind it to that of an earlier age, we should substitute +words which would express the feeling or scruple, the +<i>religio</i>, without reference to any special deity. Virgil +has pictured admirably this feeling as applied to places, +in describing the visit of Aeneas to the site of the future +Rome under the guidance of his host Evander (<i>Aen.</i> +viii. 347):—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">hinc ad Tarpeiam sedem et Capitolia ducit,</span> +<span class="i0">aurea nunc, olim silvestribus horrida dumis.</span> +<span class="i0"><i>iam tum religio pavidos terrebat agrestis</i></span> +<span class="i0"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">38</a></span><i>dira loci</i>: iam tum silvam saxumque tremebant.</span> +<span class="i0">"hoc nemus, hunc," inquit, "frondoso vertice collem,</span> +<span class="i0">(quis deus, incertum est) habitat deus."</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>This is a passage on which I shall have to comment +again: at present I will content myself with noting how +accurately the poet, who of all others best understood +the instincts of the less civilised Italians of his own day, +has used his knowledge to express the antique feeling +that there were places which man must shrink from +entering—a feeling far older than the invention of legal +<i>consecratio</i> by the authorities of a City-state.</p> + +<p>Lastly, the principle of taboo, or <i>religio</i>, if we use +the Latin word, affected certain times as well as places. +Just as under the <i>ius divinum</i> of the fully-developed State +certain spots were made over to the deities for their +habitation and rendered inviolable by <i>consecratio</i>, so +certain days were also appointed as theirs which the +human inhabitants might not violate by the transaction +of profane business. But I have just pointed out that +the consecration of holy places in this legal fashion was +a late development of a primitive feeling or <i>religio</i>; +exactly the same, if I am not mistaken, was the case +with regard to the holy days. These were called <i>nefasti</i>, +and belong to the life of the State; but there were others, +called <i>religiosi</i>, which I believe to have been tabooed days +long before the State arose.</p> + +<p>When we come to examine the ancient religious +calendar, it will be found that I shall not then be called +upon to deal with <i>dies religiosi</i>, for the very good +reason that they are not indicated in that calendar—there +is no mark for them as <i>religiosi</i>, and some of them +are not even <i>dies nefasti</i>, as we might naturally have +expected.<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">67</a> What, then, is the history of them? We +may be able to make a fair guess at this by noting +exactly what these days were; Dr. Wissowa has put +them together for us in a very succinct passage.<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">68</a> He +begins the list with the 18th of Quinctilis (July), on +which two great disasters had happened to Roman<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">39</a></span> +armies, the defeats on the Cremera and the Allia; and +also the 16th, the day after the Ides, because, according +to the legend, the Roman commander had sacrificed on +that day with a view to gaining the favour of the gods +in the battle. We may regard the story about the 18th +as historical; but then we are told that <i>all</i> days following +on Kalends, Nones, and Ides were likewise made <i>religiosi</i> +(or <i>atri</i>, <i>vitiosi</i>, which have the same meaning) as being +henceforward deemed unlucky by pronouncement of senate +and pontifices;<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">69</a> thus all <i>dies postriduani</i>, as they were +called, were put out of use, or at any rate declared +unlucky, for many purposes, both public and private, <i>e.g.</i> +marriages, levies, battles, and sacred rites,<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">70</a> simply because +on one occasion disaster had followed the offering of a +sacrifice on the 16th of Quinctilis. It is difficult to +believe that thirty-six days in the year were thus tabooed, +by a Roman senate and Roman magistrates, in a period +when the practical wisdom of the government was beginning +to be a marked characteristic of the State. Some +people, we are told, went so far as to treat the <i>fourth +day before</i> Kalends, Nones, and Ides in the same way; +but Gellius declares that he could find no tradition about +this except a single passage of Claudius Quadrigarius, +in which he said that the fourth day before the Nones of +Sextilis was that on which the battle of Cannae was +fought.<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">71</a></p> + +<p>I am strongly inclined to suggest that the traditional +explanation of the tabooing of these thirty-six, or possibly +seventy-two days was neither more nor less than an +aetiological myth, like hundreds of others which were +invented to account for Roman practices, religious and +other; and this supposition seems to be confirmed as +we go on with the list of <i>dies religiosi</i> as given by +Wissowa. The three days—Sextilis 24, October 5, +November 8—on which the Manes were believed to +come up from the underworld through the <i>mundus</i> (to +which I shall return later on) were <i>religiosi</i>;<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">72</a> so were +those when the temple of Vesta remained open (June 7<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">40</a></span> +to 15),<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">73</a> those on which the Salii performed their dances +in March and October,<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">74</a> two days following the <i>feriae +Latinae</i> (a movable festival),<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">75</a> and the days of the +Parentalia in February and the Lemuria in May, which +were concerned with the cult and the memory of the +dead.<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">76</a> Now the <i>religio</i> or taboo on these days obviously +springs either from a feeling of anxiety suggested by +very primitive notions of the dead and of departed +spirits; or in the case of the temple of Vesta, by some +mystical purification or disinfection preparatory to the +ingathering of the crops, which I noticed in my <i>Roman +Festivals</i> (p. 152 foll.); or again in the case of the +Salii, by some danger to the crops from evil spirits, etc., +which might be averted by their peculiar performances. +In fact, all these <i>dies religiosi</i> date as such, we may be +pretty sure, from a very primitive period before the +genesis of the City-state, and were not recognised—for +what reason we will not at present attempt to guess—as +<i>religiosi</i> by the authorities who drew up the Calendar. +Some of them appear in that calendar as <i>dies nefasti</i>, +but not all; and I am entirely at one with Wissowa, +whose knowledge of the Roman religious law is unparalleled +for exactness, in believing that a <i>religio</i> +affecting a day had nothing whatever to do with its +character as <i>fastus</i> or <i>nefastus</i>.<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">77</a></p> + +<p>If all these last-mentioned <i>dies religiosi</i> are such +because ancient popular feeling attached the <i>religio</i> to +them, we may infer, I think, that the same was really +the case also with the <i>dies postriduani</i>. The fact that +the authorities of the State had made one or two +days <i>religiosi</i> as anniversaries of disasters, supplied a +handy explanation for a number of other <i>dies religiosi</i> +of which the true explanation had been entirely lost; +but that there was such a true explanation, resting +on very primitive beliefs, I have very little doubt. +Lucky and unlucky days are found in the unwritten +calendars of primitive peoples in many parts of the +world. An old pupil, now a civil servant in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">41</a></span> +province of Madras, has sent me an elaborate account +of the notions of this kind existing in the minds of the +Tamil-speaking people of his district of southern India. +The Celtic calendar recently discovered at Coligny in +France contains a number of mysterious marks, some of +which may have had a meaning of this kind.<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">78</a> Dr. +Jevons has collected some other examples from various +parts of the world, <i>e.g.</i> Mexico.<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">79</a> The old Roman +superstition about the luckiness of odd days and the +unluckiness of even ones, which appears, as we shall see, +in the arrangement of the calendar, was probably at one +time a popular Italian notion, not derived, as used to be +thought, from Pythagoras and his school.</p> + +<p>I therefore conclude that we may add times and +seasons to the list of those objects, animate and inanimate, +which were affected by the practice of taboo in primitive +Rome; and I hold that the word <i>religiosus</i>, as applied +both to times and places, exactly expresses the feeling on +which that practice is based. The word <i>religiosus</i> came to +have another meaning (though it retained the old one +as well) in historical times, and the Romans could be +called <i>religiosissimi mortalium</i> in the sense of paying +close attention to worship and all its details. But the +original meaning of <i>religio</i> and <i>religiosus</i> may after all +have been that nervous anxiety which is a special +characteristic of an age of taboo.<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">80</a> To discover the +best methods of soothing that anxiety, or, in other words, +the methods of disinfection, was the work of the organised +religious life of family and State which we are going to +study. But I must first devote a lecture to another class +of primitive survivals.</p> + + +<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE II</h5> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">23</span></a> Renel, <i>Les Enseignes</i>, p. 43 foll. For the contrary view, +Deubner in <i>Archiv</i>, 1910, p. 490.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">24</span></a> On taboo in general, Jevons, <i>Introduction to the History of +Religion</i>, ch. vi.; Robertson Smith, <i>Religion of the Semites</i>, p. 142 +foll.; Frazer, <i>Golden Bough</i> (ed. 2), i. 343; Crawley, <i>The Mystic Rose</i>,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">42</a></span> +<i>passim</i>. On the relation of taboo to magic, Marett, <i>Threshold of +Religion</i>, p. 85 foll. Lately M. van Gennep in his <i>Rites de passage</i> +has attempted to classify and explain the various rites resulting from +taboo.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">25</span></a> See the <i>Transactions of the Congress</i> (Oxford University Press), +vol. i. p. 121 foll. M. Reinach had alleged that the gens Fabia was +originally a totem clan, <i>Mythes et cultes</i>, i. p. 47.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">26</span></a> Marett, <i>On the Threshold of Religion</i>, p. 137 foll. "In <i>taboo</i> +the mystic thing is not to be lightly approached (negative aspect); +<i>qua mana</i>, it is instinct with mystic power (positive aspect)": so Mr. +Marett states the distinction in a private letter.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">27</span></a> <i>Evolution of Religion</i>, p. 94.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">28</span></a> <i>Introduction</i>, ch. viii.; Westermarck, <i>Origin and Development +of Ethical Ideas</i>, i. 233 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">29</span></a> See a paper by the author in the <i>Transactions of the Congress +of the History of Religions</i>, 1908, ii. 169 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">30</span></a> Macrobius, <i>Sat.</i> i. 16. 36; De Marchi, <i>La Religione nella +vita domestica</i>, i. p. 169 foll.; Samter, <i>Familienfeste der Griechen und +Römer,</i> p. 62 foll., where the <i>dies lustricus</i> is compared with the Greek +ἀμφιδρὁμια. Unfortunately the details of the Roman rite are unknown +to us, which seems to indicate that the primitive or magical +character of it had disappeared. Van Gennep, <i>op. cit.</i> ch. v., reviews +and classifies our present knowledge of this kind of rite. See also +Crawley, <i>Mystic Rose</i>, p. 435 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">31</span></a> Crawley, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 436; Frazer, <i>G.B.</i> i. 403 foll. From +this point of view Roman names need a closer examination than they +have yet received. See, however, Marquardt, <i>Privatleben der Römer</i>, +pp. 10 and 81, and Mommsen, <i>Röm. Forschungen</i>, i. 1 foll. Marquardt +must be wrong in stating (p. 10) that only the <i>praenomen</i> was +given on the <i>dies lustricus</i>; children dying before that day usually, +as he says on p. 82 note, have no name in inscriptions, and that +ceremony must surely have introduced the child to the gens of its +parents. Certainly that introduction had not to wait till the <i>toga +virilis</i> was taken; though Tertull. <i>de Idol.</i> 16 looks at first a little +like it. The same statement is made in the <i>Dict. of Antiq., s.v.</i> +"nomen." Macr. <i>Sat.</i> i. 16. 36, and Fest. 120, simply speak of +<i>nomen</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">32</span></a> Fowler, <i>R.F.</i> p. 56; De Marchi, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 176. For the +primitive ideas about puberty, Crawley, <i>Mystic Rose</i>, ch. xiii. The +idea of the Romans seems to have been simply that the child, who +had so far needed special protection from evil influences (of what +kind in particular it is impossible to say) by purple-striped toga and +amulet (see below, p. 60), was now entering a stage when these +were no longer needed. All notions of taboo seem to have vanished.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">33</span></a> Marquardt, <i>Privataltertümer</i>, p. 337 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">34</span></a> Serv. <i>Aen.</i> ii. 714, and especially iii. 64. Other references in +Marq. <i>op. cit.</i> p. 338, note 5, and De Marchi, <i>La Religione nella</i><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">43</a></span> +<i>vita domestica</i>, p. 190. For similar usages of prohibition see van +Gennep, <i>op. cit.</i> ch. ii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">35</span></a> Festus, p. 3, "itaque funus prosecuti redeuntes ignem supragradiebantur +aqua aspersi, quod purgationis genus vocabant suffitionem." +For the possibly magic influence of these elements, see +Jevons, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 70.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">36</span></a> Frazer, <i>G.B.</i> i. 325, iii. 222 foll.; Jevons, p. 59.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">37</span></a> Cato, <i>R.R.</i> 83, "mulier ad eam rem divinam ne adsit neve +videat quomodo fiat."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">38</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Quaest. Rom.</i> 60. Dogs were also excluded (<i>ib.</i> 90); +Gellius xi. 6. 2; Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 227; Fowler, <i>R.F.</i> p. 194, where +the private and public taboos are compared.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">39</span></a> Festus, <i>s.v.</i> "exesto." For similar taboos in Greece, Farnell in +<i>Archiv</i> for 1904, p. 76.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">40</span></a> Fowler, <i>Social Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero</i>, p. 143 foll. +Cp. Westermarck, <i>Origin, etc.</i>, vol. i. ch. xxvi., especially p. 652 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">41</span></a> <i>G.B.</i> i. 298 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">42</span></a> Festus, <i>s.v.</i> "exesto."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">43</span></a> Bücheler, <i>Umbrica</i>, p. 94 foll. Cp. Livy v. 50, where it is +said that, after the Gauls had left Rome, all the temples, <i>quod ea +hostis possedisset</i>, were to be restored, to have their bounds laid +down afresh (<i>terminarentur</i>) and to be disinfected (<i>expiarentur</i>). +<i>Digest</i>, xi. 7. 36, "cum loca capta sunt ab hostibus, omnia desinunt +religiosa vel sacra esse, sicut homines liberi in servitutem perveniunt; +quod si ab hac calamitate fuerint liberata, quasi quodam postliminio +reversa pristino statui restituerentur." Cp. Plutarch, <i>Aristides</i>, 20. +A friend reminds me that Bishop Berkeley, when in Italy, had his +bedroom sprinkled with holy water by his landlady.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">44</span></a> See Marquardt, p. 420, notes 5 and 6. The <i>verbenarius</i> is +mentioned in Serv. <i>Aen.</i> xii. 120, and Pliny <i>N.H.</i> xxii. 5. For the +disinfecting power of verbena (<i>myrtea verbena</i>) see Pliny xv. 119, +where it is said to have been used by Romans and Sabines after the +rape of the Sabine virgins.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">45</span></a> See Marquardt, <i>Privatleben</i>, p. 192 foll., based on the famous +essay of Mommsen in his <i>Römische Forschungen</i>, i. 319 foll. The +passages quoted from Livy for the practice in early times (i. 45, +v. 50) are not, of course, historical evidence; but we may fairly argue +back from the more explicit evidence of later times, <i>e.g.</i> the Senatus-consultum +de Asclepiade of 78 B.C. (<i>C.I. Graec.</i> 5879). +</p><p> +There is a good example of the feeling in modern Italy in a book +called <i>In the Abruzzi</i>, by Anne Macdonell, p. 275. I have experienced +it in remote parts of South Wales long ago. Moritz, the +German pastor who travelled on foot in England towards the end of +the eighteenth century, noted that even the innkeepers were constantly +unwilling to take him in. His book was reprinted in Cassell's +National Library some years ago.</p></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">44</a></span></p><div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">46</span></a> See the very interesting chapter in <i>The Origin and Development +of Moral Ideas</i>, vol. i. p. 570 foll., especially p. 590 foll. Dr. +Westermarck aptly points out that hospitality is almost universal +among "rude" peoples, and loses its hold as they become more +civilised. M. van Gennep in his recently published work, <i>Les Rites +de Passage</i>, has attempted to classify the various rites relating to +taboo of strangers; see ch. iii., especially p. 38 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">47</span></a> Jevons, <i>Introduction</i>, p. 70.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">48</span></a> Gellius x. 15. 8, "vinctum, si aedes eius introierit, solui +necessum est." (In hot countries chains still usually, or in some +degree, take the place of bolts and bars, <i>e.g.</i> in the Soudan, as I am +told by an old pupil now in the Soudan civil service.) The regular +Latin phrase for imprisonment is "in vincula conicere": Pauly-Wissowa, +<i>s.v.</i> "carcer."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">49</span></a> Gellius, <i>l.c.</i>; Serv. <i>Aen.</i> ii. 57, a curious passage, in which +the release of Sinon from his bonds by King Priam is compared with +that of the prisoner who enters the flaminia (house of the Flamen +Dialis). That there was something in the iron which interfered with +the religious efficacy of the Flamen seems likely; cp. the rule that +he might wear no ring unless it were broken, and have no knot about +his dress. But the latter restriction suggests that binding may have +been originally the object of the taboo (cp. Ovid, <i>Fasti</i>, v. 432), and +that the iron taboo came in with the iron age. Appel, <i>de Romanorum +precationibus</i>, p. 82, note 2, seems so to understand it. Cp. Eurip. +<i>Iph. Taur.</i> 468, where Orestes and Pylades are unbound before +entering the temple.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">50</span></a> There has been much discussion of this question; I entirely +agree with Wissowa (<i>R.K.</i> p. 354, where references are given for the +opposite opinion) that there is no evidence for human sacrifice in the +old Roman religion or law, except in the rule that a condemned +criminal was made over to a deity (<i>sacer</i>), which may have been a +legal survival of an original form of actual sacrifice. The alleged +sacrifice by Julius Caesar of two mutinous soldiers in the Campus +Martius (Dio Cass. xliii. 24) is of the same nature as the sacrifice of +captives to Orcus in <i>Aen.</i> xi. 81, <i>i.e.</i> it is outside of the civil life and +religious law; this is shown in the latter case by the mention of +blood in the ritual (<i>caeso sparsurus sanguine flammas</i>), and in the +former by the beheading of the mutineers.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">51</span></a> Mommsen, <i>Strafrecht</i>, p. 917 foll.; Livy x. 9; Cic. <i>de Rep.</i> +ii. 31. 65. All other methods of execution were bloodless. <i>Decollatio</i> +remained in use in the army (as in the case just mentioned), +but the axe disappeared from the fasces in the city with the abolition +of kingship. As further illustration of the dislike of all bloodshed, +cp. the rule of XII. Tables, "mulieres genas ne radunto," <i>i.e.</i> at +funerals, Cic. <i>de Legibus</i>, ii. 59, and Serv. <i>Aen.</i> iii. 67 from Varro, +and v. 78. The gladiatorial <i>ludi</i> may have been a revival of an old +custom akin to human sacrifice of captives in the field. See <i>Social +Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero</i>, p. 304, note 3.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">45</a></span> +</p><p> +We may also note in this connection that there is no distinct +trace of the blood-feud in old Roman law; see <i>Zum ältesten Strafrecht +der Kulturvölker</i>, p. 38 (questions of comparative law +suggested by Mommsen and answered by various specialists). +Doubtless it once existed, but vanished at an early date.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">52</span></a> Fowler, <i>R.F.</i> p. 242. The tail of the sacrificed horse was +carried to the Regia, where the blood was allowed to drip on the +sacred hearth (<i>participandae rei divinae gratia</i>), Festus, p. 178.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">53</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 311 foll., from Plutarch, <i>Rom.</i> 21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">54</span></a> For this practice in many ancient religions, and its substitute, +the smearing of the stone with turmeric or other red stain, see +Jevons, <i>Introduction</i>, p. 139 foll.; Robertson Smith, <i>Semites</i>, p. 415.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">55</span></a> This is found in Zosimus ii. 1. 5; Diels, <i>Sibyllinische Blätter</i>, +132, and 73 note. Cp. Virg. <i>Aen.</i> viii. 106; also a Greek rite.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">56</span></a> <i>G.B.</i> ed. 2, i. 241 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">57</span></a> The bronze and iron ages, of course, overlap; see Helbig, +<i>Italiker in der Poebene</i>, p. 78 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">58</span></a> Henzen, <i>Acta Fratr. Arv.</i> pp. 22 and 128 foll. Other examples +are collected by Helbig, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 80.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">59</span></a> Dion. Hal. iii. 45; Mommsen in <i>C.I.L.</i> i. p. 177. It may +be as well to point out that iron, like wheat in the taboos of the +Flamen, was considered dangerous, as being a novelty. The old +Italian grain was not true wheat but <i>far</i>, which continued to be used +in religious rites; <i>R.F.</i> p. 304, and Marquardt, <i>Privatleben der Römer</i>, +p. 399 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">60</span></a> Varro, <i>L.L.</i> vii. 84; Ovid, <i>Fasti</i>, i. 629; Petronius, <i>Sat.</i> 44. +There are many parallels in Greek ritual.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">61</span></a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_146">146</a>. Mr. Marett suggests to me a comparison +with the <i>rongo</i> (sacred) of the Melanesians, and <i>tapu</i> as used of a +place by them, <i>i.e.</i> set apart by a human authority; Codrington, +<i>Melanesians</i>, p. 77.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">62</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 408 foll.; cp. 323 and notes.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">63</span></a> The fullest account of this will be found in Marquardt, p. 262 +foll. For the case of a man killed by lightning, see note 4 on +p. 263; the body was not burnt but buried, and the grave became +a <i>bidental</i>, and <i>religiosum</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">64</span></a> For the intricate pontifical law of burial-places see Wissowa, p. +409. The quotation from Masurius is in Gellius iv. 9. 8, "M. Sabinus +in commentariis quos de indigenis composuit." The word <i>sanctitas</i> is +here used merely by way of explanation and not in a technical sense; +for which see Marq. p. 145 and references; but it seems to have +had a special use in the cult of the dead. (See below, p. <a href="#Page_470">470</a>.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">65</span></a> Quoted by Macrobius, <i>Sat.</i> iii. 3. 8. For Sulpicius see <i>Social +Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero</i>, p. 118 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">66</span></a> Festus, p. 278. This Aelius lived at the end of the Republican +period, and belonged to the school of Sulpicius; Schanz, <i>Gesch. der +röm. Lit.</i> i. pt. 2, p. 486.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">46</a></span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">67</span></a> <i>e.g.</i> the three days on which the <i>mundus</i> was open were all +<i>comitiales</i>, though at the same time <i>religiosi</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">68</span></a> <i>R.K.</i> pp. 376, 377.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">69</span></a> The authorities for the story are Verrius Flaccus, <i>ap.</i> Gell. +v. 17, and Macrobius, <i>Sat.</i> i. 16. 21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">70</span></a> For the extent of the taboo see Gell. iv. 9. 5; Macr. i. +16. 18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">71</span></a> Gell. v. 17. 3 foll. (<i>annalium quinto</i>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">72</span></a> Festus, p. 278.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">73</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 151.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">74</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 377, note 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">75</span></a> Cic. <i>ad Qu. Fratr.</i> ii. 4. 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">76</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> pp. 187, 189.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">77</span></a> <i>R.K.</i> p. 377. Gell. iv. 9. 5 says that the <i>multitudo imperitorum</i> +confused the <i>dies religiosi</i> and <i>dies nefasti</i>. The distinction is most +clearly seen in the fact that on <i>dies religiosi</i> the temples were (or +ought to be) shut, and "res divinas facere" was ill-omened (Gell., <i>ib.</i>), +while on <i>dies nefasti</i> the latter was regular, such days being made +over to the gods. No wonder that Gellius brands the popular +ignorance with such words as <i>prave</i> and <i>perperam</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">78</span></a> See Prof. Rhys's paper read before the British Academy, +"Notes on the Coligny Calendar," p. 33 and elsewhere.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">79</span></a> <i>Introduction</i>, p. 65 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">80</span></a> Since writing this sentence I have read the paper by W. +Otto on "Religio and Superstitio" in <i>Archiv für Religionswissenschaft</i>, +1909, p. 533 foll.; in which at p. 544 he hints at a connection +of <i>religio</i> with the practice of taboo. With some of his conclusions, +however, I cannot agree. The same explanation of the origin of +<i>religio</i>, <i>i.e.</i> in an age of taboo, has also been suggested since my +lecture was written by Maximilianus Kobbert, <i>De verborum "religio +atque religiosus" usu apud Romanos</i>, p. 31 (Königsberg, 1910).</p></div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">47</a></span></p> + +<h4>LECTURE III</h4> + +<h5>ON THE THRESHOLD OF RELIGION: MAGIC</h5> + + +<p>Taboo, the traces of which at Rome we examined in the +last lecture, is, as we saw, closely allied to magic, even if +it be not, as Dr. Frazer thinks, magic in a negative form. +We have now to see what traces are to be found of magic +in the proper or usual sense of the word—active or positive +magic, as we may call it. By this we are to understand +the exercise of a mysterious mechanical power by an +individual on man, spirit, or deity, to enforce a certain +result. In magic there is no propitiation, no prayer. +"He who performs a purely magical act," says Dr. +Westermarck,<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">81</a> "utilises such mechanical power without +making any appeal at all to the will of a supernatural +being." Religion, on the other hand, is an attitude of +regard and dependence; in a religious stage man feels +himself in the hands of a supernatural power with whom +he desires to be in right relation.</p> + +<p>If we accept this distinction, as I think we may +(though one school of anthropologists is hardly disposed +to do so), it is plain that magical practices are of a +totally different kind from religious practices, as being +the result of a different mental attitude towards the +supernatural; they belong to a ruder and more rudimentary +idea of the relation of Man to the Power +manifesting itself in the universe. True, they have +their origin in the same kind of human experience, in +the difficulties man meets with in his struggle for +existence, and his desire to overcome these; but unlike<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">48</a></span> +religion, magic is a wholly inadequate attempt to +overcome them. This inadequacy was long ago well +explained by Dr. Jevons.<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">82</a> He showed that man in +that early stage of his experience did not understand +the true relation of cause and effect; that, "turned loose +as it were among innumerable possible causes (of a given +effect), with nothing to guide his choice, the chances +against his making the right choice were considerable." +As a matter of fact he usually made the wrong one, and +is still apt to do so. There is probably more magic +going on behind the scenes even in civilised countries, +and more especially both in Greece and Italy, than either +men of science or men of religion have any idea of. In +its various forms as they are now classified,<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">83</a> <i>e.g.</i> contagious +magic, and homoeopathic magic, the exercise of the +mysterious will-power, real or imaginary, is to be found +all the world over, accompanied usually with a spell or +incantation which is believed to enforce and increase that +power—a kind of telepathy, which seems to be the psychological +basis, so far as there is one, of the whole system. +In these rites the virtue resides in some action, which, +together with the spell or incantation, enforces the desired +result by calling out the will-power, or <i>mana</i>, if we adopt +the convenient Melanesian word lately brought into +use. Whatever percentage of psychological truth may +lie at the root of such performances, it is obvious that +they must in the main be wholly inadequate, and must +constantly tend to pass into mere quackery and become +discredited; and it was the special function of the religious +organisation of early society to eliminate and discredit +them.</p> + +<p>But it was a long stage in the evolution of society +before man arrived at a better knowledge of his relation +to the Power manifesting itself in the universe; before he +reached the idea of a god or spirit realisable and nameable, +and thus capable of being addressed, placated, +worshipped. When this stage is reached, there supervenes +almost always a strong tendency to regulate and systematise<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">49</a></span> +the methods of address, placation, and worship; and +among some peoples, <i>e.g.</i> the Romans, for reasons which +it is by no means easy to explain, this tendency is much +stronger than among others. Wherever it has been strong, +wherever these methods of putting oneself in right relation +with the Power have been systematised by a central +authority or priesthood, and thus made into religious law, +there, as we might naturally expect, the performances and +performers of magic have been most vigorously discountenanced +and outlawed. The interests of religion +and its officials are wholly antagonistic to those of magic +and magicians. In civilised communities and in historical +times magic is in the main individualistic, not social; +magical ceremonies for the good of the community seem +to be confined to races in a very early stage of development. +The examples on which Dr. Frazer relies +for his theory of the development of the public magician +into a king<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">84</a> are of this primitive kind, or are mere survivals +of magic in a higher stage of civilisation—such +survivals as there will always be among forms and +ceremonies, of which it is man's nature to be tenacious. +But religion, once firmly established, invariably seeks to +exclude magic; and the priest does his best to discredit +the magician, as claiming to exercise mysterious +powers outside the pale of the legally recognised methods +of propitiation and worship. As Dr. Tylor observed +long ago, the more civilised the race, the more apt it is to +associate magic with men of inferior civilisation.<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">85</a> In the +Jewish law, though magic was well known to the Jews +and privately practised, there is no recognition of it; the +magical books attributed to Solomon were suppressed, +according to tradition, by the pious king Hezekiah.<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">86</a> So +too at Rome, where the outward forms of religion were +also very highly systematised, magic, as it seems to me, +was rigorously excluded from the State ritual, though it +continued in use in private life under certain precautions +taken by the State; in the few genuine examples of it in +the rites belonging to the <i>ius divinum</i> (<i>i.e.</i> those used and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">50</a></span> +sanctioned for the purposes of the community), it is +nothing more than a survival of which the magical meaning +was unknown to the writers from whom we hear of it.</p> + +<p>A good example of such survivals is the curious ceremony +of the <i>aquaelicium</i>, without doubt a genuine case of +magical "rain-making"—one of the many inadequate and +blundering attempts on the part of primitive man to obtain +what he needs. Probably it may be classed under the +head of "sympathetic magic," but the evidence as to +what was done in the ceremony is not quite explicit +enough to allow us to do this confidently.<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">87</a> It was, of +course, not included in the religious calendar, as it would +be only occasionally called for, and could not be fixed +to a day; but there is clear evidence that it was +sanctioned by the State, for the pontifices took part in +it, and the magistrates without the <i>toga praetexta</i>, and +the lictors carrying the fasces reversed.<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">88</a> A stone, which +lay outside the walls near the Porta Capena, was brought +into the city by the pontifices, so far as we can make out +the details, and it has been conjectured that it was taken +to an altar of Jupiter Elicius on the Aventine hard by, +this cult-title of the god of the sky having possibly some +relation to the technical name of the ceremony. What +was done with the stone we unluckily do not know; but +it has been reasonably conjectured that it was a hollow +one, and that it was filled with water which was allowed +to run over the edge, as a means of inducing the rain-god +to suffer the heavens to overflow.<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">89</a> It was called <i>lapis +manalis</i>; and the epithet here can have nothing to do +with the Manes, as in the case of another <i>lapis manalis</i>, +of which I shall have a word to say later on, but must +mean "pouring" or "overflowing." One or two other +fragments of evidence point in the same direction, and +I think we may fairly conclude that the rite was originally +one of sympathetic magic—that as the stone overflowed, +so the sky would pour down rain. In my <i>Roman +Festivals</i> I have pointed out a remarkable parallel to this +in the collections of the <i>Golden Bough</i>; in a Samoan village<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">51</a></span> +a stone represented the god of rain, and in a drought his +priests carried it in procession and dipped it in a stream.</p> + +<p>This parallel I owe to Dr. Frazer's wide knowledge of +all such practices among savage peoples. But this ever +helpful and friendly guide, in treating of the Jupiter +Elicius concerned in this ceremony, has gone beyond the +evidence, and attributed to the Romans another kind of +magic of which I believe they were quite innocent. He +has been led to this by his theory that kings were +developed out of successful magicians. In his lectures on +the early history of the Kingship<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">90</a> he maintains that +the Roman kings practised the magical art of bringing +down lightning from heaven. "The priestly king Numa +passed for an adept in the art of drawing down lightning +from the sky.... Tullus Hostilius is reported to have +met with the same end (as Salmoneus, king of Elis) +in an attempt to draw down Jupiter in the form of +lightning from the clouds." To support these statements +Dr. Frazer quotes Pliny, Livy, Ovid, Plutarch, Arnobius, +Aurelius Victor, and Zonaras—truly a formidable list +of authorities; but without any attempt to discover where +any of these late writers found the stories. Yet he had +but to read Aust's admirable article "Jupiter" in the +<i>Mythological Lexicon</i><a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">91</a> to assure himself that legends +which cannot be traced farther back than the middle of +the second century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> cannot seriously be assumed to +be genuinely Roman. Pliny happens to mention +Calpurnius Piso as his authority; this was the man +who is well known in Roman history as the author of +the first <i>lex de repetundis</i> of the year 149 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, a good +statesman, but as an annalist much given to indulging +a mythological fancy.<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">92</a> We happen to know that he +wrote with happy confidence about the life and habits +of Romulus, and a story about wine-drinking which he +attributes to that king is obviously transferred to him +from some more historical personage. Romulus would +not drink wine one day because he was going to be +very busy on the next. Then they said to him, "If<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">52</a></span> +we all did so, Romulus, wine would be cheap." "Nay, +dear," he replied, "if every one drank as much as he +wished; and that is exactly what I am doing."<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">93</a> I +quote the story simply as a good example of the way +in which Roman historians could deal with their kings, +and of the absolute necessity of acquainting oneself with +their methods before building hypotheses upon their +statements. I hardly need to add that another of Dr. +Frazer's authorities, Arnobius, informs us that he took +the story from the second book of Valerius Antias, a +later writer than Piso, whose name is a byword even +with the uncritical Livy for shameless exaggeration and +mis-statement.<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">94</a></p> + +<p>But how did these writers come by such legends, +which, as Dr. Frazer shows, are to be found also in +Greece and in other parts of the world? Why should +they have wished to make Roman kings into magicians? +Rain-making we can understand at Rome,—it had a +practical end in view, the procuring of rain for the crops,—but +why lightning and thunder, which were so much +dreaded that every bit of damage done by a thunderstorm +had to be carefully expiated by a religious process? +Rome is not in the tropics, where rain and thunder so +often come together, and where an attempt to produce +rain by magic might naturally include thunder, as in +some of Dr. Frazer's examples from tropical lands. I +entirely agree with the latest and most sober investigators +of Roman ritual that this kind of magic is quite foreign +to Roman ideas and practice;<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">95</a> there is no vestige of it +in the Roman cult; these stories must have come from +outside. And there is every probability that they came +from Etruria, where the lore of lightning had become a +pseudo-science, a waste of human ingenuity, for the origin +of which we must look, as we are now beginning to +understand, to Babylonia and the Eastern magic.<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">96</a> The +Jupiter Elicius of the Aventine had nothing to do with +lightning; he took his cult-title from the rite of <i>aquaelicium</i>; +but as soon as the Romans began to interest themselves<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">53</a></span> +in the Etruscan lightning-lore, of which this electrical +magic was only a part,<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">97</a> they perverted the meaning +of the epithet to suit their new studies, and began to +attribute to their legendary kings powers which properly +belonged to Etruscan or Oriental magicians. The second +century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, when Piso wrote his <i>Annals</i>, is exactly the +period when we should naturally expect such studies +to come into fashion, and with such perversions of +"history" as their consequence.<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">98</a></p> + +<p>I go on to note one or two more examples of real +magic in the State religion; but they are hard to find. +Pliny tells that even in his day people believed that a +runaway slave who had not escaped out of the city might +be arrested by a spell uttered by the Vestal virgins.<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">99</a> I +take this to mean that any one who had lost his slave +might get the Vestals to use the spell as a means of +keeping the runaway within the city. The word for spell +is here <i>precatio</i>, <i>i.e.</i> a prayer, not <i>carmen</i>, which is the +usual word for a spell; and Pliny evidently thinks of +it as addressed to some god. But no doubt it was +originally at least a genuine spell, of the same kind as +others used in private life, which we shall notice directly; +and it implies a belief in some magical power inherent +in the Vestals, of whom we are told that if they accidentally +met a criminal being led to punishment they might +secure his release.<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">100</a> As the spell in this case seems to be +telepathic, <i>i.e.</i> an exercise of will-power projected from a +distance, it may perhaps be paralleled with certain mystical +powers exercised by women, especially when their husbands +are at war, among some savage peoples;<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">101</a> but we have +no information about it beyond the passage in Pliny, and +further guessing would be useless.</p> + +<p>This last is a case of genuine magic, but it is outside +the ritual of the State, though exercised by a State +priesthood. Within that ritual there is one other very +curious case of what must be classed as a magical process, +and one that has accidentally become famous. At +the Lupercalia on February 15, the two young men<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">54</a></span> +called Luperci, or, more strictly, belonging respectively as +leaders to the two collegia of Luperci, girt themselves +with the skins of the slaughtered victims, which were +goats, and then ran round the base of the Palatine hill, +striking at all the women who came near them or offered +themselves to their blows, with strips of skin cut from the +hides of these same victims. The object was to produce +fertility; on this point our authorities are explicit.<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">102</a> Thus +this particular feature of the whole extraordinary ritual +of the Lupercalia is unmistakably within the region of +magic rather than of religion. Some potency was +believed to work in the act of striking, though apparently +without a spoken spell or <i>carmen</i>, such as usually accompanies +acts of this kind; and this part of the rite, +grotesque though it was, was allowed to survive by the +grave religious authorities who drew up the calendar of +religious festivals. It was probably a superstition too +deeply rooted in the minds of the people to admit of +being excluded; and, strange to say, it survived, in outward +form at least, until Rome had become cosmopolitan +and even Christian. The Lupercalia has always been +a puzzle to students of early religion, and as each new +theory is advanced, this strange festival is seized on for +fresh interpretation;<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">103</a> but for our present purposes it +must suffice to point out that we clearly find embedded +in it a piece of genuine magic, dating beyond doubt from +a very primitive stage of thought.</p> + +<p>There is one other very curious performance, occurring +each year on the ides of May, which in my view is rather +magical than religious, though the ancients themselves +looked upon it as a kind of purification: I mean the +casting into the Tiber from the <i>pons sublicius</i> of twenty-four +or twenty-seven straw puppets by the Vestal virgins, +in the presence of the magistrates and pontifices. Recently +an attempt has been made by Wissowa to prove that this +strange ceremony was not primitive, but simply a case of +the substitution of puppets for real human victims as late +as the age of the Punic wars.<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">104</a> These puppets were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">55</a></span> +called Argei, which word naturally suggests Greeks; and +Wissowa has contrived to persuade himself not only that +a number of Greeks were actually put to death by +drowning in an age when everything Greek was beginning +to be reverenced at Rome, but (still more extraordinary to +an anthropologist) that the primitive device of substitution +was had in requisition at that late date in order to +carry on the memory of the ghastly deed. And the +world of German learning has silently followed their +leader, without taking the trouble to test his conclusions +by a careful and independent examination of the evidence. +It happens that this fascinating puzzle of the Argei was +the first curiosity that enticed me into the study of the +Roman religion, and for some thirty years I have been +familiar with every scrap of evidence bearing on it; and +after going over that evidence once more I can emphatically +state my conviction that Wissowa's theory will not +hold water for a moment. I shall return to the subject +in a later lecture dealing with the religious history of +the second Punic war; at present I merely express a +belief that, whatever be the history of the accessories +of the rite,—and they are various and puzzling,—the +actual immersion of the puppets is the survival of a +primitive piece of sympathetic magic, the object being +possibly to procure rain. It is, in my opinion, quite +impossible to resist the anthropological evidence for this +conclusion, though we cannot really be certain about the +object; for this evidence I must refer you to my <i>Roman +Festivals</i>, and to the references there given.<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">105</a></p> + +<p>This rite of the Argei, then, was a case of genuine +magic, and exercised by a State priesthood, virgins to whom +certain magical powers were supposed to be attached; it +was, I think, a popular performance, like one or two others +which are also outside the limit of the Fasti,<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">106</a> and was +embodied in a more complicated ceremonial long after that +calendar had been drawn up. In the ritual authorised by +the State, with public objects in view, <i>i.e.</i> for the benefit of +society as a whole, there is hardly a trace of anything<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">56</a></span> +that we can call genuine magic apart from the examples I +have just been explaining. There were, I need not say, +many survivals of magical processes of which the true +magical intent had long been lost—ancient magical deposits +in a social stratum of religion, which I shall notice in their +proper place. This is not peculiar to the religion of the +Romans; it is a phenomenon to be found in all religions, even +in those of the most highly developed type, and it is one apt +to cause some confusion as to the true distinction between +magic and religion.<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">107</a> It is easy to find magical processes +even in Christian worship, if we have the will to do so; +but if we steadily bear in mind that the true test of +magic is not the nature of an act, but the intent or volition +which accompanies it, the search will not be an easy +one.</p> + +<p>The modern French school of sociologists, which +now has to be reckoned with in investigating the early +history of religion, claims that magic was not originally, +as we now see it, a matter of individual skill, but a sociological +fact, <i>i.e.</i> it was used for the benefit of the community, +as religion came to be in a later age. If this be true, as +it very possibly is, we see at once how the dead bones of +magical processes might survive, with their original +meaning entirely lost, into an age in which higher and +more reasonable ideas had been developed about the +relation of Man to the Power manifesting itself in the +universe. To take a single example from Rome, divination +by the examination of a victim's entrails was +originally a magical process, according to the opinion of +most modern authorities;<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">108</a> but it ceases to be magic +when it is used simply to determine in the State ritual +whether in a religious process the victim is perfect and +agreeable to the deity. In fact magical formulae, magical +instruments, unless they are used in the true spirit of +magic, to compel, not to propitiate a deity, are no longer +magic, and may be passed over here. When we come to +discuss the ritual of sacrifice and prayer, of <i>lustratio</i>, of +vows, of divination, we may find it necessary to recall<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">57</a></span> +what has here been said. On the whole, we may conclude +that organised religious cult, from its very nature and +object, everywhere excluded magic in the true sense of the +word; it implies prayer and propitiation, both of which +are absolutely inconsistent with the object and methods of +magic. Religion is the product of a higher stage of +social development; it is the expression of a real advance +of human thought; and in telling the story of the +religious experience of the Roman people we are but +indirectly concerned with those more rude and rudimentary +ideas which it displaced.</p> + +<p>But in private life, outside of the organised cult of the +State and the family, magic was all through Roman +history abundant, even over-abundant, and in this form I +cannot pass it over entirely. Though the State authorities +seem to have taken pains to exclude it rigidly from +the public rites, and though there is little trace of it in +the religious life of family and gens, yet there is evidence +that it was deeply rooted in the nature of the people, +and that they must have passed through an age in which +it was an important factor in their social life. This fact, +taken together with its almost complete elimination from +the public religion, throws into relief the persistent efforts +of the State authorities, from the framing of the old +religious calendar to the time of the Augustan revival, to +keep their relations with the Power clear of all that they +believed to be unworthy or injurious. No better example +can be found of the inherent antagonism between religion +and magic.</p> + +<p>Private magic may be divided into two kinds, according +as it was used to damage another, or only to benefit +oneself. In the former case the State interfered to protect +the person threatened with damage, and treated this +kind of magic as a crime. The commonest form of it +was that of the spell, or <i>carmen</i>, no doubt often sung, and +accompanied by some action which would bring it under +the head of sympathetic magic; but the spell alone is +taken cognisance of by the State. Pliny has preserved<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">58</a></span> +three words from the XII. Tables which tell their own +tale: "qui fruges excantassit."<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">109</a> Servius, commenting on +the line of Virgil's 8th <i>Eclogue</i>, "atque satas alio vidi +traducere messes," writes, "magicis quibusdam artibus hoc +fiebat, unde est in XII. Tabb. 'Neve alienam segetem +pellexeris.'" These last words, with the verb in the second +person, are probably not quoted exactly from the ancient +text,<a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">110</a> but they help to show us the nature of this hostile +spell. There must have been a belief that the spirit, or +life, or fructifying power of your neighbour's crops could +be enticed away and transferred to your own. This is +confirmed by a remark of St. Augustine in the <i>de Civitate +Dei</i>;<a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">111</a> after quoting the same line from Virgil, he adds, +"eo quod hac pestifera scelerataque doctrina fructus alieni +in alias terras transferri perhibentur, nonne in XII. Tabulis, +id est Romanorum antiquissimis legibus, Cicero commemorat +esse conscriptum et ei qui hoc fecerit supplicium +constitutum?" Given the belief, the temptation can be +well understood if we reflect that the arable land of the +old Romans was divided in sections of a square, and that +each man's allotment would have that of a neighbour on +two sides at least.<a name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">112</a> If one man's corn were found to be +more flourishing than that of his neighbours, what more +likely than that he should have enticed away the spirit of +their crops? The process reminds us, as it reminded +Pliny, of the <i>evocatio</i> of the gods of foreign communities, +a rite which belongs to religion and not to magic, though +it doubtless had its origin in the same class of ideas as +the <i>excantatio</i>.</p> + +<p>In more general terms the old Roman law (<i>i.e.</i> originally +the <i>ius divinum</i>) forbade the use of evil spells, as we +see in another fragment of the Tables, "qui malum carmen +incantassit." In later times this was usually taken as +referring to libel and slander, but there can be no doubt +that the carmina here alluded to were originally magical, +and became <i>carmina famosa</i> in the course of legal interpretation. +Cicero seems to combine the two meanings in +the <i>de Rep.</i> (iv. 10. 2) when he says that the Tables made<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">59</a></span> +it a capital offence "si quis occentavisset, sive carmen +condidisset quod infamiam faceret flagitiumve alteri" (to +bring shame or criminal reproach on another). In the +later sense these carmina have a curious history, into +which I cannot enter now.<a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">113</a> In the earlier sense they +existed and flourished without doubt, in spite of the law; +or it may be that, as the words of the Tables were interpreted +in the new sense, the old form of offence was +tolerated in private. "We are all afraid," says Pliny, "of +being 'nailed' (<i>defigi</i>) by spells and curses" (<i>diris precationibus</i>).<a name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">114</a> +These <i>dirae</i>, and all the various forms of +love-charms, <i>defixiones</i>, accompanied by the symbolic +actions which are found all the world over, lie outside my +present subject, and are so familiar to us all in Roman +literature that I do not need to dwell on them.<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">115</a></p> + +<p>Nor of the common harmless kind of magic need I say +much now. It survived, of course, alongside of the +religion of the family and State, from the earliest times to +the latest, as it survives at the present day in all countries +civilised and uncivilised; and being harmless the State +took no heed of it. Some assortment of charms and +spells for the cure of diseases will be found in Cato's book +on agriculture, and one or two incidentally occur in that +of Varro.<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">116</a> They performed the work of insurance against +both fire and accident, and even such a man as Julius +Caesar was not independent of such arts. Pliny tells us +that after experiencing a carriage accident he used to +repeat a certain spell three times as soon as he had taken +his seat in a vehicle, and adds significantly, "id quod +plerosque nunc facere scimus."<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">117</a> Such carmina were +written on the walls of houses to insure them against +fire.<a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">118</a> Pliny has a large collection of small magical delusions +and superstitions, many of which have an interest +for anthropologists, in the 28th book of his <i>Natural +History</i>.</p> + +<p>Another kind of harmless magic, to which the Romans, +like all Italians ancient and modern, were peculiarly +addicted, is the use of amulets. Here there is no spell, or<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">60</a></span> +obvious and expressed exercise of will-power on the part +of the individual, but the potent influence, <i>mana</i>, or whatever +we choose to call it, resides in a material object +which brings good luck, like the cast horse-shoe of our +own times, or protects against hostile will-power, and +especially against the evil eye. This curious and widely-spread +superstition was probably the <i>raison d'être</i> of most +of the amulets worn or carried by Romans. A modern +Italian, even if he be a complete sceptic and materialist, +will probably be found to have some amulet about him +against the evil eye, "just to be on the safe side."<a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">119</a> A +list of amulets, both Greek and Roman, will be found in +the <i>Dictionary of Antiquities</i>, and in Pauly-Wissowa, <i>Real-Encyclopädie, +s.v.</i> "amulet," and it is not necessary here to +explain the various kinds in use in Italy; but I must +dwell for a moment on one type, which had been taken +up into the life of the family, and in one sense into that +of the State, viz. the <i>bulla</i> worn by children, both boys +and girls.</p> + +<p>The bulla was a small object, enclosed in historical +times in a capsule, and suspended round the child's neck. +It was popularly believed to have been originally an +Etruscan custom,<a name="FNanchor_120_120" id="FNanchor_120_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">120</a> and borrowed by the Romans, like so +many other ornaments. It is, however, much more probable +that the custom was old Italian (as indeed the +"medicine-bag" is world-wide), and that the Etruscan +contribution to it was merely the case or capsule, which +was of gold where the family could afford it—gold itself +being supposed to have some potency as a charm.<a name="FNanchor_121_121" id="FNanchor_121_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">121</a> The +object within the case was, as Pliny tells us, a <i>res turpicula</i> +as a rule,<a name="FNanchor_122_122" id="FNanchor_122_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">122</a> and this may remind us that a <i>fascinum</i> +was carried in the car of the triumphator as <i>medicus +invidiae</i>, to use Pliny's pregnant expression. The +triumphing general needed special protection; he appeared +in the guise of Jupiter himself, and was for the +moment lifted above the ordinary rank of humanity. +Some feeling of the same kind must have originally suggested +similar means for the protection of children under<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">61</a></span> +the age of puberty. They also wore the <i>toga praetexta</i>, +which, though associated by us with secular magistrates, +had undoubtedly a religious origin. There are distinct +signs that children were in some sense sacred, and at the +same time that they needed special protection against the +all-abounding evil influences to be met with in daily life.<a name="FNanchor_123_123" id="FNanchor_123_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">123</a> +Thus this particular form of amulet became a recognised +institution of family life, and in due time little more than +a mark of childhood.</p> + +<p>Yet another kind of charm must be mentioned here +which was used at certain festivals, though apparently not +at any of those belonging to the authorised calendar. At +the Compitalia, Paganalia, and <i>feriae Latinae</i> we are told +that small images of the human figure, or masks, or simply +round balls (<i>pilae</i>), were hung up on trees or doorways, +and left to swing in the wind.<a name="FNanchor_124_124" id="FNanchor_124_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">124</a> At the Compitalia the +images had a special name, <i>maniae</i>, of which the meaning +is lost; but inasmuch as the charms were hung up at +cross-roads on that occasion, where the Lares compitales +of the various properties had their shrine, it was not +difficult to manufacture out of them a goddess, Mania, +mother of the Lares.<a name="FNanchor_125_125" id="FNanchor_125_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">125</a> The common word for these +figures was <i>oscilla</i>, and the fact of their swinging in the +wind suggested a verb <i>oscillare</i>, which survives in our own +tongue with the same meaning. Until lately it used to +be believed that they were substitutes for original human +sacrifices: a view for which there is not a particle of +evidence, though it was originated by Roman scholars.<a name="FNanchor_126_126" id="FNanchor_126_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">126</a> +Modern anthropology has found another explanation, +which is by no means improbable. Dr. Frazer, in an +appendix to the 2nd volume of the <i>Golden Bough</i>, has +collected a number of examples of the practice of swinging +<i>by human beings</i> as a magical rite; they come from many +parts of the world, including ancient Athens, and even +modern Calabria. He also points out that at the <i>feriae +Latinae</i> the swingers seem to have been human beings, if +we accept the evidence of Festus, <i>s.v.</i> "oscillantes"; thus +we are left with the possibility that the oscilla were really<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">62</a></span> +imitations of men and women, though not of human +sacrificial victims.</p> + +<p>Dr. Frazer is obviously hard put to it to explain the +original meaning and object of this curious custom. In the +Paganalia, as described by Virgil in the second <i>Georgic</i>,<a name="FNanchor_127_127" id="FNanchor_127_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">127</a> +the object would seem to be the prosperity of the vine-crop.</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i15">coloni</span> +<span class="i0">versibus incomptis ludunt risuque soluto,</span> +<span class="i0">oraque corticibus sumunt horrenda cavatis,</span> +<span class="i0">et te Bacche vocant per carmina laeta, tibique</span> +<span class="i0">oscilla ex alta suspendunt mollia pinu.</span> +<span class="i0">hinc omnis largo pubescit vinea fetu, etc.<a name="FNanchor_128_128" id="FNanchor_128_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">128</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>But here we must leave a question which is still unsolved. +All we can say is that the old idea of substitutes for human +sacrifice must be finally given up, and that the <i>oscilla</i>, +whether or not they were substitutes for human swingers, +were probably charms intended to ward off evil influences +from the crops. I am not disposed to put any confidence +in what Servius tells us, that this was a purification by +means of air, just as fire and water were also purifying +agents; this looks like the ingenious explanation of a +later and a religious age.<a name="FNanchor_129_129" id="FNanchor_129_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">129</a></p> + +<p>So much, then, for magical charms and spells, and the +survivals of them in the fully developed Roman religion.<a name="FNanchor_130_130" id="FNanchor_130_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">130</a> +It might seem hardly worth while to spend even so much +time on them as I have done, and I cannot deny that I +am glad now to be able to leave them. My object has +simply been to show how little of this kind of practice, +which meets us on the threshold of religion, was allowed +to survive by the religious authorities of the State; in +other words, I wished to make clear that in our inquiries +into the nature of the Roman religion it is really religion +and not magic that we have to do with.</p> + +<p>It is really religion; it is desire, beginning already to +be effective, to be in right relation to the Power manifesting +itself in the universe. The Romans, as I hope to +show in the next lecture, when we can begin to know +and feel an interest in them, had not only begun to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">63</a></span> +recognise this Power in various forms and functions as one +that must be propitiated, because they were dependent on it +for their daily needs, but to regulate and make permanent +the methods of propitiation. What was the relation +between this simple religion and morality—between ritual +and conduct—is a very difficult question, to which I +shall return later on. Dr. Westermarck has recently come +to the conclusion that the religion of primitive man has +no true relation to morality, that it is not apt to give a +sanction to good action, or to develop the germs of a +conscience. But so far as I can discern, the idea of active +duty, and therefore the germ of conscience, must have +been so intimately connected with the religious practice of +the old Latin family that it is to me impossible to think +of the one apart from the other. Surely it is in that life +that the famous word "<i>pius</i>" must have originated, which +throughout Roman history meant the sense of duty +towards family, State, and gods, as every reader of the +<i>Aeneid</i> knows. That the formalised religion of later times +had become almost entirely divorced from morality there +is indeed no doubt; but in the earliest times, in the old +Roman family and then in the budding State, the whole +life of the Roman seems to me so inextricably bound up +with his religion that I cannot possibly see how that +religion can have been distinguishable from his simple +idea of duty and discipline.</p> + + +<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE III</h5> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">81</span></a> Westermarck, <i>Origin etc. of Moral Ideas</i>, ii. 584.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">82</span></a> Jevons, <i>Introduction</i>, p. 33.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">83</span></a> A useful summary of the whole subject, embodying the results +and terminology of Tylor, Frazer, and other anthropologists, is Dr. +Haddon's <i>Magic and Fetishism</i>, in Messrs. Constable's series, <i>Religions +Ancient and Modern</i>. See also Marett, <i>On the Threshold of Religion</i>, +passim.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">84</span></a> <i>Lectures on the Early History of the Kingship</i>, p. 89 foll. For +an example not mentioned in the text (<i>devotio</i>) see below, p. 206 foll. +This may have been originally practised by the Latin kings. I may<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">64</a></span> +here draw attention to the almost dogmatic conclusions of the modern +French sociological school of research; <i>e.g.</i> M. Huvelin, in <i>L'Année +sociologique</i> for 1907, begins by asserting as a fundamental law, +proved by MM. Hubert et Mauss, that magic is just as much a social +fact as religion: "Les uns et les autres sont des produits de l'activité +collective" (<i>Magie et droit individuel</i>, p. 1). But M. Huvelin's paper +is to some extent a modification of this dogma. He seeks to explain +the fact that magic is both secret and private, not public and social, +in historical times; and in the domain of law, with which he is +specially concerned, he concludes that "a magical rite is only a +religious rite twisted from its proper social end, and employed to +realise the will or belief of an individual" (p. 46). This is the only +form in which we shall find magic at Rome, except in so far as a few +of its forms survive in the ritual of religion with their meaning +changed. In early Roman law, as a quasi-religious body of rules and +practices, there are a few magical survivals which will be found +mentioned by M. Huvelin in this article; but they are of no importance +for our present subject.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">85</span></a> <i>Primitive Culture</i>, vol. i. ch. iv. See also Jevons, <i>Introduction</i>, +p. 36 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">86</span></a> See Schürer, <i>Jewish People in the Time of Christ</i> (Eng. trans.), +Division II. vol. iii. p. 151 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">87</span></a> Fowler, <i>R.F.</i> p. 232; Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 106. The most careful +examination of the rite and the evidence for it is that of Aust in +<i>Mythological Lexicon</i>, <i>s.v.</i> "Iuppiter," p. 656 foll. See also M.H. +Morgan in vol. xxxii. of <i>Transactions of the American Philological +Association</i>, p. 104.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">88</span></a> Tertullian, <i>de Jejun</i>. 16. Petronius, <i>Sat.</i> 44, adds that the +matrons went in the procession with bare feet and streaming hair +(cp. Pliny xvii. 266); but this seems rather Greek than Roman in +character, and Petronius is plainly thinking of the town (<i>colonia</i> he +calls it) in southern Italy where the scene of Trimalchio's supper is +laid; probably a Greek city by origin, Croton or Cumae. A translation +of this passage will be found in Dill's <i>Roman Society from +Nero to Marcus Aurelius</i>, p. 133. The most useful words in it for +our purpose are "Jovem aquam exorabant."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">89</span></a> This suggestion was originally made by O. Gilbert, <i>Röm. +Topographie</i>, ii. 184.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">90</span></a> p. 204 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">91</span></a> p. 657. The story is mixed up with Greek fables, <i>e.g.</i> that +of Proteus, as Wissowa has pointed out, <i>R.K.</i> p. 106, note 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">92</span></a> See Schanz, <i>Gesch. der röm. Literatur</i>, vol. i. (ed. 3) p. 270 +foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">93</span></a> This fragment of Piso is preserved by Gellius, xi. 14. 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">94</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i>, Schanz, <i>Gesch. der röm. Literatur</i>, vol. ii. +p. 106.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">95</span></a> Wissowa, <i>l.c.</i> Aust in Roscher's <i>Lexicon</i>, <i>s.v.</i> "Iuppiter," p. 657.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">65</a></span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">96</span></a> Cumont, <i>Religions Orientales dans le paganisme romain</i>, +ch. 5. I shall return to this subject in my second course of lectures.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">97</span></a> Müller-Deecke, <i>Etrusker</i>, ii. ch. vii., especially p. 176 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">98</span></a> Cp. below, Lecture XV.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">99</span></a> Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> xxviii. 13: "Vestales nostras hodie credimus +nondum egressa urbe mancipia fugitiva retinere in loco precationibus."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">100</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Numa</i>, 10. Virginity would increase the power of +the spell; see Fehrle, <i>Die kultische Keuschheit im Altertum</i>, p. 54 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">101</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i>, Frazer, <i>G.B.</i> i. 360 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">102</span></a> See <i>R.F.</i> p. 320, notes 6 and 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">103</span></a> Within the last thirty years or so the Lupercalia has been +discussed (apart from writers on classical subjects exclusively) by +Mannhardt in his <i>Mythologische Studien</i>, p. 72 foll.; Robertson +Smith, <i>Semites</i>, p. 459; Deubner in <i>Archiv</i>, 1910, p. 481 foll.; and +at the moment of writing by E. S. Hartland, <i>Primitive Paternity</i>, +i. ch. ii. <i>R.F.</i> p. 310 foll. See Appendix D.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">104</span></a> This view was originally stated in Pauly-Wissowa, <i>s.v.</i> "Argei." +I endeavoured to confute it in the <i>Classical Review</i>, 1902, p. 115 foll., +and Wissowa replied in <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i>, p. 211 foll. Since +then my conviction has become stronger that this great scholar is for +once wrong. Ennius alluded to the Argei as an institution of Numa, +<i>i.e.</i> as primitive (frag. 121, Vahlen, from Festus p. 355, and Varro, <i>L.L.</i> +vii. 44), yet Ennius was a youth at the very time when Wissowa insists +that the rite originated. Wissowa makes no attempt to explain this. +See below, p. <a href="#Page_321">321</a> foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">105</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 111 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">106</span></a> <i>e.g.</i> the October horse, which also occurred on the Ides; see +<i>R.F.</i> p. 241 foll.; and the festival of Anna Perenna, also on Ides +(March 15), <i>R.F.</i> p. 50 foll. It is just possible that all the three +festivals were originally in the old calendar, and dropped out because +the mark of the Ides had to be affixed to the day in the first place. +See Wissowa, <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i>, p. 164 foll.; <i>R.F.</i> p. 241.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">107</span></a> Thus Messrs. Hubert et Mauss (<i>Mélanges d'histoire des +religions</i>, Preface, p. xxiv.) maintain that there is no real antinomy +between "les faits du système magique et les faits du système +religieux." There is in every rite, they insist, a magical as well as a +religious element. Yet on the same page we find that they exclude +magic from all organised cult, because it is not obligatory, and cannot +(if I understand them rightly) be laid down in a code, like religious +practice. I think it would have been simpler to consider the magical +element in religious rites as surviving, with its original meaning lost, +from an earlier stage of thought. M. van Gennep, in his interesting +work <i>Les Rites de passage</i>, p. 17, goes so far as to call all religious +<i>ceremonies</i> magical, as distinguished from the <i>theories</i> (<i>e.g.</i> animism) +which constitute religion. This seems to me apt to bring confusion +into the discussion; for all rites are the outward expression of thought, +and it is by the thought (or, as he calls it, theories) that we must trace<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">66</a></span> +the sociological development of mankind, the rites being used as +indexes only. I cannot but think that (as indeed in these days is +quite natural) this French school lays too much stress upon the +outward acts, and that this tendency has led them to find real living +magic where it is present only in a fossil state.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">108</span></a> <i>e.g.</i> Tylor, article "Magic" in <i>Encycl. Brit.</i>, and <i>Primitive +Culture</i>, 1. ch. iv.; Marett, <i>Threshold of Religion</i>, 83. See below, +p. <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">109</span></a> Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> xxviii. 17 and 18. For the singing or murmuring +of spells in many countries, see Jevons, <i>Anthropology and the Classics</i>, +p. 93 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">110</span></a> Bruns, <i>Fontes Iuris Romani</i>, note on this passage.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">111</span></a> <i>Civ. Dei</i>, viii. 19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">112</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i>, Wordsworth, <i>Fragments and Specimens of Early +Latin</i>, p. 446, for an account of simple land measurement which will +suffice to illustrate the point made here.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">113</span></a> The <i>carmina famosa</i> sung at a triumph by the soldiers had +the same origin, but were used to avert evil from the triumphator. +The best exposition of this is in H. A. J. Munro's <i>Elucidations of +Catullus</i>, p. 76 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">114</span></a> Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> xxviii. 19. For the technical sense of <i>defigere</i>, +<i>defixio</i>, see Jevons in <i>Anthropology and the Classics</i>, p. 108 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">115</span></a> The most familiar examples are Virgil's eighth <i>Eclogue</i>, 95 +foll.; Ovid, <i>Met.</i> vii. 167, and elsewhere; <i>Fasti</i>, iv. 551; Horace, +<i>Epode</i> v. 72; cp. article "Magia" in Daremberg-Saglio; Falz, <i>De +poet. Rom. doctrina magica</i>, Giessen, 1903. There is a collection of +Roman magical spells in Appel's <i>De Romanorum precationibus</i>, p. +43 foll. Many modern Italian examples and survivals will be found +in Leland's <i>Etruscan Roman Remains in Popular Tradition</i>, pt. ii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">116</span></a> Cato, <i>R.R.</i> 160; Varro, <i>R.R.</i> i. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">117</span></a> Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> xxviii. 21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">118</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> xxviii. 20. The following sections of this book are the +<i>locus classicus</i> for these popular superstitions.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">119</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i>, <i>Italian Home Life</i>, by Lina Duff Gordon, p. 230 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_120_120" id="Footnote_120_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">120</span></a> Juvenal v. 164. The idea probably arose, as a passage of +Plutarch suggests (<i>Rom.</i> 25), from the fact that the triumphator, +whose garb was no doubt of Etruscan origin, wore the bulla.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_121_121" id="Footnote_121_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">121</span></a> Frazer, <i>G.B.</i> i. 345, note 2, where we learn that gold was taboo +in some Greek worships, <i>e.g.</i> at the mysteries of Andania, which +sufficiently proves that it possessed potency. Pliny, xxxiii. 84, mentions +cases of such potency as medicine, and among them its application +to children who have been poisoned.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_122_122" id="Footnote_122_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">122</span></a> Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> xxviii. 39.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_123_123" id="Footnote_123_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">123</span></a> See an article by the author on the original meaning of the +<i>toga praetexta</i> in <i>Classical Review</i>, vol. x. (1896) p. 317.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_124_124" id="Footnote_124_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">124</span></a> For the Compitalia, Macrob. i. 7. 34; Festus p. 238. For the +Paganalia, Probus, <i>ad Georg.</i> ii. 385, assuming the <i>feriae Sementinae</i><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">67</a></span> +there mentioned to be the Paganalia (see <i>R.F.</i> p. 294). For the +<i>feriae Latinae</i>, Festus, <i>s.v.</i> "oscillantes."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_125_125" id="Footnote_125_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">125</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 193, with whose view I entirely agree. We +learn of the imaginary goddess from Varro, <i>L.L.</i> ix. 61. Pais, I may +remark in passing, is certain that Acca Larentia was the mater +Larum; see his <i>Lectures on Ancient Legends of Roman History</i>, +p. 60 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_126_126" id="Footnote_126_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">126</span></a> 46. Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 354, note 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_127_127" id="Footnote_127_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">127</span></a> <i>Georg.</i> ii. 380 foll. It is not certain that Virgil is describing +the festival generally known as Paganalia, which took place early in +January; but it seems probable from line 382 that he is thinking of +some festival of the pagus. The <i>oscilla</i> may have been used at +more than one.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_128_128" id="Footnote_128_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_128"><span class="label">128</span></a> Note that Virgil writes of masks used in rude play-acting, as +well as of <i>oscilla</i> hung on trees, and conjoins the two as though they +had something in common. The evidence of an engraved onyx cup +in the Louvre, of which a cut is given in the article "Oscilla" in the +<i>Dict. of Antiquities</i>, seems to make it probable that masks worn by +rustics on these occasions were afterwards hung by them on trees as +<i>oscilla</i>. Some of these masks on the cup are adorned with horns, +which may explain an interesting passage of Apuleius (<i>Florida</i>, i. 1): +"neque enim iustius religiosam moram viatori obiecerit aut ara +floribus redimita ... aut quercus cornibus onerata, aut fagus +pellibus coronata," etc. See also <i>Gromatici veteres</i>, ii. 241.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_129_129" id="Footnote_129_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_129"><span class="label">129</span></a> See, however, Dr. Frazer's remarks in <i>G.B.</i> ii. p. 454. He +thinks that the air might in this way be purged of vagrant spirits or +baleful ghosts, as the Malay medicine man swings in front of the +patient's house in order to chase away the disease. Cp. <i>G.B.</i> ii. 343, +where a rather different explanation is attempted of the <i>maniae</i> and +<i>pilae</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_130_130" id="Footnote_130_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_130"><span class="label">130</span></a> Magic in the old forms, or many of them, has survived not +only into the old Roman religion, but to the present day, in many +parts of Italy. "The peasants have recourse to the priests and the +saints on great occasions, but they use magic all the time for everything," +was said by a woman of the Romagna Toscana to the late +C.G. Leland (<i>Etruscan Roman Remains</i>, Introduction, p. 9). This +enterprising American's remarkable book, though dealing only with a +small region of northern Italy, deserves more consideration than it +has received. The author may have been uncritical, but beyond +doubt he had the gift of extracting secrets from the peasantry. He +claims to have proved that "la vecchia religione" contains much +that has come down direct from pre-Christian times; and the appearance +of Mr. Lawson's remarkable book on <i>Modern Greek Folklore +and Ancient Greek Religion</i> may tempt some really qualified investigator +to undertake a similar work in Italy before it is too late.</p></div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">68</a></span></p> +<h4>LECTURE IV</h4> + +<h5>THE RELIGION OF THE FAMILY</h5> + + +<p>Some of the survivals mentioned in the last two lectures +seem to carry us back to a condition of culture anterior +to the family and to the final settlement on the land. +Some attempt has recently been made to discover traces +of descent by the mother in early Latium;<a name="FNanchor_131_131" id="FNanchor_131_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">131</a> if this could +be proved, it would mean that the Latins were already in +Latium before they had fully developed the patriarchal +system on which the family is based. However this +may be, the first real fact that meets us in the religious +experience of the Romans is the attitude towards the +supernatural, or "the Power that manifests itself in the +Universe," of the family as settled down upon the land. +The study of religion in the family, as we know it in historical +times, is also that of the earliest organisation of +religion, and of the most permanent type of ancient Italian +religious thought. Aust, whose book on the Roman +religion is the most masterly sketch of the subject as yet +published, writes thus of this religion of the family:<a name="FNanchor_132_132" id="FNanchor_132_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">132</a> +"Here the limits of religion and superstition vanish ... and +in vain we seek here for the boundary marks of various +epochs." By the first of these propositions he means that +the State has not here been at work, framing a <i>ius divinum</i>, +including religion and excluding magic; in the family, +magic of all kinds would be admissible alongside of the +daily worship of the family deities, and thus the family +would represent a kind of half-way house between the age +of magic and all such superstitions, and the age of the rigid<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">69</a></span> +regulation of worship by the law of a City-state. By the +second proposition he means that the religious experience +of the family is far simpler, and therefore far less liable to +change than that of the State. Greek forms and ideas of +religion, for example, hardly penetrated into its worship:<a name="FNanchor_133_133" id="FNanchor_133_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">133</a> +new deities do not find their way in—the family experience +did not call for them as did that of the State. It may be +said without going beyond the truth that the religion of +the family remained the same in all essentials throughout +Roman history, and the great priesthoods of the State +never interfered with it in any such degree as to affect its +vitality.<a name="FNanchor_134_134" id="FNanchor_134_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">134</a></p> + +<p>But in order to understand the religion of the family, +we must have some idea of what the family originally +was. When a stock or tribe (<i>populus</i>) after migration +took possession of a district, it was beyond doubt divided +into clans, <i>gentes</i>, which were the oldest kinship divisions +in Italian society. All members of a clan had the same +name, and were believed to descend from a common +ancestor.<a name="FNanchor_135_135" id="FNanchor_135_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135_135" class="fnanchor">135</a> According to the later juristic way of putting +it, all would be in the <i>patria potestas</i> of that ancestor supposing +that no deaths had ever occurred in the gens; and, +indeed, the idea that the gens is immortal in spite of the +deaths of individuals is one which constitutes it as a +permanent entity, and gives it a quasi-religious sanction. +For primitive religion, as has been well said, disbelieves +in death; most of the lower races believe both in a +qualified immortality and in the non-reality or unnaturalness +of death.<a name="FNanchor_136_136" id="FNanchor_136_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136_136" class="fnanchor">136</a> In regard to the kinship of a clan, +death at any rate has no effect: the bond of union never +breaks.</p> + +<p>Now a little reflection will show that a clan or gens of +this kind might be maintained intact in a nomadic state, +or during any number of migrations; it is, in fact, manifestly +appropriate to such a mobile condition of society, +and expresses its natural need of union; and when the +final settlement occurs, this body of kin will hold together +in the process, whether or no it has smaller divisions<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">70</a></span> +within it. We may be certain that this was the one +essential kin-division of the Latin stock when it settled in +Latium, and all through Roman history it continues so, +a permanent entity though families may die.<a name="FNanchor_137_137" id="FNanchor_137_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137_137" class="fnanchor">137</a> Every +Roman lawyer will recognise this fact as true, and I need +not dwell on it now.</p> + +<p>It is when the gens has settled upon the land that the +family begins to appear as a fact of importance for our +purpose. Such operations as the building of a permanent +house, the clearing and cultivation of a piece of land, can +best be carried out by a smaller union than the gens, and +this smaller union is ready to hand in the shape of a +section of the gens comprising the living descendants of a +<i>living</i> ancestor, whether of two, three, or even four generations.<a name="FNanchor_138_138" id="FNanchor_138_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138_138" class="fnanchor">138</a> +This union, clearly visible to mortal eye, and +realisable in every-day work, settles together in one +house, tends its own cattle and sheep, cultivates its own +land with the help of such dependants as it owns, slave or +other, and is known by the word <i>familia</i>. This famous +word, so far as we know, does not contain the idea of +kinship, at any rate as its leading connotation; it is +inseparable from the idea of land-settlement,<a name="FNanchor_139_139" id="FNanchor_139_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139_139" class="fnanchor">139</a> and is +therefore essentially <i>das Hauswesen</i>, the house itself, +with the persons living in it, free or servile, and with their +land and other property, all governed and administered +by the paterfamilias, the master of the household, who is +always the oldest living male ancestor. The familia is +thus an economic unit, developed out of the gens, which is +a unit of kin and little more. And thus the religion of the +familia will be a religion of practical utility, of daily work, of +struggle with perils to which the shepherd and the tiller of +the soil are liable; it is not the worship of an idea of kinship +expressed in some dimly conceived common ancestor; the +familia, as I hope to show, had no common ancestor who +could be the object of worship, except that of the gens +from which it had sprung. The life of the familia was a +realisation of the present and its needs and perils, without +the stimulus to take much thought about the past, or indeed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">71</a></span> +about the future; for it, sufficient for the day was the +evil thereof; for what had been and what was to come it +could look to the gens to which it owed its existence. +But in practical life the gens was not of much avail; and +instead of it, exactly as we might expect, we find an artificial +union of familiae, a union of which the essential thing is +not the idea of kin, but that of the land occupied, and +known all over Italy by the word <i>pagus</i>.<a name="FNanchor_140_140" id="FNanchor_140_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140_140" class="fnanchor">140</a> Before I go on +to describe the religion of the family, it is necessary to put +the familia into its proper relation with this territorial +union.</p> + +<p>The pagus is the earliest Italian administrative unit of +which we know anything; a territory, of which the +essential feature was the boundary, not any central +point within the boundary. In all probability it was +originally the land on which a gens had settled, though +settlement produces changes, and the land of gens and +pagus was not identical in later times. But within this +boundary line, of which we shall hear something more +presently, how were the component parts, the familiae of +the gens, settled down on the land? Of the village community +so familiar to us in Teutonic countries, there +is no certain trace in Latium. <i>Vicus</i>, the only word +which might suggest it, is identical with the Greek οἶκοϛ, +a house; later it is used for houses standing together, or +for a street in a town. But the vicus in the country has +left no trace of itself as a distinct administrative union +like our village community; the vico-magistri of the +Roman city were urban officers; and what is more important, +we know of no religious festivals of the vicus, like +those of the pagus, of which there are well-attested records. +The probability then is that the unit within the pagus +was not the village but the homestead, and that these +stood at a distance from each other, as they do in Celtic +countries, not united together in a village, and each housing +a family group working its own land and owning its +own cattle.<a name="FNanchor_141_141" id="FNanchor_141_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141_141" class="fnanchor">141</a> The question of the amount and the tenure +of the land of this group is a very difficult one, into which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">72</a></span> +it is not necessary to enter closely here. There can, +however, be no doubt that it possessed in its own right a +small piece of garden ground (<i>heredium</i>), and also an +allotment of land in the arable laid out by the settlers in +common—<i>centuriatus ager</i>; whether the ownership of this +was vested in the individual paterfamilias or in the gens +as a whole, does not greatly matter for our purposes.<a name="FNanchor_142_142" id="FNanchor_142_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142_142" class="fnanchor">142</a> +Lastly, as it is certain that the familia owned cattle +and sheep, we may be sure that it enjoyed the right +of common pasture on the land not divided up for +tillage.</p> + +<p>We see all this through a mist, and a mist that is not +likely ever to lift; but yet the outlines of the picture are +clear enough to give us the necessary basis for a study of +the religion of the familia. The religious points, if I may +use the expression—those points, that is, which are the +object of special anxiety (<i>religio</i>)—lie in the boundaries, +both of the pagus as a whole, and of the arable land of +the familia, in the house itself and its free inhabitants, +and in the family burying-place; and to these three may +no doubt be added the spring which supplied the household +with water. Boundaries, house, burying-place, spring,—all +these are in a special sense sacred, and need constant +and regular religious care.</p> + +<p>Let us begin with the house, the central point of the +economic and religious unit. The earliest Italian house +was little more than a wigwam, more or less round, constructed +of upright posts connected with wattles, and with +a closed roof of straw or branches.<a name="FNanchor_143_143" id="FNanchor_143_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143_143" class="fnanchor">143</a> This would seem to +have been the type of house of the immigrating people +who settled on the tops of hills and lived a pastoral life; +when they descended into the plains and became a settled +agricultural people, they adopted a more roomy and +convenient style of building, suitable for storing their +grain or other products, and for the maintenance of a +fire for cooking these. Whether the rectangular house, +with which alone we are here concerned, was developed +under Greek or Etruscan influence, or suggested independ<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">73</a></span>ently +by motives of practical convenience, is matter of +dispute, and must be left to archaeologists to decide.<a name="FNanchor_144_144" id="FNanchor_144_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144_144" class="fnanchor">144</a></p> + +<p>This is the house in which the Latin family lived +throughout historical times, the house which we know as +the sacred local habitation of divine and human beings. +It consisted in its simplest form, as we all know, of a +single room or hall, the atrium, with a roof open in the +middle and sloping inwards to let the rain fall into a +basin (<i>compluvium</i>). Here the life of the family went on, +and here was the hearth (<i>focus</i>), the "natural altar of the +dwelling-room of man,"<a name="FNanchor_145_145" id="FNanchor_145_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145_145" class="fnanchor">145</a> and the seat of Vesta, the spirit +of the fire, whose aid in the cooking of the food was +indispensable in the daily life of the settlers. This sacred +hearth was the centre of the family worship of later times, +until under Greek influence the arrangement of the +house was modified;<a name="FNanchor_146_146" id="FNanchor_146_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146_146" class="fnanchor">146</a> and we may be certain that it was +so in the simple farm life of early Latium. In front of it +was the table at which the family took their meals, and +on this was placed the salt-cellar (<i>salinum</i>), and the +sacred salt-cake, baked even in historical times in +primitive fashion by the daughters of the family, as in all +periods for the State by the Vestal virgins. After the +first and chief course of the mid-day meal, silence was +enjoined, and an offering of a part of the cake was thrown +on to the fire from a small sacrificial plate or dish +(<i>patella</i>).<a name="FNanchor_147_147" id="FNanchor_147_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147_147" class="fnanchor">147</a> This alone is enough to prove that Vesta, the +spirit of the fire, was the central point of the whole worship, +the spiritual embodiment of the physical welfare of +the family.</p> + +<p>Behind the hearth, <i>i.e.</i> farther at the back of the <i>atrium</i>, +was the <i>penus</i>, or storing-place of the household. <i>Penus</i> +was explained by the learned Scaevola<a name="FNanchor_148_148" id="FNanchor_148_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148_148" class="fnanchor">148</a> as meaning anything +that can be eaten or drunk, but not so much that +which is each day set out on the table, as that which is +kept in store for daily consumption; it is therefore in +origin the food itself, though in later times it became also +the receptacle in which that food was stored. This store +was inhabited or guarded by spirits, the <i>di penates</i>, who<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">74</a></span> +together with Vesta represent the material vitality of the +family; these spirits, always conceived and expressed in +the plural, form a group in a way which is characteristic +of the Latins, and their plurality is perhaps due to the +variety and frequent change of the material of the store. +The religious character of the store is also well shown by +the fact, if such it be, that no impure person was allowed +to meddle with it; the duty was especially that of the +children of the family,<a name="FNanchor_149_149" id="FNanchor_149_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149_149" class="fnanchor">149</a> whose purity and religious +capability was symbolised throughout Roman history by +the purple-striped toga which they wore, and secured also +by the amulet, within its capsule the <i>bulla</i>, of which I +spoke in the last lecture.</p> + +<p>Vesta and the Penates represent the spiritual side of +the material needs of the household; but there was +another divine inhabitant of the house, the Genius of the +paterfamilias, who was more immediately concerned with +the continuity of the family. Analogy with the worldwide +belief in the spiritual double of a man, his "other-soul," +compels us to think of this Genius, who accompanied +the Latin from the cradle to the grave, as +originally a conception of this kind. The Latins had +indeed, in common with other races, what we may call +the breath-idea of the soul, as we see from the words +<i>animus</i> and <i>anima</i>, and also the shadow-idea, as is proved +by the word <i>umbra</i> for a departed spirit. But the Genius +was one of those guardian spirits, treated by Professor +Tylor as a different species of the same genus, which +accompany a man all his life and help him through its +many changes and chances;<a name="FNanchor_150_150" id="FNanchor_150_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150_150" class="fnanchor">150</a> and the peculiarity of this +Latin guardian is that he was specially helpful in continuing +the life of the family. The soul of a man is often +conceived as the cause of life, but not often as the procreative +power itself; and that this latter was the Latin +idea is certain, both from the etymology of the word +and from the fact that the marriage-bed was called <i>lectus +genialis</i>. I am inclined to think that this peculiarity of +the Latin conception of Genius was the result of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">75</a></span> +unusually strong idea that the Latins must have had, +even when they first passed into Italy, of kinship as +determined not by the mother but by the father.<a name="FNanchor_151_151" id="FNanchor_151_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151_151" class="fnanchor">151</a> It is +possible, I think, that the Genius was a soul of later +origin than those I have just mentioned, and developed +in the period when the gens arose as the main group of +kinsmen real or imaginary. I would suggest that we +may see in it the connecting link between that group +and the individual adult males within it; in that case +the Genius would be that soul of a man which enables +him to fulfil the work of continuing the life of the gens. +We can easily imagine how it might eventually come to +be his guardian spirit, and to acquire all the other senses +with which we are familiar in Roman literature. With +the development of the idea of individuality, the individuality +of a man as apart from the kin group, the idea of +the individuality of the Genius also became emphasised, +until it became possible to think of it as even living on +after the death of its companion;<a name="FNanchor_152_152" id="FNanchor_152_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152_152" class="fnanchor">152</a> in this way, in course +of time, the Genius came to exercise a curious influence +on the idea of the Manes. The history of the idea of +Genius, and its application to places, cities, etc., is indeed +a curious one, and of no small interest in the study of +religion; but we must return to the primitive house and +its divine inhabitants. There is one more of these who +calls for a word before I pass to the land and the boundaries; +we meet him on the threshold as we leave the +dwelling.</p> + +<p>It is, of course, well known to anthropologists that the +door of a house is a dangerous point, because evil spirits +or the ghosts of the dead may gain access to the house +through it. Among the innumerable customs which +attest this belief there are one or two Roman ones, <i>e.g.</i> +the practice of making a man, who has returned home +after his supposed death in a foreign country, enter the +house by the roof instead of the door; for the door must +be kept barred against ghosts, and this man may be after +all a ghost, or at least he may have evil spirits or miasma<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">76</a></span> +about him.<a name="FNanchor_153_153" id="FNanchor_153_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153_153" class="fnanchor">153</a> It was at the doorway that a curious +ceremony took place (to which I shall ask your attention +again) immediately after the birth of a child, in order to +prevent Silvanus, who may stand for the dangerous +spirits of the forest, from entering in and vexing the +baby.<a name="FNanchor_154_154" id="FNanchor_154_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154_154" class="fnanchor">154</a> Again, a dead man, as among so many other +peoples, was carried out of the doorway with his feet +foremost, so that he should not find his way back; and +the old Roman practice of burial by night probably had +the same object.<a name="FNanchor_155_155" id="FNanchor_155_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155_155" class="fnanchor">155</a> Exactly the same anxiety (<i>religio</i>) is +seen in regard to the gates of a city; the wall was in +some sense holy (<i>sanctus</i>), but the gates, through which +was destined to pass much that might be dangerous, +could not be thus sanctified. Was there, then, no protecting +spirit of these doors and gates?</p> + +<p>St. Augustine, writing with Varro before him, finds +no less than three spirits of the entrance to a house: +Forculus, of the door itself; Limentinus, of the threshold; +and Cardea, of the hinges of the door; and these Varro +seems to have found in the books of the pontifices.<a name="FNanchor_156_156" id="FNanchor_156_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156_156" class="fnanchor">156</a> I +must postpone the question as to what these pontifical +books really represented; but the passage will at least +serve to show us the popular anxiety about the point of +entrance to a house, and its association with the spirit +world. Of late sober research has reached the conclusion +that the original door-spirit was Janus, whom we +know in Roman history as residing in the symbolic gate +of the Forum, and as the god of beginnings, the first +deity to be invoked in prayer, as Vesta was the last.<a name="FNanchor_157_157" id="FNanchor_157_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157_157" class="fnanchor">157</a> +But Janus is also wanted for far higher purposes by +some eminent Cambridge scholars; they have their own +reasons for wanting him as a god of the sky, as a double +of Jupiter, as the mate of Diana, and a deity of the oak.<a name="FNanchor_158_158" id="FNanchor_158_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158_158" class="fnanchor">158</a> +So, too, he was wanted by the philosophical speculators of +the last century b.c., who tried to interpret their own humble +deities in terms of Greek philosophy and Greek polytheism. +The poets too, who, as Augustine says, found Forculus +and his companions beneath their notice, played strange<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">77</a></span> +tricks with this hoary old god, as any one may read in the +first book of Ovid's <i>Fasti</i>. I myself believe that the +main features of the theology (if we may use the word) of +the earliest Rome were derived from the house and the +land as an economic and religious unit, and I am strongly +inclined to see in Janus bifrons of the Forum a developed +form of the spirit of the house-door; but the question is +a difficult one, and I shall return to it in a lecture on the +deities of early Rome.</p> + +<p>So far I have said nothing of the Lar familiaris who +has become a household word as a household deity; and +yet we are on the point of leaving the house of the old +Latin settler to look for the spirits whom he worships on +his land. The reason is simply that after repeated examination +of the evidence available, I find myself forced +to believe that at the period of which I am speaking the +Lar was not one of the divine inhabitants of the house. +When Fustel de Coulanges wrote his brilliant book <i>La +Cité antique</i>, which popularised the importance of the +worship of ancestors as a factor in Aryan civilisation, he +found in the Lar, who in historical times was a familiar +figure in the house, the reputed founder of the family; and +until lately this view has been undisputed. But if my +account of the relation of the family to the gens is correct, +the family would stand in no need of a reputed founder; +that symbol of the bond of kinship was to be found in the +gens of which the family was an offshoot, a cutting, as it +were, planted on the land. Still more convincing is the +fact that when we first meet with the Lar as an object of +worship he is not in the house but on the land. The +oldest Lar of whom we know anything was one of a +characteristic Roman group of which the individuals +lived in the <i>compita</i>, <i>i.e.</i> the spots where the land belonging +to various households met, and where there were +chapels with as many faces as there were properties, +each face containing an altar to a Lar,—the presiding +spirit of that allotment, or rather perhaps of the whole +of the land of the familia, including that on which the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">78</a></span> +house stood.<a name="FNanchor_159_159" id="FNanchor_159_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159_159" class="fnanchor">159</a> Thus the Lar fills a place in the private +worship which would otherwise be vacant, that of the +holding and its productive power. In this sense, too, we +find the Lares in the hymn of the Arval Brethren, one of +the oldest fragments of Latin we possess; for the spirits +of the land would naturally be invoked in the lustration +of the <i>ager Romanus</i> by this ancient religious gild.<a name="FNanchor_160_160" id="FNanchor_160_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160_160" class="fnanchor">160</a></p> + +<p>But how, it may be asked, did the Lar find his way +into the house, to become the characteristic deity of the +later Roman private worship there? I believe that he +gained admittance through the slaves of the familia, who +had no part in the worship of the dwelling, but were +admitted to the Compitalia, or yearly festival of which +the Lares of the compita were the central object. Cato +tells us that the vilicus, the head of the familia of slaves, +might not "facere rem divinam nisi Compitalibus in +compito aut in foco";<a name="FNanchor_161_161" id="FNanchor_161_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161_161" class="fnanchor">161</a> which I take to mean that he +might sacrifice for his fellow-slaves to the Lar at the +compitum, or to the Lar in the house, if the Lar were +already transferred from the compitum to the house. In +the constant absence of the owner, the paterfamilias of +Rome's stirring days, the worship of the Lar at the compitum +or in the house came to be more and more distinctly +the right of the vilicus and his wife as representing +the slaves, and thus too the Lar came to be called by the +epithet <i>familiaris</i>, which plainly indicates that in his cult +the slaves were included. And as it was the old custom +that the slaves should sit at the meals of the family on +benches below the free members (<i>subsellia</i>),<a name="FNanchor_162_162" id="FNanchor_162_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162_162" class="fnanchor">162</a> what more +natural than that they should claim to see there the Lar +whom alone of the deities of the farm they were permitted +to worship, and that they should bring the Lar +or his double from the compitum to the house, in the frequent +absence of the master?<a name="FNanchor_163_163" id="FNanchor_163_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163_163" class="fnanchor">163</a></p> + +<p>The festival of the Lar was celebrated at the compitum, +and known as Compitalia or Laralia; it took place +soon after the winter solstice, on a day fixed by the +paterfamilias, in concert, no doubt, with the other heads<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">79</a></span> +of families in the pagus. Like most rejoicings at this +time of year, it was free and jovial in character, and +the whole familia took part in it, both bond and free. +Each familia sacrificed on its own altar, which was placed +fifteen feet in front of the compitum, so that the worshippers +might be on their own land; but if, as we may +suppose, the whole pagus celebrated this rite on the same +day, there was in this festival, as in others to be mentioned +directly, a social value, a means of widening the +outlook of the familia and associating it with the needs of +others in its religious duties. This is the <i>religio Larium</i> +of which Cicero speaks in the second book of his <i>de +Legibus</i>, which was "posita in fundi villaeque conspectu," +and handed down for the benefit both of masters and men +from remote antiquity.<a name="FNanchor_164_164" id="FNanchor_164_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164_164" class="fnanchor">164</a></p> + +<p>There were other festivals in which all the familiae of +a pagus took part. Of these we know little, and what +we do know is almost entirely due to the love of the +Augustan poets for the country and its life and customs; +"Fortunatus et ille deos qui novit agrestes," wrote Virgil, +contrasting himself with the philosopher poet whom he +revered. Varro, in his list of Roman festivals,<a name="FNanchor_165_165" id="FNanchor_165_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165_165" class="fnanchor">165</a> just +mentions a festival called Sementivae, associated with +the sowing of the seed, and celebrated by all pagi, if we +interpret him rightly; but Ovid has given us a charming +picture of what must be this same rite, and places it +clearly in winter, after the autumn sowing<a name="FNanchor_166_166" id="FNanchor_166_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166_166" class="fnanchor">166</a>:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">state coronati plenum ad praesaepe iuvenci:</span> +<span class="i1">cum tepido vestrum vere redibit opus.</span> +<span class="i0">rusticus emeritum palo suspendit aratrum:</span> +<span class="i1">omne reformidat frigida volnus humus.</span> +<span class="i0">vilice, da requiem terrae, semente peracta:</span> +<span class="i1">da requiem terram qui coluere viris.</span> +<span class="i0">pagus agat festum: pagum lustrate, coloni,</span> +<span class="i1">et date paganis annua liba focis.</span> +<span class="i0">placentur frugum matres Tellusque Ceresque,</span> +<span class="i1">farre suo gravidae visceribusque suis.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Ovid may here be writing of his own home at Sulmo, +and what took place there in the Augustan age; but we<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">80</a></span> +may read his description into the life of old Latium, for +rustic life is tenacious of old custom, especially where the +economic conditions remain always the same. We may +do the same with another beautiful picture left us by +Tibullus, also a poet of the country, which I have recently +examined at length in the <i>Classical Review</i>.<a name="FNanchor_167_167" id="FNanchor_167_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167_167" class="fnanchor">167</a> The +festival he describes has often been identified with Ovid's, +but I am rather disposed to see in it a lustratio of the +<i>ager paganus</i> in the spring, of the same kind as the +famous one in Virgil's first <i>Georgic</i>, to be mentioned +directly; for Tibullus, after describing the scene, which +he introduces with the words "fruges lustramus et agros," +puts into perfect verse a prayer for the welfare of the +crops and flocks, and looks forward to a time when (if +the prayer succeeds) the land shall be full of corn, and +the peasant shall heap wood upon a bonfire—perhaps +one of the midsummer fires that still survive in the +Abruzzi. Virgil's lines are no less picturesque;<a name="FNanchor_168_168" id="FNanchor_168_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168_168" class="fnanchor">168</a> and +though he does not mention the pagus, he is clearly +thinking of a lustratio in which more than one familia +takes part—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">cuncta tibi Cererem pubes agrestis adoret.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>This is a spring festival "extremae sub casum hiemis, iam +vere sereno"; and I shall return to it when we come to +deal with the processional lustratio of the farm. Like +the descriptions of Ovid and Tibullus, it is more valuable +to us for the idea it gives us of the spirit of old Italian +agricultural religion than for exact knowledge about +dates and details. There was, of course, endless variety +in Italy in both these; and it is waste of time to try and +make the descriptions of the rural poets fit in with the +fixed festivals of the Roman city calendar.</p> + +<p>Nor is it quite safe to argue back from that calendar +to the life of the familia and the pagus, except in general +terms. As we shall see, the calendar is based on the life +and work of an agricultural folk, and we may by all +means guess that its many agricultural rites existed before<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">81</a></span>hand +in the earlier social life; but into detail we may not +venture. As Varro, however, has mentioned the Saturnalia +in the same sentence with the Compitalia, we may guess +that that famous jovial festival was a part of the rustic +winter rejoicing. And here, too, I may mention another +<i>festa</i> of that month, of which a glimpse is given us by +Horace, another country-loving poet, who specially mentions +the pagus as taking part in it. Faunus and Silvanus +were deities or spirits of the woodland among which these +pagi lay, and in which the farmers ran their cattle in the +summer;<a name="FNanchor_169_169" id="FNanchor_169_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169_169" class="fnanchor">169</a> by Horace's time Faunus had been more or +less tarred with a Greek brush, but in the beautiful little +ode I am alluding to he is still a deity of the Italian +farmer,<a name="FNanchor_170_170" id="FNanchor_170_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170_170" class="fnanchor">170</a> who on the Nones of December besought him to +be gracious to the cattle now feeding peacefully on the +winter pasture:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">ludit herboso pecus omne campo</span> +<span class="i0">cum tibi Nonae redeunt Decembres:</span> +<span class="i0">festus in <i>pratis</i> vacat otioso</span> +<span class="i2">cum bove pagus.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>There is one more rite of familia or pagus, or both, of +which I must say a word before I return for a while +to the house and its inhabitants. One of the most important +matters for the pagus, as for the landholding +household, was the fixing of the boundaries of their land, +whether as against other pagi or households, or as +separating that land from unreclaimed forest. This was +of course, like all these other operations of the farm, a +matter of religious care and anxiety—a matter in which +the feeling of anxiety and awe (<i>religio</i>) brought with it, to +use an expression of Cicero's, both <i>cura</i> and <i>caerimonia</i>.<a name="FNanchor_171_171" id="FNanchor_171_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171_171" class="fnanchor">171</a> +The <i>religio terminorum</i> is known to us in some detail, as it +existed in historical times, from the Roman writers on +<i>agrimetatio</i>; and with their help the whole subject has +been made intelligible by Rudorff in the second volume +of the <i>Gromatici</i>.<a name="FNanchor_172_172" id="FNanchor_172_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172_172" class="fnanchor">172</a> We know that many different objects +might serve as boundary marks, according to the nature of +the land, especially trees and stones; and in the case of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">82</a></span> +the latter, which would be the usual <i>termini</i> in agricultural +land at some distance from forest, we have the religious +character of the stone and its fixing most instructively +brought out. "Fruits of the earth, and the bones, ashes, +and blood of a victim were put into a hole in the ground +by the landholders whose lands converged at the point, +and the stone was rammed down on the top and carefully +fixed."<a name="FNanchor_173_173" id="FNanchor_173_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173_173" class="fnanchor">173</a> This had the practical effect—for all Latin +religion has a practical side—of enabling the stone to be +identified in the future. But Ovid<a name="FNanchor_174_174" id="FNanchor_174_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174_174" class="fnanchor">174</a> gives us a picture of +the yearly commemorative rite of the same nature, from +which we see still better the force of the <i>religio terminorum</i>. +The boundary-stone is garlanded, and an altar is built; +the fire is carried from the hearth of the homestead by a +materfamilias, the priestess of the family; a young son of +the family holds a basket full of fruits of the earth, and a +little daughter shakes these into the fire and offers honey-cakes. +Others stand by with wine, or look on in silence, +clothed in white. The victims are lamb and sucking-pig, +and the stone is sprinkled with their blood, an act which +all the world over shows that an object is holy and +tenanted by a spirit.<a name="FNanchor_175_175" id="FNanchor_175_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175_175" class="fnanchor">175</a> And the ceremony ends with a +feast and hymns in honour of holy Terminus, who in +Ovid's time in the rural districts, and long before on the +Capitolium of Rome, had risen from the spirit sanctifying +the stone to become a deity, closely connected with Jupiter +himself, and to give his name to a yearly city festival on +February 23.</p> + +<p>These festivals on the land were, some of them at least, +scenes of revelry, accompanied with dancing and singing, +as the poets describe them, the faces of the peasants +painted red with minium,<a name="FNanchor_176_176" id="FNanchor_176_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176_176" class="fnanchor">176</a> according to an old Italian +custom which survived in the case of the triumphator of +the glorious days of the City-state. But if we may now +return for a moment to the homestead, there were events +of great importance to the family which were celebrated +there in more serious and sober fashion, with rites that +were in part truly religious, yet not without some features<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">83</a></span> +that show the prevailing anxiety, rooted in the age of +taboo, which we learnt to recognise under the word <i>religio</i>. +Marriage was a religious ceremony, for we can hardly +doubt that the patrician <i>confarreatio</i>, in which a cake made +of the anciently used grain called <i>far</i> was offered to Jupiter, +and perhaps partaken of sacramentally by bride and +bridegroom, was the oldest form of marriage, and had its +origin in an age before the State came into being. We +must remember that the house was a sacred place, with +religious duties carried on within it, and the abode of +household spirits; and when a bride from another family +or gens was to be brought into it, it was essential that such +introduction should be carried out in a manner that would +not disturb the happy relations of the human and divine +inhabitants of the house. It was essential, too, that the +children expected of her should be such as should be able +to discharge their duties in the household without hurting +the feelings of these spirits. Some of the quaint customs +of the <i>deductio</i> of later times strongly suggest an original +anxiety about matters of such vital interest; the torch, +carried by a boy whose parents were both living, was of +whitethorn (<i>Spina alba</i>), which was a powerful protective +against hostile magic, and about which there were curious +superstitions.<a name="FNanchor_177_177" id="FNanchor_177_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177_177" class="fnanchor">177</a> Arrived at the house, the bride smeared +the doorposts with wolf's fat and oil, and wound fillets of +wool around them—so dangerous was the moment of +entrance, so sacred the doorway; and finally, she was +carried over the threshold, and then, and then only, was +received by her husband into communion of fire and water, +symbolic of her acceptance as materfamilias both by man +and deity.<a name="FNanchor_178_178" id="FNanchor_178_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178_178" class="fnanchor">178</a></p> + +<p>When the new materfamilias presented her husband +with a child, there was another perilous moment; the +infant, if accepted by the father (<i>sublatus</i>, <i>i.e.</i> raised from +the earth on which it had been placed),<a name="FNanchor_179_179" id="FNanchor_179_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179_179" class="fnanchor">179</a> did not immediately +become a member of the family in the religious +sense, and was liable to be vexed by evil or mischievous +spirits from the wild woodland, or, as they phrased it in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">84</a></span> +later days, by Silvanus. I have already alluded to the +curious bit of mummery which was meant to keep them +off. Three men at night came to the threshold and struck +it with an axe, a pestle, and a besom, so that "by these +signs of agriculture Silvanus might be prevented from +entering." The hostile spirits were thus denied entrance +to a dwelling in which friendly spirits of household life and +of settled agricultural pursuits had taken up their abode. +Nothing can better show the anxiety of life in those +primitive times, especially in a country like Italy, full of +forest and mountain, where dwelt mischievous Brownies +who would tease the settler if they could. But on the ninth +day after the birth (or the eighth in the case of a girl) +the child was "purified" and adopted into the family and +its sacra, and into the gens to which the family belonged, +and received its name—the latter a matter of more importance +than we can easily realise.<a name="FNanchor_180_180" id="FNanchor_180_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180_180" class="fnanchor">180</a> From this time till +it arrived at the age of puberty it was protected by amulet +and <i>praetexta</i>; the tender age of childhood being then +passed, and youth and maiden endued with new powers, +the peculiar defensive armour of childhood might be dispensed +with.<a name="FNanchor_181_181" id="FNanchor_181_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181_181" class="fnanchor">181</a></p> + +<p>Lastly, the death of a member of the family was an +occasion of extreme anxiety, which might, however, be +allayed by the exact performance of certain rites (<i>iusta +facere</i>). The funeral ceremonies of the City-state were of +a complicated character, and the details are not all +of them easy to interpret. But the principle must +have been always the same—that the dead would "walk" +unless they had been deposited with due ceremony in the +bosom of Mother Earth, and that their natural tendency +in "walking" was to find their way back to the house +which had been their home in life. Whether buried or +burnt, the idea was the same: if burnt, as seems to have +been common Roman practice from very early times, +at least one bone had to be buried as representing the +whole body. We have seen that certain precautions were +taken to prevent the dead man from finding his way back,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">85</a></span> +such as carrying him out of the house feet foremost; and +if he were properly buried and the house duly purified +afterwards, the process of prevention was fairly complete. +His ghost, shade, or double then passed beneath the earth +to join the whole body of Manes in the underworld,<a name="FNanchor_182_182" id="FNanchor_182_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182_182" class="fnanchor">182</a> and +could only return at certain fixed times—such at least +was the idea expressed in the customs of later ages. But +if a paterfamilias or his representative had omitted <i>iusta +facere</i>, or if the dead man had never been buried at all, +carried off by an enemy or some wild beast, he could +never have descended to that underworld, and was roaming +the earth disconsolately, and with an evil will. The +primitive idea of anxiety is well expressed in the Roman +festival of the Lemuria in May, when the head of a household +could get rid of the ghosts by spitting out black +beans<a name="FNanchor_183_183" id="FNanchor_183_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183_183" class="fnanchor">183</a> from his mouth and saying, "With these I redeem +me and mine." Nine times he says this without looking +round: then come the ghosts behind him and gather up +the beans unseen. After other quaint performances he +nine times repeats the formula, "Manes exite paterni," +then at last looks round, and the ghosts are gone.<a name="FNanchor_184_184" id="FNanchor_184_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184_184" class="fnanchor">184</a> This +is plainly a survival from the private life of the primitive +household, and well illustrates its fears and anxieties; but +the State provided, as we shall see, another and more +religious ceremony, put limitations on the mischievous +freedom of the ghosts, and ordained the means of expiation +for those who had made a slip in the funeral ceremonies, +or whose dead had been buried at sea or had died in a far +country.</p> + +<p>I have thus tried to sketch the life of the early Latin +family in its relations with the various manifestations of +the Power in the universe. We have seen enough, I +think, to conclude that it had a strong desire to be in +right relations with that Power, and to understand its +will; but we may doubt whether that desire had as yet +become very effective. The circumstances of the life of +the Latin farmer were hardly such as to rid him of much +of the <i>religio</i> that he had inherited from his wilder<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">86</a></span> +ancestors, or had found springing up afresh within him as +he contended with the soil, the elements, and the hostile +beings surrounding him, animal, human, and spiritual. He +is living in an age of transition; he is half-way between +the age of magic and a new age of religion and duty.</p> + + +<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE IV</h5> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_131_131" id="Footnote_131_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_131"><span class="label">131</span></a> Frazer, <i>Lectures on the Early History of the Kingship</i>, lect. +viii. Dr. Frazer finds traces of Mutterrecht only in the succession +to the kingship of Alba and Rome, of which the evidence is of course +purely legendary. If the legends represent fact in any sense, they +point, if I understand him rightly, to a kingship held by a non-Latin +race, or, as he calls it, plebeian. Binder, <i>Die Plebs</i>, p. 403 foll., +believes that the original Latin population, <i>i.e.</i> the plebs of later +times, lived under Mutterrecht.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_132_132" id="Footnote_132_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_132"><span class="label">132</span></a> Aust, <i>Religion der Römer</i>, p. 212.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_133_133" id="Footnote_133_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_133"><span class="label">133</span></a> In historical times the household deities were often represented +by images of Greek type: <i>e.g.</i> the Penates by those of the Dioscuri. +Wissowa, <i>Rel. und Kult.</i> p. 147, and <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i>, +p. 95 foll., and 289. See also De Marchi, <i>La Religione nella vita +privata</i>, i. p. 41 foll. and p. 90 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_134_134" id="Footnote_134_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_134"><span class="label">134</span></a> De Marchi, <i>op. cit.</i> i. 13 foll. In the ordinary and regular +religion of the family the State, <i>i.e.</i> the pontifices, did not interfere; +but they might do so in matters such as the succession of <i>sacra</i>, +the care of graves, or the fulfilment of vows undertaken by private +persons. See Cicero, <i>de Legibus</i>, ii. 19. 47.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_135_135" id="Footnote_135_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135_135"><span class="label">135</span></a> Mucius Scaevola, the great lawyer, defined <i>gentiles</i> as those +"qui eodem nomine sunt, qui ab ingenuis oriundi sunt, quorum +maiorum nemo servitutem servivit, qui capite non sunt deminuti," +Cic. <i>Topica</i>, vi. 29. This is the practical view of a lawyer of the +last century b.c., and does not take account of the <i>sacra gentilicia</i>, +which had by that time decayed or passed into the care of +<i>sodalitates</i>: Marquardt, p. 132 foll.; De Marchi, ii. p. 3 foll. The +notion of descent from a common ancestor is of course ideal, but +none the less a factor in the life of the gens; it crops up, <i>e.g.</i>, in +Virgil, <i>Aen.</i> v. 117, 121, and Servius <i>ad loc.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_136_136" id="Footnote_136_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136_136"><span class="label">136</span></a> Crawley, <i>The Tree of Life</i>, p. 47.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_137_137" id="Footnote_137_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137_137"><span class="label">137</span></a> For the alleged extinction of the gens Potitia, and the legend +connected with it, Livy i. 7, Festus 237.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_138_138" id="Footnote_138_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138_138"><span class="label">138</span></a> See Marquardt, <i>Privataltertümer</i>, p. 56, and note 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_139_139" id="Footnote_139_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139_139"><span class="label">139</span></a> There is, I believe, no doubt that the etymological affinities +of the word <i>familia</i> point to the idea of settlement and not that of +kin; <i>e.g.</i> Oscan <i>Faama</i>, a house, and Sanscrit <i>dhâ</i>, to settle.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">87</a></span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_140_140" id="Footnote_140_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140_140"><span class="label">140</span></a> The exact meaning and origin of the word has been much +discussed. It is tempting to connect it with <i>pax</i>, <i>paciscor</i>, and +make it a territory within whose bounds there is <i>pax</i>; see Rudorff, +<i>Gromatici veteres</i>, ii. 239, and Nissen, <i>Italische Landeskunde</i>, ii. +8 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_141_141" id="Footnote_141_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141_141"><span class="label">141</span></a> See Rudorff, <i>Grom. vet.</i> ii. 236 foll.; Mommsen, <i>Staatsrecht</i>, +iii. 116 foll.; Kornemann in <i>Klio</i>, vol. v. (1905) p. 80 foll.; +Greenidge, <i>Roman Public Life</i>, p. 1 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_142_142" id="Footnote_142_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142_142"><span class="label">142</span></a> Mommsen, <i>Staatsrecht</i>, iii. 22 foll.; Kornemann, <i>l.c.</i>; Roby +in <i>Dict. of Antiquities</i>, <i>s.v.</i> "Agrimetatio," p. 85. The view that there +was freehold garden land attached to the homestead gains strength +from a statement of Pliny (<i>N.H.</i> xix. 50) that the word used in the +XII. Tables for villa, which was the word in classical times for +the homestead, was <i>hortus</i>, a garden, and that this was <i>heredium</i>, +private property. See Mommsen, <i>Staatsrecht</i>, iii. 23. It would +indeed be strange if the house had no land immediately attached +to it; we know that in the Anglo-Saxon village community +the villani, bordarii and cotagii, had their garden croft attached to +their dwellings, apart from such strips as they might hold from the +lord of the manor in the open fields. See Vinogradoff, <i>Villainage +in England</i>, p. 148. For the <i>centuriatus ager</i>, Roby <i>l.c.</i> We have +no direct knowledge of the system in the earliest times, but it is +almost certain that it was old-Italian in outline, and not introduced +by the Etruscans, as stated, <i>e.g.</i>, by Deecke-Müller, <i>Etrusker</i>, ii. 128.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_143_143" id="Footnote_143_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143_143"><span class="label">143</span></a> For Latium this is proved by the sepulchral hut-urns found +at Alba and also on the Esquiline. One of these in the Ashmolean +Museum at Oxford shows the construction well. See article +"Domus" in Pauly-Wissowa, <i>Real-Encyclopädie</i>; Helbig, <i>Die +Italiker in der Poebene</i>, p. 50 foll. Later there was an opening in +the roof.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_144_144" id="Footnote_144_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144_144"><span class="label">144</span></a> Von Duhn in <i>Journal of Hellenic Studies</i>, 1896, p. 125 +foll., and article "Domus" in Pauly-Wissowa.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_145_145" id="Footnote_145_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145_145"><span class="label">145</span></a> This is Aust's admirable expression, <i>Religion der Römer</i>, +p. 214.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_146_146" id="Footnote_146_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146_146"><span class="label">146</span></a> See the author's <i>Social Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero</i>, +p. 242.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_147_147" id="Footnote_147_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147_147"><span class="label">147</span></a> Serv. <i>Aen.</i> i. 270; Marquardt, p. 126.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_148_148" id="Footnote_148_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148_148"><span class="label">148</span></a> <i>Ap. Gellium</i>, iv. 1. 17. For the sacredness of food and +meals, see below (Lect. VIII. p. 172).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_149_149" id="Footnote_149_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149_149"><span class="label">149</span></a> See a paper by the author in <i>Classical Rev.</i> vol. x. (1896) +p. 317, and references there given. Cp. the passage of Servius +quoted above (<i>Aen.</i> i. 730), where a boy is described as announcing +at the daily meal that the gods were propitious. For the purity +necessary I may refer to Hor. <i>Odes</i>, iii. 23 <i>ad fin.</i>, "Immunis aram +si tetigit manus," etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_150_150" id="Footnote_150_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150_150"><span class="label">150</span></a> <i>Primitive Culture</i>, i. 393.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_151_151" id="Footnote_151_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151_151"><span class="label">151</span></a> The feminine counterpart of Genius was Juno, of which more<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">88</a></span> +will be said later on. Each woman had her Juno; but this "other-soul" +has little importance as compared with Genius.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_152_152" id="Footnote_152_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152_152"><span class="label">152</span></a> See J. B. Carter in Hastings' <i>Dict. of Religion and Ethics</i>, +i. 462 foll. For Genius in general, Birt in <i>Myth. Lex.</i> s.v.; +Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 154 foll.; Stewart, <i>Myths of Plato</i>, p. 450, for the +connexion of souls with ancestry.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_153_153" id="Footnote_153_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153_153"><span class="label">153</span></a> See the fifth of Plutarch's <i>Quaestiones Romanae</i>, and Dr. +Jevons' interesting comments in his edition of Phil. Holland's +translation, pp. xxii. and xxxv. foll. Cp. the throwing the fetters of +a criminal out by the roof of the Flamen's house.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_154_154" id="Footnote_154_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154_154"><span class="label">154</span></a> <i>Civ. Dei</i>, vi. 9. These are deities of the Indigitamenta; +see below, p. 84.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_155_155" id="Footnote_155_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155_155"><span class="label">155</span></a> De Marchi, <i>La Religione</i>, etc. i. 188 foll.; Marquardt, +<i>Privatleben der Römer</i>, p. 336, "la porte est la limite entre le +monde étranger et le monde domestique" (A. van Gennep, <i>Rites +de passage</i>, p. 26, where other illustrations are given).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_156_156" id="Footnote_156_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156_156"><span class="label">156</span></a> See below, Lect. XII. p. <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_157_157" id="Footnote_157_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157_157"><span class="label">157</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 96; Aust, <i>Rel. der Römer</i>, p. 117; +Roscher in <i>Myth. Lex.</i> s.v. "Janus"; J. B. Carter, <i>Religion of Numa</i>, +p. 13. Cp. Von Domaszewski in <i>Archiv</i>, 1907, p. 337.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_158_158" id="Footnote_158_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158_158"><span class="label">158</span></a> Frazer, <i>Lectures on the Early History of Kingship</i>, p. 286 +foll.; A. B. Cook in <i>Classical Review</i>, 1904, p. 367 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_159_159" id="Footnote_159_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159_159"><span class="label">159</span></a> <i>Gromat. vet.</i> i. 302, line 20 foll., describes the chapels, but +without mentioning the Lares. Varro (<i>L.L.</i> vi. 25) supplies the +name: "Compitalia dies attributus Laribus Compitalibus; ideo ubi +viae competunt tum in competis sacrificatur." Cp. Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> +p. 148. But the nature of the land thus marked off is not clear +to me, nor explained (for primitive times) by Wissowa in <i>Real-Encycl.</i>, +<i>s.vv.</i> "Compitum" and "Compitalia."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_160_160" id="Footnote_160_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160_160"><span class="label">160</span></a> "Enos Lases juvate." See Henzen, <i>Acta Fratr. Arv.</i> p. 26 +foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_161_161" id="Footnote_161_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161_161"><span class="label">161</span></a> Cato, <i>R.R.</i> 5. Cp. Dion. Hal. iv. 13. 2. In Cato 143 the +vilica is to put a wreath on the focus on Kalends, Nones and Ides, +and to pray to the Lar familiaris pro copia (at the compita?).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_162_162" id="Footnote_162_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162_162"><span class="label">162</span></a> Marquardt, <i>Privatleben</i>, p. 172.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_163_163" id="Footnote_163_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163_163"><span class="label">163</span></a> The controversy about the Lar may be read in the <i>Archiv +für Religionswissenschaft</i>, 1904, p. 42 foll. (Wissowa), and 1907, +p. 368 foll. (Samter in reply). De Marchi (<i>La Religione</i>, etc. i. 28 +foll.) takes the same view as Samter, who originally stated it in his +<i>Familienfesten</i>, p. 105 foll., in criticism of Wissowa's view. See also +a note by the author in the <i>Archiv</i>, 1906, p. 529.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_164_164" id="Footnote_164_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164_164"><span class="label">164</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 148; the details as to the altar occur in +<i>Gromatici vet.</i> i. 302. It was on this occasion that <i>maniae</i> and +<i>pilae</i> were hung on the house and compitum ("pro foribus," Macr. i. +7. 35); see above, p. 61. For the <i>religio Larium</i>, Cic. <i>de Legg.</i>, +ii. 19 and 27. That the Compitalia was an old Latin festival is +undoubted; but as we are uncertain about the exact nature of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">89</a></span> +earliest form of landholding, we cannot be sure about the nature of +the compita in remote antiquity. The passage from the <i>Gromatici</i> +(Dolabella), quoted above, refers to the <i>fines templares</i> of <i>possessiones</i>, +<i>i.e.</i> the boundaries marked by these chapels in estates of +later times. See Rudorff in vol. ii. p. 263; Wissowa in Pauly-Wissowa, +<i>s.v.</i> "Compitum."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_165_165" id="Footnote_165_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165_165"><span class="label">165</span></a> Varro, <i>L.L.</i> vi. 26. I have discussed this passage in <i>R.F.</i> +p. 294; it is still not clear to me whether Varro is identifying his +Paganicae with the Sementivae, but on the whole I think he uses +the latter word of a city rite (<i>dies a pontificibus dictus</i>), and the +former of the country festivals of the same kind.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_166_166" id="Footnote_166_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166_166"><span class="label">166</span></a> <i>Fasti</i>, i. 663.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_167_167" id="Footnote_167_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167_167"><span class="label">167</span></a> <i>Cl. Rev.</i>, 1908, p. 36 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_168_168" id="Footnote_168_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168_168"><span class="label">168</span></a> <i>Georg.</i> i. 338 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_169_169" id="Footnote_169_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169_169"><span class="label">169</span></a> See my discussion of Faunus in <i>R.F.</i> p. 258 foll. I am still +unable to agree with Wissowa in his view of Faunus (<i>R.K.</i> p. 172 foll.). +I may here mention a passage of the gromatic writer Dolabella +(<i>Gromatici</i>, i. 302), in which he says that there were three Silvani +to each <i>possessio</i> or large estate of later times: "S. domesticus, +possessioni consecratus: alter agrestis, pastoribus consecratus: tertius +orientalis, cui est in confinio lucus positus, a quo inter duo pluresque +fines oriuntur." Faunus never became domesticated, but he belongs +to the same type as Silvanus. Von Domaszewski, in his recently +published <i>Abhandlungen zur röm. Religion</i>, p. 61, discredits the +passage about the three Silvani, following a paper of Mommsen. +But his whole interesting discussion of Silvanus shows well how +many different forms that curious semi-deity could take.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_170_170" id="Footnote_170_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170_170"><span class="label">170</span></a> <i>Odes</i>, iii. 18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_171_171" id="Footnote_171_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171_171"><span class="label">171</span></a> Cic. <i>de Inventione</i>, ii. 161.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_172_172" id="Footnote_172_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172_172"><span class="label">172</span></a> pp. 236-284.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_173_173" id="Footnote_173_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173_173"><span class="label">173</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> 325, condensed from Siculus Flaccus (<i>Gromatici</i>, i. 141).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_174_174" id="Footnote_174_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174_174"><span class="label">174</span></a> <i>Fasti</i>, ii. 641 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_175_175" id="Footnote_175_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175_175"><span class="label">175</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i>, Jevons, <i>Introduction</i>, etc., p. 138; Robertson Smith, +<i>Semites</i>, p. 321.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_176_176" id="Footnote_176_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176_176"><span class="label">176</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i>, Tibullus ii. 1. 55; Virg. <i>Ecl.</i> vi. 22, x. 27, and +Servius on both these passages. Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> xxxiii. 111; and cp. +below, p. 177. For primitive ideas about the colour red see Jevons, +<i>Introd.</i> pp. 67 and 138; Samter, <i>Familienfeste</i>, p. 47 foll. Cp. also +the very interesting paper of von Duhn in <i>Archiv</i>, 1906, p. 1 foll., +esp. p. 20: "Es soll eben wirklich pulsierendes kraftvolles Leben zum +Ausdruck gebracht werden." His conclusions are based on the widespread +custom of using red in funerals, coffins, and for colouring the +dead man himself: the idea being to give him a chance of new +life—which is what he wants—red standing for blood.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_177_177" id="Footnote_177_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177_177"><span class="label">177</span></a> I am not sure that I am right in calling this whitethorn. +For the qualities of the <i>Spina alba</i> see Ovid, <i>Fasti</i>, vi. 129 and +165, "Sic fatus spinam, quae tristes pellere posset A foribus nexas,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">90</a></span> +haec erat alba, dedit." In line 165 he calls it <i>Virga Janalis</i>. See +also Festus, p. 289, and Serv. <i>ad Ecl.</i> viii. 29; Bücheler, <i>Umbrica</i>, +p. 136.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_178_178" id="Footnote_178_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178_178"><span class="label">178</span></a> The details are fully set forth in Marquardt, <i>Röm. Privataltertümer</i>, +p. 52 foll. The religious character of <i>confarreatio</i> and its +antiquity are fully recognised by Westermarck, <i>History of Human +Marriage</i>, p. 427. Some interesting parallels to the smearing of +the doorposts from modern Europe will be found collected in +Samter, <i>Familienfeste</i>, p. 81 foll. The authority for the wolf's fat +was Masurius Sabinus, quoted by Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> xxviii. 142 (cp. 157), +who adds from the same author, "ideo novas nuptas illo perungere +postes solitas, ne quid mali medicamenti inferretur." The real +reason was, no doubt, that it was a charm against evil <i>spirits</i>, not +against poison; but it is worth while to quote here another passage +of Pliny (xx. 101), where he says that a squill hung <i>in limine +ianuae</i> had the same power, according to Pythagoras. Some may +see a reminiscence of totemism in the wolf's fat: in any case the +mention of the animal as obtainable is interesting.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_179_179" id="Footnote_179_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179_179"><span class="label">179</span></a> Dieterich, <i>Mutter Erde</i>, p. 6 foll. The idea is that the +child comes from mother earth, and will eventually return to her.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_180_180" id="Footnote_180_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180_180"><span class="label">180</span></a> For Roman names Marquardt, <i>Privatleben</i>, p. 7 foll., and +Mommsen, <i>Forschungen</i>, i. <span class="smcap">I</span> foll., are still the most complete +authorities. For the importance of the name among wild and semi-civilised +peoples, Frazer, <i>G.B.</i> i. 403 foll.; Tylor, <i>Primitive Culture</i>, +ii. 430 foll. All these ceremonies of birth, naming, and initiation +(puberty) have recently been included by M. van Gennep in what +he calls <i>Rites de passage</i> (see his book with that title, which +appeared after these lectures were prepared, especially chapters v. +and vi.). In all these ceremonies he traces more or less successfully +a sequence of rites of separation (<i>i.e.</i> from a previous condition), +of margin, where the ground is, so to speak, neutral, and of +"aggregation," when the subject is introduced to a new state or +condition of existence. If I understand him rightly, he looks on +this as the proper and primitive explanation of all such rites, and +denies that they need to be accounted for animistically, <i>i.e.</i> by +assuming that riddance of evil spirits, or purification of any kind, +is the leading idea in them. They are, in fact, quasi-dramatic +celebrations of a process of going over from one status to another, +and may be found in connection with all the experiences of man in +a social state. But the Roman society, of which I am describing +the religious aspect, had beyond doubt reached the animistic stage +of thought, and was in process of developing it into the theological +stage; hence these ceremonies are marked by sacrifices, as marriage, +the <i>dies lustricus</i> (see De Marchi, p. 169, and Tertull. <i>de Idol.</i> 16) +most probably, and puberty (<i>R.F.</i> p. 56). I do not fully understand +how far van Gennep considers sacrifice as marking a later stage in +the development of the ideas of a society on these matters (see his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">91</a></span> +note in criticism of Oldenburg, p. 78); but I see no good reason +to abandon the words purification and lustration, believing that +even if he is right in his explanation of the original performances, +these ideas had been in course of time engrafted on them.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_181_181" id="Footnote_181_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181_181"><span class="label">181</span></a> In historical times the <i>toga pura</i> was assumed when the +parents thought fit; earlier there may have been a fixed day (<i>R.F.</i> +p. 56, "Liberalia"). In any case there was, of course, no necessary +correspondence between "social and physical puberty"; van Gennep, +p. 93 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_182_182" id="Footnote_182_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182_182"><span class="label">182</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 191; J. B. Carter in Hastings' <i>Dict. +of Religion and Ethics</i>, i. 462 foll.; Dieterich, <i>Mutter Erde</i>, +p. 77. The whole question of the so-called cult of the dead at +Rome calls for fresh investigation in the light of ethnological +and archaeological research. The recent work of Mr. J. C. Lawson, +<i>Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek Religion</i>, seems to +throw grave doubt on some of the most important conclusions of +Rohde's <i>Psyche</i>, the work which most writers on the ideas of the +Greeks and Romans have been content to follow. Mr. Lawson +seems to me to have proved that the object of both burial and +cremation (which in both peninsulas are found together) was to +secure dissolution for the substance of the body, so that the soul +might not be able to inhabit the body again, and the two together +return to annoy the living (see especially chapters v. and vi.). But +his answer to the inevitable question, why in that case sustenance +should be offered to the dead at the grave, is less satisfactory +(see pp. 531, 538), and I do not at present see how to co-ordinate +it with Roman usage. But I find hardly a trace of the belief that +the dead had to be placated like the gods by sacrifice and prayer, +except in <i>Aen.</i> iii. 63 foll. and v. 73 foll. In the first of these +passages Polydorus had not been properly buried, as Servius +observes <i>ad loc.</i> to explain the nature of the offerings; the second +presents far more difficulties than have as yet been fairly faced.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_183_183" id="Footnote_183_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183_183"><span class="label">183</span></a> For recent researches about beans as tabooed by the +Pythagoreans and believed to be the food of ghosts, see Gruppe, +<i>Mythologische Literatur</i>, p. 370 (Samter and Wünsch). Cp. <i>R.F.</i>, +p. 110.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_184_184" id="Footnote_184_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184_184"><span class="label">184</span></a> Ov. <i>Fasti</i>, v. 421 foll.; <i>R.F.</i> p. 107.</p></div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">92</a></span></p> + +<h4>LECTURE V</h4> + +<h5>THE CALENDAR OF NUMA</h5> + + +<p>The religion of the household had two main characteristics. +First, it was a perfectly natural and organic growth, +the result of the Roman farmer's effective desire to put +himself and his in right relations with the spiritual powers +at work for good or ill around him. His conception of +these powers I shall deal with more fully in the next +lecture; but I have said enough to prove that it was not +a degrading one. The spirits of his house and his land +and his own Genius were friendly powers, all of them of +the greatest importance for his life and his work, and their +claims were attended to with regularity and devotion. +From Vesta and the Penates, the Lar, the Genius, the +Manes, and the spirits of the doorway and the spring, +there was nothing to fear if they were carefully propitiated; +and as his daily life and comfort depended on this +propitiation, they were really divine members of the +<i>familia</i>, and might become, and perhaps did become, the +objects of real affection as well as worship. In this well-regulated +practical life of the early agricultural settlers, +with its careful attention to the claims of its divine +protectors, we may perhaps see the germs of a real religious +expression of human life.</p> + +<p>Secondly, there was doubtless at the same time +constant cause for anxiety. Beyond the house and the +land there were unreclaimed spirits of the woodland +which might force an entrance into the sacred limits +of the house; the ghosts of the dead members were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">93</a></span> +constantly wishing to return; the crops might be attacked +by strange diseases, by storms or drought, and man himself +was liable to seasonal disease or sudden pestilence. The +cattle and sheep might stray into the remote forest and +become the prey of evil beasts, if not of evil spirits. How +was the farmer to meet all these troubles, caused, as he +supposed, by spirits whose ways he did not understand? +How were they to be propitiated as they themselves would +wish? How were the omens to be interpreted from which +their will might be guessed? How were the proper times +and seasons for each religious operation to be discovered? +If my imagination is not at fault, I seem to see that the +Latin farmer must have had to shift for himself in most +of his dealings with the supernatural powers about him; +<i>religio</i>, the sense of awe and of dependence, must have +been constantly with him. But even here we may see, I +think, a possible germ of religious development; for without +this feeling of awe religious forms tend to become +meaningless: lull <i>religio</i> to sleep, and the forms cease to +represent effectively man's experience of life. We have +to see later on how this paralysis of the religious instinct +did actually take place in early Roman history.</p> + +<p>For we now have to leave the religion of the household, +and to study that of the earliest form of the City-state. +We have enjoyed a glint of light reflected from later +times on the religion of the early Roman family, and are +about to enjoy another glint—nay, a gleam of real light, +and not merely a reflected one—which the earliest +religious document we possess casts on the religion of the +City-state of Rome. Between the two there is a long +period of almost complete darkness. We know hardly +anything as yet, and it is not likely that we shall ever +know anything definite, about the stages of development +which must have been passed before Rome became the +so-called city of the Four Regions, when her history may +be said really to begin. The pagus hardly helps us here; +it was not an essential advance on the family, and its +religion was comprehensive, not intensive. Each pagus,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">94</a></span> +however, seems to have had within its bounds an <i>oppidum</i>, +or stronghold on a hill; and such oppida were the seven +<i>montes</i> of early Rome, which, with the pagi belonging to +them, survived in name to the end of the Republic, with +some kind of a religious festival uniting them together, +about which we have hardly any knowledge.<a name="FNanchor_185_185" id="FNanchor_185_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185_185" class="fnanchor">185</a> This looks +like a stage in the process of change from farm to city, +and it has generally been believed to mark one. Unfortunately +nothing to our purpose can be founded on it. +We must be content with the undoubted fact that about +the eighth or seventh century <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> the site of Rome was +occupied and strengthened as a bulwark against the +Etruscan people who were pressing down from the north +upon the valley of the Tiber;<a name="FNanchor_186_186" id="FNanchor_186_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186_186" class="fnanchor">186</a> we may take it that the +old central fortress of Latium, on the Alban hill, was not +in the right position for defence, and that it was seen to +be absolutely necessary to make a stronghold of the +position offered by the hills which abut on the river twenty +miles above its mouth—the only real position of defence +for the Latin settlements in its rear. Here an <i>urbs</i> was +made with <i>murus</i> and <i>pomoerium</i>, <i>i.e.</i> material and spiritual +boundaries, taking in a space sufficient to hold the +threatened rural population with their flocks and herds, +with the river in the front and a common citadel on the +Capitoline hill, and including the Palatine, Quirinal, +Esquiline, Caelian and Aventine hills, though the last +named remained technically outside the pomoerium.<a name="FNanchor_187_187" id="FNanchor_187_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187_187" class="fnanchor">187</a></p> + +<p>It is to this city that our earliest religious document, +the so-called Calendar of Numa, belongs. That calendar +includes the cult of Quirinus on the hill which still bears +his name, and that hill was an integral part of the city as +just described. On the other hand, it tells us nothing of +the great cult of the <i>trias</i> on the Capitoline—Jupiter, +Juno, Minerva—which by universal tradition was instituted +much later by the second Tarquinius, <i>i.e.</i> under an Etruscan +dynasty; nor does Diana appear in it, the goddess who +was brought from Latium and settled on the Aventine +before the end of the kingly period. We have, then, a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">95</a></span> +<i>terminus ex quo</i> for the date of the calendar in the inclusion +in the city of the Quirinal hill, and a <i>terminus +ad quem</i> in the foundation of the Diana temple on the +Aventine.<a name="FNanchor_188_188" id="FNanchor_188_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188_188" class="fnanchor">188</a> We cannot date these events precisely; but +it is sufficient for our purpose if it be taken as proved +that the Fasti belong to the fully developed city, and yet +were drawn up before that conquest by the Etruscans +which we may regard as a certainty, and which is +marked by the foundations of Etruscan masonry which +served to support the great Capitoline temple. And this +is also borne out by the undoubted fact that the calendar +itself shows no trace of Etruscan influence. But I must +now go on to explain exactly what this calendar is.</p> + +<p>The <i>Fasti anni Romani</i> exist chiefly on stone as inscriptions, +and date from the Early Empire, between 31 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> and +<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 51. They give us, in fact, the calendar as revised by +Caesar; but no one now doubts that Mommsen was right in +detecting in these inscriptions the skeleton of the original +calendar which the Romans ascribed to Numa.<a name="FNanchor_189_189" id="FNanchor_189_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189_189" class="fnanchor">189</a> This is +distinguished from later additions by the large capital +letters in which it is written or inscribed in all the fragments +we possess; it gives us the days of the month with +their religious characteristics as affecting state business, +the names of the religious festivals which concern the +whole state, and the Kalends, Nones, and Ides in each +month. Excluding these last, we have the names, in a +shortened form, of forty-five festivals; and these festivals, +thus placed by an absolutely certain record in their right +place in each month and in the year, must be the foundation +of all scientific study of the religious practice of the +Roman state, taken together with certain additions in +smaller capitals, and with such information about them as +we can obtain from literary sources.<a name="FNanchor_190_190" id="FNanchor_190_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190_190" class="fnanchor">190</a></p> + +<p>The smaller capitals give us such entries as <i>feriae +Iovi</i>, <i>feriae Saturno</i>, <i>i.e.</i> the name of a deity to whom +a festival was sacred, the foundation days of temples, +generally with the name of the deity in the dative and +the position of the temple in the city, and certain <i>ludi</i><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">96</a></span> +and memorial days, which belong to a much later age +than the original festivals. But the names of those +which are inscribed in large letters bear witness beyond all +question to their own antiquity; for among them there is +not one which has anything to do, so far as we know, with +a non-Roman deity, and we know that foreign deities +began to arrive in Rome before the end of the kingly +period. Here, then, we have genuine information about +the oldest religious doings of the City-state, in what +indeed is, as Mommsen said, the most ancient source of +our knowledge about Roman antiquity generally.</p> + +<p>The first point we notice in studying this calendar +(putting aside for the present the question as to the +agency by which it was drawn up) is this: it exactly +reflects a transition from the life of a rural population +engaged in agriculture, to the highly-organised political +and military life of a City-state. In other words, the +State, whose religious needs and experience it reflects, +was one whose economic basis was agriculture, whose +life included legal and political business, and whose +activity in the season of arms was war.</p> + +<p>This last characteristic is discernible chiefly, if not +entirely, in the months of March and October; and the +former of these bears the name of the great deity, who, +whatever may have been his origin or the earliest conception +of him, was throughout Roman history the god of +war. All through March up to the 23rd the Salii, the warlike +priests of Mars, were active, dancing and singing those +hymns of which an obscure fragment has come down to +us, and clashing and brandishing the sacred spears and +shields of the god (<i>ancilia</i>).<a name="FNanchor_191_191" id="FNanchor_191_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191_191" class="fnanchor">191</a> On the 19th these ancilia +were lustrated—a process to which I shall recur in +another lecture; and on the 23rd we find in the +calendar the festival Tubilustrium, which suggests the +lustration of the trumpets of the host before it took the +field. On the 14th of March,<a name="FNanchor_192_192" id="FNanchor_192_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_192_192" class="fnanchor">192</a> and also on the 27th of +February, we find Equirria in the calendar, which must be +understood as lustrations of the horses of the host, accom<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">97</a></span>panied +with races. If we may take the ancilia as symbolising +the arms of the host, we see in the festivals of this +month a complete religious process preparing the material +of war for the perils inevitably to be met with beyond +the <i>ager Romanus</i>, whether from human or spiritual +enemies; and that the warriors themselves were subjected +to a process of the same kind we know from the +historical evidence of later times.<a name="FNanchor_193_193" id="FNanchor_193_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193_193" class="fnanchor">193</a> Now in October, +when the season of arms was over, we find indications +of a parallel process, which Wissowa was the first to +point out clearly, but without fully recognising its +religious import.<a name="FNanchor_194_194" id="FNanchor_194_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194_194" class="fnanchor">194</a> It was not so much thanksgiving +(<i>Dankfest</i>) after a campaign that was necessary on the +return of the army, as purification (or disinfection) from +the taint of bloodshed, and from contact with strange +beings human and spiritual.<a name="FNanchor_195_195" id="FNanchor_195_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_195_195" class="fnanchor">195</a> On October 15, the Ides, +there was a horse-race in the Campus Martius, with a +sacrifice of the winning horse to Mars with peculiar +primitive ritual; this, however, for some reason which I +shall presently try to discover, was not embodied in the +calendar under any special name. On the 19th, however, +we find the entry <span class="smcap">Armilustrium</span>, which tells its own tale. +The Salii, too, were active again in these days of October, +and on the day of the Armilustrium, as it would seem, +put their shields away (<i>condere</i>) in their <i>sacrarium</i> +until the March following. As Wissowa says, the ritual +of the Salii is thus a symbolic copy of the procedure of +war.<a name="FNanchor_196_196" id="FNanchor_196_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196_196" class="fnanchor">196</a> From these indications in the calendar, helped +out by information drawn from the later entries and from +literary evidence, we see quite plainly that we are dealing +with the religion of a state which for half the year is +liable to be engaged in war. Rome was, in fact, a frontier +fortress on the Tiber against Etruscan enemies; she is +destined henceforward to be continually in arms, and she +has already expressed this great fact in her religious +calendar.</p> + +<p>The legal and political significance of the calendar consists +in the division of the days of the year into two great<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">98</a></span> +groups, <i>dies fasti</i> and <i>nefasti</i>: the former are those on +which it is <i>fas</i>, <i>i.e.</i> religiously permissible, to transact civil +business, the latter those on which it would be <i>nefas</i> to +do so, <i>i.e.</i> sacrilege, because they are given over to the +gods. We need not, indeed, assume that these marks F +and N descend in every case from the very earliest times +into the pre-Julian calendar, or that the few days which +have other marks stood originally as we find them; +but of the primitive character of the main division we +can have no doubt. In the calendar as we have it 109 +days belong to the divine, 235 to the human inhabitants +of the city. All but two of the former are days of odd +numbers in the month, and it is reasonable to suppose +that these two exceptions were later alterations. The +belief that odd numbers are lucky is a very widely-spread +superstition, and we do not need to have recourse to +Pythagoras to explain it; in this rule, as in others, <i>e.g.</i> +their taboo on eating beans, the Pythagoreans were only +following a native prejudice of southern Italy. "The +idea of luck in odd numbers," says Mr. Crooke,<a name="FNanchor_197_197" id="FNanchor_197_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197_197" class="fnanchor">197</a> writing +of the Hindus, "is universal." Thus the simpler odd +numbers, three, five, seven, and nine, all recur constantly +in folklore; and the result is visible in this calendar. +Where a festival occupies more than one day in a +month, there is an interval between the two of one or +three days, making the whole number three or five. +Thus Carmentalia occur on 11th and 15th January, and +the Lemuria in May are on the 9th, 11th, and 13th; the +Lucaria in July on 19th and 21st. In some months, too, +<i>e.g.</i> August and December, perhaps also July and +February, there seem to be traces of an arrangement +by which festivals which probably had some connection +with each other are thus arranged; <i>e.g.</i> in August six +festivals, all concerned in some way with the fruits of +the earth and the harvest, occur on the 17th, 19th, 21st, +23rd, 25th, and 27th. It has recently been suggested<a name="FNanchor_198_198" id="FNanchor_198_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198_198" class="fnanchor">198</a> +that these are arranged round one central festival, which +gives a kind of colouring to the others, as the Volcanalia<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">99</a></span> +in August, the Saturnalia in December. But the reasons +von Domaszewski gives for the arrangement, and the +further speculation that where it does not occur we may +find traces of an older system, as yet unaffected by the +so-called Pythagorean prejudice, do not seem to me +satisfactory. We may be content with the general +principle as I have stated it, and note that while religious +duties <i>must</i> be performed on days of odd number, civil +duties were not so restricted: the days belonging to the +gods, which were, so to speak, taboo days, were more +important than those belonging to men. There are, as +I have said, but two days marked in the large letters +as festivals, which are on days of even number, 24th +February and 14th March, the Regifugium and the +second Equirria; and about these we know so little that +it is almost useless to speculate as to the reason for their +exception from the rule. Two others, 24th March and +24th May, were partly the property of the gods and +partly of men, and are marked QRCF (<i>quando rex +comitiavit fas</i>); but the sense in which they partially +belonged to the gods is not the same as in the case of +sacrificial festivals.</p> + +<p>This calendar thus shows obvious signs of both military +and political development; in other words, its witness to +the religious experience of the Romans proves that they +had successfully adjusted the forms and seasons of their +worship to the processes of government at home and of +military service in the field. But the most conspicuous +feature in it is the testimony it bears to the agricultural +habits of the people—to the fact that agriculture and not +trade, of which there is hardly a trace, was the economic +basis of their life. At the time when it was drawn up, +the Romans must have been able to subsist upon the +<i>ager Romanus</i>, though, as we shall see later on, it was +probably not long before they began commercial relations +with other peoples; for their food, which was almost +entirely vegetarian, and their clothing, which was entirely +of wool and leather,<a name="FNanchor_199_199" id="FNanchor_199_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199_199" class="fnanchor">199</a> they depended on their crops,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">100</a></span> +flocks, and herds; and the perils to which these were +liable remain for the State, as for the farming household, +the main subject of the propitiation of the gods, the main +object of their endeavours to keep themselves in right +relation with the Power manifest in the universe.</p> + +<p>We can trace the series of agricultural operations in +the calendar without much difficulty all through the year. +The Roman year, we must remember, began with March, +and March, as we have seen, had under the military +necessities of the State become peculiarly appropriated +to the religious preparation of the burgher host for warlike +activity. But the festivals of April, when crops +were growing, cattle bringing forth young or seeking +summer pasture, all have direct reference to the work of +agriculture.<a name="FNanchor_200_200" id="FNanchor_200_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200_200" class="fnanchor">200</a> At the Fordicidia, on the 15th, pregnant +cows were sacrificed to the Earth-goddess, and their +unborn calves burnt, apparently with the object of procuring +the fertility of the corn; and the Cerealia on the +19th, to judge by the name, must have had an object of +the same kind, though the supersession of Ceres by the +Greek Demeter had obscured this in historical times. +The Parilia on the 19th, recently illuminated by Dr. +Frazer,<a name="FNanchor_201_201" id="FNanchor_201_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201_201" class="fnanchor">201</a> was a lustration of the cattle and sheep before +they left their winter pasture to encounter the dangers of +wilder hill or woodland, and may be compared with the +lustratio of the host before a campaign. On the 23rd the +Vinalia tells its own tale, and shows that the cultivation +of the vine was already a part of the agricultural work. +On the 25th the spirit of the red mildew, Robigus, was +the object of propitiation, at the time when the ear was +beginning to be formed in the corn, and was particularly +liable to attack from this pest.</p> + +<p>The religious precautions thus taken in April were not +renewed in May; but at the end of that month of ripening +the whole of the <i>ager Romanus</i> was lustrated by the +Fratres Arvales. This important rite, for some reason +which we cannot be sure of, was a movable feast, left to +the discretion of the brethren, and therefore does not<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">101</a></span> +appear in the calendar. In June the sacred character of +the new crops, now approaching their harvest, becomes +apparent; the <i>penus Vestae</i>, the symbolic receptacle of the +grain-store of the State, after remaining open from the 7th +to the 15th, was closed on that day for the rest of the +year, after being carefully cleansed: the refuse was religiously +deposited in a particular spot. Thus all was +made ready for the reception of the new grain, which, as +is now well known, has a sacred character among primitive +peoples, and must be stored and eaten with precaution.<a name="FNanchor_202_202" id="FNanchor_202_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202_202" class="fnanchor">202</a> +This was the chief religious work of June; in July, the +month when the harvest was actually going on, the +festivals are too obscure to delay us; they seem to have +some reference to water, rain, storms, but it is not clear +to me whether the object was to avert stormy weather +during the cutting of the crops, or, on the other hand, to +avert a drought in the hottest time of the year. The +true harvest festivals begin in August; the Consualia on +21st and Opiconsiva on 25th both seem to suggest the +operation of storing up (<i>condere</i>) the grain, and between +them we find the Volcanalia, of which the object was +perhaps to propitiate the fire-spirit at a time when the +heat of the sun might be dangerous to the freshly-gathered +crops.</p> + +<p>After the crops were once harvested, ploughing and +sowing chiefly occupied the farming community until +December; and as these operations were not accompanied +by the same perils which beset the agriculturist in spring +and summer, they have left no trace in the calendar. +Special religious action was not necessary on their behalf. +It is not till the autumn sowing was over, and the workers +could rest from their labours, that we find another set of +festivals, of which the centre-point is the Saturnalia on the +17th, Saturnus being the deity, I think, both of the operation +of sowing and of the sown seed, now reposing in the +bosom of mother earth.<a name="FNanchor_203_203" id="FNanchor_203_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203_203" class="fnanchor">203</a> A second Consualia on the +15th, and the Opalia on the 19th, like the corresponding +August festivals, seem to be concerned with the housed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">102</a></span> +grain harvested in the previous August; I am disposed +to think that in all three we should see not only the +natural rejoicing after the labours of the autumn, but the +opening of the granaries and, perhaps, the first eating of +the grain. For on the Saturnalia there was a sacrifice at +Saturnus' altar, followed by a feast, which was afterwards +Graecised, but doubtless originally represented the primitive +feasting of the farm, in which the whole familia took +part. This brings us practically to the end of the agricultural +year as represented in the calendar; for spring +sowing was exceptional, the joyful feasts of pagus and +compitum are not to be found in our document, and the +month of February is specially occupied with the care +and cult of the dead (<i>Manes</i>).</p> + +<p>At this point I wish to notice one or two results of +the adoption of a religious calendar such as I have been +describing, which are more to the purpose of these lectures +than some of the details I have had to point out. First, +let us remember that agricultural operations necessarily +vary in date according to the season, and that most of +the rural festivals of ancient Italy were not fixed to a +particular day, but were <i>feriae conceptivae</i>, settled perhaps +according to the decision of some meeting of heads of +families or officers of a pagus. That this was so we may +conjecture from the fact that those which survived into +historical times, <i>e.g.</i> Compitalia and Paganalia, and were +celebrated in the city, though not as <i>sacra pro populo</i>,<a name="FNanchor_204_204" id="FNanchor_204_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_204_204" class="fnanchor">204</a> +were of varying date. But all the festivals of the calendar +were necessarily fixed, and the days on which they were +held were made over to the gods. Now by being thus +fixed they would soon begin to get out of relation to +agricultural life; just as, if the harvest festivals of our +churches were fixed to one day throughout the country, +the meaning of the religious service would sooner or later +begin to lose something of its force. And how much the +more would this be so if the calendar itself, from ignorance +or mismanagement, began to get out of relation with +the true season, as in course of time was frequently the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">103</a></span> +case? When once under such circumstances the meaning +of a religious rite is lost, where is its psychological efficacy? +In the life of the old Latin farmer, as we saw, his religion +was a reality, an organic growth, coincident at every point +with the perils he encountered in his daily toil; here, in +the City-state, it must from the beginning have had a +tendency to become an unreality, and it ended by becoming +one entirely. Some of the old rites may have attached +new meanings to themselves; it is possible, for example, +that beneath the military rites of March there was an +original agricultural significance; the Saturnalia became +a merry mid-winter festival for a town population. But +a great number wholly lost meaning, and were so forgotten +or neglected in course of time that even learned +men like Varro do not seem to have been able to explain +them. The only practical question about them for the +later Romans was whether their days were <i>dies fasti</i> or +<i>nefasti</i> or <i>comitiales</i>,—what work might or might not be +done on them.</p> + +<p>Another point, closely connected with the last, and +tending in the same direction, is that such a calendar as +this implies rigidity and routine in religious duties. A +well-ordered city life under a strong government must, of +course, be subject to routine; law, religious or civil, written +or unwritten, forces the individual into certain stereotyped +ways of life, subjects him to a certain amount of +wholesome discipline. The value of such routine to an +undisciplined people has been well pointed out by Bishop +Stubbs, in writing of the effect of the rule of the Norman +and Angevin kings on the English people,<a name="FNanchor_205_205" id="FNanchor_205_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205_205" class="fnanchor">205</a> where it was +also a religious as well as a legal discipline that was at +work. In neither case was it the ignorant and superstitious +routine of savage life, which of late years we have +had to substitute for old fancies about the freedom of the +savage; it is the willing obedience of civilised man for +his own benefit. But if it means a routine of religious +rites which are beginning to lose their meaning; if the +relation between them and man's life and work is lost;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">104</a></span> +and lastly, if, as was probably the case, the Fasti were +not published, but remained in the hands of a priesthood +or an aristocracy,<a name="FNanchor_206_206" id="FNanchor_206_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206_206" class="fnanchor">206</a>—then there is serious loss as well as +gain. You begin sooner or later to cease to feel your +dependence on the divine beings around you for your +daily bread, to get out of right relation with the Power +manifesting itself in the universe.</p> + +<p>But, in the third place, we must believe that at first, +and indeed perhaps for ages, this very routine had an +important psychological result in producing increased comfort, +convenience, and confidence in the Roman's relations +with the divine inhabitants of his city. A certain number +of deities have taken up their abode within the walls of +the city, and are as much its inhabitants, its citizens, as +the human beings who live there; and all the relations +between the divine and human citizens are regulated now +by law, by a <i>ius divinum</i>, of which the calendar is a very +important part. <i>Religio</i>, the old feeling of doubt and +scruple, arising from want of knowledge in the individual, +is still there; it is, in fact, the feeling which has given rise +to all this organisation and routine, the <i>cura</i> and <i>caerimonia</i>, +as Cicero phrases it. But it must be already +losing its strength, its life; it was, so to speak, a constitutional +weakness, and the <i>ius divinum</i> is already +beginning to act on it as a tonic. Doubt has passed +into fixed usage, tradition has given place to organisation. +Time, place, procedure in all religious matters, are guaranteed +by those skilled in the <i>ius divinum</i>; they know +what to do as the festival of each deity comes round, and +at the right time and place they do it with scrupulous +attention to every detail. Thus the organisation of which +the calendar is our best example would have as its first +result the destruction of fear and doubt in the mind of +the ordinary Roman; it would tend to kill, or at least +to put to sleep, the <i>religio</i> which was the original motive +cause of this very organisation. As the State in our own +day has a tendency to relieve families of such duties as +the care and education of children, so the State at Rome<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">105</a></span> +relieved the family of constant anxiety about matters in +which they were ever in danger from the spirit-world. +The State and its authorities have taken the whole responsibility +of adjusting the relations of the human and +divine citizens.<a name="FNanchor_207_207" id="FNanchor_207_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_207_207" class="fnanchor">207</a></p> + +<p>Entirely in keeping with this psychological result of +the calendar is the fact, to which I have already alluded, +that it supplies us with hardly any evidence of the existence +of magic, or of those "beastly devices of the heathen" +which may roughly be included under that word; to use +the language of Mr. Lang, we find none of those "distressing +vestiges of savagery and barbarism which meet us in +the society of ancient Greece." It is true enough that we +do not know much about what was done at the various +festivals of the calendar, but what we do know, with one +or two exceptions, suggests an idea of worship as clean +and rational as that of the Homeric poems, which stands +in such striking contrast to that reflected in later Greek +literature.<a name="FNanchor_208_208" id="FNanchor_208_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_208_208" class="fnanchor">208</a> When we do read of any kind of grossness +in worship or the accompanying festivities, it is almost +always in the case of some rite which is <i>not</i> among those +in the Fasti. Such was the old festival of Anna Perenna +in March, where the plebs in Ovid's time spent the day +in revelry and drinking, and prayed for as many years of +life as they could drink cups of wine. Such again was +that of the October horse, when after a chariot-race in +the Campus the near horse of the winning team was +sacrificed, and his tail carried in hot haste to the Regia, +where the blood was allowed to drip on the sacred +hearth; while the head was the object of a fight between +the men of the Via Sacra and those of the Subura.<a name="FNanchor_209_209" id="FNanchor_209_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209_209" class="fnanchor">209</a> We +may perhaps include in the list the ritual of the Argei, if +it was indeed, as I believe, of great antiquity;<a name="FNanchor_210_210" id="FNanchor_210_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210_210" class="fnanchor">210</a> on May +15, as we have seen, twenty-seven puppets of reeds or +straw were thrown into the Tiber from the <i>pons sublicius</i>, +possibly with the object of procuring rain for the growing +crops. Let us also note that <i>dies religiosi</i> were not +marked in the Fasti, <i>i.e.</i> days on which some uncomfort<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">106</a></span>able +feeling prevailed, such as the three days on which +the <i>mundus</i> was open to allow the Manes to come up +from their shadowy abode below the earth; with the +character of such days as "uncanny" the calendar has +simply nothing to do. It is a document of religious law, +not of <i>superstitio</i>, a word which in Roman usage almost +invariably means what is outside that religious law, outside +the <i>ius divinum</i>; and it is a document of <i>religio</i> +only so far as it is meant to organise and carry out the +<i>cura</i> and <i>caerimonia</i>, the natural results of that feeling +which the Romans called <i>religio</i>. It stands on exactly +the same footing as the Law of the Israelites, which +supplied them in full detail with the <i>cura</i> and <i>caerimonia</i>, +and rigidly excluded all foreign and barbarous rites and +superstitions.</p> + +<p>I do not, of course, mean to say that the State did +not recognise or allow the festivals which are not marked +in the calendar; the pontifices and Vestals were present +at the ceremony of the Argei, and the Regia was the +scene of a part of that of the October horse. But those +who drew up the calendar as the fundamental charter +of the <i>ius divinum</i> must have had their reasons for the +selection of forty-five days as made over to the deities +who were specially concerned with the State's welfare. +And on these days, so far as we know, there was a +regular ordered routine of sacrifice and prayer, with +but little trace of the barbarous or grotesque. The +ritual of the Lupercalia is almost a solitary exception. +The Luperci had their foreheads smeared with the blood +of the victims, which were goats, and then this was +wiped off with wool dipped in milk; after this they +were obliged to laugh, probably as a sign that the +god (whoever he was) was in them, or that they were +identified with him.<a name="FNanchor_211_211" id="FNanchor_211_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_211_211" class="fnanchor">211</a> They then girt themselves with +the skins of the victims and ran round the ancient +pomoerium, striking at any women they met with +strips of the same victims in order to produce fertility. +This was perhaps a rite taken over from aboriginal<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">107</a></span> +settlers on the Palatine, and so intimately connected with +that hill that it could not be omitted from the calendar. +The ritual of the three days of Lemuria in May, when +ghosts were expelled from the house, as Ovid describes +the process, by means of beans,<a name="FNanchor_212_212" id="FNanchor_212_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_212_212" class="fnanchor">212</a> seems also to have +been a reminiscence of ideas about the dead more +primitive than those which took effect in the more +cheerful Parentalia of February: here again we may +perhaps see a concession to the popular tradition and +prejudice of a primitive population. On the other hand, +the revelry of the Saturnalia in December, of which Dr. +Frazer has made so much in the second edition of the +<i>Golden Bough</i>,<a name="FNanchor_213_213" id="FNanchor_213_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213_213" class="fnanchor">213</a> is nothing more than the licence of the +population of a great cosmopolitan city, an out-growth, +under Greek influence, from the rude winter rejoicings +of the farmer and his <i>familia</i>; and for his conjecture +that a human victim was sacrificed on this occasion in +ancient Rome there is simply no evidence whatever. +There is, indeed, not a trace of human sacrifice at Rome +so long as the <i>ius divinum</i> was the supreme religious +law of the State; in the whole Roman literature of the +Republic hardly anything of the kind is alluded to;<a name="FNanchor_214_214" id="FNanchor_214_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_214_214" class="fnanchor">214</a> +it is only when we come to an age when the taste for +bloodshed was encouraged by the shows of the amphitheatre, +and when the blood-loving religions of the East +were pressing in, that we hear of human sacrifice, and +then only from Christian writers, who would naturally +seize on anything that came to hand to hold up paganism +to derision, without inquiring into the truth or the history +of the alleged practice.<a name="FNanchor_215_215" id="FNanchor_215_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215_215" class="fnanchor">215</a></p> + +<p>Thus we may take it as highly probable that those +who drew up the calendar had the deliberate intention +of excluding from the State ritual, as far as was possible, +everything in the nature of barbarism and magic. For +the religious purposes of a people occupied in agriculture +and war, and already beginning to develop some idea +of law and order, there was no need of any religious +rites except such as would serve, in decency and order,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">108</a></span> +to propitiate the deities concerned with the fertilisation +of man, beast, and crop, and with the safety and efficacy +of the host in its struggle with the enemies of the city. +The Roman people grew up, in their city life as in the +life of the family, in self-restraint, dignity, and good order, +confident in the course of <i>cura</i> and <i>caerimonia</i>, itself decent +and stately, if soulless, which the religious authorities +had drawn up for them.</p> + +<p>We should naturally like to know something about +those authorities, who thus placed the religion of the State +on a comparatively high level of ritualistic decency, if not +of theological subtlety. The Romans themselves attributed +the work to a priest-king, Numa Pompilius, and probably +their instinct was a right one. Names matter little in such +matters; but there is surely something in the universal +Roman tradition of a great religious legislator, something +too, it may be, in the tradition that he was a Sabine, +a representative of the community on the Quirinal which +had been embodied in the Roman city before the calendar +was drawn up, and of the sturdy, serious stock of central +Italy, which retained its <i>virtus</i> longer than any other +Italian people.<a name="FNanchor_216_216" id="FNanchor_216_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_216_216" class="fnanchor">216</a> We are quite in the dark as to all +this, unless we can put any kind of confidence in the +traditional belief of the Romans themselves. But there +is one point on which I should like to make a suggestion—a +new one so far as I know. Numa was said +to have been the first Flamen Dialis; but that is +absolutely impossible, for the ancient taboos on that +priesthood would have made it impossible for him to +become supreme legislator. Evidently this Flamen, +who could hardly leave his own house, might never +leave the city, and was at every turn hedged in by +restrictions on his activity, was a survival of those +magician-kings who make rain and do other useful +things, but would lose their power if they were exposed +to certain contingencies; the number of possible contingencies +increases till the unfortunate owner of the +powers becomes powerless by virtue of the care so<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">109</a></span> +painfully taken of him.<a name="FNanchor_217_217" id="FNanchor_217_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_217_217" class="fnanchor">217</a> The priest of Jupiter and +his taboos carry us back, beyond a doubt, into the +far-away dim history of primitive Latium. By the +time the eternal city was founded on the Tiber, he +must have been already practically obsolete. My suggestion +is that he is the representative in the Roman +religious system of another and more primitive system +which existed in Latium, probably at Alba, where Jupiter +was worshipped on the mountain from time immemorial. +When the strength of Latium was concentrated at the +best strategical point on the Tiber, the priest of Jupiter +was transferred to the new city, because he was too +"precious" to be left behind, though even then a relic +of antiquity. There he became what he was throughout +Roman history, a practically useless personage, about +whom certain sacred traditions had gathered, but placed +in complete subjection to the new legal and religious +king, and afterwards to the Pontifex maximus.<a name="FNanchor_218_218" id="FNanchor_218_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218_218" class="fnanchor">218</a></p> + +<p>If there be any truth in this—and I believe it to +be a legitimate inference from the legal position of +this Flamen, and his permanent state of taboo—then +I think we may see a great religious change in the era +of the "calendar of Numa." Inspired with new ideas +of the duty and destiny of the new city of the four +regions, a priest-king, doubtless with the help and advice +of a council, according to the true Roman fashion, put +an end for ever to the reign of the old magician-kingship, +but preserved the magician-king as a being still capable +of wonder-working in the eyes of the people. As religious +law displaced magic in the State ritual, so the new kings, +with their collegia of legal priests, pontifices and augurs, +neutralised and gradually destroyed the prestige of the +effete survivor of an age of barbarism.</p> + + +<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE V.</h5> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_185_185" id="Footnote_185_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185_185"><span class="label">185</span></a> Kornemann, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 87; Wissowa, <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i>, +p. 230 foll.; Mommsen, <i>Staatsrecht</i>, iii. p. 790, note 1. For the festival<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">110</a></span> +of the Septimontium, Varro, <i>L.L.</i> vi. 24; Plutarch, <i>Quaest. Rom.</i> 69; +Fowler, <i>R.F.</i> p. 265 foll. This festival does not appear in the +calendar, as not being "feriae populi, sed montanorum modo" (Varro, +<i>l.c.</i>). There are some interesting remarks on the relation between +agricultural life and the origin of towns in von Jhering's <i>Evolution +of the Aryan</i> (Eng. trans.), p. 86 foll., with special reference to +Rome.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_186_186" id="Footnote_186_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186_186"><span class="label">186</span></a> Von Duhn in <i>J.H.S.</i> xvi. 126 foll. The latest research +(Korte in Pauly-Wissowa, <i>s.v.</i> "Etrusker," p. 747) concludes that +the arrival of the Etruscans on the west coast of Italy cannot be +safely put earlier than the eighth century.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_187_187" id="Footnote_187_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187_187"><span class="label">187</span></a> Hülsen-Jordan, <i>Rom. Topogr.</i> iii. 153. In a brief but +masterly paper in the publications of the <i>American School at Rome</i>, +1908, p. 173 foll., J. B. Carter deals with the whole problem of +the pomoerium and the pre-Servian city.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_188_188" id="Footnote_188_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188_188"><span class="label">188</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_189_189" id="Footnote_189_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189_189"><span class="label">189</span></a> In <i>C.I.L.</i> i.<sup>2</sup>, p. 297 foll. See <i>R.F.</i> p. 14 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_190_190" id="Footnote_190_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190_190"><span class="label">190</span></a> See the Fasti in <i>R.F.</i> p. 21 foll.; or in Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i>, at end +of the book.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_191_191" id="Footnote_191_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191_191"><span class="label">191</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 38 foll. Marindin's article "Salii," <i>Dict. of Antiqq.</i>, is +very useful and sensible. There is little doubt that the dress and +armour of the Salii represented that of the primitive Latin warrior, +calculated to frighten away evil spirits as well as enemies, and that +their dances in procession had some object of this kind. It is +noticeable that there were two gilds or collegia of them belonging +to the Palatine and Quirinal cities respectively; and they are also +found at Tibur, Alba, Lanuvium, and other Latin cities.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_192_192" id="Footnote_192_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192_192"><span class="label">192</span></a> Or 15th (Ides), according to the conjecture of Wissowa; see +<i>R.F.</i> p. 44 and <i>R.K.</i> p. 131. It is almost incredible that this should +originally have been on a day of even number, contrary to the +universal rule of the Fasti.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_193_193" id="Footnote_193_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193_193"><span class="label">193</span></a> See below, p. 212 foll., for further consideration of this so-called +purification.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_194_194" id="Footnote_194_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194_194"><span class="label">194</span></a> <i>R.K.</i> p. 131.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_195_195" id="Footnote_195_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195_195"><span class="label">195</span></a> See below, p. 217.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_196_196" id="Footnote_196_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196_196"><span class="label">196</span></a> <i>R.K.</i> p. 131.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_197_197" id="Footnote_197_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197_197"><span class="label">197</span></a> <i>Popular Religion and Folklore of India</i>, ii. 51. For the +sacredness of the number three and its multiples, see Diels, <i>Sibyllinische +Blätter</i>, p. 40 foll.; but he limits it too much to chthonic +religious ritual. See also H. Usener, "Dreizahl," in <i>Rheinisches +Museum</i>, vol. 58, pp. 1 foll., 161 foll., and 321 foll. There is a +summary of the results of these papers in Gruppe's <i>Mythologische +Literatur</i>, 1898-1905, p. 360 foll. I may also refer to my friend +Prof. Goudy's very interesting <i>Trichotomy in Roman Law</i> (Oxford, +1910), p. 8 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_198_198" id="Footnote_198_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198_198"><span class="label">198</span></a> By von Domaszewski in <i>Archiv</i> for 1907, p. 333 foll. The +learned author's reasoning is often based on mere hypotheses as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">111</a></span> +to the meaning of the festivals or the gods concerned in them, and +his ideas as to the agricultural features of the months July, August, +December seem to me doubtful; but the paper is one that all +students of the calendar must reckon with.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_199_199" id="Footnote_199_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199_199"><span class="label">199</span></a> Marquardt, <i>Privatleben</i>, pp. 459 and 569 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_200_200" id="Footnote_200_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200_200"><span class="label">200</span></a> For the festivals mentioned in the following paragraphs see +<i>R.F.</i>, <i>s.v.</i>, and Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i>, section 63.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_201_201" id="Footnote_201_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201_201"><span class="label">201</span></a> "St. George and the Parilia," in <i>Revue des études ethnographiques +et sociologiques</i> for Jan. 1908. I owe my knowledge of +this admirable study to the kindness of its author.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_202_202" id="Footnote_202_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202_202"><span class="label">202</span></a> Frazer, <i>G.B.</i> ii. 318 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_203_203" id="Footnote_203_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203_203"><span class="label">203</span></a> Varro, <i>L.L.</i> v. 64, says, "Ab <i>satu</i> dictus Saturnus." And +in Augustine (<i>Civ. Dei</i>, vi. 8) he is quoted as holding the opinion +"quod pertineat Saturnus ad semina, quae in terram de qua +oriuntur iterum recidunt." He was probably the <i>numen</i> of the seed-sowing +(Saeturnus), and as his festival comes after the end of +sowing, we may presume that he was the <i>numen</i> of the sown as +well as of the unsown seed. In the article "Saturnus" in Roscher's +<i>Lexicon</i>, which has appeared since the above note was written, +Wissowa provisionally accepts Varro's etymology.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_204_204" id="Footnote_204_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204_204"><span class="label">204</span></a> Festus, p. 245a, "Publica sacra quae publico sumptu +pro populo fiunt, quaeque pro montibus, pagis, curiis, sacellis." See +article "Sacra" in <i>Dict. of Antiqq.</i> ii. 577.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_205_205" id="Footnote_205_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205_205"><span class="label">205</span></a> "Routine is the only safeguard of a people under a perfect +autocracy" (<i>Select Charters</i>, Introduction, p. 19).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_206_206" id="Footnote_206_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206_206"><span class="label">206</span></a> The annalists believed that the publication first took place +in the year 304 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>: Livy ix. 46. Mommsen (<i>Chronologie</i>, p. 31) +thought it possible that it had already been done by the Decemvirs +in one of the two last of the XII. Tables, but again withdrawn. +The object of keeping the Fasti secret was, of course, to control the +times available for legal and political business.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_207_207" id="Footnote_207_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_207_207"><span class="label">207</span></a> This paragraph is abridged from a passage in the author's +paper in the <i>Hibbert Journal</i> for 1907, p. 848.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_208_208" id="Footnote_208_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_208_208"><span class="label">208</span></a> See <i>Anthropology and the Classics</i> (Oxford, 1908), p. 44.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_209_209" id="Footnote_209_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_209_209"><span class="label">209</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 241 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_210_210" id="Footnote_210_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_210_210"><span class="label">210</span></a> Wissowa holds that it dates from the third century <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>: +Pauly-Wissowa, <i>Real-Encycl.</i>, <i>s.v.</i> "Argei." I endeavoured to refute +this view in the <i>Classical Review</i> for 1902, p. 115 foll., and Dr. +Wissowa criticised my criticism in his <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i>, +p. 222. It is dealt with at length in <i>R.F.</i> p. 111 foll. See below, +p. 321 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_211_211" id="Footnote_211_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_211_211"><span class="label">211</span></a> This is not exactly the view expressed in <i>R.F.</i> p. 315 foll., +where I was inclined to adopt that of Mannhardt that the laughing +symbolised the return to life after sacrificial death. I am now +disposed to think of it as parallel with the ecstasy of the Pythoness +and other inspired priests, or the shivering and convulsive movements +which denote that a human being is "possessed" by a god<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">112</a></span> +or spirit. See Jevons, <i>Introduction</i>, p. 174. Mannhardt's view +seems, however, to gain support from Pausanias' description of the +ordeal he underwent himself at the cave of Trophonius, after which +he could laugh again: Paus. ix. 39. See also Miss Harrison, +<i>Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion</i>, p. 580. Deubner in +<i>Archiv</i>, 1910, p. 501.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_212_212" id="Footnote_212_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_212_212"><span class="label">212</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 109; Ov. <i>Fasti</i>, v. 421 foll. Ovid's account is of +a private rite in the house, as elsewhere he tells us of things done +by private persons on festival days. We do not know whether +there was any public ritual for these days. For further discussion +of the contrast between the two festivals of the dead, see below, +Lect. XVII. p. 393.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_213_213" id="Footnote_213_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_213_213"><span class="label">213</span></a> <i>G.B.</i> iii. 138 foll. The attempt to connect the so-called +Saturnalia of the army of the Danube in the third century a.d. with +the early practice of Roman Saturnalia seems to me to fail entirely, +even after reading Prof. Cumont's paper in the <i>Revue de philologie</i>, +1897, p. 133 foll. I should imagine that Cumont would now +admit that the Saturn who was sacrificed on the Danube as described +in the <i>Martyrdom of St. Dasius</i> must have been of Oriental origin, +and that the soldiers concerned were in no sense Roman or Italian. +For the hellenisation of the Saturnalia, see Wissowa in Roscher's +<i>Lexicon</i>, <i>s.v.</i> "Saturnus," p. 432. Wissowa, I may note, does not +believe in the accuracy of the account of the "Martyrdom."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_214_214" id="Footnote_214_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_214_214"><span class="label">214</span></a> Nothing, that is, in the regular ritual of the Roman State—except +in so far as the killing of a criminal who was <i>sacer</i> to a god +can be so regarded; and the only instance of any kind that can be +quoted is that of the two pairs of Gaulish and Greek men and +women who in the stress of the second Punic war and afterwards were +buried alive, as it was said, in the Forum Boarium. Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> +p. 355 and notes. I shall return to this in Lecture XIV.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_215_215" id="Footnote_215_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_215_215"><span class="label">215</span></a> The earliest mention of the slaying of a victim (<i>bestiarius</i>) to +Jupiter is in Minucius Felix, <i>Octav.</i> 22 and 30, <i>i.e.</i> towards the end +of the second century <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> or even later. Cp. Tertull. <i>Apol.</i> 9, +Lactantius i. 21. I do not go so far as to say with Wissowa +(p. 109, note 3) that this story is "ganz gewiss apokryph," but +I take it as simply a case of degeneracy under the influence of the +amphitheatre and of Orientalism.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_216_216" id="Footnote_216_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_216_216"><span class="label">216</span></a> For Numa see Schwegler, <i>Rom. Gesch.</i> i. 551 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_217_217" id="Footnote_217_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_217_217"><span class="label">217</span></a> See Dr. Frazer's most recent account of this subject, in his +<i>Lectures on the Early History of the Kingship</i>, chaps, iii.-v. Prof. +Ridgeway's idea that the Flamen Dialis was really a Numan +institution is of course simply impossible, and the arguments he +founds on it fall to the ground. Ovid, probably reflecting Varro, +speaks of the Flamen Dialis as belonging to the Pelasgian religion, +which at least means that he was aware of the extreme antiquity +of the office; <i>Fasti</i>, ii. 281. Dr. Döllinger (<i>The Gentile and the +Jew</i>, vol. ii. p. 72) with his usual insight was inclined to see in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">113</a></span> +this Flamen the "ruins of an older system of ceremonial +ordinances."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_218_218" id="Footnote_218_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_218_218"><span class="label">218</span></a> He was <i>sui iuris</i> (Gaius i. 130), as soon as he was chosen +or taken (<i>captus</i>) by the Pontifex maximus; but he was subject +to the authority of the P.M., like all the other flamines and the +Vestals. See Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 438; Tac. <i>Ann.</i> iv. 16. +</p></div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">114</a></span></p> +<h4>LECTURE VI</h4> + +<h5>THE DIVINE OBJECTS OF WORSHIP</h5> + +<p> +We must now turn our attention to what is the most +difficult part of our subject, the ideas of the early Romans +about "the Power manifesting itself in the universe." In +my first lecture I indicated in outline what the difficulties +are which beset us all through our studies; they are in +no part of it so insurmountable as in this. Material fails +us, because there was no contemporary literature; because +the Romans were not a thinking people, and probably +thought very little about the divine beings whom they +propitiated; and again, because comparative religion, as it +is called, is of scant value in such a study. We have to +try and get rid of our own ideas about God or gods, to +keep our minds free of Greek ideas and mythology, and, +in fact, to abstain from bringing the ideas of any other +peoples to bear upon the question until we are pretty sure +that we have some sort of understanding of those Roman +ideas with which we are tempted to compare them. The +first duty of the student of any system of religion is to +study that religion in and by itself. As M. S. Reinach +observed in an address at the Congress for the History of +Religions at Oxford, it is time that we began to attend to +differences as well as similarities; and this can only be +done by the conscientious use of such materials as are +available for the study of each particular religion. +</p><p> +The only materials available in the case of the earliest +Rome are (1) the calendar which I was explaining in the +last lecture, which gives us the names of the festivals of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">115</a></span> +religious year; (2) the names of the deities concerned in +these festivals, so far as we know them from later +additions to the calendar, from Roman literature, and from +evidence, chiefly epigraphical, of the names of deities +among kindred Italian peoples; (3) the fragments of +information, now most carefully collected and sifted, about +what the Romans did in the worship of their deities. +The names and order of the festivals, the names of +the deities themselves, the cult, or detail of worship, +including priesthoods and holy places,—these are the only +real materials we possess, and our only safe guides. To +trust to legends is fatal, because such legends as there +were in Italy were never written down until the Greeks +turned their attention to them, colouring them with their +own fancy and with reminiscences of their own mythology. +For example, no sane investigator would now make use of +the famous story told by Ovid and Plutarch about Numa's +interview with Jupiter, and the astute way in which he +deceived the god, as an illustration of the Roman's ideas +of the divine; we know that it can be traced back to the +greatest liar among all Roman annalists,<a name="FNanchor_219_219" id="FNanchor_219_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219_219" class="fnanchor">219</a> that it was in +part derived from a Greek story, and in part invented to +explain a certain piece of ritual, the <i>procuratio fulminis</i>. +Even what was done in the cult must be handled with +knowledge and discretion. Dr. Frazer has a theory that +the Roman kings personated Jupiter, and uses as evidence +of this the fact that in the triumph the triumphator was +dressed after the fashion of the statue of the god in the +Capitoline temple, with his face reddened with <i>minium</i>: +forgetting that the temple, its cult and its statue, all date +from the very end of the period of the kingship, and were +the work of an Etruscan monarch, almost beyond doubt. +There may be truth in his theory, but this is not the way +to prove it; this is not the way to arrive at a true +understanding of Roman religious ideas. +</p><p> +What did the old Romans know about the nature of +the objects of their worship? All religion is in its +development a process of gaining such knowledge: if it<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">116</a></span> +makes no progress it is doomed. It is because the Jews +made such wonderful progress in this path, in spite of +formalism and backsliding, that they were chosen to produce +a Teacher whose life and doctrine revealed the will and +the nature of His Father for the eternal benefit of mankind. +The fear of the Lord is imperfect knowledge, it is +but the beginning of wisdom; but it could become, in a +Jew like St. Paul, the perfect knowledge of His will. It +may seem absurd to think of two such religions as the +Jewish and the Roman side by side; but the absurdity +vanishes when we begin to understand the humble beginnings +of the Jewish religion as scientific research has +already laid it bare. Knowledge of the Power manifesting +itself in the universe is open to all peoples alike, and some +few have made much progress in it beside the Jews. The +Romans were not among these, at any rate in all the +later stages of their history; but we have to ask how far +they got in the process, and later on again to ask also +why they could go no farther.<a name="FNanchor_220_220" id="FNanchor_220_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_220_220" class="fnanchor">220</a> +</p><p> +We have seen how one great forward step in the +attainment of this knowledge was made in the religion of +the household, when the house had become a kind of +temple, being the dwelling of divine as well as human +beings, and when the cultivated land had been separated +by a sacred boundary from the mountain or forest beyond, +with their wild and unknown spiritual inhabitants. We +met, however, with nothing in the house or on the land +that we can properly call a god, if we may use that word +for the moment in the sense of a personality as well as a +name, and a personality perfectly distinct from the object +in which it resides. Vesta seems to be the fire, Penates +the store, or at least spirits undistinguishable from the +substance composing the store. But inasmuch as the +farmer knew how to serve these spirits and address them, +looking upon them as friends and co-habitants of his own +dwelling, we may go so far as to guess that they were +somewhat advanced in their career as spirits, and might +possibly develop into powers of a more definite kind, if<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">117</a></span> +not into gods, real <i>dei</i> conceived as persons.<a name="FNanchor_221_221" id="FNanchor_221_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221_221" class="fnanchor">221</a> In other +words—for it is better to keep as far as we can to the +subjective or psychological aspect of them—the Roman +might realise the Power better by getting to think of his +nameless spirits as <i>dei</i> at work for his benefit if rightly +propitiated. There are some signs in the calendar and +the other sources I mentioned just now that such a process +had been going on before the State arose; and it is certain +that the whole field of divine operation had been greatly +widened by that time, as we might expect from the +enlarged sphere of man's experience and activity. +</p><p> +The deities originally belonging to the city of the four +regions, <i>i.e.</i> to the city of the calendar of Numa, were +known to Roman antiquarians as <i>di indigetes</i>, in contradistinction +from the <i>di novensiles</i> or imported deities, with +which at present we have nothing to do. On the basis of +the calendar, and of the names of the most ancient +priesthoods attached to particular cults, the Rex and the +Flamines, Wissowa (<i>R.K.</i> p. 16) has constructed a list of +these <i>di indigetes</i> which may be accepted without any +further reservation than he himself applies to it. They are +thirty-three in number, but in two cases we have groups +instead of individuals, viz. the Lares and the Lemures: +the plurality of the Lares (<i>compitales</i>) we have already +explained, and the Lemures, the ghosts of departed +ancestors, we may also for the present leave out of account. +Others are too obscure to help us, <i>e.g.</i> Carna, Angerona, +Furrina, Neptunus, Volturnus,<a name="FNanchor_222_222" id="FNanchor_222_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222_222" class="fnanchor">222</a> except in so far as their +very obscurity, and the neglect into which they and +their cults fell in later times, is proof that they were not +thought of as lively personal deities. Then, again, there +are others whose names are suggested by certain festivals, +Terminus, Fons, Robigus, who seem to be simply survivals +from the animistic period—spirits inherent in the +boundary-stone, the spring, or the mildew, and incapable +of further development in the new conditions of city +life. Faunus, the rural semi-deity, perhaps representing a +group of such beings, appears in the list as the deity of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">118</a></span> +the Lupercalia; but this is a point in which I cannot +agree with Wissowa and the majority of modern +authorities.<a name="FNanchor_223_223" id="FNanchor_223_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_223_223" class="fnanchor">223</a> +</p><p> +We are struck, as we examine the list further, by the +adjectival character of many of the names—Neptunus, +Portunus, Quirinus, Saturnus, Volcanus, Volturnus: these +are not proper names, but clearly express some character +or function exercised by the power or <i>numen</i> to whom the +name is given. Saturnus is the most familiar example; +the word suggests no personality, but rather a sphere of +operations (whether we take the name as referring to +sowing or to seed maturing in the soil) in which a certain +<i>numen</i> is helpful. Saturnus, Volcanus, Neptunus were +indeed identified later on with Greek gods of a ripe +polytheistic system, and have thus become quite familiar +to us, far too familiar for a right understanding of early +Roman ideas. We might naturally expect that the +identification of Saturnus with Kronos, of Neptunus with +Poseidon, would give us some clue to the original Roman +conception of the <i>numen</i> thus Graecised, but it is not so. +Neptunus may have had some connection with water, rain, +or springs, but we have no real proof of it, and it is +impossible to say why Saturnus became Kronos.<a name="FNanchor_224_224" id="FNanchor_224_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224_224" class="fnanchor">224</a> The +only certain result that we can win from the study of +these adjectival titles is that they represent a transition +between animism and polytheism, a transition exactly +expressed by the one word <i>numen</i>. +</p><p> +<i>Numen</i> is so important a word in the Roman religion +that it is necessary to be perfectly clear as to what was +meant by it. It must be formed from <i>nuere</i> as <i>flumen</i> from +<i>fluere</i>, with a sense of activity inherent in the verb. As +<i>flumen</i> is that which actively flows, so <i>numen</i> is that which +actively does whatever we understand by the word <i>nuere</i>; +and so far as we can determine, that was a manifestation +of will. <i>Adnuere</i> is to consent, to give your good will to +some act proposed or completed, and is often so used of +Jupiter in the <i>Aeneid</i>. <i>Nuere</i> should therefore express a +simple exercise of will-power, and <i>numen</i> is the being<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">119</a></span> +exercising it. In time it came to be used for the will of +a god as distinct from himself, as in the fourth +<i>Aeneid</i> (269)—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">ipse deum tibi me claro demittit Olympo</span> +<span class="i0">regnator, caelum ac terras qui numine torquet.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Or in the fourth <i>Eclogue</i> (47)—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">concordes stabili fatorum numine Parcae,</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>where Servius explains it as "potestate, divinatione, ac +maiestate." But beyond doubt this use is a product of +the literary age, and the word originally indicated the +being himself who exercised the will—a sense familiar to +us in the opening lines of the <i>Aeneid</i> ("quo numine laeso") +and in innumerable other passages. Thus von Domaszewski +in his collected papers (p. 157) is undoubtedly +right in defining a <i>numen</i> as a being with a will—"ein +wollendes Wesen"; though his account of its evolution, and +of the way in which in its turn it may produce a <i>deus</i>, may +be open to criticism. +</p><p> +The word thus suggests that the Roman divine beings +were functional spirits with will-power, their functions +being indicated by their adjectival names. Proper names +they had not as a rule, but they are getting cult-titles +under the influence of a priesthood, which titles may in +time perhaps attain to something of the definiteness of +substantival names. This indeed could hardly have been +so in the mind of the ordinary Roman even at a later age; +and it is quite possible that if an intelligent Greek traveller +of the sixth century <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> had given an account of the gods +of Rome,<a name="FNanchor_225_225" id="FNanchor_225_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225_225" class="fnanchor">225</a> he would have said, as Strabo said of an Iberian +people in the time of Augustus, that they were without +gods, or worshipped gods without names. But the name, +even as a cult-title, is of immense importance in the +development of a spirit into a deity, and in most cases, at +any rate at Rome, it was the work of officials, of a state +priesthood, not of the people. To address a deity rightly +was matter of no small difficulty: how were you to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">120</a></span> +know how he would wish to be addressed? Servius tells +us that the pontifices addressed even Jupiter himself thus: +"Iupiter optime maxime, <i>sive quo alio nomine te appellari +volueris</i>." On the other hand, in the same comment he +tells us that "iure pontificio cautum est, ne suis nominibus +di Romani appellarentur, ne exaugurari possent," <i>i.e.</i> lest +they should be enticed away from the city by enemies. +This last statement seems indeed to me to be a doubtful +one,<a name="FNanchor_226_226" id="FNanchor_226_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_226_226" class="fnanchor">226</a> but it will serve to illustrate the nervousness about +divine names, of which there is no doubt whatever. We +know for certain that those religious lawyers the pontifices +were greatly occupied with the task of drawing up lists of +names by which <i>numina</i> should be invoked,—formularising +the ritual of prayer, as we shall see in another lecture; +and this must have become at one time almost a craze +with them, to judge by the lists of Indigitamenta preserved +in their books, to which Varro had access, and which were +copied from him by St. Augustine.<a name="FNanchor_227_227" id="FNanchor_227_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_227_227" class="fnanchor">227</a> But after all it +needed the stimulus given by actual contact with a polytheistic +system to turn a Roman numen into a full-fledged +personal deity: the pontifices might carry the process +some way, but they never could have completed it themselves +without the help of the Greeks. +</p><p> +One deity seems to stand alone in the list—Tellus or +Terra Mater, Mother Earth.<a name="FNanchor_228_228" id="FNanchor_228_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_228_228" class="fnanchor">228</a> We are coming directly to +the great deity of the heaven, and we might naturally +expect that an agricultural folk would be much concerned +with her who is his counterpart among so many peoples. +She does not give her name to any of the festivals of the +calendar; but at one of them, the Fordicidia in April, at +a time when the earth is teeming with mysterious power, +and when the festivals are of a peculiarly agricultural +character, she has her own special sacrifice—a pregnant +cow, whose young are torn from her womb, burnt by the +<i>Virgo vestalis maxima</i>, and their ashes used in certain +mystic rites, <i>e.g.</i> at the Parilia which followed on the +21st.<a name="FNanchor_229_229" id="FNanchor_229_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229_229" class="fnanchor">229</a> She seems to have had her function in human +life as well; but about this we are much in the dark in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">121</a></span> +spite of Dieterich's attempts to elucidate it in his <i>Mutter +Erde</i>.<a name="FNanchor_230_230" id="FNanchor_230_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230_230" class="fnanchor">230</a> Whether she played a part at the birth of a +child we cannot be sure; but at marriage there is little +doubt that she was originally an object of worship, though +in later days she gave way before Ceres and Juno.<a name="FNanchor_231_231" id="FNanchor_231_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231_231" class="fnanchor">231</a> And +as at death the body was laid in her embrace, we are not +surprised to find her prominent here also: she was the +home of the dead whether buried or burnt, and of the +whole mass of the Manes. We shall presently see how +a Roman commander might devote himself and the whole +army of the enemy to Tellus and the Manes; and it is interesting +to find that a similar formula of <i>devotio</i>, of later +date, combines Tellus with Jupiter, the speaker touching +the ground when he mentions her name, and holding his +hands upwards to heaven when he names the god.<a name="FNanchor_232_232" id="FNanchor_232_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232_232" class="fnanchor">232</a> Very +curious, too, is the rite of the <i>porca praecidanea</i>, which in +historical times was offered to Ceres as well as Tellus +immediately before harvest; in case a man had wittingly +or unwittingly omitted to pay the proper rites (<i>iusta +facere</i>) to his own dead, it was his duty to make this offering, +lest as a result of the neglect the earth-power should +not yield him a good harvest.<a name="FNanchor_233_233" id="FNanchor_233_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233_233" class="fnanchor">233</a> Originally, we need +hardly doubt, Tellus was alone concerned in this; but +Ceres, who at all times represented rather the ripening +and ripened corn than the seed in the bosom of the +earth, gradually took her place beside her, and the idea +gained ground that the offering was more immediately +concerned with the harvest than with the Manes.<a name="FNanchor_234_234" id="FNanchor_234_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_234_234" class="fnanchor">234</a> +When Cato wrote his book on agriculture, he included in it +the proper formula for this sacrifice, without any indication +that Tellus or the Manes had any part in the business.<a name="FNanchor_235_235" id="FNanchor_235_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_235_235" class="fnanchor">235</a> +Tellus was not a deity whose life would be vigorous +in a busy City-state destined gradually to lose its agricultural +outlook; there the supply of grain, from whatever +quarter it might come, was a far more important matter +than the process of producing it, and it was natural that +Ceres and her April festival should become more popular +than Tellus and her Fordicidia, and that the Cerealia should<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">122</a></span> +eventually develop into <i>ludi</i> of no less than eight days' +duration. Yet Tellus survived in such forms as that of +the <i>devotio</i>; and even under the Empire we find her as +Terra on sepulchral monuments, <i>e.g.</i>— +</p> +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i1">ereptam viro et matri mater me Terra recepit,</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>or</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i1">terra mater rerum quod dedit ipsa teget.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>And there is a curious story, noticed by Wissowa and +by Dieterich after him, that on the death of Tiberius +the plebs shouted not only "Tiberius in Tiberim," but +"Terram matrem deosque Manes," in order that his lot +might be among the <i>impii</i> beneath the earth.<a name="FNanchor_236_236" id="FNanchor_236_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236_236" class="fnanchor">236</a> +</p><p> +So far we have met with nothing to suggest that the +Roman idea of divinity had passed much beyond an +advanced type of animism; we have found little or no +trace of personal deities of a polytheistic cast. There is, +however, a fact of importance now to be considered, +which has some bearing upon this difficult subject. +Some of the <i>numina</i> of the calendar had special priests +attached to their cults; <i>e.g.</i> among those I have already +mentioned, Volcanus, Furrina, Portunus, and Volturnus, +to which we may now add Pales, Flora, Carmenta, +Pomona, and a wholly unknown deity, Falacer. These +nine all had flamines, a word which is generally derived +from <i>flare</i>, <i>i.e.</i> they were the kindlers of the sacrificial +fire.<a name="FNanchor_237_237" id="FNanchor_237_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237_237" class="fnanchor">237</a> Sacrificing priests they undoubtedly always were, +each limited to the sacrificial rites of a particular cult, +unless authorised by religious law to undertake those of +some other deity whose name he did not bear, and who +was destitute, like Robigus, of a priest of his own.<a name="FNanchor_238_238" id="FNanchor_238_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_238_238" class="fnanchor">238</a> We +have no certain evidence that all these flamines were +of high antiquity; but those attached to deities of the +calendar were probably of earlier origin than that +document, and as we have no record of the creation of +a new flaminium in historical times until the era of +Caesar-worship, it is fair to conclude that the others I +have mentioned were not younger.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">123</a></span> +</p><p> +Now what bearing has this fact on the question as to +how the early Romans conceived the objects of their +worship? There are, of course, so-called priests all the +world over, even among the lowest fetishistic and animistic +peoples, who exercise power over the various kinds +of spirits by potent charms and spells; these should +rather be called wizards, medicine-men, magicians, and +so on.<a name="FNanchor_239_239" id="FNanchor_239_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_239_239" class="fnanchor">239</a> But the flamines as we know them were not +such; they were officials of a State, entrusted with the +performance of definite ritualistic duties, more particularly +with sacrifice, and therefore, as we may assume from +universal Roman practice so far as we know it, also with +prayer. If they did not actually slay the victims themselves—and +in historical times this was done by an +assistant—they superintended the whole process and +were responsible for its correct performance.<a name="FNanchor_240_240" id="FNanchor_240_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_240_240" class="fnanchor">240</a> Does the +existence of such priests come into relation with the +development of the idea of a <i>deus</i> out of a numen or a +spirit? What is the influence of the sacrificing priest on +the divinity whom he serves? This last is a question to +which it is not easy to find a ready answer; the history +of priesthood, and of the moral and intellectual results +of the institution, has yet to be written. Even Dr. +Westermarck, in his recently published great work on +the development of moral ideas, has little to say of it. +It is greatly complicated by the undoubted fact that +among many peoples, perhaps to some extent even among +the Latins, the earliest real priests had a tendency to +personate the deity themselves, to be considered as the +deity, or in some sense divine.<a name="FNanchor_241_241" id="FNanchor_241_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241_241" class="fnanchor">241</a> But in regard to Roman +priests we may, I think, go at least as far as this. +When a spirit was named and localised as a friendly +being at a particular spot within the walls of the city, +which is made over to him, and where he has his <i>ara</i>; +when the ritual performed at this spot is laid down in +definite detail, and undertaken by an individual appointed +for this purpose by the head of the community with +solemn ceremony; then the spirit, hitherto but vaguely<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">124</a></span> +conceived, must in course of time become individualised. +The priestly if not the popular conception of him is fixed; +there is now no question who he is or how he should be +called; "quis deus incertum est"<a name="FNanchor_242_242" id="FNanchor_242_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242_242" class="fnanchor">242</a> can no longer be said +of him. Once provided with a flamen and an ordered +cult of sacrifice and prayer, I conceive that he had +now in him the possibility of turning into a <i>deus</i> +personally conceived, if he came by the chance.<a name="FNanchor_243_243" id="FNanchor_243_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_243_243" class="fnanchor">243</a> A +few did get the chance; others did not; Volcanus, for +example, became a god after the model of the Greek +Hephaestus, while Volturnus remained a numen and +made no further progress, though he was doubtless +ready to "take" the Graecising epidemic when it came. +I do not say that he or any other numen was the better +for the change. But I must not now pursue the story of +this strange double fate of the old Roman deities; I have +perhaps said enough to show that city life, with its priesthoods +and its ordered ritual, had some appreciable effect +on the deities who were admitted to it. +</p><p> +Among these deities there were four of whom I have +as yet said nothing at all, though they are the most +famous of all the divine inhabitants of Rome. I have +mentioned nine flamines; there were in all twelve, and +besides these there was in historical times a priest known +as the <i>rex sacrorum</i>, the republican successor to some of +the religious functions of the civil king. This rex, and +the three <i>flamines maiores</i>, so called in contra-distinction +to the other nine, were specially attached to the cults of +Janus, Jupiter (<i>Flamen Dialis</i>), Mars (<i>Flamen Martialis</i>), +and Quirinus (<i>Flamen Quirinalis</i>). I have kept these +deities apart from the others already mentioned, not only +because their priests stand apart from the rest, but because +they themselves seem from the first to have been more +really gods (<i>dei</i>); Quirinus is the only one who has an +adjectival name. Two of them, Jupiter and Mars, remained +throughout Roman history of real importance to +the State, and in Jupiter there were at least some germs +of possible development into a deity capable of influencing<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">125</a></span> +conduct and enforcing morality. Of Janus this cannot +possibly be said; and as he is historically the least +important of the four, I will begin by saying a few words +about him as a puzzle and a curiosity only. +</p><p> +Janus, ever since he ceased to be an intelligible deity, +has been the sport of speculators; and this happened +long before the Roman religion came to an end. In the +last century <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> philosophic writers about the gods got +hold of him, and Varro tells us that some made him out +to be the heaven, others the universe (<i>mundus</i>).<a name="FNanchor_244_244" id="FNanchor_244_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_244_244" class="fnanchor">244</a> Ovid +amused himself with this uncertainty of the philosophers, +and in the first book of his <i>Fasti</i> "interviewed" the god, +whose answers are unluckily of little value for us.<a name="FNanchor_245_245" id="FNanchor_245_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_245_245" class="fnanchor">245</a> At +various times and in different hands Janus has been pronounced +a sun-god, a heaven-god, a year-god, a wind-god; +and now a Cambridge school of speculators, to whose +learning I am in many ways indebted, has claimed him +as an oak-god, the mate of Diana, the Jupiter of aboriginal +Latium, and so on.<a name="FNanchor_246_246" id="FNanchor_246_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_246_246" class="fnanchor">246</a> We have fortunately long left +behind us the age when it was thought necessary to +resolve the Greek and Roman gods into personifications +of natural phenomena, and to try to explain all their +attributes on one principle; but my learned friends at Cambridge +have of late been showing a tendency to return to +methods not less dangerous; they hanker, for example, after +etymological evidence, which in the case of deities is almost +sure to be misleading unless it is absolutely certain, and +supported by the history of the name. This is unluckily +not the case with Janus; his etymology is matter of +dispute,<a name="FNanchor_247_247" id="FNanchor_247_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_247_247" class="fnanchor">247</a> and he is therefore open, and always will be so, +to the inquirer who is hunting a scent, and more concerned +to prove a point than to discover what the early +Romans really thought about a god. In this lecture I am +but humbly trying to do this last, and I may therefore +leave etymology, with the mythology and philosophy of a +later age, and confine myself to such facts of the cult of +Janus as are quite undisputed. They will admit of being +put together very shortly.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">126</a></span> +</p><p> +The first and leading fact is that Janus was the first +deity to be addressed in all prayers and invocations; of +this we have abundant evidence, as also of the corresponding +fact that Vesta came last.<a name="FNanchor_248_248" id="FNanchor_248_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_248_248" class="fnanchor">248</a> Secondly, we know +that he was the object of worship on the Kalends of +January, and probably of every month, and that the +sacrificing priest was in this case the <i>rex sacrorum</i>. +Thirdly, we know that he had no temple until the year +260 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, but that he was associated with the famous +gateway at the north-east end of the Forum—not a gate +in the wall, but a symbolic entrance to the heart of the +city, as the round temple of Vesta at the opposite end, +with its eternal fire, was symbolic of the common life of +the community. Fourthly, we know a few cult-titles of +Janus, among them Clusius (or Clusivius), and Patulcius, +in which the connection with gates is obvious; Junonius, +which may have originated in the fact that Juno also +was worshipped on the Kalends; Matutinus, which seems +to be a late reference to the dawn as the opening or gate +of the day, and Quirinus, which last is also almost +certainly of late origin. Clusius and Patulcius are +genuine old titles, if the text of the Salian hymn is +rightly interpreted; so too is another, Curiatius, for it +was used of the god only as residing in an ancient gateway +near the Subura called the <i>tigillum sororium</i>.<a name="FNanchor_249_249" id="FNanchor_249_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249_249" class="fnanchor">249</a> +These are all the most important facts we have to go +upon; the double head of Janus on the earliest Roman +<i>as</i> is of uncertain origin, and Wissowa seems to have +conclusively shown that this representation was not +admitted to the gate called Janus Geminus until towards +the close of the republican period.<a name="FNanchor_250_250" id="FNanchor_250_250"></a><a href="#Footnote_250_250" class="fnanchor">250</a> The connection of +the god with the fortress on the hill across the Tiber, +which still bears his name, admits of no quite satisfactory +explanation. +</p><p> +Now if we recall the fact that the entrance to the +house and the entrance to a city were points of great +moment, and the cause of constant anxiety to the early +Italian mind, we may naturally infer that they would be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">127</a></span> +in the care of some particular numen, and that his +worship would be in the care of the head of the family or +community—in the case of the city, in the care of the +<i>rex</i>, whose duties of this kind were afterwards taken +over by the priest called <i>rex sacrorum</i>. The fact that +the word for an entrance was <i>ianus</i> confirms this conjecture; +Janus was perhaps the spirit guarding the +entrance to the real wall of the earliest city, but when +the city was enlarged in the age from which the calendar +dates, a symbolic gateway was set up where you entered +the forum from the direction of Latium, answering to +the symbolic hearth in the <i>aedes Vestae</i>, and this very +naturally took the name of the deity associated with +entrances. Two other <i>iani</i> probably existed in the forum, +and the name was later on transferred as a substantive to +similar objects in Roman colonies, while a feminine form, +<i>ianua</i>, came to be used for ordinary house entrances.<a name="FNanchor_251_251" id="FNanchor_251_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_251_251" class="fnanchor">251</a> +Whether there ever was a cult of the god at the real +gateway of a city we do not know; there was none at +the symbolic gateway of Rome, which was in no sense a +temple. But the idea of entrance stuck to the old spirit +of the doorway long after the reconstruction of the city, +and the rex now sacrifices to him on the entrance-day of +each month, and more particularly on the entrance-day +of the month which bears his name and is the beginning +of the natural year after the winter solstice. This is the +best account to be had of the original Janus,<a name="FNanchor_252_252" id="FNanchor_252_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252_252" class="fnanchor">252</a> a deity, let +it be remembered, of a simple agricultural and warlike +people, without literature or philosophy. But it is not +difficult to see how, when philosophy and literature did at +last come in a second-hand form to this people, they +might well have overlaid with cobwebs of story and +speculation a deity for whom they had no longer any +real use, who was best known to them by the mysterious +double-head on the <i>as</i> and the gateway, and for whom +they could find no conclusive parallel among the gods of +Greece. +</p><p> +Next in order of invocation to Janus came Jupiter,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">128</a></span> +and his priest, the Flamen Dialis, was likewise the +second in rank, according to ancient rule, after the <i>rex +sacrorum</i>. Unlike Janus, Jupiter (to use the spelling +familiar in England) was at all times a great power for +the Roman people, and one who could be all the more +valued because he was intelligible. No one doubted then, +and no one doubts now, that he was the god of the light +and of heaven, <i>Diovis pater</i>, or rather perhaps the heaven +itself<a name="FNanchor_253_253" id="FNanchor_253_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253_253" class="fnanchor">253</a> with all its manifestations of rain and thunder, of +blessing and damage to the works of man; the common inheritance +of the Italian peoples, dwelling and worshipped +in their woods and on their hills; and, as we know now, +also the common inheritance of all Aryan stocks, the +"European Sky-god," as Mr. A. B. Cook has traced him +with learning and ingenuity from the Euxine to Britain.<a name="FNanchor_254_254" id="FNanchor_254_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_254_254" class="fnanchor">254</a> +</p><p> +Jupiter must have had a long and important +history in Latium before the era of the Roman City-state; +Dr. Frazer has seen this, and set it forth in his +lectures on the early history of the kingship, though +basing his conclusions on evidence much of which will +not bear a close examination.<a name="FNanchor_255_255" id="FNanchor_255_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255_255" class="fnanchor">255</a> The one substantial proof +of it lies in the unique and truly extraordinary character +of the taboos placed on his flamen, and to some extent +on the flamen's wife, by the Roman <i>ius divinum</i>. Even +if we suppose that some of these may have been later +inventions of an ecclesiastical college like the pontifices +(and this is hardly probable), many of them are obviously +of remote antiquity, and can only have originated at a +time when the magical power of the man responsible for +the conduct of Jupiter was so precious that it had to be +safeguarded in these many curious ways. I have already +suggested that the scene of the early paramount importance +of Jupiter and his flamen, in that age perhaps a +king of some kind, was Alba Longa, which by universal +tradition was the leading city of Latium before Rome +rose to importance, and where the sky-god was worshipped +on his holy mountain as the religious centre of +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">129</a></span>Latium from the earliest times. I have also suggested +that when the new warlike city on the Tiber took the +place of Alba, the worship was transferred thither, but +lost its strength in the process, and that the flamen was +little more than a survival even in the most primitive +period of what we may call for the moment Roman +history. This can be accounted for by the fact that the +traditions of primitive Rome were connected much more +closely with Mars than with Jupiter. Not till Etruscan +kings founded the great temple on the Capitol, which was +to endure throughout all later ages of Roman dominion, +did the sky-god become the supreme guardian deity of +his people, under the titles of Optimus Maximus, the best +and greatest of all her deities. +</p><p> +But Jupiter was there; and we know certain facts of +his cult which give us a pretty clear idea of what the +Romans of the pre-Etruscan period thought about him. +In the calendar all Ides belonged to him, were <i>feriae +Iovis</i>;<a name="FNanchor_256_256" id="FNanchor_256_256"></a><a href="#Footnote_256_256" class="fnanchor">256</a> he seems to be the source of light, whether of +sun or moon, for neither of which the Romans had any +special divinity; in the hymn of the Salii he is addressed +as Lucetius, the giver or source of light. The festivals of +the vintage belonged to him, since the production of wine +specially needed the aid of sun and light, and his flamen +was employed in the cult on these occasions.<a name="FNanchor_257_257" id="FNanchor_257_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_257_257" class="fnanchor">257</a> When +rain was sorely needed, the aid of the sky-god was sought +under the cult-title Elicius, and as Fulgur or Summanus<a name="FNanchor_258_258" id="FNanchor_258_258"></a><a href="#Footnote_258_258" class="fnanchor">258</a> +he was the Power who sent the lightning by day and by +night. The ideas thus reflected in the Roman cult were +common to all Italian peoples of the same stock; everywhere +we find him worshipped on the summits of hills, +and in woods of oak, ilex, or beech,<a name="FNanchor_259_259" id="FNanchor_259_259"></a><a href="#Footnote_259_259" class="fnanchor">259</a> where nothing but +the trees he loved intervened between the heaven and +the earth. +</p><p> +His oldest cult at Rome was on the Capitoline hill, +but at all times quite distinct from that which became so +famous afterwards; he was known here as Feretrius, a +cult-title of which the meaning is uncertain,<a name="FNanchor_260_260" id="FNanchor_260_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260_260" class="fnanchor">260</a> and here, so +far as we can guess, there must have been an ancient oak<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">130</a></span> +regarded either as the dwelling of the numen or as the +numen himself, upon which Romulus is said to have hung +the <i>spolia opima</i> taken from the king of the Caeninenses;<a name="FNanchor_261_261" id="FNanchor_261_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261_261" class="fnanchor">261</a> +here we may see the earliest trace of the triumphal procession +that was to be. Doubtless an <i>ara</i> was here from the +first, and then followed a tiny temple, only fifteen feet +wide as Dionysius describes it from personal knowledge +in the time of Augustus,<a name="FNanchor_262_262" id="FNanchor_262_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_262_262" class="fnanchor">262</a> who restored it. There was no +image of the god, but in the temple was kept a <i>silex</i>, +probably a stone celt believed to have been a thunderbolt;<a name="FNanchor_263_263" id="FNanchor_263_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_263_263" class="fnanchor">263</a> +this stone the Fetiales took with them on their +official journeys, and used it in the oath, <i>per Iovem lapidem</i>, +with which they ratified their treaties. As the Romans +thought of Jupiter, not as a personal deity living in the +sky like Zeus, but rather as the heaven itself, so they +could think of him as immanent in this stone, <i>Iuppiter +lapis</i>. And the use of the flint in treaty-making suggests +another aspect of the god, which he retained in one way +or another throughout Roman history; it is his sanction +that is called in to the aid of moral and legal obligations, +resulting from treaties, oaths, and contracts such as that +of marriage. As Dius Fidius he was invoked in the +common Roman oath <i>medius fidius</i>; as Farreus (if this +were an old cult-title) he gave his sanction to the solemn +contract entered into in the ancient form of marriage by +<i>confarreatio</i>, where his flamen had to be present, and +where in all probability the cake of <i>far</i> was eaten as a +kind of sacrament by the parties to the covenant.<a name="FNanchor_264_264" id="FNanchor_264_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_264_264" class="fnanchor">264</a> In +much of this it is tempting to see, as we can see nowhere +else in the Roman religion, faint traces of a feeling about +the heaven-god brought from a remote pastoral life under +the open sky, where neither forest nor mountain intervened +to shelter man from the great Presence;<a name="FNanchor_265_265" id="FNanchor_265_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_265_265" class="fnanchor">265</a> and it is also +tempting to think that there was here, even for Latins +who had learnt to worship Jupiter under the form of +stocks and stones in the land of their final settlement, +some chance of the development of a deity "making for +righteousness."<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">131</a></span> +</p><p> +Third and fourth in the order of invocation came Mars +and Quirinus, and the same order held good for their +flamines. These two priests may have been subject to +some of the taboos which restricted the Flamen Dialis;<a name="FNanchor_266_266" id="FNanchor_266_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_266_266" class="fnanchor">266</a> +they too, that is, may have been to some extent precious, +and have been endowed in a lost period of history with +magical powers; but if so, the memory and importance of +such disabilities was rapidly forgotten in the City-state, +and they were early allowed to fill civil offices, a privilege +which the Dialis did not attain till the second century +<span class="smcap">b.c.</span><a name="FNanchor_267_267" id="FNanchor_267_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_267_267" class="fnanchor">267</a> Of the sacrificial duties of the Martialis we know +nothing for certain, and can get no help from him as to +the ideas of the early Romans about their great deity +Mars. +</p><p> +Mars is in some ways the most interesting of all the +Roman deities; but except as the familiar war-god of +Roman history he remains a somewhat doubtful conception. +Like Jupiter and Janus he has attained to a real +name; but of that name, which in various forms is still so +often on our lips, no convincing account has ever been +given. Comparative mythology used to be much occupied +with him, and he has been compared with Indra, +Apollo, Odin, and others. But as M. Reinach said, it is +time to attend more closely to differences; and Mars +seems to stand best by himself, as a genuine Italian +religious conception. His name is found all over ancient +Italy in various forms—Mavors, Mamers, Marmor, and +as Cerfus Martius at Iguvium. His wild and warlike +character, his association with the wolf and the +spear, seem to suggest the struggle for existence that +must have gone on among the tribes that pushed down +into a peninsula of rugged mountain and dense forest, +abounding with the wolves which are not yet wholly extinct +there. Whether or no his antecedents are to be found in +other lands, we shall not be far wrong in assuming that +the Roman Mars was the product of life and experience +in Italy, and Italy only. +</p><p> +There is an excellent general account of him in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">132</a></span> +Roscher's article in his <i>Lexicon</i>, which, like that on Janus, +has the advantage of being the result of a second elaborate +study, free from the enticements of the comparative +method. What we know for certain about his cult at +Rome in early times can be very briefly stated. First, +we have the striking fact that he is conspicuous, together +with the Lares, in the <i>carmen</i> which has come down to +us as sung by the Arval Brethren in their lustration of +the cultivated land of the Roman city:<a name="FNanchor_268_268" id="FNanchor_268_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_268_268" class="fnanchor">268</a> "Neve luerve +Marmor sins incurrere in pleores, satur fu fere Mars!" +One is naturally inclined to ask how this wild and warlike +spirit can have anything to do with cultivation and +crops. But there is no mistake; the connection is confirmed +by the fact that he is also the chief object of invocation +in the private <i>lustratio</i> of the farm, which Cato has preserved +for us.<a name="FNanchor_269_269" id="FNanchor_269_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_269_269" class="fnanchor">269</a> In each case the victims are the same, +the <i>suovetaurilia</i> of ox, sheep, and pig, the farmer's +most valuable property. Again, let us remember that the +month which bears his name is that not only of the +opening of the war season, but of the springing up of vegetation, +and that the dances and singing of the Salii at this +time may probably have been meant, like similar performances +of savage peoples,<a name="FNanchor_270_270" id="FNanchor_270_270"></a><a href="#Footnote_270_270" class="fnanchor">270</a> to frighten away evil demons +from the precious cultivated land and its growing produce, +and to call on the Power to wake to new life. The clue +to the mystery is perhaps to be found in the cult-title +Silvanus which we find in the prayer set down by Cato as +proper for the protection of the cattle when they are on +their summer pasture (<i>in silva</i>): "Marti Silvano in silva +interdius in capita singula boum facito."<a name="FNanchor_271_271" id="FNanchor_271_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_271_271" class="fnanchor">271</a> We know that +wealth in early Italy consisted chiefly of sheep and cattle; +we know that these were taken in the warm months, as +they still are, into the forest (<i>saltus</i>) to feed;<a name="FNanchor_272_272" id="FNanchor_272_272"></a><a href="#Footnote_272_272" class="fnanchor">272</a> and from +this passage of Cato we know that Mars was there. It is +only going one step farther if we conjecture that Mars, +like Silvanus, who may have been an offshoot of his own +being, was for the early settler never a peaceful inhabitant +of the farm or the dwelling, but a spirit of the woodland<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">133</a></span> +of great importance for the cattle-owner, and of great +importance, too, in all circumambulation of the boundaries +which divided the woodland from the cultivated land.<a name="FNanchor_273_273" id="FNanchor_273_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_273_273" class="fnanchor">273</a> +</p><p> +But with conjecture I deal on principle but sparingly. +It is time to turn to the Mars of the City-state of Rome; +and it is at once interesting to find that until the age of +Augustus, who introduced a new form of Mars-worship, +he had no temple within the walls, and even outside only +two <i>fana</i>, one an altar in his own field the Campus +Martius, the other a temple dedicated in 388 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> outside +the Porta Capena. "He was always worshipped outside +the city," says Dr. J. B. Carter in his <i>Religion of Numa</i>, +"as a god who must be kept at a distance." Should we +not rather say that the god was unwilling to come within +those sacred boundaries encircling the works of man? So +stated, we may see in this singular fact a reminiscence of +the time when Mars was really the wild spirit of the +"outland," where wolves and human enemies might be +met with; he was perhaps in some sense a <i>hostis</i>, a +stranger, like the many other deities originally strange to +Rome who, until the second Punic war, were never +allowed to settle within the sacred precincts.<a name="FNanchor_274_274" id="FNanchor_274_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_274_274" class="fnanchor">274</a> In one +sense, however, Mars was actually resident in the very +heart of the city. In a <i>sacrarium</i> or chapel of the regia,<a name="FNanchor_275_275" id="FNanchor_275_275"></a><a href="#Footnote_275_275" class="fnanchor">275</a> +the ancient dwelling of the king, were kept the spears and +shields which the Salii carried in their processions in +March and October; and that the deity was believed to +be there too must be inferred from the fact, if it be +correctly stated by Servius, that the consul who was about +to take the field entered the chapel and shook these +spears and shields together, saying, "Mars vigila." I am, +however, rather disposed to think that this practice belongs +to a time when Mars was more distinctly recognised as a +god of war, and when the weapons of the Salii were +thought of rather as symbols of his activity than as +objects in which he was immanent.<a name="FNanchor_276_276" id="FNanchor_276_276"></a><a href="#Footnote_276_276" class="fnanchor">276</a> +</p><p> +These are the salient facts in the oldest cult of Mars, +and they are entirely in keeping with all we know of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">134</a></span> +early history and economy of the Roman people—a people +economically dependent on agriculture, and especially on +cattle-breeding, living in settlements in the midst of a +wilder country, and constantly liable to the attacks of +enemies who might raid their cattle and destroy their +crops. I do not see in him only a deity of agriculture, or +only a god of war; in my view he is a spirit of the +wilder regions, where dwell the wolf and woodpecker +which are connected with him in legend: a spirit who +dwells on the outskirts of civilisation, and can with profit +be propitiated both for help against the enemies beyond, +and for the protection of the crops and cattle within, the +boundaries of human activity. +</p><p> +Fourth in invocations came Quirinus, and fourth in +order of precedence was his flamen. But of Quirinus I +need say little; there is, on the whole, a consensus of +opinion that he was a form of Mars belonging to the +community settled on the hill that still bears his name. +The most convincing proof of his identity with Mars +(though identity is doubtless too strong a word) lies in +the well-known fact that there were twelve Salii Collini, +<i>i.e.</i> belonging to the Collis Quirinalis, occupied with the +cult of Quirinus, answering to the twelve Salii Palatini of +the cult of Mars. "Quid de ancilibus vestris," Camillus +says in Livy's glowing rhetoric, "Mars Gradive (the particular +cult-title of the warlike Mars), tuque Quirine +pater?"<a name="FNanchor_277_277" id="FNanchor_277_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_277_277" class="fnanchor">277</a> Now the Quirinal was, of course, <i>within</i> the +walls, and the Romans who identified the two deities noted +this point of contrast with the Mars-cult; for Servius +writes, "Quirinus est Mars qui praeest paci et <i>intra civitatem</i> +colitur, nam belli Mars <i>extra civitatem</i> templum habet." +In keeping with this is the use of the word Quirites of the +Romans in their civil capacity; but unluckily we are +altogether uncertain as to the etymology and history of +both Quirites and Quirinus.<a name="FNanchor_278_278" id="FNanchor_278_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_278_278" class="fnanchor">278</a> And as Quirinus never +became, like Mars, an important property of the Roman +people, but was speedily obscured and only revived by +the legend of late origin which identified him with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">135</a></span> +Romulus, he is not of importance for my subject, and I +may leave him to etymologists and speculators. +</p><p> +There is one other deity of whom I might naturally +be expected to say something; I mean Juno. But our +familiarity with Juno in Roman literature must not be +allowed to lead us into believing too rashly that she was +one of those great <i>numina</i> of the early Roman State with +whom I have just been dealing. She had no special +festival in the calendar;<a name="FNanchor_279_279" id="FNanchor_279_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_279_279" class="fnanchor">279</a> her connection with the Kalends +she shared, as we have seen, with Janus. She had no +special priest of her own; for in spite of all assertions +that the flaminica Dialis was attached to her cult, I am +convinced that I was right some years ago in maintaining +that this is an error, though a natural one.<a name="FNanchor_280_280" id="FNanchor_280_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_280_280" class="fnanchor">280</a> It cannot +be proved that she had any ancient temple in the city; +for the oldest known to us as strictly indigenous, that of +Juno Moneta on the arx, was not dedicated till 344 <i>b.c.</i>, +and we do not know that there was an older altar on the +same spot.<a name="FNanchor_281_281" id="FNanchor_281_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_281_281" class="fnanchor">281</a> Assuredly Rome was not in early times a +great centre of the Juno cult, as were some of the cities in +her neighbourhood, <i>e.g.</i> Lanuvium, Falerii, and Veii;<a name="FNanchor_282_282" id="FNanchor_282_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_282_282" class="fnanchor">282</a> and +the gradual establishment of her position as a truly Roman +goddess may be explained by her appearance in the trias +of deities in the Capitoline temple at the end of the regal +period, and by the removal to Rome of Juno Regina of +Veii still later, after the destruction of that city. +</p><p> +What, then, was Juno originally to the Roman religious +mind? There is no more difficult question than this in +our whole subject; as we probe carefully in those dark +ages she baffles us continually. Undoubtedly she was +a woman's deity, and we may aptly say of her "varium et +mutabile semper femina." The most singular fact we know +about her cult is that women used to speak of their Juno +as men spoke of their Genius;<a name="FNanchor_283_283" id="FNanchor_283_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_283_283" class="fnanchor">283</a> and it is not by any +means impossible that this may be the clue to the original +Italian conception of her.<a name="FNanchor_284_284" id="FNanchor_284_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_284_284" class="fnanchor">284</a> In that case we should have +to explain her appearance as a well-defined goddess in so +many Latin towns, as the anthropomorphising result of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">136</a></span> +that penetration of Greek ideas into Latium from the +south, of which I shall have something to say later on. +Such ideas, when they reached Rome, may have produced +the notion that she was the consort of Jupiter, for which I +must confess that I can find no sufficient evidence in the +early cult of either.<a name="FNanchor_285_285" id="FNanchor_285_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_285_285" class="fnanchor">285</a> But I must here leave her, for in +truth she does not belong to this lecture; and it would +need at least one whole lecture to discuss her adequately +in all her later aspects. The latest German discussion of +her occupied sixty closely printed pages; and instructive +as it was in some ways, arrived at the apparently impossible +conclusion that she was a deity of the earth. +</p><p> +Last in the order of invocation, even to the latest days +of Rome, came Vesta, "the only female deity among the +highest gods of the most ancient State,"<a name="FNanchor_286_286" id="FNanchor_286_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_286_286" class="fnanchor">286</a> for Juno can +hardly be reckoned among them, and Tellus had no +special cult or priesthood of her own. We have already +noticed Vesta as the religious centre of the house, making +it into a <i>home</i> in a sense almost more vivid than that in +which we use the sacred word. Through all stages of +development from house to city this religious centre must +have been preserved, and in the Rome of historical times +Vesta was still there, inherent in her sacred hearth-fire, +which was tended by her six virgin priestesses, and +renewed on the Roman New Year's day (March 1) by the +primitive method of friction.<a name="FNanchor_287_287" id="FNanchor_287_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_287_287" class="fnanchor">287</a> The Vestals beyond doubt +represented the unmarried daughters of the primitive +Latin family, and the <i>penus Vestae</i>, a kind of Holy of +Holies of the Roman State, recalled the <i>penus</i> or store-closet +of the agricultural home; this <i>penus</i> was cleansed +on June 15 for the reception of the first fruits of the +harvest, and then closed until June 7 of the following +year.<a name="FNanchor_288_288" id="FNanchor_288_288"></a><a href="#Footnote_288_288" class="fnanchor">288</a> These and other simple duties of the Vestals, all +of them traceable to the old life on the farm, together +with their own sex and maidenhood, preserved this beautiful +cult throughout Roman history from all contamination. +Vesta in her <i>aedes</i>, a round dwelling which was never a +temple in the technical sense, was represented by no<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">137</a></span> +statue, and her title of Mater never suggested to the true +Roman worshipper anything but her motherly grace and +beneficence.<a name="FNanchor_289_289" id="FNanchor_289_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_289_289" class="fnanchor">289</a> Far more than any other cult, that of Vesta +represents the reality and continuity of Roman religious +feeling; and the remains of her latest dwelling, and the +statues of her priestesses with no statue of herself among +them, may still give the visitor to the Forum some dim +idea of the spirit of Roman worship.<a name="FNanchor_290_290" id="FNanchor_290_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_290_290" class="fnanchor">290</a> +</p><h5> +NOTES TO LECTURE VI +</h5> +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_219_219" id="Footnote_219_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_219_219"><span class="label">219</span></a> Arnobius (v. 155) fortunately mentions that this story came +from the second book of Valerius Antias, whose bad reputation is +well known. It was plainly meant to account for the cult-title of +Jupiter Elicius, and the origin of the <i>procuratio fulminis</i>, and +was invented by Greeks or Graecising Romans at a time (2nd +century <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>) when all reverence for the gods had vanished as completely +as in Greece. Yet Dr. Frazer writes of Numa as "an adept +at bringing down lightning from heaven" (<i>Early History of Kingship</i>, +p. 204).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_220_220" id="Footnote_220_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_220_220"><span class="label">220</span></a> On this subject, the evolution of the knowledge of God, I may +refer to Professor Gwatkin's <i>Gifford Lectures</i> of 1904-5, published by +Messrs. T. & T. Clark, Edinburgh.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_221_221" id="Footnote_221_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_221_221"><span class="label">221</span></a> The meaning of <i>deus</i> is well put by Mr. C. Bailey in his sketch +of <i>Roman Religion</i> (Constable & Co.), p. 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_222_222" id="Footnote_222_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_222_222"><span class="label">222</span></a> Guesses can be made about these, but little or nothing is to be +learnt from them to help us in this lecture.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_223_223" id="Footnote_223_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_223_223"><span class="label">223</span></a> I adhere to what was said in <i>R.F.</i> p. 312 foll. We do not +know, and probably never shall know, the original deity concerned in +that festival. The ritual is wholly unlike that of the <i>rustica Faunalia</i> +(<i>R.F.</i> p. 256 foll.). I believe that it dates from a time anterior to +the formation of real gods—possibly from an aboriginal people who +did not know any. (I am glad to see this view taken in the latest +summary of German learning on this subject, <i>Einleitung in die +Altertumswissenschaft</i>, by Gaercke and Norden, vol. ii. p. 262.) +At the moment of printing an interesting discussion of the Lupercalia, +by Prof. Deubner, who treats it as a historical growth, in which are +embodied ideas and rites of successive ages, has appeared in <i>Archiv</i> +(1910, p. 481 foll.). See Appendix B.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_224_224" id="Footnote_224_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_224_224"><span class="label">224</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> pp. 170 and 250 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_225_225" id="Footnote_225_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_225_225"><span class="label">225</span></a> Strabo, p. 164. Cp. Usener, <i>Götternamen</i>, p. 277, whose +comment is, "Die Götter aller dieser Stämme waren 'namenlos,' +weil sie nicht mit Eigennamen sondern durch Eigenschaftsworte<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">138</a></span> +benannt wurden. Für einen griechischen Reisenden vorchristlicher +Zeit waren sie nicht fassbar." Arnobius iii. 43, Gellius ii. 28. 2 +are good passages for the principle. The latter alludes to the anxiety +of <i>veteres Romani</i> on this point, "ne alium pro alio nominando falsa +religione populum alligarent." Hence the formulae "si deus si dea," +or "sive quo alio nomine fas est nominare," Serv. <i>Aen.</i> ii. 351; +"quisquis es," <i>Aen.</i> iv. 576. See also Farnell, <i>Evolution of Religion</i>, +184 foll.; Dieterich, <i>Eine Mithrasliturgie</i>, p. 110 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_226_226" id="Footnote_226_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_226_226"><span class="label">226</span></a> Serv. <i>Aen.</i> ii. 351. I am inclined to think it is only an inference +from the want of substantival names in so many Roman deities; +surely, it would be argued, the pontifices must have had some reason +for this. It is contradicted by the fact that in such ancient formulae +as that of the <i>devotio</i> (Livy viii. 9) the great gods are called by their +own names, though the army was in the field and in presence of the +enemy. There was, however, an old idea that the name of the special +tutelary god of the city was never divulged, lest he should become +<i>captivus</i>, and that the true name of the city itself was unknown; see +Macrob. iii. 9. 2 foll. I believe that these ideas were encouraged by +the pontifices, but were not founded on fact.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_227_227" id="Footnote_227_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_227_227"><span class="label">227</span></a> For the Indigitamenta see below, p. 159; <i>R.F.</i> p. 341; R. Peter's +able article in <i>Myth. Lex.</i>, <i>s.v.</i> Scholars do not seem to me to have +reckoned sufficiently with the tendency of a legal priesthood, devoted +to the strict maintenance of religious minutiae, to elaborate and +organise the material for god-making which was within their reach. +To judge by the elaboration of the ritual at Iguvium, the same +tendency must have existed in other kindred Italian communities, +both to develop ritualistic priesthoods, and through them to elaborate +the ritual. This is, I think, the weak point of Usener's reasoning in +his <i>Götternamen</i>, and as applied to Roman deities it is the weak +point of an interesting article by von Domaszewski, reprinted in his +<i>Abhandlungen zur röm. Religion</i>, p. 155 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_228_228" id="Footnote_228_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228_228"><span class="label">228</span></a> The best account of Tellus is in Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 159 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_229_229" id="Footnote_229_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229_229"><span class="label">229</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 71; Ovid, <i>Fasti</i>, iv. 631 foll. This was a festival of the +populus as a whole, and also of each Curia, like the Fornicalia in +February. Both were clearly agricultural in origin, though the Curia +as we know it was probably an institution of the city. I must own +that I am quite uncertain as to what the thing was which was originally +meant by the word Curia; my friend Dr. J. B. Carter may have +something to say on the subject in his book on the Roman religion in +the Jastrow series.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_230_230" id="Footnote_230_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230_230"><span class="label">230</span></a> Dieterich, <i>Mutter Erde</i>, pp. 11 and 73 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_231_231" id="Footnote_231_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231_231"><span class="label">231</span></a> Virg. <i>Aen.</i> iv. 166, "prima et Tellus et pronuba Iuno Dant +signum"; commenting on which Servius wrote, "quidam sane etiam +Tellurem praeesse nuptiis tradunt; nam et in auspiciis nuptiarum +invocatur: cui etiam virgines, vel cum ire ad domum mariti coeperint, +vel iam ibi positae, diversis nominibus vel ritu sacrificant." There is +little doubt that Tellus is frequently concealed under the names of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">139</a></span> +Ceres, Dea Dia, etc. For Ceres and Juno in marriage rites, see +Marquardt, <i>Privatleben</i>, p. 49.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_232_232" id="Footnote_232_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_232_232"><span class="label">232</span></a> See below, p. 206 foll.; Macrob. iii. 9. 11; Deubner in +<i>Archiv</i>, 1905, p. 66 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_233_233" id="Footnote_233_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_233_233"><span class="label">233</span></a> See De Marchi, <i>La Religione</i>, <i>etc.</i>, i. p. 188 and reff. (The +reference to Gellius should be iv. 6. 7, not iv. 67.) Like some other +operations of the Roman religion, this became a form, and was used +as a kind of insurance, whether or no there had been any omission; +Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 160.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_234_234" id="Footnote_234_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_234_234"><span class="label">234</span></a> That Ceres represented the <i>fructus</i> is shown by the fact that +in the XII. Tables the man who raided a field of standing corn at +night was made <i>sacer</i> to her; Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> xviii. 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_235_235" id="Footnote_235_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_235_235"><span class="label">235</span></a> Cato, <i>R.R.</i> 134. De Marchi, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 135. Janus, Jupiter, +and Juno are concerned in this rite, Ceres coming last. Varro has +preserved the part of Tellus for us: "quod humatus non sit, heredi +porca praecidanea suscipienda Telluri et Cereri, aliter familia non pura +est" (<i>ap. Nonium</i>, p. 163).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_236_236" id="Footnote_236_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_236_236"><span class="label">236</span></a> The verses are quoted by Dieterich, <i>Mutter Erde</i>, p. 75, +among others from Buecheler's <i>Anthology of Roman Epitaphs</i>, Nos. +1544 and 1476. The story is told in Suetonius' <i>Life of Tib.</i> c. 75, +and again of Gallienus by Aurelius Victor (<i>Caes.</i> c. 33).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_237_237" id="Footnote_237_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_237_237"><span class="label">237</span></a> Marquardt, p. 326, who notes that the Romans themselves +derived the word from <i>filum</i>, a fillet; <i>e.g.</i> Varro, <i>L.L.</i> v. 84, "quod +in Latio capite velato erant semper, ac caput cinctum habebant <i>filo</i>." +Modern etymologists equate the word with <i>Brahman</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_238_238" id="Footnote_238_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_238_238"><span class="label">238</span></a> Thus the Flamen Quirinalis sacrificed at the Robigalia, <i>R.F.</i> +p. 89, and with the Pontifices and Vestals took part in the Consualia, +Marq. 335.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_239_239" id="Footnote_239_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_239_239"><span class="label">239</span></a> We may note here that the most general Latin name for a +priest was <i>sacerdos</i>, which seems to have excluded all magic, etc.; it +means an office sanctioned by the State. On the general question of +the origin of priesthood see Jevons, <i>Introduction</i>, <i>etc.</i>, ch. xx., with +whose explanations, however, I cannot entirely agree. I should +prefer to keep the word priest for an official who sacrifices and prays +to his god. In this view I am at one with E. Meyer, <i>Geschichte des +Altertums</i>, i.<sup>2</sup> p. 121 foll. God and priest go together as permanent, +regular in function, and entrusted by a community with certain +duties.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_240_240" id="Footnote_240_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_240_240"><span class="label">240</span></a> Marquardt, p. 180; Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 427. The popa or +victimarius is seen in many artistic representations of sacrifice, <i>e.g.</i> +Schreiber, <i>Atlas of Classical Antiquities</i>, plate xvii. figs. 1 and 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_241_241" id="Footnote_241_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_241_241"><span class="label">241</span></a> Jevons, ch. xx.; Frazer, <i>G.B.</i> i. 245 foll., and <i>Lectures on +Early History of Kingship</i>, Lectures ii. and v.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_242_242" id="Footnote_242_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_242_242"><span class="label">242</span></a> Virg. <i>Aen.</i> viii. 352.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_243_243" id="Footnote_243_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_243_243"><span class="label">243</span></a> In a valuable paper in his <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i> (p. 284) +Wissowa says that "personal conception of deity is absolutely strange +to the old Roman religion of the <i>di indigetes</i>." I believe this to be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">140</a></span> +essentially true; but my point is that localisation and ritual prepared +the way for the reception of Greek ideas of personality. The process +had already begun in the religion of the house; but it was not likely +there to come in contact with foreign germs. When Janus and Vesta, +who were in every house (Wissowa, p. 285), were localised in certain +points in a city, they would be far more likely to acquire personality, +if such an idea came in their way, than in the worship of the family.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_244_244" id="Footnote_244_244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_244_244"><span class="label">244</span></a> Aug. <i>Civ. Dei</i>, vii. 28, "quem alii caelum, alii dixerunt esse +mundum." Dr. Frazer, citing this passage (<i>Kingship</i>, p. 286) in +support of his view that Janus was a duplicate of Jupiter, has omitted +to notice that some theorisers fancied he was the <i>universe</i>, which by +itself is enough to betray the delusive nature of this kind of theological +speculation. Varro elsewhere gives us a clue to the liability of Janus +to be exalted in this unnatural fashion, <i>L.L.</i> vii. 27, "divum deo" (in the +Salian hymn), if this be taken as referring to Janus, as it may be, +comparing Macrob. i. 9. 14. But this is easily explained by the +position of Janus in prayers; cp. Cic. <i>Nat. Deor.</i> ii. 27. 67, "cum in +omnibus rebus vim haberent maximam prima et extrema, principem in +sacrificando Ianum esse voluerunt." The phrase "Deorum" or "Divum +deus" is indeed remarkable, and unparalleled in Roman worship; but +no one acquainted with Roman or Italian ritual will for a moment +suspect it of meaning "God of gods" in either a Christian or metaphysical +sense. I shall have occasion to notice the peculiar use of +the genitive case and of genitival adjectives in worship later on. See +below, p. 153 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_245_245" id="Footnote_245_245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_245_245"><span class="label">245</span></a> <i>Fasti</i>, i. 89 foll.; <i>R.F.</i> p. 281 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_246_246" id="Footnote_246_246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_246_246"><span class="label">246</span></a> Frazer, <i>l.c.</i> (a page of which every line appears to me to be +written under a complete misapprehension of the right methods of +research into the nature of Roman gods); A. B. Cook, <i>Classical +Review</i>, vol. xviii. 367 foll.; Professor Ridgeway, <i>Who were the Romans?</i> +p. 12, where, among other remarkable statements, Janus is confidently +said to have been introduced at Rome by the Sabine Numa, and +therefore to have been a Sabine deity, an assumption quite irreconcilable +with those of Dr. Frazer and Mr. Cook. In striking contrast +with such speculations is a sensible paper on Janus in M. Toutain's +<i>Études de mythologie et d'histoire</i>, p. 195 foll. (Paris, 1909).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_247_247" id="Footnote_247_247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_247_247"><span class="label">247</span></a> Dr. Frazer is aware of this; see his <i>Kingship</i>, p. 285, note 1. +See also Roscher in <i>Myth. Lex.</i>, <i>s.v.</i> "Janus," p. 45 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_248_248" id="Footnote_248_248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_248_248"><span class="label">248</span></a> For the evidence for this and the following facts, see Roscher's +article just cited, or Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 91 foll.; cp. <i>R.F.</i> p. 280 foll. The +cult epithets of Janus are thus explained by von Domaszewski, +<i>Abhandlungen</i>, p. 223, note 1, "Bei Ianus tritt regelmässig der +Begriff des Wesens hinzu, dessen Wirkung er von Anfang an +bestimmt, so I. Consevius der Anfang der in Consus wirkenden Kraft, +und in derselbe Weise I. Iunonius, Matutinus," etc. This is reasonable, +but it does not suit with I. Patulcius-Clusius, and I cannot accept +it with confidence at present.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">141</a></span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_249_249" id="Footnote_249_249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_249_249"><span class="label">249</span></a> Roscher, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 34.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_250_250" id="Footnote_250_250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_250_250"><span class="label">250</span></a> Wissowa, <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i>, p. 284 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_251_251" id="Footnote_251_251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_251_251"><span class="label">251</span></a> Festus, p. 185.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_252_252" id="Footnote_252_252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_252_252"><span class="label">252</span></a> It is due to the good sense and learning of Dr. Roscher; he +had previously, when working on the old methods, tried to prove that +Janus was a "wind-god" (<i>Hermes der Windgott</i>, Leipzig, 1878); but +a more searching inquiry into the Roman evidence, when the prepossessions +had left him which the comparative method is so likely to +produce, brought him to the view I have explained in outline, which +has been adopted in the main by Wissowa, Aust, and J. B. Carter, as +well as by myself in <i>R.F.</i> The last word about so puzzling a deity +can of course never be said; but if we indulge in speculations about +him we must use the Roman evidence with adequate knowledge of +the criticism it needs.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_253_253" id="Footnote_253_253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_253_253"><span class="label">253</span></a> This difference between Zeus and Jupiter has been pointed +out by Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 100; Jupiter stands for the heaven even in +classical Latin literature, as we all know.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_254_254" id="Footnote_254_254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_254_254"><span class="label">254</span></a> See his papers in the <i>Classical Review</i>, vol. xvii. 270 and +xviii. 365 foll., and in <i>Folklore</i>, vol. xv. 301; xvi. 260 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_255_255" id="Footnote_255_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_255_255"><span class="label">255</span></a> <i>Kingship</i>, p. 196 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_256_256" id="Footnote_256_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_256_256"><span class="label">256</span></a> Macrobius i. 15. 14. In historical times a white victim, +<i>ovis idulis</i>, was taken to the Capitol by the <i>via sacra</i> in procession +(Ov. <i>Fasti</i>, i. 56. 588). Festus says that some derived the term <i>via +sacra</i> from this procession (p. 290); and to this Horace may be alluding +in <i>Ode</i> iii. 30. 8, "dum Capitolium Scandet cum tacita virgine +pontifex."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_257_257" id="Footnote_257_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_257_257"><span class="label">257</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> pp. 86, 204.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_258_258" id="Footnote_258_258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_258_258"><span class="label">258</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 160.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_259_259" id="Footnote_259_259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_259_259"><span class="label">259</span></a> No doubt Jupiter was specially connected with the oak, as Mr. +Cook has shown with great learning in the paper cited above, note +36; but at Rome he had an ancient shrine among beeches, and was +known as I. Fagutalis: Varro, <i>L.L.</i> v. 152; Paulus 87. For I. +Viminalis, see <i>R.F.</i> p. 229.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_260_260" id="Footnote_260_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_260_260"><span class="label">260</span></a> See Aust's article "Jupiter" in <i>Myth. Lex.</i> p. 673.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_261_261" id="Footnote_261_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_261_261"><span class="label">261</span></a> Aust gives a cut of a coin of the consul Claudius Marcellus +(223 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>) dedicating <i>spolia opima</i> in this little temple, according to +the ancient fashion, supposed to be initiated by Romulus, Livy i. 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_262_262" id="Footnote_262_262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_262_262"><span class="label">262</span></a> Dionys. Hal. ii. 34.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_263_263" id="Footnote_263_263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_263_263"><span class="label">263</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 230.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_264_264" id="Footnote_264_264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_264_264"><span class="label">264</span></a> See De Marchi's careful investigation, <i>La Religione</i>, <i>etc.</i>, i. +p. 156 foll.; Gaius i. 112. The cult-title should indicate that the god +was believed to be immanent in the cake of <i>far</i>, rather than that it +was offered to him (so I should also take I. Dapalis, though in later +times the idea had passed into that of sacrifice, Cato, <i>R.R.</i> 132), and +if so, the use of the cake was sacramental; cp. the rite at the Latin +festival, <i>R.F.</i> p. 96.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_265_265" id="Footnote_265_265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_265_265"><span class="label">265</span></a> There are distinct traces of a practice of taking oaths in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">142</a></span> +open air, <i>i.e.</i> under the sky; of Dius Fidius, unquestionably a form +of Jupiter, Varro says (<i>L.L.</i> v. 66), "quidam negant sub tecto per +hunc deiurare oportere." Cp. Plutarch, <i>Quaest. Rom.</i> 28; <i>R.F.</i> p. +138. For the conception of a single great deity as primitive, see +Lang, <i>The Making of Religion</i>, ch. xii.; Flinders Petrie, <i>Religion of +Egypt</i> (in Constable's shilling series), ch. i.; Ross, <i>The Original +Religion of China</i>, p. 128 foll.; Warneck, <i>Die Lebenskräfte des Evangeliums</i>, +p. 20 (of the Indian Archipelago). The last reference I +owe to Professor Paterson, of Edinburgh University.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_266_266" id="Footnote_266_266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_266_266"><span class="label">266</span></a> Serv. <i>Aen.</i> viii. 552, "more enim veteri sacrorum neque +Martialis flamen neque Quirinalis omnibus caerimoniis tenebantur +quibus flamen Dialis, neque diurnis sacrificiis distinebatur." It is, +however, possible that under the word <i>caerimonia</i> Servius is not here +including taboos, but active duties only.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_267_267" id="Footnote_267_267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_267_267"><span class="label">267</span></a> See my paper, "The Strange History of a Flamen Dialis," in +<i>Classical Review</i>, vol. vii. p. 193.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_268_268" id="Footnote_268_268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_268_268"><span class="label">268</span></a> Henzen, <i>Acta Fratr. Arv.</i> p. 26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_269_269" id="Footnote_269_269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_269_269"><span class="label">269</span></a> Cato, <i>R.R.</i> 141; Henzen, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 48.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_270_270" id="Footnote_270_270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_270_270"><span class="label">270</span></a> Frazer, <i>G.B.</i> iii. 123, note 3; <i>R.F.</i> p. 40, for further examples. +It may be worth while to point out here that the coupling of +all farm animals except goats took place in spring or early summer; +Varro, <i>R.R.</i> ii. 2 foll. Isidorus (<i>Orig.</i> v. 33), who embodies Varro +and Verrius to some extent, derived the name Mars from <i>mares</i>, +because in the month of March "cuncta animalia ad mares +aguntur."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_271_271" id="Footnote_271_271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_271_271"><span class="label">271</span></a> I prefer, with De Marchi, to take Silvanus here as a cult-title, +though we do not meet with it elsewhere; see <i>La Religione</i>, <i>etc.</i>, +p. 130 note; but Wissowa, who has a prejudice against the view +that Mars was connected with agriculture, insists on taking Marti +Silvano as a case of asyndeton, <i>i.e.</i> as two deities.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_272_272" id="Footnote_272_272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_272_272"><span class="label">272</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i>, Varro, <i>L.L.</i> v. 36, "quos agros non colebant propter +silvas aut id genus, ubi pecus possit pasci, et possidebant, ab usu +salvo saltus nominarunt."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_273_273" id="Footnote_273_273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_273_273"><span class="label">273</span></a> Cato, <i>R.R.</i> 141. Mars is there invoked as able to keep off +(<i>averruncare</i>) evil influences and to make the crops grow, etc.; he has +become in the second century <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> a powerful deity in the actual processes +of husbandry, just as he became in the city a powerful deity of +war. But as he was not localised either on the farm or in the city, I +prefer to think that he was originally conceived as a Power outside +the boundary in each case, but for that very reason all the more to be +propitiated by the settlers within it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_274_274" id="Footnote_274_274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_274_274"><span class="label">274</span></a> See below, p. 235.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_275_275" id="Footnote_275_275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_275_275"><span class="label">275</span></a> So Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 131. Cp. <i>R.F.</i> p. 39, note 4. Deubner in +<i>Archiv</i>, 1905, p. 75.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_276_276" id="Footnote_276_276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_276_276"><span class="label">276</span></a> Servius, commenting on line 3 of <i>Aen.</i> viii. (<i>utque impulit arma</i>) +writes: "nam is qui belli susceperat curam, sacrarium Martis ingressus, +primo ancilia commovebat, post hastam simulacri ipsius,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">143</a></span> +dicens, Mars vigila." The mention of a statue shows that this +account belongs to a late period. But Varro seems to have stated +that there was originally only a spear; see a passage of Clement of +Alexandria in the fragments of the <i>Ant. rer. div.</i>, Agahd, p. 210, +to which Deubner (<i>l.c.</i>) adds Arnobius vi. 11. Deubner calls this +spear a fetish, which is not the right word if the deity were immanent +in it in the sense suggested by "Mars vigila." See above, +p. 116. If Servius correctly reports the practice, it must be compared +with the clashing of shields and spears by the Salii, which may +thus have had a positive as well as negative object.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_277_277" id="Footnote_277_277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_277_277"><span class="label">277</span></a> Livy v. 52.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_278_278" id="Footnote_278_278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_278_278"><span class="label">278</span></a> Mr. A. B. Cook (<i>Classical Review</i>, 1904, p. 368) has tried to +connect both names with the Greek word πρῖνοϛ, and Professor +Conway, quoted by him, is inclined to lend the weight of his great +authority to the conjecture. Thus Quirinus would be an oak-god, +and Quirites oak-spearmen. We must, however, remember that Mr. +Cook is, so to speak, on an oak scent, and his keenness as a hunter +leads him sometimes astray. One is a little perplexed to understand +why Jupiter, Janus, Mars, and Quirinus should all be oak-gods (and +all in origin identical as such!). On the other hand, it is fair to note +that the original spear was probably of wood, with the point hardened +in the fire, like the <i>hasta praeusta</i> of the Fetiales: Festus, p. 101. If +<i>quiris</i> has really anything to do with oaks, it would be more natural +to explain the two words as springing from an old place-name, Quirium, +as Niebuhr did long ago, and to derive that again from the oaks +among which it may have stood. But I am content to take <i>quiris</i> as +simply a spear, as Buecheler did; see Deubner, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 76. Since +the above was written, the article "Quirinus" by Wissowa in the +<i>Myth. Lex.</i> has appeared. Naturally it does not add anything to our +knowledge; but Wissowa holds to the opinion that the most probable +derivation of the name Quirinus is from Quirium, possibly the name +of the settlement on the Quirinal; and compares <i>Q. pater</i> (<i>e.g.</i> Livy +v. 52. 7) with the <i>Reatinus pater</i> of <i>C.I.L.</i> ix. 4676.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_279_279" id="Footnote_279_279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_279_279"><span class="label">279</span></a> The Nonae Caprotinae (July 7), the day when women sacrificed +to Juno Caprotina under a wild fig-tree in the Campus Martius, +is not known to us except from Varro. See <i>R.F.</i> p. 178, where +(note 8) is a suggestion that the festival had to do with the <i>caprificatio</i>, +or method of ripening the figs, which Dr. Frazer has expanded +in his <i>Lectures on Kingship</i>, p. 270, believing the process to be +that of fertilisation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_280_280" id="Footnote_280_280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_280_280"><span class="label">280</span></a> <i>Classical Review</i>, vol. ix. p. 474 foll. The same view has +recently been taken independently by W. Otto in <i>Philologus</i>, 1905, +pp. 215 foll., 221. It is perfectly clear that the monthly sacrifice to +Juno was the duty of the wife of the <i>rex sacrorum</i>; a pontifex minor +is also mentioned (Macrob. i. 15. 19).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_281_281" id="Footnote_281_281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_281_281"><span class="label">281</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 116.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_282_282" id="Footnote_282_282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_282_282"><span class="label">282</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 114.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">144</a></span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_283_283" id="Footnote_283_283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_283_283"><span class="label">283</span></a> See Ihm's article "Iunones" in <i>Myth. Lex.</i> vol. ii. 615; +Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> ii. 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_284_284" id="Footnote_284_284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_284_284"><span class="label">284</span></a> Dr. J. B. Carter tells me that he has abandoned this explanation +of the evolution of Juno. On the other hand, von Domaszewski +seems in some measure to accept it (<i>Abhandlungen</i>, p. 169 foll.), +when he says that "similar functions, when exercised by different +<i>numina</i>, can eventually produce a god. <i>Auf diese Weise ist Iuno +geworden.</i>" He means that the creative power is called Juno in a +woman, or in a people (Iuno Populonia), or in the curiae (Iuno Curitis), +and that an independent deity, Juno <i>par excellence</i>, emerges from all +these. But so far I cannot follow him.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_285_285" id="Footnote_285_285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_285_285"><span class="label">285</span></a> There is no real evidence from purely Roman sources of this +fancied conjugal or other relation, if we exclude that of the alleged +cult of Juno by the Flaminica Dialis. This has been well seen and +expressed by W. Otto, <i>l.c.</i> p. 215 foll.; see also <i>Classical Review</i> as +quoted above. As we shall see in the next lecture, Dr. Frazer is +much concerned to show that Jupiter and Juno are actually a married +pair, and consequently he will have nothing to do with my opinion on +this point: <i>Early History of Kingship</i>, p. 214 foll., and <i>Adonis,</i> <i>Attis,</i> +<i>Osiris</i>, ed. 2, p. 410, note 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_286_286" id="Footnote_286_286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_286_286"><span class="label">286</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 141.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_287_287" id="Footnote_287_287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_287_287"><span class="label">287</span></a> Festus, p. 106; Macrob. i. 12. 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_288_288" id="Footnote_288_288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_288_288"><span class="label">288</span></a> I have discussed the Vestalia and the nature of Vesta and her +cult in <i>R.F.</i> p. 145 foll. See also Marquardt, p. 336 foll., and Wissowa, +<i>R.K.</i> p. 141 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_289_289" id="Footnote_289_289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_289_289"><span class="label">289</span></a> Ovid, <i>Fasti</i>, vi. 296, says that he had been stupid enough to +believe that there was a statue in the <i>aedes Vestae</i>, but found out his +mistake:— +</p> +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">esse diu stultus Vestae simulacra putavi;</span> +<span class="i1_5">mox didici curvo nulla subesse tholo.</span> +</div> +</div> +<p> +The passage is interesting as showing how natural it was for a Roman +of the Graeco-Roman period to suppose that his deities must be +capable of taking iconic form. For anthropomorphic representations +of Vesta in other places and at Pompeii, see Wissowa, <i>Gesammelte +Abhandlungen</i>, p. 67 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_290_290" id="Footnote_290_290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_290_290"><span class="label">290</span></a> See Lanciani, <i>Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome</i>, p. +223 foll. The statues of the <i>virgines vestales maximae</i>, discovered +in the Atrium Vestae, all belong to the period of the Empire. They +are now in the museum of the Baths of Diocletian.</p></div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">145</a></span></p> +<h4>LECTURE VII</h4> + +<h5>THE DEITIES OF THE EARLIEST RELIGION: GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS</h5> + + +<p>In the last lecture we interrogated the calendar as to the +deities whose festivals are recorded in it, with the aid of +what we know of the most ancient priesthoods attached to +particular cults. The result may be stated thus: we +found a number of impersonal <i>numina</i>, with names of +adjectival form, such as Saturnus, Vertumnus, and so on; +others with substantival names, Tellus, Robigus, Terminus; +the former apparently functional deities, concerned in the +operations of nature or man, and the latter spirits immanent +in objects—Mother Earth herself, a stone, the +mildew, or (like Janus and Vesta) the entrance and the +hearth-fire of human dwellings or cities. Lastly, we found +from the evidence, chiefly of the priesthoods, that certain +more important divinities stand out from the crowd of +spirits, Janus, Jupiter, Mars, Quirinus, and Vesta; and we +found some reason to think that these, and possibly a few +of the others, by becoming the objects of priestly <i>cura</i> and +<i>caerimonia</i> at particular spots in the city, were not unlikely +to become also in some sense personal deities, to acquire a +quasi-human personality, if they came by the chance. In +the present lecture I must go rather more closely into such +evidence as we possess bearing on the mental conception +which these early Romans had formed of the divine beings +whom they had admitted within their city.</p> + +<p>And, first, we must be quite clear that in those early +ages there was nothing in Rome which we can call a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">146</a></span> +temple, as we understand the word; nor was there any +such representation of a deity as we can call an image or +<i>eidolon</i>. The deities were settled in particular spots of +ground, which were made <i>loca sacra</i>, <i>i.e.</i> handed over to the +deity by the process of <i>consecratio</i> authorised by the <i>ius +divinum</i>.<a name="FNanchor_291_291" id="FNanchor_291_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_291_291" class="fnanchor">291</a> It was matter of no moment what might be +erected on this bit of ground; there might be a rude +house like that of Vesta, round in shape like the oldest +Italian huts; there might be a gateway like that of Janus; +or the spot might be a grove, or a clearing within it (<i>lucus</i>), +as in the case of Robigus or the Dea Dia of the Arval +Brethren. All such places might be called by the general +name <i>fanum</i>; and as a rule no doubt each <i>fanum</i> contained +a <i>sacellum</i>, <i>i.e.</i> a small enclosure without a roof, +containing a little altar (<i>ara</i>). These "altars" may at +first have been nothing more than temporary erections of +turf and sods; permanent stone altars were probably a +later development. Servius tells us that in later times it +was the custom to place a sod (<i>caespes</i>) on the top of such +a stone altar, which must be one of the many survivals in +cult of the usages of a simpler age.<a name="FNanchor_292_292" id="FNanchor_292_292"></a><a href="#Footnote_292_292" class="fnanchor">292</a></p> + +<p>With such spots as these we cannot associate anything +in the nature of an image of the deity established there; +and we have every reason to believe that no such thing +was known at Rome until the Etruscan temple of the +Capitoline trias was built near the end of the regal period. +Varro expressly declared that the Romans remained for +more than 170 years without any images of their gods, +and added that those who first introduced such images +"civitatibus suis et metum dempsisse et errorem addidisse."<a name="FNanchor_293_293" id="FNanchor_293_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_293_293" class="fnanchor">293</a> +What he had in his mind is clear; he had indeed no +direct knowledge of those early times, but he is thinking +of a definite traditional date in the kingly period—the +last year of the reign of Tarquinius Priscus, who, according +to Varro's own account, built the temple on the +Capitol and placed in it a statue of Jupiter.<a name="FNanchor_294_294" id="FNanchor_294_294"></a><a href="#Footnote_294_294" class="fnanchor">294</a> That was +the oldest image of which he knew anything; and, as +Wissowa has remarked, his belief is entirely corroborated<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">147</a></span> +by the fact that in every single case in which the image of +a god has any part in his cult, it is always either this +Capitoline Jupiter or some deity of later introduction and +non-Roman origin. It is also borne out by another significant +and interesting fact—that the next image to be +introduced, that of Diana in the temple on the Aventine, +was a copy of the ξὁανον of Artemis at Massilia, itself a +copy of the famous one at Ephesus.<a name="FNanchor_295_295" id="FNanchor_295_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_295_295" class="fnanchor">295</a> Let us note that +these two earliest statues were placed in roofed temples +which were the dwelling-places of gods in an entirely new +sense; so far no Roman deity of the city had been so +housed, because he could not be thought of in terms of +human life, as visible in human form and needing shelter. +But this later and foreign notion of divinity so completely +took possession of the minds of the Romans of the cosmopolitan +city that Varro is the only writer who has preserved +the tradition of the older way of thinking. In the religion +of the family Ovid indeed has charmingly expressed it, +perhaps on the authority of some lost passage of Varro<a name="FNanchor_296_296" id="FNanchor_296_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_296_296" class="fnanchor">296</a>:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">ante focos olim scamnis considere longis</span> +<span class="i1">mos erat, et mensae credere adesse deos.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Tibullus in one passage has mentioned what seems to be +some rude attempt to give outward shape and form to an +ancient pastoral deity<a name="FNanchor_297_297" id="FNanchor_297_297"></a><a href="#Footnote_297_297" class="fnanchor">297</a>:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">lacte madens illic suberat Pan ilicis umbrae</span> +<span class="i1">et facta agresti lignea falce Pales.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>And Propertius hints at a like representation of Vertumnus, +the garden deity. But without some corroborative evidence +it is hardly safe to take these as genuine examples +of early iconic worship.</p> + +<p>Thus we may take it as certain that even the greater +deities of the calendar, Janus, Jupiter, Mars, Quirinus, and +Vesta, were not thought of as existing in any sense in +human form, nor as personal beings having any human +characteristics. The early Romans were destitute of +mythological fancy, and as they had never had their +deities presented to them in visible form, could hardly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">148</a></span> +have invented such stories about them as sprang up in a +most abundant crop when Greek literature and Greek art +had changed their mental view of divinity. Roman +legends were occupied with practical matters, with kings +and the foundation of cities; and even among these it is +hardly possible to detect those which may be really +Roman, for they are hidden away, like rude ancient +frescoes, under the elaborate decorations of the Greek +artists, who seized upon everything that came to hand, +including the old deities themselves, to amuse themselves +and win the admiration of their dull pupils at Rome. +He who would appreciate the difficulty of getting at the +original rude drawings must be well acquainted with the +decorative activity of the Alexandrian age.</p> + +<p>Thus we might well presume <i>a priori</i> that the old +Roman gods were not conceived as married pairs, nor as +having children; and this is indeed the conclusion at +which we have arrived after half a century or more of +most careful and conscientious investigation by a series +of German scholars. But quite recently in this country +the contrary view has been put forward by an author of +no less weight than Dr. Frazer; and another eminent +Cambridge scholar, Mr. A. B. Cook, evidently inclines to +the same view. I should in any case be reluctant to +engage in controversy with two valued personal friends; +but it is just possible that in what follows I may be able +to throw some faint light on the evolution of the idea of +marriage among divine beings; and on the strength of +this I am content for the moment to be controversial. Dr. +Frazer's arguments, with strictures on my opinions, will be +found in an appendix to his book on <i>Adonis</i>, <i>Attis</i>, <i>Osiris</i>, +2nd edition.</p> + +<p>In pure animism the spirits are nameless; when their +residence and functions are more clearly recognised they +acquire names, and these names are naturally masculine +or feminine among peoples whose language is not genderless, +as was the case with the Sumerians of Babylonia.<a name="FNanchor_298_298" id="FNanchor_298_298"></a><a href="#Footnote_298_298" class="fnanchor">298</a> +This would seem to be the first step on the path to a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">149</a></span> +personal conception of divinity. But there are signs that +the Romans had not got very far on this path when we +begin to know anything about their religion. I have +already alluded to the formula "Sive deus sive dea," which +occurs in the ritual of the Fratres Arvales, in the formula +given by Cato for making a new clearing, and elsewhere;<a name="FNanchor_299_299" id="FNanchor_299_299"></a><a href="#Footnote_299_299" class="fnanchor">299</a> +and indeed there seems to have been always some uncertainty +about the sex of one or two well-known deities, +such as Pales and Pomonus or Pomona.<a name="FNanchor_300_300" id="FNanchor_300_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_300_300" class="fnanchor">300</a> It is not, +therefore, <i>a priori</i> probable that the process of personalisation +(if I may coin the word) should have proceeded, at +the period we are treating of, so far as to ascribe to these +named deities of both sexes the characteristics of human +beings in social life and intercourse. Yet Varro, as Dr. +Frazer points out, is quoted by St. Augustine as saying +that his ancestors (that is, as Augustine adds), "veteres +Romanos," believed in the marriage of gods and in their +procreative power.<a name="FNanchor_301_301" id="FNanchor_301_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_301_301" class="fnanchor">301</a> If Varro wrote "maiores meos," as +he seems to have done, of whom was he really thinking? +Was Augustine's comment based on the rest of Varro's +text, or was he jumping to a conclusion which would +naturally serve his own purpose? Varro, of course, was +not a Roman, but from Reate in the Sabine country. +But even if he were thinking of Rome, how far back +would his knowledge extend? The Romans had known +Greek married gods for three or four centuries before his +time, and he may quite well be thinking of these. Of +the <i>di indigetes</i> of an earlier period he could hardly know +more than we do ourselves; his only sources of information +were the facts of the cult and the books of the pontifices. +The facts of the cult, so far as he and others have +recorded them, suggest no pairing of deities, no "sacred +marriage."<a name="FNanchor_302_302" id="FNanchor_302_302"></a><a href="#Footnote_302_302" class="fnanchor">302</a> The pontifical books, which contained rules +and formulae for the proper invocation of deities by their +right names, do indeed seem to have suggested a certain +conjunction of male and female divine names; and it is +just possible that this is what Varro had in his mind +when he wrote the passage seized upon by Augustine.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">150</a></span> +I will proceed at once to examine this evidence, as it is +incidentally of great interest in the history of Italian +religion; and Dr. Frazer will probably allow that his +conclusion must stand or fall by it.</p> + +<p>The evidence to which I allude is preserved in the +13th book of the <i>Noctes Atticae</i> of Aulus Gellius (ch. +xxiii.), and extracted from "libri sacerdotum populi +Romani," as "comprecationes deorum immortalium"; +these also occur, he says, in <i>plerisque antiquis orationibus</i>, +<i>i.e.</i> in the invocations to the gods made by the orator +at the beginning or end of his speech.<a name="FNanchor_303_303" id="FNanchor_303_303"></a><a href="#Footnote_303_303" class="fnanchor">303</a> Among +these Gellius found the following conjunctions of divine +names: Lua Saturni, Salacia Neptuni, Hora Quirini, +Virites Quirini, Maia Volcani, Herie Iunonis, Moles +Martis, and Neriene Martis, or Nerio Martis. Now among +these conjunctions there are three which obviously do not +express pairs of deities, married or other, viz. Virites Quirini, +Moles Martis, and Herie Iunonis; the first two of which +plainly mean the strength or force of Quirinus and Mars, +and the third conjoins two female names. The question +is whether the others are to be understood as giving us +the names of the "wives" of Saturnus, Neptunus, Quirinus, +Volcanus, and Mars. The fact that these are associated +with others which cannot mean anything of the kind is +itself against this conclusion; but I have carefully examined +each pair by the light of such stray information +about them as we possess, and have failed to find anything +to suggest Dr. Frazer's emphatic conclusion that +these are married pairs. I should be tedious if I were to +go through the evidence in detail in a lecture like this; +but I will take the pair which Gellius himself discusses, +and on which Dr. Frazer chiefly relies, Neriene or Nerio +Martis: it is the pair about which we know most, and in +every way is the most interesting of the set.<a name="FNanchor_304_304" id="FNanchor_304_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_304_304" class="fnanchor">304</a></p> + +<p>After giving the list of names, Gellius goes on to +express his own opinion that <i>Nerio Martis</i> means (like +<i>Moles Martis</i>) the <i>virtus</i> or <i>fortitudo</i> of Mars, <i>Nerio</i> being +a Sabine word meaning strength or courage;<a name="FNanchor_305_305" id="FNanchor_305_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_305_305" class="fnanchor">305</a> and a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">151</a></span> +little further he sums up his view thus: "Nerio igitur +Martis vis et potentia et maiestas quaedam esse Martis +demonstratur." This seems to fit in very comfortably +with what can be guessed of the meaning of two of the +other pairs, Virites Quirini and Maia Volcani: Maia was +explained by another Roman scholar as equivalent to +Maiestas.<a name="FNanchor_306_306" id="FNanchor_306_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_306_306" class="fnanchor">306</a></p> + +<p>But Gellius goes on to quote three passages from old +Latin authors in which Nerio (or Neria) appears positively +as the wife of Mars; and again concludes that there +was also a tradition that these two were <i>coniuges</i>. Of +these passages we luckily have the context of one, for it +occurs in the <i>Truculentus</i> of Plautus: turning this out +(line 515) we find that a rough soldier, arriving at +Athens, salutes his sweetheart with the words "Mars +peregre adveniens salutat Nerienen uxorem suam"—words +which Plautus must have adapted from his Greek +original in such a way as to make them intelligible to a +Roman audience. Gellius says that he had often heard +a learned friend blame Plautus for thus putting a false +notion about Mars (that he had a wife) into the mouth of +his soldier—"nimis comice"—merely to produce a comic +effect. But, he adds, there was some justification for it; +for if you read the third book of the annals of Gellius +(a namesake who lived in the second century <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>) you +will find that he puts into the mouth of Hersilia, pleading +for peace before Ti. Tatius, words which actually make +Nerio the wife of Mars: "De tui, inquit, coniugis consilio, +Martem scilicet significans." Little, I fear, can be +said to the credit of this Gellius;<a name="FNanchor_307_307" id="FNanchor_307_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_307_307" class="fnanchor">307</a> he lived in an age +when annalists were many and inventive, and long after +the Romans had grown accustomed to Greek ideas of +the gods; but we may take this passage as evidence of +what may have been in his day a popular idea of Mars +and his consort. Lastly, Aulus Gellius quotes a brace of +lines from one Licinius Imbrex, an old comic writer of +the same century, who, in a <i>fabula palliata</i> called Neaera, +wrote:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">152</a></span>—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">nolo ego Neaeram te vocent, aut Nerienem,</span> +<span class="i0">cum quidem Marti es in connubium data.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>The real question is whether these passages from comic +writers and an annalist of no reputation combine to prove +that there was an ancient popular idea of Mars as a +married god; as to the priestly view of the matter they +can, of course, prove nothing. It seems to me that Dr. +Frazer is entitled to argue that in the second century <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> +such a popular idea existed,<a name="FNanchor_308_308" id="FNanchor_308_308"></a><a href="#Footnote_308_308" class="fnanchor">308</a> which the Roman state +religion did not recognise, and which Aulus Gellius, as +we have seen, could not agree with. I do not, however, +think him entitled to go farther, and to infer that this was +an idea of divinity native to Italy or of very old standing. +Is it not much simpler to suppose, with a cool-headed +scholar whom Dr. Frazer is willing to follow when it suits +his turn, that pairs or conjunctions of this kind, the true +meaning of which I hope to explain directly, were easily +mistaken by the vulgar mind for married god and goddess?<a name="FNanchor_309_309" id="FNanchor_309_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_309_309" class="fnanchor">309</a> +In those degenerate days of the Roman religion, +after the war with Hannibal, to which these writers +belong—and all are later than Ennius, the first to make +mischief by ridiculing the gods—nothing could be easier +than to take advantage of what looked like married life +to invent comic passages to please a Roman audience, +now consisting largely of semi-educated men who had +lost faith in their own religion, and of a crowd of smaller +people of mixed descent and nationality. Such passages, +in fact, cannot safely be used as evidence of religious +ideas, apart from the tendencies of the age in which they +were written. Had there really been religious beliefs, +rooted in the old Roman mind, about the wedded life +of gods and goddesses, it would even then have been +dangerous to use them mockingly in comedy. And once +more, had there been such genuinely Roman ideas, why, +in an age that made for anthropomorphism, did they not +find their way into the Roman Pantheon,—why did they +survive only in literary allusions, to the bewilderment of +scholars like Aulus Gellius?<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">153</a></span></p> + +<p>The real explanation of these curious conjunctions of +masculine and feminine names is, I think, not very hard +to come by. Let us remember, in the first place, that +they were found in the books of the priests, and that +they belonged to forms of prayer—<i>comprecationes deorum +immortalium</i>; in other words, they do not represent +popular ideas of the deities, but ritualistic forms of invocation. +As such they may indeed no doubt be regarded +as expressing, or as growing out of, a popular way of +thinking of the Power manifesting itself in the universe; +but they are themselves none the less, like those strange +lists of divine names called <i>Indigitamenta</i>, with which I +shall deal directly, the creations of an active professional +priesthood, working upon the principle that every deity +must be addressed in precisely the correct way and no +other, and accounting the name of the deity, as indicating +his or her exact function, the most vitally important thing +in the whole invocation. I have already pointed out how +difficult the early Latin must have found it to discover +how to address the <i>numina</i> at work around him, and I +shall return to the subject in another lecture; at present +all I want to insist upon is that the priests of the City-state +relieved him of this anxiety, and indeed must have +carried the work so far as to develop a kind of science +of divine nomenclature. Every one who has studied the +history of religions knows well how strong the tendency +is, when once invocation has become ritualised, for the +names and titles of the objects of worship to abound and +multiply. The Roman Church of to-day still shows this +tendency in its elaborate invocation of the Virgin.</p> + +<p>With the old Romans the common method of elaboration +lay in the invention of cult-titles, of which the different +kinds have been distinguished and explained by Dr. +J. B. Carter in his treatise "de Deorum Romanorum +cognominibus."<a name="FNanchor_310_310" id="FNanchor_310_310"></a><a href="#Footnote_310_310" class="fnanchor">310</a> Most of them are suggestive of function +or character, as, <i>e.g.</i>, Janus Patulcius Clusivius, or +Jupiter Lucetius, Ops Opifera; sometimes they doubled +the idea, as in Aius Locutius, or Anna Perenna, or Fors<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">154</a></span> +Fortuna; and in one or two cases they seem to have +combined two deities together in rather puzzling conjunctions, +which usually, however, admit of some possible +explanation, as Janus Junonius, or Ops Consiva (<i>i.e.</i> Ops +belonging to Consus).<a name="FNanchor_311_311" id="FNanchor_311_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_311_311" class="fnanchor">311</a> In the Iguvian ritual, which is +the highly-elaborated work of a priesthood as active as +the Roman, we find combinations of not less than four +names:<a name="FNanchor_312_312" id="FNanchor_312_312"></a><a href="#Footnote_312_312" class="fnanchor">312</a> Cerfe Martie, Praestita Cerfia Cerfi Martii, Tursa +Cerfia Cerfi Martii, which may perhaps be rendered +"Spirit of Mars, protecting (female) spirit of the (male) +spirit of Mars, fear-inspiring (female) spirit of the (male) +spirit of Mars."</p> + +<p>Such strange multiple combinations as these suggest +that expressions like Moles Martis or Virites Quirini are +only another form of the usual cult-title, expressing adoration +of the power of the deity addressed; and it is only +reasonable to explain the others of the same group on the +same principle. As we have seen, Roman scholars themselves +explained Nerio Martis as equivalent to Virtus +Martis; Herie Iunonis probably means something of the +same kind; the others are not so easily explained, and +guesswork about them is unprofitable. But I hope I +have said enough to show that there is absolutely no good +ground for supposing that these combinations of names in +nominative and genitive indicate a relationship of any +kind except a qualitative one. Abstract qualities, let us +note, are usually feminine in Latin, and I think it is not +improbable that abstractions such as Fides and Salus, +which were deified at a very early period at Rome, may +have reached divinity by attachment to some god from +whom they subsequently became again separated.<a name="FNanchor_313_313" id="FNanchor_313_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_313_313" class="fnanchor">313</a> And +lastly, we can trace the same tendency to combine names +and ideas together far down the course of Roman history; +witness the combination of Genius with cities, legions, +gods, etc., as well as with the individual man, and again +such expressions as Pietas Legionis, by analogy with +which von Domaszewski, wrongly as I think, would +explain those we have been discussing.<a name="FNanchor_314_314" id="FNanchor_314_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_314_314" class="fnanchor">314</a></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">155</a></span>Before leaving this complicated and cloudy system of +divine nomenclature, it is as well to ask the question once +more, even if we cannot answer it, whether if left to itself +it might have developed into a polytheistic system of +personal deities. I will give my own opinion for what it +is worth. I do not think that such a result could have +been reached without the magic touch of the Greek poet +and artist, or the arrival of Greek deities and their images +in Latium. Professor Sayce, in his Gifford lectures on the +religion of Babylonia, has shown how the non-Semitic +Sumerians knew only of spirits and demons until the +Semite arrived in the Persian Gulf with his personal gods +of both sexes;<a name="FNanchor_315_315" id="FNanchor_315_315"></a><a href="#Footnote_315_315" class="fnanchor">315</a> and I gather that he does not suppose +that without such immigration the Sumerian ideas of +divinity could have become personalised. The question is +not exactly the same at Rome; for there the spirit world +had passed into the hands of an organised priesthood +occupied with ritual, and especially with its terminological +aspect; and the chance of personalisation, if it were there +at all, lay in the importance of the functional name. But +the question is after all beside the mark; we shall see +what happened when the Greeks arrived. We may be +content at present to note the fact that they found the +functional terminology sufficiently advanced to take advantage +of it, and to revolutionise the whole Roman +conception of the divine.</p> + +<p>Dr. Frazer gives me an opportunity of adverting to +another point bearing on the question we are discussing,—the +way in which the old Roman thought of his deities. +"It is difficult," he says,<a name="FNanchor_316_316" id="FNanchor_316_316"></a><a href="#Footnote_316_316" class="fnanchor">316</a> "to deny that the epithets +Pater and Mater, which the Romans bestow on so many +of their gods, do really imply paternity and maternity; +if this implication be admitted, the inference appears to +be inevitable that these divine beings were supposed to +exercise sexual functions, etc." In a footnote he adds a +number of formidable-looking references, meant, I suppose, +to prove this point. I have closely examined these +passages; what they do prove is simply that many deities<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">156</a></span> +were called Pater and Mater. Not one even suggests that +paternity and maternity were in such cases to be understood +literally and, so to speak, physically. The two +that come nearest to what he is looking for are those +from Varro and Lactantius. Varro says<a name="FNanchor_317_317" id="FNanchor_317_317"></a><a href="#Footnote_317_317" class="fnanchor">317</a> that Ops was +called Mater because she was identical with Terra, who +was, of course, Terra Mater: "Haec enim—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">'terris gentes omnes peperit et resumit denuo,</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>quae dat cibaria,' ut ait Ennius."<a name="FNanchor_318_318" id="FNanchor_318_318"></a><a href="#Footnote_318_318" class="fnanchor">318</a> It is clear, then, that +neither Varro nor Ennius understood this title of Ops and +Terra in Dr. Frazer's sense of the word. The quotation +from the early Christian father Lactantius, which contains +three well-known lines of Lucilius, might possibly +deceive those who neglect to turn it out and read the context; +there we find at once that not even Lactantius +could attribute to these epithets the meaning which Dr. +Frazer wishes to put on them. He would have been as +glad to do so as Dr. Frazer himself, though for a very +different reason; but what he actually wrote is this:—</p> + +<p>"Omnem Deum qui ab homine colitur, necesse est +inter solennes ritus et precationes patrem nuncupari, non +tantum honoris gratia, verum etiam rationis; quod et +antiquior est homine, et quod vitam, salutem, victum +praestat, ut pater. Itaque ut Iuppiter a precantibus pater +vocatur, etc."<a name="FNanchor_319_319" id="FNanchor_319_319"></a><a href="#Footnote_319_319" class="fnanchor">319</a></p> + +<p>Dr. Frazer's quotation begins with this last sentence; +it is a pity that he did not read the context. If he had +read it, his candour would have compelled him to confess +that not even a Christian father, with a keen sense of +what was ridiculous or degrading in the pagan religion, +understood the fatherhood of the gods as he wishes to +understand it.</p> + +<p>But I am wasting time in pressing this point. Dr. +Frazer would hardly have used such an argument if he +had not been hard put to it. The figurative use of human +relationships is surely a common practice, when addressing +their deities, of all peoples who have reached the stage<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">157</a></span> +of family life. As another distinguished anthropologist +says: "The very want of an object tends to supply +an object through the imagination; and this will be +either the vital energy inherent in things, or the reflex +of the human father, who once satisfied his needs (<i>i.e.</i> +of the worshipper). So, in Aryan religions, the supreme +god is father, Ζεὺς πατἡρ, Diespiter, Marspiter. Ahura-Mazda +is a father.... Another analogy shows the +relationship of brother and friend, as in the case of +Mithra."<a name="FNanchor_320_320" id="FNanchor_320_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_320_320" class="fnanchor">320</a> The Romans themselves were familiar from +the first with such figurative use of relationship, as was +natural to a people in whom the family instinct was so +strong; we have but to think of the <i>pater patratus</i> of the +Fetiales,<a name="FNanchor_321_321" id="FNanchor_321_321"></a><a href="#Footnote_321_321" class="fnanchor">321</a> of the Fratres Arvales, or the Fratres Attiedii of +Iguvium. What exactly they understood by Pater and +Mater when applied to deities is not so easy to determine: +we have not the necessary data. They were never applied, +I believe, to imported deities, <i>di novensiles</i>; always to +<i>di indigetes</i>, those on whom the original Roman stock +looked as their fellow-citizens and guardians. And we +shall not be far wrong if we conclude that in general +they imply the dependence of the human citizen upon his +divine protector, and thus bring the usage into line with +that of other Aryan peoples. Behind this feeling of +dependence there may have been the idea, handed down +from remote ages, that Father Sky and Mother Earth +were in a sense the parents of all living things; but there +is nothing in the Roman religion to suggest that the two +were thought of as personally uniting in marriage or a +sexual act.</p> + +<p>I will sum up this part of the discussion by translating +an admirable passage in Aust's book on the Roman +religion, with which I am in cordial agreement<a name="FNanchor_322_322" id="FNanchor_322_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_322_322" class="fnanchor">322</a>:—</p> + +<p>"The deities of Rome were deities of the cult only. +They had no human form; they had not the human heart +with its virtues and vices. They had no intercourse with +each other, and no common or permanent residence; they +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">158</a></span>enjoyed no nectar and ambrosia ... they had no children, +no parental relation. They were indeed both male +and female, and a male and female deity are often in close +relations with each other; but this is not a relation of +marriage, and rests only on a similarity in the sphere of +their operations.... These deities never become independent +existences; they remain cold, colourless conceptions, +<i>numina</i> as the Romans called them, that is, +supernatural beings whose existence only betrays itself in +the exercise of certain powers."</p> + +<p>They were, indeed, cold and colourless conceptions as +compared with the Greek gods of Olympus, whose warmth +and colour is really that of human life, of human passions; +but the one remarkable and interesting thing about these +Roman and Italian numina is the life and force for good +or evil which is the very essence of their being. The +puzzling combinations we have just been studying are +quite enough to illustrate this character. Moles, Virites, +Nerio, and perhaps others too, seem to mean the strength +or force inherent in the numen; Cerfius, or Cerus, as the +Latins called it, Liber, Genius, all are best interpreted as +meaning a functional or creative force. Jupiter is the sky +or heaven itself, with all its manifestations of activity; +Tellus is Mother Earth, full of active productive power. +At the bottom of these cold and colourless conceptions +there is thus a real idea of power, not supernatural but +rather natural power, which may both hurt and benefit +man, and which he must attempt to enlist on his side. +This enlistment was the task of the Roman priesthood +and the Roman government, and so effectually was it +carried out that the divine beings lost their vitality in +the process.</p> + +<p>We shall be better able to follow out this curious fate +of the Roman deities in later lectures; here I wish to note +one other aspect of the Roman idea of divinity, which +will help to explain what I have just been saying about +the life and force inherent in these numina.</p> + +<p>In most cursory accounts of the Roman religion it has +been the practice to lay particular stress upon an immense<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">159</a></span> +number of "gods," as they used to be called, each of +which is supposed to have presided over some particular +act or suffering of the Roman from the cradle to the +grave—from Cunina, the "goddess" of his cradle, to +Libitina who looked after his interment. I have as yet +said nothing about all these. I will now briefly explain +why I have not done so, and why I hesitate to include +them, at any rate in the uncompromising form in which +they are usually presented, among the genuine religious +conceptions of the earliest period. Later on I shall have +further opportunity of discussing them; at the end of +this lecture I can only sum up the results of recent +research into this curious cloud of so-called deities.</p> + +<p>We know of them mainly, but not entirely, from +Tertullian, and the <i>de Civitate Dei</i> of St. Augustine.<a name="FNanchor_323_323" id="FNanchor_323_323"></a><a href="#Footnote_323_323" class="fnanchor">323</a> +These scholarly theologians, wishing to show up the +absurdity of the heathen religions, found a mine of +material in the great work of Varro on the Roman religious +antiquities; and though they found him by no means so +elegant a writer as Cicero, they studied him with pains, +and have incidentally added immensely to our knowledge +both of Varro himself and of the Roman religion. St. +Augustine tells us that it was in the last three books of +his work that Varro treated of the Roman deities, and +that he divided them under the heads of <i>di certi</i>, <i>di incerti</i>, +and <i>di selecti</i>. In the first of these he dealt chiefly with +those with which we are now concerned: they were <i>certi</i> +because their names expressed their supposed activity +quite clearly.<a name="FNanchor_324_324" id="FNanchor_324_324"></a><a href="#Footnote_324_324" class="fnanchor">324</a> We know for certain that Varro found +these names in the books of the pontifices, and that they +were there called Indigitamenta:<a name="FNanchor_325_325" id="FNanchor_325_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_325_325" class="fnanchor">325</a> a word which has been +variously interpreted, and has been the subject of much +learned disputation. I believe with Wissowa that it means +"forms of invocation," <i>i.e.</i> the correct names by which gods +should be addressed.</p> + +<p>Thus these lists of names come down to us at third +hand: Varro took them from the pontifical books, and +the Christian fathers took them from Varro. It is obvious<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">160</a></span> +that this being the case they need very careful critical +examination; and till recently they were accepted in full +without hesitation, and without reflection on such questions +as, <i>e.g.</i>, whether they are psychologically probable, or +whether they can be paralleled from the religious experience +of other peoples. Some preliminary critical attempts +were made about fifty years ago in this direction,<a name="FNanchor_326_326" id="FNanchor_326_326"></a><a href="#Footnote_326_326" class="fnanchor">326</a> but the +first thoroughgoing examination of the subject was published +by R. Peter in the article "Indigitamenta" in +Roscher's <i>Mythological Lexicon</i>. This most industrious +scholar, though his interpretation of the word Indigitamenta +is probably erroneous,<a name="FNanchor_327_327" id="FNanchor_327_327"></a><a href="#Footnote_327_327" class="fnanchor">327</a> was the first to reach the +definite conclusion that the lists are not really primitive, +and do not, as we have them, represent primitive religious +thought. It was after a very careful study of this article, +which is long enough to fill a small volume, that I wrote +in my <i>Roman Festivals</i> of the Indigitamenta as "based +on"—not actually representing, I might have added—"old +ideas of divine agency, now systematised by something +like scientific terminology and ordered classification +by skilled legal theologians"; and as "an artificial priestly +exaggeration of a primitive tendency to see a world of +nameless spirits surrounding and influencing all human +life."<a name="FNanchor_328_328" id="FNanchor_328_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_328_328" class="fnanchor">328</a></p> + +<p>I was not then specially concerned with the Indigitamenta, +and only alluded to them in passing. But before +my book was published there had already appeared a +most interesting work on the names of deities (<i>Götternamen</i>) +by H. Usener, a brilliant investigator, which +drew fresh attention to the subject. Usener found in +mediaeval records of the religion of the heathen Lithuanians +what seemed to be a remarkable parallel with this +old Roman theology, and he also compared these records +with certain facts in what we may call the pre-Olympian +religious ideas of the Greeks. "The conclusion which +he draws," writes Dr. Farnell<a name="FNanchor_329_329" id="FNanchor_329_329"></a><a href="#Footnote_329_329" class="fnanchor">329</a>—and I cannot state it +better—"is that the Indo-Germanic peoples, on the way to +the higher polytheism, passed through an earlier stage<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">161</a></span> +when the objects of cult were beings whom he designated +by the newly-coined words 'Augenblickgötter' and +'Sondergötter'" (gods of momentary or limited function). +He went further than this, and claimed that the +anthropomorphic gods of Greece and Italy, of the Indo-Iranians, +Persians, and Slavs, were developed out of +these spirits presiding over special functions and particular +moments of human life; but with this latter part of his +theory I am not now concerned. What we want to know +now is whether in writing thus of the Roman Indigitamenta +Usener was using a record which really represents an early +stage of religious thought in Italy; and I may add that we +should be glad to know whether his Lithuanian records +are also to be unhesitatingly relied on.<a name="FNanchor_330_330" id="FNanchor_330_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_330_330" class="fnanchor">330</a> As regards +Greece, Dr. Farnell has criticised his theories with considerable +effect.</p> + +<p>The most recent contribution to the discussion of the +Roman part of the subject is that of Wissowa, who in +1904 published a paper on "True and False Sondergötter +at Rome";<a name="FNanchor_331_331" id="FNanchor_331_331"></a><a href="#Footnote_331_331" class="fnanchor">331</a> this is a piece of most valuable and +weighty criticism, but extremely difficult to follow and +digest. I here give only the main results of it. Wissowa +takes two genuine examples of Sondergötter which have +come down to us from other sources, and more directly than +those mentioned above: the first from Fabius Pictor, the +oldest Roman historian,<a name="FNanchor_332_332" id="FNanchor_332_332"></a><a href="#Footnote_332_332" class="fnanchor">332</a> and the other from the Acta +Fratrum Arvalium.<a name="FNanchor_333_333" id="FNanchor_333_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_333_333" class="fnanchor">333</a> Fabius said that the flamen +(Cerealis?), when sacrificing to Tellus and Ceres, also +invoked the following deities: Vervactor, for the first +ploughing, as Wissowa interprets it; Redarator, for the +second ploughing; Imporcitor, for the harrowing; Insitor, +for the sowing; Oberator, for the top-dressing; Occator, +Sarritor, Subrincator, Messor, Convector, Conditor, Promitor, +for subsequent operations up to the harvest and +actual distribution of the corn for food. Secondly, in the +Acta of the Arval Brethren we find, on the occasion of a +<i>piaculum</i> caused by the growth of a fig-tree on the roof +of the temple of Dea Dia, at the end of a long list of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">162</a></span> +deities invoked, and before the names of the <i>divi</i> of the +Imperial families, the names of three Sondergötter, +Adolenda Commolenda Deferunda, and on another occasion, +Adolenda and Coinquenda; these seem beyond +doubt to refer to the process of getting the obnoxious +tree down from the roof, of breaking it up, and burning it.</p> + +<p>In both these examples, which have come down to us +more directly than the lists in the Fathers, Wissowa sees +assistant or subordinate deities (if such they can be called) +grouped around a central idea, that of the main object +of sacrifice in each case;<a name="FNanchor_334_334" id="FNanchor_334_334"></a><a href="#Footnote_334_334" class="fnanchor">334</a> these are the result of the <i>cura</i> +and <i>caerimonia</i> supervised and over-elaborated by pontifical +law and ritual. It is, I may add on my own account, +most unlikely, and psychologically almost impossible, that +any individual farmer should have troubled himself to +remember and enumerate by name twelve deities +representing the various stages of an agricultural process; +and Cato, in fact, says nothing of such ritual. It was the +flamen of the City-state, who, when sacrificing to Tellus +and Ceres before harvest,<a name="FNanchor_335_335" id="FNanchor_335_335"></a><a href="#Footnote_335_335" class="fnanchor">335</a> pictured, or recalled to mind, +the various processes of a year of what we may call high +farming rather than primitive, under the names of deities +plainly invented out of the words which express those +processes—words which themselves are certainly not all +antique. And in the second example, which dates from +the second century <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, we see that the process of +destroying the intruding fig-tree is represented in ritual +in exactly the same curious way: the names of the deities, +Deferunda and the rest, being invented for the occasion +out of the words which express the several acts of the process +of destruction. These Arval Brethren of the second +century inherited the traditions of their predecessors of an +earlier age, and carried out the work of amplification in +their invocations by pedantically imitating the pontifices +of five or six centuries earlier. They held, in a way which +to us is ludicrous, to the old notion that you should try +and cover as much ground as possible in worship, and to +cover it in detail, so that no chance might be missed of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">163</a></span> +securing the object for which you were taking so much +trouble.</p> + +<p>Now to return to Varro and his lists of names. What +is Dr. Wissowa's conclusion about these, after examining +the two examples of Sondergötter which have not come +down to us through so much book-learning as the rest?</p> + +<p>Varro's <i>di certi</i>, he says<a name="FNanchor_336_336" id="FNanchor_336_336"></a><a href="#Footnote_336_336" class="fnanchor">336</a>—and I think there is +no doubt that he is right—included the name of every +deity, great or small, of which he could feel sure that +he knew something, as he found it in the books of the +pontifices; and the part of those books in which he +found these names, known as Indigitamenta, probably +contained formulae of invocation, <i>precationum carmina</i>,<a name="FNanchor_337_337" id="FNanchor_337_337"></a><a href="#Footnote_337_337" class="fnanchor">337</a> +of the same kind as the <i>comprecationes deorum immortalium</i> +from which Gellius quoted the pairs of male and +female deities which we discussed above. Varro arranged +all these names in groups of principal and subordinate +or assistant deities, the latter amplifying in detail the +meaning and scope of the former, as we have just seen; +and of this grouping some traces are still visible in the +accounts of Augustine and Tertullian. But the good +Fathers tumbled the whole collection about sadly in +their search for material for their mockery, having no +historical or scientific object in view; with the result +that it now resembles the bits of glass in a kaleidoscope, +and can no longer be re-arranged on the original Varronian +plan. The difficulty is increased by the etymologies +and explanations which they offer of the divine names, +which, as a rule, are even more absurd than the divinities +themselves.<a name="FNanchor_338_338" id="FNanchor_338_338"></a><a href="#Footnote_338_338" class="fnanchor">338</a></p> + +<p>But, in the last place, the question must be asked +whether these Sondergötter of the real kind, such, for +example, as those twelve agricultural ones invoked by the +flamen at the Cereale sacrum, had their origin in any +sense in popular usage or belief. At the end of his +paper Wissowa emphatically says that he does not believe +it. For myself, I would only modify this conclusion so +far as this: they must, I think, have been the theological,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">164</a></span> +or perhaps rather the ritualistic outcome, of a psychological +tendency rooted in the popular mind. I have already +noticed that curious bit of folklore in which three spirits +of cultivation were invoked with a kind of acted parable +at the birth of a child;<a name="FNanchor_339_339" id="FNanchor_339_339"></a><a href="#Footnote_339_339" class="fnanchor">339</a> and I cannot regard this custom +as a piece of pontifical ritualism, though the names may +have been invented by the priests to suit the practice. +The old Roman seems to have had a tendency to ascribe +what for want of a better word we may call divinity, not +only to animate and inanimate objects, but to actions and +abstractions; this, I take it, is an advanced stage of +animism, peculiar, it would seem, to a highly practical +agricultural people, and it is this stage which is reflected +in the ritualistic work of the priests. They turned dim +and nameless powers into definite and prehensible deities +with names, and arranged them in groups so as to fall +in with the life of the city as well as the farm. What was +the result of all this ingenuity, or whether it had any +popular result at all, is a question hardly admitting of +solution. What is really interesting in the matter, if +my view is the right one, is the curious way in which +the early Roman seems to have looked upon all life +and force and action, human or other, as in some sense +associated with, and the result of, divine or spiritual +agency.</p> + + +<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE VII</h5> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_291_291" id="Footnote_291_291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_291_291"><span class="label">291</span></a> For <i>loca sacra</i> and <i>consecratio</i> see Marquardt, p. 148 foll.; +Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 400.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_292_292" id="Footnote_292_292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_292_292"><span class="label">292</span></a> Serv. <i>ad Aen.</i> xii. 119, "Romani moris fuerat cespitem arae +super imponere, et ita sacrificare." Cp. some valuable remarks of +Henzen, <i>Acta Fratr. Arv.</i> p. 23. The altar of the Fratres was +in front of their grove; they used also a movable one (<i>foculus</i>) +of silver, but <i>cespiti ornatus</i> (<i>ib.</i> p. 21): this was for the preliminary +offering of wine and incense (Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 351).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_293_293" id="Footnote_293_293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_293_293"><span class="label">293</span></a> In Aug. <i>Civ. Dei</i>, iv. 31; Agahd's edition of the fragments of +Varro's <i>Ant. rer. div.</i> p. 164.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_294_294" id="Footnote_294_294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_294_294"><span class="label">294</span></a> Aug. <i>Civ. Dei</i>, iv. 23; Agahd, p. 159. See Wissowa, <i>Gesammelte +Abhandlungen</i>, p. 280 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_295_295" id="Footnote_295_295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_295_295"><span class="label">295</span></a> Strabo iv. 180.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">165</a></span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_296_296" id="Footnote_296_296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_296_296"><span class="label">296</span></a> <i>Fasti</i>, vi. 305.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_297_297" id="Footnote_297_297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_297_297"><span class="label">297</span></a> Tibull. ii. 5. 27. The lines of Propertius are iv. (v.) 2. 59, +"Stipes acernus eram, properanti falce dolatus, Ante Numam grata +pauper in urbe deus." The question is whether these are genuine +examples of the natural evolution of a "stock or stone" into something +in the nature of an anthropomorphic image of a deity, or +whether they are the result of the introduction of Greek statues acting +on the popular mind in rustic parts of Italy. The passages, so far +as I know, stand alone, and we have no means of deciding whether +the anthropomorphic tendency was native or foreign. Vortumnus +was, however, undoubtedly of Etruscan origin; Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 233. +The subject of iconic development of this kind is well summarised in +E. Gardner's little volume on <i>Religion and Art in Ancient Greece</i>, +ch. i.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_298_298" id="Footnote_298_298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_298_298"><span class="label">298</span></a> See Sayce, <i>Gifford Lectures on the Religions of Egypt and +Babylonia</i>, p. 302. An interesting paper on the evolution of <i>dei</i> at +Rome out of functional <i>numina</i> will be found in von Domaszewski's +<i>Abhandlungen zur röm. Religion</i>, p. 155 foll., based on Usener's +theory of Sondergötter. It is ingenious and imaginative, but in +my view does not square with the facts as far as we know them. +His stages are: (1) momentary function of <i>numina</i>, <i>e.g.</i> lightning; +(2) elevation of this into a permanent power or function; (3) consequent +limitation of the numen to a special well-marked function; +(4) elevation of the numen to a <i>deus</i>, conceived in the likeness of +man, and male or female, because man cannot think of power +otherwise than on the analogy of male or female creative energy. +Lastly, when the <i>deus</i> is complete, the functions of the former +numen become attributes or qualities, traces of which we find in the +pairs of deities in Gellius, xiii. 23, which are discussed later on in +this lecture. Some of these, of course, eventually became separate +deities—Salacia, Maia, Lua. As I cannot accept the view that +the earliest Roman idea of the supernatural is to be found in +<i>comprecationes</i> of a comparatively late period, <i>i.e.</i> in the so-called +Indigitamenta, this charmingly symmetrical account has no charm +for me beyond its symmetry.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_299_299" id="Footnote_299_299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_299_299"><span class="label">299</span></a> Henzen, <i>Acta Fratr. Arv.</i> pp. 144, 146; Cato, <i>R.R.</i> 139; <i>C.I.L.</i> +vi. 110 and 111. Other references are given by Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> +p. 33, note 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_300_300" id="Footnote_300_300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_300_300"><span class="label">300</span></a> For Pales, <i>R.F.</i> p. 80 note; for Pomona, Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 165.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_301_301" id="Footnote_301_301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_301_301"><span class="label">301</span></a> The passage runs thus (Aug. <i>C.D.</i>. iv. 32): "Dicit enim +(Varro) de generationibus deorum magis ad poetas quam ad +physicos fuisse populos inclinatos, et ideo et sexum et generationes +deorum maiores suos (id est veteres credidisse Romanos) et eorum +constituisse coniugia." There is an amusing passage in Lactantius, +i. 17 (<i>de Falsa Religione</i>), which Dr. Frazer might read with +advantage. It begins, "Si duo sunt sexus deorum, sequitur +concubitus." Then he goes on mockingly to argue that the gods<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">166</a></span> +must have houses, cities, lands which they plough and sow, which +proves them mortal. Finally he takes the whole series of inferences +backwards, finishing with "si domibus carent, ergo et +concubitu. Si concubitus ab his abest, et sexus igitur foemineus," +etc. All this, he means, can be inferred from the fact that gods +are of both sexes; but that they have <i>concubitus</i> can no more be +inferred from his argument than that they plough and sow.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_302_302" id="Footnote_302_302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_302_302"><span class="label">302</span></a> Dr. Frazer conjectures a sacred marriage of Jupiter and Juno +under the forms of Janus and Diana, in <i>Kingship</i>, p. 214; but +he is well aware that it is pure guesswork. There was, indeed, +at Falerii such a marriage of Juno with an unknown deity (Ovid, +<i>Amores</i>, iii. 13), of which, however, we do not know the history. +Falerii was one of those cities, like Praeneste, where Etruscan, +Greek, and Latin influences met. The "Orci nuptiae" on which +Frazer lays stress was simply the Greek marriage of Pluto and +Proserpine: "Orci coniux Proserpina," Aug. <i>C.D.</i> vii. 23 and 28, +Agahd, p. 152. Wissowa shows this conclusively, <i>R.K.</i> p. 246. +Orcus was Graecised as Plutus, but was himself totally without +personality.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_303_303" id="Footnote_303_303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_303_303"><span class="label">303</span></a> Dr. Frazer wrongly translates this as "ancient prayers" +(p. 411), adding "the highest possible authority on the subject." +<i>Oratio</i> is never used in this sense until Christian times: the word +is always <i>precatio</i>. All scholars are agreed that what is meant +is invocations to deities in old speeches, such as occur once or twice +in Cicero (<i>e.g.</i> at the end of the <i>Verrines</i>); cp. Livy xxix. 15. As the +recording of speeches cannot be assumed to have begun before the +third century <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, this does not carry us very far back. That +century is also the age in which the pontifices were probably most +active in drawing up <i>comprecationes</i>; see below, p. 285 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_304_304" id="Footnote_304_304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_304_304"><span class="label">304</span></a> See Appendix B at end of volume.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_305_305" id="Footnote_305_305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_305_305"><span class="label">305</span></a> Cp. Ovid, <i>Fasti</i>, iii. 850, "<i>forti</i> sacrificare deae." In <i>R.F.</i> +p. 60 foll., I have criticised the attempts, ancient and modern, to +make this Nerio the subject of myths.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_306_306" id="Footnote_306_306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_306_306"><span class="label">306</span></a> Macrob. i. 12. 18. This word Maiestas shows the doubtful +nature of these feminine names, and probably betrays the real +meaning of Maia. I may mention here that Bellona instead of +Nerio is ascribed as wife to Mars by Seneca ap. Aug. <i>C.D.</i> vi. 10; +also Venus to Volcanus instead of Maia. Neither have any connection, +so far as we know, with the gods to whom Seneca ascribes +them as wives: Venus-Vulcan is, of course, Greek. Both Augustine +and Dr. Frazer might with advantage have abstained from citing +Seneca on such a point: as a Spaniard by birth he was not likely +to know much about technical questions of Roman ritual.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_307_307" id="Footnote_307_307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_307_307"><span class="label">307</span></a> See Schanz, <i>Gesch. der röm. Literatur</i>, i. 274.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_308_308" id="Footnote_308_308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_308_308"><span class="label">308</span></a> In the Graeco-Roman age Mars seems to have been rather a +favourite subject of myth-making; see Usener's article on Italian +myths in <i>Rhein. Mus.</i> vol. xxx.; Roscher in <i>Myth. Lex.</i> for works<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">167</a></span> +of Graeco-Etruscan art in which he appears in certain mythical +scenes.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_309_309" id="Footnote_309_309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_309_309"><span class="label">309</span></a> H. Jordan, quoted in <i>R.F.</i> p. 61 note. I relegate to an +appendix what needs to be said about the other pairs of deities +mentioned by Gellius.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_310_310" id="Footnote_310_310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_310_310"><span class="label">310</span></a> Leipzig, 1898, p. 7 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_311_311" id="Footnote_311_311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_311_311"><span class="label">311</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 168. Carter, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_312_312" id="Footnote_312_312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_312_312"><span class="label">312</span></a> See Buecheler, <i>Umbrica</i>, pp. 22 and 98.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_313_313" id="Footnote_313_313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_313_313"><span class="label">313</span></a> So Fides is usually explained, as originally belonging to +Jupiter (Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 103 foll.); but a different view is taken +by Harold L. Axtell in his work on the <i>Deification of Abstract Ideas +at Rome</i> (Chicago, 1907), p. 20.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_314_314" id="Footnote_314_314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_314_314"><span class="label">314</span></a> In the Festschrift f. O. Hirschfeld, p. 243 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_315_315" id="Footnote_315_315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_315_315"><span class="label">315</span></a> <i>Religion of the Babylonians</i>, introductory chapter.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_316_316" id="Footnote_316_316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_316_316"><span class="label">316</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i> p. 412.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_317_317" id="Footnote_317_317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_317_317"><span class="label">317</span></a> <i>L.L.</i> v. 64.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_318_318" id="Footnote_318_318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_318_318"><span class="label">318</span></a> This fragment is No. 503 in Baehrens, <i>Fragm. Poet. Rom.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_319_319" id="Footnote_319_319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_319_319"><span class="label">319</span></a> Lactantius, <i>Div. inst.</i> iv. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_320_320" id="Footnote_320_320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_320_320"><span class="label">320</span></a> Crawley, <i>The Tree of Life</i>, p. 256; Farnell, <i>Evolution of +Religion</i>, p. 180; von Domaszewski, <i>Abhandlungen</i>, p. 166, "Man +ruft sie an im Gebete als pater und mater zum Zeichen der +Unterwerfung unter ihren Willen, wie der Sohn dem Gebote des +paterfamilias sich fügt. Der sittlich strenge Gehorsam, der das +Familienleben der Römer beherrscht, die pietas, ist der Sinn der +römischen religio." Cp. also Appel, <i>de Rom. precationibus</i>, pp. +102-3, who thinks that they regarded the gods "velut patriarchas +sive patres familias." He quotes Preller-Jordan i. 55 and Dieterich, +<i>Eine Mithrasliturgie</i>, p. 142 sq. So too with mater—"velut mater +familias."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_321_321" id="Footnote_321_321"></a><a href="#FNanchor_321_321"><span class="label">321</span></a> The expression seems to mean "a father made for the +purpose of the embassy." Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 477, note 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_322_322" id="Footnote_322_322"></a><a href="#FNanchor_322_322"><span class="label">322</span></a> p. 19. This was written, it may be noted, several years +after Aust had thoroughly investigated the cult of Jupiter for his +article in the <i>Mythological Lexicon</i>; in which cult, if anywhere, one +may be tempted to see evidence of a personal conception of deities. +As Dr. Frazer has referred to the cult of Jupiter at Praeneste, +to which I referred him as evidence of a possibly personal conception +of the god in that Latin city, I may say here that I adhere to what +I said about this in <i>R.F.</i> p. 226 foll.; no piece of antique cult has +occupied my attention more than this, and I have tried to lay open +every source of confirmation or criticism. Wissowa has expressed +himself in almost exactly the same terms in <i>R.K.</i> p. 209: we +arrived at our conclusions independently.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_323_323" id="Footnote_323_323"></a><a href="#FNanchor_323_323"><span class="label">323</span></a> Tertullian, <i>ad Nationes</i> 11, and <i>de Anima</i>, 37 foll.; Aug. +<i>de Civ. Dei</i>, iv. <i>passim</i>, and especially ch. xi.; R. Peter compiled +a complete list (<i>Myth. Lex.</i>, <i>s.v.</i> "Indigitamenta," p. 143) from these +and other sources.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">168</a></span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_324_324" id="Footnote_324_324"></a><a href="#FNanchor_324_324"><span class="label">324</span></a> Aug. <i>C.D.</i> vii. 17. That this was what Varro meant by +<i>di certi</i> was first affirmed by Wissowa in a note to his edition of +Marquardt, p. 9; it has been generally accepted as the true account. +A full discussion will be found in Agahd's edition of the fragments +of Varro's work, p. 126 foll.; cf. Peter's article quoted above, and +Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> pp. 61 and 65. A somewhat different view is given +in Domaszewski's article in <i>Archiv</i> for 1907, p. 1 foll., suggested +by Usener's <i>Götternamen</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_325_325" id="Footnote_325_325"></a><a href="#FNanchor_325_325"><span class="label">325</span></a> The evidence for this will be found in Marquardt's note +4 on p. 9. I have no doubt that Wissowa is right in explaining +Indigitamenta as "Gebetsformeln," formulae of invocation; in which +the most important matter, we may add, would be the name of +the deity. See his <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i>, p. 177 foll. The +Indigitamenta contained, as one section, the invocations of <i>di certi</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_326_326" id="Footnote_326_326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_326_326"><span class="label">326</span></a> Chiefly by Ambrosch in his <i>Religionsbücher der Römer</i>. +Peter's article contains a useful account of the whole progress of +research on this subject.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_327_327" id="Footnote_327_327"></a><a href="#FNanchor_327_327"><span class="label">327</span></a> <i>Lex.</i> p. 137; it was that of his master Reifferscheid. Cp. +Wissowa, <i>op. cit.</i> (<i>Ges. Abhandl.</i> p. 306 foll.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_328_328" id="Footnote_328_328"></a><a href="#FNanchor_328_328"><span class="label">328</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> pp. 191, 341.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_329_329" id="Footnote_329_329"></a><a href="#FNanchor_329_329"><span class="label">329</span></a> "The place of the Sondergötter in Greek Polytheism," +printed in <i>Anthropological Essays addressed to E. B. Tylor</i>, p. 81. +Usener's discussion of the Roman and Lithuanian Sondergötter is +in his <i>Götternamen</i>, p. 73 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_330_330" id="Footnote_330_330"></a><a href="#FNanchor_330_330"><span class="label">330</span></a> Wissowa writes (<i>Ges. Abhandl.</i> p. 320 note) that he has +reason to believe that a great number of the Lithuanian Sondergötter +only became such through the treatment of the subject by the +mediaeval writers on whom Usener relied!</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_331_331" id="Footnote_331_331"></a><a href="#FNanchor_331_331"><span class="label">331</span></a> <i>Ges. Abhandl.</i> p. 304 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_332_332" id="Footnote_332_332"></a><a href="#FNanchor_332_332"><span class="label">332</span></a> Servius (Interpol.) <i>ad Georg.</i> i. 21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_333_333" id="Footnote_333_333"></a><a href="#FNanchor_333_333"><span class="label">333</span></a> Henzen, <i>Acta Fratr. Arv.</i> p. 147; <i>C.I.L.</i> vi. 2099 and 2107.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_334_334" id="Footnote_334_334"></a><a href="#FNanchor_334_334"><span class="label">334</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i> p. 323 foll.; for <i>famuli</i> and <i>anculi divi</i>, Henzen, +<i>op. cit.</i> p. 145.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_335_335" id="Footnote_335_335"></a><a href="#FNanchor_335_335"><span class="label">335</span></a> See above, p. 121.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_336_336" id="Footnote_336_336"></a><a href="#FNanchor_336_336"><span class="label">336</span></a> p. 312; cp. 320, where he further asserts his belief that +Varro is responsible himself for the creation of a great number of +these Sondergötter, owing to his extreme desire to fix and define +the function of every deity in relation to human life; just as the +mediaeval writers Laskowski and Pretorius may have created many +Lithuanian Sondergötter. As I am not quite clear on this point, +I have not mentioned it in the text.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_337_337" id="Footnote_337_337"></a><a href="#FNanchor_337_337"><span class="label">337</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i> p. 314, note 1. See above, note 33.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_338_338" id="Footnote_338_338"></a><a href="#FNanchor_338_338"><span class="label">338</span></a> <i>e.g.</i> Vaticanus, "qui infantum vagitibus praesidet"; <i>Rusina</i> +from <i>rus</i>; <i>Consus</i> from <i>consilium</i>, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_339_339" id="Footnote_339_339"></a><a href="#FNanchor_339_339"><span class="label">339</span></a> See above, p. 84.</p></div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">169</a></span></p> +<h4>LECTURE VIII</h4> + +<h5>RITUAL OF THE <i>IUS DIVINUM</i></h5> + + +<p>I have already frequently mentioned the <i>ius divinum</i>, +the law governing the relations between the divine and +human inhabitants of the city, as the <i>ius civile</i> governed +the relations between citizen and citizen.<a name="FNanchor_340_340" id="FNanchor_340_340"></a><a href="#Footnote_340_340" class="fnanchor">340</a> When we +examined the calendar of Numa, we were in fact examining +a part of this law; we began with this our studies of +the religion of the Roman city-state, because it is the +earliest document we possess which illuminates the dark +ages of city life, so far as religion is concerned. The +study of the calendar naturally led us on to consider the +evidence it yields, taken together with other sources of +information, as to the nature of the deities for whose +worship it fixes times and seasons, or, more accurately, +the amount of knowledge to which the Romans had +attained about their divine beings. But we must now +return to the <i>ius divinum</i>, and study it in another aspect, +for which the calendar itself does not suffice as evidence.</p> + +<p>Perhaps the simplest way of explaining this <i>ius</i> is to +describe it as laying down the rules for the maintenance +of right relations between the citizens and their deities; +as ordaining what things are to be done or avoided in +order to keep up a continual <i>pax</i>, or quasi-legal covenant, +between these two parties. The two words <i>ius</i> and <i>pax</i>, +we may note, are continually meeting us in Roman +religious documents. In a prayer sanctioned by the +pontifices for use at the making of a new clearing, we +read: "Si deus, si dea sit cuius illud sacrum est, <i>ut tibi</i><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">170</a></span> +<i>ius siet</i> porco piaculo facere illiusce sacri coercendi ergo,"<a name="FNanchor_341_341" id="FNanchor_341_341"></a><a href="#Footnote_341_341" class="fnanchor">341</a> +<i>i.e.</i> "O unknown deity, whether god or goddess, whose +property this wood is, let it be legally proper to sacrifice +to thee this pig as an expiatory offering, for the sake of +cutting down trees in this wood of thine." "Pacem +deorum exposcere" (or "petere") is a standing formula, as +all readers of Virgil know;<a name="FNanchor_342_342" id="FNanchor_342_342"></a><a href="#Footnote_342_342" class="fnanchor">342</a> and it occurs in many other +authors and religious documents. When Livy wants to +express the horror of the old patrician families at the +idea of plebeians being consuls—men who had no knowledge +of the <i>ius divinum</i> and no right to have any—he +makes Appius Claudius exclaim, "Nunc nos, tanquam +iam nihil pace deorum opus sit, omnes caerimonias +polluimus."<a name="FNanchor_343_343" id="FNanchor_343_343"></a><a href="#Footnote_343_343" class="fnanchor">343</a> How can we maintain our right relations +with the gods, if plebeians have the care of them?</p> + +<p>Thus it is not going too far to describe the whole +Roman religion of the city-state as a <i>Rechtsverkehr</i>,<a name="FNanchor_344_344" id="FNanchor_344_344"></a><a href="#Footnote_344_344" class="fnanchor">344</a> +a legal process going on continually. When a <i>colonia</i> +was founded, <i>i.e.</i> a military outpost which was to be a +copy in all respects of the Roman State, it was absolutely +essential that its <i>ius divinum</i> should be laid down; it +must have a religious charter as well as a civil one. +Even at the very end of the life of the Republic, when +Caesar founded a colony in Spain, he ordained that, +within ten days of its first magistrates taking office, they +should consult the Senate "quos et quot dies festos esse +et quae sacra fieri publice placeat et quos ea sacra facere +placeat," <i>i.e.</i> as to the calendar, the ritual, and the priesthood.<a name="FNanchor_345_345" id="FNanchor_345_345"></a><a href="#Footnote_345_345" class="fnanchor">345</a> +The Romans, of course, assumed that Numa, their +priest-king, had done the same thing for Rome; Livy +describes him as ordaining a pontifex to whom he entrusted +the care of all these matters, with written rules to +follow.<a name="FNanchor_346_346" id="FNanchor_346_346"></a><a href="#Footnote_346_346" class="fnanchor">346</a> This was the imaginary religious charter of the +Roman State. Without it the citizen, or rather his +official representative, would not know with the necessary +accuracy the details of the <i>cura</i> and <i>caerimonia</i>; without +it, too, the deities could not be expected to perform their +part of advancing the interests of the State, and indeed,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">171</a></span> +as I think we shall find, could not be expected to retain +the strength and vitality which they needed for the work. +Support was needed on each side; the State needed the +help of the gods, and the gods needed the help of the +State's care and worship.</p> + +<p>The ways and means towards the maintenance of this +<i>pax</i> were as follows. First, the deities must be duly +placated, and their powers kept in full vigour, by the +ritual of sacrifice and prayer, performed at the proper +times and places by authorised persons skilled in the +knowledge of that ritual. Secondly, there must be an +exact fulfilment of all vows or solemn promises made +to the deities by the State or its magistrates, or by such +private persons as might have made similar engagements. +Thirdly, the city, its land and its people, must +be preserved from all evil or hostile influences, whether +spiritual or material or both, by the process broadly known +as <i>lustratio</i>, which we commonly translate <i>purification</i>. +Lastly, strict attention must be paid to all outward signs +of the will of the gods, as shown by omens and portents +of various kinds. This last method of securing the <i>pax</i> +became specially prominent much later in Roman history, +and I prefer to postpone detailed discussion of it for +the present; but the other three we will now examine, +with the help of evidence mainly derived from facts of +cult, not from the fancies of mythologists.</p> + +<p>First, then, I take sacrifice, dealing only with the +general principles of sacrificial rites, so far as we can discern +them in the numerous details which have come down to +us. The word <i>sacrificium</i>, let us note, in its widest sense, +may cover any religious act in which something is made +<i>sacrum</i>, <i>i.e.</i> (in its legal sense) the property of a deity;<a name="FNanchor_347_347" id="FNanchor_347_347"></a><a href="#Footnote_347_347" class="fnanchor">347</a> +I am not now concerned to conjecture what exactly may +have been the meaning of this immortal word before it +was embodied in the <i>ius divinum</i>. "Sacrificium" is limited +in practical use by the Romans themselves to offerings, +animal or cereal, made on the spot where the deity had +taken up his residence, or at some place on the boundary of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">172</a></span> +land or city (<i>e.g.</i> the gate) which was under his protection, +or (in later times at least) at a temporary altar erected +during a campaign. Thus it was as much a sacrificium +when the paterfamilias threw at each meal a portion of +the food into the fire, the residence of Vesta, as when the +consul offered a victim to Mars on the eve of a battle.</p> + +<p>Sacrifices have generally been divided into the three +classes of (1) honorific, where the offering is believed to be +in some sense a gift to the deity; (2) piacular, or sin-offerings, +where the victim was usually burnt whole, no +part being retained for eating (though this was not the +case at Rome); (3) sacramental sacrifices, where the +worshippers enter into communion with the deity by +partaking of the sacred offering together with him.<a name="FNanchor_348_348" id="FNanchor_348_348"></a><a href="#Footnote_348_348" class="fnanchor">348</a> The +two former are constant and typical in the Roman +religion; but traces of the sacramental type, which +Robertson Smith believed to be the oldest, are also +found, and it will clear the ground if I refer to them at +once. By far the most interesting example is that of the +Latin festival on the Alban mount, where the flesh of +the victim, a white heifer that had never felt the yoke, +was partaken of by the deputies of all the cities of the +Latin league, great importance being attached to the due +distribution.<a name="FNanchor_349_349" id="FNanchor_349_349"></a><a href="#Footnote_349_349" class="fnanchor">349</a> Here the Latin race "yearly acknowledges +its common kinship of blood, and seals it by +partaking in the common meal of a sacred victim," thus +entering into communion with Jupiter, the ancient god of +the race, and with each other, by participation in the flesh +of the sacred animal. "This common meal is perhaps a +survival from the age when cattle were sacred animals, +and were never slain or eaten except on the solemn +annual occasions when the clan or race renewed its +kinship and its mutual obligations by a solemn sacrament." +It is tempting to compare with this great +sacrament the <i>epulum Iovis</i> on the Ides of September, the +dedication-day of the Capitoline temple of Jupiter, Juno, +and Minerva, which three deities seem to have been +present in visible form to share the meal with the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">173</a></span> +magistrates and senate.<a name="FNanchor_350_350" id="FNanchor_350_350"></a><a href="#Footnote_350_350" class="fnanchor">350</a> But we have not yet arrived +at the age when this temple was built, and we have no +evidence enabling us to carry the rite back in any form +to the pre-Etruscan period. There are, however, faint +indications that the old Italians believed the deities to be +in some sense present at their meals, though not in visible +form; and at one festival, the Fornacalia, which was a +concern not of the State as a whole, but of the thirty +<i>curiae</i> into which it was divided,<a name="FNanchor_351_351" id="FNanchor_351_351"></a><a href="#Footnote_351_351" class="fnanchor">351</a> there seems to be no +doubt that a common meal took place in which the gods +were believed to have a part, or at any rate to be present +though invisible. Yet the <i>ius divinum</i> of the Roman +State assuredly did not encourage this kind of sacrament; +for in the regular round of State festivals, in which we +cannot include even the <i>feriae Latinae</i>, the sacrifices, so +far as we are informed, were all honorific or piacular. If +I am not mistaken, the idea of participation by the +people in solemn sacred rites was discouraged by the +Roman priesthood; in the <i>ius divinum</i> the line drawn +between <i>sacrum</i> and <i>profanum</i> was clear; scenes of +gluttony or revelry, like the Greek hecatombs, were +eliminated from the <i>sacra publica</i>, as I have already +pointed out. Not till the advent of the Sibylline books +and the <i>Graecus ritus</i> did the people take an active part +in the State religion; their duty was merely to abstain +from disturbance during the performance of sacred rites. +"Feriis iurgia amovento" is the only reference in Cicero's +imaginary sketch of the <i>ius divinum</i> to the conduct of +the citizen on festival days.<a name="FNanchor_352_352" id="FNanchor_352_352"></a><a href="#Footnote_352_352" class="fnanchor">352</a>[352] Within the family, the +curia, the gens, there might be direct and active participation +in daily or yearly ceremonies, but it was an essential +principle of the life of the city-state that its business, +religious as well as civil, should be carried out for the +citizens by officials specially appointed.</p> + +<p>In the typical and organised worship of the State, <i>i.e.</i> +sacrifice honorific and piacular, sanctioned by the <i>ius +divinum</i>, the utmost care was taken that the whole procedure +should be in every sense acceptable to the deity;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">174</a></span> +that nothing <i>profanum</i> should cross the threshold of +the divine; hence it was quiet, orderly, dignified. The +feeling that communication with the deity invoked was +impossible save under such conditions was very strong +in the Roman mind, stronger perhaps than with any +other people whose religious practice is known to us; +and the sense of obligation and duty, <i>pietas</i>, as they called +it, was thus very early developed, and of infinite value to +the State in its youth. This is entirely in keeping with +what we have learnt in the last two lectures of the ideas +of the Romans about the nature of their deities, and throws +additional light on those ideas. They did not as yet +know too much about the divine beings and their powers +and wishes; familiarity had not yet bred contempt; +<i>religio</i>, as we saw, was still strong among them—the +feeling of awe that is likely to diminish or disappear when +you have your god before you in the form of an idol. It +is a principle of human nature that where knowledge is +imperfect, care must be taken to be on the safe side; this +is true of all practical undertakings, and as the religion of +the Romans was that of a practical people with a practical +end in view, it was particularly true of them.</p> + +<p>First then, in order that the worship might be entirely +acceptable to the deity invoked, it was essential that the +person who conducted it should be also acceptable. At +the head of the whole system was the rex, who was +priest as well as king. We do not know, of course, +exactly how the rex was appointed; but in the case of +the typical priest-king Numa, Livy has described his +<i>inauguratio</i> in terms of the <i>ius divinum</i> of later times for +the appointment of priests, and we may take it as fairly +certain that the same principle held good from the earliest +times.<a name="FNanchor_353_353" id="FNanchor_353_353"></a><a href="#Footnote_353_353" class="fnanchor">353</a> After being summoned (so the story ran) from +the Sabine city of Cures by the Senate, he consulted the +gods about his own fitness. He was then conducted by +the augur to the arx on the Capitol, and sat down on a +stone facing the south. The augur took his seat on his +left hand (the lucky side) with veiled head, holding the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">175</a></span> +<i>lituus</i><a name="FNanchor_354_354" id="FNanchor_354_354"></a><a href="#Footnote_354_354" class="fnanchor">354</a> of his office in his right hand, with which, after +a prayer, he marked out the <i>regiones</i> from east to west, +the north being to the left, the south to the right, and +silently noted some object in the extreme distance of the +<i>ager Romanus</i>, as the farthest point where the appearance +of an omen might be accepted. Then, passing the <i>lituus</i> +to his left hand, he laid his right on the head of Numa, +and uttered this prayer: "Father Jupiter, if it be thy will +(<i>fas</i>) that this Numa Pompilius, on whose head my hand +is laid, be king of Rome, I pray thee give us clear token +within the limits which I have marked out." Then he +said aloud what auspicia he sought for (<i>i.e.</i> whether of +birds, lightning, or what); and when they appeared, Numa +descended as rex from the citadel. This process was +called <i>inauguratio</i>; it is attested for the confirmation of +the election of the three flamines maiores, the rex, and +the augurs, in historical times,<a name="FNanchor_355_355" id="FNanchor_355_355"></a><a href="#Footnote_355_355" class="fnanchor">355</a> whatever was the method +of that election, and without it the priest was not believed +to be acceptable to the gods. It is not mentioned by +Roman writers in connection with the Pontifices or the +Vestals; if this be not merely from dearth of evidence, it +is not easy to account for, unless the reason were that +neither body was specially concerned with sacrifice. But +the principle is perfectly clear—that the person who is to +represent the community in worship must be one of whom +the <i>numina</i> openly express approval.</p> + +<p>A priest, <i>sacerdos</i>, is thus a person set apart by special +ritual for the service of the <i>sacra populi Romani</i>. The +rex no doubt himself made the selection and supervised +the inauguratio of the other priests at whose head he was. +When the kingship came to an end, his powers of this +kind passed to the pontifex maximus; and it may be as +well to add at once that his sacrificial powers, though they +were in a special sense inherited by a priest who took his +title, the <i>rex sacrorum</i>, passed with the civil power to all +magistrates <i>cum imperio</i>, who wore the <i>toga praetexta</i> +symbolic of priestly function, and had the right of presiding +at sacrificial rites both at home and in the field.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">176</a></span> +Thus magistrate and priest, though quite distinct under +the Republic from the point of view of public law, have +certain characteristics in common as deriving from a +common source in the powers of the rex.<a name="FNanchor_356_356" id="FNanchor_356_356"></a><a href="#Footnote_356_356" class="fnanchor">356</a></p> + +<p>But to return to the period of Numa and the calendar: +it was not only necessary that the priest should be acceptable +to the gods, but that he should be marked off from +the rest of the community as being dedicated to their +service. As Dr. Jevons says,<a name="FNanchor_357_357" id="FNanchor_357_357"></a><a href="#Footnote_357_357" class="fnanchor">357</a> in all early religions +priests are marked off from other worshippers, partly by +what they do, and partly by what they may not do; and +what he means is (1) that the priest originally was the +person who alone could slay a victim; (2) that in consequence +of his sacredness he was subject to a great +number of restrictions. I have already spoken of these +restrictions or priestly taboos in my second lecture; and +as I believe that in the period we are now dealing with +they were little more than a survival, I shall not return to +them now. But of the outward insignia, which marked +off the priest as alone entitled to perform the essential +act of worship, the sacrifice, and which bring him out of +the region of the <i>profanum</i> into that of <i>sacrum</i>, I must +say a few words before going farther.</p> + +<p>In historical times the actual slaying of the victim +was done by subordinates, <i>popae</i>, <i>victimarii</i>, etc.; but +there is no doubt whatever that it was originally the work +of the priest, for he seems at all times to have used one +gesture which is clearly symbolic of it,<a name="FNanchor_358_358" id="FNanchor_358_358"></a><a href="#Footnote_358_358" class="fnanchor">358</a> and there are +traces also of a practice of wearing the toga in such a +way as to leave the right arm free for the act.<a name="FNanchor_359_359" id="FNanchor_359_359"></a><a href="#Footnote_359_359" class="fnanchor">359</a> That +toga, or any other special robe worn by the priest, was +always in whole or part red or purple. The purple-edged +<i>toga praetexta</i> was worn both by priests and +magistrates, and by children under age; and I think +there is good reason to believe that in all these cases the +original idea was the same—that they took part, directly +or indirectly, as primary or secondary agents in sacrificial +acts. The Salii and the augurs wore the <i>trabea</i>, which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">177</a></span> +was of purple or red, or both; the flamines had a special +robe about the colour of which we are not informed, but +the Flaminica Dialis wore a purple garment called <i>rica</i>, +and a red veil called <i>flammeum</i>, which was also worn by +the bride in the religious ceremony of marriage. Whether +we are to see in this prevalence of red or purple any +symbolism of the shedding of blood in sacrifice I cannot +be sure, but the inference is a tempting one, and has been +put forward with confidence by some recent investigators. +It is worth noting that the Vestals, who did not sacrifice +animals, wore white only.<a name="FNanchor_360_360" id="FNanchor_360_360"></a><a href="#Footnote_360_360" class="fnanchor">360</a> If the red colour has anything +to do with blood-shedding, it is probably more +than merely symbolic; it may mean that the sacrificing +priest partakes of that life and strength which he passes +on to the god through the blood, that is the life, of the +victim.<a name="FNanchor_361_361" id="FNanchor_361_361"></a><a href="#Footnote_361_361" class="fnanchor">361</a></p> + +<p>The Roman priests had also other insignia, of which +the original meaning is less evident. The Flamen Dialis, +and probably all the flamines, wore a cap with an olive-twig +fastened to the top of it; this is well shown in +the sculptures of the Ara Pacis of Augustus.<a name="FNanchor_362_362" id="FNanchor_362_362"></a><a href="#Footnote_362_362" class="fnanchor">362</a> The +flaminicae had a head-dress called <i>tutulus</i>, which consisted +in part, at least, of a purple fillet or ribbon. The +flamines, when actually sacrificing, wore a <i>galerus</i>, or +hood of some kind made of the skin of a victim, and +the Flamen Dialis in particular wore one made of the +skin of a white heifer sacrificed to Jupiter.<a name="FNanchor_363_363" id="FNanchor_363_363"></a><a href="#Footnote_363_363" class="fnanchor">363</a> In these +various ways all priests were outwardly shown to be +holy men, <i>sacerdotes</i>, marked off from the <i>profanum +vulgus</i>. Only for the pontifices we have no information +as to a special dress, just as we also have none as to +their inauguratio.<a name="FNanchor_364_364" id="FNanchor_364_364"></a><a href="#Footnote_364_364" class="fnanchor">364</a></p> + +<p>Thus there is no question that the priests were chosen +and separated from the people in such a way as to meet +with the approval of the gods; and even the acolytes, +<i>camilli</i> and <i>camillae</i>, boys and girls who frequently +appear in sacrificial scenes on monuments, wore the <i>toga +praetexta</i>, and, in order to be acceptable, must be the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">178</a></span> +children of living parents.<a name="FNanchor_365_365" id="FNanchor_365_365"></a><a href="#Footnote_365_365" class="fnanchor">365</a> This rule has lately been +the subject of a discussion by Dr. Frazer, on which he +has brought to bear, as usual, a great range of learning. +He regards the restriction not so much as a matter +of good omen, <i>i.e.</i> of freedom from contamination +by the death of a parent, but as pointing to a notion +that they were "fuller of life and therefore luckier than +orphans."<a name="FNanchor_366_366" id="FNanchor_366_366"></a><a href="#Footnote_366_366" class="fnanchor">366</a> Whether or no this explanation is the +right one, it is quite consistent, as we shall see directly, +with the general idea of sacrifice at Rome, and the +learning by which it is supported is in any case of interest +and value.</p> + +<p>There is abundant evidence from historical times that +all worshippers, and therefore <i>a fortiori</i> all priests, when +sacrificing, had to be personally clean and free from +every kind of taint; a rule which also held good for the +utensils used in the worship, which in many cases at least +were of primitive make and material, not such as were +in common use.<a name="FNanchor_367_367" id="FNanchor_367_367"></a><a href="#Footnote_367_367" class="fnanchor">367</a> The need of personal purity is well +expressed by Tibullus in his description of a rural +festival<a name="FNanchor_368_368" id="FNanchor_368_368"></a><a href="#Footnote_368_368" class="fnanchor">368</a>:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">vos quoque abesse procul iubeo, discedat ab aris</span> +<span class="i1">cui tulit hesterna gaudia nocte Venus.</span> +<span class="i0">casta placent superis: pura cum veste venite</span> +<span class="i1">et manibus puris sumite fontis aquam.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>These lines indicate an approach at least to the idea +of mental as well as material purity; and Cicero in his <i>ius +divinum</i> in the <i>de Legibus</i><a name="FNanchor_369_369" id="FNanchor_369_369"></a><a href="#Footnote_369_369" class="fnanchor">369</a> actually reaches that idea: +"caste iubet lex adire ad deos, animo videlicet, in quo +sunt omnia: nec tollit castimoniam corporis," etc. But +this is the language of a later age, and does not reflect +the notions of the old Roman, but rather those of the +religious philosophy of the Greek. The personal purity +which the Roman rule required was a survival from a +set of primitive ideas, closely connected with taboo, +which we are only now beginning to understand fully. +They are common to all or almost all peoples who have +made any progress in systematising their sacrificial<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">179</a></span> +worship. As Dr. Westermarck has recently expressed +it,<a name="FNanchor_370_370" id="FNanchor_370_370"></a><a href="#Footnote_370_370" class="fnanchor">370</a> "they spring from the idea that the contact of a +polluting substance with anything holy is followed by +injurious consequences. It is supposed to deprive a +deity or holy being of its holiness.... So also a sacred +act is believed to lose its sacredness by being performed +by an unclean individual." And in the next sentence he +goes still farther back in the history of the belief, pointing +out that a polluting substance is itself held to contain +mysterious energy of a baneful kind. But I must leave +this interesting subject now; the story of the evolution +of the habit of cleanliness from these ancient ideas will +be found in the thirty-ninth chapter of his <i>Origin and +Development of Moral Ideas</i>.</p> + +<p>Coming next to the act of sacrifice itself, it is needless +to say that the victim must be as exactly fitted to please +the deity—if that be the right way to express the +obligation—as the priest who sacrificed it. It must be +of the right kind, sex, age, colour; it must go willingly +to the slaughter, adorned with fillets and ribbons (<i>infulae</i>, +<i>vittae</i>), in order to mark it off from other animals as +holy; in the case of oxen, we hear also of the gilding +of the horns, but this must have been costly and unusual.<a name="FNanchor_371_371" id="FNanchor_371_371"></a><a href="#Footnote_371_371" class="fnanchor">371</a> +All these details were doubtless laid down in the <i>ius +divinum</i>, and in later times, when the deities dwelt in +roofed temples, they were embodied in the <i>lex</i> or charter +of each temple.<a name="FNanchor_372_372" id="FNanchor_372_372"></a><a href="#Footnote_372_372" class="fnanchor">372</a> I do not need to go into them here +minutely; for my present purpose, the elucidation of the +meaning which the Romans attached to sacrificial worship, +it will be sufficient to point out that all victims, so far +as we know, were domestic animals, and in almost all +cases they were valuable property (<i>pecunia</i>), such as +belonged to the stock of the Latin farmer, ox, sheep, pig, +varying according to age and sex. Goats were used at +the Lupercalia, and a horse was sacrificed to Mars, as we +have seen, on October 15, and at the Robigalia in April +a red dog was offered to the spirit of the mildew. But +though time forbids me to explain all these rules, a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">180</a></span> +careful study of the evidence for them is most useful +for any one who wishes to understand the influence of +the <i>ius divinum</i> on the mind of the early Roman. In +the family what rules were needed were matter of +tradition; deities were few, and offerings limited. But +in the city-state it was very different; here even the <i>di +indigetes</i> were many, with diverse wishes and likings as +well as functions: how were these to be ascertained and +remembered at the right moment? Here, as in all methods +of securing the <i>pax deorum</i>, a central supervising authority +was needed, in whose knowledge and wisdom the whole +community had confidence; and he was found in the rex, +as is clearly shown in the whole traditional account of the +priest-king Numa. Very naturally tradition also ascribed +to Numa the institution of the pontifices, whom the +historical Romans knew as succeeding the rex in the +supervision of religious law.<a name="FNanchor_373_373" id="FNanchor_373_373"></a><a href="#Footnote_373_373" class="fnanchor">373</a></p> + +<p>If all went well, the victim going willingly and no ill +omen supervening, the actual slaughter followed at the +altar. During the whole operation silence was enjoined; +the priests' heads were veiled with the folds of the +toga;<a name="FNanchor_374_374" id="FNanchor_374_374"></a><a href="#Footnote_374_374" class="fnanchor">374</a> pipers (<i>tibicines</i>) continued to play, in order +that no unlucky sound or word might be heard +which would make it necessary to start afresh with +another victim (<i>instauratio</i>). Immediately before the +slaughter the victim was made holier than ever by +sprinkling upon it fragments of sacred cake made of <i>far</i> +(<i>immolatio</i>), and by pouring on it libations of wine from +a <i>foculus</i> or movable altar containing this holy condiment, +together with incense if that were used in the rite. As +soon as it was dead, the internal organs were examined +to make sure that there was no physical defect or +abnormal growth, for it was, of course, quite as necessary +that the animal should be "purus" within as without; +this was the only object of the examination, until the +Etruscan art of <i>extipicina</i> made its way to Rome. What +became of the blood we are not told; I have already +remarked that blood has curiously little part in Roman<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">181</a></span> +ritual and custom.<a name="FNanchor_375_375" id="FNanchor_375_375"></a><a href="#Footnote_375_375" class="fnanchor">375</a> But the <i>exta</i>, <i>i.e.</i> internal organs of +life, were separated from the rest of the carcase, and +carefully cooked in holy vessels, before being laid upon +the altar (<i>porrectio</i>), together with certain slices of flesh +called <i>magmenta</i>, or increase-offerings, while the rest of +the flesh, which had now lost its holiness, was retained +for the use of the priests.<a name="FNanchor_376_376" id="FNanchor_376_376"></a><a href="#Footnote_376_376" class="fnanchor">376</a> The time occupied in +the actual slaughter and inspection of the organs was not +long; but the cooking of these must have been often a +lengthy process. Ovid tells us how on April 25 he met +the Flamen Quirinalis carrying out the exta of a dog and +a sheep, which had been sacrificed at Rome to Robigus +that morning, in order to lay them on the altar of that +deity at the fifth milestone on the Via Claudia.<a name="FNanchor_377_377" id="FNanchor_377_377"></a><a href="#Footnote_377_377" class="fnanchor">377</a> Certain +days in the calendar, called <i>endotercisi</i>, which were <i>nefasti</i> +in morning and evening, were <i>fasti</i> in the middle of the +day, between the slaying of a victim and the placing of +its exta on the altar (<i>inter hostiam caesam et exta porrecta</i>).<a name="FNanchor_378_378" id="FNanchor_378_378"></a><a href="#Footnote_378_378" class="fnanchor">378</a></p> + +<p>I have so far purposely omitted one important detail—the +prayer which, so far as we know, invariably +accompanied the sacrifice. It is not absolutely certain +at what moment of the rite it was said at Rome; in +the ritual of Iguvium we find it occurring immediately +before the placing of the exta on the altar;<a name="FNanchor_379_379" id="FNanchor_379_379"></a><a href="#Footnote_379_379" class="fnanchor">379</a> but as that +ritual is a processional one, concerned with sacrifices at +several spots, the two chief parts of the rite, the slaughter +and the <i>porrectio</i>, probably followed closely on one +another. We may perhaps guess that where these two +parts were separated by a considerable interval, as in the +majority of Roman festivals, the prayer was said by the +priest also at the moment of <i>porrectio</i>. The prayer is +so important a detail as to need separate handling—important +because it helps us to interpret the ideas of +the Romans about their sacrifices, and the attitude in +which they conceived themselves as standing towards +the deities whom they thus approached. I propose to +occupy the rest of this lecture in considering this most<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">182</a></span> +interesting topic. I wish first to draw attention to a +particular feature, or rather expression, which occurs in +the authentic wording of certain prayers which we are +lucky enough to possess, because I think it throws some +light on the meaning which the Romans attached to the +sacrifice it accompanied; and secondly, to consider the +character of Roman prayers generally, in view of a +question now being largely discussed, <i>i.e.</i> whether prayer +is a development from spell or charm, belonging in its +origin to the region of magic.</p> + +<p>We have various forms of prayer surviving in Roman +literature: some of them are versified by the poets, and +therefore give us a general impression of the contents +without the actual and genuine wording; we have also +two fragments of ancient <i>carmina</i> which have the form +of prayers, those of the Salii and the Fratres Arvales; +and we have certain forms used on special occasions, such +as the <i>evocatio</i> of the gods of a hostile community, or the +formulae of vows (<i>vota</i>) which I must postpone to the +next lecture. But the only unquestionably genuine old +Roman prayers used at sacrifice, taken from the books of +the pontifices and preserved word for word, are those +which Cato embodied in his treatise on agriculture in +the second century <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, as proper to be used with sacrifice +on certain occasions in the agricultural year.<a name="FNanchor_380_380" id="FNanchor_380_380"></a><a href="#Footnote_380_380" class="fnanchor">380</a> It +is here that we meet with the phrase, familiar in another +form to all Latin scholars, on which I wish to lay stress +now. It occurs in all the four forms of prayer which +Cato copied down. The first is at the time of the flowering +of the pear-trees, on behalf of the oxen: "Iuppiter +dapalis, quod tibi fieri oportet in domo familia mea +culignam vini dapi eius rei<a name="FNanchor_381_381" id="FNanchor_381_381"></a><a href="#Footnote_381_381" class="fnanchor">381</a> ergo, <i>macte hac illace dape +polucenda esto</i>." And again, when the wine is offered: +"Iuppiter dapalis, <i>macte istace dape polucenda esto. Macte +vino inferio esto</i>." So in the piacular sacrifice when a +clearing is made, the unknown deity is addressed in the +last words of the prayer thus: "harum rerum ergo <i>macte +hoc porco piaculo immolando esto</i>." We find this <i>macte esto</i><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">183</a></span> +again in the prayer for the ceremony of lustratio, at the +end of the formula: "<i>macte hisce suovetaurilibus lactentibus +immolandis esto</i>." In the rite of the <i>porca praecidanea</i>, +to which I have already referred, the instruction for +the invocation of Jupiter runs: "<i>Fertum</i> (<i>i.e.</i> a kind of +cake) <i>Iovi obmoveto et mactato sic, Iuppiter, te hoc ferto</i> +obmovendo bonas preces precor, uti sies volens propitius +mihi liberisque meis domo familiaeque meae <i>mactus hoc +ferto</i>." Janus gets another kind of cake (<i>strues</i>) and a +wine-offering, and is addressed in the same way. Then +we read, "Iovi fertum obmoveto <i>mactatoque item</i>, ut +prius feceris."</p> + +<p>What is the real meaning of this phrase <i>macte esto</i>, +which must surely have been in universal use at sacrifices, +not only at private rites like those of Cato, since it came +to be used in common speech of congratulation or felicitation, +e.g. <i>macte virtute esto</i>?<a name="FNanchor_382_382" id="FNanchor_382_382"></a><a href="#Footnote_382_382" class="fnanchor">382</a> Servius in commenting +on Virgil has made it sufficiently clear. He explains it +as <i>magis aucte</i>, and connects it with <i>magmentum</i>, increase-offering, +<i>quasi magis augmentum</i>, and adds that when +the victims had been slain and their exta placed on the +altar, they were said to be <i>mactatae</i>. So, too, in another +comment he seems to connect the word with the victim +rather than with the deity. But he is quite clear as to +the meaning of the word, as signifying an increase or +addition of some kind; and though his etymology is wrong, +we may be sure that he was right in this respect, for it is +beyond doubt built on a base, <i>mac</i> or <i>mag</i>, which produced +<i>magnus</i>, <i>maius</i>, <i>maiestas</i>, and so on. "Macte nova virtute +puer" means "Be thou increased, strengthened in <i>virtus</i>"; +a fragment of Lucilius (quoted by Servius) brings this +out well, "<i>Macte inquam virtute simulque his viribus +esto</i>," and another from Ennius, "Livius inde redit magno +<i>mactatus</i> triumpho."<a name="FNanchor_383_383" id="FNanchor_383_383"></a><a href="#Footnote_383_383" class="fnanchor">383</a> We might almost translate it in +these passages by "glorified"; but it most certainly +includes the meaning of "strengthened" or "increased +in might."</p> + +<p>Now in the formulae of Cato we have seen that it is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">184</a></span> +applied to the deity and not to the victim; this naturally +did not occur to Servius, whose mind was occupied rather +with Virgil and the literary use of the word than with the +original use and meaning of the language of prayer. Undoubtedly +he has made a mistake here, which Cato's piety +has enabled us to detect. It was, in fact, the deity whose +strength was to be increased by the offerings; so much +at least seems to me to be beyond doubt. There is, +indeed, no certain trace in the ritual, or in Roman literature, +that the gods were supposed to consume the exta, +or the cakes and wine offered them; that primitive +notion must have been excluded from the <i>ius divinum</i>. +But instead of it we find the more spiritual idea that by +placing on the altar the organs of the life of the victim, +with ancient forms of sacred cake and offerings of wine, +the vitality of the deity, his power to help his worshippers, +to make the corn grow and the cattle bring forth +young, to aid the State against enemies, or what not, was +really increased in this semi-mystic way. Let us remember +that the Roman numina were powers constantly at +work in their own sphere; they are the various manifestations +of the one Power as conceived in immediate relation +to man and his wants; they are sometimes addressed in +prayer, as we have seen, by additional titles which suggest +their strength and vitality: Virites Quirini, Nerio Martis, +Moles Martis, Maia or Maiestas Volcani. What, then, +could be more natural than that the Roman should call upon +his divine fellow-citizen to accept that which, according +to ancient tradition and practice, will keep up his strength, +and at the same time increase his glory and his goodwill +towards his worshippers? This is, then, the idea which I +believe to have been at the root of Roman sacrificial +ritual, and it seems to confirm the dynamic theory of +sacrifice recently propounded by some French anthropologists, +<i>i.e.</i> that a mystic current of <i>religious force</i> +passed through the victim, from priest to deity, and +perhaps back again.<a name="FNanchor_384_384" id="FNanchor_384_384"></a><a href="#Footnote_384_384" class="fnanchor">384</a> I believe that we have here a +transitional idea of the virtue of sacrifice—an idea that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">185</a></span> +bridges over the gulf between the crude notion that the +gods actually partake of the offering, and the later more +spiritual view that the offering is an honorary gift "to the +glory of God." It seems also to be found in the Vedic +religion. Dr. Farnell writes: "In the Vedic ritual we +find a pure and spiritual form of prayer; yet a certain +spell-power may attach even to the highest types, for we +find not infrequently the conception that not only the +power of the worshipper, but the power of the deity also +is nourished and strengthened by prayer, and the prayer +itself is usually accompanied by a potent act (such as that +of sacrifice). "May our prayers increase Agni": "The +prayers fill thee with power and strengthen thee, like +great rivers the Sindhu."<a name="FNanchor_385_385" id="FNanchor_385_385"></a><a href="#Footnote_385_385" class="fnanchor">385</a></p> + +<p>I must now turn to the form and manner of Roman +prayers, in order to gain further light on the question as +to the mental attitude of the worshipper towards the +deity invoked. Of late years there has been a strong +tendency to find the origin of prayer in spell; or, in other +words, to discover a bridge between that mental attitude +which believes that a deity can be forced into a certain +course of action by magical formulae, and the humble +attitude of the petitioner in prayer, which assumes that +the power of the deity altogether transcends that of his +worshipper. The evidence of Roman prayers is, I think, +of considerable value in dealing with this question; but +it needs to be carefully studied and handled. The general +impression conveyed by those who have written on the +subject is that Roman prayers were dull, dry formulae, +which were believed to have a constraining influence on +the deity simply as formulae, if they were repeated with +perfect precision the right number of times. Dr. Westermarck, +for example, has no shadow of a doubt about this; +quoting Renan, he says that "in the Roman, as in the +majority of the old Italian cults, prayer is a magic +formula, producing its effect by its own inherent quality." +And again, he writes that the Romans were much more +addicted to magic than to religion; "they wanted to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">186</a></span> +compel the gods rather than to be compelled by them. +Their <i>religio</i> was probably near akin to the Greek κατἁδεσμοϛ, +which meant not only an ordinary tie, but also a magic +tie or knot or a bewitching thereby."<a name="FNanchor_386_386" id="FNanchor_386_386"></a><a href="#Footnote_386_386" class="fnanchor">386</a> I need not stop to +point out the misconception of the word <i>religio</i> which +suggested the whole of this passage; the supposed derivation +from <i>ligare</i> was quite enough to suggest magic to +those who are on the trail of it.<a name="FNanchor_387_387" id="FNanchor_387_387"></a><a href="#Footnote_387_387" class="fnanchor">387</a> Let us go on to +examine the prayers themselves; I think we shall find +that though there is much truth in the common view of +them, it is not quite the whole truth.</p> + +<p>The oldest Roman prayers we possess are usually +called hymns, because the Latin word for them was +<i>carmen</i>, viz. the <i>Carmen Saliare</i>, which is too obscure +and fragmentary to be of use to us, and the <i>Carmen</i> of +the Arval Brethren, which is preserved on stone and is +quite intelligible.<a name="FNanchor_388_388" id="FNanchor_388_388"></a><a href="#Footnote_388_388" class="fnanchor">388</a> The word <i>carmen</i>, let us notice, was +used by the old Romans for any kind of metrical formula, +whether hymn, prayer, or spell. Pliny, when writing of +magic and incantations, plainly includes prayer among +them;<a name="FNanchor_389_389" id="FNanchor_389_389"></a><a href="#Footnote_389_389" class="fnanchor">389</a> and Dr. Jevons has recently pointed out that +singing, and especially singing in a low voice or muttered +tones, is a characteristic of magic not only in Greece and +Rome, but in many parts of the world at the present day.<a name="FNanchor_390_390" id="FNanchor_390_390"></a><a href="#Footnote_390_390" class="fnanchor">390</a> +The evidence of the word is thus strongly in favour of the +view that these ancient <i>carmina</i> of Roman worship were +really spells; and the <i>Carmen Arvalium</i> itself does not +contradict it. After an elaborate sacrificial ceremonial +the priests, using a written copy of the <i>carmen</i> (<i>libellis +acceptis</i>), danced in triple rhythm (<i>tripodaverunt</i>) while +they sang it; it consisted of six clauses, each repeated +three times. "<i>Enos Lases iuvate! Neve luerve Marmar +sins incurrere in pleores! Satur fu fere Mars, limen sali, +sta berber! Semunes alternei advocapit cunctos! Enos +Marmar iuvato! Triumpe!</i>" With the precise interpretation +of these words I am not now concerned; but +they obviously contain invocations to the Lares and Mars, +which may be either petitions or commands, and which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">187</a></span> +perhaps are really on the borderland between the two; and +as thrice repeated, and accompanied with dancing and +gesticulation, they seem certainly to belong rather to the +region of magic than of religion proper.</p> + +<p>It is interesting to compare with this <i>carmen</i> the +prayers of the guild of brethren (<i>Attiedii</i>) at Iguvium; +these are the best preserved of all old Italian prayers, +and though not Roman, are the product of the same race. +In the lustratio of the <i>arx</i> (<i>Ocris Fisius</i>) of Iguvium we +find three several deities invoked, with elaborate sacrificial +ritual, at three gates, and a long prayer addressed to each +deity, thrice repeated, as in the <i>Carmen Arvale</i>. It is to +be said under the breath (<i>tacitus precator totum</i>, vi. A. 55), +which was a common practice also at Rome, and is believed +to be characteristic of the magical spell;<a name="FNanchor_391_391" id="FNanchor_391_391"></a><a href="#Footnote_391_391" class="fnanchor">391</a> and +except in the case of the first prayer, which is addressed +to the chief deity Jupiter Grabovius, it is accompanied +by some kind of dancing or rhythmical movement (<i>tripodatio</i>).<a name="FNanchor_392_392" id="FNanchor_392_392"></a><a href="#Footnote_392_392" class="fnanchor">392</a> +Thus in outward form this ritual seems to show +but little advance on the Roman prayer of the Arvales, +and indeed it may in substance go back to a time as +remote as that in which the latter had its origin. But +when we examine the matter of the prayer, we find that +it is cast in the language of petition beyond all doubt—if +it be rightly interpreted, as we may believe it is:—</p> + +<p>"Te invocavi invoco divum Grabovium pro arce Fisia, +pro urbe Iguvina, pro arcis nomine, pro urbis nomine: +<i>volens sis, propitius sis</i> arci Fisiae, urbi Iguvinae, arcis +nomini, urbis nomini. Sancte, te invocavi invoco divum +Grabovium. Sancti fiducia te invocavi invoco divum +Grabovium. Dive Grabovie te hoc bove opimo piaculo +pro arce Fisia, etc. Dive Grabovi, illius anni quiquomque +in arce Fisia ignis ortus est, in urbe Iguvina ritus debiti +omissi sunt, pro nihilo ducito. Dive Grabovi, quicquid +tui sacrificii vitiatum est, peccatum est, peremptum est, +fraudatum est, demptum est, tui sacrificii visum invisum +vitium est, dive Grabovi, quicquid ius sit, hoc +bove opimo piaculo piando.... Dive Grabovi, piato<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">188</a></span> +arcem Fisiam, piato urbem Iguvinam. Dive Grabovi, +piato arcis Fisiae, urbis Iguvinae, nomen, magistratus, +ritus, viros, pecora, fundos, fruges: piato, <i>esto volens propitius +pace tua</i> arci Fisiae, etc. Dive Grabovi, salvam +servato arcem Fisiam salvam servato urbem Iguvinam .... +Dive Grabovi, te hoc bove opimo piaculo pro arce Fisia, +pro urbe Iguvina, pro arcis nomine, pro urbis nomine, +Dive Grabovi, te invocavi."<a name="FNanchor_393_393" id="FNanchor_393_393"></a><a href="#Footnote_393_393" class="fnanchor">393</a></p> + +<p>That in this prayer, and the others which accompany +it, exactness of wording was believed to be essential, as +in the ritual which preceded it exactness of performance, +there is no doubt; for at the end of the whole document +(vi. B. 48) we find that if there had been any slip in the +ritual, the Brethren had to go back to the first gate and +begin all over again. There is plainly present the idea, +surviving from an age of magic, that the deities had strong +feelings about the right way of invocation, and would not +respond to the performance unless those feelings were +understood and appealed to; that they would miss something +and decline to do their part. Yet are we justified +in going on to assume that they were bound, as by a +solemn contract, to perform their part, if there were no +slip in the ritual? I confess it is difficult for me to take +this further step, in view of the language of the prayers, +which is so clearly that of petition, nay, of humble petition. +We are not dealing here with <i>vota</i>, to which I shall come +in the next lecture, and in which there is a kind of legal +contract between the man and the god—the former +undertaking to do something pleasing to the deity, if the +latter shall have faithfully performed what is asked of him. +These <i>vota</i>, so abundant in historical times, are really +responsible for the idea that Roman prayer is simply a +binding formula—a magical spell, let us say, which in +the hands of a city priesthood has become a quasi-legal +formula. But these prayers are not <i>vota</i>; they do not +contain any language which betrays the notion of binding +the deity. They seem to me to mark a process of transition +between the age of spell and magic and the age<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">189</a></span> +of prayer and religion; they retain some of the outward +characteristics of spell, but internally, <i>i.e.</i> in the +spirit in which they were intended, they have the real +characteristics of prayer.<a name="FNanchor_394_394" id="FNanchor_394_394"></a><a href="#Footnote_394_394" class="fnanchor">394</a> The numina to whom +they were addressed were powerful spirits, unknown, +unfamiliar, until their wishes were discovered by the +organised priesthood which handed down these forms of +petition.</p> + +<p>To return to Rome, and to the prayers in Cato's book, +to which I referred just now when discussing the word +<i>macte</i>. Attempts have been made to prove that these +were originally written in metre;<a name="FNanchor_395_395" id="FNanchor_395_395"></a><a href="#Footnote_395_395" class="fnanchor">395</a> and this is quite possible. +If so, it only means that they retained the outward form +of the primitive spell; it must not lead us on to fancy +that the sacrifice which accompanied the prayer was a +magical act, or that the whole process was believed to +compel the deity. No doubt there was believed to be +efficacy in the exact repetition, as is shown by the +directions for piacular sacrifices in case of error of any +kind.<a name="FNanchor_396_396" id="FNanchor_396_396"></a><a href="#Footnote_396_396" class="fnanchor">396</a> But the language is the language of prayer, not +of compulsion, nor even of bargaining: "Eius rei ergo +te hoc porco piaculo immolando bonas preces precor, ut sies +volens propitius mihi, domo familiaeque meis."<a name="FNanchor_397_397" id="FNanchor_397_397"></a><a href="#Footnote_397_397" class="fnanchor">397</a> "Mars +pater, te precor quaesoque uti sies volens propitius mihi, +domo," etc.<a name="FNanchor_398_398" id="FNanchor_398_398"></a><a href="#Footnote_398_398" class="fnanchor">398</a> No amount of vain repetition or scruple +can deprive this language of its natural meaning. The +god is powerful in his own sphere of action, and man has +no control over him; man is fully recognised as liable to +misfortune unless the god helps him; but he can worship +in full assurance of faith that his prayer will be answered, +if it be such as the authorities of the State have laid down +as the right wording, and if the ritual accompanying it is +equally in order. The faith is, indeed, thus founded upon +man's devices rather than the god's good-will as such; it +is a belief in the State and its authorities and <i>ius divinum</i>, +which is conceived, not indeed as constraining the deity, +but as calling upon him (<i>invocare</i>) to perform his part, in +formulae which he cannot well neglect, simply because it<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">190</a></span> +would be unreasonable to do so, contrary to his nature as +a deity of the Roman State and its <i>ager</i>.</p> + +<p>It is obvious in all this sacrificial ritual that the officiating +person or persons were expected to observe the +traditional forms with the utmost care and exactness. +Any slip or omission was, in fact, a <i>piaculum</i>, or <i>sacrum +commissum</i>—terms of the <i>ius divinum</i> which seem to +suggest, if I may use the expression, the obverse side of +holiness. It is now well known that cleanness and uncleanness, +holiness and its opposite, can be expressed in +religious vocabulary by the same terms, for in both cases +there is something beyond the ordinary, something +dangerous, uncanny; thus we are not surprised to find +that such words as I have just mentioned can be used to +express some kind of impurity caused by a breach of +ritual as well as that ritual itself. If we accept the latest +theory of sacrifice, <i>i.e.</i> the dynamic theory, as it is called, +we explain this intense nervousness about a ritualistic +flaw as occasioned by the consciousness of a breach in +the current of "religious force" (the expression is that of +Messrs. Hubert and Mauss<a name="FNanchor_399_399" id="FNanchor_399_399"></a><a href="#Footnote_399_399" class="fnanchor">399</a>), which must pass in regular +sequence from the sacrificer through the victim to the +deity, or vice versa. If this is the true explanation—and +at present it may be said to hold the field—then the +extreme exactness of the Roman ritual was a survival +from an age when this strange feeling was a reality; but +no more than a survival, for, so far as I can discover, the +Roman idea was rather that the deity to whom the ritual +was addressed was in some way offended by the omission.<a name="FNanchor_400_400" id="FNanchor_400_400"></a><a href="#Footnote_400_400" class="fnanchor">400</a> +The dynamic notion is lost, if it ever were there, +and its place has been taken by one that we may perhaps +call theological. But however that may be, the culprit +was regarded as in a state of sin or impurity, "un être +sacré," and had to get rid of this sin or impurity by +another sacrifice before the whole ritual could be started +afresh (<i>instaurare</i>).</p> + +<p>According to the "dynamic" theory of sacrifice, we +might naturally expect that the victim, as being destined<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">191</a></span> +to carry away the unholiness (or whatever we choose to +call it) of the culprit, would be burnt whole, not offered +to the deity in the form of exta, or eaten by the sacrificers.<a name="FNanchor_401_401" id="FNanchor_401_401"></a><a href="#Footnote_401_401" class="fnanchor">401</a> +But this does not seem to have been the case in +the Roman practice; in all the examples of <i>piacula</i> of +which we have details, the exta are laid on the altar as in +the typical sacrifice.<a name="FNanchor_402_402" id="FNanchor_402_402"></a><a href="#Footnote_402_402" class="fnanchor">402</a> The inference seems to be that the +theological idea of sacrifice had established itself completely +ever since the formation of the <i>ius divinum</i>; the +victim is not a scapegoat in any sense, but really an +expiatory offering; and not only does the sacrificer yield +up something of value, but he offers it to increase the +strength of the deity as well as to appease his anger.</p> + +<p>A curious point may be noticed in the last place. +The practical Roman mind seems to have invented a +kind of sacrificial insurance, by which a piacular sacrifice +might be offered beforehand to atone for any omission in +the ritual which was to follow. Thus the Fratres Arvales, +if they had to take an iron implement into their sacred +grove, offered a piaculum before as well as after this +breach of religious rule.<a name="FNanchor_403_403" id="FNanchor_403_403"></a><a href="#Footnote_403_403" class="fnanchor">403</a> Again, the <i>porca praecidanea</i>, +which I have already mentioned as offered before harvest, +was an example of the same system of insurance; for the +first cutting of the corn was a sacred rite, and one in +which it was easy to take a false step. Writing of this, +Gellius says in general terms that <i>hostiae praecidaneae</i> are +those which are offered the day before <i>sacrificia solennia</i>.<a name="FNanchor_404_404" id="FNanchor_404_404"></a><a href="#Footnote_404_404" class="fnanchor">404</a></p> + +<p>The term "piacular sacrifice" (<i>piaculum</i>) had a wide +range of meaning, apart from the examples here given. +With one important form of it I shall deal in the next +lecture:<a name="FNanchor_405_405" id="FNanchor_405_405"></a><a href="#Footnote_405_405" class="fnanchor">405</a> others we shall come across later on.</p> + + +<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE VIII</h5> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_340_340" id="Footnote_340_340"></a><a href="#FNanchor_340_340"><span class="label">340</span></a> See Appendix C.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_341_341" id="Footnote_341_341"></a><a href="#FNanchor_341_341"><span class="label">341</span></a> Cato, <i>R.R.</i> 139, where the language suggests that as the +deity was unknown, the <i>ius</i> of the religious act was also uncertain, +<i>i.e.</i> the ritual was not laid down. De Marchi translates (<i>La Religione</i><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">192</a></span> +<i>nella vita domestica</i>, i. 132) "sia a te fatto il debito sacrificio," etc., +which sufficiently expresses the anxiety of the situation. Keil reads +here "ut tibi ius <i>est</i>," and gives no variant in his critical note; but +the words just below, "uti id recte factum siet," seem to me to +suggest the subjunctive. In any case there is no doubt about +<i>ius</i>. In <i>Tab. Iguv.</i> vi. A. 28 (<i>Umbrica</i>, p. 58) Buecheler translates +the Umbrian <i>persei mersei</i> by "quicquid ius sit," and compares this +passage of Cato, together with Gellius i. 12. 14, where the phrase is +used of the duties of a Vestal under the <i>ius divinum</i> in the formula +used by the Pontifex Maximus, <i>cum virginem capiat</i>: "Sacerdotem +Vestalem, quae sacra faciat, quae ius siet sacerdotem Vestalem facere +pro pop. Rom." etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_342_342" id="Footnote_342_342"></a><a href="#FNanchor_342_342"><span class="label">342</span></a> <i>e.g.</i> <i>Aen.</i> iv. 56, x. 31 ("si sine pace tua atque invito numine," +etc.). Cp. <i>Tab. Iguv.</i> vi. 30, 33, etc. (<i>Umbrica</i>, p. 59), "esto volens +propitiusque pace tua arci Fisiae."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_343_343" id="Footnote_343_343"></a><a href="#FNanchor_343_343"><span class="label">343</span></a> Livy vi. 41 <i>ad fin.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_344_344" id="Footnote_344_344"></a><a href="#FNanchor_344_344"><span class="label">344</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 318, and p. 319 for the illustrations that +follow. Cp. Cicero, <i>Part. Or.</i> xxii. 78, where <i>religio</i> is explained as +"iustitia erga deos."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_345_345" id="Footnote_345_345"></a><a href="#FNanchor_345_345"><span class="label">345</span></a> <i>Lex Coloniae Genetivae</i>, cap. 64; <i>C.I.L.</i> ii., supplement No. +5439.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_346_346" id="Footnote_346_346"></a><a href="#FNanchor_346_346"><span class="label">346</span></a> Livy i. 20. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_347_347" id="Footnote_347_347"></a><a href="#FNanchor_347_347"><span class="label">347</span></a> This follows from the definition in Festus, p. 321, and in +Macrobius iii. 3. 2. This last is quoted from Trebatius <i>de religionibus</i>: +"sacrum est quicquid est quod deorum habetur." In common +use <i>sacrificium</i> seems to be reserved for animal sacrifice, but the verb +<i>sacrificare</i> is not so limited. Festus, p. 319: "mustum quod Libero +sacrificabant pro vineis ... sicut praemetium de spicis, quas primum +messuissent, sacrificabant Cereri." It has been suggested to me by +Mr. Marett that the termination of the word <i>sacrificium</i> may have +reference to the use of <i>facere</i> for animal sacrifice, as in Greek ῥἑζειν, +ἔρδειν, δρᾶν; but on the whole I doubt this. <i>Facere</i> and <i>fieri</i> are in +that sense, I think, euphemisms, occasioned by the mystic character +of the act (examples are collected in Brissonius <i>de formulis</i>, p. 9). +<i>Rem divinam facere</i> seems to be the general expression, as in Cato, +<i>R.R.</i> 83; or the particular victim is in the ablative, <i>e.g. agna Iovi +facit</i> (Flamen Dialis) in Varro, <i>L.L.</i> vi. 16; cp. Virg. <i>Ecl.</i> iii. 77.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_348_348" id="Footnote_348_348"></a><a href="#FNanchor_348_348"><span class="label">348</span></a> This classification, originally due to R. Smith, article "Sacrifice" +in <i>Encycl. Brit.</i>, ed. 10, has lately been criticised by Hubert et +Mauss, in <i>Mélanges d'histoire des religions</i>, p. 9 foll.; but it is +sufficiently complete for our purposes. At the same time it is well to +be aware that no classification of the various forms of sacrifice can +be complete at present; that which these authors prefer, <i>i.e.</i> constant +and occasional sacrifices, is, however, a useful one.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_349_349" id="Footnote_349_349"></a><a href="#FNanchor_349_349"><span class="label">349</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 95 foll. Cp. Robertson Smith, <i>Rel. of Semites</i>, +Lect. VIII.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_350_350" id="Footnote_350_350"></a><a href="#FNanchor_350_350"><span class="label">350</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 217 foll.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">193</a></span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_351_351" id="Footnote_351_351"></a><a href="#FNanchor_351_351"><span class="label">351</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 302 foll. Meals in connection with sacrifice are also +found at the Parilia (<i>R.F.</i> p. 81, and Ovid, <i>Fasti</i>, iv. 743 foll.) and +Terminalia (Ovid, <i>Fasti</i>, ii. 657); but in both cases Ovid seems to be +describing rustic rites; nor is it certain that the meal was really +sacramental. What does seem proved is that the old Latins and +other Italians believed the deities of the house to be present at their +meals— +</p> +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">ante focos olim scamnis considere longis</span> +<span class="i1">mos erat et mensae credere adesse deos (<i>Fasti</i>, vi. 307),</span> +</div> +</div> +<p> +and thus the idea was maintained that in some sense all meals had a +sacred character, <i>i.e.</i> all in which the members of a <i>familia</i> (see +above, p. 78), or of <i>gens</i> or <i>curia</i>, met together. Cp. R. Smith, <i>op. cit.</i> +p. 261 foll. We may remember that the Penates were the spirits of +the food itself, not merely of the place in which it was stored; it had +therefore a sacred character, which is also shown by the sanctification +of the firstfruits (<i>R.F.</i> pp. 151, 195). (The <i>cenae collegiorum</i>, +dinners of collegia of priests, were in no sense sacrificial meals; see +Marquardt, p. 231, note 7; Henzen, <i>Acta Fratr. Arv.</i> pp. 13, 39, 40.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_352_352" id="Footnote_352_352"></a><a href="#FNanchor_352_352"><span class="label">352</span></a> Cic. <i>de Legibus</i>, ii. 8. 19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_353_353" id="Footnote_353_353"></a><a href="#FNanchor_353_353"><span class="label">353</span></a> Livy i. 18. For constitutional difficulties in this passage, see, +<i>e.g.</i>, Greenidge, <i>Roman Public Life</i>, p. 50.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_354_354" id="Footnote_354_354"></a><a href="#FNanchor_354_354"><span class="label">354</span></a> For this and the augurs generally, see Lecture XII.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_355_355" id="Footnote_355_355"></a><a href="#FNanchor_355_355"><span class="label">355</span></a> The passages are collected by Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 420, note 3. +There is no doubt about the inauguratio of the three great flamines and +the rex sacrorum, who were all specially concerned with sacrifice, and +of the augurs, who would obviously need it in order to perform the +same ceremony for others—as a bishop needs consecration for the +same reason. As regards the pontifices, Dionysius (ii. 73. 3) clearly +thought it was needed for them, and we might a priori assume that +one who might become a pontifex maximus would need it; but +Wissowa discounts Dionysius' opinion, and I am unwilling to differ +from him on a point of the <i>ius divinum</i>, of which he is our best +exponent. If he is right, it may be that the three <i>flamines maiores</i>, +who were reckoned in strict religious sense as above the pontifices, +including their head (Festus, p. 185), needed "holiness" more than +any pontifex, and so with the augurs. The insignia of the pontifices, +as well as many historical facts, show that the pontifices were competent +to perform sacrifice in a general sense (Marq. p. 248 foll.); but it is +possible that they never had the right, like the flamines, actually to +slay the victim. I do not feel sure that the <i>securis</i> was really one of +their symbols, though Horace seems to say so in <i>Ode</i> iii. 23. 12. The +whole question needs further investigation. It may be found that +the essential distinction between the pontifices and magistrates <i>cum +imperio</i> on the one hand, and the flamines on the other, is to be +sought in the ideas of holiness connected with the shedding of +blood in sacrifice. The flamen is permanently holy, having charge +of constant sacrifices; <i>e.g.</i> the Dialis had duties every day. He<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">194</a></span> +is the duly sanctified guide for all rites within his own religious +range.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_356_356" id="Footnote_356_356"></a><a href="#FNanchor_356_356"><span class="label">356</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> pp. 339, 410 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_357_357" id="Footnote_357_357"></a><a href="#FNanchor_357_357"><span class="label">357</span></a> The whole subject of the preparation of the sacrificer for his +work, and of the steps by which he becomes separated from the profane, +is well treated by Hubert et Mauss, <i>Mélanges d'histoire des +religions</i>, p. 23 foll. The reference to Dr. Jevons is <i>Introduction</i>, +ch. xx. p. 270 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_358_358" id="Footnote_358_358"></a><a href="#FNanchor_358_358"><span class="label">358</span></a> Serv. <i>Aen.</i> xii. 173; Virgil wrote "dant fruges manibus +salsas, et tempora ferro Summa notant pecudum"; to which Servius +adds that the symbolic movement was a (pretended) cut from head +to tail of the victim. Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 352.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_359_359" id="Footnote_359_359"></a><a href="#FNanchor_359_359"><span class="label">359</span></a> Pauly-Wissowa, <i>Real-Encycl., s.v.</i> "cinctus Gabinus."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_360_360" id="Footnote_360_360"></a><a href="#FNanchor_360_360"><span class="label">360</span></a> Marquardt, p. 340. The Vestals were never, so far as we +know, directly concerned in animal sacrifice.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_361_361" id="Footnote_361_361"></a><a href="#FNanchor_361_361"><span class="label">361</span></a> See below, p. 190. For the colour of the garments, and the +explanation referred to, see Samter, <i>Familienfeste</i>, p. 40 foll.; Diels, +<i>Sibyllinische Blätter</i>, p. 70; and cp. von Duhn's paper, "Rot und +Tot" in <i>Archiv</i>, 1906, p. 1 foll. That red colouring was used in +various ways in sacred and quasi-sacred rites there is no doubt (see +above, p. 89, note 46); but whether it can be always connected with +bloodshed is by no means so certain (Rohde, <i>Psyche</i>, i. 226). In the +case of women it is at least hard to understand. The idea of consecration +through blood, which is very rare in Roman literature, comes out +curiously in the words which Livy puts into the mouth of Virginius +after the slaughter of his daughter (iii. 48): "Te Appi tuumque +caput sanguine hoc consecro" (<i>i.e.</i> to a deity not mentioned). +The sentence to which this note refers was written before +the appearance of Messrs. Hubert et Mauss' essay on sacrifice +(<i>Mélanges d'histoire des religions</i>, pp. 1-122). The theory there +developed, that the victim is the intermediary in all cases between the +sacrificer and the deity, and that the <i>force religieuse</i> passes from +one to the other in one direction or another, does not essentially differ +from the words in the text; but the French savants would, I imagine, +prefer to look on the insignia in a general sense as bringing the person +wearing them within the region of the <i>sacrum</i>, the force of which +would react on him still more strongly after the destruction of the +victim (see p. 28 foll.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_362_362" id="Footnote_362_362"></a><a href="#FNanchor_362_362"><span class="label">362</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i>, <i>Roman Sculpture</i> by Mrs. Strong, Plates xi. and xv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_363_363" id="Footnote_363_363"></a><a href="#FNanchor_363_363"><span class="label">363</span></a> For this and other insignia see Marquardt, p. 222 foll. The +question is under discussion whether some of these insignia are not +old Italian forms of dress (see Gruppe, <i>Mythologische Literatur</i>, +1898-1905, p. 343). For the wearing of the skin of a victim, which +meets us also at the Lupercalia (<i>R.F.</i> p. 311), see Robertson Smith, +<i>Semites</i>, p. 416 foll.; Jevons, <i>Introduction</i>, p. 252 foll.; Frazer, <i>G.B.</i> +iii. 136 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_364_364" id="Footnote_364_364"></a><a href="#FNanchor_364_364"><span class="label">364</span></a> They, of course, wore the <i>praetexta</i> when performing religious<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">195</a></span> +acts. Cp. the Fratres Arvales, who laid aside the <i>praetexta</i> after +sacrificing. Henzen, <i>Acta Fr. Arv.</i> pp. 11, 21, and 28.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_365_365" id="Footnote_365_365"></a><a href="#FNanchor_365_365"><span class="label">365</span></a> Serv. <i>Aen.</i> xi. 543. The <i>camillae</i> assisted the <i>flaminicae</i>, +Marquardt, p. 227. This is one of the most beautiful features of the +stately Roman ritual, and has been handed on to the Roman Church. +It was, of course, derived from the worship of the household (see +above, p. 74).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_366_366" id="Footnote_366_366"></a><a href="#FNanchor_366_366"><span class="label">366</span></a> <i>Adonis, Attis, Osiris</i>, p. 413 foll. Dr. Frazer is criticising +Dr. Farnell, who had touched on the subject in the <i>Hibbert Journal</i> +for 1907, p. 689, and had taken the more obvious view that death in +a family disqualified for actions requiring extreme holiness.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_367_367" id="Footnote_367_367"></a><a href="#FNanchor_367_367"><span class="label">367</span></a> The passages are collected in Marquardt, p. 174 foll.; we may +notice in particular Livy xlv. 5. 4, where, though only the washing of +hands is referred to, we have the important statement that "omnis +praefatio sacrorum," <i>i.e.</i> the preliminary exhortation of the priest, +enjoined <i>purae manus</i>. Livy must be using the language of Roman +ritual, though he is not speaking here of a Roman rite. For the +material of sacred utensils see Henzen, <i>Acta Fratr. Arv.</i> p. 30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_368_368" id="Footnote_368_368"></a><a href="#FNanchor_368_368"><span class="label">368</span></a> Tibullus ii. 1. 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_369_369" id="Footnote_369_369"></a><a href="#FNanchor_369_369"><span class="label">369</span></a> Cic. <i>de Legibus</i>, ii. 10. 24.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_370_370" id="Footnote_370_370"></a><a href="#FNanchor_370_370"><span class="label">370</span></a> Westermarck, <i>Origin and Development of Moral Ideas</i>, ii. +352 foll.; consult the index for further allusions to the subject. Cp. +Farnell, <i>Evolution of Religion</i>, Lecture III. [Fehrle, <i>Die kultische +Keuschheit im Altertum</i> (Giessen, 1910), has reached me too late +for use in this chapter.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_371_371" id="Footnote_371_371"></a><a href="#FNanchor_371_371"><span class="label">371</span></a> Full details, with the most important references quoted in +full, are in Marquardt, p. 172 foll.; but some of the latter are +applicable only to the Graeco-Roman period.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_372_372" id="Footnote_372_372"></a><a href="#FNanchor_372_372"><span class="label">372</span></a> So we may gather from the Lex Furfensis of 58 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> (<i>C.I.L.</i> +ix. 3513), and that of the Ara Augusti at Narbo of <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 12 (<i>C.I.L.</i> +xii. 4333).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_373_373" id="Footnote_373_373"></a><a href="#FNanchor_373_373"><span class="label">373</span></a> The real origin of the pontifices and their name is unknown +to us. If they took their name from the bridging of the Tiber, as +Varro held (<i>L.L.</i> v. 83) and as the majority of scholars believe (see +O. Gilbert, <i>Rom. Topographie</i>, ii. 220, note), the difficulty remains +that they are found in such a city as Praeneste, where there was no +river to be bridged, and where they could not well have been merely +an offshoot from the Roman college; see Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 432, note. +Nor can we explain how they came to be set in charge of the <i>ius +divinum</i>; and where there are no data conjecture is useless.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_374_374" id="Footnote_374_374"></a><a href="#FNanchor_374_374"><span class="label">374</span></a> The covering of the head (<i>operto capite</i>, as opposed to +<i>aperto capite</i> of the <i>Graecus ritus</i>) is usually explained as meant to +shut out all sounds belonging to the world of the <i>profanum</i>; and +the playing of the tibicines is interpreted in the same way. Hubert +et Mauss explain the covered head differently: "le rituel romain +prescrivit généralement l'usage du voile, signe de séparation et +partant de consécration" (p. 28). Miss Harrison, <i>Prolegomena to</i><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">196</a></span> +<i>the Study of Greek Religion</i>, p. 522, also holds that it is the outward +sign of consecration; cp. S. Reinach, <i>Cultes, mythes, et religions</i>, i. +300 foll. The fact, noted by Miss Harrison, that in Festus's +account of the <i>ver sacrum</i> (p. 379, ed. Müller) the children expelled +were veiled, seems to point to the idea of dedication—unless, indeed, +<i>velabant</i> here means that they blindfolded them.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_375_375" id="Footnote_375_375"></a><a href="#FNanchor_375_375"><span class="label">375</span></a> The wine was poured over the altar as well as on the victim, +which suggests a substitution for blood; Arnobius vii. 29 and 30; +Dion. Hal. vii. 72. I cannot find that any one of the many utensils +used in sacrifice were for pouring out blood. Blood was, however, +poured on the stone at the Terminalia (<i>R.F.</i> pp. 325-326); but the rite +here described by Ovid seems to be a rural one, outside the <i>ius +divinum</i>. In the sacrifice of victims to Hecate in Virg. <i>Aen.</i> vi. +243 foll., which cannot be <i>ritus Romanus</i>, the warm blood is collected +in <i>paterae</i>; but nothing is said of what was done with it, nor does +Servius help. Cp. <i>Aen.</i> viii. 106. In Lucretius v. 1202, "aras +sanguine multo spargere quadrupedum," the context shows that the +ritual alluded to is not old Roman. In Livy's description of the +"occulti paratus sacri" of the Samnites (ix. 41), we find "<i>respersae +fando nefandoque sanguine arae</i>, et dira exsecratio ac furiale carmen." +Livy seems to think of this blood-sprinkling, whether the blood be +human or animal, as unusual and horrible. Ancient, no doubt, is the +practice, recorded in the <i>Acta Fratr. Arv.</i> (see Henzen, pp. 21 and +23), of using the blood in a religious feast, in the process of cooking: +"porcilias piaculares epulati sunt et sanguem." (There is a mention +of the pouring of blood in an inscription from Lusitania in <i>C.I.L.</i> ii. +2395.) For the use of wine as a substitute for blood, see the +recently published work of Karl Kircher, "Die sakrale Bedeuting +des Weines," in <i>Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche, etc.</i>, p. 82 foll., +where, however, the subject is not worked out.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_376_376" id="Footnote_376_376"></a><a href="#FNanchor_376_376"><span class="label">376</span></a> According to Lübbert (<i>Commentarii pontificales</i>, p. 121 foll.) +<i>magmentum</i> is the same as <i>augmentum</i>, which word is also found +(Varro, <i>L.L.</i> v. 112). Festus, p. 126, "magmentum magis augmentum"; +Serv. <i>Aen.</i> iv. 57, to which passage I shall return. +For the equivalent in the Vedic ritual of the cooking and offering +of the exta, see Hubert et Mauss, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 60 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_377_377" id="Footnote_377_377"></a><a href="#FNanchor_377_377"><span class="label">377</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 89.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_378_378" id="Footnote_378_378"></a><a href="#FNanchor_378_378"><span class="label">378</span></a> <i>ib.</i> p. 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_379_379" id="Footnote_379_379"></a><a href="#FNanchor_379_379"><span class="label">379</span></a> Buecheler, <i>Umbrica</i>, pp. 60, 69, etc. Of course the prayer +might be said while other operations were going on. For the constant +connection of prayer and sacrifice, see Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> xxviii. 10, +"quippe victimam caedi sine precatione non videtur referre aut deos +rite consuli." If Macrobius is right (iii. 2. 7 foll.) in asserting that +the prayer must be said while the priest's hand touches the altar, +one may guess that this was done at the same time that the exta +were laid on it. Ovid saw the priest at the Robigalia offer the exta +and say the prayer at the same time (<i>Fasti</i>, iv. 905 foll.), but does<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">197</a></span> +not mention the hand touching the altar. For this see Serv. <i>Aen.</i> vi. +124; Horace, <i>Ode</i> iii. 23. 17, and Dr. Postgate on this passage in +<i>Classical Review</i> for March 1910.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_380_380" id="Footnote_380_380"></a><a href="#FNanchor_380_380"><span class="label">380</span></a> Cato, <i>R.R.</i> 132, 134, 139, and 141. That these formulae +were taken from the books of the pontifices is almost certain, not +only from the internal evidence of the prayers themselves, but +because Servius (Interpol.) on <i>Aen.</i> ix. 641 quotes the words: +"macte hoc vino inferio esto," which occur in 132, introducing them +thus: "et in pontificalibus sacrificantes dicebant deo...."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_381_381" id="Footnote_381_381"></a><a href="#FNanchor_381_381"><span class="label">381</span></a> The verb is omitted here for some ritualistic reason, as in +the Iguvian prayers (<i>Umbrica</i>, p. 55).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_382_382" id="Footnote_382_382"></a><a href="#FNanchor_382_382"><span class="label">382</span></a> Virg. <i>Aen.</i> ix. 641, "macte nova virtute puer, sic itur ad +astra," etc., and many other passages. The verb <i>mactare</i> acquired +a general sense of sacrificial slaying, as did also <i>immolare</i>, though +neither had originally any direct reference to slaughter. The best +account I find of the word is in H. Nettleship's <i>Contributions to +Latin Lexicography</i>, p. 520. He takes <i>mactus</i> as the participle of +a lost verb <i>maco</i> or <i>mago</i>, to make great, increase, equivalent to +<i>augeo</i>, which is also a word of semi-religious meaning, as Augustus +knew. Nettleship quotes Cicero <i>in Vatinium</i>, 14, "puerorum extis +deos manes mactare."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_383_383" id="Footnote_383_383"></a><a href="#FNanchor_383_383"><span class="label">383</span></a> Baehrens, <i>Fragm. Poet. Lat.</i> 180; Lusilius fragm. 143; +Nonius, 341, 28 has "versibus."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_384_384" id="Footnote_384_384"></a><a href="#FNanchor_384_384"><span class="label">384</span></a> It may possibly be objected that some of the deities were +powerful for evil as well as good, <i>e.g.</i> Robigus, the spirit of the red +mildew, and that the power of such a deity was not to be encouraged +or increased. But all such deities (and I cannot mention another +besides Robigus) were of course conceived as able to restrain their +own harmful function; they were not invoked to go away and leave +the ager Romanus in peace, but to limit their activity in the land +where they had been settled for worship. We have no prayer to +Robigus (or Robigo, feminine, as Ovid has it) except that which +Ovid somewhat fancifully versified after hearing the Flamen +Quirinalis say it (<i>Fasti</i>, iv. 911 foll.), in which of course the word +<i>macte</i> does not occur. As the victim was a dog, an uneatable one, +it is possible that the ritual was not quite the usual one. But the +language of the prayer is interesting and brings out my point: +</p> +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">aspera Robigo, parcas Cerialibus herbis.</span> +<span class="i1">vis tua non levis est;...</span> +<span class="i0">parce precor, scabrasque manus a messibus aufer</span> +<span class="i1">neve noce cultis: posse nocere sat est.</span> +</div> +</div> +<p> +It concludes by praying Robigo to direct her strength and attention +to other objects, <i>gladios et tela nocentia</i>; but this is the poet's +fancy.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_385_385" id="Footnote_385_385"></a><a href="#FNanchor_385_385"><span class="label">385</span></a> <i>Evolution of Religion</i>, p. 212, quoting <i>Vedic Hymns</i>, pt. ii. +pp. 259 and 391.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">198</a></span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_386_386" id="Footnote_386_386"></a><a href="#FNanchor_386_386"><span class="label">386</span></a> <i>Origin and Development of Moral Ideas</i>, vol. ii. p. 585 +foll.; cp. 657. See also Farnell, <i>Evolution of Religion</i>, p. 195.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_387_387" id="Footnote_387_387"></a><a href="#FNanchor_387_387"><span class="label">387</span></a> See above, p. 9. <i>Religio</i> in the sense of an obligation to perform +certain ritualistic acts is in my view a secondary and later use +of the word. See <i>Transactions of the Congress of Historical Religion +for 1908</i>, vol. ii. p. 169 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_388_388" id="Footnote_388_388"></a><a href="#FNanchor_388_388"><span class="label">388</span></a> Henzen, <i>Acta Fratr. Arv.</i> p. 26 foll.; <i>C.I.L.</i> vi. 2104, 32 +foll.; Buecheler und Riese, <i>Carmina Lat.</i>, epigr. pars ii., no. 1. +All surviving Roman prayers are collected in Appel's <i>De Romanorum +precationibus</i>, Giessen, 1909.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_389_389" id="Footnote_389_389"></a><a href="#FNanchor_389_389"><span class="label">389</span></a> Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> xxviii. 10 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_390_390" id="Footnote_390_390"></a><a href="#FNanchor_390_390"><span class="label">390</span></a> In <i>Anthropology and the Classics</i>, p. 94.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_391_391" id="Footnote_391_391"></a><a href="#FNanchor_391_391"><span class="label">391</span></a> Cp. Tibullus ii. 1. 84, "vos celebrem cantate deum pecorique +vocate, Voce palam pecori, clam sibi quisque vocet." This murmuring +was certainly characteristic of Roman magic; see Jevons, p. 99, +and especially the reference to a Lex Cornelia, which condemned those +"qui susurris magicis homines occiderunt" (Justinian, <i>Inst.</i> iv. 18. 5).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_392_392" id="Footnote_392_392"></a><a href="#FNanchor_392_392"><span class="label">392</span></a> On the nature of this <i>tripodatio</i> see Henzen, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 33. +Buecheler, <i>Umbrica</i>, p. 69, gives the Umbrian verb a different +meaning, though he translates it <i>tripodato</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_393_393" id="Footnote_393_393"></a><a href="#FNanchor_393_393"><span class="label">393</span></a> Buecheler, <i>Umbrica</i>, pp. 13 and 52.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_394_394" id="Footnote_394_394"></a><a href="#FNanchor_394_394"><span class="label">394</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i>, 333, inclines to the belief that prayer had a +legal binding force upon the deity; but he does not cite any text which +confirms this view, and is arguing on general grounds. I gather +from the language of Aust (<i>Religion der Römer</i>, p. 30) that he +thinks there was a germ which might have developed into a more +truly religious attitude towards the gods, if it had not been killed by +priestly routine and quasi-legal formulae. With this opinion I am +strongly inclined to agree. Cp. the story of Scipio Aemilianus +audaciously altering and elevating the formula dictated by the priest +in the censor's lustratio (Val. Max. iv. 1. 10), to which I shall return +in the proper place.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_395_395" id="Footnote_395_395"></a><a href="#FNanchor_395_395"><span class="label">395</span></a> Westphal, quoted by De Marchi, <i>La Religione, etc.</i>, i. p. 133, +note.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_396_396" id="Footnote_396_396"></a><a href="#FNanchor_396_396"><span class="label">396</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i>, ch. 141 <i>ad fin.</i> The prayer in the Acta of the +Ludi Saeculares to the Moirae is an imitation of old prayers. See +below, p. 442.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_397_397" id="Footnote_397_397"></a><a href="#FNanchor_397_397"><span class="label">397</span></a> <i>ib.</i> ch. 139.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_398_398" id="Footnote_398_398"></a><a href="#FNanchor_398_398"><span class="label">398</span></a> <i>ib.</i> ch. 141.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_399_399" id="Footnote_399_399"></a><a href="#FNanchor_399_399"><span class="label">399</span></a> Hubert et Mauss, <i>Mélanges d'histoire des religions</i>, p. 74.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_400_400" id="Footnote_400_400"></a><a href="#FNanchor_400_400"><span class="label">400</span></a> So Cato, <i>R.R.</i> 141, "si minus in omnes litabit, sic verba +concipito; Mars pater, quod tibi illuc porco neque satisfactum est, +te hoc porco piaculo." (The word for the slaughter is here +euphemistically omitted; De Marchi, p. 134.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_401_401" id="Footnote_401_401"></a><a href="#FNanchor_401_401"><span class="label">401</span></a> Hubert et Mauss, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 55 foll.; Leviticus vi. I doubt +whether the theory of the learned authors will hold good generally +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">199</a></span>on this point.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_402_402" id="Footnote_402_402"></a><a href="#FNanchor_402_402"><span class="label">402</span></a> Marquardt, p. 185, asserted the contrary, but cited no evidence +except Serv. <i>Aen.</i> vi. 253, which does not prove the practice +of the holocaust to be really Roman. Wissowa's exactness is well +illustrated in his detection of this error; see <i>R. K.</i> p. 352, note 6. +Henzen, <i>Acta Fratr. Arv.</i> p. 135, leaves no doubt on the question +possible.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_403_403" id="Footnote_403_403"></a><a href="#FNanchor_403_403"><span class="label">403</span></a> Henzen, <i>Acta Fratr. Arv.</i> p. 131. See above, p. 35. +Festus, p. 218.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_404_404" id="Footnote_404_404"></a><a href="#FNanchor_404_404"><span class="label">404</span></a> Gellius iv. 6. 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_405_405" id="Footnote_405_405"></a><a href="#FNanchor_405_405"><span class="label">405</span></a> <i>i.e.</i> lustratio. That this was a form of piaculum is clear +from the use of the word <i>pihaklu</i> of the victim in the lustratio of the +arx of Iguvium, <i>e.g.</i> Buecheler, <i>Umbrica</i>, index, 5, v.</p></div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">200</a></span></p> +<h4>LECTURE IX</h4> + +<h5>RITUAL—<i>continued</i></h5> + + +<p>In the last lecture we found that the magical element in +the Roman ritual is exaggerated by recent writers. But +it has also long been the practice to describe that ritual +as a system of bargaining with the gods: as partaking of +the nature of a legal contract. "The old Roman worship +was businesslike and utilitarian. The gods were partners +in a contract with their worshippers, and the ritual was +characterised by the hard formalism of the legal system of +Rome. The worshipper performed his part to the letter +with the scrupulous exactness required in pleadings before +the praetor."<a name="FNanchor_406_406" id="FNanchor_406_406"></a><a href="#Footnote_406_406" class="fnanchor">406</a> This is an excellent statement of a view +very generally held, especially since Mommsen, whose +training in Roman law made him apt to dwell on the +legal aspects of Roman life, wrote the famous chapter in +the first volume of his history. I now wish to examine +this view briefly.</p> + +<p>No doubt it was suggested by the necessary familiarity +of the Roman historian with <i>vota publica</i>, the vows so +frequently made on behalf of the State by its magistrates, +in terms supplied by the pontifices, and dictated by them +to the magistrate undertaking the duty. Some few of +these formulae have survived, and it may certainly be said +of them that they are analogous to legal formulae, and +express the quasi-contractual nature of the process. Such +legalised religious contracts seem to be peculiar to Rome; +they are curiously characteristic of the Roman genius for +formularisation, which in course of time had most important<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">201</a></span> +effects in the domain of civil law. But the vow as such +is, of course, by no means peculiar to Rome; it is familiar +in Greek history, and is found in an elementary form +among savages at the present day.<a name="FNanchor_407_407" id="FNanchor_407_407"></a><a href="#Footnote_407_407" class="fnanchor">407</a> But at Rome both +in public and private life it is far more frequent and +striking than elsewhere. This is a phenomenon that calls +for careful study; and we must beware that we are not +misled by quasi-legal developments into missing the real +significance of it from the point of view of morality and +religion.</p> + +<p>The <i>vota privata</i>, which include vows and offerings +made to deities by private individuals, had never been +adequately examined till De Marchi wrote his book on +the private religion of the Romans; nor could they have +been so examined until the <i>Corpus Inscriptionum</i> was +fairly well advanced. There the material is extraordinarily +abundant, but it is, of course, almost entirely of +comparatively late date, and the great majority of votive +inscriptions belong to the period of the Empire. Yet it +is quite legitimate to argue from this to an origin of this +form of worship in the earliest times, and we have enough +early evidence to justify the inference. Among the oldest +Latin inscriptions are some found on objects such as cups +or vases, showing that the latter were votive offerings to a +deity: thus we have <i>Saeturni poculum, Kerri poculum</i>, and +other similar ones which will be found at the beginning of +the first volume of the <i>Corpus</i>.<a name="FNanchor_408_408" id="FNanchor_408_408"></a><a href="#Footnote_408_408" class="fnanchor">408</a> They give only the +name of the deity as a rule, and do not tell us why the +object was offered to him; but they must have been +thank-offerings for some supposed blessing. In one case, +not indeed at Rome, but not far away at Praeneste, we +have proof of this; for a mother makes a dedication to +Fortuna <i>nationu cratia</i>, which plainly expresses gratitude +for good luck in childbirth;<a name="FNanchor_409_409" id="FNanchor_409_409"></a><a href="#Footnote_409_409" class="fnanchor">409</a> and this inscription is one of +the oldest we possess. Nor do they tell us whether there +was a previous vow or promise of which the offering is the +fulfilment. But in the majority of inscriptions of late date +the familiar letters V.S.L.M. (<i>votum solvit lubens merito</i>)<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">202</a></span> +betray the nature of the transaction, and it is not unreasonable +to guess that there was usually a previous undertaking +of some kind, to be carried out if the deity were gracious.</p> + +<p>But these private <i>vota</i> were not, strictly speaking, legal +transactions, supposed to bind both parties in a contract, +as we shall see was to some extent the case with the <i>vota +publica</i>. They could not have needed the aid of a pontifex, +or a solemn <i>voti nuncupatio</i>, <i>i.e.</i> statement of the promise; +they were rather, as De Marchi asserts,<a name="FNanchor_410_410" id="FNanchor_410_410"></a><a href="#Footnote_410_410" class="fnanchor">410</a> spontaneous +expressions of what we may call religious feeling; and it +may be that he is right in maintaining that throughout +Roman history they remained as expressions of the +religious sense and of the better feeling of the lower +classes. The practice implies three conceptions: (1) of +the deity as really powerful for good and evil; (2) of the +gift, a work of supererogation, as likely to please him; +(3) of the grateful act and feeling as good in themselves. +Surely there must have been in this practice a germ of +moral development; I am surprised that Dr. Westermarck +has not mentioned in his chapter on gratitude the extraordinary +abundance of Roman votive offerings and inscriptions. +Doubtless there lies at the root of it the idea of +<i>Do ut des</i>, or rather of <i>Dabo ut des</i>; doubtless also it +could be turned to evil purposes in the form of <i>devotio</i>, +when promises were made to a deity on condition that he +killed or injured an enemy; but in the ordinary and +common example it is impossible to deny that the final +act, the performance of the vow, must have been accompanied +by a feeling of gratitude. The merest recognition +of a supposed blessing is of value in moral development.</p> + +<p>But it is in the <i>vota publica</i> that we undoubtedly find +something in the nature of a bargain—covenant would be +a more graceful word—with a deity in the name of the +State. Even here, however, the impression is rather produced +by the use of legal terms and the formularisation of +the process, than by any assumed attitude of contempt +towards, or even of equality with, the deity concerned. +There is no trace in early Roman religious history of any<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">203</a></span> +tendency to abuse or degrade the divine beings if they +did not perform their part, such as is well known in +China,<a name="FNanchor_411_411" id="FNanchor_411_411"></a><a href="#Footnote_411_411" class="fnanchor">411</a> or even, strange to say, occasionally met with in +the southern Italy of to-day; the attitude towards the +deity in cult (though not invariably in the later Graeco-Roman +literature) was ever respectful, as it was towards +the magistrates of the State. The farthest the Romans +ever went in condemning their gods was when misfortune +persuaded them that they were become indifferent or useless; +then they began to neglect them, and to turn to +other gods, as we shall see in subsequent lectures.</p> + +<p>The public <i>vota</i> were of two kinds: the ordinary, or +regularly recurring, and the extraordinary, which were +occasioned by some particular event. Of the ordinary, +the most familiar is that undertaken by the consul, and no +doubt in some form by the Rex in the days of the kingship, +for the benefit of the State on the first day of the official +year. Accompanied by the Senate and a crowd of people, +the consuls went up to the Capitoline temple, and performed +the sacrifice which had been vowed by their predecessors +of a year before; after which they undertook a new +<i>votum</i>, "<i>pro reipublicae salute</i>."<a name="FNanchor_412_412" id="FNanchor_412_412"></a><a href="#Footnote_412_412" class="fnanchor">412</a> We have not the +formula of this vow, and cannot tell what resemblance it +bore to a bargain; but the ceremony itself must have been +most impressive, and calculated to remind all who were +present of the greatness and goodwill of the supreme +deity who watched over the interests of the State. So +too at the <i>lustrum</i> of the censors, which took place in the +Campus Martius every five years, it is almost certain that +the <i>votum</i> of the predecessors in office was fulfilled by a +sacrifice, and a new one undertaken. Here again we are +without the formula, but that there was one we know from +a very interesting passage of Valerius Maximus. He tells +us that Scipio Aemilianus, when as censor he was conducting +this sacrifice, and the <i>scriba</i> (on behalf of the pontifex?) +was dictating to him the <i>solemne precationis carmen ex +publicis tabulis</i>, in which the immortal gods were besought +to make the prosperity of the Roman State "better and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">204</a></span> +greater," had the audacity to interrupt him, saying that +the condition of the State was sufficiently good and great: +"itaque precor ut eas (res) perpetuo incolumes servent." +This change, Valerius says, was accepted, and the formula +altered accordingly in the <i>tabulae</i>.<a name="FNanchor_413_413" id="FNanchor_413_413"></a><a href="#Footnote_413_413" class="fnanchor">413</a> This story, which is +probably genuine and is quite characteristic of Scipio, +must convince an impartial mind that in this votive ceremony +there was enough truth and dignity to suggest a +real advance in religious thought, so far at least as the +State was concerned.</p> + +<p>The extraordinary <i>vota</i> were innumerable. They were +occasioned by dangers or misfortunes of various kinds, the +magistrate undertaking to dedicate something to the god +concerned if the State should have come safely through +the peril. Many temples had their origin in this practice;<a name="FNanchor_414_414" id="FNanchor_414_414"></a><a href="#Footnote_414_414" class="fnanchor">414</a> +we meet also with <i>ludi</i>, special sacrifices, or a tithe of the +booty taken in war. In two or three cases Livy has +copied the formula from the <i>tabulae</i> of the pontifices; +thus before the war with Antiochus in 191 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, the +consul recited the following words after the pontifex +maximus: "Si duellum quod cum Antiocho rege sumi +populus iussit, id ex sententia senatus populique Romani +confectum erit; tum tibi Iuppiter populus Romanus ludos +magnos dies decem continuos faciet ... quisquis magistratus +eos ludos quando ubique faxit, hi ludi recte facti, +donaque data recte sunto."<a name="FNanchor_415_415" id="FNanchor_415_415"></a><a href="#Footnote_415_415" class="fnanchor">415</a> This document dates from +the days of the decay of the Roman religion, and is, of +course, modernised by Livy; but it may give an idea of +what is meant by writers who speak of an element of +bargain or covenant in these <i>vota</i>. Still more elaborate, +and probably more antique, is the famous formula of the +vow of the <i>ver sacrum</i> in the darkest hour of the war with +Hannibal.<a name="FNanchor_416_416" id="FNanchor_416_416"></a><a href="#Footnote_416_416" class="fnanchor">416</a> This very curious rite, which proves beyond +question the devotion of the Italian stocks to the principle +of the <i>votum</i>, consisted of a promise to dedicate to Mars +or Jupiter all the valuable products of a single spring, +including the male children born at that time; to this the +Romans had recourse for the last time in 217 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">205</a></span> +Livy has fortunately preserved the words of the vow. +These, with the exception of the dedication of the children, +which is judiciously omitted, probably stand much as they +had come down from a remote antiquity. The <i>votum</i> is put +in the form of a <i>rogatio</i> to the people, without whose +sanction it could not be put in force; are they willing to +dedicate to Jupiter all the young of oxen, sheep, or pigs +born in the spring five years after date, if the State shall +have been preserved during those years from all its +enemies? The curious feature of the document is, not +that it binds the deity to any course of action, but that it +secures the individual Roman against his anger in case of +any chance slip in his part of the process, and the people +against any evil consequences arising from such a slip or +from misdoing on the part of an individual. "Si quis +clepsit, ne populo scelus esto neve cui cleptum erit: si atro +die faxit insciens, probe factum esto."<a name="FNanchor_417_417" id="FNanchor_417_417"></a><a href="#Footnote_417_417" class="fnanchor">417</a> Of this formula +a recent writer of great learning and ability has written +thus: "The well-known liturgical archive containing +Rome's address to Jupiter in the critical days of the Hannibalic +war is a wary and cleverly drawn legal document, +intended to bind the god as well as the State."<a name="FNanchor_418_418" id="FNanchor_418_418"></a><a href="#Footnote_418_418" class="fnanchor">418</a> He is +no exception to the rule that those who have not habitually +occupied themselves with the Roman religion are +liable to misinterpret its details. This is not an address +to Jupiter, nor is there any sign in it that the god was +considered as bound to perform his part as in a contract; +the covenant is a one-sided one, the people undertaking +an act of self-renunciation if the god be gracious to them, +and thereby going far to assure themselves that he will so +be gracious. And the legal cast of the language, which +seems so apt to mislead the unwary,<a name="FNanchor_419_419" id="FNanchor_419_419"></a><a href="#Footnote_419_419" class="fnanchor">419</a> is only to be found +in the clauses which guarantee the people against the contingency +of the whole vow being ruined by the inadvertence +or the rascality of an individual; surely a very +natural and inevitable <i>caveat</i>, where for once the whole +people, and not only their priests or magistrates, were +concerned in the transaction.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">206</a></span></p> + +<p>A curious form of the <i>votum</i>, which, however, I can +only mention in passing, is that addressed to the gods of +a hostile city, with a view to induce them to desert their +temples and take up their abode at Rome; this is the +process called <i>evocatio</i>, which was successfully applied at +the siege of Veii, when Juno Regina consented to betray +her city.<a name="FNanchor_420_420" id="FNanchor_420_420"></a><a href="#Footnote_420_420" class="fnanchor">420</a> Macrobius, commenting on Virgil's lines +(<i>Aen.</i> ii. 351),</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">excessere omnes adytis arisque relictis</span> +<span class="i0">di quibus imperium hoc steterat,</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>has preserved the <i>carmen</i> used at the siege of Carthage.<a name="FNanchor_421_421" id="FNanchor_421_421"></a><a href="#Footnote_421_421" class="fnanchor">421</a> +It is cast in the language of prayer: "Si deus si dea est +cui populus civitasque Carthaginiensis est in tutela ... precor +venerorque veniamque a vobis peto ut vos populum +civitatemque Carthaginiensem deseratis," etc.; but it ends +with a vow to build temples and establish <i>ludi</i> in honour +of these deities if they should comply with the petition. +It is worth noting here that it was, of course, impossible +to make a bargain with strange or hostile gods, or in any +way to force their hand; the promise is entirely one-sided; +and I am inclined to think that in dealing with his +own gods the mental attitude of the Roman was much the +same, though his faith in them was undoubtedly greater.</p> + +<p>This is the proper place to mention another very +curious rite, closely allied to the <i>votum</i>, but differing +from it in one or two important points, which is almost +peculiar to the Romans and most characteristic of them; +I mean the <i>devotio</i> of himself on the field of battle by +a magistrate <i>cum imperio</i>.<a name="FNanchor_422_422" id="FNanchor_422_422"></a><a href="#Footnote_422_422" class="fnanchor">422</a> The famous example, +familiar to us all, is that of Decius Mus at the battle +of Vesuvius in the great Latin war<a name="FNanchor_423_423" id="FNanchor_423_423"></a><a href="#Footnote_423_423" class="fnanchor">423</a> (340 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>): the +same story is told of his son in a war with Gauls and +Samnites, and of his grandson in the war with Pyrrhus.<a name="FNanchor_424_424" id="FNanchor_424_424"></a><a href="#Footnote_424_424" class="fnanchor">424</a> +The historical difficulties of these accounts do not concern +us now; by common consent of scholars the method and +formula of the <i>devotio</i> are authentic, and the rite must +have had its origin in remote antiquity.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">207</a></span></p> + +<p>The story runs<a name="FNanchor_425_425" id="FNanchor_425_425"></a><a href="#Footnote_425_425" class="fnanchor">425</a> that Decius, at whose preliminary +sacrifice before the battle with the Latins the liver of the +victim had been found imperfect, while that of his +colleague was normal, perceived that his wing of the +army was giving way. He therefore resolved to +sacrifice himself by <i>devotio</i>, and called on the pontifex +maximus, who was present, to dictate for him the correct +formula. He was directed to put on the toga praetexta, +to wear it with the cinctus Gabinus, to veil his head with +it, to touch his chin with his hand under the folds of +the robe, and to stand upon a spear. He then repeated +after the pontifex the following formula: "Iane, Iuppiter, +Mars pater, Quirine, Bellona, Lares, divi Novensiles, di +Indigetes, divi quorum est potestas nostrorum hostiumque, +diique Manes, vos precor, veneror, veniam peto feroque, uti +populo Romano Quiritium vim victoriamque prosperetis, +hostesque populi Romani Quiritium terrore formidine +morteque adficiatis. Sicut verbis nuncupavi, ita pro +re publica Quiritium, exercitu legionibus auxiliis populi +Romani Quiritium, legiones auxiliaque hostium <i>mecum</i> +deis Manibus Tellurique devoveo" (Livy ix. 9). He +then mounted his horse and rode into the midst of the +enemy to meet his death. The Latins were seized with +panic and the Romans were victorious.</p> + +<p>Here the vow is made and fulfilled almost at the +same moment,—<i>the fulfilment takes place before the +gods have done their part</i>. Here too the offering made +is the life of a human being which brings the act within +the domain of sacrifice. Its sacrificial nature is obvious +in all the details.<a name="FNanchor_426_426" id="FNanchor_426_426"></a><a href="#Footnote_426_426" class="fnanchor">426</a> The dress is that of the sacrificing +priest or magistrate;<a name="FNanchor_427_427" id="FNanchor_427_427"></a><a href="#Footnote_427_427" class="fnanchor">427</a> Decius was therefore priest and +victim at the same time, and the two characters seem +to be combined in the symbolic touching of the chin, +which has been rightly explained,<a name="FNanchor_428_428" id="FNanchor_428_428"></a><a href="#Footnote_428_428" class="fnanchor">428</a> I think, as analogous +to the laying on of hands in the consecratio of the Rex, +as we saw it in the case of Numa, and perhaps to the +<i>immolatio</i> of a victim by sprinkling the <i>mola salsa</i> on +its head; where the object of consecration is made<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">208</a></span> +holy by contact with holy things.<a name="FNanchor_429_429" id="FNanchor_429_429"></a><a href="#Footnote_429_429" class="fnanchor">429</a> The standing on +the spear is difficult to explain; it may have been a +symbolic dedication to Mars, whose spear or spears, as +we have seen, were kept in the Regia.<a name="FNanchor_430_430" id="FNanchor_430_430"></a><a href="#Footnote_430_430" class="fnanchor">430</a></p> + +<p>The formula contains certain points of great interest. +Firstly, it is not only the Roman gods of all sorts and +conditions who are invoked, but those of the enemy +also, or, in vague language, those who have power over +both Romans and Latins.<a name="FNanchor_431_431" id="FNanchor_431_431"></a><a href="#Footnote_431_431" class="fnanchor">431</a> Secondly, it begins with +a prayer combined with a curse upon the enemy: in +which respect it resembles the prayer at the <i>lustratio +populi</i> at Iguvium<a name="FNanchor_432_432" id="FNanchor_432_432"></a><a href="#Footnote_432_432" class="fnanchor">432</a> (which I shall mention again directly) +and to a later type of <i>devotio</i> used at the siege of Carthage +and preserved by Macrobius.<a name="FNanchor_433_433" id="FNanchor_433_433"></a><a href="#Footnote_433_433" class="fnanchor">433</a> Thirdly, in spite of this +religious aspect of the formula, it ends with what can +only be called a magical spell. By the act of self-sacrifice, +which is the potent element in the spell, Decius +exercises magical power over the legions of the enemy, +and devotes them with himself to death,—to the Manes +and Mother Earth.<a name="FNanchor_434_434" id="FNanchor_434_434"></a><a href="#Footnote_434_434" class="fnanchor">434</a></p> + +<p>The story suggests to me that the rite had been at +one time well known; the pontifex maximus was ready +with the instructions and formula. It was a survival +from an age of magic, but the priests have given it a +religious turn, and the language of the first part is quite +as much that of prayer as is the language of the collect +to be said in time of war which still disfigures the Anglican +prayer-book.<a name="FNanchor_435_435" id="FNanchor_435_435"></a><a href="#Footnote_435_435" class="fnanchor">435</a> What is still more remarkable is that it +has not only a religious but an ethical character. The +idea of service to the State is here seen at its highest +point. The sacrifice is a vicarious one.<a name="FNanchor_436_436" id="FNanchor_436_436"></a><a href="#Footnote_436_436" class="fnanchor">436</a> Livy significantly +adds that a private soldier might be chosen by +the commander to represent him, and that if this man +were not killed by the enemy an image seven feet long +must be buried in the earth and a piacular sacrifice +offered.<a name="FNanchor_437_437" id="FNanchor_437_437"></a><a href="#Footnote_437_437" class="fnanchor">437</a> Later on it would seem that instead of +sacrificing himself, the consul might implore the gods +to accept the hostile army or city as his substitutes: "eos<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">209</a></span> +<i>vicarios</i> pro me fide magistratuque meo pro populi +Romani exercitibus do devoveo, ut me exercitumque +nostrum ... bene salvos siritis esse."<a name="FNanchor_438_438" id="FNanchor_438_438"></a><a href="#Footnote_438_438" class="fnanchor">438</a> The idea here, +and indeed in the <i>devotio</i> of Decius, bears some analogy +to that which lies at the root of the old Roman practice, +of making a criminal <i>sacer</i> to the deity chiefly concerned +in his crime; when this was done, any man might kill +him, and he was practically a victim offered as <i>vicarius</i> +for the Roman people, who had been contaminated by +his deed.<a name="FNanchor_439_439" id="FNanchor_439_439"></a><a href="#Footnote_439_439" class="fnanchor">439</a></p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p>But I must now pass on the last kind of ritual to be +explained in these lectures, and far the most impressive +of all, that of <i>lustratio</i>, or the purification, as it is +commonly called, of land, city, human beings, or even +inanimate objects, by means of a solemn procession +accompanied with sacrifice.</p> + +<p>So important a part did these processional rites play +in the public life of the Roman people,—so characteristic +are they too of the old Roman habit of thought and +action, that they have given a wonderful word to the +Latin language. <i>Lustrare</i> has many meanings; but +the one which is immediately derived from the rites I +speak of, that of slow processional movement, is the +most beautiful and impressive of them all. When +Aeneas first sees Dido in all her stately beauty, he +says:<a name="FNanchor_440_440" id="FNanchor_440_440"></a><a href="#Footnote_440_440" class="fnanchor">440</a></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">in freta dum fluvii current, <i>dum montibus umbrae</i></span> +<span class="i0"><i>lustrabunt convexa</i>, polus dum sidera pascet,</span> +<span class="i0">semper honos nomenque tuum laudesque manebunt,</span> +<span class="i0">quae me cunque vocant terrae.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>"So long as the cloud-shadows move slowly over the +hollows of the hills." Here in Scotland you must have +all seen this procession of the shadows, as I have watched +it when fishing in Wales; let us always associate it with +the magic of a poet of nature as well as with the religious +processions of his people.</p> + +<p><i>Lustrare</i>, <i>lustratio</i>, are words which, as I think, belong<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">210</a></span> +to an age of religion, that is, according to our formula, +of effective desire to be in right relation with the Power +manifesting itself in the Universe. In other processes +which are usually called purificatory, magic seems to +survive: the word <i>februum</i>, from which comes the name +of our second month, meant an object with magical +potency, such as water, fire, sulphur, laurel, wool, or the +strips of the victims sacrificed at the Lupercalia, +and the verb <i>februare</i> meant to get rid of certain unwholesome +or miasmatic influences by means of these +objects.<a name="FNanchor_441_441" id="FNanchor_441_441"></a><a href="#Footnote_441_441" class="fnanchor">441</a> What was the really primitive idea attached +to these words need not concern us now; but Varro, and +Ovid following him, explicitly explain them as meaning +<i>purifying</i> agents and processes,<a name="FNanchor_442_442" id="FNanchor_442_442"></a><a href="#Footnote_442_442" class="fnanchor">442</a> from which we may +infer that they had a magical power to produce certain +desired conditions, or to protect from evil influences, like +charms and amulets. But <i>lustrare</i> and <i>lustratio</i> seem +to belong to an age when the thing to be driven or +kept away is rather spiritual mischief, and when the +means used are sacrifices and prayers, with processional +movement.</p> + +<p>What is the original meaning of the word <i>lustrare</i>? +It seems to be a strong form of <i>luere</i>; and <i>luere</i> is +explained by Varro as equivalent to <i>solvere</i>.<a name="FNanchor_443_443" id="FNanchor_443_443"></a><a href="#Footnote_443_443" class="fnanchor">443</a> The word +<i>lustrum</i>, he says, <i>i.e.</i> the solemn five-yearly ceremony in +the Campus Martius, is derived from <i>luere</i> in the sense +of <i>solvere</i>, to pay; because every fifth year the contract-moneys +for the collection of taxes and for public undertakings +were paid into the treasury through the censors. +Servius,<a name="FNanchor_444_444" id="FNanchor_444_444"></a><a href="#Footnote_444_444" class="fnanchor">444</a> doubtless following him, explains such expressions +as <i>peccata luere</i>, <i>supplicium luere</i>, on the same principle—in +the sense of payment, just as we speak of paying the +penalty. We might thus be tempted to fancy that the +root-idea of <i>lustrare</i> is to perform a duty and so get rid +of it, as we do in paying for anything we buy; but this +would be to misapprehend the original meaning of the +word as completely as Varro did when he explained +<i>luere</i> by reference to the payments of contractors. Varro<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">211</a></span> +and Servius do, however, suggest the right clue; they +see that the idea lurking in the word is that of getting +rid of something, but they understand that something +in the light, not of primitive man's intelligence, but of +the duty of man in a civilised State. What exactly it +was that was to be got rid of is a more difficult question; +but all that we have so far learnt about the early religious +ideas of the Romans strongly suggests that they were in +what we may call an advanced <i>animistic</i> stage of religious +ideas, and that whatever may have been the notion of +their primitive ancestors, they themselves, in these rites +as we know them, saw the means of getting rid of and +so keeping away hostile spirits. A French sociologist, +M. van Gennep, whose book <i>Les Rites de passage</i> I have +read with great interest, has kindly written me a long +letter in which he insists that this animistic interpretation of +<i>lustratio</i> is really superfluous, and that the idea of separation +alone, <i>i.e.</i> of separation between sacred and profane, +without any reference to spirits or <i>dei</i>, is a fully sufficient +explanation. So no doubt it may be among many savage +peoples; but he would probably allow that as a people +advances from one stage of superstition to another, +while it retains in outline the scheme of its rites, it will +apply new meanings to them in keeping with the changes +in its mental attitude. This is one of the most interesting +processes with which modern research has been occupied; +we are now familiar with the adoption of pre-Christian +ceremonies, with a complete change of meaning, in the +ritual of the Christian Church. These very processions +of <i>lustratio</i>, which had already been once metamorphosed +in an animistic period, were seized upon by the Roman +Church with characteristic adroitness, adapted to its ritual, +and given a new meaning; and the Catholic priest still +leads his flock round the fields with the prayers of the +<i>Litania maior</i> in Rogation week, begging a blessing on +the flocks and herds, and deprecating the anger of the +Almighty.<a name="FNanchor_445_445" id="FNanchor_445_445"></a><a href="#Footnote_445_445" class="fnanchor">445</a></p> + +<p>But let us now pass briefly in review the more important<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">212</a></span> +of these rites of lustration and compare them with each +other; we shall find the essential features the same in +all of them.</p> + +<p>The first permanent difficulty of new settlers in Latium +was to mark off their cultivated land from the forest or +waste land beyond it, and so, as M. van Gennep would +phrase it,<a name="FNanchor_446_446" id="FNanchor_446_446"></a><a href="#Footnote_446_446" class="fnanchor">446</a> to make a margin of separation between the +sacred and the profane, within which the sacred processes +of domestic life and husbandry might go forward, undisturbed +by dangers—human, spiritual, or what not—coming +from the profane world without. The boundary was +marked out in some material way, perhaps by stones (<i>cippi</i>) +or posts, placed at intervals;<a name="FNanchor_447_447" id="FNanchor_447_447"></a><a href="#Footnote_447_447" class="fnanchor">447</a> and thus "a fixed piece +of ground is appropriated by a particular social group, so +that if any stranger penetrated it he would be committing +a sacrilege as complete as he would if he trespassed in +a sacred grove or a temple." This boundary-line was +made sacred itself by the passage round it (<i>lustratio</i>) +at some fixed time of the year, usually in May, +when crops were ripening and especially liable to be +attacked by hostile influences, of a procession occupied +with sacrifice and prayer. The two main features of +the rite, as formulated by Cato in his treatise on agriculture, +are—1, the procession of the victims, ox, sheep, and +pig (<i>suovetaurilia</i>), the farmer's most valuable property; +2, the prayer to Mars pater, after libations to Janus and +Jupiter, asking for his kindly protection of the whole +<i>familia</i> of the farm, together with the crops of all kinds +and the cattle within the boundary-line.<a name="FNanchor_448_448" id="FNanchor_448_448"></a><a href="#Footnote_448_448" class="fnanchor">448</a> We are not +expressly told that this procession followed the boundary +throughout, but the analogy of other lustrations forbids +us to doubt it; and thus the rite served the practical +purpose of keeping it clear in the memory,—a matter +of the utmost importance, especially for the practical +Roman. In Cato's formula the farmer's object is to +ward off disease, calamity, dearth, and infertility; and it +is Mars who is invoked, <i>i.e.</i> a great god who has long +ago emerged from the crowd of impersonal spirits; but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">213</a></span> +we may safely believe that the primitive farmer used +other language, addressing the spirits of disease and +dearth themselves; and we may guess, if we will, that +again before that there was no invocation or sacrifice at +all, but that the object was only to mark the boundary +between land civilised and sacred and land uncivilised +and profane.</p> + +<p>As we have seen, the farms and homesteads of the +early Latins were grouped together in associations called +<i>pagi</i>; and we can hardly doubt that these were subjected +to the same process of <i>lustratio</i> as the farms themselves. +We have no explicit account of a circumambulation in +this case, but we have in the later poets several charming +allusions to a <i>lustratio pagi</i>, and it is of a rite of this kind +that Virgil must have been thinking when he wrote the +beautiful passage in the first Georgic beginning "In +primis venerare deos";<a name="FNanchor_449_449" id="FNanchor_449_449"></a><a href="#Footnote_449_449" class="fnanchor">449</a> and the lines</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">terque novas circum felix eat hostia fruges,</span> +<span class="i0">omnis quam chorus et socii comitentur ovantes, etc.,</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>clearly imply a procession with the object of keeping +away harmful influences from the crops at a critical time. +And when the city-state came into being we may be +equally sure that its <i>ager</i>, so long at least as it was small +enough to admit of such a processional ritual, was +lustrated in the same way. In historical times this <i>ager</i> +had become too extensive, and there is no procession +to be found among the duties of the Fratres Arvales as +we know them when they were revived by Augustus; +but we have not, of course, the whole of the "acta" of +the Brethren, and even if we had, it would not be likely +that we should find any trace of a practice which must +have been dropped in course of time as the Roman +territory increased. Let us go on to the beginnings of +the city, where we shall find the same principle and +practice applied in striking fashion.</p> + +<p>As it was necessary to protect the homestead and its +land by a sacred boundary, so the city had to be clearly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">214</a></span> +marked off from all that was outside of it. Its walls +were sacred, or, strictly speaking, a certain imaginary +line outside of them called the <i>pomoerium</i> was sacred. +This is well shown in the traditional method of founding +a city even in historical times, <i>e.g.</i> a <i>colonia</i>, as described +by Varro, Servius, and Plutarch.<a name="FNanchor_450_450" id="FNanchor_450_450"></a><a href="#Footnote_450_450" class="fnanchor">450</a> A white ox and a +white cow were harnessed to a plough, of which the +share must be made of bronze—a rule which shows at +once the antiquity and the religious character of the +rite, for iron, as we saw, was taboo in most religious +ceremonies. A rectangular furrow was drawn where the +walls of the city were to be; the earth was turned +inwards to mark the future line of the wall, and the +furrow represented the future <i>pomoerium</i>. When the +plough came to the place where there was to be a gate, +it was lifted over it, and the ploughing resumed beyond +it. This probably meant, as Plutarch expressed it, that +the walls (or rather the <i>pomoerium</i>), were sacred while the +gates were profane; had the gates been holy, scruple +would necessarily have been felt about the passage in +and out of them of things profane. Thus the <i>pomoerium</i> +was a boundary line between the sacred and the profane, +like that of the farm; but in historical times it acquired +a more definite religious meaning, for within it there +could only dwell those deities who belonged to the city +and its inhabitants, <i>i.e.</i> the <i>di indigetes</i>, and who were +recognised as its divine inhabitants.<a name="FNanchor_451_451" id="FNanchor_451_451"></a><a href="#Footnote_451_451" class="fnanchor">451</a> And only within its +limits could the <i>auspicia</i> of the city be taken.</p> + +<p>We should naturally expect that this sacred boundary +would have its holiness secured or revived by an annual +<i>lustratio</i> like that of the farm and <i>pagus</i>; and so no +doubt it was. But the memory of this survives only in +the word <i>amburbium</i>, which, on the analogy of <i>ambarvalia</i>, +must mean a rite of this processional kind. Luckily +we have definite knowledge of the real <i>lustratio</i> of a +city in those ritualistic inscriptions of Iguvium which I +have more than once referred to.<a name="FNanchor_452_452" id="FNanchor_452_452"></a><a href="#Footnote_452_452" class="fnanchor">452</a> It is the <i>lustratio</i> +of the <i>arx</i>, the citadel of Iguvium, which we may guess<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">215</a></span> +to have been the original <i>oppidum</i> or germ of the +historical city. The details are complex, and show clear +traces of priestly organisation; but the main features +stand out unmistakably. A procession goes round the +<i>arx</i> (<i>ocris Fisia</i>), with the <i>suovetaurilia</i>—ox, sheep, and +pig—as in the Latin <i>lustratio</i>; at each gate it stops, +while sacrifice and prayer are offered on behalf of the +citadel, the city, and the whole people of Iguvium. +There were three gates, and each of them is the scene +of sacrifice and prayer, because they are the weak points +in the wall, and they need to be strengthened by annual +religious operations; such at least is the most obvious +explanation. Whether the Fratres Attiedii would have +been able to explain it thus we may doubt; neither in +the sacrificial ritual nor in the prayers, as recorded in +the inscription, do we find any clear trace of a distinction +between the sacred and the profane, or of the idea of a +hostile spiritual world outside the sacred boundary. So +far as we can judge from the prayers, the object is really +a religious one, to implore the deities of the city to +preserve it and all within it. The language of these +prayers hardly differs from that in which a Christian +Church of to-day asks for a blessing on a community.<a name="FNanchor_453_453" id="FNanchor_453_453"></a><a href="#Footnote_453_453" class="fnanchor">453</a></p> + +<p>So far I have been speaking of the permanent separation +of land or city by a sacred boundary line from the +profane world without. But human beings <i>en masse</i> +might be subjected to the same process—an army, for +example, at the opening of the season of war; and so, +too, might its appurtenances—horses, arms, and trumpets. +In the account of the census and <i>lustrum</i> in the Campus +Martius given by Dionysius of Halicarnassus, who passed +some years in Rome in the time of Augustus, we find +the <i>suovetaurilia</i> driven three times round the assembled +host and sacrificed to Mars. This was doubtless the +early form of the political census, which had a military +meaning and origin. But we have a more exact and +reliable account of a similar rite in the Iguvian documents, +which contain instructions for the <i>lustratio</i> of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">216</a></span> +people apparently before a campaign.<a name="FNanchor_454_454" id="FNanchor_454_454"></a><a href="#Footnote_454_454" class="fnanchor">454</a> So far as we +can gather from the Umbrian text, the male population +was assembled in a particular spot in its military +divisions, and round this host a procession went three +times; at the end of each circuit there was sacrifice +and prayer to Mars and two female associates of his +power, the object of which, as we can read in the words +of the prayer, was to bless the people of Iguvium and +to curse its enemies, who were to be confounded and +frightened and paralysed.</p> + +<p>Here religion of a rude sort has been superimposed +on the originally magical ceremonial. For the idea +must have been that by drawing a "magic circle" +around the host, which might have to march against +enemies living far beyond the pale of the <i>ager Romanus</i> +(or Iguvinus), where hostile magical influences might +be brought to bear against them, they were in some +mysterious way marked off, rendered "holy," and so +protected against the wiles of the enemy. A later and +animistic age would think of them as needing protection +against hostile spirits, of whose ways and freaks they +were of course entirely ignorant. Of these primitive +ideas about the danger of entering hostile territory and +of leaving your own, Dr. Frazer has collected some +examples in his <i>Golden Bough</i> (i. 304 foll.), both from +savage tribes and from Greek usage. A single parallel +from the pen of a Roman historian, which Dr. Frazer +has not mentioned, may suffice us here. Livy tells us +that the method in Macedonia was to march the whole +host in spring between the severed limbs of a dog:<a name="FNanchor_455_455" id="FNanchor_455_455"></a><a href="#Footnote_455_455" class="fnanchor">455</a> the +principle is here the same as in Italy, but the method +differs slightly. In each case some mysterious influence +is brought to bear on the whole army without exception; +but in the one case a line is drawn round it, in the other +it passes through the parts of an object which must have +been supposed to be endowed with magical power.</p> + +<p>And once more, in spring before the season of +arms, all the belongings of the host were subjected<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">217</a></span> +to some process of the same kind. I have alluded +to this in my lecture on the calendar, and need not +now reproduce the evidence of the Equirria at the end of +February and on March 14, or of the Quinquatrus on +March 19, when the <i>lustratio</i> took place of the shields +(<i>ancilia</i>) of the Salii, the war-priests of Mars, and the +Tubilustrium on March 23, which tells its own tale.<a name="FNanchor_456_456" id="FNanchor_456_456"></a><a href="#Footnote_456_456" class="fnanchor">456</a> +But I may recall the fact that the calendar supplies us +also with evidence that on the return of the host to +their own territory all these lustrations had to be +repeated in order to rid men, horses, arms, and trumpets +of such evil contagion as they might have contracted +during their absence. It may be that one special object +of lustration after the return of an army was to rid it, +with all belonging to it, of the taint of bloodshed, just +as the Jewish warriors and their captives were purified +before re-entering the camp.<a name="FNanchor_457_457" id="FNanchor_457_457"></a><a href="#Footnote_457_457" class="fnanchor">457</a> But in the Roman pontifical +law this idea is hardly discernible, and the only trace I +can find of it is a statement of Festus that the soldiers +who followed the general's car in a triumph wore laurel +wreaths "ut quasi purgati a caede humana intrarent +urbem."<a name="FNanchor_458_458" id="FNanchor_458_458"></a><a href="#Footnote_458_458" class="fnanchor">458</a> I may add here that the passage of a +triumphing army through the Porta triumphalis, which +was probably an isolated arch in the Campus Martius +just outside the city wall,<a name="FNanchor_459_459" id="FNanchor_459_459"></a><a href="#Footnote_459_459" class="fnanchor">459</a> most likely had as its original +meaning the separation of the host from the profane +world in which it had been moving; and the triumphal +arches of later times, which were within the city, were +thus developed architecturally from an origin which belongs +to the region of magic.<a name="FNanchor_460_460" id="FNanchor_460_460"></a><a href="#Footnote_460_460" class="fnanchor">460</a> To the same class of ideas, if +I am not much mistaken, belongs the familiar Italian +practice of compelling a surrendered army to pass under +the yoke. As Livy explains this when he first mentions +it, it was symbolical of subjection: "ut exprimatur +confessio subactam domitamque esse gentem";<a name="FNanchor_461_461" id="FNanchor_461_461"></a><a href="#Footnote_461_461" class="fnanchor">461</a> and +this was no doubt the idea in the minds of the historical +Romans. But it may well have been that it had its +root in a process which was supposed to deprive the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">218</a></span> +conquered enemy of all dangerous contagion—to separate +them from their own land and people before they came +into peaceful contact with their conquerors.</p> + +<p>A last word before I leave this part of my subject. +Though it is interesting to try to get at the root-idea +of these processes of <i>lustratio</i>, we must remember +that in the Rome of history they had lost not only such +magical meaning as they ever had, but also much of +the religious meaning which in course of time was superimposed +upon it. The sacrifices and the prayers +remained, but the latter were muttered and unheard +by the people. And except in the country districts these +ceremonies were more and more absorbed, as time went +on, into the social, military, and political life of the +community, as <i>e.g.</i> the lustration of the host became a +political census; or they tended to disappear altogether, +like the <i>ambarvalia</i> and perhaps the <i>amburbium</i>. They +grew up in the religious experience of the Romans, +beginning with its very earliest and quasi-magical forms; +but they came at last to represent that experience no +longer, and when we meet with them in historical times +it is impossible to ascribe to them any real influence +on life and conduct. <i>Lustratio</i> never in pagan Italy +developed an ethical meaning as <i>catharsis</i> did in Greece.<a name="FNanchor_462_462" id="FNanchor_462_462"></a><a href="#Footnote_462_462" class="fnanchor">462</a> +But meaningless as they were, the stately processions +remained, and could be watched with pride by the +patriotic Roman all through the period of the Empire, +until the Roman Church adapted them to its own ritual +and gave them, as we saw, a new meaning. As the +cloud-shadows still move slowly over the hollows of the +Apennines, so does the procession of the patron saint pass +still through the streets of many an Italian city.<a name="FNanchor_463_463" id="FNanchor_463_463"></a><a href="#Footnote_463_463" class="fnanchor">463</a></p> + + +<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE IX</h5> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_406_406" id="Footnote_406_406"></a><a href="#FNanchor_406_406"><span class="label">406</span></a> Dill, <i>Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire</i>, +p. 63.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_407_407" id="Footnote_407_407"></a><a href="#FNanchor_407_407"><span class="label">407</span></a> See Westermarck, <i>Origin and Development of Moral Ideas</i>, ii. +615 foll.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">219</a></span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_408_408" id="Footnote_408_408"></a><a href="#FNanchor_408_408"><span class="label">408</span></a> <i>C.I.L.</i> i. Nos. 43 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_409_409" id="Footnote_409_409"></a><a href="#FNanchor_409_409"><span class="label">409</span></a> <i>C.I.L.</i> xiv. 2863. See <i>R.F.</i> p. 224, and Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 209.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_410_410" id="Footnote_410_410"></a><a href="#FNanchor_410_410"><span class="label">410</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i> vol. i. p. 252; cp. 271.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_411_411" id="Footnote_411_411"></a><a href="#FNanchor_411_411"><span class="label">411</span></a> See Sir Alfred Lyall's <i>Asiatic Studies</i>, Series I. ch. vi. No +one would call the vow of Aeneas, in <i>Aen.</i> vi. 69, a bargain with +Apollo and the Sibyl.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_412_412" id="Footnote_412_412"></a><a href="#FNanchor_412_412"><span class="label">412</span></a> Marquardt, p. 266; Mommsen, <i>Staatsrecht</i>, i.<sup>2</sup> 594 foll. The +ceremony is best described by Ovid, <i>Ex Ponto</i>, iv. 9. 5 foll. He is +addressing the consul of the year from his place of exile:</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">at cum Tarpeias esses deductus in arces,</span> +<span class="i1">dum caderet iussu victima sacra tuo,</span> +<span class="i0">me quoque secreto grates sibi magnus agentem</span> +<span class="i1">audisset media qui sedet aede deus.</span> +<span class="i15">(II. 28 foll.)</span> +</div> +</div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_413_413" id="Footnote_413_413"></a><a href="#FNanchor_413_413"><span class="label">413</span></a> Valerius Maximus iv. 1. 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_414_414" id="Footnote_414_414"></a><a href="#FNanchor_414_414"><span class="label">414</span></a> A list of these is given in Aust, <i>De aedibus sacris populi +Romani</i> (Marpurg, 1889). A valuable work, which will be of service +to us later on.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_415_415" id="Footnote_415_415"></a><a href="#FNanchor_415_415"><span class="label">415</span></a> Livy xxxvi. 2. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_416_416" id="Footnote_416_416"></a><a href="#FNanchor_416_416"><span class="label">416</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> xxii. 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_417_417" id="Footnote_417_417"></a><a href="#FNanchor_417_417"><span class="label">417</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> sec. 6. The meaning is that if any one has stolen an +animal which was intended to be dedicated, no blame attaches to the +person so robbed; and that if a man performs his dedication on a +day of ill omen unwittingly, it will hold good none the less.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_418_418" id="Footnote_418_418"></a><a href="#FNanchor_418_418"><span class="label">418</span></a> Farnell, <i>Evolution of Religion</i>, p. 195.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_419_419" id="Footnote_419_419"></a><a href="#FNanchor_419_419"><span class="label">419</span></a> The fact that words like <i>reus</i> and <i>damnatus</i> were applied +respectively to persons who had made a vow and to those who had +performed it, <i>i.e.</i> as being liable like a defendant, and then released +from that position by a verdict or sentence (see Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> +p. 320), is of course significant of the idea of the transaction in the +mind of the Roman, who, as Macrobius says (iii. 2. 6) <i>se numinibus +obligat</i>, as an accused person is <i>obligatus</i> to the authorities of the +State (Mommsen, <i>Strafrecht</i>, 189 foll.). It is the natural tendency +of the Roman mind to give all transactions a legal sanction; but it +does not thence follow that the original idea was really thought of as +a contract, and we have only to reflect that the final act was a thank-offering +to see the difference between the civil and the religious +process.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_420_420" id="Footnote_420_420"></a><a href="#FNanchor_420_420"><span class="label">420</span></a> Livy v. 21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_421_421" id="Footnote_421_421"></a><a href="#FNanchor_421_421"><span class="label">421</span></a> Macr. iii. 9, 6. He says that he found it in the fifth book of +<i>Res reconditae</i> by one Sammonicus Serenus, and that the latter had +himself found it "in cuiusdam Furii vetustissimo libro."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_422_422" id="Footnote_422_422"></a><a href="#FNanchor_422_422"><span class="label">422</span></a> On this subject see article "Devotio" in Pauly-Wissowa.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_423_423" id="Footnote_423_423"></a><a href="#FNanchor_423_423"><span class="label">423</span></a> Livy viii. 10, "licere consuli dictatori praetori...." Cp. +Cic. <i>de Nat. deorum</i>, ii. 10, "at vero apud maiores tanta religionis vis +fuit, ut quidam imperatores etiam se ipsos dis immortalibus capite +velato certis verbis pro republica devoverent."<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">220</a></span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_424_424" id="Footnote_424_424"></a><a href="#FNanchor_424_424"><span class="label">424</span></a> See Münzer's article "Decii" in Pauly-Wissowa, <i>Real-Encycl.</i>; +Soltau, <i>Die Anfänge der röm. Geschichtschreibung</i>, p. 48 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_425_425" id="Footnote_425_425"></a><a href="#FNanchor_425_425"><span class="label">425</span></a> Livy viii. 9 foll.; Dio Cassius, fragment, xxxv. 6; Ennius, +<i>Ann.</i> vi. 147, Baehrens. The latter fragment is the oldest reference +to the event which we possess, and just sufficient to confirm Livy's +account: "Divi hoc audite parumper, ut pro Romano populo prognariter +armis certando prudens animum de corpore mitto."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_426_426" id="Footnote_426_426"></a><a href="#FNanchor_426_426"><span class="label">426</span></a> It is worth remarking that the sacrificial aspect struck St. +Augustine. In <i>Civ. Dei</i>, v. 18, he writes: "Si se occidendos certis +verbis quodam modo consecrantes Decii devoverunt, ut illis cadentibus +et iram deorum sanguine suo placantibus Romanus liberaretur +exercitus," and goes on to compare the Decii with Christian martyrs. +I am indebted for this reference to Mayor's note on Cicero, <i>de Nat. +deor.</i> ii. 3. 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_427_427" id="Footnote_427_427"></a><a href="#FNanchor_427_427"><span class="label">427</span></a> See above, p. 176; Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 352, note 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_428_428" id="Footnote_428_428"></a><a href="#FNanchor_428_428"><span class="label">428</span></a> By Deubner in <i>Archiv</i>, 1905, p. 69 foll. This touching of the +chin seems to be an example of that personal contact which makes +a man or thing holy; see, <i>e.g.</i>, Westermarck, <i>op. cit.</i> i. 586. Decius +makes himself holy for the sacrifice (as victim) by touching (as priest) +the only part of his person which was exposed. For the magic touch +of the hand see O. Weinrich, <i>Antike Heiligungswünder</i>, p. 63 foll., and +Macrobius iii. 2. 7, for the touching of the altar by a sacrificing priest.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_429_429" id="Footnote_429_429"></a><a href="#FNanchor_429_429"><span class="label">429</span></a> See above, p. 180.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_430_430" id="Footnote_430_430"></a><a href="#FNanchor_430_430"><span class="label">430</span></a> This is Deubner's explanation, which he elaborates at length +by examples of the worship of the spear or sword among various peoples.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_431_431" id="Footnote_431_431"></a><a href="#FNanchor_431_431"><span class="label">431</span></a> This is peculiar to the formula in Livy viii. 9. Is it possible +that it may have some reference to the fact that the Romans were +fighting their own kin, the Latins?</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_432_432" id="Footnote_432_432"></a><a href="#FNanchor_432_432"><span class="label">432</span></a> Buecheler, <i>Umbrica</i>, pp. 22 and 102: "hastatos inhastatos +completo timore tremore, fuga formidine, nive nimbo, fragore furore, +senio servitio," where, however, the translator from the Umbrian is +assisted by the Latin formulae we are discussing.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_433_433" id="Footnote_433_433"></a><a href="#FNanchor_433_433"><span class="label">433</span></a> Macrobius iii. 9. 10, "exercitum quem ego me sentio dicere +fuga formidine terrore compleatis," etc. This is of comparatively +late origin, as it is addressed to Dis pater, who only became a Roman +deity in 249 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> (Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 257). The interesting feature +in this <i>devotio</i>, used at the siege at Carthage, is that it is not himself +whom the commander devotes—the common sense of the Romans +had got beyond that—but the enemy as substitutes for himself. +"Eos vicarios pro me fide magistratuque meo pro populo Romano +exercitibus do devoveo, ut me meamque fidem imperiumque legiones +exercitumque nostrum bene salvos siritis esse." Thus the enemy is +made the victim, and this is why the only gods invoked are the Di +Inferi, Dis pater, Veiovis, Manes, while in the older formula it is the +gods of Romans and Latins. Pacuvius in a praetextata called <i>Decius</i> +wrote: "Lue patrium hostili fusum sanguen sanguine" (Ribbeck, +p. 280). This is the language Ennius used before him of the sacrifice<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">221</a></span> +of Iphigenia: "ut hostium eliciatur sanguis sanguine," where, however, +the word <i>eliciatur</i> shows that it is magic. The curious thing in this +last passage is that the parallel passage in the Euripidean <i>Iph. in +Aul.</i> (1486) does not suggest magic. Is the idea Italian? The +curse (for such it really is) is to be witnessed by Tellus and Iuppiter, +and the celebrant points down and up respectively in invoking them, +as also in the <i>devotio</i> of Curtis in the Forum (Livy vii. 6), which +was an abnormal <i>procuratio prodigii</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_434_434" id="Footnote_434_434"></a><a href="#FNanchor_434_434"><span class="label">434</span></a> Cp. the language used by Livy of the second Decius (x. 29): +"prae se agere formidinem ac fugam ... contacturum funebribus +diris signa tela arma hostium." For spells or curses of this kind see +Westermarck i. 563: a curse is conveyable by speech, especially if +spoken by a magistrate or priest. "Among the Maoris the anathema +of the priest is regarded as a thunderbolt that an enemy cannot +escape." See also Robertson Smith, <i>Semites</i>, p. 434, for the Jewish +ban, by which impious sinners, or enemies of the city and its God, +were devoted to destruction. He remarks that the Hebrew verb to +ban is sometimes rendered "consecrate": Micah iv. 13; Deut. xiii. +16; and Joshua vi. 26 (Jericho), which exactly answers to the +consecratio of Carthage. For curses conveyable by sacrifices, as in +all the cases I have mentioned, see Westermarck ii. 618 foll. 624, +and the same author's paper on conditional curses in Morocco, in +<i>Anthropological Essays</i>, addressed to E. B. Tylor, p. 360.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_435_435" id="Footnote_435_435"></a><a href="#FNanchor_435_435"><span class="label">435</span></a> "Abate their pride, assuage their malice, and confound their +devices." I well remember hearing this read in church throughout +the Crimean war.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_436_436" id="Footnote_436_436"></a><a href="#FNanchor_436_436"><span class="label">436</span></a> "Pro republica Quiritium," in the formula quoted above.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_437_437" id="Footnote_437_437"></a><a href="#FNanchor_437_437"><span class="label">437</span></a> Livy viii. 10 <i>ad fin</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_438_438" id="Footnote_438_438"></a><a href="#FNanchor_438_438"><span class="label">438</span></a> See above, note 28.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_439_439" id="Footnote_439_439"></a><a href="#FNanchor_439_439"><span class="label">439</span></a> See Marquardt, p. 276 and notes; Mommsen, <i>Strafrecht</i>, +900 foll. The subject has generally been treated from the legal +point of view rather than the religious; but from the religious point +of view it has generally been assumed that the sacrifice was to appease +the god. So no doubt it was; but I venture also to conjecture that the +victim was <i>vicarius</i> for the contamination of the community. On the +subject generally Westermarck's two chapters on human sacrifice and +blood-revenge (xix. and xx. in vol. i.) are extremely well worth reading.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_440_440" id="Footnote_440_440"></a><a href="#FNanchor_440_440"><span class="label">440</span></a> <i>Aen.</i> i. 607 foll. Cp. <i>Aen.</i> iii. 429— +</p> +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">praestat Trinacrii metas lustrare Pachyni</span> +<span class="i0">cessantem, longos et circumflectere cursus,</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>where the slow movement and circuitous course of a lustratio must +have been in Virgil's mind. The movement round an object for +lustral purposes is seen in <i>Aen.</i> vi. 229, "idem ter socios pura circumtulit +unda," where Servius explains <i>circumtulit</i> by <i>purgavit</i>. As early +as Livius Andronicus (second century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>) we find "classem lustratur" +of fishes swimming round a fleet (Ribb. <i>Trag. Fragmenta</i>, p. 1).<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">222</a></span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_441_441" id="Footnote_441_441"></a><a href="#FNanchor_441_441"><span class="label">441</span></a> Marquardt, p. 324, for the <i>februa</i> of the Luperci, <i>R.F.</i> p. 320 +foll., and the explanations there given. More will be found alluded +to in Van Gennep, <i>Les Rites de passage</i>, p. 249. To my mind none +are quite convincing. The Romans believed that blows with these +<i>februa</i> (strips of the victim's skin) made women fertile; they were +therefore clearly magical implements, but beyond this we do not +seem to get. (See also Deubner in <i>Archiv</i>, 1910, p. 495 foll.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_442_442" id="Footnote_442_442"></a><a href="#FNanchor_442_442"><span class="label">442</span></a> Varro, <i>L.L.</i> vi. 13, "Februum Sabini purgamentum, et id in +sacris nostris verbum." Cp. Varro, <i>ap. Nonium</i>, p. 114; Ovid, <i>Fasti</i>, +ii. 19 foll., where he calls <i>februa piamina, purgamenta</i>, in the language +of the <i>ius divinum</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_443_443" id="Footnote_443_443"></a><a href="#FNanchor_443_443"><span class="label">443</span></a> <i>L.L.</i> vi. 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_444_444" id="Footnote_444_444"></a><a href="#FNanchor_444_444"><span class="label">444</span></a> Servius, <i>ad Aen.</i> x. 32; xi. 842; cp. i. 136.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_445_445" id="Footnote_445_445"></a><a href="#FNanchor_445_445"><span class="label">445</span></a> See <i>R.F.</i> p. 127, for the same rite in the Church of England +(Brand, <i>Popular Antiquities</i>, p. 292).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_446_446" id="Footnote_446_446"></a><a href="#FNanchor_446_446"><span class="label">446</span></a> <i>Les Rites de passage</i>, ch. ii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_447_447" id="Footnote_447_447"></a><a href="#FNanchor_447_447"><span class="label">447</span></a> For boundary marks in historical times see <i>Gromatici +auctores</i>, vol. ii. p. 250 foll. (Rudorff).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_448_448" id="Footnote_448_448"></a><a href="#FNanchor_448_448"><span class="label">448</span></a> If the cattle were in the woodland beyond the settlement, as +they would be in summer, they could not be protected in this way: +like an army going into the country of <i>hostes</i> (see above, p. 216) +they were treated in another way, which we may connect with the +ritual of the Parilia, as Dr. Frazer has beautifully shown in his paper +on St. George and the Parilia (<i>Revue des études ethnographiques et +sociologiques</i>, 1908, p. 1 foll.).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_449_449" id="Footnote_449_449"></a><a href="#FNanchor_449_449"><span class="label">449</span></a> <i>Georg.</i> i. 338 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_450_450" id="Footnote_450_450"></a><a href="#FNanchor_450_450"><span class="label">450</span></a> Varro, <i>L.L.</i> v. 143; Servius, <i>Aen.</i> v. 755 (from Cato); +Plutarch, <i>Romulus</i>, xi.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_451_451" id="Footnote_451_451"></a><a href="#FNanchor_451_451"><span class="label">451</span></a> See above, p. 117.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_452_452" id="Footnote_452_452"></a><a href="#FNanchor_452_452"><span class="label">452</span></a> Buecheler, <i>Umbrica</i>, pp. 12 foll. and 42 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_453_453" id="Footnote_453_453"></a><a href="#FNanchor_453_453"><span class="label">453</span></a> The deities of the city were invoked to preserve the name, +the magistrates, rites, men, cattle, land, and crops: a list in which +the name is the only item that carries us back to pre-Christian times.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_454_454" id="Footnote_454_454"></a><a href="#FNanchor_454_454"><span class="label">454</span></a> Buecheler, <i>Umbrica</i>, pp. 21 and 84 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_455_455" id="Footnote_455_455"></a><a href="#FNanchor_455_455"><span class="label">455</span></a> Livy xl. 6 init.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_456_456" id="Footnote_456_456"></a><a href="#FNanchor_456_456"><span class="label">456</span></a> See above, p. 96.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_457_457" id="Footnote_457_457"></a><a href="#FNanchor_457_457"><span class="label">457</span></a> Numbers xxxi. 19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_458_458" id="Footnote_458_458"></a><a href="#FNanchor_458_458"><span class="label">458</span></a> Festus, p. 117.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_459_459" id="Footnote_459_459"></a><a href="#FNanchor_459_459"><span class="label">459</span></a> See Hülsen-Jordan, <i>Röm. Topographie</i>, vol. iii. p. 495; Von +Domaszewski, <i>Abhandlungen</i>, p. 217 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_460_460" id="Footnote_460_460"></a><a href="#FNanchor_460_460"><span class="label">460</span></a> Suggested by Van Gennep, <i>Les Rites de passage</i>, p. 28.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_461_461" id="Footnote_461_461"></a><a href="#FNanchor_461_461"><span class="label">461</span></a> Livy iii. 28. 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_462_462" id="Footnote_462_462"></a><a href="#FNanchor_462_462"><span class="label">462</span></a> Farnell, <i>Evolution of Religion</i>, p. 132 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_463_463" id="Footnote_463_463"></a><a href="#FNanchor_463_463"><span class="label">463</span></a> The account of <i>lustratio</i> given in this lecture is adapted from +the author's chapter on the same subject in <i>Anthropology and the +Classics</i>, Oxford University Press, 1908.</p></div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">223</a></span></p> +<h4>LECTURE X</h4> + +<h5>THE FIRST ARRIVAL OF NEW CULTS IN ROME</h5> + + +<p>I said in my first lecture that the whole story of Roman +religious experience falls into two parts: first, that of the +formularisation of rules and methods for getting effectively +into right relations with the Power manifesting itself in +the universe; secondly, that of the gradual discovery of +the inadequacy of these, and of the engrafting on the State +religion of Rome of an ever-increasing number of foreign +rites and deities. The first of these stories has been +occupying us so far, and before I leave it for what will be +practically an introduction to succeeding lectures, it will +be as well for me to sum up the results at which we have +already arrived.</p> + +<p>I began with what I called the protoplasm of religion, +the primitive ideas and practices which form the psychological +basis of the whole growth. The feeling of awe +and anxiety about that which is mysterious and unknown, +the feeling which the Romans called <i>religio</i>, seems to have +manifested itself in Italy, as elsewhere, in those various +ways which I discussed in my second and third lectures, +in the various forms of magic, negative and positive. We +find unmistakable evidence of the existence of those +strict rules of conduct called taboos, which fetter the mind +and body of primitive man, which probably arise from an +ineffective desire to put himself in right relations with +forces he does not understand, and which have their value +as a social discipline. Again, we find surviving in +historical Rome numerous forms of active or positive<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">224</a></span> +magic, by which it was thought possible to compel or +overcome those powers, so as to use them for your own +benefit and against your enemies. But I was careful to +point out that on the whole little of all this evidence of +the early existence of magic at Rome is to be found in +the public religion of the Roman State, and that the +natural inference from this is that at one time or another +there must have been a very powerful influence at work in +cutting away these obsolete root-leaves of the plant that +was to be, and in making of that plant a neat, well-defined +growth.</p> + +<p>I went on to deal with the first stage in the working +of this influence, which we found reflected in the religion +of the family as we know it in historical times. The +family, settled on the land, with its homestead and its +regular routine of agricultural process, developed a more +effective desire to get into right relation with the Power +manifesting itself in the universe. Anxiety is greatly +lessened both in the house and on the land, because within +those limits there is a "peace" (or covenant) between the +divine and human inhabitants who have taken up their +residence there. The supernatural powers, conceived now +(whatever they may have been before) as spirits, are friendly +if rightly propitiated, and much advance has been made in +the methods of propitiation; magic and religion are still +doubtless mixed up together in these, but the tendency +seems to be to get gradually rid of the more inadequate +and blundering methods. In fact, man's knowledge of +the Divine has greatly advanced; spirits have some slight +tendency to become deities, and magic is in part at least +superseded by an orderly round of sacrifice and prayer, +which is performed daily within the house, and within the +boundary of the land at certain seasons of the year. This +stage of settlement and routine was the first great revolution +in the religious experience of the Romans, and +supplied the basis of their national character.</p> + +<p>The second revolution which we can clearly discern, +and far the most important as a factor in Roman history,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">225</a></span> +is that of the organisation of the religion of the city-state +of Rome. Doubtless there were stages intermediate +between the two, but they are entirely lost to us. We +had to concentrate our attention on the city of the four +regions—the first city we really know—and to examine +the one document which has survived from it, the so-called +calendar of Numa. In my fifth lecture I explained the +nature of that calendar, and noted how it reflects the life +of a people at once agricultural and military, and how it +must presuppose the existence of a highly organised legal +priesthood, or of some powerful genius for political as well +as religious legislation. The tradition of a great priest-king +is not wholly to be despised, for it expresses the +feeling of the Romans that religious law and order were +indispensable parts of their whole political and social life. +During the rest of these lectures I have been trying to +interrogate this religious calendar, with such help as could +be gained from any other sources, on two points: (1) the +conception, or, if we can venture to use the word, the +knowledge, which the Romans of that early city-state had +of the Divine; (2) the chief forms and methods of their +worship. We saw that they did not think of the divine +beings as existing in human form with human weaknesses, +but as invisible and intangible functional powers, <i>numina</i>. +Each had its special limited sphere of action; and some +were now localised within the <i>pomoerium</i>, or just outside +it within the <i>ager Romanus</i>, and worshipped under +a particular name. I suggested that this very settlement +had probably some influence in preparing them for assuming +a more definite and personal character, should the +chance be given them. In regard to the forms of cult +with which they were propitiated, I found in the ritual of +sacrifice and prayer a genuine advance towards a really +religious attitude to the deity, the sacrifices being meant +to increase his power to benefit the community, and the +prayers to diminish such inclination as he might have to +damage it; but that there are in these certain survivals +of the age of magic, which are, however, only formal, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">226</a></span> +have lost their original significance. I found some curious +examples of such survivals in the rite of <i>devotio</i>, and in +vows generally a somewhat lower type of method in +dealing with the supernatural. But, on the other hand, +the forms of <i>lustratio</i>, at the bottom of which seems to lie +the idea of getting rid of evil spirits and influences, present +very beautiful examples of what we may really call +religious ceremony.</p> + +<p>There was, then, in this highly-organised religion of the +city-state, in some ways at least, a great advance. But +in spite of this gain, it had serious drawbacks. Most +prominent among these was the fact that it was the +religion of the State as a whole, and not of the individual +or the family. Religion, I think we may safely say, had +placed a certain consecration upon the simple life of the +family, which was, in fact, the life of the individual; for +the essence of religion in all stages of civilisation lies in +the feeling of the individual that his own life, his bodily +and mental welfare, is dependent on the Divine as he and +his regard it. But to what extent can it be said that +religion so consecrated the life of the State as to enable +each individual in his family group to feel that consecration +more vividly? That would have constituted a real +advance in religious development; that was the result, if +I am not mistaken, of the religion of the Jewish State, +which with all the force of a powerful hierarchical authority +addressed its precepts to the mind and will of the individual. +But at Rome, though the earliest traces and +traditions of law show a certain consecration of morality, +inasmuch as the criminal is made over as a kind of propitiatory +sacrifice to the deity whom he has offended, yet +in the ordinary course of life, so far as I can discern, the +individual was left very much where he was, before the +State arose, in his relation to the Divine.</p> + +<p>In no other ancient State that we know of did the +citizen so entirely resign the regulation of all his dealings +with the State's gods to the constituted authorities set over +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">227</a></span>him. His obligatory part in the religious ritual of the +State was simply <i>nil</i>, and all his religious duty on days +of religious importance was to abstain from civil business, +to make no disturbance. Within the household he used +his own simple ritual, the morning prayer, the libation to +the household deities at meals; and it is exactly here +that we see a <i>pietas</i>, a sense of duty consecrated by +religion, which seems to have had a real ethical value, +and reminds us of modern piety. But in all his relations +with the gods <i>qua</i> citizen, he resigned himself to the +trained and trusted priesthoods, who knew the secrets of +ritual and all that was comprised in the <i>ius divinum</i>; and +by passive obedience to these authorities he gradually +began to deaden the sense of <i>religio</i> that was in him. +And this tendency was increased by the mere fact of life +in a city, which as time went on became more and more +the rule; for, as I pointed out, the round of religious +festivals no longer exactly expressed the needs and the +work of that agricultural life in which it had its origin.</p> + +<p>It would be an interesting inquiry, if the material for +an answer were available, to try and discover how this +gradual absorption of religion (or rather religious duties) +by the State and its authorities affected the morality of +the individual Roman. It has often been maintained of +late that religion and morality have nothing in common; +and even Dr. Westermarck,<a name="FNanchor_464_464" id="FNanchor_464_464"></a><a href="#Footnote_464_464" class="fnanchor">464</a> who, unlike most anthropologists, +treats the whole subject from a psychological +point of view, seems inclined to come to this conclusion. +For myself, I am rather disposed to agree with another +eminent anthropologist,<a name="FNanchor_465_465" id="FNanchor_465_465"></a><a href="#Footnote_465_465" class="fnanchor">465</a> that religion and morality are +really elemental instincts of human nature, primarily undistinguishable +from each other; and if that be so, then +the over-elaboration of either the moral or religious law, +or of the two combined, will tend to weaken the binding +force of both. If, as at Rome, the citizen is made perfectly +comfortable in his relations with the Power manifesting +itself in the universe, owing to the complete mastery of +the <i>ius divinum</i> by the State and its officials, there will +assuredly be a tendency to paralyse the elemental religious<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">228</a></span> +impulse, and with it, if I am not mistaken, the elemental +sense of right and wrong. For in the life of a state with +such a legalised religious system as this, so long at least +as it thrives and escapes serious disaster, there will be few +or none of those moments of peril and anxiety in which +"man is brought face to face with the eternal realities of +existence,"<a name="FNanchor_466_466" id="FNanchor_466_466"></a><a href="#Footnote_466_466" class="fnanchor">466</a> and when he becomes awakened to a new +sense of religion and duty. In the life of the family, the +critical moments of birth, puberty, marriage, and death +regularly recur, and keep up the instinct, because man is +then brought face to face with these eternal facts; there +is no need of extraordinary perils, such as tempests or +pestilences, to keep the instinct alive. But in the life of +the State as such there were no such continually recurring +reminders; even the old agricultural perils were out of +sight of the ordinary citizen. Thus the farthest we can +go in ascribing a moral influence to the State religion is +in giving it credit for helping to maintain that sense of +law and order which served to keep the life of the family +sound and wholesome. That it did to some extent perform +this service I have already pointed out;<a name="FNanchor_467_467" id="FNanchor_467_467"></a><a href="#Footnote_467_467" class="fnanchor">467</a> and it is a +remarkable fact that the decay of the State religion was +coincident, in the last two centuries <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, with the decay +of the family life and virtues. But on the whole, as we +shall see, the <i>ius divinum</i> had rather the effect of hypnotising +the religious and moral instinct than of keeping it +awake. It needed new perils for the State as a whole to +re-create that feeling which is the root of the growth of +conscience; and when the craving did at last come upon +the Roman, which in times of doubt and peril has come +upon individuals and communities in all ages, for support +and comfort from the Unseen, it had to be satisfied by +giving him new gods to worship in new ways—aliens +with whom he had nothing in common, who had no +home in his patriotic feeling, no place in his religious +experience.<a name="FNanchor_468_468" id="FNanchor_468_468"></a><a href="#Footnote_468_468" class="fnanchor">468</a></p> + +<p>I wish to conclude this first part of my subject by +giving some account of the first beginning of this intro<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">229</a></span>duction +of new deities, <i>di novensiles</i> as they were called,<a name="FNanchor_469_469" id="FNanchor_469_469"></a><a href="#Footnote_469_469" class="fnanchor">469</a> +into the old Roman religious world. Those, however, of +whom I shall speak here were not introduced as the +result of disaster or distress, but were simply the inevitable +consequence of the growing importance of the city +on the Tiber—of the beginnings of her commercial and +political relations with her neighbours, and also of her +own development in the arts of civilisation. The religious +system with which I have so far been dealing was the +exclusive property, we must remember, of those <i>gentes</i>, +with the families composing them, which formed the +original human material of the State, and were known as +<i>patrician</i>. If we had no other reason for being sure of +this, the fact that all State priesthoods were originally +limited to patrician families would be sufficient to prove +it;<a name="FNanchor_470_470" id="FNanchor_470_470"></a><a href="#Footnote_470_470" class="fnanchor">470</a> even down to the latest times the <i>rex sacrorum</i>, the +three <i>flamines maiores</i>, and the <i>Salii</i> were necessarily of +patrician birth—a fact which had much to do with their +tendency to disappear in the last age of the Republic.</p> + +<p>But in the course of the period within which the Numan +calendar was drawn up, this community of patrician +burghers began to suffer certain changes. A population +of "outsiders," as in so many Greek cities, had gained +admittance to the site of Rome, though not into its +political and religious organism.<a name="FNanchor_471_471" id="FNanchor_471_471"></a><a href="#Footnote_471_471" class="fnanchor">471</a> So solid a city, in such +an important position, was sure to attract such settlers, +whether from the Latins dwelling about it, or from the +Etruscans on the north, or the Greek cities along the +coast southwards and in Sicily. The Latins were, of +course, of the same stock as the Romans, and already in +some loose political relation to them; and as each Latin +city was open, like Rome, to Greek and Etruscan influences, +we should probably see in Latium an indirect +channel of communication between those peoples and +Rome, to be reckoned in addition to the direct and +obvious one. As Dr. J. B. Carter has well said,<a name="FNanchor_472_472" id="FNanchor_472_472"></a><a href="#Footnote_472_472" class="fnanchor">472</a> "the +Latins, becoming rapidly inferior to Rome, were enabled +to do her at least this service, that of absorbing the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">230</a></span> +foreign influences which came, and in certain cases of +Latinising them, and thus transmitting them to Rome in +a more or less assimilated condition." As Dr. Carter has +been the first to explain the arrival of these new religious +influences to English readers, I shall in what follows +closely follow his footsteps. They indicate and also +reflect a change from agricultural economy and habits to +a society interested in trade and travel: I say interested, +because we cannot be quite sure how far the old Romans +engaged in such pursuits themselves, as well as admitting +from outside those who did, with their worships. They +indicate also the growth of an industrial population, +organised in gilds, as in the Middle Ages; here beyond +doubt the workers were mainly of native birth. Lastly, +they indicate an advance in military efficiency and, as a +result of this military progress, some change in the +relation of Rome to her fellow-communities of Latium.</p> + +<p>Perhaps the first of these new deities to arrive was the +famous Hercules Victor or Invictus of the <i>ara maxima</i> in +the Forum Boarium, who continued for centuries to +accept the tithes of the booty of generals and the profits +of successful merchants. Virgil in the eighth <i>Aeneid</i><a name="FNanchor_473_473" id="FNanchor_473_473"></a><a href="#Footnote_473_473" class="fnanchor">473</a> +makes Evander show his guest this altar and the celebration +of its festival, and tell him the tale of Cacus and the +oxen and the cave on the Aventine hard by; the poet, +like every one else until the last few years, believed the +cult to be primeval and Roman. But one of the many +gains for the history of Roman religion which have +recently been secured—even since the publication of my +<i>Roman Festivals</i>—is the certainty that the Italian Hercules +is really the Greek Heracles acclimatised in the sister +peninsula, and that the cult of the <i>ara maxima</i>, though +that altar was inside the sacred boundary of the <i>pomoerium</i>, +was not native in Rome.<a name="FNanchor_474_474" id="FNanchor_474_474"></a><a href="#Footnote_474_474" class="fnanchor">474</a> It seems, however, almost +certain that it did not come direct from any part of +Hellas, though its position, close to the Tiber and its +landing-place, might naturally lead us to think so. It is +almost impossible to believe that Heracles would have<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">231</a></span> +been allowed inside the <i>pomoerium</i>, had he been introduced +by foreigners in the strict sense of the word. No doubt +much has yet to be learnt about Hercules in Italy; but +recent painstaking researches have made it possible for us +to acquiesce in the belief that this Hercules of the <i>ara</i> +came from a Latin city,—from that Tibur which by +tradition was of Greek origin—"Tibur Argeo positum +colono,"—and which, like its neighbour Praeneste, was +curiously receptive of foreign influence.<a name="FNanchor_475_475" id="FNanchor_475_475"></a><a href="#Footnote_475_475" class="fnanchor">475</a> It is believed +that the Greek traders from Campania and Magna Graecia +made their way northwards through Latium, and thus +eventually reached Rome with the deity whom they seem +to have always carried with them. He was, in the words +of Dr. Carter,<a name="FNanchor_476_476" id="FNanchor_476_476"></a><a href="#Footnote_476_476" class="fnanchor">476</a> a deity of whom, by the contagion of +commerce, the Romans already felt a great need, a god +of great power from whom came success in the practical +undertakings of life; and it was quite natural that his +shrine should be in the busy cattle-market of the city, if +we remember that the wealth of the early Romans, <i>pecunia</i> +as they called it, mainly consisted in sheep and oxen. +As Heracles in various forms was to be met with all over +the Mediterranean coasts, it would indeed be strange if he +were not found in the growing city commanding the +central water-way of Italy; and his appearance there may +be said to have put Rome in touch with the Mediterranean +business of that day. There he was destined to remain, +with all the honour of an oldest cult, though other cults +of the same god came in later, and were established quite +close to him; and though never a State deity of much +importance, he exercised a wholesome influence in matters +of trade, as the god who sanctioned your oath, and who +accepted the tithe of your gain which you had vowed at +the outset of an enterprise.<a name="FNanchor_477_477" id="FNanchor_477_477"></a><a href="#Footnote_477_477" class="fnanchor">477</a></p> + +<p>In the same period, though the traditional date of their +temple is later, came the Twin Brethren, Castor and +Pollux, and found their way, like Hercules, into the city +within the <i>pomoerium</i>. The famous temple of Castor +(before whom his brother gradually gave way) was at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">232</a></span> +the end of the Forum under the Palatine, close to the +fountain of Juturna, where the Twins watered their horses +after the battle of Lake Regillus; and there the beautiful +remains of the latest reconstruction of it still stand.<a name="FNanchor_478_478" id="FNanchor_478_478"></a><a href="#Footnote_478_478" class="fnanchor">478</a> This +position alone should make us feel confident that the cult +did not come direct from Greek sources; and it had its +origin, perhaps, in the period when Rome was in close +relation with Latin cities, which themselves had been +gradually absorbing the cults and products of the Greeks +of Campania. There is a strong probability that it came +from Tusculum, with which the legend of the Regillus +battle is closely connected, and where the cult had beyond +doubt taken strong root.<a name="FNanchor_479_479" id="FNanchor_479_479"></a><a href="#Footnote_479_479" class="fnanchor">479</a> Like the Hercules of the <i>ara +maxima</i>, the Twins were no doubt brought by the course +of trade, which was continually pushing up from the south; +for they too were favourites of the merchant adventurer, +and throughout Hellas were the special protectors of the +seafarer. Their connection with horses is well known, and +not as yet satisfactorily explained in its Roman aspect; +but Dr. J. B. Carter thinks that they first became prominent +in Greece when the Homeric use of chariots was abandoned +for a primitive kind of cavalry, and that "the Castor-cult +moved steadily northward (from Magna Graecia), carried, +as it were, on horseback," and that when it reached Rome +it became connected with the reorganisation of the cavalry. +This seems to be almost pure guess-work, and, attractive +as it is, I fear we cannot put much faith in it.<a name="FNanchor_480_480" id="FNanchor_480_480"></a><a href="#Footnote_480_480" class="fnanchor">480</a> The +position in the Forum, and the well-known connection of +both twins with oaths,<a name="FNanchor_481_481" id="FNanchor_481_481"></a><a href="#Footnote_481_481" class="fnanchor">481</a> seem to me rather to suggest a +more natural origin in trade. I would suggest that the +equine character of the cult in Latium was secondary, and +that the connection of the temple and cult with the Roman +cavalry was a natural result, but not a primary feature, of +its introduction. I should be inclined to look on it as coming +in with the building of the temple, which was probably +of later origin than the original introduction of the cult.</p> + +<p>Some time after the calendar was drawn up, a deity +was established on the Aventine, <i>i.e.</i> not within the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">233</a></span> +<i>pomoerium</i>, whose arrival marks a development in the +organisation of handicraft. We cannot indeed <i>prove</i> that +the settlement of Minerva on the Aventine took place so +early, but we have strong grounds for the conclusion.<a name="FNanchor_482_482" id="FNanchor_482_482"></a><a href="#Footnote_482_482" class="fnanchor">482</a> +This temple was in historical times the religious centre of +trade-gilds; and these gilds were by universal Roman +tradition ascribed to Numa as founder, which simply means +that they were among the oldest institutions of the City-state. +As Minerva does not appear in the calendar, had +no <i>flamen</i>, and therefore must have been altogether outside +the original patrician religious system, the natural inference +is that the temple was founded, like the shrines of +Hercules and the Twin Brethren, towards the end of the +period we are dealing with, and was from the first the +centre of the gilds. Of those mentioned by Plutarch in +his life of Numa (ch. 17), we know that the following gilds +belonged to Minerva: <i>tibicines</i>, <i>fabri</i> (carpenters?), <i>fullones</i>, +<i>sutores</i>; and it is a reasonable guess that the others, +<i>coriarii</i>, <i>fabri aerarii</i>, and <i>aurifices</i>, were also under her +protection. These trades, as Waltzing remarks in his +great work on Roman gilds,<a name="FNanchor_483_483" id="FNanchor_483_483"></a><a href="#Footnote_483_483" class="fnanchor">483</a> are all in keeping with the +rudimentary civilisation of primitive Rome; they are those +which were first carried on outside of the family. Workers +in iron are not among them; bronze is still the common +metal.</p> + +<p>Now of course we must not go so far as to assume that +none of these trades existed before the cult of Minerva +came to Rome; but from her close association with them +all through Roman history, and from the fact that the +Romans were originally an agricultural folk, as the calendar +shows, with a simple economy and simple needs, it is +legitimate to connect the arrival of the goddess with the +growth of town life and the demand for articles once made +in rude fashion chiefly on the farms, and with a period +of improvement in manufacture, and the use of better +materials and better methods. Whence, then, did these +improvements come? This is only another way of asking +the question, Whence did Minerva come?<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">234</a></span></p> + +<p>By the common consent of investigators she came from +the semi-Latin town of Falerii in southern Etruria, where +these arts were practised by Etruscans, or those who had +learnt of Etruscans.<a name="FNanchor_484_484" id="FNanchor_484_484"></a><a href="#Footnote_484_484" class="fnanchor">484</a> Her name is Italian, not Etruscan;<a name="FNanchor_485_485" id="FNanchor_485_485"></a><a href="#Footnote_485_485" class="fnanchor">485</a> +she was an old Italian deity taken over by the invading +Etruscans from the peoples whose land they occupied. +But while in the hands of Etruscans she had adopted +Greek characteristics, especially those of Athene, the +patroness of arts and crafts. She soon, indeed, appeared +with some of the character of Athene Polias, as we shall +see at the end of this lecture; but her real importance, far +down into the period of the Empire, was in the temple on +the Aventine, and in connection with the crafts. The dedication +day of the temple was March 19, which was known, +as we learn on the best authority, also as <i>artificum dies</i>.<a name="FNanchor_486_486" id="FNanchor_486_486"></a><a href="#Footnote_486_486" class="fnanchor">486</a></p> + +<p>There was another famous temple on the Aventine +which by universal consent is attributed to the same period +as that of Minerva. Diana does not appear in the +calendar, and had no <i>flamen</i>; Roman tradition ascribed +her arrival to Servius Tullius, and we shall not be far +wrong if we place it at or towards the end of the age of +the kingship. The temple was celebrated as containing +an ancient statue of Diana, the oldest or almost the oldest +representation of a deity in human form known at Rome, +which was a copy of a rude image of Artemis at Massilia, of +the type of the famous ξὁανον of the Ephesian Artemis.<a name="FNanchor_487_487" id="FNanchor_487_487"></a><a href="#Footnote_487_487" class="fnanchor">487</a> +It also contained a <i>lex templi</i> in Greek characters, and a +treaty or charter of a federation of Latin cities with Rome +as their head, which was seen by Dionysius of Halicarnassus +when in Rome in the time of Augustus.<a name="FNanchor_488_488" id="FNanchor_488_488"></a><a href="#Footnote_488_488" class="fnanchor">488</a></p> + +<p>The explanation of the arrival of Diana is simple. The +<i>dies natalis</i> of the temple is the same as that of the famous +shrine of the same goddess at Aricia—the Ides of August.<a name="FNanchor_489_489" id="FNanchor_489_489"></a><a href="#Footnote_489_489" class="fnanchor">489</a> +Aricia was at this time the centre of a league of cities including +Tusculum and Tibur, with both of which, as we +have just seen, Rome was closely connected at this time; +a league which is generally supposed to have superseded +that of Alba, marking some revolution in Latium con<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">235</a></span>sequent +on the fall of Alba.<a name="FNanchor_490_490" id="FNanchor_490_490"></a><a href="#Footnote_490_490" class="fnanchor">490</a> Diana was a wood-spirit, a +tree-spirit, as Dr. Frazer has taught us, with some relation +to the moon and to the life of women; of late she has +become familiar to every one, not as she was known later, +in the disguise of Artemis, but as the deity of that shrine—"pinguis +et placabilis ara Dianae"—of which the priest +was the Rex Nemorensis: he who "slew the slayer and +shall himself be slain."<a name="FNanchor_491_491" id="FNanchor_491_491"></a><a href="#Footnote_491_491" class="fnanchor">491</a> But in those days it was only +the fact that she was the chief local deity of Aricia, the +leading city of the new league, which brought her suddenly +into notice. When the strategic position of Rome gave +her in turn the lead in Latium, Diana passed on from +Aricia to the Tiber, entered on a new life, and eventually +took over the attributes of Artemis, with whom she had +much in common. The Diana whom we know in Roman +literature is really Artemis; but Diana of the Aventine, +when she first arrived there, was the wood-spirit of Aricia, +and her temple was an outward sign of Rome's new position +in Latium: it was built by the chiefs of the Latin +cities in conjunction with Rome, and is described by Varro +as "commune Latinorum Dianae templum."<a name="FNanchor_492_492" id="FNanchor_492_492"></a><a href="#Footnote_492_492" class="fnanchor">492</a> It was +appropriately placed on the only Roman hill which +was then still covered with wood, and was outside the +<i>pomoerium</i>.</p> + +<p>There was one other goddess, a Latin one, who was +traditionally associated with this period, and especially +with king Servius Tullius—Fortuna, or Fors Fortuna; +she does not appear in the calendar, had no <i>flamen</i>, and +must have been introduced from outside. But it was long +before Fortuna became of any real importance in Rome, +and I shall leave her out of account here. She had two +homes of renown in Latium, at Antium and Praeneste, and +was in each connected with a kind of oracle, which seems +to have been specially resorted to by women before and +after childbirth. She was also very probably a deity of +other kinds of fertility; and in course of time she took on +the characteristics of the Greek Tyche, and became a +favourite deity of good luck.<a name="FNanchor_493_493" id="FNanchor_493_493"></a><a href="#Footnote_493_493" class="fnanchor">493</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">236</a></span></p> + +<p>Let us pause for one moment to reflect on the character +of these new deities of whom I have been speaking: Hercules, +Castor, Minerva, Diana. It must be confessed that, +as compared with the great deities of the calendar, they +are uninteresting; with the exception, perhaps, of Hercules, +they do not seem to have any real <i>religious</i> significance. +They are local deities brought in from outside, and have +no root in the mind of the Roman people as we have so +far been studying it. They seem to indicate the growth +of a population in which the true old Roman religious +instinct was absent; they represent commerce, business, +handicraft, or politics, pursuits in which the old Roman +and Latin farmers were not directly interested; they were +suffered to be in Rome because the new population and +the new interests must of necessity have their own worships, +but they were not taken into the heart and mind of +the people. So at least it seems to us, after we have +been examining the development of the native religious +plant from its root upwards. But we must remember that +of that new population, its life and its needs, we know +hardly anything, and it would not be safe to assume that +the conception of Minerva had no influence on the conscience +of the artisan, or that of Hercules no power of +binding the trader to honest dealing and respect for his +oath. As for Diana, though, as Dr. Carter says, she had +been introduced "as part of a diplomatic game, not because +Rome felt any religious need of her," the fact that the +Latin treaty was kept in her temple has a certain moral +as well as political significance which ought not to be +overlooked. It is impossible to put ourselves mentally in +the position of the men who brought these cults to Rome, +or of the Romans who granted them admittance; but we +shall be on the safe side if we imagine the former at least +to have had a conviction that their dealings at Rome +would not prosper unless they were carried out with the +blessing of their own gods.</p> + +<p>But we now come, in the last place, to the foundation +of a cult of a very different kind from these, and of far<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">237</a></span> +greater import than any of them in the history of Roman +religious experience. We have seen that the temple of +Diana on the Aventine meant the transference of the +headship of the Latin league from Aricia to Rome. When +Rome took over this headship, and by removing its religious +centre to Rome—or, perhaps more accurately, by offering +Diana of Aricia a new home by the Tiber—removed also +any danger of a new power growing up in Latium outside +her own influence, she seems to have taken another important +step in the same direction. Archæological evidence +confirms the tradition that at this time the temple of +Jupiter Latiaris, the real and original god of the league, on +the Alban hill, was rebuilt;<a name="FNanchor_494_494" id="FNanchor_494_494"></a><a href="#Footnote_494_494" class="fnanchor">494</a> and as the remains of its +foundation are of Etruscan workmanship, we may believe +that the work was undertaken at that period of an Etruscan +dominion in Rome which no one now seriously doubts, +and which is marked by the Etruscan name Tarquinius, +and by the old tradition that Servius Tullius was really +an Etruscan bearing the Etruscan name Mastarna.<a name="FNanchor_495_495" id="FNanchor_495_495"></a><a href="#Footnote_495_495" class="fnanchor">495</a> Now +those in power at Rome at this time, whoever they were, +not content with rebuilding the ancient temple of Jupiter +on the Alban hill, conceived the idea of also building a +great temple at Rome, on the steep rock overlooking the +Forum, to the same deity of the heaven who had long +presided over the Latin league. The tradition was that +this temple was vowed by the first Tarquinius, begun by +the second, and finally dedicated by the first consul +Horatius in the year 509.<a name="FNanchor_496_496" id="FNanchor_496_496"></a><a href="#Footnote_496_496" class="fnanchor">496</a> It is quite possible that this +tradition indicates the truth in outline—that it was an +Etruscan who conceived the idea of the great work, and +that the foreign domination gave way to a Roman reaction +before the temple was ready for dedication. We cannot +know what exactly was the Etruscan intention as to the +cult; but we know that the temple was built in the Etruscan +style, that its foundations were of Etruscan masonry,<a name="FNanchor_497_497" id="FNanchor_497_497"></a><a href="#Footnote_497_497" class="fnanchor">497</a> and +that the deities inhabiting it were three—a <i>trias</i>—a feature +quite foreign to the native Roman religion.<a name="FNanchor_498_498" id="FNanchor_498_498"></a><a href="#Footnote_498_498" class="fnanchor">498</a> Jupiter, +Juno, and Minerva had each a separate dwelling (<i>cella</i>)<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">238</a></span> +within the walls of the temple, which, in order to meet this +innovation, was almost as broad as it was long. Whether +this trias was the one originally intended by the Etruscan +king or kings it is impossible to say; but I have great +doubts of it. I confess that I have no ground but probability +to go on when I conjecture that a long period +elapsed between the beginning of this great undertaking +and the final completion, and that in the meantime many +things had happened of which we have no record; that +when the temple was finished it was in Roman hands, +though retaining its Etruscan characteristics, and especially +the combination of three deities; and that those three +deities were essentially Roman in conception. Roman, +too, was the idea that one of the three should be paramount; +the two goddesses never attained to any special +significance, and the temple always remained essentially +the dwelling of the great Jupiter, the Father of heaven.<a name="FNanchor_499_499" id="FNanchor_499_499"></a><a href="#Footnote_499_499" class="fnanchor">499</a></p> + +<p>The cult-titles of this Jupiter, Optimus Maximus, the +best and greatest, seem to raise him to a position not +only far above his colleagues in the temple, but above all +other Jupiters in Latium or elsewhere, and presumably +above all other deities. They thus suggest a deliberate +attempt to place him in a higher position than even the +Jupiter Latiaris of the Mons Albanus, whose temple had +been rebuilt in the same period. The very novelty of +such cult-titles betrays both power and genius in their +originator; they are wholly unlike any we have met with +so far; they do not suggest a function or a locality or a +connection with some other deity; they stand absolutely +alone in the history of the Roman religion till far on in +the Empire.<a name="FNanchor_500_500" id="FNanchor_500_500"></a><a href="#Footnote_500_500" class="fnanchor">500</a> Here is no <i>numen</i> needed at a particular +season to bless some agricultural operation; Jupiter +Optimus Maximus seems hardly to be limited by space +or season, and is to be always there looking down on +his people from his seat on the hill which was henceforward +to be called Capitolinus, because the space which +had been prepared there for his reception bore the name +of Capitolium, the place of headship.<a name="FNanchor_501_501" id="FNanchor_501_501"></a><a href="#Footnote_501_501" class="fnanchor">501</a> These titles, Best<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">239</a></span> +and Greatest, call for reflection, for more thought than we +are apt to give them; one wonders whether they can be +as old as tradition claimed, and in fact at least one recent +writer has been tempted, without sufficient reason, to +date the whole foundation two centuries later than the +Tarquinii.<a name="FNanchor_502_502" id="FNanchor_502_502"></a><a href="#Footnote_502_502" class="fnanchor">502</a> To me they rather suggest the hypothesis +that the break-up of the Etruscan domination in Rome +was the work of a man or men inspired by a new national +feeling which ascribed the revolution to the great god of +the race, to whose shrine on the same hill the kings had +been used to bring the spoils of their enemies<a name="FNanchor_503_503" id="FNanchor_503_503"></a><a href="#Footnote_503_503" class="fnanchor">503</a>; and +that they took advantage of the uncompleted Etruscan +temple, with its huge foundations and underground +<i>favissae</i>, to settle there a new Jupiter, better and greater +than any other, to whom his people would be for ever +grateful, and in whom they would for ever put their trust. +All older associations with cults of the Heaven-god were +to be banished from the Capitolium, just as all other +deities were believed to have fled from the spot, save +only Terminus; the ancient priest of Jupiter, the Flamen +Dialis, had no special connection with this temple and its +cult, which were under the immediate charge of an <i>aedituus</i> +only.<a name="FNanchor_504_504" id="FNanchor_504_504"></a><a href="#Footnote_504_504" class="fnanchor">504</a> Here was the centre of the public worship of the +State as a whole, not only of the old patrician State; and +no such ancient curiosity as the Flamen Dialis, who, as +I have suggested, was a survival from some older era of +Latin religious history, was to be supreme there. Here +the Consul of the free Republic was to offer, on entering +office, the victim—the white heifer of the Alban cult—which +his predecessor had vowed, and himself to bind his +successor to a like sacrifice; and this he did on behalf of +patrician and plebeian alike. Here the victorious general +was to deposit his spoils, reaching the temple in the +solemn procession of the <i>triumphus</i>, and wearing the +<i>ornamenta</i> of the deity himself; for here, contrary to all +precedent in the worship of Romans, there was an image +of the god wrought in terra cotta and brought from +Etruria.<a name="FNanchor_505_505" id="FNanchor_505_505"></a><a href="#Footnote_505_505" class="fnanchor">505</a> It is in connection with such solemn events as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">240</a></span> +these that we may find the origin of those imposing processions +which for centuries were to impress the minds of +the Roman people, and indeed of their enemies also, +with the might and magnificence of their Empire; for +apart from the triumphal processions with which we are +all familiar, the scene at the entrance of new consuls on +their office must have been most impressive. They were +accompanied by the other magistrates, the Senate, the +priests in their robes of office, and by an immense crowd +of citizens. After the ceremony the Senate met <i>in the +temple</i> to transact the first religious business of the year. +Here too the tribal assembly met for the purpose of +enrolling the new levies before each season of war, in +order that the youths who were to fight the battles of +Rome might realise the presence of Rome's great protecting +deity. Even in the most degenerate days of the +Roman religion, though Jupiter had suffered from the +ridicule of playwrights or the speculations of philosophers, +an orator's appeal to the Best and Greatest looking down +on the Forum from his seat above it, could not fail to +move the hearers; "Ille, ille Iuppiter restitit," cried Cicero +in the peril of the Catilinarian conspiracy, "ille Capitolium, +ille haec templa, ille cunctam urbem, ille vos omnes salvos +esse voluit."<a name="FNanchor_506_506" id="FNanchor_506_506"></a><a href="#Footnote_506_506" class="fnanchor">506</a></p> + +<p>Nor was it only the State as represented by its officials +that could and did address itself to the worship of this +great god. It seems probable that the new idea of a +single guardian deity, with his two attendant goddesses, +for which the Romans were indebted to the genius (whoever +he may have been) who released them from the yoke +of the Etruscan, opened the cult to the individual in a +way which must have been a novelty in the religious life +of the people.<a name="FNanchor_507_507" id="FNanchor_507_507"></a><a href="#Footnote_507_507" class="fnanchor">507</a> The most memorable example of this is +in the famous story told of Scipio, the conqueror of +Hannibal, which is not likely to be an invention of the +annalists. As Gellius records it, it stands thus: Scipio +was wont to ascend to the temple just before daylight, to +order the <i>cella Iovis</i> to be opened for him, and there to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">241</a></span> +remain alone for a long time, as if taking counsel with +the god about the affairs of the State. The dogs, it was +said, which guarded the entrance, astonished the temple-keepers +by treating him always with respect, while they +would attack or bark at others.<a name="FNanchor_508_508" id="FNanchor_508_508"></a><a href="#Footnote_508_508" class="fnanchor">508</a></p> + +<p>The reader may remark, that during the last few +minutes I have wandered quite away from the Roman +religion which we have so far been trying to understand, +and he will be right. I have but just touched on this great +cult, which properly belongs to Rome of the Republic, in +order to show how great a change must have taken place, +how great a revolution must have been consummated, +when this temple arose on its Etruscan substructures. +We have marked two forward steps in the social and +political experience of the Romans: the settlement of the +family on the land and the organisation of the City-state +with its calendar. Here is a third, the liberation of +that State from a foreign dominion, and the development, +in matters both internal and external, which subjection +and liberation alike brought with them. In regard to +religious experience, the first produced the ordered +worship of the household, which had a lasting effect on the +Roman character; the second produced the <i>ius divinum</i>, +the priesthoods and the ritual for the service of the +various <i>numina</i> which had consented to take up their +abode in the city and its precincts. These two taken +together changed doubt and anxiety into confidence, +stilled the <i>religio</i> natural to uncivilised man, and developed +the machinery of magic into forms and ceremonies +which were more truly religious. Now we note a third great +social step forward, which brings with it a new conception +and expression of the religious unity of the State; henceforward, +alongside of a multiplicity of cults and of priests +attached to them, we have one central worship to which +all free citizens may resort, and a trinity of guardian +deities, of whom one, Jupiter Best and Greatest, is the +one presiding genius of the whole State.</p> + +<p>Lastly, there can hardly be a doubt that this new cult<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">242</a></span> +marks a more extensive communication with neighbouring +peoples than the State had as yet experienced or encouraged. +Etruria, Latium, and Greece, all seem to have +had a hand in it. Of its relation to the Latins and +Etruscans I have already spoken. It only remains for +me to note the fact that it was here, in this Capitoline +temple, according to unanimous tradition, that those +legendary "Sibylline books" were deposited which came +from a Greek source, and according to the story, from +Cumae.<a name="FNanchor_509_509" id="FNanchor_509_509"></a><a href="#Footnote_509_509" class="fnanchor">509</a> These mysterious books were destined to +change the whole character of the religion of the Romans +during the next two centuries; and this is why the +dedication of the great temple is a convenient halting-place +on our journey. I propose to begin the second +part of my subject by examining the nature of this +change, and then to pass on to others, until we have +reached the end of the religious experience of the genuine +Roman people.</p> + + +<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE X.</h5> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_464_464" id="Footnote_464_464"></a><a href="#FNanchor_464_464"><span class="label">464</span></a> <i>Origin and Development of Moral Ideas</i>, chapters l.-lii.: +"Gods as guardians of morality."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_465_465" id="Footnote_465_465"></a><a href="#FNanchor_465_465"><span class="label">465</span></a> Crawley, <i>The Tree of Life</i>, in a remarkable chapter on the +function of religion (ch. ix.), especially p. 287 foll. "Morality," +says Mr. Crawley, "is one of the results of the religious impulse." +What he means here by morality is not "that elaborated by abstract +thinkers," but the "morality of elemental human nature." "Elemental +morality" may be a somewhat obscure term; but I think +it is highly probable that Mr. Crawley is, in part at least, right in +ascribing the origin of morality to the religious impulse.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_466_466" id="Footnote_466_466"></a><a href="#FNanchor_466_466"><span class="label">466</span></a> Crawley, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 265.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_467_467" id="Footnote_467_467"></a><a href="#FNanchor_467_467"><span class="label">467</span></a> Above, pp. 107-8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_468_468" id="Footnote_468_468"></a><a href="#FNanchor_468_468"><span class="label">468</span></a> See the author's article in <i>Hibbert Journal</i> for July 1907, +p. 894.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_469_469" id="Footnote_469_469"></a><a href="#FNanchor_469_469"><span class="label">469</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 15 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_470_470" id="Footnote_470_470"></a><a href="#FNanchor_470_470"><span class="label">470</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 421: Aust, <i>Religion der Römer</i>, p. 47.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_471_471" id="Footnote_471_471"></a><a href="#FNanchor_471_471"><span class="label">471</span></a> I am, of course, well aware that quite recently attempts have +been made to explain the <i>plebs</i> as the original inhabitants of Latium, +and the Romans as conquering invaders; <i>e.g.</i> by Prof. Ridgeway +in his paper, "Who were the Romans," read to the British Academy, +and by Binder in his recently published volume <i>Die Plebs</i>.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">243</a></span> +The theory is a natural one, and not out of harmony with the facts +as known; but it has yet to be further developed and tested, and +as those who hold it are not as yet in agreement with each other, +and as the evidence which alone can prove it is of a very special +character, archaeological and linguistic, I have expressed myself +in terms of the older view.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_472_472" id="Footnote_472_472"></a><a href="#FNanchor_472_472"><span class="label">472</span></a> <i>The Religion of Numa</i>, p. 30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_473_473" id="Footnote_473_473"></a><a href="#FNanchor_473_473"><span class="label">473</span></a> <i>Aen.</i> viii. 184 foll.; the description of the festival is in 280 +foll.; where the interesting points are the priests of the gentes +appointed to look after the cult (the Potitii only are here mentioned) +"pellibus in morem cincti," and the Salii "populeis evincti tempora +ramis."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_474_474" id="Footnote_474_474"></a><a href="#FNanchor_474_474"><span class="label">474</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 219 foll.; Carter, <i>Religion of Numa</i>, p. +31 foll. The ground had been prepared for the new view by the +elaborate articles in Roscher's <i>Mythological Lexicon</i>, vol. ii. pp. 2253 +foll. and 2901 foll. Of late a painstaking discussion by J. G. +Winter has appeared in the <i>University of Michigan Studies for +1910</i>, p. 171 foll.; he mainly confirms Wissowa's conclusions, but +provisionally accepts a suggestion of mine (<i>R.F.</i> 197) that the +tithe practice of the <i>ara maxima</i> may possibly have been of +Phoenician origin, and points out that E. Curtius made the same +suggestion as long ago as 1845. On p. 269 he also dwells, very +properly, I think, on the part which the Etruscans may have had +in the dissemination of the myth and cult of the Greek Heracles. +Wissowa, however, stoutly maintains that these are simply Greek +and of commercial origin. It has been Wissowa's special and +valuable function to elucidate the Greek origin of many Roman +cults and legends; but I doubt if he has adequately considered +the influence of other peoples, and in particular of Phoenicians and +Etruscans. Certainly the Hercules question is not finally settled +by his masterly analysis of it in <i>R.K.</i> p. 220 foll. But most +of what I said in <i>R.F.</i> about the Hercules of the <i>ara maxima</i> +may now be considered obsolete; and I may add that my remarks +on the supposed connection of Hercules with Genius, Dius Fidius, +and Jupiter in the same work, p. 143 foll., have lost much strength +since Wissowa's book appeared. Yet I am not prepared to accept +the view which would deny to Hercules on Italian soil all contamination +with Italian ideas; as Willamowitz-Moellendorf puts it +(<i>Herakles</i>, ed. 2, vol. i. p. 25), "Die Italiker haben dem Körper, +den sie übernahmen, den Odem ihrer eigenen Seele eingeblasen: +aber wie der Name ist der Gestalt des Hercules hellenischer +Import." There are points in connection with the Roman Hercules, +<i>e.g.</i> the <i>nodus herculaneus</i> of the bride's girdle, which Wissowa +does not explain, and which, so far as I can see, can only be +explained by assuming that, as might have been expected, the +Greek Hercules became to some extent entangled in the web of +Italian thought.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">244</a></span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_475_475" id="Footnote_475_475"></a><a href="#FNanchor_475_475"><span class="label">475</span></a> The cult was Greek in detail; <i>Graeco ritu</i>, according to +Varro as quoted by Macrobius iii. 6. 17; see also references in +Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> 222, note 2. Following R. Peter in the articles +in Roscher, I assumed, in <i>R.F.</i> p. 194, that this might be a later +reconstruction of an originally Italian cult; but for the present +it is safer to look on the <i>Graecus ritus</i> as primitive, and on the presence +of Salii, a genuine Italian institution, as brought from Tibur by +the gens Pinaria, of which there is a trace in that city (<i>C.I.L.</i> xiv. +3541). There also Salii were engaged in the cult of Hercules Victor, +to whom tithes were also offered (<i>C.I.L.</i> xiv. 3541). The evidence +for the theory that the cult came to Rome from Tibur is summarised +by Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 220.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_476_476" id="Footnote_476_476"></a><a href="#FNanchor_476_476"><span class="label">476</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, p. 37.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_477_477" id="Footnote_477_477"></a><a href="#FNanchor_477_477"><span class="label">477</span></a> For the connection of the cult with trade, Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> +225; and the story told in Macrobius iii. 6. 11, from Masurius +Sabinus, of a <i>tibicen</i> who became a merchant and had an interview +with the god in a dream. For the connection with <i>oaths</i>, <i>R.F.</i> p. 138. +I may say before leaving Hercules that though I accept the latest +hypotheses provisionally, I am far from believing that the last word +has been said on the subject.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_478_478" id="Footnote_478_478"></a><a href="#FNanchor_478_478"><span class="label">478</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i>, Lanciani, <i>Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome</i>, +p. 271 foll. The date of the temple is 482 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, but it was vowed +in 496 after the Regillus battle. The three columns still standing +date from 7 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_479_479" id="Footnote_479_479"></a><a href="#FNanchor_479_479"><span class="label">479</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 217, who points out that the Dioscuri +never appear in <i>lectisternia</i> at Rome, as they do at Tusculum, +which shows that the latter cult was more directly Greek than that +at Rome, and that the Roman authorities admitted it as a Latin cult +without the Greek details.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_480_480" id="Footnote_480_480"></a><a href="#FNanchor_480_480"><span class="label">480</span></a> Carter, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 38. There seemed to be difficulties in the +way of his conclusion; the Dioscuri were very strong in the +Peloponnese, yet the Spartans neglected the use of cavalry. At +any rate the theory needs careful historical testing. See article +"Dioscuri" in Pauly-Wissowa, <i>Real-Encycl.</i> It would seem +natural that when once the cult had been introduced by traders +it might become specially attached to the cavalry, owing to the +ancient connection of the Twins with horses.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_481_481" id="Footnote_481_481"></a><a href="#FNanchor_481_481"><span class="label">481</span></a> Ecastor and Edepol, which were oaths used especially by +women, who were not allowed to swear by Hercules, Gell. xi. 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_482_482" id="Footnote_482_482"></a><a href="#FNanchor_482_482"><span class="label">482</span></a> The reasoning will be found in full in Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 203 +foll., and in his article "Minerva" in the <i>Mythological Lexicon</i>. +See also Carter, <i>Religion of Numa</i>, p. 45 foll. For the position of +this temple and that of Diana on the Aventine, a suburb which +cannot be proved to have been then within any city wall, see Carter +in <i>Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society for 1909</i>, p. +136 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_483_483" id="Footnote_483_483"></a><a href="#FNanchor_483_483"><span class="label">483</span></a> Waltzing, <i>Étude historique sur les corporations romaines</i>,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">245</a></span> +vol. i. pp. 63 and 199. The relation between town life and trades +is stated with his usual insight by von Jhering, <i>Evolution of the +Aryan</i>, p. 93 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_484_484" id="Footnote_484_484"></a><a href="#FNanchor_484_484"><span class="label">484</span></a> See Müller-Deecke, <i>Etrusker</i>, ii. 47; Deecke, <i>Falisker</i>, +p. 89 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_485_485" id="Footnote_485_485"></a><a href="#FNanchor_485_485"><span class="label">485</span></a> Minerva or Menrva is assuredly not Etruscan, though frequently +found on Etruscan monuments; see Deecke, <i>l.c.</i> p. 89 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_486_486" id="Footnote_486_486"></a><a href="#FNanchor_486_486"><span class="label">486</span></a> Fasti Praenestini in <i>C.I.L.</i> i.<sup>2</sup> March 19. "Artificum dies +(quod Minervae) aedis in Aventino eo die est (dedicata)." This is +one of those additional notes in the Fast. Praen., which are believed +to have been the work of Verrius Flaccus: see <i>Roman Festivals</i>, +p. 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_487_487" id="Footnote_487_487"></a><a href="#FNanchor_487_487"><span class="label">487</span></a> Wissowa, <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i>, p. 288. We know the +fact from Strabo's account of Massilia, Bk. iv. p. 180.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_488_488" id="Footnote_488_488"></a><a href="#FNanchor_488_488"><span class="label">488</span></a> Dion. Hal. iv. 26. See <i>R.F.</i> p. 198.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_489_489" id="Footnote_489_489"></a><a href="#FNanchor_489_489"><span class="label">489</span></a> Statius, <i>Silvae</i> iii. 1. 60. See Wissowa's article "Diana" +in Pauly-Wissowa, <i>Real-Encycl.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_490_490" id="Footnote_490_490"></a><a href="#FNanchor_490_490"><span class="label">490</span></a> Wissowa, <i>l.c.</i> p. 332.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_491_491" id="Footnote_491_491"></a><a href="#FNanchor_491_491"><span class="label">491</span></a> <i>Golden Bough</i>, i. p. 1 foll.; <i>Early History of the Kingship</i>, +Lecture I.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_492_492" id="Footnote_492_492"></a><a href="#FNanchor_492_492"><span class="label">492</span></a> Varro, <i>L.L.</i> 5. 43; Carter, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 55.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_493_493" id="Footnote_493_493"></a><a href="#FNanchor_493_493"><span class="label">493</span></a> See on Fortuna the exhaustive article by R. Peter in the +<i>Mythological Lexicon</i>; Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> 206 foll.; <i>R.F.</i> p. 161 foll., +and 223 foll.; Carter, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 50 foll. Dr. Carter seems to me +to be too certain of the absence of any idea of luck or chance in the +original conception of Fortuna: the word <i>fors</i>, so far as we know, +never had any other meaning, and the deity Fors must be a personification +of an abstraction, like Ops, Fides, and Salus. See +Axtell, <i>Deification of abstract idea in Roman literature</i>, p. 9, with +whom I agree in rejecting the notion of Marquardt and Wissowa +that she was a deity of horticulture. He rightly points out that she +is not included in the list of agricultural deities in Varro, <i>R.R.</i> +i. 1. 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_494_494" id="Footnote_494_494"></a><a href="#FNanchor_494_494"><span class="label">494</span></a> See Aust in his article "Jupiter" in the <i>Myth. Lex.</i> p. 689, +where the evidence for the contemporaneous origin of the temple on +the Alban hill and that on the Capitol is fully stated. In this case +excavations have confirmed the Roman tradition, which ascribed the +former temple to one or other of the Tarquinii. Jordan, <i>Röm. Top.</i> +i. pt. 2. p. 9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_495_495" id="Footnote_495_495"></a><a href="#FNanchor_495_495"><span class="label">495</span></a> See the speech of Claudius the emperor, <i>C.I.L.</i> xiii. 1668, +printed in Furneaux' <i>Tacitus' Annals</i>, vol. ii. Gardthausen, +<i>Mastarna</i>, p. 40; Müller-Deecke, <i>Etrusker</i>, i. 111. For the +Etruscan name Mastarna, see Dennis, <i>Cities and Cemeteries of +Etruria</i><sup>3</sup>, ii. 506 foll.: Gardthausen gives a cut of the painting +found in a tomb at Vulci in which he appears with the name attached. +Even the ultra-sceptical Pais does not doubt the fact of an Etruscan +domination in Rome; but he does not believe the Tarquinii and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">246</a></span> +Mastarna to have been historical personages, and will not date the +temples attributed to this age earlier than the fourth century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> +See his <i>Ancient Legends of Roman History</i>, ch. vii.; <i>Storia di +Roma</i>, i. 310 foll. But the names of these kings do not concern us, +except so far as they connect Etruria with Roman history in the sixth +century.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_496_496" id="Footnote_496_496"></a><a href="#FNanchor_496_496"><span class="label">496</span></a> Cic. <i>Rep.</i> ii. 24. 44; Livy i. 38. and 55; Dionys. iii. 69; iv. +59. 61. The whole evidence will be found collected in Jordan, +<i>Topogr.</i> i. pt. ii. p. 9 foll., and in Aust, <i>Myth. Lex.</i>, <i>s.v.</i> Jupiter, p. +706 foll. If the date 509 were seriously impugned Roman chronology +would be in confusion, for this is believed to be the earliest +date on which we can rely, and on it the subsequent chronology +hangs: Mommsen, <i>Röm. Chronologie</i>, ed. 2, p. 198.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_497_497" id="Footnote_497_497"></a><a href="#FNanchor_497_497"><span class="label">497</span></a> Aust, p. 707 foll.; Jordan, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_498_498" id="Footnote_498_498"></a><a href="#FNanchor_498_498"><span class="label">498</span></a> <i>i.e.</i> the admission of more than one deity into a single +building. The word "trias" is sometimes used of the three old +Roman deities, Jupiter, Mars, Quirinus (<i>e.g.</i> by Wissowa, <i>Myth. +Lex.</i> <i>s.v.</i> Quirinus), but this is in a different sense. On the idea of +a trias generally, see Kuhfeldt, <i>de Capitoliis imperii Romani</i>, p. 82 +foll.; Cumont, <i>Religions orientales dans le paganisme romain</i>, +p. 290, note 51.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_499_499" id="Footnote_499_499"></a><a href="#FNanchor_499_499"><span class="label">499</span></a> The technical name of the temple was aedes Iovis Opt. Max.: +for other indications of Jupiter's supremacy see Aust, p. 720.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_500_500" id="Footnote_500_500"></a><a href="#FNanchor_500_500"><span class="label">500</span></a> On Oriental developments of Jupiter Opt. Max. see an +interesting paper by Cumont in <i>Archiv</i> for 1906, p. 323 foll. +(<i>Iuppiter summus exsuperantissimus</i>). A relief in the Berlin Museum +has a dedication <i>I.O.M. summo exsuperantissimo</i>; but Prof. Cumont +believes the deity to have been really Oriental, introduced by +Greek philosophical theologians in the last century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, but probably +Chaldaean in origin.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_501_501" id="Footnote_501_501"></a><a href="#FNanchor_501_501"><span class="label">501</span></a> Jordan, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 7 and note. It is uncertain whether the +whole hill had any earlier name. The Mons Saturnius of Varro, +<i>L.L.</i> v. 42, with the legend of an oppidum <i>Saturnia</i>, and the Mons +Tarpeius (<i>Rhet. ad Herenn.</i>, iv. 32. 43; Pais, <i>Ancient Legends</i>, chs. +v. and vi.) need not be taken into account.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_502_502" id="Footnote_502_502"></a><a href="#FNanchor_502_502"><span class="label">502</span></a> Pais, <i>Ancient Legends of Roman History</i>, ch. v.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_503_503" id="Footnote_503_503"></a><a href="#FNanchor_503_503"><span class="label">503</span></a> See above, p. 130.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_504_504" id="Footnote_504_504"></a><a href="#FNanchor_504_504"><span class="label">504</span></a> This is an inference from the fact that this Flamen is nowhere +mentioned as connected with the Capitoline cult. Macrob. i. 15, 16, +speaks of the ovis Idulis as sacrificed on every ides <i>a flamine</i>, and +this, it is true, took place on the Capitolium (Aust, in <i>Lex.</i> <i>s.v.</i> +Jupiter, 655), but (1) Festus, 290, mentions sacerdotes, Ovid, <i>Fasti</i> +i. 588, castus sacerdos only; and (2) this sacrifice may well, as +O. Gilbert conjectured, have originally taken place in the Regia +(<i>Gesch. und Topogr. Roms</i>, i. 236). In any case the Flamen was +not in any special sense priest of Iup. Opt. Max.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_505_505" id="Footnote_505_505"></a><a href="#FNanchor_505_505"><span class="label">505</span></a> The <i>locus classicus</i> for this is Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> xxxv. 157. The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">247</a></span> +artist was said to have been one Volcas of Veii. Ovid, <i>Fasti</i> i. +201, says that the god had in his hand a <i>fictile fulmen</i>. Varro +believed this to be the oldest statue of a god in Rome; see above, +p. 146, and Wissowa, <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i>, p. 280, accepts his +statement as probably correct.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_506_506" id="Footnote_506_506"></a><a href="#FNanchor_506_506"><span class="label">506</span></a> Cic. <i>Catil.</i> iii. 9. 21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_507_507" id="Footnote_507_507"></a><a href="#FNanchor_507_507"><span class="label">507</span></a> Jordan, <i>Topogr.</i> i. 2. pp. 39 and 62, notes. The most convincing +passages quoted by him are Suet. <i>Aug.</i> 59, and Serv. <i>Ecl.</i> iv. +50 (of boys taking toga virilis who "ad Capitolium eunt"); but was +not this to sacrifice to Liber or Iuventas? <i>R.F.</i> p. 56.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_508_508" id="Footnote_508_508"></a><a href="#FNanchor_508_508"><span class="label">508</span></a> Gellius vi. 1. 6, from C. Oppius et Iulius Hyginus. In his +famous character of Scipio (xxvi. 19) Livy seems to think that Scipio +did this to make people think him superhuman or of divine descent.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_509_509" id="Footnote_509_509"></a><a href="#FNanchor_509_509"><span class="label">509</span></a> Ovid, <i>Fasti</i>, iv. 158. 257; Virg. <i>Ecl.</i> iv. 4, <i>Aen.</i> vi. 42; +Marquardt, 352, note 7, for evidence that the books came to Cumae +from Erythrae. See also Diels, <i>Sibyllinische Blätter</i>, p. 80 foll.</p></div> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">248</a></span></p> +<h4>LECTURE XI<a name="FNanchor_501A" id="FNanchor_510A"></a><a href="#Footnote_510A" class="fnanchor">510a</a></h4> + +<h5>CONTACT OF THE OLD AND NEW IN RELIGION</h5> + + +<p>I said at the beginning of my first lecture that Roman +religious experience can be summed up in two stories. +The first of these was the story of the way in which a +strong primitive religious instinct, the desire to put yourself +in right relation with the Power manifesting itself in +the universe, <i>religio</i> as the Romans called it, was gradually +soothed and satisfied under the formalising influence of +the settled life of the agricultural family, and still more +so under the organising genius of the early religious +rulers of the City-state. This story I tried to tell in +the last few lectures. The second story was to be that +of the gradual discovery of the inadequacy of this early +formalised and organised religion to cope with what we +may call new religious experience; that is, with the +difficulties and perils met with by the Roman people in +their extraordinary advance in the world, and with the +new ideas of religion and morals which broke in on them +in the course of their contact with other peoples. This +story I wish to tell in the present course of lectures. It +is a long and complicated one, including the introduction +of new rites and ideas of the divine, the anxious attempts +of the religious authorities to put off the evil day by +stretching to the uttermost the capacity of the old forms, +and the final victory of the new ideas as Roman life and +thought became gradually hellenised.</p> + +<p>I propose to divide the story thus. In the latter part +of this first lecture I will deal with the first introduction +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">249</a></span>of Greek rites into the State worship under the directions +of the so-called Sibylline books. Then I will turn to the +efforts of the lay priesthoods, pontifices and augurs, to +meet the calls of new experience by formalising the old +religion still more completely in the name of the State, +until it became a mere skeleton of dry bones, without +life and power. That will bring us to the great turning-point +in Roman history, the war with Hannibal, to the +religious history of which I shall devote my fourth lecture; +and the fifth will pursue the subject into the century +that followed. In the next lecture I hope to sketch the +influence on Roman religious ideas of the Stoic school of +philosophy, and in the seventh to discuss, so far as I may +be able, the tendency towards mysticism prevalent in the +last period of the life of the Republic. My eighth lecture +I intend to devote to the noble attempt of Virgil to combine +religion, legend, philosophy, and consummate art in +a splendid appeal to the conscience of the Roman of that +day. Then I turn to the more practical attempt of +Augustus to revive the dying embers of the old religion; +and in my last lecture I shall try to estimate the contribution, +such as it was, of the religious experience we have +been discussing, to the early Christian church.</p> + +<p>We shall shortly hear so much of petrifaction and +disintegration, that it may be as well, before I actually +begin my story, to convince ourselves that the old religion +was in its peculiar way a real expression of religious feeling, +and not merely a set of meaningless conventions and +formulae. It was the positive belief of the later Romans +that both they and their ancestors were <i>religiosissimi +mortales</i>,<a name="FNanchor_510_510" id="FNanchor_510_510"></a><a href="#Footnote_510_510" class="fnanchor">510</a> full to the brim, that is, of religious instinct, +and most scrupulous in fulfilling its claims upon them; +for the word <i>religio</i> had come, by the time (and probably +long before the time) when it was used by men of letters, +to mean the fulfilment of ritualistic obligation quite as +much as the anxious feeling which had originally suggested +it.<a name="FNanchor_511_511" id="FNanchor_511_511"></a><a href="#Footnote_511_511" class="fnanchor">511</a> Cicero, writing in no rhetorical mood, declared that, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">250</a></span>as compared with other peoples, the Romans were far +superior "in religione, id est cultu."<a name="FNanchor_512_512" id="FNanchor_512_512"></a><a href="#Footnote_512_512" class="fnanchor">512</a> This is in his work on +the nature of the gods; in an oration he naturally puts it +more strongly: "We have overcome all the nations of the +world, because we have realised that the world is directed +and governed by the will of the gods."<a name="FNanchor_513_513" id="FNanchor_513_513"></a><a href="#Footnote_513_513" class="fnanchor">513</a> Sallust, Livy, +and other Roman prose writers have said much the same +thing<a name="FNanchor_514_514" id="FNanchor_514_514"></a><a href="#Footnote_514_514" class="fnanchor">514</a>; the <i>Aeneid</i> as a whole might be adduced as evidence, +and in a less degree all the poets of the Augustan age. +Foreigners, too, were struck with the strange phenomenon, +in an age of philosophic doubt. Polybius in the second +century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> declared his opinion that what was reckoned +among other peoples as a thing to be blamed, <i>deisidaimonia</i>, +both in public and private life, was really what was holding +together the Roman state.<a name="FNanchor_515_515" id="FNanchor_515_515"></a><a href="#Footnote_515_515" class="fnanchor">515</a> Even in the wild century +that followed, Posidonius could repeat the assertion of +Polybius, and in the age of Augustus, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, +then resident at Rome, looking back on the +early history of Rome, stated his conviction that one +needed to know the <i>pietas</i> of the Romans in order to +understand their wonderful career of conquest.<a name="FNanchor_516_516" id="FNanchor_516_516"></a><a href="#Footnote_516_516" class="fnanchor">516</a> Aulus +Gellius, in a curious passage in which he notes that the +Romans had no deity to whose activity they could with +certainty ascribe earthquakes, describes them as "in constituendis +religionibus atque in dis immortalibus animadvertendis +<i>castissimi cautissimique</i>,"—a rhetorical but happy +conjunction of epithets. He means that they would +order religious rites, though ignorant of the <i>numen</i> to +whom they were due.<a name="FNanchor_517_517" id="FNanchor_517_517"></a><a href="#Footnote_517_517" class="fnanchor">517</a></p> + +<p>It might be argued that these later writers knew really +little or nothing about the primitive Romans, and that +these passages only prove that this people had an extraordinary +scrupulosity about forms and ceremonies in this +as in other departments of action. But the argument will +not hold; the survival of all this formalism into an age of +disintegration really proves beyond a doubt that there +must have been a time when these forms really expressed +anxieties, fears, convictions, the earliest germs of <i>conscience</i>.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">251</a></span>May we not take the constant occurrence in literature +of such phrases as <i>dis faventibus</i>, <i>dis iuvantibus</i> or <i>volentibus</i>, +as evidence of an idea deeply rooted at one time in the +Roman mind, that nothing should be undertaken until +the will of the deities concerned had been ascertained and +that early form of conscience satisfied? Let us remember +that the whole story of the <i>Aeneid</i> is one of the bending +of the will of the hero, as a type of the ideal Roman, +to the ascertainable will of the powers in the universe.</p> + +<p>And we have abundant evidence that as a matter of +fact the good-will of the divine inhabitants of house and +city was asked for whenever any kind of work was undertaken,—even +the ordinary routine work of the farm or +of government. In the household every morning some +offering with prayer was made to the Lar familiaris in +historical times, and again before the <i>cena</i>, the chief meal +of the day.<a name="FNanchor_518_518" id="FNanchor_518_518"></a><a href="#Footnote_518_518" class="fnanchor">518</a> On Kalends, Nones, Ides, and on all <i>dies +festi</i> a <i>corona</i> was placed on the hearth, and prayer was +made to the Lar; we know that this was so in the old +Roman home, because in the second century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> Cato +instructs the <i>vilicus</i> to discharge these duties on behalf of +the absent or non-resident owner.<a name="FNanchor_519_519" id="FNanchor_519_519"></a><a href="#Footnote_519_519" class="fnanchor">519</a> Before the flocks +were taken out to summer pasture, and doubtless when +they returned, some religious service (so we should call it) +was held,<a name="FNanchor_520_520" id="FNanchor_520_520"></a><a href="#Footnote_520_520" class="fnanchor">520</a> just as in the Catholic cantons of Switzerland +the blessing of God is asked when the cows first ascend to +the alpine pastures, and again when they leave them for +the valleys. Before a journey the later Romans prayed +for good fortune;<a name="FNanchor_521_521" id="FNanchor_521_521"></a><a href="#Footnote_521_521" class="fnanchor">521</a> in the old times travelling was of +course unusual, and when it did occur the traveller was +surrounded by so many spiritual as well as material +dangers that <i>special</i> religious measures must have been +taken, as by fetials or armies on entering foreign territory. +The survival of the same kind of belief and practice is +also seen in private life in the religious commendations of +some authors at the outset of their literary work; Varro, +for example, at the beginning of his work on agriculture, +calls on all the agrarian deities (<i>iis deis ad venerationem +advocatis</i>)<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">252</a></span> before he goes on to mention even the bibliography +of his subject.<a name="FNanchor_522_522" id="FNanchor_522_522"></a><a href="#Footnote_522_522" class="fnanchor">522</a> Livy in the last sentence of his +preface would fain imitate the poets in calling on the +gods to bless and favour his undertaking. And in all +time of their tribulation, even if not in all time of their +wealth, the pious Romans sought help from the deities +from whom help might be expected; if, at least, the many +instances occurring in Roman poetry may point to a +practice of the ordinary individual and family.<a name="FNanchor_523_523" id="FNanchor_523_523"></a><a href="#Footnote_523_523" class="fnanchor">523</a> So too, +if we may judge by many passages in the plays of Plautus +and Terence,<a name="FNanchor_524_524" id="FNanchor_524_524"></a><a href="#Footnote_524_524" class="fnanchor">524</a>—if here we have genuine Roman usage, +as is probable,—the feeling of dependence on a Power +manifesting itself in the affairs of daily life is shown also +in the expression of <i>thankfulness</i> which followed success +or escape from peril. Gratitude was not a prominent +characteristic of the Roman, but I have already remarked +on the presence of it in the practice of the <i>votum</i>, and +there is at least some evidence that it was recognised as +due to benignant deities as well as human beings.<a name="FNanchor_525_525" id="FNanchor_525_525"></a><a href="#Footnote_525_525" class="fnanchor">525</a></p> + +<p>In public life, throughout Roman history, the forms of +religious rites were maintained on all important occasions. +When Varro wrote a little manual of Senatorial procedure +for the benefit of the inexperienced Pompeius when +consul in 70 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, he was careful to mention the preliminary +sacrifice and <i>auspicatio</i>, performed by the presiding +magistrate, who also had to see that the business +<i>de rebus divinis</i> came first on the paper of agenda.<a name="FNanchor_526_526" id="FNanchor_526_526"></a><a href="#Footnote_526_526" class="fnanchor">526</a> At +one time every speaker invoked the gods at the beginning +of his oration, as well indeed he might in a situation so +unusual and trying for a Roman before the days of Greek +education; and the earliest speeches preserved in the +literary age, <i>e.g.</i> those of Cato and the Gracchi, retained +the religious exordium.<a name="FNanchor_527_527" id="FNanchor_527_527"></a><a href="#Footnote_527_527" class="fnanchor">527</a> We have a trace of the Gracchan +practice in a famous passage at the end of the work called +<i>Rhetorica ad Herennium</i> of <i>circ.</i> 82 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, where the death +of Ti. Gracchus is graphically described.<a name="FNanchor_528_528" id="FNanchor_528_528"></a><a href="#Footnote_528_528" class="fnanchor">528</a> But there is +no need to multiply examples of public religious formalism +on occasions of all kinds, on entering on an office, founding +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">253</a></span>a colony, leaving Rome for a provincia, and so on; some +of them I have already mentioned, others are familiar to +all classical students.</p> + +<p>So let us not hesitate for a moment to give this people +credit for their religiousness. True, their neighbours, +Greeks like Polybius, approved of it only with an ironical +smile on their lips, as we may smile at the devoted +formalism of extreme Catholic or Protestant, while we +secretly—if we have some sympathy with strangely +varying human nature—admire the confidence and regularity +that we cannot ourselves claim. At the moment +where I have thus paused before beginning my second +story, at the end, that is, of the regal period, I believe that +this religious system, though perhaps beginning to harden, +still meant a profound belief in the Power thus manifested +in many forms, and an ardent and effective desire to be +in right relation to it. I believe that it contained the +germ of a living and fruitful growth; but that growth +was at this very moment arrested by the beginning of a +process of which I shall have much to say in the next +two or three lectures.</p> + +<p>But it is hard to realise this better side of the religion +of a hard and practical people, and all the more so since +it is the worse side that is almost always presented to us +in modern books. It is hard to realise that it was not +merely a system of insurance, so to speak, against all +kinds of material evils,—and here again all the more so +because there is a tendency just now to reduce both +religion and law to an origin in magic, leaving the +religious instinct, the <i>feeling of dependence</i>, the progenitor +of conscience, quite out of account. One must +indeed be thoroughly familiar with Roman literature and +antiquities to overcome these difficulties, to discover the +spiritual residuum in the Roman character beneath all +its hardness and utilitarianism. Before we pass on to +the task before us, let me make two suggestions for +the help of those who would endeavour to find this +spiritual residuum. The first is that they should consider +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">254</a></span>the history and true meaning of three great words which +Latin language has bequeathed to modern speech,—<i>religio</i>, +the feeling of awe, taking practical shape in the +performance of authorised ceremonies; <i>sacrum</i>, that which +by authoritative usage is made over without reserve to +the divine inhabitants of the city; and last but not least, +<i>pietas</i>, the sense of duty to god and man alike, to all +divine and human beings having an authorised claim upon +you. And this word <i>pietas</i> shall introduce my second +suggestion—that there is no better way of getting to +understand the spirit of the Roman religion than by continual +study of the <i>Aeneid</i>, where the hero is the ideal +Roman, <i>pius</i> in the best and widest sense. What makes +the <i>Aeneid</i> so helpful in this way is the poet's intimate +and sympathetic knowledge of the religious ideas of the +Italians, in which we may see reflected those of the +Roman of the age we are now dealing with: his love too +of antiquity and of all ancient rites and legends; and his +conviction that the great work of Rome in the world had +been achieved not only by <i>virtus</i> but by <i>pietas</i>. What +has been won by <i>virtus</i> must be preserved by <i>pietas</i>, by +the sense of duty in family and State,—that is the moral +of the <i>Aeneid</i>. In no other work of Roman genius is +this idea found in anything like the same degree of prominence +and consistency; and when a student has steeped +his mind well in the details of the Roman worship, and +begins to weary of what must seem its soulless Pharisaism, +let him take up the <i>Aeneid</i> and read it right through for +the story and the characters. I will venture to say that +he will think better both of the Romans and their poet +than he ever did before. But of the <i>Aeneid</i> I shall have +more to say later on; at present let us turn to the less +inspiring topics which must occupy us for the next few +lectures.</p> + +<p>The last fact of Roman religious history which I +mentioned last year was the building of the great +Capitoline temple of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, and I +then explained why this constituted a religious revolution. +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">255</a></span>The next temple of which tradition tells us was destined +for another trias, Ceres, Liber, and Libera; the traditional +date was 493 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, the cause a famine, and the site was at +the foot of the Aventine, the plebeian quarter outside the +pomoerium, close to the river where corn-ships might be +moored.<a name="FNanchor_529_529" id="FNanchor_529_529"></a><a href="#Footnote_529_529" class="fnanchor">529</a> Ceres, Liber, and Libera are plainly neither +more nor less than the three Greek corn deities, Demeter, +Dionysus, and Persephone, in a Latin form,<a name="FNanchor_530_530" id="FNanchor_530_530"></a><a href="#Footnote_530_530" class="fnanchor">530</a> whose +worship was prominent in South Italy and Sicily; and +unless we throw tradition overboard entirely, as indeed has +often been done, the inference is obvious that this trias +came from the Greeks of the south with an importation of +corn to relieve a famine which pressed especially on the +plebs. It is a fact that the temple and its cult remained +always closely connected with the plebs; they were under +the charge of the plebeian aediles, who also in historical +times had the care of the corn-supply necessary for the +city population.<a name="FNanchor_531_531" id="FNanchor_531_531"></a><a href="#Footnote_531_531" class="fnanchor">531</a> Thus, though we need not accept in +full Livy's statement that the very next year corn was +imported from Etruria, Cumae, and Sicily, it cannot be +denied that there is a strong consensus in the various +traditions about the temple, which taken together suggest +a Greek, non-patrician, and early origin. That the cult +had at all times a Greek character is undisputed fact.</p> + +<p>But I am not so much concerned with the temple itself +as with the date and the manner of its foundation. It +was said to have been founded in the year 496, and +dedicated in 493, in obedience to directions found in "the +Sibylline books," which books, according to the well-known +tradition, had been acquired by the last Tarquin, after +some haggling, from an old woman, and placed in the +charge of <i>duoviri sacris faciundis</i>. The story itself is +worthless in detail; but the question for us is whether it +can be taken as showing that the Sibylline influence then +pervading the Greek world gained a footing at Rome in +any form so early as this. Was the temple really founded +in 496, or at some time thereabout? And was it founded +in obedience to some Sibylline direction? These questions +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">256</a></span>are of real importance, for upon our answer to them +depends the date of the beginning of a gradual metamorphosis +of the Roman religious practice. The so-called +Sibylline books and their keepers were responsible, as we +shall see directly, for the introduction at Rome of what +was known as the <i>Graecus ritus</i>,—for the foundation of +temples to deities of Greek origin, and for other rites +which initiated an entirely new type of religious feeling. +We need to be sure when all this began.</p> + +<p>In the first place, so far as I can judge, it is almost +impossible to dissociate the origin of the temple from +Sibylline influence. As we have seen, the cult was +Greek, and all such Greek cults of later times were +introduced by the keepers of the Sibylline books; and +further, the records of temple foundations were among the +most carefully preserved facts in Roman annals.<a name="FNanchor_532_532" id="FNanchor_532_532"></a><a href="#Footnote_532_532" class="fnanchor">532</a> I think +it is hardly possible to suppose that a cult which came, +not from Latium or southern Etruria, like those of Diana, +Minerva, and the Capitoline deities, but from some Greek +region to the south, and probably from Sicily, could have +been introduced by Roman authorities unaided by Greek +influence. If that be so, and if we can show that the +temple really belongs to this early age, then we have a +strong probability that the Sibylline influence gained a +footing at Rome at the very beginning of the republican +period.<a name="FNanchor_533_533" id="FNanchor_533_533"></a><a href="#Footnote_533_533" class="fnanchor">533</a></p> + +<p>There is one curious fact in connection with the temple +that in my opinion goes far to prove that the traditional +date is not far out. Pliny tells us explicitly that the two +Greek artists who decorated the temple, Damophilus and +Gorgasus, inscribed their names on the walls, and he added +that the work of the former would be found on the right +and that of the latter on the left.<a name="FNanchor_534_534" id="FNanchor_534_534"></a><a href="#Footnote_534_534" class="fnanchor">534</a> Nothing more is known +about them; but I am assured that the fact that they +signed their names and added these statements suits the +character of Greek art in the archaic age 580 to 450 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> +No signatures of artists are known earlier than about 580; +then comes a period when signatures are found, sometimes +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">257</a></span>with statements such as these. And lastly, about +450, we begin to find simple signatures without any other +words.<a name="FNanchor_535_535" id="FNanchor_535_535"></a><a href="#Footnote_535_535" class="fnanchor">535</a> Thus the presumption is a strong one that the +temple belongs to a time earlier than 450; and if that be +so, then I think the inference holds good that the Sibyl +first gained a footing at Rome about the same time. +There are indeed some reasons why we should not put +this event in the period of the kings;<a name="FNanchor_536_536" id="FNanchor_536_536"></a><a href="#Footnote_536_536" class="fnanchor">536</a> but if we accept +the traditional date of the temple we may put it any time +between 509 and 496.</p> + +<p>I have purposely used vague terms, such as Sibylline +<i>influence</i>, instead of speaking in the old manner of +Sibylline <i>books</i> or oracles, because it is almost incredible +that at so early a date it could have been possible to +divulge any contents of a store of writings such as must +have been most carefully treasured and concealed. This +has been shown conclusively to be out of the question in +Diels' now famous little book "<i>Sibylline Leaves</i>." But we +may also follow Diels in assuming that about the end of +the sixth century some kind of Greek oracle or oracular +saying did actually arrive at Rome, purporting to be an +utterance of the famous Sibyl of Cumae.<a name="FNanchor_537_537" id="FNanchor_537_537"></a><a href="#Footnote_537_537" class="fnanchor">537</a></p> + +<p>But what <i>was</i> this Sibylline influence which thus +penetrated to Rome, if I am right, at the beginning of +the fifth century? It is no part of my design to discuss +the history of Greek mysticism, though we shall +hear something more of it in a later lecture. It will +be enough to remind you that in the sixth century +Greece was not only full of Orphism and Pythagoreanism, +but of floating oracular <i>dicta</i> believed to emanate from a +mystic female figure, a weird figure of whom it is hard to +say how far she was human or divine; and of whose +origin we know nothing, except that her original home +was, as we might expect, Asia Minor. She was inspired +by Apollo,<a name="FNanchor_538_538" id="FNanchor_538_538"></a><a href="#Footnote_538_538" class="fnanchor">538</a> it was said, like the Pythia, and like her too +became ἔνθεοϛ (<i>possessed</i>) when uttering her prophecies; +this is the earliest fact we know about her, for a famous +fragment of Heracleitus represents her as uttering sayings +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">258</a></span>"with frenzied lips,"<a name="FNanchor_539_539" id="FNanchor_539_539"></a><a href="#Footnote_539_539" class="fnanchor">539</a>—a tradition of which Virgil has +made good use in the sixth <i>Aeneid</i>:</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i9">non vultus, non color unus,</span> +<span class="i0">non comptae mansere comae; sed pectus anhelum,</span> +<span class="i0">et rabie fera corda tument.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>But more to our purpose is the sober judgment of Plato a +century after the first Roman experience of her, who in +the <i>Phaedrus</i> classes her among those who have wrought +<i>much good</i> by their inspired utterances.<a name="FNanchor_540_540" id="FNanchor_540_540"></a><a href="#Footnote_540_540" class="fnanchor">540</a> This passage +may help us to understand how ready men were at that +time to turn for aid in tribulation to what they believed to +be divine help, to an inspired wisdom beyond the range of +the local deities of their own city-states.</p> + +<p>This Sibyl became gradually localised in certain Greek +cities, and thereby broke up, as it were, into several Sibyls. +One of these Sibylline homes was at Cumae in Campania, +the oldest Greek city in Italy, and this enables us to +explain easily how the name and fame of the Sibyl +reached Rome. Dim as is all early Roman history, the +one clear fact of the sixth century is, as we have seen, +the rapid advance of the Etruscans, their occupation of +Rome, Praeneste, and other Latin cities, and their conquest +of Campania, which is now ascribed to that same +age.<a name="FNanchor_541_541" id="FNanchor_541_541"></a><a href="#Footnote_541_541" class="fnanchor">541</a> Legend told in later days how the last Etruscan +king had taken refuge at Cumae after his expulsion from +Rome, and it is just possible that it may here be founding +upon some dim recollection of a fact. However this +may be, it is plain that it was through the great Etruscan +disturbance of that period that Rome came to make trial +of Sibylline utterances. In a moment of distress—the +famine of which I spoke just now, and which I take to be +historical because the remedy, the temple under the +Aventine, was so closely connected with the corn-supply—she +sent for or admitted an utterance of the Sibyl of +Cumae, with whom she had come into some kind of contact +through her Etruscan kings.</p> + +<p>Let us consider that this foreign dynasty must have +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">259</a></span>brought a new population to the city on the Tiber, the +chief strategic point of middle Italy,—a new element of +plebs, whatever the old one may have been.<a name="FNanchor_542_542" id="FNanchor_542_542"></a><a href="#Footnote_542_542" class="fnanchor">542</a> We have +seen signs, even in the religious history of this age, that +commerce and industry were increasing, and that their +increase was due to a movement from without, rather than +to the old patrician <i>gentes</i>. When the Etruscan dynasty +fell and the old patrician influence was restored, the +government must have been face to face with new difficulties, +and among them the supply of corn for an +increasing population in years of bad harvest. With a +fresh source of supply from the south came the cult of the +Greek corn-deities at the bidding of a Sibylline utterance; +and henceforward that remedy was available for other +troubles. But the patrician rulers of Rome were true, it +would seem, as far as was possible, to the old ways, and +for a long time they used this foreign remedy very sparingly. +At what date the utterances were collected in +"books" and deposited in the Capitoline temple we do +not know, nor have we any certain knowledge of their +original nature or form. Tradition said that the collection +dated from the last king's reign, and that it was placed in +the care of <i>duoviri sacris faciundis</i>, as we have seen, who +in 367 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> gave way to <i>decemviri</i>, five of whom might +be members of the plebs. I am myself inclined to conjecture +that this comparatively late date may be the real +date of the origin of a <i>permanent collection</i> and a <i>permanent +college of keepers</i>, and that the earlier <i>duoviri</i> were only +temporary religious officers, <i>sacris faciundis</i>, <i>i.e.</i> for the +carrying out of the directions of Sibylline utterances +specially sought for at Cumae. They would thus be of +the same class as other special commissions appointed +by the Senate for administrative purposes;<a name="FNanchor_543_543" id="FNanchor_543_543"></a><a href="#Footnote_543_543" class="fnanchor">543</a> while the +decemviri, though retaining the old title, were permanent +religious officers appointed to collect and take +charge of a new and important set of regulations for the +benefit of the community, and one which concerned the +plebs at least as much as the patricians.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">260</a></span>But I must turn to the more important question how +far, down to the war with Hannibal, when I shall take up +the subject afresh, the Roman religion was affected for +good or harm by these utterances and their keepers. +They took effect in two ways: either by introducing new +deities and settling them in new temples, or by ordering +and organising new ceremonies such as Rome had never +seen before.</p> + +<p>The introduction of a new deity now and again was +not of great account from the point of view of religion, +except in so far as it encouraged the new ceremonies; +the Romans had never taken much personal interest in +their deities, and the arrival (outside the pomoerium in +each case) of Hermes under the name of Mercurius, or +Poseidon bearing the name of the old Roman water +<i>numen</i> Neptunus, or even of Asclepios with a Romanised +name Aesculapius, would not be likely to affect greatly +their ideas of the divine. These facts have rather a +historical than a religious significance; Hermes Empolaios, +for example, suggests trade with Greek cities, perhaps in +grain,<a name="FNanchor_544_544" id="FNanchor_544_544"></a><a href="#Footnote_544_544" class="fnanchor">544</a> and belongs therefore to the same class as Ceres, +Liber, Libera, of whom I have already spoken. The +arrival of Poseidon-Neptune may mean, as Dr. Carter has +suggested, a kind of "marine insurance" for the vessels +carrying the grain from Greek ports.<a name="FNanchor_545_545" id="FNanchor_545_545"></a><a href="#Footnote_545_545" class="fnanchor">545</a> The settling of +Aesculapius in the Tiber island in 293, as the result of a +terrible pestilence, is interesting as being the first fact +known to us in the history of medicine at Rome; the +temple became a kind of hospital on the model of Epidaurus, +where the god had been brought in the form of a snake +by an embassy sent for the purpose, and the priests who +served it were probably Greeks skilled in the healing art.<a name="FNanchor_546_546" id="FNanchor_546_546"></a><a href="#Footnote_546_546" class="fnanchor">546</a> +This last case is a curious example of new Roman religious +experience, but it can hardly be said to have any deep +significance in the religious history of Rome. Of the +obliteration of the old <i>numen</i> Neptunus by the Greek +god who took his name we know nothing for good or ill; +we are ignorant of the real meaning of the old <i>numen</i>, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">261</a></span>and cannot tell whether the loss of him was compensated +by the usefulness of his name in Roman literature to +represent the Greek god of the sea.</p> + +<p>Let us turn to the much more important subject of the +new ceremonies ordered by the Sibylline "books." The +first authentic case of such innovation occurred in 399 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, +during the long and troublesome siege of the dangerous +neighbour city Veii; I call it authentic because all the best +modern authorities so reckon it, though it occurred before +the destruction of old records during the capture of the city +by the Gauls. The circumstances were such as to fix themselves +in the memory of the people, and in one way or +another they found their way into the earliest annals, +probably those of Fabius Pictor, composed during the +Second Punic War.<a name="FNanchor_547_547" id="FNanchor_547_547"></a><a href="#Footnote_547_547" class="fnanchor">547</a></p> + +<p>The previous winter, Livy tells us,<a name="FNanchor_548_548" id="FNanchor_548_548"></a><a href="#Footnote_548_548" class="fnanchor">548</a> was one of extraordinary +severity; the roads were blocked with snow, and +navigation on the Tiber stopped by the ice. This miserable +winter was followed too suddenly by a hot season, +in which a plague broke out which consumed both man +and beast, and continued so persistently that the Senate +ordered the Sibylline books to be consulted. This persistence +is the first point we should notice; "Cuius insanabili +pernicie quando nec causa nec finis inveniebatur,"—so +wrote Livy, evidently meaning to express an extremity of +trouble which would not give way to ordinary religious +remedies. We may compare his account of the next +recorded consultation of the books (Livy vii. 2), when +neither the old rites nor even the new ones were sufficient +to secure the <i>pax deorum</i> and abate another pestilence, and +recourse was had to yet another remedy in the form of +<i>ludi scenici</i>. The times were out of joint,—the peace of +the gods was broken, and thus the community was no +longer in right relation to the Power manifesting itself in +the universe. The result was a revival of <i>religio</i>, of the +feeling of alarm and anxiety out of which the whole +religious system had grown. The old deities might seem +to be forsaking their functions, since the old rites had +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">262</a></span>ceased to appeal to them. Mysterious and persistent +pestilence is a great tamer of human courage; it is a new +experience that man knows not how to meet, and in +ancient life it was also a new <i>religious</i> experience.</p> + +<p>The remedy was as new as the pestilence, and almost +as pernicious. During eight days Rome saw three pairs +of deities reclining in the form of images on couches, +before which were spread tables covered with food and +drink. Whether in this first case they were taken out of +the temples and exposed to view in certain places, <i>e.g.</i> +the forum, is not clear; later on, in the days of <i>supplicationes</i>, +of which more will be said presently, they were +visited in procession. The three pairs were Apollo and +Latona, Diana and Hercules, Mercurius and Neptunus; +all of them Greek, or, as in the case of Diana, Mercurius, +and Neptunus, Roman deities in their new Greek form. +We cannot trace the special applicability of all of them +to the trouble they were thus invoked to appease,—another +point that suggests a complete revolution in the Roman +ways of contemplating divine beings. These are not +functional <i>numina</i>, but foreigners whose ways were only +known to the manipulators of the Sibylline utterances. +They seem like quack remedies, of which the action is +unknown to the consumer.</p> + +<p>New also, but better in its effect, was the publicity of +these proceedings, and the part taken in them by the +whole population, patrician and plebeian, men, women, +and children. If we can trust Livy's further statements, +every one left his door open and kept open house, inviting +all to come in, whether known or unknown; all old +quarrels were made up, and no new ones suffered to +begin; prisoners were freed from their chains, and +universal good-will prevailed. These eight days were in +fact kept as holidays, and doubtless by the novelty of +the whole scene the astute authorities hoped to inspire +fresh hope and confidence, and to divert attention from +the prevailing misery, just as our soldiers in India are +induced to forget the presence of cholera in a station by +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">263</a></span>constant games and amusements. That this was really +one leading object of the whole show is not generally +recognised by historians; but it seems fully explained by +the fact I mentioned just now, that in the similar trouble +of 349 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> recourse was had for the first time to <i>ludi +scenici</i> in order to amuse the people. In the history of +the Hannibalic war we shall have plenty of opportunity +of noting this kind of expedient. The Roman people, +we must remember, were getting more and more to be +inhabitants of a large city, and, as such, to seek for entertainment, +like all citizens in all ages. The religious rites +of the old calendar were perhaps by this time getting too +familiar, losing their original meaning; whether they had +ever been very entertaining to a city population may be +doubted. Something more showy was needed; processions +had always been to the taste of the Roman, +and banquets, such as the epulum Iovis, which I have +already noticed, often accompanied the processions.</p> + +<p>Now, this love of show and novelty, of which we +have abundant evidence later on as a Roman characteristic, +taken together with the anxiety and alarm—the +new <i>religio</i>—arising from the pestilence, will sufficiently +explain the <i>lectisternia</i>, as these shows were called. We +have here in fact the first appearance, constantly recurring +in later Roman history, of a tendency to seek not only +for novelty, but for a more emotional expression of +religious feeling than was afforded by the old forms of +sacrifice and prayer, conducted as they were by the priest +on behalf of the community without its active participation. +Those old forms might do for the old patrician +community of farmers and warriors, but not so well for +the new and ever-increasing population of artisans and +other workmen, whether of Roman or foreign descent. +It would seem, indeed, as if the sensitiveness of the +human fibre of a primitive community increases with its +increasing complexity, and with the greater variety of +experience to which it is exposed; and in the case of +Rome, as if the simple ancient methods of dealing with +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">264</a></span>the divine inhabitants of the city were no longer adequate +to the needs of a State which was steering its way to +empire among so many difficulties and perils. It is not +indeed certain that the new rites, or some points in them, +may not have had their prototypes in old Italian usage, +though the <i>lectisternia</i>, the actual display of gods in +human form and in need of food like human beings, are +almost certainly Greek in origin.<a name="FNanchor_549_549" id="FNanchor_549_549"></a><a href="#Footnote_549_549" class="fnanchor">549</a> But so far as we can +guess, the emotional element was wholly new. True, +Livy tells us in two passages of his third book of +occasions when men, women, and children flocked to all +the shrines (<i>omnia delubra</i>) seeking for the <i>pax deorum</i> +at the invitation of the senate; but the early date, the +great improbability of the senate taking any such step, +and the absence of any mention of the priesthoods, makes +it difficult to believe that these assertions are based +on any genuine record. We must be content to mark +the first <i>lectisternia</i> in 399 as the earliest authentic +example of the emotional tendency of the Roman plebs.<a name="FNanchor_550_550" id="FNanchor_550_550"></a><a href="#Footnote_550_550" class="fnanchor">550</a></p> + +<p>If we can judge of this period of Roman religious +history by the general tendency of the policy of the +Roman government, we may see here a deliberate attempt +to include the new population in worship of a kind that +would calm its fears, engage its attention, and satisfy its +emotion, while leaving uncontaminated the old ritual that +had served the State so long. If this conclusion be a +right one, then we must allow that the new ceremonial +had its use. Dr. Frazer has lately told us in his eloquent +and persuasive way, of how much value superstition has +been in building up moral habits and the instinct of submission +to civil order. His thesis might be illustrated +adequately from the history of Rome alone. But from a +purely religious point of view the story of the <i>lectisternia</i> +is a sad one. The old Roman invisible <i>numen</i>, working +with force in a particular department of human life and +its environment, was a far nobler mental conception, and +far more likely to grow into a power for good, than the +miserable images of Graeco-Roman full-blown gods and +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">265</a></span>goddesses reclining on their couches and appearing to +partake of dinner like a human citizen. Such ideas of +the divine must have forced men's religious ideas clean +away from the Power manifesting itself in the universe, +and must have dragged down the Roman <i>numina</i> with +them in their corrupting degradation. According to our +definition of it, religion was now in a fair way to disappear +altogether; what was destined to take its place +was not really religion at all. Nor did it in any way +assist the growth of an individual conscience, as perhaps +did some of the later religious forms introduced from +without. It was of value for the moment to the State, in +satisfying a population greatly disturbed by untoward +events; and that was all.</p> + +<p>Closely connected with the <i>lectisternia</i>, and following +close upon them in chronological order, were the processional +ceremonies called <i>supplicationes</i>. The historical +relation between the two is by no means clear; but if we +conclude, as I am fairly sure we may, that the <i>lectisternia</i> +were shows of a joyful character, accompanied, as Livy +describes the first one, with private entertainments, and +meant to keep up the spirits of the plebeian population, +and if we then turn to the early <i>supplicationes</i>, in which +men, women, and children, <i>coronati</i>, and carrying laurel +branches, went in procession to the temples, and there +prostrated themselves after the Greek fashion, the women +"crinibus passis aras verrentes," we shall be disposed to +look on them as, in origin at least, distinct from each +other.<a name="FNanchor_551_551" id="FNanchor_551_551"></a><a href="#Footnote_551_551" class="fnanchor">551</a> We may conjecture that the appearance of the +gods in human form at the doors of their temples suggested +to the plebeian women a kind of emotional worship +which was alien to the old Roman feeling, but familiar +enough to those (and they must have been many) who +knew the life of the Greek cities of Italy. It may be +that they had tried it even in earlier times; but anyhow, +in the fourth and third centuries <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> advantage was taken +of the <i>pulvinaria</i> to use them as stopping-places in the +procession of a <i>supplicatio</i>, and the phrase becomes a +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">266</a></span>common one in the annals, "supplicatio ad omnia pulvinaria +indicta." The <i>lectisternia</i> were ordered five times in the +fourth century;<a name="FNanchor_552_552" id="FNanchor_552_552"></a><a href="#Footnote_552_552" class="fnanchor">552</a> by that time, it would seem likely, the +<i>supplicationes</i> had become an authorised institution, and +had perhaps embodied the practice of <i>lectisternia</i> in the +way suggested above. We shall meet with them again +when we come to the religious history of the war with +Hannibal.</p> + +<p>One word more before I leave this subject for the +present. In all this innovation we must not forget to +note the growth of individual feeling as distinguished +from the old worship of civic grouping, in which the +individual, as such, was of little or no account. I pointed +out the first signs of this individualism when speaking of +the temple of the Capitoline Jupiter, and we shall have +reason to mark its rapid growth further. We are now, in +fact, and must realise that we are, in a period in which, +throughout the Graeco-Roman world, the need was beginning +to be felt of some new rule of individualistic morality. +The Roman population, now recruited from many sources, +was but reflecting this need unconsciously when it insisted +on new emotional rites and expiations. The Roman authorities +were forced to satisfy the demand; but in doing so +they made no real contribution to the history of Roman +religious experience. It was impossible that they should do +so; they represented the old civic form of religion, "bound +up with the life of a society, and unable to contemplate +the individual except as a member of it."<a name="FNanchor_553_553" id="FNanchor_553_553"></a><a href="#Footnote_553_553" class="fnanchor">553</a> The new +forms of worship, the <i>supplicatio</i> and <i>lectisternium</i>, could +not be, as the old forms had in some sense been, the consecration +of civic and national life. They were to the +Romans as the worship of Baal to the Jews of the time +of the Kings; and, unlike that poisonous cult, they could +never be rooted out.<a name="FNanchor_554_554" id="FNanchor_554_554"></a><a href="#Footnote_554_554" class="fnanchor">554</a><a name="FNanchor_555_555" id="FNanchor_555_555"></a><a href="#Footnote_555_555" class="fnanchor">555</a></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">267</a></span></p> + +<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE XI</h5> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_510_510" id="Footnote_510_510"></a><a href="#FNanchor_510_510"><span class="label">510</span></a> This is the expression of Sallust, <i>Catil.</i> 12. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_510A" id="Footnote_510A"></a><a href="#FNanchor_510A"><span class="label">510a</span></a> This Lecture was the first of a second and separate course.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_511_511" id="Footnote_511_511"></a><a href="#FNanchor_511_511"><span class="label">511</span></a> See my paper on the Latin history of the word <i>religio</i>, in +<i>Transactions of the Congress for the History of Religions</i>, 1909, +vol. ii. p. 172. W. Otto in <i>Archiv</i>, 1909, p. 533 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_512_512" id="Footnote_512_512"></a><a href="#FNanchor_512_512"><span class="label">512</span></a> Cic. <i>de Nat. Deorum</i>, ii. 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_513_513" id="Footnote_513_513"></a><a href="#FNanchor_513_513"><span class="label">513</span></a> Cic. <i>Harusp. resp.</i> 19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_514_514" id="Footnote_514_514"></a><a href="#FNanchor_514_514"><span class="label">514</span></a> Livy xliv. 1. 11; Sallust, <i>l.c.</i>; Gellius, <i>Noct. Att.</i> ii. 28. 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_515_515" id="Footnote_515_515"></a><a href="#FNanchor_515_515"><span class="label">515</span></a> Polyb. vi. 56.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_516_516" id="Footnote_516_516"></a><a href="#FNanchor_516_516"><span class="label">516</span></a> Posidonius ap. Athenaeum vi. 274 <span class="smcap">A</span>; Dion. Hal. ii. 27. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_517_517" id="Footnote_517_517"></a><a href="#FNanchor_517_517"><span class="label">517</span></a> Gell. ii. 28.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_518_518" id="Footnote_518_518"></a><a href="#FNanchor_518_518"><span class="label">518</span></a> Marquardt, iii. 126.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_519_519" id="Footnote_519_519"></a><a href="#FNanchor_519_519"><span class="label">519</span></a> Cato, <i>R.R.</i> 142.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_520_520" id="Footnote_520_520"></a><a href="#FNanchor_520_520"><span class="label">520</span></a> Calpurnius, <i>Eclogue</i>, v. 24. I have described a similar scene +in the Alps in <i>A Year with the Birds</i>, ed. 2, p. 126.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_521_521" id="Footnote_521_521"></a><a href="#FNanchor_521_521"><span class="label">521</span></a> Petronius, <i>Sat.</i> 117: "His ita ordinatis, quod bene feliciterque +eveniret precati deos, viam ingredimur." I owe this reference, +as others in this context, to Appel's treatise <i>de Romanorum precationibus</i>, +p. 56 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_522_522" id="Footnote_522_522"></a><a href="#FNanchor_522_522"><span class="label">522</span></a> Varro, <i>R.R.</i> i. 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_523_523" id="Footnote_523_523"></a><a href="#FNanchor_523_523"><span class="label">523</span></a> <i>e.g.</i> Virg. <i>Aen.</i> v. 685 (Aeneas during the burning of the +fleet); <i>Aen.</i> xii. 776 (Turnus in extremity). Cp. Tibull. iii. 5. 6 +(in sickness).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_524_524" id="Footnote_524_524"></a><a href="#FNanchor_524_524"><span class="label">524</span></a> A good example is <i>Captivi</i>, 922: "Iovi disque ago gratias +merito magnas quom te redducem tuo patri reddiderunt," etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_525_525" id="Footnote_525_525"></a><a href="#FNanchor_525_525"><span class="label">525</span></a> For gratitude to human beings see Valerius Maximus v. 2. +A good example of gratitude to a deity is in Gell. <i>N.A.</i> iv. 18; but +it is told of Scipio the elder, who was eccentric for a Roman. When +accused by a tribune of peculation in Asia he said, "Non igitur +simus adversum deos ingrati et, censeo, relinquamus nebulonem +hunc, eamus hinc protinus Iovi Optimo Maximo gratulatum." Public +gratitude to the gods is frequent in later <i>supplicationes</i>, <i>e.g.</i> Livy xxx. +17. 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_526_526" id="Footnote_526_526"></a><a href="#FNanchor_526_526"><span class="label">526</span></a> Gellius, <i>N.A.</i> xiv. 7. 9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_527_527" id="Footnote_527_527"></a><a href="#FNanchor_527_527"><span class="label">527</span></a> Servius ad <i>Aen.</i> xi. 301 ("praefatus divos solio rex infit ab +alto").</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_528_528" id="Footnote_528_528"></a><a href="#FNanchor_528_528"><span class="label">528</span></a> This was in a <i>contio</i>: "Cum Gracchus deos inciperet precari." +See above, Lecture VII. note 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_529_529" id="Footnote_529_529"></a><a href="#FNanchor_529_529"><span class="label">529</span></a> See <i>R.F.</i> p. 74 foll.; Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 243. For the relation +of the pomoerium to the wall, see above, p. 94.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_530_530" id="Footnote_530_530"></a><a href="#FNanchor_530_530"><span class="label">530</span></a> The process is amusingly explained by Carter in <i>The Religion +of Numa</i>, p. 72 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_531_531" id="Footnote_531_531"></a><a href="#FNanchor_531_531"><span class="label">531</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 75.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_532_532" id="Footnote_532_532"></a><a href="#FNanchor_532_532"><span class="label">532</span></a> See Aust, <i>De aedibus sacris P.R.</i>, passim.</p></div> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">268</a></span></p> +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_533_533" id="Footnote_533_533"></a><a href="#FNanchor_533_533"><span class="label">533</span></a> Lately this has been denied by Pais, <i>Storia di Roma</i>, i. 339.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_534_534" id="Footnote_534_534"></a><a href="#FNanchor_534_534"><span class="label">534</span></a> Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> 35, 154.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_535_535" id="Footnote_535_535"></a><a href="#FNanchor_535_535"><span class="label">535</span></a> I owe the information to my friend Prof. Percy Gardner.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_536_536" id="Footnote_536_536"></a><a href="#FNanchor_536_536"><span class="label">536</span></a> See Carter, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 66; but I am not sure that his reasons +are conclusive.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_537_537" id="Footnote_537_537"></a><a href="#FNanchor_537_537"><span class="label">537</span></a> Diels, <i>Sibyllinische Blätter</i>, p. 6 foll., and cp. 79.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_538_538" id="Footnote_538_538"></a><a href="#FNanchor_538_538"><span class="label">538</span></a> It should be noted that the cult of Apollo in Rome was +older than the introduction of Sibylline influence; so at least it is +generally assumed. Wissowa, however (<i>R.K.</i> p. 239), puts it as +"gleichzeitig." The date of the Apollinar in pratis Flaminiis, the +oldest Apolline fanum in Rome (outside pomoerium), is unknown; +that of the temple on the same site was 431 (Livy iv. 25 and 29). +There is little doubt that the Apollo-cult spread from Cumae northwards, +and was by this time well established in Italy. (The foundation +of the temple of 431, consisting of opus quadratum, still in part +survives: Hülsen-Jordan, <i>Rom. Topographie</i>, iii. 535).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_539_539" id="Footnote_539_539"></a><a href="#FNanchor_539_539"><span class="label">539</span></a> Heracleitus, <i>fragm.</i> xii., ed. Bywater.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_540_540" id="Footnote_540_540"></a><a href="#FNanchor_540_540"><span class="label">540</span></a> <i>Phaedrus</i>, p. 244.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_541_541" id="Footnote_541_541"></a><a href="#FNanchor_541_541"><span class="label">541</span></a> So Korte in Pauly-Wissowa, <i>Real-Encycl.</i>, <i>s.v.</i> "Etrusker."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_542_542" id="Footnote_542_542"></a><a href="#FNanchor_542_542"><span class="label">542</span></a> The present tendency is to take the plebs as representing an +older population of Latium before the arrival of the patricians; see, +<i>e.g.</i>, Binder, <i>Die Plebs</i>, p. 358 foll. But the plebs of later days is +not to be explained on one hypothesis only.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_543_543" id="Footnote_543_543"></a><a href="#FNanchor_543_543"><span class="label">543</span></a> <i>e.g.</i> in religious matters the <i>duoviri aedi dedicandae</i>; +Mommsen, <i>Staatsrecht</i>, ii. 601 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_544_544" id="Footnote_544_544"></a><a href="#FNanchor_544_544"><span class="label">544</span></a> Carter, <i>Religion of Numa</i>, p. 77 foll. It is uncertain +whether there was a Roman Mercurius of earlier origin, or whether +the name Mercurius (<i>i.e.</i> concerned in trade) was a new invention to +avoid using the Greek name, as in the case of the trias Ceres, Liber, +Libera.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_545_545" id="Footnote_545_545"></a><a href="#FNanchor_545_545"><span class="label">545</span></a> Carter, <i>op. cit.</i> 81. The connection of this Poseidon-Neptunus +and Hermes-Mercurius is confirmed by the fact that the +two were paired in the first <i>lectisternium</i>, 399 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> Livy v. 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_546_546" id="Footnote_546_546"></a><a href="#FNanchor_546_546"><span class="label">546</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 254.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_547_547" id="Footnote_547_547"></a><a href="#FNanchor_547_547"><span class="label">547</span></a> See Diels, <i>Sib. Blätter</i>, p. 12, note 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_548_548" id="Footnote_548_548"></a><a href="#FNanchor_548_548"><span class="label">548</span></a> Livy v. 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_549_549" id="Footnote_549_549"></a><a href="#FNanchor_549_549"><span class="label">549</span></a> I have discussed the possibility of the epulum Iovis being an +old Italian rite in <i>R.F.</i> p. 215 foll. For the Greek origin of these +shows see <i>Dict. of Antiquities</i>, ed. 2, <i>s.v.</i> "lectisternia."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_550_550" id="Footnote_550_550"></a><a href="#FNanchor_550_550"><span class="label">550</span></a> Livy iii. 5. 14, and 7. 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_551_551" id="Footnote_551_551"></a><a href="#FNanchor_551_551"><span class="label">551</span></a> The plebeian tendencies of the time are suggested, <i>e.g.</i>, by +the fact that immediately before the first <i>lectisternium</i> a plebeian +was elected military tribune (Livy v. 13). The fourth century is of +course the period of plebeian advance in all departments, and +ends with the opening of the priesthoods to the plebs by the lex +Ogulnia, and the publication of the Fasti. Plebeian too, I suspect, +was the keeping open house and promiscuous hospitality which is +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">269</a></span>recorded by Livy of the first <i>lectisternia</i>; this was the practice of the +plebs on the Cerealia (April 19), and was perhaps an old custom connected +with the supply of corn and the temple of Ceres (see above, +p. 255). It was not imitated by the patrician society, with its +reserve and exclusiveness, till the institution of the Megalesia in 204 +<span class="smcap">B.C.</span> See Gellius xviii. 2. 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_552_552" id="Footnote_552_552"></a><a href="#FNanchor_552_552"><span class="label">552</span></a> The expression <i>crinibus demissis</i> is found in a lex regia +(Festus, <i>s.v.</i> "pellices"); the harlot who touches Juno's altar has to +offer a lamb to Juno "crinibus demissis." This is therefore Roman +practice.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_553_553" id="Footnote_553_553"></a><a href="#FNanchor_553_553"><span class="label">553</span></a> For the <i>supplicationes</i> see Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> 357 foll.; Marq. +48 and 188; and the author's article in <i>Dict. of Antiquities</i>. The +passages already referred to as doubtful evidence (Livy iii. 5. 14, +7. 7) describe all the features of the <i>supplicatio</i> as early as the first +half of the fifth century. A list of later passages in Livy will be found +in Marq. 49, note 4. On the whole I doubt if much was made of +these rites before the third century and the Punic wars.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_554_554" id="Footnote_554_554"></a><a href="#FNanchor_554_554"><span class="label">554</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> 356, note 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_555_555" id="Footnote_555_555"></a><a href="#FNanchor_555_555"><span class="label">555</span></a> Caird, <i>Gifford Lectures</i>, vol. ii. p. 46.</p></div> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">270</a></span></p> +<h4>LECTURE XII</h4> + +<h5>THE PONTIFICES AND THE SECULARISATION OF +RELIGION</h5> + + +<p>In the last lecture we saw how the new experiences of +the Roman people, during the period from the abolition +of the kingship to the war with Hannibal, led to the introduction +of foreign deities and showy ceremonies of a +character quite strange to the old religion. But there +was another process going on at the same time. The +authorities of that old religion were full of vigour in this +same period; it may even be said, that as far as we can +trace their activity in the dim light of those early days, +they made themselves almost supreme in the State. +And the result was, in brief, that religion became more +and more a matter of State administration, and thereby +lost its chance of developing the conscience of the individual. +It is indeed quite possible, as has recently been +maintained,<a name="FNanchor_556_556" id="FNanchor_556_556"></a><a href="#Footnote_556_556" class="fnanchor">556</a> that it stood actively in the way of such +development. I have no doubt that there was a germ of +conscience, of moral feeling, in the <i>religio</i> of old days—the +feeling of anxiety and doubt which originally suggested +the <i>cura</i> and <i>caerimonia</i> of the State; but the efforts of the +authorities in this period were spent in gradually destroying +that germ. True, they did not interfere with the +simple religion of the family, which had its value all +through Roman history; but the attitude of the individual +towards public worship will react on his attitude towards +private worship, which may also have lost some part of +its vitality in this period.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">271</a></span>The religious authorities of which I speak are of course +the two great colleges of pontifices and augurs. Of the +latter, and of the system of divination of which they held +the secrets, I will speak in the next lecture. Here we +have to do with the pontifices and their work in this +period, a thorny and somewhat technical subject, but a +most important one for the history of Roman religious +experience.</p> + +<p>I have so far assumed that this college existed in the age +of the kings, and assisted the Rex in the administration +of the <i>ius divinum</i>. It is legitimate to do this, but as a +matter of fact we do not know for certain what was the +origin of the college itself, or of its mysterious name. In +the period we have now reached we come, however, upon +a striking fact, which is luckily easy to interpret; the +king's house, the <i>Regia</i>, has become the office of the head +of the college, the pontifex maximus, and also the meeting-place +of the college for business.<a name="FNanchor_557_557" id="FNanchor_557_557"></a><a href="#Footnote_557_557" class="fnanchor">557</a> Obviously this head, +whether or no he existed during the kingly period, has +stepped into the place of the Rex in the control of the +<i>ius divinum</i>. Again, we know that in the third century +<span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, when written history begins, the pontifices and their +head had reached a very high level of power, as we shall +presently see more in detail; the process of the growth +of this power must therefore lie in the two preceding +centuries, during which Rome was slowly attaining that +paramount position in Italy in which we find her at the +time of the Punic wars. Thirdly, we know that in that +third century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> the college was laid open to plebeians as +well as to members of the old patrician gentes, and that +one of the most famous of all its many distinguished +heads was not only not a patrician, but a Latin from +Cameria, Ti. Coruncanius. Putting these three facts together +we can divine in outline the history of the pontifices +during these two centuries. With the instinct for order +and organisation that never failed them, the Romans have +constructed a <i>permanent</i> power to take charge of their <i>ius +divinum</i>, <i>i.e.</i> all their relations to the deities with whom +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">272</a></span>they must maintain a <i>pax</i>; the circumstances of their +career during two centuries have exalted this power to +an extraordinary degree of influence, direct and indirect, +internal and external; and, lastly, in a period which +saw the gradual amalgamation into a unified whole of +privileged and unprivileged, <i>patres</i> and <i>plebs</i>, they have +with wonderful wisdom thrown open to all citizens the +administration of that <i>ius</i> which was essential to the +welfare of the united community. These are indisputable +facts; and they are thoroughly characteristic of the +practical wisdom of the Roman people in that early age.</p> + +<p>In order to understand how the pontifices attained their +great position, the one thing needful is to examine the +nature of their work. This I propose to do next, and +then to attempt to sum up the result of their activity on +the Roman religious system.</p> + +<p>It is impossible to exaggerate the importance of the +college in the early history of Roman law; and for us in +particular that importance lies in the fact that they were +the sole depositaries of the religious law in the period +during which the civil law was being slowly disentangled +from it. If we look at the so-called <i>leges regiae</i>, which +are probably the oldest rules of law that have come down +to us (though they may have been made into a collection +as late as the very end of the Republic),<a name="FNanchor_558_558" id="FNanchor_558_558"></a><a href="#Footnote_558_558" class="fnanchor">558</a> we see at once +that they belong to the <i>ius divinum</i>; and there is little +doubt that they were extracted from those books of the +pontifices which I shall have to explain later on.<a name="FNanchor_559_559" id="FNanchor_559_559"></a><a href="#Footnote_559_559" class="fnanchor">559</a> In +other words, it is the maintenance of the <i>pax deorum</i> that +they are chiefly concerned with; the crime of the citizen +is a violation of that <i>pax</i>, and the deity most concerned +will punish the community unless some expiatory step is +taken to re-establish the right relation between the human +and divine inhabitants of the city. "Pellex aram Iunonis +ne tangito; si tanget, Iunoni crinibus demissis agnum +feminam caedito." "Si parentem puer verberit, ast olle +plorassit, puer divis parentum sacer esto."<a name="FNanchor_560_560" id="FNanchor_560_560"></a><a href="#Footnote_560_560" class="fnanchor">560</a> The harlot +who touches the altar of Juno, the deity of married women, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">273</a></span>breaks the <i>pax</i> with that deity, and she must offer a +piacular sacrifice to renew it; the son who strikes a +parent is made over as the property of the <i>divi parentum</i>, +<i>i.e.</i> those of the whole community,<a name="FNanchor_561_561" id="FNanchor_561_561"></a><a href="#Footnote_561_561" class="fnanchor">561</a> the peaceful relation +with whom his act has imperilled. With such rules +as these the civil magistrate of the republic can have had +nothing to do; they belong to an older period of thought +and of government, and survived in the books of the +college which under the republic continued to administer +the <i>ius divinum</i>; for these rules doubtless continued to +exist side by side with the civil law as it gradually +developed itself, and the necessary modes of expiation +were known to the pontifices only. Roman society was +indeed so deeply penetrated for many ages with the idea +of <i>religio</i>—the dread of violating the <i>pax deorum</i>,—that the +idea of law as a matter of the relation of man to man, as +"the interference of the State in the passions and interests +of humanity only," must have gained ground by very +slow degrees. This primitive religious law then, <i>i.e.</i> the +regulation of the proper steps to be taken to avoid a +breach of the <i>pax deorum</i>, was entirely in the hands of the +religious authorities, the Rex at first and then the +pontifices, as the only experts who could know the secrets +of the <i>ius divinum</i>; and from their decisions and prescriptions +there could be no appeal, simply because there +was no individual or body in the State to whom an +appeal was conceivable. But after the rule of the +Etruscan kings, with all its disturbing influences, and +after the revolution which got rid of them, there must +have been an age of new ideas and increased mental +activity, and also of increasing social complexity, the +signs of which in the way of trade and industry we have +already found in certain facts of religious history. In +the domain of law this meant new problems, new difficulties; +and these were met in the middle of the fifth +century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, if the received chronology is to be accepted,<a name="FNanchor_562_562" id="FNanchor_562_562"></a><a href="#Footnote_562_562" class="fnanchor">562</a> +by the publication of the XII. Tables.</p> + +<p>In order to get some idea of the work of the pontifices +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">274</a></span>at this time, let us consider one or two of these difficulties +and problems.</p> + +<p>Within the family every act, every relation, was matter +of religion; the <i>numina</i> had to be considered in regard +to it. The end and aim, then as throughout Roman +history, was the maintenance of the <i>sacra</i> of the family, +without which it could not be conceived as existing—the +due worship of its deities, and the religious care of its +dead. Take marriage as an example: "the entry of a +bride into the household—of one who as yet had no lot +in the family life—meant some straining of the relation +between the divine and human members,"<a name="FNanchor_563_563" id="FNanchor_563_563"></a><a href="#Footnote_563_563" class="fnanchor">563</a> and the +human part of the family must be assured that the +divine part is willing to accept her before the step can be +regarded as complete. She has to enter the family in +such a way as to share in its <i>sacra</i>; and if <i>confarreatio</i> +was (as we may believe) the oldest form of patrician +marriage,<a name="FNanchor_564_564" id="FNanchor_564_564"></a><a href="#Footnote_564_564" class="fnanchor">564</a> the bride was subjected to a ceremony which +was plainly of a sacramental character—the sacred cake +of <i>far</i> being partaken of by both bride and bridegroom +in the presence of the highest religious authority of the +State. In the simplest form of society there would be +no call for further priestly interference in marriage; but +in a society growing more numerous and complex, exceptions, +abnormal conditions begin to show themselves, +and new problems arise, which must be solved by new +expedients, prescriptions, permissions, devices, or fictions. +For these the religious authorities are solely responsible; +for what is a matter of religious interest to the family is +also matter of religious interest to the State, simply because +the State is composed of families in the same sense +as the human body is composed of cellular tissue. All +this, we believe, was once the work of the Rex, perhaps +with the college of pontifices to help him; when the kingship +disappeared it became the work of that college solely, +with the pontifex maximus as the chief authority.</p> + +<p>So, too, in all other questions which concerned the +maintenance of the family, and especially in regard to the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">275</a></span>devolution of property. I am here only illustrating the +way in which the pontifical college acquired their paramount +influence by having a quantity of new and difficult +work forced upon them, and it is not part of my plan to +explain the early history of adoptions and wills; but I +may give a single concrete illustration for the benefit of +those who are not versed in Roman law. It must constantly +have happened, in that disturbed period which brought +the kingship to an end, that by death or capture in war a +family was left without male heirs. Daughters could +not take their place, because the <i>sacra</i> of a family could +not be maintained by daughters, who would, in the natural +order of things, be sooner or later married and so become +members of other families. Hence the expedient was +adopted of making a <i>filius familias</i> of another family a +member of your own; and this, like marriage, involved a +straining of the relations between the human and divine +members of your family, and was thus a matter for the +religious authorities to contrive in such a manner as to +preserve the <i>pax</i> between them. The difficulty was overcome +by the practical wisdom of the pontifical college, +which held a solemn inquiry into the case before submitting +it to the people in specially summoned assembly +(<i>comitia calata</i>);<a name="FNanchor_565_565" id="FNanchor_565_565"></a><a href="#Footnote_565_565" class="fnanchor">565</a> and thus the new <i>filius familias</i> was +enabled not only to renounce his own <i>sacra</i> (<i>detestatio +sacrorum</i>), but to pass into the guardianship of another +set of <i>sacra</i>, without incurring the anger of the <i>numina</i> +concerned with the welfare of either.</p> + +<p>Such difficult matters as these, and many more connected +directly or indirectly with the devolution of property, +such as the guardianship of women and of the +incapable, the power to dispose of property otherwise than +by the original rules of succession, the law of burial and +the care of the dead,—all these, at the time of which I am +speaking, must have been among the secrets of the pontifices; +and we can also suspect, though without being +sure of our facts, that the great increase of the importance +of the <i>plebs</i> under the Etruscan dynasty offered further +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">276</a></span>opportunities for the growth alike of the work and influence +of the college.<a name="FNanchor_566_566" id="FNanchor_566_566"></a><a href="#Footnote_566_566" class="fnanchor">566</a> Above all, we must remember that +this work was done in secret, that the mysteries of adjustment +were unknown to the people when once they had +passed out of the ken of family and gens, and that there +could have been no appeal from the pontifices to any +other body. Nay, more, we must also bear in mind that +this body of religious experts was <i>self-electing</i>. Until the +lex Domitia of 104 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> both pontifices and augurs filled +up their own colleges with persons whom they believed +qualified both by knowledge and disposition. Thus it +would seem that there was every chance that in that early +Rome, where neither in family nor State could anything +be undertaken without some reference to the religious +authority, where the <i>pax deorum</i> was the one essential object +of public and private life, a power might be developed +apt one day not only to petrify religion and stultify its +worshippers, but thereby also to cramp the energies of +the community, acting as an obstacle to its development +within its walls and without. Had Roman law remained +entirely in the hands of this self-electing college, one +of two things must have happened: either that college +would have become purely secular in character, or the +wonderful legal system that we still enjoy would never +have had space to grow up. But this was not to be; +with the publication of the XII. Tables a new era opens.</p> + +<p>If we reject, as we conscientiously may, the latest +attempts of criticism to post-date the drawing up of the +Tables,<a name="FNanchor_567_567" id="FNanchor_567_567"></a><a href="#Footnote_567_567" class="fnanchor">567</a> and in fact to destroy their historical value for +us, what is their significance for our present purpose? +It is simply that in the middle of the fifth century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> the +pontifices lost a monopoly—ceased to be the sole depositaries +of the rules of law affecting the <i>pax deorum</i>, and that +new rules are being set down in writing, on the basis of +old custom, which more especially affect the relations +between the human citizens. For both the <i>ius divinum</i> +and the <i>ius civile</i> are to be found in this collection, but +the latter is beginning to assert its independence. I think +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">277</a></span>we may say, without much hesitation, that this event, +however doubtful its traditional details, did actually save +Rome from either of the two consequences to which I +alluded just now. The constitution developed itself on +lay and not on ecclesiastical lines, leaving the pontifices +other work to do, and Roman civil law was eventually +able to free itself from the trammels of the <i>ius divinum</i>.</p> + +<p>But for another century the college still found abundant +legal work to do, for it was not likely that at Rome, the +most conservative of all city-states, it could be quickly +set aside, or that the old ideas of law could so speedily +disappear. What then was this work?</p> + +<p>When rules of civil law were written down, it was still +necessary to deal with them in two ways which were open to +the pontifices, and indeed at this early time to no one else. +First, it was necessary to make their provisions effectual +by prescribing in each case the proper method of procedure +(<i>actio</i>). Now it is most important to grasp the +fact that procedure in the <i>ius civile</i> was originally of precisely +the same nature as procedure in the <i>ius divinum</i>, +and that precisely the same rigid exactness is indispensable +in both. Action and formula in civil law belong to the same +class of practices as sacrifice and prayer in religious law, +and spring from the same mental soil. Thus, for example, +the most familiar case of action and formula in civil law, +the <i>sacramentum</i>, was, as the name proves, a piece of +religious procedure, <i>i.e.</i> the deposition in a sacred spot of +a sum of money which the suitor in the case would forfeit if +he lost it, together with the utterance of a certain formula +of words which must be correctly spoken. If we choose +to go back so far, we may even see in this combination +of formularised act and speech a survival of magical or +quasi-magical belief;<a name="FNanchor_568_568" id="FNanchor_568_568"></a><a href="#Footnote_568_568" class="fnanchor">568</a> but this is matter rather for the anthropologist +than the historian of religion. The point for +us at this moment is that these acts and formulae (<i>legis +actiones</i>, as they are known in Roman law) could not +suddenly or rapidly pass out of the hands of that body of +skilled experts which had so long been in sole possession +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">278</a></span>of them; the publication of old and new rules of law in +the XII. Tables made no immediate difference in this +respect. The consuls, the new civil executive, were still +in no sense necessarily skilled in such matters, and were +without the prestige of the former executive, the Rex; +they were also doubtless busy with other work, especially +in the field. Nothing could be more natural than that +the pontifices should continue to provide the procedure +for the now written law, just as they had formerly supplied +it for the unwritten.<a name="FNanchor_569_569" id="FNanchor_569_569"></a><a href="#Footnote_569_569" class="fnanchor">569</a></p> + +<p>So, too, with the <i>interpretation</i> of the Tables; this was +the second part of the work that still remained to them. +Writing was in that age a mystery to the mass of the +population, and doubtless the idea was still in their minds +that there was something supernatural about it. Writing, +in fact, as well as formularised action and speech, may have +had the flavour of magic about it. However that may be, +there can be no doubt that the interpretation of a legal +document was in those days a much more serious, if a less +arduous business, than it is now. Here again, then, it +seems perfectly natural that there should be no rapid or +violent change in the <i>personnel</i> of those deemed capable +of such interpretation; there was no other body of experts +capable of the work; the pontifices remained <i>iuris-consulti</i>, +<i>i.e.</i> interpreters and advisers, and in the course +of two and a half centuries accumulated an amount of +material that formed a basis for the first published system +of Roman law, the <i>ius Aelianum</i> or <i>tripartita</i> of 200 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> +It is most useful to remember, as proof of this, that one +member of the college was selected every year for the +special purpose of helping the people with advice in +matters of civil law, both in regard to interpretation and +the choice of <i>legis actiones</i>; so we are expressly told +by Pomponius, who adds that this practice continued for +about a hundred years after the publication of the Tables, +<i>i.e.</i> till the election of the first praetor in 366.<a name="FNanchor_570_570" id="FNanchor_570_570"></a><a href="#Footnote_570_570" class="fnanchor">570</a> After +that date the <i>ius civile</i> emerges more distinctly from the +old body of law, which included also the <i>ius divinum</i>, and its +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">279</a></span>interpretation was no longer a matter purely for religious +experts. In 337 we hear of the first <i>plebeian</i> praetor—truly +a momentous event, showing that the old profound +belief is dying out, which demanded a religious and patrician +qualification for all legal work. And at the end of +the fourth century comes the publication, not only of the +<i>legis actiones</i>, but of the Fasti, <i>i.e.</i> even of that most +vital part of the <i>ius divinum</i>, which distinguished the +times and seasons belonging to the numina from those +belonging to the human citizens.<a name="FNanchor_571_571" id="FNanchor_571_571"></a><a href="#Footnote_571_571" class="fnanchor">571</a> One might well suppose +that the power of the pontifices was on the wane, for they +had lost another monopoly.</p> + +<p>And indeed in one sense this was so. It must have +been so, for as the range of the State's activity increased, +the sphere of religious influence became relatively less. +Marriage, for example, though it still needed a religious +ceremony in common opinion, ceased to need it in the eye +of the law—a change which is familiar to us in our own +age. The pontifex was no longer indispensable to the +suitor at law, nor to the citizen who wished to know on +what day he might proceed with his suit. The college +undoubtedly ceased to be the powerful secretly-acting body +in whose hands was the entire <i>religio</i> of the citizen, <i>i.e.</i> +the decision of all points on which he might feel the old +anxious nervousness about the good-will of the gods. +But now we mark a change which gave the old institution +new life and new work. At the end of this fourth century +(300 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>) it was thrown open to plebeians by the lex +Ogulnia; and, as I have already mentioned, within a few +years we come upon a plebeian pontifex maximus, who +was not even a Roman by birth, yet one of the most +famous in the whole series of the holders of that great +office. Most probably, too, the numbers of the members +have already been increased from five to nine, of whom +five must be plebeian. These members begin to be +found holding also civil magistracies, and the pontifex +maximus was often a consul of the year. It is quite +plain then that this priestly office is becoming more and +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">280</a></span>more secularised; it expands with the new order of things +instead of shrinking into itself. It leaves religion, in the +proper sense of the word, far behind. The sacrificing +priests, the flamines, etc., who were the humbler members +in a technical sense of the same college, go on with their +proper and strictly religious work under the supervision +of the pontifex maximus,<a name="FNanchor_572_572" id="FNanchor_572_572"></a><a href="#Footnote_572_572" class="fnanchor">572</a> but they steadily become of +less importance as the greater members become secularised +in their functions and their ambitions. And these greater +members, instead of becoming stranded on a barren shore +of antique religion, boldly venture into a new sphere of +human life, and add definite secular work to their old +religious functions.</p> + +<p>The events of the latter part of the fourth century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, +culminating in the publication of the Fasti and the <i>legis +actiones</i>, probably meant much more for the Romans than +we can divine by the uncertain light of historical imagination. +It is the age of expansion, internal and external; +the old patrician exclusive rule was gone beyond recall; +the plebeians had forced their way into every department +of government, including at last even the great religious +<i>collegia</i>; the old Latin league had been broken up, and +the Latin cities organised in various new relations to +Rome, each one being connected with the suzerain city +by a separate treaty, sealed with religious sanctions. After +the Samnite wars and the struggle with Pyrrhus, further +organisation was necessary, and there arose by degrees a +loose system of union which we are accustomed to call +the Italian confederation. The adaptation of all these +new conditions to the existing order of things at Rome +was the work of the senate and magistrates so far as it +concerned human beings only; but so far as it affected the +relations of the divine inhabitants of the various communities +it must have been the work of the pontifices. +That work is indeed almost entirely hidden from us, for +Livy's books of this period are lost, and Livy is the only +historian who has preserved for us in any substance the +religious side of Rome's public life. But what we have +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">281</a></span>learnt in the course of these lectures will have made it plain +that no political changes could take place without involving +religious adaptation, and also that the only body qualified +to undertake such adaptation was the pontifical college.</p> + +<p>We may thus be quite certain, that though they had +lost their old monopoly of religious knowledge, the pontifices +found plenty of fresh work to do in this period. +It is my belief that they now became more active than +they ever had been. From this time, for example, we +may almost certainly date their literary or quasi-literary +activity; I mean the practice of recording the leading +events of each year, which may have had its origin a +century earlier, with the eclipse of the sun in or about +404 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span><a name="FNanchor_573_573" id="FNanchor_573_573"></a><a href="#Footnote_573_573" class="fnanchor">573</a> I should guess that after the admission of the +plebeians to the college in 300 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, the new members put +fresh life and vigour into the old work, and developed it +in various directions. It is in this period that I am +inclined to attribute to the college that zeal for compiling +and perhaps inventing religious formulae of all kinds, +which took shape in the <i>libri</i> or <i>commentarii pontificum</i>, +and embodied that strange manual of the methods of +addressing deities, which we know as <i>Indigitamenta</i>. And +again, in the skilled work of the admission of new deities +and the dedication of their temples, occasioned by the +new organisation and condition of Italy, and lastly, in the +supervision of the proper methods of expiating <i>prodigia</i>, +which (though the habit is doubtless an old one) began +henceforward to be reported to the Senate from all parts +of the ager Romanus and even beyond, their meetings in +the Regia must have been fully occupied. Our loss is +great indeed in the total want of detail about the life +and character of the great plebeian pontifex maximus +of the first half of the third century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, that Titus +Coruncanius whom I have already mentioned as being a +Latin by birth; for Cicero declares that the <i>commentarii</i> +of the college showed him as a man of the greatest +ability,<a name="FNanchor_574_574" id="FNanchor_574_574"></a><a href="#Footnote_574_574" class="fnanchor">574</a> whose reputation remained for ages as one who +was ready with wise counsel in matters both public and +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">282</a></span>private. Coupling him with two other memorable holders +of the office, he says that "et in senatu et apud populum +et in causis amicorum et domi et militiae consilium suum +fidemque praestabant."<a name="FNanchor_575_575" id="FNanchor_575_575"></a><a href="#Footnote_575_575" class="fnanchor">575</a> This passage should be remembered +as a valuable illustration of the way in which +the college and its head were becoming more and more +occupied with secular business; it is worth noting, too, +that this great man was himself consul in the year 280, +and took a useful part in the first campaign against +Pyrrhus.<a name="FNanchor_576_576" id="FNanchor_576_576"></a><a href="#Footnote_576_576" class="fnanchor">576</a> Yet Cicero makes it plain that he looked on +him also as a great figure in religious matters—nay, even +as a man whom the gods loved.<a name="FNanchor_577_577" id="FNanchor_577_577"></a><a href="#Footnote_577_577" class="fnanchor">577</a></p> + +<p>I will finish this lecture by illustrating briefly this +renewed and extended activity of the pontifices, so far as +we can dimly trace it in this third century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> Most of +it is connected more or less directly with the State religion, +yet with a tendency to become more and more secular +and perfunctory; the word <i>cura</i> would express it better +than <i>caerimonia</i>, and <i>caerimonia</i> better than <i>religio</i>. The +care of the calendar, for example (a technical matter +which lies outside my province in these lectures), was +originally of religious importance, because the oldest +religious festivals marked operations of husbandry, and +these, when fixed in the calendar, must occur at the right +seasons.<a name="FNanchor_578_578" id="FNanchor_578_578"></a><a href="#Footnote_578_578" class="fnanchor">578</a> It was the duty of the pontifices so to adjust +the necessary intercalations as to effect this object—a +duty to which they were, as it turned out, quite unequal. +But continued city life broke the connection between the +festivals and the agricultural work to which they originally +corresponded, and what was once a <i>cura</i> of religious import +became a secular matter of which the value was not appreciated. +So too with another duty, for which both the +Romans and ourselves have more reason to be grateful to +them—the recording of the leading events of national +history.</p> + +<p>It is uncertain what prompted the college, or rather +its head, to begin making these records, though there is +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">283</a></span>no doubt about the fact. But it would be natural enough +that those who had charge of the calendar, which would +necessitate some record of years for purposes of intercalation, +should go on to mark the names of the consuls +and such striking events as would make a year memorable. +In any case this was what actually happened. The +pontifex maximus, we are told with precision, kept a +<i>tabula</i>, or whited board, on which these events were noted +down, with the consuls' names attached to them, or possibly +a kind of almanac, made out for the whole year, on +which they could append their notes to particular days.<a name="FNanchor_579_579" id="FNanchor_579_579"></a><a href="#Footnote_579_579" class="fnanchor">579</a> +This yearly <i>tabula</i> was no doubt at first kept secret, like +all the pontifical documents, but sooner or later, perhaps +at the same time as the publication of the <i>fasti</i> and <i>legis +actiones</i>, it was exposed to public view in or at the Regia.<a name="FNanchor_580_580" id="FNanchor_580_580"></a><a href="#Footnote_580_580" class="fnanchor">580</a> +This went on for at least two centuries, and the records, +which in the nature of things must have grown in length +and detail as events became more startling and numerous, +were edited in eighty books by the pontifex maximus P. +Mucius Scaevola in 123 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>—the year of the first +tribunate of C. Gracchus. The large number of these +books has long been a stumbling-block to the learned, +for we are expressly told that the <i>annales maximi</i>, as the +records were called, were (in spite of their name) of a +very meagre character; and many conjectures have quite +recently been made to explain it.<a name="FNanchor_581_581" id="FNanchor_581_581"></a><a href="#Footnote_581_581" class="fnanchor">581</a> But guessing is almost +useless, seeing that there are no data for it. The editor +may have added matter of his own, amplifying and +adorning after the manner of writers of his day; or he +may have worked in the contents of other pontifical books, +<i>libri</i> or <i>commentarii pontificales</i>. The point for us is simply +the continued activity of the pontifex maximus in this +work, which must have become almost entirely secular in +character. The notes may have been jejune, but they +were probably accurate, and free from the perversions of +family vanity or such lengthy rhetorical ornamentation as +became the universal fashion among private writers of +annalistic history. They were, we may suppose, exactly +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">284</a></span>what our modern historical conscience demands. But all +that is left of them, or almost all, is the list of consuls +(<i>fasti consulares</i>) and of triumphs (<i>fasti triumphales</i>) which +in their present form must, or at least may, have been +extracted from them.<a name="FNanchor_582_582" id="FNanchor_582_582"></a><a href="#Footnote_582_582" class="fnanchor">582</a> On the whole, we may reckon +them as the most valuable work of the college; and they +may be taken as marking a growing sense of the importance +of Rome and her history, the commemoration +of which is thus committed to an official who, as an +individual, had invariably served the State well, and in +whom all classes had perfect confidence.<a name="FNanchor_583_583" id="FNanchor_583_583"></a><a href="#Footnote_583_583" class="fnanchor">583</a></p> + +<p>One important part of the work of the college in this +century must have been the adjustment of the civic religion +of the Italian communities to that of Rome. What +deities were to be made citizens of Rome? Which were +to be left in their old homes undisturbed? No doubt +many other questions must have called for attention in +religious matters after the conquest of Italy, but this is +the one of which we know most. The temple foundations +of this period have all been carefully put together (chiefly +from Livy's invaluable records) by Aust,<a name="FNanchor_584_584" id="FNanchor_584_584"></a><a href="#Footnote_584_584" class="fnanchor">584</a> and show that +there was a certain tendency to bring in deities from +outside, not so much because they represented some +special need of the Romans, corn or art or industry, as +two centuries earlier, but simply because they were deities +of the conquered whom it might be prudent to adopt. +The great Juno Regina of Veii was long ago induced by +<i>evocatio</i> to migrate to Rome; Fors Fortuna from Etruria, +Juturna from Lavinium, Minerva Capta from Falerii, +Feronia, a famous Latin goddess from Capena, Vortumnus +from Volsinii,<a name="FNanchor_585_585" id="FNanchor_585_585"></a><a href="#Footnote_585_585" class="fnanchor">585</a> all attest the same liberal tone in religious +matters which on the whole marks the secular Italian +policy of the Senate in this period. If we had but more +information about the former, we should be able to understand +the latter far better. We should like to know why +in some cases the chief deity of a community came to +Rome, while in others there is not trace of migration. +The famous Vacuna of Reate, for example, never left her +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">285</a></span>home in the Apennines, possibly because she was a kind +of Vesta, who could not be spared from Reate, and was +not wanted at Rome.<a name="FNanchor_586_586" id="FNanchor_586_586"></a><a href="#Footnote_586_586" class="fnanchor">586</a></p> + +<p>The list of foundations also points to other tendencies +and experiences of the time. We might guess that there +was some attempt, with the aid of pontifical skill, to +encourage agriculture or give it a fresh start after the +invasion of Pyrrhus; for between 272 and 264, the years +of the pacification of Italy, we find temples built to four +agricultural deities, three indigenous Roman ones, Consus, +Tellus, Pales, and one Etruscan garden god, Vertumnus.<a name="FNanchor_587_587" id="FNanchor_587_587"></a><a href="#Footnote_587_587" class="fnanchor">587</a> +Then we have a group of foundations in honour of deities +connected with water—Juturna, Fons, Tempestates, which +seem to have some reference to the naval activity of the +first Punic war; they all fall between 259 and 241 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span><a name="FNanchor_588_588" id="FNanchor_588_588"></a><a href="#Footnote_588_588" class="fnanchor">588</a> +Lastly, we notice a fresh accession of deified abstractions,—Salus +(an old deity in a new form), Spes, Honos et +Virtus, Concordia, and Mens.<a name="FNanchor_589_589" id="FNanchor_589_589"></a><a href="#Footnote_589_589" class="fnanchor">589</a> I am glad to find that +the latest investigator of these religious abstractions is +at one with me in believing that they simply mark a +developed stage in the religious bent of the earliest +Roman. If the old Romans had the habit of spiritualising +a great variety of material objects, in other words, +if they were in an advanced animistic stage, there seems +to be no reason why they should not have begun to +spiritualise mental concepts also (for which they had +words, as for the material objects), even at a very early +period. The whole psychological aspect of such abstractions +is most interesting, but I must pass it over +here, merely suggesting that each of these abstractions +was doubtless deified for some particular reason, under +the direction, or with the sanction, of the pontifices.<a name="FNanchor_590_590" id="FNanchor_590_590"></a><a href="#Footnote_590_590" class="fnanchor">590</a></p> + +<p>But we have not as yet reached what is, after all, for +our purposes the most instructive part of the work of the +pontifices—I mean the archives or memoranda (<i>libri</i> or +<i>commentarii</i>) which they kept, and from which, indirectly, +much of what I have had to say about the <i>ius +divinum</i> has been drawn. It is here that we see the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">286</a></span>policy of maintaining the <i>pax deorum</i> carried to its highest +point. These books contained a vast collection of +formulae for every kind of process in which the deities +were in any way concerned; here was the complete +<i>pharmacopoeia</i> of the <i>ius divinum</i>.<a name="FNanchor_591_591" id="FNanchor_591_591"></a><a href="#Footnote_591_591" class="fnanchor">591</a> We must remember +that the pontifex maximus and his assessors had to be +ready at any moment with the correct formula for all +religious acts, whether extraordinary, like the <i>devotio</i> of +Decius or the expiation of some startling "prodigium," +or belonging to the ordinary course of city life, such as +prayers in sacrificial ritual, <i>vota</i> both public and private, +charters (<i>leges</i>) of newly founded temples, and so on. +The idea that the spoken formula (ultimately, as we saw, +derived from an age of magic) was efficient only if no +slip were made, seems to have gained in strength instead +of diminishing, as we might have expected it to do with +advancing civilisation; and the pontifices not only responded +to its importunity, but actually stimulated it. +<i>Vires acquirit eundo</i> are words which apply well in all +ages to the passion for organisation and precision. Though +we cannot prove it, I myself have little doubt that the +members of the college, or some of them, collected and +invented formulae simply for the pleasure of doing it, +and that the work became as congenial to them as the +systematisation of the law to Jewish scribes after the +captivity, or as casuistry to the confessors of the middle +ages. When the art of writing became familiar to experts, +the natural and primitive desire of the Roman to have +exactness in the spoken word affected him also in his +relations with the word as written. The scribe and the +Pharisee found their opportunity. The whole public +religion of the State, and to some extent also the private +religion of the family, became a mass of forms and +formulae, and never succeeded in freeing itself from these +fetters.</p> + +<p>We can best illustrate this superfluity of priestly zeal +in that strange list of forms of invocation called <i>Indigitamenta</i>, +which I have already explained with the help of +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">287</a></span>Wissowa.<a name="FNanchor_592_592" id="FNanchor_592_592"></a><a href="#Footnote_592_592" class="fnanchor">592</a> Working upon the old Roman animism, +and the popular fondness for formulae, the pontifices +drew up those lists in the fourth and third centuries +<span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, which have so seriously misled scholars as to the +genuine primitive religious ideas of the Romans. They +are in the main priestly inventions, the work of ingenious +formulators. We may even be tempted to look on them +as an attempt to rivet the yoke of priestly formalism on +the life of the individual as well as on the life of the +State as a whole. But if ever this was the intention, +it was too late. A people that was beginning to get +into touch with the civilisation of Hellas could not possibly +bear such a yoke. In the last lecture we have already +seen a tendency towards emotional religion independent +of the old State worship; the philosophy of individualism +was to complete the work of emancipation in +the last two centuries <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> The old State religion remained, +but in stunted form and with paralysed vitality; +Rome was the scene of an <i>arrested religious development</i>. +The feeling, the religious instinct (<i>religio</i>) was indeed +there, though latent; the Romans were human beings, +like the rest of us. But as we go on with the story we +shall find that, when trouble or disaster brought it out of +its hiding-place, it was no longer possible to soothe it on +Roman principles or by Roman methods. These methods—in +other words, the <i>ius divinum</i> as formulated by the +authorities—had been meant to soothe it, and had indeed +so effectually lulled it to sleep, that when at last it awoke +again they had lost the power of dealing with it. When +the craving did come upon the Roman, which in time of +peril or doubt has come upon individuals and communities +in all ages, for support and comfort from the Unseen, it +had to be satisfied by giving him new gods to worship in +new ways, gods from Greece and the East, some of them +concealed under Latin names, but still aliens, not citizens +of his own State, aliens with whom he had little or +nothing in common, who had no home in his patriotic +feeling, no place in his religious experience.<a name="FNanchor_593_593" id="FNanchor_593_593"></a><a href="#Footnote_593_593" class="fnanchor">593</a> As I said +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">288</a></span>at the beginning of the last lecture, we must not underrate +the religiousness of the Roman character, which was +never entirely lost; but the secret of its comparative uselessness +lies in this—that the natural desire to be right +with the Power manifesting itself in the universe, and to +know more of that Power, became weakened and destroyed +by an over-scrupulous attention to the means taken to +realise it, and by the introduction of foreign methods +which had no root in the mental fibre of the people, +and reflected no part of its experience. Religion was +effectually divorced from life and morality.</p> + + +<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE XII</h5> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_556_556" id="Footnote_556_556"></a><a href="#FNanchor_556_556"><span class="label">556</span></a> See Mulder, <i>De notione conscientiae, quae et qualis fuerit +Romanis</i>, Leyden, 1908, cap. 2. On p. 56 he quotes Luthard (<i>Die +antike Ethik</i>, p. 131), who says of the Roman religion that it was +even more an affair of the State than with any other people; hence +its peculiar legal character. Though Mulder overworks his point, +his chapter (especially p. 61 foll.) is full of interest.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_557_557" id="Footnote_557_557"></a><a href="#FNanchor_557_557"><span class="label">557</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 431. The first chapter of Ambrosch's +<i>Studien und Andeutungen</i>, in which the nature and history of the +Regia was first really investigated, is still valuable. An excellent +short account is given by Mr. Marindin in his article in the <i>Dict. of +Antiquities</i>, ed. 2. It is now generally maintained that the Regia +in historical times was rather a building for sacred purposes than a +residence for a man and his family, and this I hold to be correct; +but it may for all that have originally been the residence of the Rex +and of the Pont. Max. when the Rex had disappeared.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_558_558" id="Footnote_558_558"></a><a href="#FNanchor_558_558"><span class="label">558</span></a> See Schanz, <i>Gesch. der röm. Literatur</i>, i. 43, where a succinct +account is given of modern opinion as to the so-called <i>ius Papirianum</i>. +The main argument for the late date of the collection is that Cicero +does not seem to have known of it when he wrote the letter <i>ad Fam.</i> +ix. 21 in 46 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> This of course in no way affects the primitive +character of the rules themselves.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_559_559" id="Footnote_559_559"></a><a href="#FNanchor_559_559"><span class="label">559</span></a> The inference that the rules were found in the <i>Libri pontificum</i> +is inevitable in any case, but seems proved by the fact that one of +them, that relating to the <i>spolia opima</i>, is stated by Festus, p. 189 +(<i>s.v.</i> "opima"), to have been extracted from those books.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_560_560" id="Footnote_560_560"></a><a href="#FNanchor_560_560"><span class="label">560</span></a> Festus, <i>s.v.</i> "pellices" and <i>s.v.</i> "plorare," which latter word is +interpreted as = <i>inclamare</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_561_561" id="Footnote_561_561"></a><a href="#FNanchor_561_561"><span class="label">561</span></a> The <i>divi parentum</i> are here generally taken as those of the +particular family, and this may have been so; but cf. Wissowa, +<i>R.K.</i> 192.</p></div> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">289</a></span></p> +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_562_562" id="Footnote_562_562"></a><a href="#FNanchor_562_562"><span class="label">562</span></a> For the attempts of Pais in Italy and Lambert in France to +date the Tables at the end of the fourth century or later, see Schanz, +<i>op. cit.</i> i. 41. In Germany opinion is universally in favour of the +traditional date.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_563_563" id="Footnote_563_563"></a><a href="#FNanchor_563_563"><span class="label">563</span></a> See <i>Social Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero</i>, p. 135.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_564_564" id="Footnote_564_564"></a><a href="#FNanchor_564_564"><span class="label">564</span></a> On the religious character of <i>confarreatio</i> see De Marchi, <i>La +Religione nella vita privata</i>, i. p. 145 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_565_565" id="Footnote_565_565"></a><a href="#FNanchor_565_565"><span class="label">565</span></a> Cic. <i>de Domo</i>, 12. 14; Gellius, v. 19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_566_566" id="Footnote_566_566"></a><a href="#FNanchor_566_566"><span class="label">566</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i> Launspach, <i>State and Family in Early Rome</i>, p. 256 +foll. The last three chapters of this little book, on Patria potestas, +Marriage, and Succession, will be found useful by those who cannot +enter into the many disputes and difficulties which have arisen out of +the attempts of writers on Roman law to adjust legal ideas to the dim +early history of Rome. Binder, in his work <i>Die Plebs</i>, starts from +the improbable hypothesis that the plebs was the population of the +Latin part of the city as distinct from that Sabine part on the +Quirinal, which he believes to have been the only patrician body; +and he further believes that the plebs lived originally under "Mutterrecht," +the patres under "Vaterrecht." Such a condition of society +would, of course, have greatly added to the pontifical work of religious +adjustment; it would have been more than even the pontifices could +have successfully achieved.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_567_567" id="Footnote_567_567"></a><a href="#FNanchor_567_567"><span class="label">567</span></a> See above, note 7. Binder, <i>Die Plebs</i>, p. 488 foll., discusses, +and in the main rejects, the arguments of Pais and Lambert.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_568_568" id="Footnote_568_568"></a><a href="#FNanchor_568_568"><span class="label">568</span></a> So Huvelin, in a paper in <i>L'Année sociologique</i>, 1905-6, p. +1 foll., criticised by Hubert et Mauss, <i>Mélanges d'histoire des +religions</i>, p. xxiii. foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_569_569" id="Footnote_569_569"></a><a href="#FNanchor_569_569"><span class="label">569</span></a> From the religious point of view the <i>legis actiones</i> are best +explained in Marquardt, 318 foll. Cp. Muirhead, <i>Roman Law</i>, ed. +1899, pp. 246-7; Greenidge, <i>Roman Public Life</i>, index <i>s.v.</i> "legis +actio," and especially p. 87.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_570_570" id="Footnote_570_570"></a><a href="#FNanchor_570_570"><span class="label">570</span></a> The famous passage of Pomponius is in the <i>Digest</i>, i. 2. 2, +sec. 6 (for the work of Aelius, see <i>Dig.</i> i. 2. 2, 38) "ex his legibus +... actiones compositae sunt, quibus inter se homines disceptarent: +quas actiones ne populus prout vellet institueret, certas sollemnesque +esse voluerunt.... Omnium tamen harum et interpretandi scientia +et actiones apud collegium pontificum erant, ex quibus constituebatur, +quis quoquo anno praeesset privatis."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_571_571" id="Footnote_571_571"></a><a href="#FNanchor_571_571"><span class="label">571</span></a> Livy ix. 46 "civile ius, repositum in penetralibus pontificum, +evulgavit (Cn. Flavius), fastosque circa forum in albo proponit, ut +quando lege agi posset sciretur." Cp. Val. Max. ii. 5. 2. <i>Civile ius</i> +is here usually taken as meaning the procedure; but this is a passage +which may give some countenance to those who would put the +publication of the XII. Tables later than the traditional date.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_572_572" id="Footnote_572_572"></a><a href="#FNanchor_572_572"><span class="label">572</span></a> For the relation of the Flamines, Vestals, and Rex sacrorum +to the pontifex maximus, see Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> 432 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_573_573" id="Footnote_573_573"></a><a href="#FNanchor_573_573"><span class="label">573</span></a> See above, p. 283. For the eclipse, Cic. <i>Rep.</i> i. 16. 25; and +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">290</a></span>for the various scientific determinations of its exact date, Schanz, +<i>Gesch. der röm. Lit.</i> vol. i. (ed. 2) p. 37. "Ex hoc die," writes +Cicero, "quem apud Ennium et in maximis annalibus consignatum +videmus, superiores solis defectiones reputatae sunt."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_574_574" id="Footnote_574_574"></a><a href="#FNanchor_574_574"><span class="label">574</span></a> Cic. <i>Brutus</i>, 55 "longe plurimum ingenio valuisse."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_575_575" id="Footnote_575_575"></a><a href="#FNanchor_575_575"><span class="label">575</span></a> <i>De Orat.</i> iii. 33. 134.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_576_576" id="Footnote_576_576"></a><a href="#FNanchor_576_576"><span class="label">576</span></a> See <i>Dict. of Classical Biography</i>, <i>s.v.</i> "Coruncanius."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_577_577" id="Footnote_577_577"></a><a href="#FNanchor_577_577"><span class="label">577</span></a> <i>Nat. deor.</i> ii. 165. Coruncanius is mentioned as one of +those whom the gods love, if indeed they take an interest in human +affairs.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_578_578" id="Footnote_578_578"></a><a href="#FNanchor_578_578"><span class="label">578</span></a> See above, p. 100 foll.; and <i>Roman Festivals</i>, p. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_579_579" id="Footnote_579_579"></a><a href="#FNanchor_579_579"><span class="label">579</span></a> Our knowledge of this <i>tabula</i> chiefly depends on a passage +in the Danielian scholiast on Virg. <i>Aen.</i> i. 373: "ita enim annales +conficiebantur. Tabulam dealbatam quotannis pontifex maximus +habuit, in qua praescriptis consulum nominibus et aliorum magistratum, +digna memoratu notare consueverat domi militiaeque terra +marique gesta per singulos dies. Cuius diligentiae annuos commentarios +in octoginta libros veteres retulerunt, eosque a pontificibus +maximis, a quibus fiebant, annales maximos appellarunt." The +explanation of the name is no doubt wrong; but all the rest of this +passage can be relied on; cp. Cic. <i>de Orat.</i> ii. 12. 52; Dion. Hal. i. 73, +74; Gell. ii. 28. 6; Cic. <i>Legg.</i> i. 2. 6. For the idea of the almanac, +see Cichorius in Pauly-Wissowa, <i>Real-Encycl.</i>, <i>s.v.</i> "annales maximi."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_580_580" id="Footnote_580_580"></a><a href="#FNanchor_580_580"><span class="label">580</span></a> <i>Proponebat tabulam domi</i>, Cic. <i>de Orat.</i> ii. 12. 52. This +must refer to the official residence of the Pont. Max.; see above, +p. 271.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_581_581" id="Footnote_581_581"></a><a href="#FNanchor_581_581"><span class="label">581</span></a> These attempted solutions of an insoluble problem may be +found in brief in Schanz, <i>Gesch. der röm. Lit.</i> i. 37. Perhaps the +boldest is that of Cantorelli, that the annales were constructed not +out of the tabula but out of the commentarii; but this is in conflict +with the passage in the scholiast on Virgil. To me the difficulty +does not seem overwhelming; events occurring "domi militiaeque, +terra marique," may have filled considerable space, and yet have +been meagre in the eyes of the rhetoricians of the last century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_582_582" id="Footnote_582_582"></a><a href="#FNanchor_582_582"><span class="label">582</span></a> Schanz, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 35.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_583_583" id="Footnote_583_583"></a><a href="#FNanchor_583_583"><span class="label">583</span></a> The great authority of the Pont. Max. is well shown in the +story of Tremellius the praetor, who in the middle of the second +century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> was fined (by a tribune?) "quod cum M. Aemilio +pontifice maximo iniuriose contenderat, sacrorumque quam magistratuum +ius potentius fuit." Livy, <i>Epit.</i> 47.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_584_584" id="Footnote_584_584"></a><a href="#FNanchor_584_584"><span class="label">584</span></a> <i>De aedibus sacris populi Romani</i>, p. 10 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_585_585" id="Footnote_585_585"></a><a href="#FNanchor_585_585"><span class="label">585</span></a> Aust, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 14 foll. See also <i>R.F.</i> p. 340 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_586_586" id="Footnote_586_586"></a><a href="#FNanchor_586_586"><span class="label">586</span></a> For Vacuna, Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> pp. 44 and 128. She was later, +but probably without good reason, identified with Victoria. The +conjecture that she was a hearth deity rests on the lines of Ovid, +<i>Fasti</i>, vi. 305, which I have before referred to in another context: +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">291</a></span></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">ante focos olim scamnis considere longis</span> +<span class="i1">mos erat et mensae credere adesse deos.</span> +<span class="i0">nunc quoque cum fiunt antiquae sacra Vacunae,</span> +<span class="i1">ante Vacunales stantque sedentque focos.</span> +</div> +</div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_587_587" id="Footnote_587_587"></a><a href="#FNanchor_587_587"><span class="label">587</span></a> Aust, p. 14. For Vertumnus the <i>locus classicus</i> is Propert. +v. 2. It is not certain that the connection with gardens was +primitive.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_588_588" id="Footnote_588_588"></a><a href="#FNanchor_588_588"><span class="label">588</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 341.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_589_589" id="Footnote_589_589"></a><a href="#FNanchor_589_589"><span class="label">589</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 341.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_590_590" id="Footnote_590_590"></a><a href="#FNanchor_590_590"><span class="label">590</span></a> See Axtell, <i>The Deification of Abstract Ideas in Roman +Literature and Inscriptions</i> (Chicago, 1907), p. 59 foll., where the +views of Mommsen, Boissier, Marquardt, and Wissowa are discussed. +Axtell's own conclusion is given on p. 62 foll. In the main it seems +to agree with that hazarded in my <i>Roman Festivals</i>, p. 190.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_591_591" id="Footnote_591_591"></a><a href="#FNanchor_591_591"><span class="label">591</span></a> For the evidence as to the contents of the <i>commentarii</i>, which +are now generally identified with the <i>libri</i>, see Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> +32 and 441; Schanz, <i>op. cit.</i> i. 32; and the article "Commentarii" +in Pauly-Wissowa, <i>Real-Encycl.</i> As Wissowa remarks (p. 441, +note 6), we are greatly in need of a complete collection of all +fragments of these archives.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_592_592" id="Footnote_592_592"></a><a href="#FNanchor_592_592"><span class="label">592</span></a> See above, p. 159 foll. The conviction that these lists are of +comparatively late and priestly origin, which has long been growing +on me, was originally suggested by the learned article "Indigitamenta" +by R. Peter in Roscher's <i>Lexicon</i>, vol. ii. p. 175 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_593_593" id="Footnote_593_593"></a><a href="#FNanchor_593_593"><span class="label">593</span></a> I have here adopted some sentences from my article in the +<i>Hibbert Journal</i> for 1907, p. 854.</p></div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">292</a></span></p> +<h4>LECTURE XIII</h4> + +<h5>THE AUGURS AND THE ART OF DIVINATION</h5> + + +<p>"The one great corruption to which all religion is exposed +is its separation from morality. The very strength of the +religious motive has a tendency to exclude, or disparage, +all other tendencies of the human mind, even the noblest +and best. It is against this corruption that the prophetic +order from first to last constantly protested.... Mercy +and justice, judgment and truth, repentance and goodness—not +sacrifice, not fasting, not ablutions,—is the +burden of the whole prophetic teaching of the Old +Testament."<a name="FNanchor_594_594" id="FNanchor_594_594"></a><a href="#Footnote_594_594" class="fnanchor">594</a></p> + +<p>The over-formalising, or ritualising, of any religion is +sure to bring about that result against which the Jewish +prophets protested. We saw at the end of the last lecture +how the pontifices contributed to such a result. We are +now to study the contribution of the other great college, +the augurs. For instead of developing, as did the wise +man or seer of Israel, into the mouthpiece of God in His +demand for the righteousness of man, the Roman diviner +merely assisted the pontifex in his work of robbing religion +of the idea of righteousness. Divination seems to be a +universal instinct of human nature, a perfectly natural +instinct, arising out of man's daily needs, hopes, fears; +but though it may have had the chance, even at Rome, +it never has been able, except among the Jews, to emerge +from its cramping chrysalis of magic and become a really +valuable stimulant of morality.</p> + +<p>By divination I mean the various ways and methods +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">293</a></span>by which, in all stages of his development, man has persuaded +himself that what he is going to do or suffer will +turn out well or ill for him. It is probably judicious, with +Dr. Tylor and with the majority of recent anthropologists, +to consider it as belonging to the region of magic;<a name="FNanchor_595_595" id="FNanchor_595_595"></a><a href="#Footnote_595_595" class="fnanchor">595</a> and +it is obvious that it affords excellent examples of that +inadequacy which characterises magical attempts to overcome +the difficulties man meets with in his struggle for +existence.<a name="FNanchor_596_596" id="FNanchor_596_596"></a><a href="#Footnote_596_596" class="fnanchor">596</a> It belongs, like other forms of magic, to a +stage in which man's idea of his relation to the Power +manifesting itself in the universe is both rude and rudimentary. +But it shares with magic the power or property +of surviving, in form at least, through the animistic stage +into that of religion, and it is largely practised at the +present day even among highly civilised peoples.</p> + +<p>But I must observe, before I go on, that divination as +an object of anthropological inquiry still stands in need of +a thorough scientific examination. At present it seems +to puzzle anthropologists;<a name="FNanchor_597_597" id="FNanchor_597_597"></a><a href="#Footnote_597_597" class="fnanchor">597</a> and the reason probably is +that the material for studying it inductively has not as yet +been collected and sifted. Strange to say, it does not +appear in the index to Dr. Westermarck's great work, +which I have so often quoted: it is hardly to be found +even in the <i>Golden Bough</i>: nor can I find a thoroughgoing +treatment of it in any other books about the early +history of mankind. And any sort of guesswork under +these circumstances only increases our difficulties. Some +years ago the great German philosophical lawyer, von +Jhering, in an interesting work called the <i>Evolution of the +Aryan</i>, made some most ingenious attempts to explain +the origin of Roman divination. He fancied that the +practice of examining the entrails of a victim, for example, +began in the course of Aryan migration, because when +you encamped in a new region you would catch and kill +some of the native cattle in order to see whether they +were wholesome enough to tempt you to stay.<a name="FNanchor_598_598" id="FNanchor_598_598"></a><a href="#Footnote_598_598" class="fnanchor">598</a> Again, +the study of the flight of birds was prompted by the desire +to get information about the mountain passes and the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">294</a></span>course of great rivers; and this study grew into an +elaborate art as the leader of the host, the prototype of +the Roman augur, gained experience by constant observation +from elevated ground.<a name="FNanchor_599_599" id="FNanchor_599_599"></a><a href="#Footnote_599_599" class="fnanchor">599</a> Such a theory as this last +might be worth something if it were based upon known +facts; as it is, it is only most ingenious guesswork. This +great legal writer did not know, as we do now, that divination +by both these methods is found all over the world, +and cannot be explained by any supposed needs of +migrating Aryans.</p> + +<p>Whatever be the origin of the several forms of divination, +the object of the practice in ancient Italy and Greece +is beyond doubt—to find out whether the Power with +whom you wish to be in right relation is favourable to +certain human operations, or willing to aid in removing +certain forms of human suffering. According to our +definition, it was a part of religion, whether or no it +belonged originally to magic. It was a practical expression +of that doubt or anxiety to which I believe the +Romans attached the word <i>religio</i>. In the agricultural +period it must have been specially useful and even inevitable,<a name="FNanchor_600_600" id="FNanchor_600_600"></a><a href="#Footnote_600_600" class="fnanchor">600</a> +because the tiller of the soil is always in need of +knowledge as to the best times and seasons for his +operations, and his out-of-door life gives him constant +opportunity of observing natural phenomena, <i>diosemeia</i>, +signs from heaven, and the utterances and movements +of birds and other animals. It is interesting to reflect +that these last may often be of real service in foretelling +the weather, which is so important to the farmer. As I +write this on a December day I recall the fact that I have +myself within the last week successfully foretold a spell of +cold after observing a great arrival of winter thrushes from +the north. This particular branch of augury is, in fact, +neither so inadequate nor so absurd as most others. Von +Jhering may turn out to be right in his notion that at +least some forms of divination have their origin in practical +needs and in the skill of uncivilised man in discerning the +signs of the weather—a skill which it is well to remember +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">295</a></span>far exceeds that of the house-dweller of modern civilisation. +But with the growth of the City-state and the +habits of life in a town, these early instincts and methods +of the agriculturist came to be caught up into a system +of religious practice, adapted to the conditions of civil and +political existence; thus they gradually lost their original +meaning and such real value as they ever possessed. I +have pointed out that the Roman festivals and the ritual of +the oldest calendar gradually got out of relation with the +agricultural life in which they for the most part originated:<a name="FNanchor_601_601" id="FNanchor_601_601"></a><a href="#Footnote_601_601" class="fnanchor">601</a> +so it was with divination, which in the hands of +the State authorities became formalised into a set of rules +for ascertaining the good-will of the gods, and obtaining +their sanction for the operations of the community, which +had no scientific basis whatever, no relation to truth and +fact. Of all the methods for putting yourself in right +relation with the Power, this was the least valuable, and +indeed the most harmful; it came in course of time to be +a positive obstacle to efficiency and freedom of action, it +wasted valuable time, and it often served as the means of +promoting private ends to the detriment of the public +interest.</p> + +<p>Before I go on to consider the development of the +highly formalised system of public divination, let me clear +the ground by a few remarks about such forms of the +practice as were not sanctioned by the State. That these +existed throughout Roman history there is no doubt, as +they existed in Greece, among the Jews, and elsewhere in +the East, alongside of the advanced and organised methods +of official and authorised experts.</p> + +<p>Our information about private divination is scattered +about in Roman literature, and even when brought together +there is not a great deal of it. What is prominent +both in Roman literature and Roman history is the +divination authorised by the State and systematised by +its authorities; even in Cicero's treatise <i>de Divinatione</i>, +though the subject-matter is of a general kind, drawn +from Greece as well as Rome, it is, I think, apart from +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">296</a></span>philosophical questions, chiefly the art of augurs and +haruspices that interests the writer, who was himself an +augur when he wrote it. In Greek literature exactly the +opposite is the case; there we hear little of State-authorised +divination, and a great deal of wandering soothsayers, +soothsaying families, and oracles which (except at +Delphi) were not under the direct control of a City-state.<a name="FNanchor_602_602" id="FNanchor_602_602"></a><a href="#Footnote_602_602" class="fnanchor">602</a> +The methods of divination are much the same in both +peninsulas, and indeed vary little all the world over; +the difference lies simply in this,—that at Rome the +adoption and systematisation by the State of certain +methods, especially those which dealt with birds and +lightning, had the effect of discrediting, if not excluding, +an immense amount of private practice of this kind. I +mean that if the State strongly sanctions some forms of +divination, working them by its own officials, it casts a +shadow of discredit over the rest. As the <i>ius divinum</i> +tended to exclude magic and the barbarous in ritual, so +did the <i>ius augurale</i>, which was a part of it, exclude the +quack in divination. And in this particular department +of human delusion the result may be said to have been +happy; for though divination belongs to religion as +having survived from an earlier stage into a religious +one, yet it is the least valuable, the least fruitful, part of +it.<a name="FNanchor_603_603" id="FNanchor_603_603"></a><a href="#Footnote_603_603" class="fnanchor">603</a> True, the augural systematisation, as we shall see, +had a sinister effect on political progress; but even there +the very emptiness and absurdity of the whole business +helped to bring contempt on it, and, as Cicero tells us in +a well-known passage, even old Cato declared that he +could not imagine why a <i>haruspex</i> did not laugh when he +met a brother of the craft.<a name="FNanchor_604_604" id="FNanchor_604_604"></a><a href="#Footnote_604_604" class="fnanchor">604</a> In Greece, on the contrary, +it might, I believe, be shown that the absence of systematisation +by the State only served to prolong the credit +and influence of the professional quack.</p> + +<p>Greece was at all periods full of these quacks; did the +sham prophet exist at Rome in the period we have now +under review? Later on the Oriental soothsayer found +his way there; of these <i>Chaldaei</i> and <i>mathematici</i> I shall +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">297</a></span>have a word to say in another lecture, and we shall see +how the State authorities made occasional attempts to +exclude them. Of the <i>frantic</i> type of diviner, the ἔνθεοϛ, +so common in Greece, we hear nothing in the sober +Roman annals; the idea of a human being "possessed +by a spirit of divination" seems foreign to the Roman +character.<a name="FNanchor_605_605" id="FNanchor_605_605"></a><a href="#Footnote_605_605" class="fnanchor">605</a> The only soothsayer, so far as I know, who +appears in Roman legend in a private capacity is that +Attus Navius who gave Tarquinius Priscus the benefit of +his knowledge; and he is represented as a respectable +Sabine, and his art as an augural one learnt from the +Etruscans.<a name="FNanchor_606_606" id="FNanchor_606_606"></a><a href="#Footnote_606_606" class="fnanchor">606</a> There are, indeed, ancient traces of a prophetic +art at Rome, but, as the historian of divination has +well observed, they are all connected not with human +beings, but with divinities, a fact which explains the +Latin word <i>divinatio</i>.<a name="FNanchor_607_607" id="FNanchor_607_607"></a><a href="#Footnote_607_607" class="fnanchor">607</a> To take what is perhaps the best +example, the ancient deity Carmenta, who had a flamen +and a double festival in the month of January, may very +probably represent some dim tradition of a <i>numen</i> at +whose shrine women might gain some knowledge as to +their fortunes in childbirth, just as outside Rome, at Praeneste +and Antium, Fortuna seems to have had this gift +in historical times.<a name="FNanchor_608_608" id="FNanchor_608_608"></a><a href="#Footnote_608_608" class="fnanchor">608</a> So St. Augustine interpreted Carmenta,<a name="FNanchor_609_609" id="FNanchor_609_609"></a><a href="#Footnote_609_609" class="fnanchor">609</a> +probably following Varro; and to Virgil she was +the "<i>vates fatidica</i>, cecinit quae prima futuros Aeneadas +magnos et nobile Pallanteum."</p> + +<p>But Carmenta, Picus, Faunus, are dim mythical figures +which for us can have no bearing on Roman religious experience; +it would be more to the point to ask what was +the original meaning and history of the word <i>vates</i>, if the +question were answerable in the absence of an early Roman +literature. All we can say about this is that this word had, +as a rule, a certain dignity about it, which enabled it eventually +to stand for a poet, and that it rarely has a sinister +sense, unless accompanied by some adjective specially used +in order to give it.<a name="FNanchor_610_610" id="FNanchor_610_610"></a><a href="#Footnote_610_610" class="fnanchor">610</a> The real word for a quack is <i>hariolus</i>, +and the fact that it is comparatively rare suggests that +the character it expresses was not a common one. It +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">298</a></span>occurs here and there in fragments of old plays, where, +unluckily, we cannot be quite sure whether it represents a +Greek or a Latin idea. The following lines from the +Telamo of Ennius shows us the <i>hariolus</i>, as well as the +word <i>vates</i> with a discreditable adjective attached:</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">sed superstitiosi vates impudentesque harioli</span> +<span class="i0">aut inertes, aut insani, aut quibus egestas imperat,</span> +<span class="i0">qui sibi semitam non sapiunt, alteri monstrant viam,</span> +<span class="i0">quibu' divitias pollicentur, ab iis drachmam ipsi petunt.<a name="FNanchor_611_611" id="FNanchor_611_611"></a><a href="#Footnote_611_611" class="fnanchor">611</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>A more satisfactory bit of evidence as to the existence of +the quack in the second century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, when Greece and +the East were beginning to pour their unauthorised +religionists into Italy, is the interesting passage in old +Cato's book on agriculture, in which he urges that the +bailiff of an estate should not be permitted to consult +either a <i>haruspex</i>, <i>augur</i>, <i>hariolus</i>, or <i>Chaldaeus</i>.<a name="FNanchor_612_612" id="FNanchor_612_612"></a><a href="#Footnote_612_612" class="fnanchor">612</a> But +on the whole, such little evidence as we possess seems to +confirm the view I hazarded just now, that the overwhelming +prestige of State authority at Rome discouraged +and discredited the quack diviner both in public and +private life. His work in private life was largely that of +fortune-telling, of foretelling the future in one sense or +another; and this was exactly what the State authorities +never did and never countenanced, at any rate until the +stress of the Hannibalic war, and then only in a very +limited sense. Their object was a strictly religious one, +to get the sanction of the divine members of the community +for the undertakings of the human ones. Even +the so-called Sibylline oracles, as we saw, were not +prophecies; and the augural art never provided an answer +to the question, "What is going to happen?" but only to +that much more religious one, "Are the deities willing +that we should do this or that?"<a name="FNanchor_613_613" id="FNanchor_613_613"></a><a href="#Footnote_613_613" class="fnanchor">613</a></p> + +<p>But before I leave the subject of private divination, I +must note that there was a department of it which may +be called legitimate, as distinguished from that of the +quack. I mean the <i>auspicia</i> of the family religion, and +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">299</a></span>also the comparatively harmless folklore about omens of +all sorts and kinds.</p> + +<p>Naturally we have little information about legitimate +<i>auspicia</i> in the life of the family; but we have seen that +the religious instinct of the Roman forbade him to face +any important undertaking or crisis without making sure +of the sanction of the <i>numina</i> concerned, and among the +methods of insurance (if I may use a convenient word) +the <i>auspicia</i> must have had a place from the earliest times. +No important thing was done, says Cicero in the <i>de Divinatione</i>, +"nisi auspicato, ne privatim quidem."<a name="FNanchor_614_614" id="FNanchor_614_614"></a><a href="#Footnote_614_614" class="fnanchor">614</a> Valerius Maximus +says the same in so many words, and some other +evidence has been collected by De Marchi in his work on +the private religion of the Romans.<a name="FNanchor_615_615" id="FNanchor_615_615"></a><a href="#Footnote_615_615" class="fnanchor">615</a> But only in the +case of marriage do we hear of <i>auspicia</i> in historical +times, and even there they seem to have degenerated into a +mere form. "Auspices nuptiarum, re omissa, nomen tantum +tenent"—so Cicero wrote of his own time;<a name="FNanchor_616_616" id="FNanchor_616_616"></a><a href="#Footnote_616_616" class="fnanchor">616</a> he seems to +be thinking of augury by means of birds, for he adds, +"nam ut nunc extis sic tunc avibus magnae res impetrari +solebant." As we have already seen, the object of the +examination of a victim's entrails was simply to ascertain +its fitness to be offered; but by Cicero's time the Etruscan +art of divination by this method must have penetrated +into private life. I think we may conjecture that in the +life of the family on the land the <i>auspicia</i>, as the word +itself implies, were worked chiefly by observation of birds. +Nigidius Figulus, the learned mystic of Cicero's time, +wrote a book, <i>de Augurio Privato</i>, of which one fragment +survives which has to do with this kind of divination, and +with the distinction between omens from birds seen on +the right or left, and from high or low flyers.<a name="FNanchor_617_617" id="FNanchor_617_617"></a><a href="#Footnote_617_617" class="fnanchor">617</a> In the +familiar ode of Horace beginning, "Impios parrae recinentis +omen,"<a name="FNanchor_618_618" id="FNanchor_618_618"></a><a href="#Footnote_618_618" class="fnanchor">618</a> the <i>corvus</i> and <i>cornix</i> are mentioned besides the +<i>parra</i>, and in that wholesome old out-of-door life of the +farm, as I said just now, there was a certain basis of truth +and fact in the observation of such presages. But Horace +mentions other animals, wolf, fox, and snake, and some at +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">300</a></span>least of the folklore about omens which is to be found in +Pliny's descriptions of animals may help us to appreciate +the nature of the old Roman ideas on this subject. The +tiller of the land and the shepherd on the uplands used +their eyes and ears, not wholly without advantage to +themselves; but in the life of the city such observation +became gradually formal and meaningless, and degenerated +into the superstition reflected in Horace's ode. I must +parenthetically confess to a personal feeling of regret that +this people, who in their early days had good opportunities, +made little or no contribution to the knowledge of animals +and their habits.<a name="FNanchor_619_619" id="FNanchor_619_619"></a><a href="#Footnote_619_619" class="fnanchor">619</a> But I must pass on to the more important +subject of divination as developed and formalised +by the authorities of the State.</p> + +<p>In explaining the ritual of the <i>ius divinum</i> I laid stress +on the fact that its main object was to maintain the <i>pax +deorum</i>, the right relation between the divine and human +citizens.<a name="FNanchor_620_620" id="FNanchor_620_620"></a><a href="#Footnote_620_620" class="fnanchor">620</a> To make this <i>pax</i> secure, it was necessary +that in every public act the good-will of the gods should +be ascertained by obtaining favourable auspices—it must +be done <i>auspicato</i>. To take the first illustration that +occurs, Livy describes a dictator about to fight a battle as +leaving his camp <i>auspicato</i>, after sacrificing to obtain the +<i>pax deorum</i>.<a name="FNanchor_621_621" id="FNanchor_621_621"></a><a href="#Footnote_621_621" class="fnanchor">621</a> It is for this reason that the <i>auspicia</i> have +a leading place in the foundation legends of the city. We +are all familiar with the story of the <i>auspicia</i> of Romulus +and Remus, which goes back at least as far as Ennius;<a name="FNanchor_622_622" id="FNanchor_622_622"></a><a href="#Footnote_622_622" class="fnanchor">622</a> +and we find them also in the foundation of <i>coloniae</i> in +historical times.<a name="FNanchor_623_623" id="FNanchor_623_623"></a><a href="#Footnote_623_623" class="fnanchor">623</a> I do not know that I can better +express the place which the <i>auspicia</i> occupied in the +mind of the Roman than by quoting the words which +Livy puts into the mouth of Appius Claudius in 367 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, +when supposed to be inveighing against the opening of the +consulship to plebeians: "Auspiciis hanc urbem conditam +esse, auspiciis bello ac pace, domi militiaeque, omnia geri, +quis est qui ignoret?" He goes on to argue that these +<i>auspicia</i> belong to patricians only, that no plebeian magistrate +is created <i>auspicato</i>, that the man who wants to allow +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">301</a></span>plebeians to become curule magistrates, <i>tollit ex civitate +auspicia</i>. "Nunc nos, tanquam iam nihil pace deorum +opus sit, omnes caerimonias polluimus."<a name="FNanchor_624_624" id="FNanchor_624_624"></a><a href="#Footnote_624_624" class="fnanchor">624</a> This is, of +course, only Livy's rhetoric, but it represents the fundamental +Roman idea of the public <i>auspicia</i>.</p> + +<p>The passage is also useful because it alludes to the fact +that the right of taking the <i>auspicia</i> belonged ultimately +to the whole patrician body of fully qualified citizens.<a name="FNanchor_625_625" id="FNanchor_625_625"></a><a href="#Footnote_625_625" class="fnanchor">625</a> +But so far as we can discern in the dim light of the +earliest period, this body entrusted the right and duty to +its chief magistrate, the Rex, exactly as it entrusted him +with the <i>imperium</i>, the supreme power of command in +civil matters. Thus the <i>auspicia</i> and the <i>imperium</i> were +indissolubly connected; as Dr. Greenidge says,<a name="FNanchor_626_626" id="FNanchor_626_626"></a><a href="#Footnote_626_626" class="fnanchor">626</a> "they +are the divine and human side of the same power," and +may be found together in a thousand passages in Roman +literature and inscriptions. But at the side of the Rex +we find, according to tradition, two helpers or advisers +called <i>augures</i>, the three together perhaps forming a +<i>collegium</i>.<a name="FNanchor_627_627" id="FNanchor_627_627"></a><a href="#Footnote_627_627" class="fnanchor">627</a> Now there was certainly an important +difference between the Rex and the augurs; the latter +were aiders and interpreters, but the Rex only was said +<i>habere auspicia</i>, just as the whole patrician body had this +right, though they delegated it to the Rex during his +lifetime, and on his death received it again. The man +who "habet auspicia" has the right of <i>spectio</i>, <i>i.e.</i> of taking +the auspices in a particular case,<a name="FNanchor_628_628" id="FNanchor_628_628"></a><a href="#Footnote_628_628" class="fnanchor">628</a> of watching the sky or +the conduct of the sacred fowls in eating; this right the +augurs never had. Their power was limited to guidance +and interpretation. This follows necessarily from the +fundamental principle that the <i>auspicia</i> and the <i>imperium</i> +were indissolubly connected; for the augur, of course, +never possessed the <i>imperium</i> by virtue of his office. It +is true that of the augur in the regal period we know +almost nothing; his art, as we shall see directly, was kept +strictly secret, and he was bound by oath not to reveal it.<a name="FNanchor_629_629" id="FNanchor_629_629"></a><a href="#Footnote_629_629" class="fnanchor">629</a> +But we may safely argue back in general terms from the +relation of magistrate and augur under the later Republic +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">302</a></span>to the relation of augur and Rex, from whom descended +the magistrate's <i>imperium</i>. The one essential thing to +remember is that <i>it was in all periods the magistrate who +was responsible</i>, under the sanction and advice of his +assistants the pontifices and augurs, for the maintenance +of the <i>pax deorum</i>. The lay element in the actual working +of the constitution never lost this prerogative. Rome was +never hierarchically governed.</p> + +<p>It would be going beyond the scope of these lectures +if I were to plunge at this point into the thorny question +of the exact relation between magistrate and augur in +respect of details. Nor do I propose to go into the +minutiae of augural lore, which are not instructive, like +those of sacrifice, for our survey of Roman religious +experience. It will be sufficient to state in outline what +I believe to be necessary for our purpose.<a name="FNanchor_630_630" id="FNanchor_630_630"></a><a href="#Footnote_630_630" class="fnanchor">630</a> The person +who had the <i>auspicia</i>, <i>i.e.</i> originally the Rex, like the later +magistrate, had to watch for signs from heaven; in order +to do so he marked out a <i>templum</i>, a rectangular space, +by noting certain objects, trees or what not, beyond +which, whether he looked at earth or sky, he need take no +notice of what he saw. The spot where he took up his +position for this purpose was itself a rectangular space,<a name="FNanchor_631_631" id="FNanchor_631_631"></a><a href="#Footnote_631_631" class="fnanchor">631</a> +marked out on a similar principle; in each case the space +was <i>liberatus effatus</i>, <i>i.e.</i> freed from previous associations +by a form of words, and ready, if need were (as in the +case of <i>loca sacra</i>) to be further handed over to the deities +as their property; this consecration, however, did not, of +course, follow in the ordinary procedure of the <i>auspicia</i>. +In the <i>urbana auspicia</i> all <i>loca effata</i> must be within the +sacred boundary of the <i>pomoerium</i>. Within this the +magistrate watched in silence at the dead of night for +such signs as he especially asked for (<i>auspicia impetrativa</i>); +those which offered themselves without such specification +(<i>oblativa</i>) he was not bound to take cognisance of unless +some one claimed his attention for them. The signs were +originally in the regal period, if we may guess from the +word <i>auspicium</i>, only such as birds supplied, and the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">303</a></span>space in which they were watched for was not complicated +by the divisions of the later augural art.<a name="FNanchor_632_632" id="FNanchor_632_632"></a><a href="#Footnote_632_632" class="fnanchor">632</a> The business +of the augur was, we may suppose, to see that the details +were carried out correctly, and to interpret the signs; but +those signs were not sent to <i>him</i>, for he was not the +actual representative of the State in this ritual.</p> + +<p>If the constitutional position and duty of the augurs +have now been made sufficiently clear, I may go on +to explain briefly, as in the case of the pontifices, how +the office became gradually secularised, and the duty +formalised, so that if there ever had been anything of a +really religious character in this art, any genuine belief +in the manifestation by the Power of his will in matters +of State life, such character, such belief, had become by +the second century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> entirely paralysed and destroyed. +But the history of the augurate is much more difficult to +follow than that of the pontificate. The work of the +pontifices touched the life of every day, public and +private, at many points, with the result that their secrets +ceased to be secrets by the end of the fourth century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> +The work of the augurs was occasional, and more technical +than that of the other college; it can hardly be said +to have affected the religion of family life, nor did it continually +bear upon public life, as did the pontifical knowledge +of the <i>ius divinum</i> and the calendar. Hence the +augural lore was never published, under pressure of public +opinion, and neither ancient nor modern scholars have +had to waste their time in investigating it. Books were +indeed written about it in later times by one or two +curious students, but in the time of Cicero, who was +himself an augur, the neglect of it was general, even by +members of the college.<a name="FNanchor_633_633" id="FNanchor_633_633"></a><a href="#Footnote_633_633" class="fnanchor">633</a></p> + +<p>This mysterious augural lore was preserved in books, +like that of the pontifices; and in all probability these +books were put together in the same period as the latter, +viz., the two centuries immediately following the abolition +of the kingship.<a name="FNanchor_634_634" id="FNanchor_634_634"></a><a href="#Footnote_634_634" class="fnanchor">634</a> I think there is a strong probability +that the augurate emerged from the age of Etruscan rule +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">304</a></span>which marks the latter part of the kingly period, with +increased importance and fresh activity, the result of +immediate contact with Etruscan methods of divination.<a name="FNanchor_635_635" id="FNanchor_635_635"></a><a href="#Footnote_635_635" class="fnanchor">635</a> +It is likely that they began in this way to cultivate the +art of divination by lightning, which was peculiarly +Etruscan, and to divide their <i>templum</i> into <i>regiones</i>, +which, as I said just now, were not apparently needed +for the observation of omens from birds. How far they +carried this art we cannot tell, owing to the loss of their +books and the commentaries upon them; but about the +Etruscan discipline we do know something. Those who +wish to have a glimpse of it may consult the first chapter +of the fourth volume of Bouché-Leclercq's <i>History of +Divination</i>, as a more intelligible account than any known +to me.<a name="FNanchor_636_636" id="FNanchor_636_636"></a><a href="#Footnote_636_636" class="fnanchor">636</a> But all I need to insist on now is the likelihood +that the augurs began the Republican period with a +power of interpretation which was the more important +because the art was changed; it is now the depository +not only of the old bird lore, but of the new lightning +lore. And as this last became the peculiar characteristic +of the art of public divination, and as the augurs were, +like the pontifices, a close self-electing corporation until +104 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> and a close self-electing <i>patrician</i> body until the +lex Ogulnia of 300 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, holding secret meetings every +month on the <i>arx</i>,<a name="FNanchor_637_637" id="FNanchor_637_637"></a><a href="#Footnote_637_637" class="fnanchor">637</a> and recording their lore in books +which were never made public, they might well have +grown into a powerful hierarchy, <i>if they had only been +possessed of the right of spectio</i>. What saved Rome from +this fate was simply the fact that the college was a body +of interpreters only, or, in other words, the principle that +the <i>auspicia</i> belonged exclusively to the magistrate. The +<i>auspicia</i> were in fact a matter of public law, not of +religion, properly speaking; the idea on which they were +based, that the sanction of the deities was needed for +every public action, very early lost its true significance, +and the process of taking them became a mere form, the +religious character of which was almost entirely forgotten. +They ceased to be matter of religion just as the amulet +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">305</a></span>or any other form of preventive magic fails to be +reckoned as within the sphere of religion; the feeling +was there that they must be attended to (though even +that feeling lost its strength in course of time), but only +as a matter of custom, not because the Power was really +believed to sanction an act in this way.</p> + +<p>Thus it seems that the importance of the augurs +belongs to Roman public law, and not to the history of +Roman religious experience. It will be found fully +explained, in that connection, in Mommsen's <i>Staatsrecht</i>, +or in Dr. Greenidge's volume on <i>Roman Public Life</i>.<a name="FNanchor_638_638" id="FNanchor_638_638"></a><a href="#Footnote_638_638" class="fnanchor">638</a> +All we have to note here is the complete secularisation +of what was once really a part of the Roman religion; +the augurs themselves were public men and could hold +magistracies, and their art of interpretation came to be +used for secular and political purposes only. They +could declare a magistrate <i>vitio creatus</i>, whether they +had been present at the taking of the auspices or not; +they could also on appeal stop the proceedings at a +public assembly, whether for election or legislation; it +may be said of them that in one way or another they +had a veto on every public transaction.<a name="FNanchor_639_639" id="FNanchor_639_639"></a><a href="#Footnote_639_639" class="fnanchor">639</a> As Cicero +expresses it in his <i>ius divinum</i>, in the second book of his +work on the constitution: "Quae augur iniusta nefasta +vitiosa dira defixerit inrita infectaque sunto, quique non +paruerit, capital esto."<a name="FNanchor_640_640" id="FNanchor_640_640"></a><a href="#Footnote_640_640" class="fnanchor">640</a> But in spite of the fine words +<i>iniusta nefasta vitiosa</i>, there was no religious principle +involved in this solemn injunction. When Bibulus in 59 +<span class="smcap">B.C.</span> sought as consul to stop Caesar's proceedings by +using his right of <i>spectio</i>, all he had to do was to announce +that he was going to look for lightning (<i>obnuntiare</i>); +and if there had been the smallest remnant of religious +belief left in the Roman mind about such transactions, +it would quietly have acquiesced, in the conviction that +Jupiter would send lightning to the Roman magistrate +who asked for it; as it was, Caesar took no notice, and +the Roman people only laughed. Caesar was at the +time, let us note, the head of the Roman religion, pontifex +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">306</a></span>maximus. So with the augurs as the interpreters of +the magisterial <i>spectio</i>; proud as Cicero was of becoming +an augur, with all the old surviving elective ritual,<a name="FNanchor_641_641" id="FNanchor_641_641"></a><a href="#Footnote_641_641" class="fnanchor">641</a> he +never, we may be sure, believed for a moment that he +had the power of interpreting the will of the gods. A +century before his augurship the whole business of public +divination had been regulated by statute, like any other +secular matter; and in his own day it was an open +question with men of education whether there were such +a thing as divination at all.<a name="FNanchor_642_642" id="FNanchor_642_642"></a><a href="#Footnote_642_642" class="fnanchor">642</a> True, as we shall see, the +<i>illegitimate</i> forms of divination were at this very time +gaining ground, as the current of superstition increased +in strength which marks this last period of the +republic; but the augur's art and the <i>spectio</i> of the +magistrate were still surviving as mere constitutional +fossils, and were not destined to share largely in Augustus' +heroic attempt to put fresh life into the <i>ius divinum</i>. +<i>Vile damnum</i>, as Tacitus said of the foreign quacks +banished to Sardinia by Tiberius; for neither in the +sphere of religion nor later in that of politics can the art +of divination be said to have had any lasting value.</p> + +<p>I have not dealt at any length with the augurs and +the State system of divination, but I hope I have said +enough to show that, as I hinted at the beginning of this +lecture, it affords an excellent illustration of the way in +which the religious instinct, the desire to be in right +relation with the Power manifesting itself in the universe, +was first soothed and satisfied, then hypnotised and +paralysed, by the formalisation and gradual secularisation +of religious processes. The desire to obtain the sanction +of the Power by seeking for favourable signs or omens +seems to be a universal instinct of human nature, though +a perverse one; if left to itself it will apparently pass +into the region of harmless folklore, where it does not +seriously interfere with human progress, either secular or +religious; but where, as at Rome, it is taken up into the +ritual of a religious system, and is further allowed to +express itself mechanically in the region of public law, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">307</a></span>it exhausts itself rapidly, loses all its original significance, +and becomes a clog on human progress.</p> + +<p>In ancient Italy this instinct for divination was nowhere +so strongly and so perversely developed into a mechanical +system as in Etruria, and it is highly probable that this +development contributed largely to the rapid political and +moral decay of the Etruscan people. The narrow aristocratic +constitution of the Etruscan cities, worked by a +kind of priestly nobility, seems to have afforded great +opportunities for the cultivation of the perverse art which +(as we are now beginning to recognise) this people had +brought with them from the East.<a name="FNanchor_643_643" id="FNanchor_643_643"></a><a href="#Footnote_643_643" class="fnanchor">643</a> I have already suggested +that an Etruscan dominion at Rome had very probably +unfortunate results in developing and formalising the +art of the augurs. But the age of the Tarquinii was not +the only one in which the sinister influence of this strange +people was brought to bear on Roman religious institutions; +and before I close this lecture I must say a very +few words about a second invasion of Etruscan perversity, +which began some two centuries and a half later. This +was the result of that renewed <i>religio</i>, that feeling of +anxiety and sometimes of despair characteristic of the +last half of the third century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, the perilous era of the +Punic wars, with which I shall deal more particularly in +the next lecture. The state religion could not soothe it; +neither pontifices nor augurs had any sufficient native +remedy for it, and as the ritual of worship was reinforced +from Greece and the East, so the ritual of divination was +reinforced from Etruria.</p> + +<p>The Etruscans seem to have educated their diviners +with care and system. We do not know the details of +such education, but it seems likely that there were schools +of these prophets, by means of which the art was handed +down and developed.<a name="FNanchor_644_644" id="FNanchor_644_644"></a><a href="#Footnote_644_644" class="fnanchor">644</a> The word for the person thus +trained was <i>haruspex</i> in its Italian form as known to us, +though it had an Etruscan original.<a name="FNanchor_645_645" id="FNanchor_645_645"></a><a href="#Footnote_645_645" class="fnanchor">645</a> The art acquired +was of three kinds—the interpretation of lightning; the +explanation and interpretation of the entrails of victims, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">308</a></span>and especially of the liver; and, thirdly, the explanation +and expiation of portents and prodigia.<a name="FNanchor_646_646" id="FNanchor_646_646"></a><a href="#Footnote_646_646" class="fnanchor">646</a> All three +departments seem to have been carried to an extreme +degree of perverse development. To give an idea of it I +need but refer to recent discussions of the relation between +the divisions marked on a bronze model of a victim's +liver (found in 1877 at Piacenza), in which are written +the Etruscan names of a great number of deities, and the +somewhat similar divisions of the templum of the heavens +as given by Martianus Capella in explanation of the +celestial dwellings of the Italian deities. A study of this +unprofitable subject, of which the only interest lies in the +illustration it offers of the prostitution of human ingenuity, +will be found in a little work by Carl Thulin, published +in the series called <i>Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und +Vorarbeiten</i>.<a name="FNanchor_647_647" id="FNanchor_647_647"></a><a href="#Footnote_647_647" class="fnanchor">647</a></p> + +<p>Just as the Roman authorities had recourse from time +to time to the Sibylline books, so also they occasionally, +though not apparently before the Punic wars, sought the +help of the trained Etruscan diviners. We shall come +across instances of this in the next two lectures, and I +need not specify them now. They seem to have used +their art in all its departments; and in the most degraded +of these, the examination of entrails, it was found so convenient +to have their services in a campaign that in course +of time one at least seems to have accompanied every +Roman army.<a name="FNanchor_648_648" id="FNanchor_648_648"></a><a href="#Footnote_648_648" class="fnanchor">648</a> The complicated art of augury might in +fact be dispensed with if you had a <i>haruspex</i> ready and +willing at a moment's notice to give you a good report +of the victim's liver. To keep up the supply of experts, +the senate, probably in the second century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, determined +to select and train ten boys of noble family in +each Etruscan city. This was the last service that the +degenerate Etruscan people rendered to its conquerors, +and a more degrading one it is impossible to imagine. +These foreign diviners were never admitted to the dignity +of a <i>collegium</i>;<a name="FNanchor_649_649" id="FNanchor_649_649"></a><a href="#Footnote_649_649" class="fnanchor">649</a> they rather played the part of the +domestic chaplain kept to say grace before meat. For +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">309</a></span>a moment they attract our attention in connection with +the persecution of Cicero by his political enemies, and the +<i>consecratio</i> after his exile of the site of his house on the +Palatine hill.<a name="FNanchor_650_650" id="FNanchor_650_650"></a><a href="#Footnote_650_650" class="fnanchor">650</a> For a moment again we meet with them +in the reign of Claudius, who was interested in the +Etruscans and wrote a work about them, and once raised +the question in the senate of the revival of the haruspices +and their art—such part of it, at least, as might seem +worth preserving—"ne vetustissima Italiae disciplina per +desidium exolesceret."<a name="FNanchor_651_651" id="FNanchor_651_651"></a><a href="#Footnote_651_651" class="fnanchor">651</a> And strange to say, though in +fact no part of this ancient Italian discipline was in the +least worth preserving, it survived in outward form into +the fourth century of the empire.<a name="FNanchor_652_652" id="FNanchor_652_652"></a><a href="#Footnote_652_652" class="fnanchor">652</a> We read with astonishment +in the code of the Christian emperor Theodosius, +that if the imperial palace or other public buildings are +struck by lightning the haruspices are to be consulted, +according to ancient custom, as to the meaning of the +portent.<a name="FNanchor_653_653" id="FNanchor_653_653"></a><a href="#Footnote_653_653" class="fnanchor">653</a> Thirteen years after the death of Theodosius, +in 408, Etruscan experts offered their services to +Pompeianus, prefect of Rome, to save the city from the +Goths. Pompeianus was tempted, but consulted Innocent, +the Bishop of Rome, who "did not see fit to oppose his +own opinion to the wishes of the people at such a crisis, +but stipulated that the magic rites should be performed +secretly." What followed is uncertain. "The Christian +historian says that the rites were performed, but were +unavailing; the pagan Zosimus affirms that the aid of the +Tuscans was declined."<a name="FNanchor_654_654" id="FNanchor_654_654"></a><a href="#Footnote_654_654" class="fnanchor">654</a> So hard died the futile arts of +the most unfruitful of all Italian races.</p> + + +<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE XIII</h5> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_594_594" id="Footnote_594_594"></a><a href="#FNanchor_594_594"><span class="label">594</span></a> Stanley's <i>Jewish Church</i> (ed. 1906), vol. i. p. 398 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_595_595" id="Footnote_595_595"></a><a href="#FNanchor_595_595"><span class="label">595</span></a> <i>Hist. de divination dans l'antiquité</i>, vol. i. p. 7 foll.; divination +is "contemplative," magic "active." But this learned author +did not deal with divination except as it existed in Greece and Italy; +and in view of our present extended knowledge this differentia is not +instructive.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_596_596" id="Footnote_596_596"></a><a href="#FNanchor_596_596"><span class="label">596</span></a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">310</a></span> See Tylor's article in the last edition of the <i>Encyclopaedia +Britannica</i>, and his <i>Gifford Lectures</i>, Pt. ii. ch. iv.; Haddon, <i>Magic +and Fetishism</i>, p. 40. Bouché-Leclercq, <i>Hist. de divination dans +l'antiquité</i>, vol. i. p. 7, distinguishes divination from magic; but his +knowledge of the subject was limited to civilised races.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_597_597" id="Footnote_597_597"></a><a href="#FNanchor_597_597"><span class="label">597</span></a> Mr. Marett seems doubtful about it: see his <i>Threshold of +Religion</i>, pp. 42 and 83. In the latter passage he says that it may +or may not be treated as a branch of magic, and may be "originally +due to some dim sort of theorising about causes, the theory engendering +the practice rather than the practice the theory." I should doubt +whether, when the facts have been fully collected, this will be the +conclusion to which they point.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_598_598" id="Footnote_598_598"></a><a href="#FNanchor_598_598"><span class="label">598</span></a> <i>Evolution of the Aryan</i>, Drucker's translation, p. 369.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_599_599" id="Footnote_599_599"></a><a href="#FNanchor_599_599"><span class="label">599</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 364, 374.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_600_600" id="Footnote_600_600"></a><a href="#FNanchor_600_600"><span class="label">600</span></a> A curious survival of divination from the agricultural period, +which was taken over by the State, but not fixed to a day in the +calendar, is the <i>augurium canarium</i>. The exta of red puppies which +had been sacrificed were consulted, apparently with a view to ascertain +the probability of the corn ripening well (Festus, p. 285, quoting +Ateius Capito). See <i>R.F.</i> p. 90, and the references there given; also +Cic. <i>de Legibus</i>, ii. 20; Fest. 379; and Wissowa in Pauly-Wissowa, +p. 2328.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_601_601" id="Footnote_601_601"></a><a href="#FNanchor_601_601"><span class="label">601</span></a> See above, p. 102.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_602_602" id="Footnote_602_602"></a><a href="#FNanchor_602_602"><span class="label">602</span></a> See Dr. Jevons' account in Gardner and Jevons, <i>Manual of +Greek Antiquities</i>, ch. vii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_603_603" id="Footnote_603_603"></a><a href="#FNanchor_603_603"><span class="label">603</span></a> Bouché-Leclercq in the introduction to his first volume (p. 3) +expresses a different opinion. He thinks that the benefit conferred +by divination in the conduct of life was the most valuable part of +religion. With this I entirely disagree.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_604_604" id="Footnote_604_604"></a><a href="#FNanchor_604_604"><span class="label">604</span></a> Cic. <i>de Divinatione</i>, ii. 51.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_605_605" id="Footnote_605_605"></a><a href="#FNanchor_605_605"><span class="label">605</span></a> See Bouché-Leclercq, iv. 119 foll. In a recently published +essay, <i>De antiquorum daemonismo</i>, by J. Tamburnino (Giessen, 1909), +the only genuine Roman evidence adduced of possession is Minucius +Felix, <i>Octavius</i>, ch. 27, <i>i.e.</i> it belongs to the late second century <span class="smcap">A.D.</span> +In the so-called Italian oracles there is no question of it: <i>e.g.</i> the +lots at Praeneste were worked by a boy (Cic. <i>de Div.</i> ii. 86).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_606_606" id="Footnote_606_606"></a><a href="#FNanchor_606_606"><span class="label">606</span></a> Livy i. 36; Cic. <i>de Div.</i> i. 17. It is Dion. Hal. iii. 70 who +says that his art was Etruscan.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_607_607" id="Footnote_607_607"></a><a href="#FNanchor_607_607"><span class="label">607</span></a> Bouché-Leclercq, iv. 120.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_608_608" id="Footnote_608_608"></a><a href="#FNanchor_608_608"><span class="label">608</span></a> For Carmenta see <i>R.F.</i> 167 and 291 foll. For Fortuna, <i>ib.</i> +223 foll.; cp. 170 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_609_609" id="Footnote_609_609"></a><a href="#FNanchor_609_609"><span class="label">609</span></a> Aug. <i>de Civ. Dei</i>, iv. 11; he uses the plural <i>Carmentes</i>; see +<i>R.F.</i> as above. Virgil, <i>Aen.</i> viii. 336.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_610_610" id="Footnote_610_610"></a><a href="#FNanchor_610_610"><span class="label">610</span></a> As "superstitiosi vates" in the passage of Ennius quoted +below. In his imaginary <i>ius divinum</i> Cicero uses the word for +"fatidici" authorised by the State (<i>de Legg.</i> ii. 20). He is perhaps +thinking of the haruspices.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_611_611" id="Footnote_611_611"></a><a href="#FNanchor_611_611"><span class="label">611</span></a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">311</a></span> Ribbeck, <i>Fragm. tragicorum Romanorum</i>, p. 55. For +hariolus outside the play-writers, Cic. <i>de Nat. Deor.</i> i. 20. 55, where +it is combined with haruspices, augures, vates, and coniectores (interpreters +of dreams). <i>Ad Att.</i> viii. 11. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_612_612" id="Footnote_612_612"></a><a href="#FNanchor_612_612"><span class="label">612</span></a> Cato, <i>R.R.</i> ch. 54; cp. Columella, i. 8 and xi. 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_613_613" id="Footnote_613_613"></a><a href="#FNanchor_613_613"><span class="label">613</span></a> See P. Regell, <i>De augurum publicorum libris</i>, p. 6 "Omnia +illa auguria quae futurarum rerum aliquid predicunt ... augurum +publicorum disciplinae abroganda sunt: aut privati sunt augurii, aut +Tuscorum disciplinae." Cp. Cic. <i>de Har. Resp.</i> 9. 18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_614_614" id="Footnote_614_614"></a><a href="#FNanchor_614_614"><span class="label">614</span></a> Cic. <i>de Div.</i> i. 16. 28; Val. Max. ii. 1. 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_615_615" id="Footnote_615_615"></a><a href="#FNanchor_615_615"><span class="label">615</span></a> <i>La Religione nella vita domestica</i>, i. 153 foll.; 232 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_616_616" id="Footnote_616_616"></a><a href="#FNanchor_616_616"><span class="label">616</span></a> Cic. <i>de Div.</i> i. 16, 28.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_617_617" id="Footnote_617_617"></a><a href="#FNanchor_617_617"><span class="label">617</span></a> This fragment is preserved in Gellius vii. 6. 10. Nigidius +may be responsible for many of Pliny's omens. Regell, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_618_618" id="Footnote_618_618"></a><a href="#FNanchor_618_618"><span class="label">618</span></a> Hor. <i>Odes</i>, iii. 27. 1 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_619_619" id="Footnote_619_619"></a><a href="#FNanchor_619_619"><span class="label">619</span></a> Exactly the same misfortune occurred in the middle ages. +The monks had abundant opportunity of observation, but were +occupied with other matters, and have left behind them no works on +natural history.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_620_620" id="Footnote_620_620"></a><a href="#FNanchor_620_620"><span class="label">620</span></a> See above, p. 169 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_621_621" id="Footnote_621_621"></a><a href="#FNanchor_621_621"><span class="label">621</span></a> Livy vi. 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_622_622" id="Footnote_622_622"></a><a href="#FNanchor_622_622"><span class="label">622</span></a> See the fragment of Ennius' <i>Annales</i> in Cic. <i>de Div.</i> i. 107.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_623_623" id="Footnote_623_623"></a><a href="#FNanchor_623_623"><span class="label">623</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 450; <i>Lex coloniae Genetivae</i>, 66 and 67.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_624_624" id="Footnote_624_624"></a><a href="#FNanchor_624_624"><span class="label">624</span></a> Livy vi. 41.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_625_625" id="Footnote_625_625"></a><a href="#FNanchor_625_625"><span class="label">625</span></a> See a good account in the <i>Dict. of Antiquities</i>, vol. i. 252 and +255; and Wissowa in Pauly-Wissowa, <i>s.v.</i> "auspicia."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_626_626" id="Footnote_626_626"></a><a href="#FNanchor_626_626"><span class="label">626</span></a> <i>Roman Public Life</i>, p. 162.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_627_627" id="Footnote_627_627"></a><a href="#FNanchor_627_627"><span class="label">627</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> 451, note 2; Marq. 241.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_628_628" id="Footnote_628_628"></a><a href="#FNanchor_628_628"><span class="label">628</span></a> Mommsen, <i>Staatsrecht</i>, i. 86.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_629_629" id="Footnote_629_629"></a><a href="#FNanchor_629_629"><span class="label">629</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> 451, note 7; Plut. <i>Quaest. Rom.</i> 99; Pliny, +<i>Ep.</i> 4. 8. Plutarch asks why an augur can never be deprived of his +office, and answers that the secrecy of his art made it impossible. +Cp. Paulus, 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_630_630" id="Footnote_630_630"></a><a href="#FNanchor_630_630"><span class="label">630</span></a> The latest authoritative account of the auspicia is in Pauly-Wissowa, +<i>s.v.</i>, where the necessary literature and material will be +found for a study of an extremely complicated subject.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_631_631" id="Footnote_631_631"></a><a href="#FNanchor_631_631"><span class="label">631</span></a> The technical term was <i>templum minus</i>, in contradistinction +to the <i>templum maius</i>, <i>i.e.</i> the space in which he was to look for +signs. See Bouché-Leclercq, iv. 197; Fest. 157. The usual place +was the <i>arx</i>, where was the <i>auguraculum</i>, on which the magistrate +taking the auspices "pitched his tent" (<i>tabernaculum</i>), looking to +the east, with the north as his left or lucky side. Von Jhering, <i>op. +cit.</i> p. 364, makes some ingenious use of this procedure to support +his theory that the origin of such institutions is to be found in the +period of migration.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_632_632" id="Footnote_632_632"></a><a href="#FNanchor_632_632"><span class="label">632</span></a> That the division of the <i>templum</i> into <i>regiones</i> was necessary +only for the <i>auguria caelestia</i>, and not for the observation of birds, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">312</a></span>is the conclusion drawn by Wissowa (<i>R.K.</i> 457, note 2) from the +words of Cicero (<i>de Legibus</i>, ii. 21) in his <i>ius divinum</i>: "caelique +fulgura regionibus ratis temperanto" (<i>i.e.</i> the magistrates).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_633_633" id="Footnote_633_633"></a><a href="#FNanchor_633_633"><span class="label">633</span></a> Cicero expressly says that even old Cato complained of the +neglect of the auspicia by the college: <i>de Div.</i> i. 15. 28; above, in +sec. 25, he had said the same thing of the augurs of his own day, +<i>i.e.</i> including himself. We know of a work on the <i>auspicia</i> by M. +Messalla, an augur, from which Gellius, xiii. 15, quotes a lengthy +extract (cp. ch. 14). This man was consul in 53 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>; Schanz, +<i>Gesch. der röm. Lit.</i>, ii. 492. Just at the same time Appius Claudius, +Cicero's predecessor as governor of Cilicia, wrote <i>libri augurales</i>, to +which Cicero more than once alludes in his correspondence with +Appius: <i>ad Fam.</i> iii. 9. 3 and 11. 4. It is plain that the old augural +lore is now treated only as a curiosity, of which the secrecy need no +longer be respected.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_634_634" id="Footnote_634_634"></a><a href="#FNanchor_634_634"><span class="label">634</span></a> P. Regell, <i>De augurum publicorum libris</i>, whose excellent +little work has never been superseded, thinks (p. 19) that the <i>libri</i> +were the result of the neglect of the art, <i>i.e.</i> that it was necessary to +put it in writing, because otherwise it would be forgotten. "Tota +eius vita," he says, "lenta est mors." The lore was complete about +the time of the decemvirate, but <i>decreta</i> must have been continually +added (p. 23). The nucleus may be represented in Cicero, <i>de Legibus</i>, +ii. 20. 21, and perhaps existed in Saturnian verse (Festus, 290). The +additions in the way of decree or comment would probably range +over the fourth and third centuries <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> like those of the pontifices. +No doubt the Hannibalic war had the effect of diminishing the +importance of the lore, as the next lecture should show. On the +whole we may put the great period of the college between the +decemvirate and the war with Hannibal.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_635_635" id="Footnote_635_635"></a><a href="#FNanchor_635_635"><span class="label">635</span></a> This is the opinion of Bouché-Leclercq, <i>op. cit.</i> vol. iv. +p. 205 foll.; cp. Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 457. Cicero calls the augurs +"interpretes Iovis Optimi maximi" (<i>de Legibus</i>, ii. 20), and herein could +hardly have made a mistake, as he was himself an augur. As the +great deity was of Etruscan origin in this form, I should conjecture +that the college took new ground and gained new influence under +the Etruscan dynasty.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_636_636" id="Footnote_636_636"></a><a href="#FNanchor_636_636"><span class="label">636</span></a> Cp. also Müller-Deecke, <i>Die Etrusker</i>, ii. 165 foll. Our +knowledge comes chiefly from the learned but obscure writer Martianus +Capella (ed. Eyssenhardt), who wrote under the later Empire.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_637_637" id="Footnote_637_637"></a><a href="#FNanchor_637_637"><span class="label">637</span></a> For these meetings see Cic. <i>de Div.</i> i. 41. 90; Regell, p. 23. +They were obsolete in Cicero's time, but seem to have still existed in +the time of Scipio Aemilianus: Cic. <i>Lael.</i> 2. 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_638_638" id="Footnote_638_638"></a><a href="#FNanchor_638_638"><span class="label">638</span></a> <i>Staatsrecht</i>, i. 73 foll.; Greenidge, <i>Roman Public Life</i>, p. +172 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_639_639" id="Footnote_639_639"></a><a href="#FNanchor_639_639"><span class="label">639</span></a> The best account of the constitutional power of the augurs is +in Pauly-Wissowa, <i>Real-Encyclopädie</i>, <i>s.v.</i> "augur," vol. i. p. 2334 +foll.; cp. Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> 457-8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_640_640" id="Footnote_640_640"></a><a href="#FNanchor_640_640"><span class="label">640</span></a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">313</a></span> <i>De Legibus</i>, ii. 21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_641_641" id="Footnote_641_641"></a><a href="#FNanchor_641_641"><span class="label">641</span></a> The outward form of <i>co-optatio</i> was still preserved, like our +"election" of a bishop by a chapter. Cicero was co-opted by +Hortensius after nomination by two other augurs. See his interesting +account of this in his <i>Brutus</i>, ch. i. The survival may be taken +as throwing light on the original secrecy and closeness of the +<i>collegium</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_642_642" id="Footnote_642_642"></a><a href="#FNanchor_642_642"><span class="label">642</span></a> For the <i>leges Aelia et Fufia</i>, cf. Greenidge, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 173. +The Stoics of the last century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> were divided on this point. See +below, p. 399. In the second book of his <i>de Divinatione</i>, following +the Academic or agnostic school, he himself confutes his brother +Quintus' argument for divination contained in Bk. I.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_643_643" id="Footnote_643_643"></a><a href="#FNanchor_643_643"><span class="label">643</span></a> This is the view of Thulin, <i>Die Götter des Martianus Capella +und der Bronzeleber von Piacenza</i> (Giessen, 1906), p. 7 foll., and it +seems at present to hold the field: see Gruppe, <i>Die mythologische +Literatur aus den Jahren 1898-1905</i>, p. 336.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_644_644" id="Footnote_644_644"></a><a href="#FNanchor_644_644"><span class="label">644</span></a> Müller-Deecke, vol. ii. p. 7 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_645_645" id="Footnote_645_645"></a><a href="#FNanchor_645_645"><span class="label">645</span></a> See Deecke's note on p. 12 of Müller-Deecke, vol. ii. It is +possibly connected with <i>hariolus</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_646_646" id="Footnote_646_646"></a><a href="#FNanchor_646_646"><span class="label">646</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 470, and Müller-Deecke, vol. ii. 165 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_647_647" id="Footnote_647_647"></a><a href="#FNanchor_647_647"><span class="label">647</span></a> See above, note 50.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_648_648" id="Footnote_648_648"></a><a href="#FNanchor_648_648"><span class="label">648</span></a> References to Livy will be found in Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 473, +note 11. One of these, to Livy xxvii. 16. 14, is worth quoting as +suggesting that a <i>haruspex</i> might give useful advice in spite of his +art: "Hostia quoque caesa consulenti (Fabio) deos haruspex, cavendum +a fraude hostili et ab insidiis, praedixit."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_649_649" id="Footnote_649_649"></a><a href="#FNanchor_649_649"><span class="label">649</span></a> They were not <i>sacerdotes publici Romani</i>, nor is a <i>collegium</i> +mentioned till the reign of Claudius: Tac. <i>Ann.</i> xi. 15. The proper +term seems to have been <i>ordo</i>, which occurs in inscriptions of the +Empire: Marq. p. 415.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_650_650" id="Footnote_650_650"></a><a href="#FNanchor_650_650"><span class="label">650</span></a> See the oration <i>De haruspicum responsis</i> (especially 5. 9), the +genuineness of which is now generally acknowledged. Asconius +quotes it as Cicero's (ed. Clark, p. 70): so also Quintilian, v. 11. 42.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_651_651" id="Footnote_651_651"></a><a href="#FNanchor_651_651"><span class="label">651</span></a> Tac. <i>Ann.</i> 11. 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_652_652" id="Footnote_652_652"></a><a href="#FNanchor_652_652"><span class="label">652</span></a> The <i>haruspices</i> mentioned in inscriptions (above, note 56) +were not the genuine article; they were Romans and <i>equites</i>. Probably +this was only one of the many ways of finding dignity or employment +for persons of good birth under the Empire.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_653_653" id="Footnote_653_653"></a><a href="#FNanchor_653_653"><span class="label">653</span></a> <i>Cod. Theod.</i> xvi. 10. 1 (of the year 321 <span class="smcap">A.D.</span>), quoted by +Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 475, note 1. In ix. 16. 3. 5, however, the practice +of consulting such experts is strictly prohibited.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_654_654" id="Footnote_654_654"></a><a href="#FNanchor_654_654"><span class="label">654</span></a> The story is told in Prof. Dill's <i>Roman Society in the Last +Century of the Western Empire</i>, ed. 1, p. 41.</p></div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">314</a></span></p> +<h4>LECTURE XIV</h4> + +<h5>THE HANNIBALIC WAR</h5> + + +<p>We have noticed two different, if not opposing, tendencies +in Roman religious experience since the disappearance +of the kingship. First, there was a tendency towards +the reception of new and more emotional forms of worship, +under the direction of the Sibylline books and their +keepers; secondly, we have seen how, in the hands of +pontifices and augurs, religious practice became gradually +so highly formularised and secularised that the real +religious instinct is hardly discernible in it, except indeed +in the degraded form of scruple as to the exact performance +of the ritual laid down. There was also, towards +the end of that period, a third tendency beginning to show +itself, which was eventually to complete the paralysis of +the old religion—a tendency to neglect and despise the +old religious forms. This need not surprise us, if we +keep in mind two facts: (1) that Rome is now continually +in close contact with Greece and her life and thought; +(2) that it seems to be inevitable in western civilisation +that a hard and fast system of religious rule should +eventually arouse rebellion in certain minds. Already +there are a few signs that the regulations of the <i>ius +divinum</i> are not invariably treated with respect.</p> + +<p>As long ago as 293 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> and the last struggle with the +Samnites, we find a trace of this neglect or carelessness. +One of the chicken-keepers (<i>pullarii</i>) reported falsely to +the consul Papirius that the sacred chickens had given +good omen in their eating: this was discovered by a +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">315</a></span>young nephew of Papirius, "iuvenis ante doctrinam deos +spernentem natus," as Livy calls him, and came to the +consul's ears. Papirius' reception of the news was characteristic +of the way in which a Roman could combine +practical common-sense with the formal respect claimed +by his <i>ius divinum</i>; he declared that the omen had been +reported to him as good, and therefore "populo Romano +exercituique egregium auspicium est." The umpire had +decided favourably for him, and there was an end of the +matter, except indeed that that umpire was placed in the +forefront of the battle that the gods might punish him +themselves, and there of course he died.<a name="FNanchor_655_655" id="FNanchor_655_655"></a><a href="#Footnote_655_655" class="fnanchor">655</a> A generation +later we have a case of far more pronounced contempt in +the familiar story of P. Claudius Pulcher and his colleague +Junius, each of whom lost a Roman fleet after neglecting +the warning of the <i>pullarius</i>: of Claudius it is told that +he had the sacred chickens thrown into the sea.<a name="FNanchor_656_656" id="FNanchor_656_656"></a><a href="#Footnote_656_656" class="fnanchor">656</a> Another +well-known story is that of Flaminius, the democrat +consul who, as we shall learn directly, was defeated and +killed at Trasimene after leaving Rome with none of his +religious duties performed.<a name="FNanchor_657_657" id="FNanchor_657_657"></a><a href="#Footnote_657_657" class="fnanchor">657</a> The famous Marcellus of +this second Punic war, though himself an "augur optimus," +according to Cicero, declined to act upon an <i>auspicium ex +acuminibus</i>—electric sparks seen at the end of the soldiers' +spears—and was accustomed to ride in his litter with +blinds drawn, so that he should not see any evil omen.<a name="FNanchor_658_658" id="FNanchor_658_658"></a><a href="#Footnote_658_658" class="fnanchor">658</a> +Assuredly the transition from superstition to reason had +its ludicrous side even in public life.</p> + +<p>But it is not the gradual approach of rationalism that +is the subject of this lecture. For years after the death +of Flaminius we have no trace of it: that was no time +for speculating, and it would have been dangerous. The +religious history of the time, as recorded by Livy, shows +on the contrary that <i>religio</i> in the old sense of the word +is once more occupying the Roman mind—the sense of +awe in the presence of the Unknown, the sense of sin or +of duties omitted, or merely a vague sense of terror that +suggested recourse to the supernatural. No wonder: for +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">316</a></span>though Italy had been invaded within the memory of +living man, it was not then invaded by one who had +sworn to his father in infancy to destroy the enemy root +and branch. Instinctively both Romans and loyal Italians +knew that they were face to face with a struggle for life +and death. It is hard for us to realise the terror of the +situation as it must have been in those days of slow communication +and doubtful news. It is to Livy's credit that +he recognised it fully, and all who look on history as +something more than wars and battles must be eternally +grateful to him for searching the records of the pontifices +for evidence of a people's emotion and the means taken +to soothe it. Polybius has nothing to tell us of this but +a few generalisations, drawn from his own experience a +century later.<a name="FNanchor_659_659" id="FNanchor_659_659"></a><a href="#Footnote_659_659" class="fnanchor">659</a> In all essential attributes of a Roman +historian Livy is far the better of the two. I propose to +follow his guidance in trying to gain some knowledge of +the revived <i>religio</i> of the age and the way in which it was +dealt with by the authorities.</p> + +<p>It is in the winter of 218-17, when Hannibal was +wintering in north Italy after his victory at the Trebbia, +that Livy first brings the matter before us.<a name="FNanchor_660_660" id="FNanchor_660_660"></a><a href="#Footnote_660_660" class="fnanchor">660</a> He uses the +word I have just now and so often used: men's minds +were <i>moti in religionem</i>, and they reported many <i>prodigia</i> +which were uncritically accepted by the vulgar. He +begins with Rome, and here it is worth noting that these +portents issue from the crowded haunts of the markets, +the <i>forum olitorium</i>, and the <i>forum boarium</i>, both close to +the river and the quays. In the latter place, for example, +an ox was said to have climbed to the third story of a +house, whence it threw itself down, terrified by the panic +of the inhabitants—a story which incidentally throws +light on the housing of the lower population at the time.<a name="FNanchor_661_661" id="FNanchor_661_661"></a><a href="#Footnote_661_661" class="fnanchor">661</a> +Other wonders were announced from various parts of +Italy,<a name="FNanchor_662_662" id="FNanchor_662_662"></a><a href="#Footnote_662_662" class="fnanchor">662</a> and the decemviri were directed to have recourse +to the Sibylline books, except for the <i>procuratio</i> of one +miracle, common in a volcanic country, the fall of pebble-rain.<a name="FNanchor_663_663" id="FNanchor_663_663"></a><a href="#Footnote_663_663" class="fnanchor">663</a> +This had a <i>procuratio</i> to itself by settled custom, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">317</a></span>the <i>novendiale sacrum</i>,<a name="FNanchor_664_664" id="FNanchor_664_664"></a><a href="#Footnote_664_664" class="fnanchor">664</a> an expiation parallel with that +which, in the religion of the family, followed a birth or a +death. For the rest, the whole city was subjected to +<i>lustratio</i>,<a name="FNanchor_665_665" id="FNanchor_665_665"></a><a href="#Footnote_665_665" class="fnanchor">665</a> and, in fact, the whole population was busy with +the work. A <i>lectisternium</i> was ordered for Iuventas,<a name="FNanchor_666_666" id="FNanchor_666_666"></a><a href="#Footnote_666_666" class="fnanchor">666</a> the +deity of the young recruits, a <i>supplicatio</i> for Hercules at one +of his temples, and five special victims were ordered for +<i>Genius</i>—directions which have been variously interpreted. +I am disposed to think of them as referring to the capacity +of the State to increase its male population in the face of +military peril. That the authorities were looking ahead +is clear from the fact next stated, that one of the praetors +had to undertake a special vow if the State should survive +for ten years. These measures, ordered by the books, +"magna ex parte levaverant religione animos." Unfortunately, +the wayward consul Flaminius spoilt their +endeavours by wilfully neglecting his religious duties at +the Capitol, and also at the Alban mount, where he should +have presided at the Latin festival, and hurrying secretly +to the seat of war, lest his command should be interfered +with by the aristocrats.</p> + +<p>Spring came on, and with the immediate prospect +of a crisis the <i>religio</i> broke out afresh.<a name="FNanchor_667_667" id="FNanchor_667_667"></a><a href="#Footnote_667_667" class="fnanchor">667</a> Marvels were +reported from Sicily and Sardinia, as well as Italy and +Rome. We need not trouble ourselves with them, except +so far as to note that one, at least, was pure invention; at +Falerii, where there was an oracle by lots,<a name="FNanchor_668_668" id="FNanchor_668_668"></a><a href="#Footnote_668_668" class="fnanchor">668</a> one tablet fell +out of the bundle with the words written on it, <i>Mavors +telum suum concutit</i>. The mental explanation of all +this is lost to us;<a name="FNanchor_669_669" id="FNanchor_669_669"></a><a href="#Footnote_669_669" class="fnanchor">669</a> it would be interesting to know how +the reports really originated and were conveyed to Rome. +That a widely spread <i>religio</i> is really indicated we can +hardly doubt. The steps taken to soothe it, the religious +prescriptions, are of more value to us. The Senate received +the reports, and the consul then introduced the question +of procuration. Besides decreeing, no doubt with the +sanction of the pontifices, certain ordinary measures, the +Senate referred the matter to the decemviri and the Sibylline +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">318</a></span>books. A <i>fulmen</i>, weighing fifty pounds, was awarded +to Jupiter, and gifts of silver to his consorts in the +Capitoline temple. Then follow directions which show +that the <i>religio</i> of women was to be particularly cared for. +Juno Regina of the Aventine was to have a tribute collected +by matrons, and she and the famous Juno Sospita +of Lanuvium were to have special sacrifices; and it is +probable that another Juno Regina, she of Ardea, was the +object of a sacrifice, which the decemviri themselves undertook +in the forum of that city.<a name="FNanchor_670_670" id="FNanchor_670_670"></a><a href="#Footnote_670_670" class="fnanchor">670</a> This prominence of Juno +may be a counterpart, I think, to the special attention +shown to Hercules and Genius in the previous winter.<a name="FNanchor_671_671" id="FNanchor_671_671"></a><a href="#Footnote_671_671" class="fnanchor">671</a> +And it is interesting to notice that the libertinae were +directed to collect money for their own goddess Feronia.<a name="FNanchor_672_672" id="FNanchor_672_672"></a><a href="#Footnote_672_672" class="fnanchor">672</a></p> + +<p>It is evident that Livy, in detailing these directions +from the books of the pontifices,<a name="FNanchor_673_673" id="FNanchor_673_673"></a><a href="#Footnote_673_673" class="fnanchor">673</a> took them in the chronological +order in which they were to be carried out; for the +day sacred to Juno Regina of the Aventine is September 1, +that of Feronia November 13, and the last instruction he +mentions is in December, when Saturnus was to have a +sacrifice and <i>lectisternium</i> at his own temple in the forum +(prepared by senators), and a <i>convivium publicum</i>. This +meant, we note with interest, the Graecising of this old +Roman cult, which now took the form which is so familiar +to us of public rejoicing by all classes, including slaves.<a name="FNanchor_674_674" id="FNanchor_674_674"></a><a href="#Footnote_674_674" class="fnanchor">674</a> +But long before these dates the terrible disaster of +Trasimene had forced the Senate, at the urgent persuasion +of the dictator Fabius, to have recourse to +the sacred books again.<a name="FNanchor_675_675" id="FNanchor_675_675"></a><a href="#Footnote_675_675" class="fnanchor">675</a> Never before had they been +so frequently consulted; the ordinary <i>piacula</i> of the +pontifices were not thought of; a consul had grievously +broken the <i>pax deorum</i>, and what remedy was +possible no Roman authority could tell. The prescriptions +of the books were many and various; the most +interesting of them is the famous <i>ver sacrum</i>, an old +Italian custom, already referred to, but here prescribed by +a Greek authority. This was submitted to the people in +Comitia, and carried with quaint provisions suited to protect +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">319</a></span>them against any unconscious mistake in carrying out +the vow, such as might produce further <i>religio</i>. We will +only notice that though, according to the old tradition, it +was to Mars that the Italian stocks were wont in time of +famine and distress to dedicate the whole agricultural produce +of the year, together with the male children born that +spring,<a name="FNanchor_676_676" id="FNanchor_676_676"></a><a href="#Footnote_676_676" class="fnanchor">676</a> in this crisis it is to Jupiter that the vow is +made. It is the Roman people only who here make the +vow, and they make it, I doubt not, to that great Jupiter of +the Capitol who for 300 years has been their guardian, and +in whose temple are kept the sacred books that ordered it.<a name="FNanchor_677_677" id="FNanchor_677_677"></a><a href="#Footnote_677_677" class="fnanchor">677</a></p> + +<p>But the authorities were determined to make now a +supreme effort to still the alarm, and to restore the people +to cheerfulness. They went on to vow <i>ludi magni</i>, <i>i.e.</i> +extra games beside the usual yearly <i>ludi Romani</i>, at +a cost of 333,333 and one-third asses, three being the +sacred number. Then a <i>supplicatio</i> was decreed, which +was attended not only by the urban population, but by +crowds from the country, and for three days the decemviri +superintended a <i>lectisternium</i> on a grand scale, such as +had never been seen in Rome before, in which twelve +deities in pairs, Roman and Greek indistinguishable from +each other, were seen reclining on cushions. If Wissowa +interprets this rightly,<a name="FNanchor_678_678" id="FNanchor_678_678"></a><a href="#Footnote_678_678" class="fnanchor">678</a> as I think he does, it marks a +turning-point in the religious history of Rome. The old +distinction between <i>di indigetes</i> and <i>di novensiles</i> now +vanishes for good; the showy Greek ritual is applied alike +to Roman and to Greek deities; the Sibylline books have +conquered the <i>ius divinum</i>, and the decemviri in religious +matters are more trusted physicians than the pontifices. +The old Roman State religion, which we have been so +long examining, may be said henceforward to exist only in +the form of dead bones, which even Augustus will hardly +be able to make live.</p> + +<p>So far, however, all had been orderly and dignified. +But after Cannae we begin to divine that the stress of +disaster is telling more severely on the nervous fibre of +the people. Two Vestals were found guilty of adultery— +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">320</a></span>always a suspicious event; in such times a wicked rumour +once spread would have its own way. One killed herself; +the other was buried alive at the Colline gate. A <i>scriba +pontificis</i>, who had seduced one of them, was beaten to +death by the pontifex maximus. Such a violation of the +<i>pax deorum</i> was itself a prodigium, and again the books +were consulted, and an embassy was sent to Delphi with +Fabius Pictor as leader.<a name="FNanchor_679_679" id="FNanchor_679_679"></a><a href="#Footnote_679_679" class="fnanchor">679</a> Greece is looming ever larger +in the eyes of the frightened Roman.</p> + +<p>Under such circumstances it is hardly astonishing to +read of a new (or almost new) and horrible rite, in which a +Greek man and woman and a Gallic man and woman +(slaves, no doubt) were buried alive in the <i>forum boarium</i> +in a hole closed by a big stone, which had already, says +Livy, been used for human victims—"minime Romano +sacro." As in the case of the Vestals, blood-shedding is +avoided, but the death is all the more horrible. What +are we to make of such barbarism? Technically, it must +have been a sacrifice to Tellus and the Manes, like the +<i>devotio</i> of Decius, and like that also, it probably had in it +a substratum of magic.<a name="FNanchor_680_680" id="FNanchor_680_680"></a><a href="#Footnote_680_680" class="fnanchor">680</a> As regards the choice of victims +it baffles us, for if we can understand the selection of a +Gallic pair at a time when the Gauls of North Italy were +taking Hannibal's side, it is not so easy to see why the +Greeks were just now the objects of public animosity. +Diels has suggested that Gelo, son of Hiero of Syracuse, +deserted Rome for Carthage after Cannae,<a name="FNanchor_681_681" id="FNanchor_681_681"></a><a href="#Footnote_681_681" class="fnanchor">681</a> and wanting a +better explanation we may accept this, and imagine, if we +can, that the cruel death of a pair of Greek slaves need +not be taken as expressing any general feeling of antagonism +or hatred for things Greek. But, after all, the most +astonishing fact in the whole story is this—that the +abominable practice lasted into the Empire; Pliny, at +least, emphatically states that his own age had seen it, and +heard the solemn form of prayer which the magister of +the quindecemviri used to dictate over the victims.<a name="FNanchor_682_682" id="FNanchor_682_682"></a><a href="#Footnote_682_682" class="fnanchor">682</a> Pliny, +we may note, also speaks of the <i>forum boarium</i> as the +scene of the sacrifice, where also the first gladiatorial games +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">321</a></span>were exhibited.<a name="FNanchor_683_683" id="FNanchor_683_683"></a><a href="#Footnote_683_683" class="fnanchor">683</a> Rome was already accustomed to see +horrors there.</p> + +<p>As we have now reached the climax of the religious +panic of these years, I may pause here for a moment to +refer to an interesting matter which I mentioned in my +third lecture. At this very time, if we accept Wissowa's +conjecture, the twenty-seven puppets of straw known as +Argei, which were thrown over the <i>pons sublicius</i> by the +Vestals on the ides of May, were being substituted as +surrogates for the sacrifice by drowning of the same +number of Greeks (Argei); an atrocity which he fancies +actually took place somewhere in the interval between the +first and second Punic wars, under orders found in the +Sibylline books.<a name="FNanchor_684_684" id="FNanchor_684_684"></a><a href="#Footnote_684_684" class="fnanchor">684</a> All scholars know that there were in +the four regions of the old city twenty-seven (or twenty-four) +chapels, <i>sacella</i>, which were also called Argei, and +have caused great trouble to topographers and archaeologists.<a name="FNanchor_685_685" id="FNanchor_685_685"></a><a href="#Footnote_685_685" class="fnanchor">685</a> +To complete his hypothesis, Wissowa conjectures +that these too date from this same age, and +were distributed over the city in order to take away the +miasma caused by some great pestilence or other trouble, +of which, owing to the loss of Livy's second decade, we have +no information. But neither have we a scrap of information +about the building of the chapels, or the drowning of +the twenty-seven Greeks, an atrocity so abominable that +the only way in which we might conceivably account for +its disappearance in the records would be the hypothesis +of a conspiracy of silence, an impossible thing at Rome. +The loss of Livy's second decade cannot of itself be an +explanation; such an event is just what an epitomator +would have seized on, yet there is no trace of it in the +surviving epitomes, nor in any other author who may have +had Livy before him. Varro knew nothing of it, so far as +we can tell; where he refers to the Argei he makes no +mention of such an astonishing origin either of puppets or +chapels. If there had been a record in the books of the +pontifices, it is impossible to imagine that he was not +aware of it.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">322</a></span>On the contrary, he quotes no official record, but a +line of Ennius which attributes the origin of the Argei +to Numa:<a name="FNanchor_686_686" id="FNanchor_686_686"></a><a href="#Footnote_686_686" class="fnanchor">686</a></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">libaque fictores Argeos et tutulatos.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Now Ennius was born in 239<a name="FNanchor_687_687" id="FNanchor_687_687"></a><a href="#Footnote_687_687" class="fnanchor">687</a> <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, and was, therefore, +living when the whole astonishing business began. How +does he come to ascribe to Numa institutions which were +to himself exactly as the building of the Forth Bridge +might be to an Edinburgh man of middle age? Why, +too, if these institutions were of such recent date, did the +Romans of the last two centuries <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> invent all sorts of +wild explanations of them, at which Wissowa very properly +scoffs? It is for him to explain why these explanations +were needed. It is inconceivable that in a large city, +with colleges of priests preserving religious traditions +and formulae, all memory of the remarkable origin of +<i>sacella</i> and puppets should have so completely vanished +as to leave room for the growth of such a crop of explanations. +These will be found in my <i>Roman Festivals</i>, +p. 112, and whoever reads them will conclude at once, +I am sure, that the Romans knew nothing at all about +the true history of the Argei. We may still class this +curious ceremony with some of the primitive magical or +quasi-magical rites of the ancient settlement. We are +not entitled to cite it as an example of the growing +savagery of this trying period; and if it be argued that +it is an example rather of humanity, because for the +original victims straw puppets were substituted, the +answer is that even if we were to grant the human +sacrifice, the surrogation of puppets is a most unlikely +thing to have happened.<a name="FNanchor_688_688" id="FNanchor_688_688"></a><a href="#Footnote_688_688" class="fnanchor">688</a> It is a rare practice; Wissowa +himself judiciously rejects it as an explanation of such +objects as <i>oscilla</i> and <i>maniae</i>. You cannot adopt it when +you choose, to explain a difficulty, and then reject it when +you choose. Why, one may ask, was this humane method +not applied also to the two pairs of Gauls and Greeks +just mentioned? But I need not pursue the subject +further; we may be satisfied to reflect that from an +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">323</a></span>anthropological point of view the Argei need never have +been anything more than puppets.<a name="FNanchor_689_689" id="FNanchor_689_689"></a><a href="#Footnote_689_689" class="fnanchor">689</a></p> + +<p>But to return to the religious history of the war. It +would seem that the extraordinary series of performances +ordered during the depression and despair that followed +Cannae had succeeded for the time in quieting the <i>religio</i>. +Fabius Pictor too had returned from Delphi,<a name="FNanchor_690_690" id="FNanchor_690_690"></a><a href="#Footnote_690_690" class="fnanchor">690</a> and brought +home in what seems to be hexameter verse instructions as +to the worship of certain deities, with injunctions to the +Romans to send gifts to the Pythian Apollo if prosperity +should return to them, and ending with the significant +words, "lasciviam (disorderly excitement) a vobis prohibete," +which may be interpreted as "keep quiet, and do not get +into a religious panic." The hexameters were Greek, but +were translated for the benefit of the people; and Fabius +publicly told how he had himself obeyed the voice of the +oracle by sacrificing to the deities it named, and had +worn the wreath, the sign that he was accomplishing +religious work, during the whole of his journey home. +This wreath he now deposited on the altar of Apollo. +This was in 216, and it is remarkable that we hear of no +new outbreak of <i>prodigia</i>, the normal symptom of <i>religio</i>, +till the next year. Then we have a list; as Livy says,<a name="FNanchor_691_691" id="FNanchor_691_691"></a><a href="#Footnote_691_691" class="fnanchor">691</a> +"simplices et religiosi homines" were ready with them +at any time. A panic arose in Rome, not strictly of +a religious kind, which shows the nervousness of the +population; a rumour went about that an army had +been seen on the Janiculum, but men who were on the +spot refuted it. In this case the Sibylline books were +not consulted, but Etruscan haruspices were called in, +who simply ordered a <i>supplicatio</i> of the new kind, at +the <i>pulvinaria</i>. This is the first, or almost the first +instance of these experts being consulted; earlier statements +of the kind are probably apocryphal, as I pointed +out in the last lecture. It is not clear why the authorities +had recourse to them at this moment; but I am inclined +to think that the old remedies even of the Sibylline books +and their keepers were getting stale, and that while it was +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">324</a></span>thought undesirable to excite the people by new rites, it +was felt that the familiar ones might gain some new +prestige by being recommended by new experts. The +old prescription, given by a new physician, may gain in +authority. The next year again, 213, brought another +crop of <i>prodigia</i>, but Livy dismisses them with the simple +words, "His procuratis ex decreto pontificum."<a name="FNanchor_692_692" id="FNanchor_692_692"></a><a href="#Footnote_692_692" class="fnanchor">692</a> It is +reasonable to suppose that a reaction was taking place +in the minds of the senators and pontifices, and that they +were determined to take as little notice as possible of +disturbing symptoms, relying on the prestige of the +Delphic oracle, and acting on its advice to suppress +<i>lascivia</i>.</p> + +<p>But in this same year the <i>lascivia</i> broke out again +with unprecedented force. The cause was not only, as +Livy explains it, the dreary continuance of the war +with varying success; if we read between the lines we +may guess that the break-up of family life occasioned +by the deaths of so many heads of houses and their sons, +had opened the way for <i>feminine</i> excitement and for the +introduction of external rites such as an old Roman +<i>paterfamilias</i> would no more have tolerated than the +pontifices themselves. "Tanta religio," says Livy,<a name="FNanchor_693_693" id="FNanchor_693_693"></a><a href="#Footnote_693_693" class="fnanchor">693</a> "et +ea magna ex parte externa, civitatem incessit, <i>ut aut +homines, aut dii repente alii viderentur facti</i>"; it +seemed as if the old religious system, in spite of all its +highly formalised apparatus of expiation, was being +deliberately set aside. "Nec iam in secreto modo +atque intra parietes abolebantur Romani ritus: sed in +publico etiam ac foro Capitolioque (this is the hardest +cut of all) <i>mulierum</i> turba erat, nec sacrificantium nec +precantium deos patrio more." To understand such an +amazing religious rebellion against the <i>ius divinum</i> we +must remember that 80,000 men had fallen at Cannae, +besides great numbers in the two previous years, and +that therefore the real effective human support of that +<i>ius</i> had in great part given way. Private priests and +prophets, vermin to be found all over the Graeco-Roman +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">325</a></span>world, had captured for gain the minds of helpless +women, and of the ruined and despairing population of +the country now flocking into Rome. The aediles and +triumviri capitales, responsible for the order of the city, +could do nothing; the Senate had to commission the +praetor urbanus to rid the people of these <i>religiones</i>. +When in those days the Senate and magistrates took +such a matter in hand, further rebellion was impossible. +All we are told is that the praetor issued an edict +ordering that all who possessed private forms of prophecy +or prayer, or rules of sacrifice, should bring them to +him before the kalends of April next; and that no one +should sacrifice in public with any strange or foreign +rite. I do not know that the wonderful good sense +of this decree has ever been commented on. To take +violent or cruel measures would have been dangerous +in the extreme at such a psychological moment. Livy +tells this story at the very end of the year 213, and +the kalends of April referred to must be those of the +next year; there was, therefore, plenty of time to obey +the order, and in the meantime the excitement might +subside of itself. The mischief was not absolutely and +suddenly stopped; in private houses the new rites +were allowed to go on,—a policy adhered to in time +to come,—but the <i>ius divinum</i> of the Roman State, +the public worship of the Roman deities, must not be +tampered with. This wise policy seems to have succeeded +for the time; for even after the capture of +Tarentum by Hannibal, and the prospect of an attack in +that direction from Macedonia, we do not hear of any +renewed outbreak. <i>Prodigia</i> are reported as usual, but +the remedy thought sufficient is only a single day's +<i>supplicatio</i> and a <i>sacrum novendiale</i>. The consuls, however, +in the true Roman spirit, devoted themselves for +several days to religious duties before leaving Rome +for their commands.</p> + +<p>This was at the beginning of the year 212. But after +the Latin festival at the end of April we hear of a new +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">326</a></span><i>religio</i>, and a very curious one.<a name="FNanchor_694_694" id="FNanchor_694_694"></a><a href="#Footnote_694_694" class="fnanchor">694</a> It looks as though +certain Latin oracles, written in Saturnian verse, and attributed +to an apocryphal <i>vates</i> of the suspicious name of +Marcius, had got abroad in the panic of the previous year, +and had been confiscated by the praetor urbanus charged, +as we saw, with the suppression of religious mischief. He +had handed them on to the new praetor urbanus of 212. +One of them prophesied the disaster of Cannae which +had already happened; the other gave directions for +instituting games in honour of Apollo, including one +which placed the religious part of these <i>ludi</i> in the +hands of the decemviri. I strongly suspect that the +whole transaction was a plan on the part of the Senate +and the religious colleges, in order to quiet the minds +of the people by a new religious festival in honour of +a great deity of whose prestige every one had heard, +for he had been long established in Rome; he is now +to take a more worthy place there, to be incorporated +in the <i>ius divinum</i> in a new sense, in gratitude perhaps +for his recent advice given to Fabius Pictor at Delphi. +Possibly also he is to be regarded here as the Greek +deity of healing, though we do not hear of any pestilence +at the time; but four years later it was in +consequence of an epidemic that these <i>ludi</i> were renewed +and made permanent. The main object of the moment +was no doubt to amuse the people and occupy +their minds. The whole population took part in the +games, wearing wreaths as partakers in a sacred rite; +the matrons were not left out; and every one kept his +house door open and feasted before the eyes of his +fellow-citizens.<a name="FNanchor_695_695" id="FNanchor_695_695"></a><a href="#Footnote_695_695" class="fnanchor">695</a></p> + +<p>If it be asked why these games in honour of a Greek +god should have been suggested by a Latin oracle, the +answer is, I think, that the latter was used rather as a +pretext for a pre-conceived plan; if it be true that the +Marcian verses had won some prestige among the vulgar, +it was an adroit stroke to invent one that might be used +in this way. This is the only way in which we can +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">327</a></span>satisfactorily account for the direction to the decemviri +to undertake the necessary sacrifices. The government +seizes a chance of taking the material of <i>religio</i> out of +the hands of the vulgar and utilising it for its own +purposes. It was clever too to give the alleged Latin +oracles the sanction of the <i>Graecus ritus</i>; "decemviri +Graeco ritu hostiis sacra faciant," says the oracle. The +keepers consulted the sacred books as to the projected +<i>ludi</i>, and henceforward, as it would seem, these Latin +oracles were placed in their keeping to be added to +the Sibylline books in the collection on the Capitol. +The amalgamation of Roman and Greek religion is +complete. If there were any doubt of it after the +<i>lectisternia</i> to the twelve gods which we noticed just now, +all such doubt is removed by the religious events of +this year 212—that famous year in which Hannibal +came within sight of Rome, and fell away again, never +to return.</p> + +<p>The student of Roman religious history, and of all +religious psychology, as he follows carefully the extracts +from the priestly records which Livy has embodied in +his story of the last years of the great struggle, will +find much to interest him. Even little things have +here their significance. He will still find relics of the +scruple about the minutiae of the <i>ius divinum</i> to which +the Romans had become habituated under priestly rule—<i>religio</i> +in that sense in which it is least really religious. +He will find a Flamen Dialis resigning his priesthood +because he had made a blunder in putting the <i>exta</i> of +a victim on the altar;<a name="FNanchor_696_696" id="FNanchor_696_696"></a><a href="#Footnote_696_696" class="fnanchor">696</a> only too ready, it may have +been, to take an opportunity of getting free of those +numerous taboos which deprived the priest of Jupiter +of all possibility of active life. Such a conjecture finds +support in the curious fact that his successor was a youth +of such bad character that his relations induced the +pontifex maximus to select him for the sacred post, in +hopes that the restrictive discipline he would have to +undergo might improve his morals and make him a +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">328</a></span>better citizen.<a name="FNanchor_697_697" id="FNanchor_697_697"></a><a href="#Footnote_697_697" class="fnanchor">697</a> About the later history of this youth +I may have something to say in the next lecture. +Again, we find <i>religio</i> of the scrupulous kind sadly +worrying the stout old warrior Marcellus shortly before +his death<a name="FNanchor_698_698" id="FNanchor_698_698"></a><a href="#Footnote_698_698" class="fnanchor">698</a>: "Aliae atque aliae obiectae animo religiones +tenebant." One of these <i>religiones</i> was a curious one; +he had vowed a temple of Honos and Virtus—two +deities together; and the pontifices made difficulties, +insisting that two deities could not inhabit the same +<i>cella</i>, for if it should be struck by lightning, how were +you to tell, in conducting the <i>procuratio</i>, to which of +them to sacrifice? The difficulty was solved by building +two temples. Such quaintnesses of the old type of +religious idea are thus still found, but they are becoming +mere survivals.</p> + +<p>The <i>prodigia</i> continue, and occasionally, as a new crisis +in the war was known to be approaching, became exacerbated. +In 208, just before the old consul Marcellus left +the city to meet his death, he and his colleague were +terribly pestered with them, and could not succeed in their +sacrificing (<i>litare</i>). For many days they failed to secure +the <i>pax deorum</i>.<a name="FNanchor_699_699" id="FNanchor_699_699"></a><a href="#Footnote_699_699" class="fnanchor">699</a> When it was known that Hasdrubal was +on his way from Spain, and that the greatest peril of the +war was approaching, special steps were taken to make +sure of that <i>pax</i>.<a name="FNanchor_700_700" id="FNanchor_700_700"></a><a href="#Footnote_700_700" class="fnanchor">700</a> The pontifices ordered that twenty-seven +maidens—a number of magical significance both in +Greece and Italy<a name="FNanchor_701_701" id="FNanchor_701_701"></a><a href="#Footnote_701_701" class="fnanchor">701</a>—should chant a <i>carmen</i> composed by +the poet Livius Andronicus; and in the elaborate ritual +that followed, as the result of the striking of the temple of +Juno on the Aventine by lightning, the decemviri and +haruspices from Etruria also had a share. The procession +of the maidens, singing and dancing through the city till +they reached the temple of Juno by the Clivus Publicius, +was a new feature in ritual, and must have been a striking +one. Doubtless it was all a part of a deliberate policy to +keep the women of the city in good humour, and in touch +with the religion of the State, instead of going after other +gods, as they had already gone and were again to go with +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">329</a></span>amazing and perilous fervour. For Juno Regina of the +Aventine was their special deity; and in this case they +were authorised—all <i>matronae</i> living within ten miles of +the city—to contribute in money to a noble gift to the +temple.</p> + +<p>Hasdrubal was defeated and killed (207), and the +danger passed away. Then, when the news reached Rome +(if Livy's account may be relied on), there followed such +an outburst of gratitude to the deities as we have never +yet met with, and shall not meet with again in Roman +history.<a name="FNanchor_702_702" id="FNanchor_702_702"></a><a href="#Footnote_702_702" class="fnanchor">702</a> It was not only that the State ordered a +<i>supplicatio</i> of three days thanksgiving; men and women +alike took advantage of it to press in crowds to the +temples, the materfamilias with her children, and in her +finest robes: "cum omni solutae metu, perinde ac si +debellatum foret, deis immortalibus grates agerent." I +would draw attention to the fact that here is no mere +fulfilment of a vow, of a bargain, as some will have it; in +this moment of real religious emotion the first thought is +one of thankfulness that the <i>pax deorum</i> is restored, and +that the Power manifesting itself in the universe, though +in the humble form of these dwellers in Roman temples, +would permit the long-suffering people once more to feel +themselves in right relation to him. As we go on with +our studies in the two centuries that follow, let us bear +this moment in mind; it will remind us that the religious +instinct never entirely dies out in the heart of any people.</p> + +<p>I would fain stop at this point, and have done with the +war and its religious troubles; but there is one more +event which cannot be omitted,—the solemn advent of a +new deity, this time neither Greek nor Italian. After the +Metaurus battle, the dreaded Hannibal yet remained in +Italy, and so long as he was there the Romans could +know no security. So far as religion could help them +every possible means had been used; there seemed no +expedient left. In 205 a pretext for inspecting the +Sibylline books was found in an unusual burst of pebble-rain; +and there, as it was given out, an oracle was +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">330</a></span>deciphered, which foretold that Hannibal would have to +leave Italy if the Magna Mater of Pessinus were brought +to Rome.<a name="FNanchor_703_703" id="FNanchor_703_703"></a><a href="#Footnote_703_703" class="fnanchor">703</a> In whose brain this idea originated we do +not know, but it was a brilliant one. The eastern cult +was wholly unknown at Rome, was something entirely +new and strange, a fresh and hopeful prescription for an +exhausted patient. The project was seized on with +avidity, and supported by the influence of Delphi and +of that strange soldier mystic the great Scipio.<a name="FNanchor_704_704" id="FNanchor_704_704"></a><a href="#Footnote_704_704" class="fnanchor">704</a> The +best man in the State was to receive the goddess, and +when, after many months, she came to Italy in the form of +a black stone, it was Scipio who was chosen for the duty. +For Attalus, king of Pergamus, had consented to let her +go from her Phrygian home; and when she arrived at +Ostia, Scipio with all the Roman matrons went thither by +land; alone he boarded the ship, received the goddess +from her priests, and carried her to land, where the noblest +women of the State received her,—received the black stone, +that is,—and carried it in their arms in turns, while all +Rome poured out to meet her, and burned incense at their +doors as she passed by. And praying that she might +willingly and propitiously into the city, they carried +her into the temple of Victory on the Palatine on the +4th of April, henceforward to be a festal day, the popular +Megalesia.</p> + +<p>This Magna Mater was the first Oriental deity introduced +into Rome, and the last deity introduced by the +Sibylline books. It is probable that no Roman then +knew much about the real nature of her cult and its noisy +orgiastic character and other degrading features; it was +sufficient to have found a new prescription, and once more +to have given the people, and especially the women, a +happy moment of hope and confidence. But the truth +came out soon enough; and though the goddess must +have her own priests, it was ordered by a <i>Senatusconsultum</i> +that no Roman should take part in her service.<a name="FNanchor_705_705" id="FNanchor_705_705"></a><a href="#Footnote_705_705" class="fnanchor">705</a> Though +established in the heart of the city, and ere long to have +her own temple, she was to continue a foreign deity outside +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">331</a></span>the <i>ius divinum</i>. As such she belongs to those +worships with which I am not called upon by the plan of +these lectures to deal.</p> + +<p>Hannibal withdrew at last from Italy, and in 202 the +war came to an end. Looking at the divine inhabitants of +the city in that year, we may see in them almost as much +a <i>colluvies nationum</i> as in the human population itself. +Under such circumstances neither the old City-state nor its +religion could any longer continue to exist. The decay +of the one reflects that of the other; the failure to trust +the <i>di indigetes</i>, the constant desire to try new and foreign +manifestations of divine power, were sure signs that the +State was passing into a new phase. In the next two +centuries Rome gained the world and lost her own soul.</p> + + +<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE XIV</h5> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_655_655" id="Footnote_655_655"></a><a href="#FNanchor_655_655"><span class="label">655</span></a> The story is told in Livy x. 40 and 41, and must have been +taken by him from the records of the pontifices, which had almost +certainly begun by this date (see above, p. 283). While on these +chapters the reader may also note the curious vow of this Papirius to +Jupiter Victor at the end of ch. xlii.; and the description of the +religious horrors of the Samnites witnessed by the army, and especially +the words "respersae fando infandoque sanguine arae" (see +above, p. 196), which clearly indicate a practice abhorrent to +Romans.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_656_656" id="Footnote_656_656"></a><a href="#FNanchor_656_656"><span class="label">656</span></a> Val. Max. i. 5. 3 and 4; Cic. <i>de Div.</i> i. 16. 29; Livy, <i>Epit.</i> +xix.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_657_657" id="Footnote_657_657"></a><a href="#FNanchor_657_657"><span class="label">657</span></a> The <i>locus classicus</i> is Livy xxi. 63.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_658_658" id="Footnote_658_658"></a><a href="#FNanchor_658_658"><span class="label">658</span></a> Cic. <i>de Div.</i> ii. 36. 77. I find an illustration of this effect of +lightning in Major Bruce's <i>Twenty Years in the Himalaya</i>, p. 130: +"Directly the ice-axes begin to hum (in a storm) they should be put +away."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_659_659" id="Footnote_659_659"></a><a href="#FNanchor_659_659"><span class="label">659</span></a> He notices it in connection with the war only in iii. 112. 6, +after the battle of Cannae: a striking passage, but cast in general +language.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_660_660" id="Footnote_660_660"></a><a href="#FNanchor_660_660"><span class="label">660</span></a> Livy xxi. 62 foll. Wissowa comments on this passage in <i>R.K.</i> +p. 223.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_661_661" id="Footnote_661_661"></a><a href="#FNanchor_661_661"><span class="label">661</span></a> See the author's <i>Social Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero</i>, p. 28 +foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_662_662" id="Footnote_662_662"></a><a href="#FNanchor_662_662"><span class="label">662</span></a> The rule seems to have been that no <i>prodigia</i> were accepted, +and <i>procurata</i> by the authorities, which were announced from beyond +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">332</a></span>the ager Romanus. See Mommsen in O. Jahn's edition of the +<i>Periochae</i> of Livy's books, and of Iulius Obsequens, preface, p. xviii. +But this does not appear from the records of this war; and, at any +rate, the religious panic was Italian as well as Roman.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_663_663" id="Footnote_663_663"></a><a href="#FNanchor_663_663"><span class="label">663</span></a> Red sand still occasionally falls in Italy, brought by a sirocco +from the Sahara, and this accounts for the <i>prodigium</i>, "<i>pluit sanguine</i>," +which is often met with. I have a record of it in the <i>Daily Mail</i> of +March 11, 1901. But the <i>lapides</i> were probably of volcanic origin.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_664_664" id="Footnote_664_664"></a><a href="#FNanchor_664_664"><span class="label">664</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 328.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_665_665" id="Footnote_665_665"></a><a href="#FNanchor_665_665"><span class="label">665</span></a> This must have been a special performance of the yearly +Amburbium, of which unluckily we known hardly anything (Wissowa, +<i>R.K.</i> 130).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_666_666" id="Footnote_666_666"></a><a href="#FNanchor_666_666"><span class="label">666</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 56, where unfortunately the word is misprinted +Pubertas. Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> 126, thinks of Hebe in a Latin form; in +his view it must be a Greek deity, being brought in by the decemviri +and the books. But we shall find that these begin now to interfere +with Roman cults, and in such a crisis we need not wonder at it. +Wissowa allows that we do not know where this Hebe can have come +from, nor, I may add, why she should have come. That there was +some special meaning in the combination Juventas, Hercules, Genius +I feel sure, and I conjecture that it may be found in the urgent need +of a supply of <i>iuvenes</i>. Hercules and Genius seem both to represent +the male principle of life (<i>R.F.</i> 142 foll.). Juventas speaks for +herself, but we may remember that the <i>tirones</i> sacrificed to her on +the day of the Liberalia (17th March), and that Liber is almost +certainly another form of Genius (<i>R.F.</i> 55).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_667_667" id="Footnote_667_667"></a><a href="#FNanchor_667_667"><span class="label">667</span></a> Livy xxii. 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_668_668" id="Footnote_668_668"></a><a href="#FNanchor_668_668"><span class="label">668</span></a> It is only from this passage that we know of the oracle. See +Bouché-Leclercq, <i>Hist. de divination</i>, iv. 146. That of Caere is +mentioned in Livy xxi. 62. Both cities were mainly Etruscan.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_669_669" id="Footnote_669_669"></a><a href="#FNanchor_669_669"><span class="label">669</span></a> Livy xxvii. 37 betrays some knowledge of the infectious +nature of prodigy-reporting: "Sub unius prodigii, ut fit, mentionem, +alia quoque nuntiata."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_670_670" id="Footnote_670_670"></a><a href="#FNanchor_670_670"><span class="label">670</span></a> Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> xxxv. 115, where the verses are quoted as inscribed +on the paintings in her temple at Ardea. Note that Juno is here +called the wife of Jupiter by a Greek artist from Asia.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_671_671" id="Footnote_671_671"></a><a href="#FNanchor_671_671"><span class="label">671</span></a> For Juno as the woman's deity and guardian spirit, see above, +p. 135. To refer this prominence of the goddess to her connection +with Carthage and mythical enmity to the Romans, as we see it in +the <i>Aeneid</i>, is premature; we must suppose that each Juno was still +a local deity, and no general conception in the later Greek sense is +as yet possible.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_672_672" id="Footnote_672_672"></a><a href="#FNanchor_672_672"><span class="label">672</span></a> For Feronia, see <i>R.F.</i> 252 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_673_673" id="Footnote_673_673"></a><a href="#FNanchor_673_673"><span class="label">673</span></a> The <i>procurationes</i> ordered were doubtless recorded in the +<i>annales maximi</i>. The books of the decemviri, we must suppose, +were burnt with the oracles in 38 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> (Diels, <i>Sib. Blätter</i>, p. 6 note).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_674_674" id="Footnote_674_674"></a><a href="#FNanchor_674_674"><span class="label">674</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> 170; Marq. 586 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_675_675" id="Footnote_675_675"></a><a href="#FNanchor_675_675"><span class="label">675</span></a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">333</a></span> Livy xxii. 9-10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_676_676" id="Footnote_676_676"></a><a href="#FNanchor_676_676"><span class="label">676</span></a> See above, p. 204 foll.; Strabo, p. 250; Festus, p. 106.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_677_677" id="Footnote_677_677"></a><a href="#FNanchor_677_677"><span class="label">677</span></a> If it be asked why Jupiter is here without his titles Optimus +Maximus, the answer is that just below, where <i>ludi magni</i> are vowed +to him, as all such <i>ludi</i> were, he is also simply Jupiter.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_678_678" id="Footnote_678_678"></a><a href="#FNanchor_678_678"><span class="label">678</span></a> <i>R.K.</i> 356. In his view the new amalgam of twelve gods was +known as <i>di Consentes</i>, an expression of Varro's which has been much +discussed. See Müller-Deecke, <i>Etrusker</i>, ii. 83; <i>C.I.L.</i> vi. 102; +Wissowa, <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i>, 190 foll. In <i>de Re Rust.</i> i. 1, +Varro speaks of twelve <i>dei consentes, urbani</i>, whose gilded statues +stood in the forum.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_679_679" id="Footnote_679_679"></a><a href="#FNanchor_679_679"><span class="label">679</span></a> Livy xxii. 57.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_680_680" id="Footnote_680_680"></a><a href="#FNanchor_680_680"><span class="label">680</span></a> See above, p. 207. Orosius' account of this is worth reading; +he calls it "obligamentum hoc magicum" (iv. 13). He mentions a +Gallic pair and a Greek woman, and dates it in 226 (227 according to +Wissowa, <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i>, p. 227). Cp. Plut. <i>Marcell.</i> 3. +Livy's words, "iam ante hostiis humanis, minime Romano sacro, +imbutum," agree with this. There must have been an outbreak +of feeling and recourse to the Sibylline books in the stress of the +Gallic war.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_681_681" id="Footnote_681_681"></a><a href="#FNanchor_681_681"><span class="label">681</span></a> <i>Sib. Blätter</i>, p. 86.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_682_682" id="Footnote_682_682"></a><a href="#FNanchor_682_682"><span class="label">682</span></a> Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> xxviii. 12 and 13. Plutarch, <i>l.c.</i>, confirms him. +Pliny, it may be noticed, is here writing of spells, etc., among which +he classes the <i>precatio</i> of this rite.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_683_683" id="Footnote_683_683"></a><a href="#FNanchor_683_683"><span class="label">683</span></a> The first gladiatorial show was in 264 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> (Val. Max. ii. 4. 7).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_684_684" id="Footnote_684_684"></a><a href="#FNanchor_684_684"><span class="label">684</span></a> The arguments are stated fully in his <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i>, +211 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_685_685" id="Footnote_685_685"></a><a href="#FNanchor_685_685"><span class="label">685</span></a> The best account of these, or rather of the Argean itinerary, +of which fragments are preserved in Varro, <i>L.L.</i> v. 45 foll., is still +that of Jordan in his <i>Römische Topographie</i>, ii. 603 foll. The +extracts seem to be from a record of directions for the passage of a +procession round the <i>sacella</i> (or <i>sacraria</i>, Varro v. 48). Though +quoting these, Varro has nothing to say of their origin, which would +be strange indeed if they were of such comparatively late date.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_686_686" id="Footnote_686_686"></a><a href="#FNanchor_686_686"><span class="label">686</span></a> In Varro, <i>L.L.</i> vii. 44. There is no doubt that the line is +from Ennius; it is also quoted as his in Festus, p. 355.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_687_687" id="Footnote_687_687"></a><a href="#FNanchor_687_687"><span class="label">687</span></a> Schanz, <i>Gesch. der röm. Literatur</i>, vol. i. ed. 3, p. 110.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_688_688" id="Footnote_688_688"></a><a href="#FNanchor_688_688"><span class="label">688</span></a> Some examples of substitution will be found in Westermarck, +<i>Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas</i>, i. 469. It is of course +a well-known phenomenon, but is now generally rejected as an +explanation of <i>oscilla</i>, <i>maniae</i>, etc. (see Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 355, and +Frazer, <i>G.B.</i> ii. 344). I know of no case of it on good evidence at +Rome, unless it be one in the <i>devotio</i>, of an effigy for the soldier, +("ni moritur," Livy viii. 10).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_689_689" id="Footnote_689_689"></a><a href="#FNanchor_689_689"><span class="label">689</span></a> See <i>Roman Festivals</i>, p. 117, with references to Mannhardt; +Frazer, <i>G.B.</i> ii. 256; Farnell, <i>Cults of the Greek States</i>, v. 181.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_690_690" id="Footnote_690_690"></a><a href="#FNanchor_690_690"><span class="label">690</span></a> Livy xxiii. 11. See also Diels, <i>Sib. Blätter</i>, pp. 11 and 92.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_691_691" id="Footnote_691_691"></a><a href="#FNanchor_691_691"><span class="label">691</span></a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">334</a></span> Livy xxiv. 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_692_692" id="Footnote_692_692"></a><a href="#FNanchor_692_692"><span class="label">692</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> xxiv. 44.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_693_693" id="Footnote_693_693"></a><a href="#FNanchor_693_693"><span class="label">693</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> xxv. 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_694_694" id="Footnote_694_694"></a><a href="#FNanchor_694_694"><span class="label">694</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> xxv. 12. On the Marcian oracles and their metre, see +Bouché-Leclercq, <i>Hist. de divination</i>, iv. 128 foll.; Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> +463 note 2; Diels, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 7 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_695_695" id="Footnote_695_695"></a><a href="#FNanchor_695_695"><span class="label">695</span></a> See above, Lect. xi. p. 262. For the Apolline games, <i>R.F.</i> +p. 179 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_696_696" id="Footnote_696_696"></a><a href="#FNanchor_696_696"><span class="label">696</span></a> Livy xxvi. 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_697_697" id="Footnote_697_697"></a><a href="#FNanchor_697_697"><span class="label">697</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> xxvii. 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_698_698" id="Footnote_698_698"></a><a href="#FNanchor_698_698"><span class="label">698</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> xxvii. 25; Plut. <i>Marcellus</i>, p. 28.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_699_699" id="Footnote_699_699"></a><a href="#FNanchor_699_699"><span class="label">699</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> xxvii. 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_700_700" id="Footnote_700_700"></a><a href="#FNanchor_700_700"><span class="label">700</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> xxvii. 37.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_701_701" id="Footnote_701_701"></a><a href="#FNanchor_701_701"><span class="label">701</span></a> The idea that this number was "chthonic" and a monopoly +of the Sibylline utterances was started by Diels, <i>Sib. Blätter</i>, p. 42 +foll., with imperfect anthropological knowledge, and has led Wissowa +and others into wrong conclusions, <i>e.g.</i> as to the Argei. See an +article criticising Wissowa in <i>Classical Rev.</i> 1902, p. 211. On the +whole subject of the number three and its multiples, see Usener, +"Dreizahl," in <i>Rheinisches Museum</i> for 1903, and Goudy, <i>Trichotomy +in Roman Law</i> (Oxford, 1910), p. 5 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_702_702" id="Footnote_702_702"></a><a href="#FNanchor_702_702"><span class="label">702</span></a> Livy xxvii. 51. For gratitude among Romans, see above, +p. 202. A gift of thanksgiving was sent to Delphi (Livy xxviii. 45).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_703_703" id="Footnote_703_703"></a><a href="#FNanchor_703_703"><span class="label">703</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> xxix. 10 foll. For other references see <i>R.F.</i> p. 69 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_704_704" id="Footnote_704_704"></a><a href="#FNanchor_704_704"><span class="label">704</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> xxix. 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_705_705" id="Footnote_705_705"></a><a href="#FNanchor_705_705"><span class="label">705</span></a> Dion. Hal. ii. 19; <i>R.F.</i> p. 70.</p></div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">335</a></span></p> +<h4>LECTURE XV</h4> + +<h5>AFTER THE HANNIBALIC WAR</h5> + + +<p>The long and deadly struggle with Hannibal ended in +201 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, and no sooner was peace concluded than the +Senate determined on war with Macedon. This decision +is a critical moment in Roman history, for it initiated +not only a long period of advance and the eventual +supremacy of Rome in the Eastern Mediterranean, but +also an age of narrow aristocratic rule which remained +unquestioned till revolution broke out with Tiberius +Gracchus. But we cannot safely deny that it was a just +decision. Hannibal was alive, and his late ally, Philip +of Macedon, now in sinister coalition with Antiochus of +Syria, might be capable of invading exhausted Italy. +To have an enemy once more in the peninsula would +probably be fatal to Rome and Italy, and one more +effort was necessary in order to avert such a calamity; +an effort that must be made at once, while Carthage lay +prostrate.</p> + +<p>It is necessary to grasp fully the danger of the +moment if we are to understand the part played by +religion (if I may use the word) in bringing about the +desired result. It was most difficult to persuade a people +worn out by one war that it was essential for their safety +that they should at once face another. Historians naturally +look on the success of the Senate in this task as due +to its own prestige, and to the skilful oratory of the +Consul in the speech to the people which Livy has reproduced +in his own admirable rhetoric. But a closer +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">336</a></span>examination of the chapters at the beginning of the +historian's thirty-first book will show that religion too +was used, in accordance with the experience of the late +war, to put pressure on the voters and to inspire their +confidence. As we saw in the last lecture, they had +been constantly cheered and braced by religious expedients,—their +often-recurring <i>religio</i> had been soothed +and satisfied; now the same means were to be used positively +rather than negatively, to help in urging them to a +definite course of action. Some sixty years later Polybius, +writing of the extreme religiousness of the Romans, +expressed his conviction that religion was invented for +political objects, and only serves as the means of bridling +the fickle and unreasoning Demos; for if it were possible +to have a State consisting of wise men only, no such +institution would be necessary.<a name="FNanchor_706_706" id="FNanchor_706_706"></a><a href="#Footnote_706_706" class="fnanchor">706</a> The philosophic historian +is here thinking mainly of the way in which religion was +turned to account by the Roman authorities in his own +lifetime. We cannot have a better illustration of this +than the events of the year 200 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span></p> + +<p>Already, in the autumn of the previous year, the +ground had been prepared. To the plebeian games in +November there had been added a feast of Jupiter (<i>Iovis +epulum</i>), as had been done more than once during the +late war.<a name="FNanchor_707_707" id="FNanchor_707_707"></a><a href="#Footnote_707_707" class="fnanchor">707</a> Jupiter, in the form of his image in the +Capitoline temple, lay on his couch at the feast of the +outgoing plebeian magistrates, with his face reddened with +minium as at a triumph, and Juno and Minerva sat each +on her <i>sella</i> on either side of him; and to give practical +point to this show, corn from Africa was distributed at +four asses the modius, or at most one quarter of the +normal price. When the new consuls entered on office +on the ides of the following March, further religious steps +were at once taken; the political atmosphere was charged +with religiosity. On the first day of their office the +consuls were directed by the Senate, doubtless with the +sanction of the pontifices, to <i>sacrifice to such deities as they +might select</i>, with a special prayer for the success of the +new war which Senate and people (the latter by a clever +anticipation) are contemplating. Haruspices from Etruria +had been adroitly procured, and no doubt primed, who +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">337</a></span>reported that the gods had accepted this prayer, and +that the examination of the victims portended extension +of the Roman frontier, victory, and triumph.<a name="FNanchor_708_708" id="FNanchor_708_708"></a><a href="#Footnote_708_708" class="fnanchor">708</a> Yet, in +spite of all this, the people were not yet willing; in +almost all the centuries, when the voting for the war took +place, they rejected the proposal of the Senate. Then +the consul Sulpicius was put up to address them, and +at the end of Livy's version of his speech we find him +clinching his political arguments with religious ones. +"Ite in suffragium, bene iuvantibus dis, et quae Patres +censuerunt, vos iubete. Huius vobis sententiae non consul +modo auctor est, sed etiam di immortales; qui mihi +sacrificanti ... laeta omnia prosperaque portendere." +Thus adjured, the people yielded; and as a reward, and +to stifle any <i>religio</i> that might be troubling them, they +are treated to a <i>supplicatio</i> of three days, including an +"<i>obsecratio circa omnia pulvinaria</i>" for the happy result +of the war; and once more, after the levy was over,—a +heavy tax on the patience of the people,—the consul +made vows of <i>ludi</i> and a special gift to Jupiter, in case +the State should be intact and prospering five years from +that day.<a name="FNanchor_709_709" id="FNanchor_709_709"></a><a href="#Footnote_709_709" class="fnanchor">709</a></p> + +<p>Exactly the same religious machinery was used a few +years later to gain the consent of the people for a war of +far less obvious necessity,—that with Antiochus of Syria. +It was at once successful. The haruspices were again +on the spot and gave the same report; and then, <i>solutis +religione animis</i>, the centuries sanctioned the war. The +vow that followed, of which Livy gives a modernised +wording, was for <i>ludi</i> to last ten continuous days, and for +gifts of money at all the <i>pulvinaria</i>, where now, as we +gather from these same chapters, the images of the gods +were displayed on their couches during the greater part +of the year.<a name="FNanchor_710_710" id="FNanchor_710_710"></a><a href="#Footnote_710_710" class="fnanchor">710</a></p> + +<p>We may realise in accounts like these how far we +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">338</a></span>have left behind us the old Roman religion we discussed +in earlier lectures. That religion did not any longer +supply the material needed; it was not suited to be the +handmaid of a political or military policy; it was a real +religion, not invented for political purposes, to use Polybius' +language, but itself a part of the life of the State, +whether active in war, or law, or politics. In the ceremonies +I have just been describing almost all the features +are foreign,—the <i>pulvinaria</i>, the haruspices, perhaps even +the <i>Iovis epulum</i>; and we feel that though the <i>religio</i> +in the minds of the people is doubtless a genuine thing, +yet the means taken to soothe it are far from genuine,—they +are <i>mala medicamenta</i>, quack remedies. Such is the +method by which a shrewd, masterly government compels +the obedience of a <i>populus religiosus</i>. After long +experience of such methods, can we wonder that Polybius +could formulate his famous view of religion, or that a great +and good Roman lawyer, himself pontifex maximus, could +declare that political religion stands quite apart from the +religion of the poets, or that of the philosophers, and must +be acted on, whether true or false?<a name="FNanchor_711_711" id="FNanchor_711_711"></a><a href="#Footnote_711_711" class="fnanchor">711</a></p> + +<p>The reporting of <i>prodigia</i> goes on with astonishing +vigour in this period, and seems to have become endemic. +I only mention it here (for we have had quite enough of +it already) because the question arises whether it is now +used mainly for political purposes, or to annoy a personal +rival or enemy. This does not appear clearly from Livy's +accounts, but in an age of personal and political rivalries, +as this undoubtedly was, it can hardly have been otherwise. +Certain it is that the interests of the State were +grievously interfered with in this way. The consuls at +this time, and until 153 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, did not enter on office until +March 15, and they should have been ready to start for +their military duties as soon as the levies had been completed; +instead of which, they were constantly delayed by +the duty of expiating these marvels. In 199 Flamininus, +whose appointment to the command in Macedonia had +of course annoyed the friends of the man he was superseding, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">339</a></span>was delayed in this way for the greater part of the +year, and yet he is said to have left Italy at an earlier +date than most consuls.<a name="FNanchor_712_712" id="FNanchor_712_712"></a><a href="#Footnote_712_712" class="fnanchor">712</a> Thus the change to January 1 +for the beginning of the consular year, which took place +in 153 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, was an unavoidable political necessity. Even +the Sibylline books came to be used for personal and +political purposes. In the year 144 the praetor Marcius +Rex was commissioned to repair the Appian and Aniensian +aqueducts and to construct a new one. The <i>decemviri +sacris faciundis</i>, consulting the books, as it was said, for +other reasons, found an oracle forbidding the water to be +conveyed to the Capitoline hill, and seem on this absurd +ground to have been able to delay the necessary work. +Our information is much mutilated, but the real explanation +seems to be that there was some personal spite +against Marcius, who, however, eventually completed the +work.<a name="FNanchor_713_713" id="FNanchor_713_713"></a><a href="#Footnote_713_713" class="fnanchor">713</a> Nearly a century later a Sibylline oracle, beyond +doubt invented for the purpose, was used to prevent +Pompeius from taking an army to Egypt to restore +Ptolemy Auletes to his throne. But all students of Roman +history in the last two centuries <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> are familiar with +such cases of the prostitution of religion or religious +processes, and I have already said enough about it in the +lecture on divination.<a name="FNanchor_714_714" id="FNanchor_714_714"></a><a href="#Footnote_714_714" class="fnanchor">714</a></p> + +<p>I do not, of course, mean to assert that personal and +political motives account for all or the greater number +of <i>prodigia</i> reported. There is plenty of evidence that +the genuine old <i>religio</i> could be stirred up by real marvels, +which the government were bound to expiate in order to +satisfy public feeling. Thus in 193 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> earthquakes were +so frequent that the Senate could not meet, nor could any +public business be done, so busy were the consuls with +the work of expiation. At last the Sibylline books were +consulted and the usual religious remedies applied; but +the spirit of the age is apparent in the edict of the consuls, +prompted by the Senate, that if <i>feriae</i> had been +decreed to take place on a certain day for the expiation +of an earthquake, no fresh earthquake was to be reported +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">340</a></span>on that same day.<a name="FNanchor_715_715" id="FNanchor_715_715"></a><a href="#Footnote_715_715" class="fnanchor">715</a> This delicious edict, unparalleled in +Roman history, caused the grave Livy to declare that the +people must have grown tired, not only of the earthquakes, +but of the <i>feriae</i> appointed to expiate them.</p> + +<p>Let us turn to another and more interesting feature of +this age, which is plainly visible in the sphere of religion, +as in other aspects both of private and public life: I mean +the growth of <i>individualism</i>. Men, and indeed women +also, as we shall see, are beginning to feel and to assert +their individual importance, as against the strict rules and +traditions, civil or religious, of the life of the family and +the State. This is a tendency that had long been at +work in Greece, and is especially marked in the teaching +of the two great ethical schools of the post-Alexandrian +period, the Epicureans and Stoics. The influence of +Greece on the Romans was already strong enough to have +sown the seeds of individualism in Italy; but the tendency +was at the same time a natural result of enlarged experience +and expanding intelligence among the upper classes. +The second century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> shows us many prominent men +of strong individual character, who assert themselves in +ways to which we have not been accustomed in Roman +history, <i>e.g.</i> Scipio the elder, Flamininus, Cato, Aemilius +Paulus and his son, Scipio Aemilianus; and among lesser +and less honourable men we see the tendency in the +passionate desire for personal distinction in the way of +military commands, triumphs, and the giving of expensive +games. This is the age in which we first hear of statues +and portrait busts of eminent men; and magistrates +begin to put their names or types connected with their +families on the coins which they issue.<a name="FNanchor_716_716" id="FNanchor_716_716"></a><a href="#Footnote_716_716" class="fnanchor">716</a></p> + +<p>In religion this tendency is seen mainly in the attempts +of the individual, often successful, to shake himself free +of the restrictions of the old <i>ius divinum</i>. I pointed out +long ago that it was a weak point in the old Roman +religion that it did little or nothing to encourage and +develop the individual religious instinct; it was formalised +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">341</a></span>>as a religion of family and State, and made no appeal, as +did that of the Jews, to the individual's sense of right +and wrong.<a name="FNanchor_717_717" id="FNanchor_717_717"></a><a href="#Footnote_717_717" class="fnanchor">717</a> The sense of sin was only present to the +Roman individual mind in the form of scruple about +omissions or mistakes in the performance of religious +duties. Thus religion lost her chance at Rome as an +agent in the development of the better side of human +nature. As an illustration of what I mean I may recall +what I said in an early lecture, that the spirit of a dead +Roman was not thought of as definitely individualised; +it joined the whole mass of the Manes in some dimly +conceived abode beneath the earth; there is no singular +of the word Manes. It is only in the third century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> +that we first meet with memorial tombstones to individuals, +like those of the Scipios, and not till the end +of the Republican period that we find the words Di Manes +representing in any sense the spirit of the individual +departed.<a name="FNanchor_718_718" id="FNanchor_718_718"></a><a href="#Footnote_718_718" class="fnanchor">718</a></p> + +<p>In practical life the quarrel of the individual with the +<i>ius divinum</i> takes the form of protest against the restrictions +placed on the old sacrificing priesthoods, these of +the Flamines and the Rex sacrorum, who, unlike the +pontifices and augurs, were disqualified from holding a +secular magistracy.<a name="FNanchor_719_719" id="FNanchor_719_719"></a><a href="#Footnote_719_719" class="fnanchor">719</a> These priesthoods must be filled +up, and when a vacancy occurred, the pontifex maximus, +who retained the power of the Rex in this sphere, as a +kind of <i>paterfamilias</i> of the whole State, selected the +persons, and could compel them to serve even if they were +unwilling. But the interests of public life are now far +more attractive than the duties of the cults,—the individual +wishes to assert himself where his self-assertion +will be noted and appreciated.</p> + +<p>These attempts at emancipation from the <i>ius divinum</i> +were not at first successful. In 242 a flamen of Mars +was elected consul; he hoped to be in joint command +with his colleague Lutatius of the naval campaign against +Carthage. But the <i>ius divinum</i> forbade him to leave Italy, +and the pontifex maximus inexorably enforced it.<a name="FNanchor_720_720" id="FNanchor_720_720"></a><a href="#Footnote_720_720" class="fnanchor">720</a> Of +this quarrel we have no details; but in 190 a similar case +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">342</a></span>is recorded in full. A flamen Quirinalis, elected praetor, +who had Sardinia assigned him as his province, was stopped +by the <i>ius divinum</i> administered by another inexorable +pontifex maximus; and it was only after a long struggle, +in which Senate, tribunes, and people all took part, that he +was forced to submit. So great was his wrath that he was +with difficulty persuaded not to resign his praetorship.<a name="FNanchor_721_721" id="FNanchor_721_721"></a><a href="#Footnote_721_721" class="fnanchor">721</a> +Naturally it became difficult to fill these priesthoods, for +it was invidious to compel young men of any promise to +commit what was practically political suicide. The office +of <i>rex sacrorum</i> was vacant for two years between 210 and +208;<a name="FNanchor_722_722" id="FNanchor_722_722"></a><a href="#Footnote_722_722" class="fnanchor">722</a> and in 180 Cornelius Dolabella, a <i>duumvir navalis</i>, +on being selected for this priesthood, absolutely refused to +obey the pontifex maximus when ordered to resign his +secular command. He was fined for disobedience, and +appealed to the people; at the moment when it became +obvious that the appeal would fail, he contrived to escape +by getting up an unlucky omen. <i>Religio inde fuit pontificibus +inaugurandi Dolabellae</i>; and here we have the +strange spectacle of the <i>ius divinum</i> being used to defeat +its own ends. Such a state of things needs no comment.<a name="FNanchor_723_723" id="FNanchor_723_723"></a><a href="#Footnote_723_723" class="fnanchor">723</a></p> + +<p>But the most extraordinary story of this kind is that +of a flamen of Jupiter,—a story which many years ago I +told in detail in the <i>Classical Review</i>. Here I may just +be allowed to reproduce it in outline. In the year 209 a +young C. Valerius Flaccus, the black sheep of a great +family, was inaugurated against his will as Flamen Dialis +by the pontifex maximus P. Licinius.<a name="FNanchor_724_724" id="FNanchor_724_724"></a><a href="#Footnote_724_724" class="fnanchor">724</a> It was within +the power of the head of the Roman religion to use such +compulsion, but it must have been difficult and unusual to +do so without the consent of the victim's relations. In +this case, as Livy expressly tells us, it was used because +the lad was of bad character,—<i>ob adolescentiam negligentem +luxuriosamque</i>; and it is pretty plain that the step was +suggested by his elder brother and other relations, in order +to keep him out of mischief. For, as we have seen, the +taboos on this ancient priesthood were numerous and strict, +and among the restrictions laid on its holder was one +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">343</a></span>which forbade him to leave his house for a single night. +Thus we learn not only that this priesthood was not much +accounted of in those days, but also that for the <i>cura</i> and +<i>caerimonia</i> of religion a pure mind was no longer needed. +But it might be utilised as a kind of penal settlement for +a libertine noble; and it is not impossible that a century +and a quarter later the attempt to put the boy Julius +Caesar into the same priesthood, though otherwise represented +by the historians, may have had the same object.<a name="FNanchor_725_725" id="FNanchor_725_725"></a><a href="#Footnote_725_725" class="fnanchor">725</a> +But the strange thing in the case of Flaccus is that this +very <i>cura</i> and <i>caerimonia</i>, if Livy's account is to be trusted, +had such a wholesome disciplinary effect, that the libertine +became a model youth, the admiration of his own and +other families. Relying on his excellent character he even +asserted the ancient right of this flamen to take his seat +in the Senate, a right which had long been in abeyance <i>ob +indignitatem flaminum priorum</i>; and he eventually gained +his point, in spite of obstinate opposition on the part of +a praetor. Some years later, in 200, this same man +was elected curule aedile.<a name="FNanchor_726_726" id="FNanchor_726_726"></a><a href="#Footnote_726_726" class="fnanchor">726</a> This was clearly the first +example of an attempt to combine the priesthood with a +magistracy, for a difficulty at once arose and was solved +in a way for which no precedent is quoted. Among the +taboos on this priest there was one forbidding him to +take an oath; yet the law demanded that a magistrate +must take the usual oath within five days of entering on +office.<a name="FNanchor_727_727" id="FNanchor_727_727"></a><a href="#Footnote_727_727" class="fnanchor">727</a>] Flaccus insisted on asserting his individuality in +spite of the <i>ius divinum</i>, and the Senate and people both +backed him up. The Senate decreed that if he could +find some one to take the oath for him, the consuls might, +if they chose, approach the tribune with a view to getting +a relieving <i>plebiscitum</i>; this was duly obtained, and he +took the oath by proxy. In his year of office as aedile +we find him giving expensive <i>ludi Romani</i>; and in 184 +he only missed the praetorship by an unlucky accident.<a name="FNanchor_728_728" id="FNanchor_728_728"></a><a href="#Footnote_728_728" class="fnanchor">728</a> +In this story we find the self-assertion of an individual +supported by Senate, consuls, and people in breaking +loose from the antiquated restrictions of a bygone age, and +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">344</a></span>we cannot but sympathise with it. But Roman history +is full of surprises, and among these I know none more +amazing than the successful attempt of Augustus two +centuries later to revive this priesthood with all its +absurdities.<a name="FNanchor_729_729" id="FNanchor_729_729"></a><a href="#Footnote_729_729" class="fnanchor">729</a></p> + +<p>The self-assertion of members of the great families +against the <i>ius divinum</i> was inevitable, and in the instances +just noticed the attitude of compromise taken up +by the government was only what was to be expected in +an age of stress and change and new ideas. But in less +than twenty years after the peace with Carthage this +government found itself suddenly face to face with what +may be called a religious rebellion chiefly among the +lower orders, including women; and the authorities unhesitatingly +reverted to the position of conscientious +guardians of the religious system of the City-state. They +began to realise that they had been holding a wolf by the +ears ever since the beginning of the Hannibalic war; that +they had a population to deal with which was no longer +pure Roman or even pure Italian, and that even the +genuine Romans themselves were liable to be moved by +new currents of religious feeling. During the war they +had done all that was possible to meet the mental as well +as the material troubles of this population, even to the +length of introducing the worship, under certain restrictions, +of the great Phrygian Mother of the gods. But now, +in 186, the sudden outbreak of Dionysiac orgies in Italy +showed them that all their remedies were stale and insufficient, +and that the wolf was getting loose in their +hands.</p> + +<p>Dionysus had long been housed at Rome, under the +name of Liber, in that temple of Ceres, Liber, and Libera +which was discussed in detail in my eleventh lecture.<a name="FNanchor_730_730" id="FNanchor_730_730"></a><a href="#Footnote_730_730" class="fnanchor">730</a> +But it is not likely that many Romans recognised the +identity of Liber and Dionysus, and it is quite certain that +the characteristic features of the Dionysiac ritual were entirely +unknown at Rome for three centuries after the foundation +of the temple. That ritual, as it existed in Greece +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">345</a></span>from the earliest times, retaining the essential features +which it bore in its original Thracian home,<a name="FNanchor_731_731" id="FNanchor_731_731"></a><a href="#Footnote_731_731" class="fnanchor">731</a> has lately +been thoroughly examined and clearly expounded by Dr. +Farnell in the fifth volume of his <i>Cults of the Greek States</i>, +and the student of the Roman religious history of this +period would do well to study carefully his fifth chapter. +In most Greek states, as at Athens, in spite of occasional +outbreaks, the wilder aspects of the cult had not been +encouraged, but at Delphi and at Thebes, <i>i.e.</i> on Parnassus +and Cithaeron, the more striking phenomena of +the genuine ritual are found down to a late period. Dr. +Farnell has summed these up under three heads at the +beginning of his account: "The wild and ecstatic +enthusiasm that it inspired, the self-abandonment and +communion with the deity achieved through orgiastic rites +and a savage sacramental act, and the prominence of +women in the ritual, which in accordance with a certain +psychic law made a special appeal to their temperament."<a name="FNanchor_732_732" id="FNanchor_732_732"></a><a href="#Footnote_732_732" class="fnanchor">732</a> +It meant in fact exactly that form of religious ecstasy +which was peculiarly abhorrent to the minds of the old +Romans, who had built up the <i>ius divinum</i> with its sober +ritual and its practical ideas of the supernatural powers +around them. We found nothing in our studies of this +religion to lead us to suppose for an instant that it had +any mental effect such as "the transcending of the limits +of the ordinary consciousness and the feeling of communion +with the divine nature."<a name="FNanchor_733_733" id="FNanchor_733_733"></a><a href="#Footnote_733_733" class="fnanchor">733</a> The Latin language +indeed had no native words for the expression of such +emotions.<a name="FNanchor_734_734" id="FNanchor_734_734"></a><a href="#Footnote_734_734" class="fnanchor">734</a></p> + +<p>But it would be a great mistake to suppose that there +was no soil in Italy, or even at Rome, where such +emotional rites might take root. We may believe that the +dignity and sobriety of the Roman character was in part +at least the result of the discipline of ordered religion in +family and state; but this is not to say that the Romans +were never capable of religious indiscipline,—far from it. +The Italian rural festival, then as now, was lively and +indecorous, so far as we can guess from the few glimpses +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">346</a></span>we get of it; and at Rome the ancient festival of Anna +Perenna, in which women took part, was a scene of revelry +as Ovid describes it,<a name="FNanchor_735_735" id="FNanchor_735_735"></a><a href="#Footnote_735_735" class="fnanchor">735</a>—of dancing, singing, and intoxication, +and we need not wonder that it found no place in +the ancient calendar of the <i>ius divinum</i>. And we have +lately had occasion to notice, in the new ritual instituted +under the direction of the Sibylline books, and more +especially during the great war, clear indications that the +natural emotions of women, even of Roman women, had +to be satisfied by shows and processions in which they +could share, and that the ideal dignity of the Roman +matron had often given way under the terrible stress of +public and domestic anxiety and peril. No wonder then +that when Roman armies had been for years in Greece, +and Greeks were flocking into Rome in larger numbers +every year, the Dionysiac rites should find their way into +Italy, and no wonder too that they should instantly find +a congenial soil, exotics though they were.</p> + +<p>The story of the Bacchanalia is told by Livy in his +best manner, and whether or no it be literally true in +every particular, is full of life and interest. It is the +fashion now to reject as false whatever is surprising; and +the latest historian of Rome dismisses Livy's account of +the discovery of the mischief as "an interesting romance."<a name="FNanchor_736_736" id="FNanchor_736_736"></a><a href="#Footnote_736_736" class="fnanchor">736</a> +Fortunately we are not now concerned with this romance, +if such it be; I only propose to dwell on one or two +points more nearly concerned with our subject.</p> + +<p>First, let us note that the seeds of this evil crop +were sown in Etruria, the most dangerous neighbour of +the Romans from a religious point of view; for it is +hardly too much to say that all Greek influences that +filtered through Etruria on their way to Rome were contaminated +in the process. According to the story,<a name="FNanchor_737_737" id="FNanchor_737_737"></a><a href="#Footnote_737_737" class="fnanchor">737</a> a +common Greek religious quack (<i>sacrificulus et vates</i>, as +Livy calls him), of the type held up to scorn by Plato in +the <i>Republic</i>,<a name="FNanchor_738_738" id="FNanchor_738_738"></a><a href="#Footnote_738_738" class="fnanchor">738</a> came to Etruria and began to initiate in +the rites; drunkenness was the result, and with drinking +came crime and immorality of all kinds. From Etruria +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">347</a></span>the mischief spread to Rome, and was there discovered +accidentally. According to the evidence given, it began +with a small association of women, who met openly in the +daytime only three times a year. Then it fell under the +direction of a priestess from Campania,—Rome's other +most dangerous neighbour in regard to religion and +morals,—who gave it a sinister turn. The meetings were +held at night, and were accompanied not only by the +characteristic features of the old Thracian ritual, but, as +in Etruria, by the most abominable wickedness. It was +said to have infected a large part of the population, +including young members of noble families; for with the +true missionary instinct, young people only were admitted +by the hierophants. We need not necessarily believe all +this; but it is certain, from the steps taken by the government, +about which there is no doubt, that it is in the +main a true account. The storm and stress of the long +war with Hannibal would be enough to account for the +phenomena, even if they were not in keeping with well-known +psychical facts.</p> + +<p>Let us now turn for a moment to the attitude of +the government in this extraordinary episode of Roman +religious experience. The danger is dealt with entirely +by the Senate and the magistrates; the authorities of the +<i>ius divinum</i> as such have nothing to do with it. It is +characteristic of the age that it is not dealt with as a +matter of religion merely, but as a conspiracy—<i>coniuratio</i>.<a name="FNanchor_739_739" id="FNanchor_739_739"></a><a href="#Footnote_739_739" class="fnanchor">739</a> +This is the word used by Livy, and we find it also in +the document called <i>Senatusconsultum de Bacchanalibus</i>, +part of which has most fortunately come down to us. +This is the word also used, we may note, of the conspiracy +of Catiline in the century following, and it always conveys +the idea of <i>rebellion</i> against the order and welfare of the +State. In this case it was rebellion against the whole +body of the <i>mos maiorum</i>, the ἤθοϛ of the City-state of +Rome. For it was an attempt to supersede the ancient +religious life of that State by <i>externa superstitio, prava +religio</i>—<i>prava</i>, because <i>deorum numen praetenditur sceleribus</i>; +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">348</a></span>and hence, as Livy expresses it in the admirable +speech put into the mouth of the consul, the Roman gods +themselves felt their <i>numen</i> to be contaminated.<a name="FNanchor_740_740" id="FNanchor_740_740"></a><a href="#Footnote_740_740" class="fnanchor">740</a> All +the speeches in Livy, except perhaps the military ones, +are worth careful study by those who would enter into the +Roman spirit as conceived by an Augustan writer; and +this is one of the most valuable of them.</p> + +<p>Lastly, let us note the steps taken by the government +in this emergency. It is treated as a matter of police, +both in Rome and Italy; the guilty are sought out and +punished as conspirators against the State, and a precedent +of tremendous force is hereby established for all +future dealings with <i>externa superstitio</i>, which held good +even to the last struggle with Christianity. Where foreign +rites are believed to be dangerous to the State or to +morality, they must be rigidly suppressed in the Roman +world; when they are harmless they may be tolerated, +or even, like the cult of the Magna Mater, received into +the sacred circle of Roman worships.<a name="FNanchor_741_741" id="FNanchor_741_741"></a><a href="#Footnote_741_741" class="fnanchor">741</a> But there is yet +another lesson to be learnt from the conduct of the +government at this crisis. Who would have suspected, +while reading the horrible story, and noting the almost +arbitrary energy with which the <i>coniuratio</i> was stamped +out, that the Dionysiac rites would even now be tolerated +under certain conditions? That this was so is a fact +attested not only by Livy, but by the <i>Senatusconsultum</i> +itself.<a name="FNanchor_742_742" id="FNanchor_742_742"></a><a href="#Footnote_742_742" class="fnanchor">742</a> The government was now forced to recognise the +fact that there were Romans for whom the <i>ius divinum</i> +no longer sufficed, and who needed a more emotional form +of religion. If any one (so ran in effect the <i>Senatusconsultum</i>) +felt conscientiously that he could not wholly +renounce the new religion, he might apply in person to +the praetor urbanus; and the praetor would lay the matter +before a meeting of the Senate, at which not less than a +hundred must be present. The Senate may give leave +for the worship, provided that no more than five persons +be present at it; and that there be no common fund for +its support, nor any permanent priest to preside at it. +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">349</a></span>These clauses, says Aust,<a name="FNanchor_743_743" id="FNanchor_743_743"></a><a href="#Footnote_743_743" class="fnanchor">743</a> are a concession to the strong +spiritual current of feeling which sought for something +fresher and better to take the place of the old religion of +forms; and on the whole we may agree with him. All +religious revivals are liable to be accompanied by moral +evil, but they all express unmistakably a natural and +honourable yearning of the human spirit.</p> + +<p>Not long after this, in 181, the government put its +foot down firmly on what seems to have been another +attempt, though in this case a ludicrous one, to introduce +strange religious ideas at Rome. We have the story of +this on the authority not only of Livy, but of the oldest +Roman annalist, Cassius Hemina, from whose work Pliny +has preserved a fragment relating to this matter.<a name="FNanchor_744_744" id="FNanchor_744_744"></a><a href="#Footnote_744_744" class="fnanchor">744</a> Cassius +must almost certainly have been alive in 181, and would +remember the event;<a name="FNanchor_745_745" id="FNanchor_745_745"></a><a href="#Footnote_745_745" class="fnanchor">745</a> and though his account and Livy's +differ in details, we may take the story as in the main +true. A secretary (<i>scriba</i>), who had land on the Janiculan +hill, dug up there a stone coffin with an inscription stating +that the king Numa was buried in it. No remains of a +body were found, but in a square stone casket inside the +coffin were found books written on paper (<i>charta</i>) and +supposed to be writings of Numa about the Pythagorean +philosophy. These writings were read by many people, +and eventually by a praetor, who at once pronounced +them to be subversive of religion. That anything supposed +to emanate from Numa should have this character was +of course impossible; and it is plain that the writings +were believed even at the time to be absurd forgeries, +drawn up with the idea of investing strange doctrines +with the authority of Numa's name; for the legend of a +religious connection between Numa and Pythagoras must +have been known at the time. The discoverer appealed +to the tribunes, who referred the matter to the senate; +and the senate authorised the praetor to burn the books +in the Comitium, which was done in the presence of a +large assembly.</p> + +<p>In a later lecture I shall have something to say of the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">350</a></span>revival of Pythagoreanism in the time of Cicero, and I +need not now attempt to explain what such a revival +might mean. All we need to note is that something +subversive of the Roman religion was believed to be +circulating in 181 in Roman society under the assumed +authority of Numa's name, and that the senate, warned +by recent experience, determined to stamp it out at once. +They seem to have suddenly become alive to the fact +that Greece, and in this instance mainly Magna Graecia, +was sending clever agents to Rome for the propagation +of ideas which might make the people less tractable to +authority. In the stress of the great war, indeed for years +afterwards, they had probably never had leisure to reflect +on the inevitable result of the writings of a man like +Ennius, who was not improbably responsible for the +propagation of these very Pythagorean notions.<a name="FNanchor_746_746" id="FNanchor_746_746"></a><a href="#Footnote_746_746" class="fnanchor">746</a> Now +a reaction seems to set in against the flowing tide of +admiration for everything Greek;<a name="FNanchor_747_747" id="FNanchor_747_747"></a><a href="#Footnote_747_747" class="fnanchor">747</a> but it was too late +to arrest the flood. All that could be hoped for was that +in the lives and minds of the wiser Romans the new +Greek civilisation might so leaven the old Roman ignorance +that no permanent harm should be done to the +instincts of <i>virtus</i> and <i>pietas</i>: and to some extent this +hope was realised. But for the masses there was no such +hope. What Greek teaching reached their minds was +almost wholly that of the <i>ludi scenici</i>; and I must now +say a word in conclusion about this unwholesome influence—unwholesome, +that is, so far as it affected the +old religious ideas.</p> + +<p>I had occasion, when dealing with Dr. Frazer's notion +that the Roman religion admitted such ideas as the +marriage of the gods with all its natural consequences,<a name="FNanchor_748_748" id="FNanchor_748_748"></a><a href="#Footnote_748_748" class="fnanchor">748</a> +to point out that his evidence was almost wholly derived +from the play-writers of the very period on which we are +now engaged. I said that he seems to be justified in +concluding that there was a popular idea of such a kind, +which the State religion did not recognise; but that it +can very easily be explained as the natural effect of a +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">351</a></span>degenerate Greek mythology, popularised by Greek dramas +adapted to the Roman stage, upon certain peculiarities +of the Roman theology, and especially the functional +combination of male and female divine names in Italian +invocations of the deities. Nothing could be more +natural than that playwrights should take advantage of +such combinations to invent or translate comic passages +to please a Roman audience, "now largely consisting of +semi-educated men who had lost faith in their own religion, +and a host of smaller people of mixed descent and +nationality." We do not know enough of the older +comedies to be at all sure how far they had gone in this +direction, though we are certain, to use the words of +Zeller,<a name="FNanchor_749_749" id="FNanchor_749_749"></a><a href="#Footnote_749_749" class="fnanchor">749</a> that it was impossible to transplant Greek poetry +to Roman soil without bringing Greek mythology with it; +or, as I should put it, without subordinating the old +reasonable idea of the Power manifesting itself in the +universe to the Greek fancy for clothing that Power in +the human form and endowing it with human faults and +frailties.</p> + +<p>But of the two great literary figures of the age we +have now reached, Ennius and Plautus, we know beyond +all doubt that they taught the ignorant Roman of their +day not only to be indifferent to his deities, but to laugh +at them. Just at the very time when the forged books +of Numa were being burnt in the Comitium, Ennius' +famous translation of the <i>Sacred History of Euhemerus</i> +was becoming known at Rome, in which was taught the +doctrine of the human origin of all deities; and though +we have hardly a fragment left of the comedies of Ennius, +we may presume that he would not have hesitated for a +moment to make the gods ridiculous on the stage. It +was he who wrote the celebrated lines in his tragedy of +Telamo:<a name="FNanchor_750_750" id="FNanchor_750_750"></a><a href="#Footnote_750_750" class="fnanchor">750</a></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">ego deum genus esse semper dixi et dicam caelitum,</span> +<span class="i0">sed eos non curare opinor quid agat humanum genus,</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>which (as I have said elsewhere)<a name="FNanchor_751_751" id="FNanchor_751_751"></a><a href="#Footnote_751_751" class="fnanchor">751</a> strike a direct blow at +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">352</a></span>the efficacy of sacrifice and prayer by openly declaring that +the gods did not interest themselves in mankind. This +is the same Epicurean doctrine afterwards preached by +Lucretius, and I must return to it in the next lecture. +At present let us select a couple of specimens of the +more explicit evidence of the extant plays of Plautus, +which began to be exhibited at Rome just about the end +of the war with Hannibal.</p> + +<p>Here is an example of the way in which the family +relationships of Greek gods could be made amusing +under Roman names. Alcesimarchus in the <i>Cistellaria</i> +wishes to make a strong asseveration, and begins:<a name="FNanchor_752_752" id="FNanchor_752_752"></a><a href="#Footnote_752_752" class="fnanchor">752</a></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">at ita me di deaeque, superi et inferi et medioxumi,</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>but immediately goes on to specify these deities more +particularly by their names and relationships—<i>and gets +the latter wrong</i>. Melaenis corrects him in a way which +(as Aust notes)<a name="FNanchor_753_753" id="FNanchor_753_753"></a><a href="#Footnote_753_753" class="fnanchor">753</a> could only have seemed comical to a +Roman audience if they had already some acquaintance +with the divine family gossip.</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i2">itaque me Iuno regina et Iovi' supremi filia</span> +<span class="i2">itaque me Saturnus eiius patruos—ME. ecastor, pater.</span> +<span class="i0">AL. itaque me Ops opulenta, illius avia—ME. immo mater quidem.</span> +</div> +</div> +<p>Perhaps it was the fancy of the age for divine +genealogy that is here being made fun of rather than +the gods themselves; but in any case the passage shows +how irrecoverably lost was the real impersonal character +of the old Roman <i>numen</i>, and how impossible it must +have been in such an age to believe that anything was +really to be gained by the once solemn rites of the <i>ius +divinum</i>.</p> + +<p>But the most remarkable evidence is in the Amphitruo,<a name="FNanchor_754_754" id="FNanchor_754_754"></a><a href="#Footnote_754_754" class="fnanchor">754</a> +where Jupiter and Mercurius are among the +<i>dramatis personae</i>. This comedy is extremely amusing, +and was quite capable of entertaining the Parisians in +the form given it by Molière; but for them it could +hardly have been so funny as for the Greeks in the age +of the New Comedy and their disciples the Romans of +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">353</a></span>Plautus' day, who saw Zeus and Hermes, Jupiter and +Mercurius, brought by their own misdoings into absurd +and degrading situations. Jupiter personates Amphitruo, +and so gains admission to his wife, Alkmene! Comment +is needless, unless we take the last line of the play as a +comment:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Nunc, spectatores, Iovi' summi causa clare plaudite!</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>I do not propose to follow further the downfall of the +old Roman ideas about the objects of worship, or the +neglect and decay of the <i>ius divinum</i>. They do not fall +within the scope of my subject—the religious experience +of the Roman people. So long as there was any life in +these ideas and in the cult which was the practical +expression of them, they formed part of that experience. +But I think I have sufficiently proved that the life has +gone out of the ideas, and that the worship has consequently +become meaningless. Ideas about the divine +may be discussed by philosophers as the Romans begin +to read and in some degree to think; and the outward +forms of the cult may be maintained in such particulars +as most closely concern the public life of the community; +but as a religious system expressing human experience +we have done with these things.</p> + + +<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE XV</h5> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_706_706" id="Footnote_706_706"></a><a href="#FNanchor_706_706"><span class="label">706</span></a> Polybius vi. 56.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_707_707" id="Footnote_707_707"></a><a href="#FNanchor_707_707"><span class="label">707</span></a> Livy xxxi. 4 <i>ad fin.</i>, cp. xxv. 2, xxvii. 36, etc. For the <i>Iovis +epulum</i> see <i>R.F.</i> 216 foll. and the references there given. Wissowa, +<i>R.K.</i> foll. 111. 385 foll. I am not sure that I am right in limiting +the human partakers of the epulum of Nov. 13 to the plebeian +magistrates.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_708_708" id="Footnote_708_708"></a><a href="#FNanchor_708_708"><span class="label">708</span></a> Livy xxxi. 5. The importance of the words "prolationem +finium" does not seem to have been noticed by historians. If they +are genuine they indicate an undoubtedly aggressive attitude.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_709_709" id="Footnote_709_709"></a><a href="#FNanchor_709_709"><span class="label">709</span></a> Livy xxxi. 7 and 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_710_710" id="Footnote_710_710"></a><a href="#FNanchor_710_710"><span class="label">710</span></a> Livy xxxvi. 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_711_711" id="Footnote_711_711"></a><a href="#FNanchor_711_711"><span class="label">711</span></a> Augustine, <i>Civ. Dei</i>, iv. 27: "Relatum est in litteras doctissimum +pontificem Scaevolam disputasse tria genera tradita deorum: +unum a poetis, alterum a philosophis, tertium a principibus civitatis. +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">354</a></span>Primum genus nugatorium dicit esse, quod multa de diis fingantur +indigna, etc. Expedire igitur falli in religione civitates."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_712_712" id="Footnote_712_712"></a><a href="#FNanchor_712_712"><span class="label">712</span></a> Livy xxxii. 9, cp. 28. In connection with these <i>prodigia</i> it +may be worth noting that in xxxii. 30 we are told that a consul +vowed a temple to Juno Sospita, who had in her famous seat at +Lanuvium been a constant centre of marvel-mongering. Livy xxxiv. +53 places the building of this temple <i>in foro olitorio</i> three years +later, if we may read there Sospitae instead of the Matutae of the +MSS. with Sigonius: (cp. Aust, <i>de Aedibus</i>, p. 21, and Wissowa, +<i>R.K.</i> 117). This interesting deity had been taken into the Roman +worship in 338 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, but not moved from Lanuvium, which had +peculiar religious relations with Rome. See <i>Myth. Lex.</i> vol. ii. +p. 608, where the attributes of this Juno in art are described by +Vogel. The date of the temple at Rome was 194. Whether the +object of it was to diminish the portents at Lanuvium it is impossible +to say, but judging from the records of <i>prodigia</i> in Julius Obsequens +it had that effect. I find only four <i>prodigia</i> reported from Lanuvium +after this date.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_713_713" id="Footnote_713_713"></a><a href="#FNanchor_713_713"><span class="label">713</span></a> See the passage in Frontinus, <i>de Aqueductibus</i>, i. 7 (C. +Herschel's edition gives the reading of the best MS.), and the +mutilated passage in the new epitomes of Livy found by Grenfell +and Hunt in Egypt (<i>Oxyrrhyncus Papyri</i>, vol. iv. pp. 101 and 113). +The general bearing of the two passages taken together seems to me +to be that given in the text.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_714_714" id="Footnote_714_714"></a><a href="#FNanchor_714_714"><span class="label">714</span></a> Cic. <i>ad Fam.</i> i. 1 and 2. A somewhat similar case in 190 +<span class="smcap">B.C.</span> will be found in Livy xxxviii. 45, where the oracle forbade a +Roman army to cross the Taurus range.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_715_715" id="Footnote_715_715"></a><a href="#FNanchor_715_715"><span class="label">715</span></a> Livy xxxiv. 55.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_716_716" id="Footnote_716_716"></a><a href="#FNanchor_716_716"><span class="label">716</span></a> Livy xxxviii. 56, mentions statues which were believed to be +those of Scipio the elder, his brother Lucius, and Ennius, "in +Scipionum monumento" outside the Porta Capena, and another of +Scipio at Liternum, where he had a villa; this one Livy says that +he saw himself blown down by a storm. On statues and busts +at Rome, see Pliny xxxiv. 28 foll.; Mrs. Strong, <i>Roman Sculpture</i>, +p. 28 foll.; <i>Cambridge Companion to Latin Studies</i>, p. 550 foll.; +and for coins, p. 456.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_717_717" id="Footnote_717_717"></a><a href="#FNanchor_717_717"><span class="label">717</span></a> See above, p. 240, for the remarkable exception in the case +of the elder Scipio, whose practice when in Rome was to go up to +the Capitoline temple before daybreak and contemplate the statue +of Jupiter; the dogs never barked at him, and the aedituus opened +the <i>cella Iovis</i> at his summons. I see no good ground for rejecting +this story, which is not likely to have been invented. It can be +traced back to two writers, Oppius, the friend of Caesar, and Julius +Hyginus, the librarian of Augustus (Gell. vi. 1. 1), and was probably +based on tradition. Livy mentions it in xxvi. 19, and suggests that +this and other ways of Scipio were assumed to impress the multitude. +The Roman mind was naturally averse from such individualism in +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">355</a></span>religion; but Scipio was beyond doubt more familiar than his +contemporaries with Greek ideas. In a chapter on Idealism in his +little book on <i>Religion and Art in Ancient Greece</i>, Professor +Ernest Gardner writes: "The statue (of Athene) by Phidias +within the Parthenon offered not merely that form in which she +would choose to appear if she showed herself to mortal eyes, but +actually showed her form as if she had revealed it to the sculptor. +To look upon such an image helped the worshipper as much as—perhaps +more than—any service or ritual, to bring himself into +communion with the goddess, and to fit himself, as a citizen of +her chosen city, to carry out her will in contributing his best +efforts to its supremacy in politics, in literature, and in art." That +Scipio had some feeling of this kind need not be doubted, though +the statue was not a great work of art like that of Phidias. Cp. +Lucretius, vi. 75 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_718_718" id="Footnote_718_718"></a><a href="#FNanchor_718_718"><span class="label">718</span></a> See below, p. 386.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_719_719" id="Footnote_719_719"></a><a href="#FNanchor_719_719"><span class="label">719</span></a> Marquardt, 332, and Mommsen, <i>Staatsrecht</i>, i. ed. 2, p. 463 +foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_720_720" id="Footnote_720_720"></a><a href="#FNanchor_720_720"><span class="label">720</span></a> Livy, <i>Epit.</i> xix.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_721_721" id="Footnote_721_721"></a><a href="#FNanchor_721_721"><span class="label">721</span></a> Livy xxxvii. 51: "Religio ad postremum vicit, ut dicto +audiens esset flamen pontifici." Here <i>religio</i> is used in the sense +of obligation to the <i>ius divinum</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_722_722" id="Footnote_722_722"></a><a href="#FNanchor_722_722"><span class="label">722</span></a> Livy xxvii. 6; cp. 36.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_723_723" id="Footnote_723_723"></a><a href="#FNanchor_723_723"><span class="label">723</span></a> This story is told in Livy xl. 42.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_724_724" id="Footnote_724_724"></a><a href="#FNanchor_724_724"><span class="label">724</span></a> Livy xxvii. 8. For the compelling power (<i>capere</i>) of the +Pont. Max., see Marq. 314. The story may have come from the +annals of the Valerii Flacci, and also from those of the pontifices; +it was apparently well known, as Valerius Maximus knew it +(vi. 9. 2).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_725_725" id="Footnote_725_725"></a><a href="#FNanchor_725_725"><span class="label">725</span></a> Velleius ii. 43.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_726_726" id="Footnote_726_726"></a><a href="#FNanchor_726_726"><span class="label">726</span></a> Livy xxxi. 50.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_727_727" id="Footnote_727_727"></a><a href="#FNanchor_727_727"><span class="label">727</span></a> For the oath see "Lex incerta reperta Bantiae," lines 16 and +17, in Bruns, <i>Fontes Iuris Romani</i>. The oath taboo is mentioned +by Gellius 10. 15. 3.; Festus 104, and Plutarch, <i>Quaest. Rom.</i> 113.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_728_728" id="Footnote_728_728"></a><a href="#FNanchor_728_728"><span class="label">728</span></a> Livy xxxii. 7; xxxix. 39.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_729_729" id="Footnote_729_729"></a><a href="#FNanchor_729_729"><span class="label">729</span></a> Tac. <i>Ann.</i> iv. 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_730_730" id="Footnote_730_730"></a><a href="#FNanchor_730_730"><span class="label">730</span></a> See above, p. 255.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_731_731" id="Footnote_731_731"></a><a href="#FNanchor_731_731"><span class="label">731</span></a> Farnell, <i>Cults of the Greek States</i>, vol. v. p. 85 foll. Very +interesting is the modern survival of Dionysiac rites recently +discovered in Thrace by Mr. Dawkins (<i>Hellenic Journal</i>, 1906, +p. 191).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_732_732" id="Footnote_732_732"></a><a href="#FNanchor_732_732"><span class="label">732</span></a> Farnell, <i>op. cit.</i> vol. v. p. 150.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_733_733" id="Footnote_733_733"></a><a href="#FNanchor_733_733"><span class="label">733</span></a> Quoted by Farnell, p. 151, from Rohde's <i>Psyche</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_734_734" id="Footnote_734_734"></a><a href="#FNanchor_734_734"><span class="label">734</span></a> It is possible that <i>superstitio</i> may originally have had some +such meaning; see W. Otto in <i>Archiv für Religionswissenschaft</i>, +1909, p. 548 foll.; Mayor's edition of Cic. <i>de Nat. Deorum</i>, note on +ii. 72 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_735_735" id="Footnote_735_735"></a><a href="#FNanchor_735_735"><span class="label">735</span></a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">356</a></span> Ovid, <i>Fasti</i>, iii. 523 foll. See also <i>Roman Society in the Age +of Cicero</i>, p. 289.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_736_736" id="Footnote_736_736"></a><a href="#FNanchor_736_736"><span class="label">736</span></a> See Mr. Heitland's <i>History of the Roman Republic</i>, vol. ii. +p. 229 note, and cp. Wissowa in Pauly-Wissowa, <i>Real-Encycl.</i> <i>s.v.</i> +"Bacchanalia."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_737_737" id="Footnote_737_737"></a><a href="#FNanchor_737_737"><span class="label">737</span></a> Livy xxxix. 8 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_738_738" id="Footnote_738_738"></a><a href="#FNanchor_738_738"><span class="label">738</span></a> Plato, <i>de Rep.</i> 364 <span class="smcap">B</span>; cp. <i>Laws</i>, 933 <span class="smcap">D</span>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_739_739" id="Footnote_739_739"></a><a href="#FNanchor_739_739"><span class="label">739</span></a> "Quaestio de clandestinis coniurationibus decreta est," Livy +xxxix. 8; so also in chs. 14 and 17. Cp. <i>Sctm. de Bacchanalibus</i>, +line 13, "conioura (se)." This document is, strictly speaking, a letter +to the magistrates "in agro Teurano" in Bruttium embodying the +orders of the Senatus consultum. It will be found in Bruns, <i>Fontes +Iuris Romani</i>, or in Wordsworth, <i>Fragments and Specimens of Early +Latin</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_740_740" id="Footnote_740_740"></a><a href="#FNanchor_740_740"><span class="label">740</span></a> Livy xxxix. 16: "Omnia, dis propitiis volentibusque, faciemus, +qui quia suum numen sceleribus libidinibusque contaminari indigne +ferebant," etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_741_741" id="Footnote_741_741"></a><a href="#FNanchor_741_741"><span class="label">741</span></a> Mommsen, <i>Strafrecht</i>, p. 567 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_742_742" id="Footnote_742_742"></a><a href="#FNanchor_742_742"><span class="label">742</span></a> Livy xxxix. 18 <i>ad fin.</i> <i>Sctm. de Bacch.</i> lines 3 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_743_743" id="Footnote_743_743"></a><a href="#FNanchor_743_743"><span class="label">743</span></a> <i>Religion der Römer</i>, p. 78.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_744_744" id="Footnote_744_744"></a><a href="#FNanchor_744_744"><span class="label">744</span></a> Livy xl. 29 seems to have put his account together from +Cassius Hemina and other annalists, so far as we can judge from +the reference to them in Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> xiii. 84; Valerius Antias, who +simply stated that the writings were Pythagorean as well as Numan, +Livy rejects as ignorant of the chronological impossibility of making +the king contemporary with the philosopher. The fragment of +Cassius Hemina is quoted in Pliny, sec. 86; Val. Max. i. 1, and +Plutarch, <i>Numa</i> 22, add nothing to our knowledge of the incident.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_745_745" id="Footnote_745_745"></a><a href="#FNanchor_745_745"><span class="label">745</span></a> See Schanz, <i>Gesch. der röm. Literatur</i>, i. 268; Pliny, <i>loc. +cit.</i>, calls him "vetustissimus auctor annalium," but his work was later +than the <i>Annals</i> or <i>Origines</i> of Cato.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_746_746" id="Footnote_746_746"></a><a href="#FNanchor_746_746"><span class="label">746</span></a> Ennius came from South Italy (Rudiae in Messapia), the +home of Pythagoreanism. For traces of it in his works, see Reid +on Cicero, <i>Academica priora</i>, ii. 51.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_747_747" id="Footnote_747_747"></a><a href="#FNanchor_747_747"><span class="label">747</span></a> This is the view taken by Colin, <i>Rome et la Grèce, 200-146 +<span class="smcap">B.C.</span></i>, p. 269 foll. This reaction was probably only a part of the +general reversion to conservatism which we have been noticing in +the action of the government in religious matters.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_748_748" id="Footnote_748_748"></a><a href="#FNanchor_748_748"><span class="label">748</span></a> See above, p. 149 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_749_749" id="Footnote_749_749"></a><a href="#FNanchor_749_749"><span class="label">749</span></a> Quoted by Aust, <i>Religion der Römer</i>, p. 64. The passage +is in Zeller's <i>Religion und Philosophie bei den Römern</i>, a short +treatise reprinted in his <i>Vorträge und Abhandlungen</i>, ii. 93 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_750_750" id="Footnote_750_750"></a><a href="#FNanchor_750_750"><span class="label">750</span></a> Ribbeck, <i>Fragmenta Tragicorum Latinorum</i>, p. 54.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_751_751" id="Footnote_751_751"></a><a href="#FNanchor_751_751"><span class="label">751</span></a> <i>Social Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero</i>, p. 334.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_752_752" id="Footnote_752_752"></a><a href="#FNanchor_752_752"><span class="label">752</span></a> <i>Cistellaria</i>, ii. 1. 45 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_753_753" id="Footnote_753_753"></a><a href="#FNanchor_753_753"><span class="label">753</span></a> Aust, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 66.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_754_754" id="Footnote_754_754"></a><a href="#FNanchor_754_754"><span class="label">754</span></a> See Schanz, <i>Gesch. der röm. Literatur</i>, vol. i. p. 75.</p></div> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">357</a></span></p> +<h4>LECTURE XVI</h4> + +<h5>GREEK PHILOSOPHY AND ROMAN RELIGION</h5> + +<p>I said at the end of the last lecture that ideas about the +Divine might be discussed at Rome by philosophers, as +the Romans began to read and in some degree to think. +At the era we have now reached, the latter half of the +second century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, this process actually began, and I +propose in this lecture to deal with it briefly. But my +subject is the Roman religious experience, and I can only +find room for philosophy so far as the philosophy introduced +at Rome had a really religious side. Another +reason forbidding me to give much space to it is that it +was at Rome entirely exotic, did not spring from an +indigenous root in Roman life and thought, and never +seriously affected the minds of the lower and less educated +population. And I must add that the types of Greek +philosophy which concern us at all have been fully and +ably dealt with, the one in vol. ii. of Dr. Caird's lectures +on this foundation on <i>The Evolution of Theology in the +Greek Philosophers</i>, a work from which I have learnt +much, and the other by Dr. Masson in his most instructive +work on the great Epicurean poet Lucretius.</p> + +<p>We have seen in the two last lectures that in that +second century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> the Roman was fast becoming religiously +destitute—a castaway without consolation, and +without the sense that he needed it. He was destitute, +first, in regard to his idea of God and of his relation to +God; for if we take our old definition of religion, which +seems to me to be continually useful, we can hardly say of +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">358</a></span>that age that it showed any effective desire to be in right +relation with the Power manifesting itself in the universe. +The old idea of the manifestation of the Power in the +various <i>numina</i> had no longer any relation to Roman +life; the kind of life in which it germinated and grew, +the life of agriculture and warlike self-defence, had passed +away with the growth of the great city, the decay of the +small farmer, and the extension of the empire; and no +new informing and inspiring principle had taken its place. +Secondly, he was destitute in regard to his sense of duty, +which had been largely dependent on religion, both in +the family and in the State. No new force had come in +to create and maintain conscience. In public life, indeed, +the religious oath was still powerful, and continued to be +so, though there are some signs that its binding force was +less strong than of yore, especially in the army.<a name="FNanchor_755_755" id="FNanchor_755_755"></a><a href="#Footnote_755_755" class="fnanchor">755</a> But in +a society so complex as that of Rome in the last two +centuries <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> much more was wanted than a bond sanctioned +by civil and religious law; there was needed a +sense of duty to the family, the slave, the provincials, the +poor and unfortunate. There was no spring of moral +action, no religious consecration of morality, no stimulus +to moral endeavour. The individual was rapidly developing, +emancipating himself from the State and the group-system +of society; but he was developing in a wrong +direction. The importance of self, when realised in high +and low alike, was becoming self-seeking, indifference to +all but self. We have now to see whether philosophy +could do anything to relieve this destitution of the +Romans in regard both to God and duty.</p> + +<p>The first system of philosophy actually to make its +appearance at Rome was that of Epicurus<a name="FNanchor_756_756" id="FNanchor_756_756"></a><a href="#Footnote_756_756" class="fnanchor">756</a>; but it +speedily disappeared for the time, and only became +popular in the last century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, and then in its most +repulsive form. It was indeed destined to inspire the +noblest mind among all Roman thinkers with some of +the greatest poetry ever written; but I need say little +of it, for it was never really a part of Roman religious +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">359</a></span>experience. Though capable of doing men much good in +a turbulent and individualistic age, it did not and could not +do this by establishing a religious sanction for conduct. +The Epicurean gods were altogether out of reach of the +conscience of the individual. They were superfluous +even for the atomic theory on which the whole system +was pivoted;<a name="FNanchor_757_757" id="FNanchor_757_757"></a><a href="#Footnote_757_757" class="fnanchor">757</a> and what Epicurus himself understood +by them, or any of his followers down to Lucretius, is +matter of subtle and perplexing disputation.<a name="FNanchor_758_758" id="FNanchor_758_758"></a><a href="#Footnote_758_758" class="fnanchor">758</a> One point is +clear, that they had no interest in human beings;<a name="FNanchor_759_759" id="FNanchor_759_759"></a><a href="#Footnote_759_759" class="fnanchor">759</a> and the +natural inference would be that human beings had no call +to worship them; yet, strange to say, Epicurus himself +took part in worship, and in the worship of the national +religion of his native city. Philodemus, the contemporary +of Lucretius, expressly asserts this,<a name="FNanchor_760_760" id="FNanchor_760_760"></a><a href="#Footnote_760_760" class="fnanchor">760</a> and even insists that +Epicurism gave a religious sanction to morality which +was absent in Stoicism.<a name="FNanchor_761_761" id="FNanchor_761_761"></a><a href="#Footnote_761_761" class="fnanchor">761</a> Lucretius himself clearly +thought that worship was natural and possible. "If you +do not clear your mind of false notions," he says, "nec +delubra deum placido cum pectore adibis."<a name="FNanchor_762_762" id="FNanchor_762_762"></a><a href="#Footnote_762_762" class="fnanchor">762</a> Man might +go on with his ancestral worship, but entirely without +fear, and as with "placid mind" he took part in the rites +of his fathers, a mysterious divine influence might enter +his mind; "the images of a Zeus, a Heracles, an Athene, +might pass in and impress on him the aspect and character +of each deity, and carry with them suggestions of virtue, +of courage, of wise counsel in difficulty."<a name="FNanchor_763_763" id="FNanchor_763_763"></a><a href="#Footnote_763_763" class="fnanchor">763</a> Evidently +both Epicurus and his followers had felt the difficulty +and the peril of breaking entirely with the religious +habits of the mass of the people, and had conscientiously +done their best to reconcile their own belief with popular +practice—an attempt which has its parallel in the religious +speculation of the present day.</p> + +<p>But for the Roman follower of Epicurus, wholly unused +to such subtle ideas as the passage of divine influence +into the mind by means of religious contemplation, this +lame attempt to bring apathetic gods into relation with +human life must have been quite meaningless. Cicero +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">360</a></span>well expresses the common sense of a Roman at the very +beginning of his treatise on the <i>Nature of the Gods</i>.<a name="FNanchor_764_764" id="FNanchor_764_764"></a><a href="#Footnote_764_764" class="fnanchor">764</a> +"If they are right who deny that the gods have any +interest in human affairs, where is there room for <i>pietas</i>, +for <i>sanctitas</i>, for <i>religio</i>?" What, he adds, is the use of +worship, of honour, of prayer? If these are simply +make-believes, <i>pietas</i> cannot exist, and with it we may +almost assume that <i>fides</i> and <i>iustitia</i>, and the social +virtues generally, which hold society together, must vanish +too. Such criticism is characteristically Roman, and we +may take it as representing accurately the feeling of the +old-fashioned Roman of Cicero's day, as well as of the +Stoic or Academic critic of Epicurism. On the other +hand, the believing Epicurean at Rome was not more +likely to accept the compromise; he had done with his +own gods and their worship, and such a "ficta simulatio" +was not likely to attract him. Even Lucretius, whose +mind was in a sense really religious, does no more in the +passage I quoted just now than <i>allude</i> to actual worship +of the gods, and he makes it quite clear that the tranquillity +and happiness coming from contemplation, and +the punishment that follows misdoing, are both purely +subjective; the gods are not active in influencing man's +life, but man influences that life himself by opening his +mind to the contemplation of the gods. This passage of +Lucretius (vi. 68 foll.) is, if I am not mistaken, the nearest +approach to real religion that we find in the history of +Roman Epicurism; yet so far as we know it bore no +fruit. It seems to me to express a genuine feeling, a +<i>religio</i>, but the expression is blurred by a consciousness +of inconsistency.</p> + +<p>The fact is that in the system of Epicurus the Power +manifesting itself in the universe is not a divine Power, +but a mechanical one; the gods have nothing to do with +it, they cannot be active, their perfection is found in repose; +they are an adjunct, an after-thought in the system. +Thus all attempts to reconcile the Power with the popular +religion must inevitably be failures, and more especially +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">361</a></span>so in the Roman world. At best the Epicurean gods +could but set an example of quietism which could not +possibly be a force for good in that active world of +business and government.<a name="FNanchor_765_765" id="FNanchor_765_765"></a><a href="#Footnote_765_765" class="fnanchor">765</a> The real force of Epicurism, +for the Roman at least, if I am not mistaken, was +<i>analogous</i> to a religious force, though far indeed from +being one in reality—I mean the profound and touching +belief in the Founder himself as a saviour, which is so +familiar to all readers of Lucretius.<a name="FNanchor_766_766" id="FNanchor_766_766"></a><a href="#Footnote_766_766" class="fnanchor">766</a> And the real +legacy of Lucretius himself to Roman religion is only +indirectly a religious one—I mean the wholesome contempt +for "<i>superstitio</i>" and all the baser side of religious +belief and practice, old and new.<a name="FNanchor_767_767" id="FNanchor_767_767"></a><a href="#Footnote_767_767" class="fnanchor">767</a> If his devotion to the +Master had been rooted more in the love of goodness +and less in the admiration for his speculations, and if his +contempt for <i>superstitio</i> had been less harshly dogmatic, +had he been more sympathetic and generous in his +attitude to the Italian ideas of the divine—the power of +Lucretius might possibly have been strong and permanent.</p> + +<p>Thus for the Roman's destitution in regard to God +Epicurism could find no remedy, and as a consequence +it could provide no religious sanction for his conduct in +life. What power it had upon conduct as a system of +ethics is a question outside the range of my subject. No +doubt a certain type of mind, naturally pure and good, +and apt to retire upon itself, might find in Epicurism +not only no harm but even positive help; perhaps the +best way to appreciate this fact, too often overlooked, is +to read the defence of the Epicurean ethics put into the +mouth of Torquatus, in the first book of the <i>de Finibus</i>,<a name="FNanchor_768_768" id="FNanchor_768_768"></a><a href="#Footnote_768_768" class="fnanchor">768</a> +by one who was far from being in sympathy with the +creed. But for the Roman of that age, when ideas of +duty and discipline were losing strength, this enticing +faith, with pleasure as its <i>summum bonum</i>, and with +quietism as its ideal of human life,<a name="FNanchor_769_769" id="FNanchor_769_769"></a><a href="#Footnote_769_769" class="fnanchor">769</a> could hardly be +a real stimulus to active virtue; the Roman needed +bracing, and this was not a tonic, but a sedative. Far +more valuable in every way, and far better suited to the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">362</a></span>best instincts of the Roman character, was the rival creed +of Stoicism, and I must devote the rest of this lecture to +the consideration of its religious aspect.</p> + +<p>It was most fortunate for Rome that her best and +ablest men in the second century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> fell into the hands, +not of Epicureans, but of Stoics—into the hands, too, of a +single Stoic of high standing, fine character, and good +sense. For destitute as the Roman was both in regard +to God and to Duty, he found in Stoicism an explanation +of man's place in the universe,—an explanation relating +him directly to the Power manifesting itself therein, and +deriving from that relation a <i>binding</i> principle of conduct +and duty. This should make the religious character of +Stoicism at once apparent. It is perfectly true, as the +late Mr. Lecky said long ago,<a name="FNanchor_770_770" id="FNanchor_770_770"></a><a href="#Footnote_770_770" class="fnanchor">770</a> that "Stoicism, taught +by Panaetius of Rhodes, and soon after by the Syrian +Posidonius, became the true religion of the educated +classes. It furnished the principles of virtue, coloured +the noblest literature of the time, and guided all the +developments of moral enthusiasm." To this I only +need to add that it woke in the mind an entirely new +idea of Deity, far transcending that of Roman <i>numina</i> +and of Greek polytheism, and yet not incapable of being +reconciled with these; so that it might be taken as an +inpouring of sudden light upon old conceptions of the +Power, glorifying and transfiguring them, rather than, +like the Epicurean faith, a bitter and contemptuous negation +of man's inherited religious instincts. But before +we go on to consider this illumination more closely, let +me say a few words about Panaetius the Stoic missionary, +and Scipio Aemilianus, his most famous disciple.</p> + +<p>Scipio, born 184, was a happy combination of the +best Roman aristocratic character and the receptive intelligence +which for a Roman was the chief result of a +Greek liberal education. He had been educated by his +famous father, Aemilius Paulus, in a thoroughly healthy +way; he was no mere book-student, but a practical +courageous Roman, with a solid mental foundation of +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">363</a></span>moral rectitude (<i>pietas</i>) fixed firmly in the traditions and +instincts of his own family. On this foundation, as has +been well said,<a name="FNanchor_771_771" id="FNanchor_771_771"></a><a href="#Footnote_771_771" class="fnanchor">771</a> a superstructure of intellectual culture +might be built securely without destroying it, and this +was exactly what did take place, both for Scipio and for +that circle of friends of his which has become so famous +in Roman history. In very early life he became the +intimate friend of Polybius, whose account of their first +unreserved intercourse is one of the most delightful passages +in all ancient literature;<a name="FNanchor_772_772" id="FNanchor_772_772"></a><a href="#Footnote_772_772" class="fnanchor">772</a> and from Polybius he +doubtless learnt to think. He must have learnt to understand +the real nature of the Roman empire, to appreciate +the forces which had called it into being,<a name="FNanchor_773_773" id="FNanchor_773_773"></a><a href="#Footnote_773_773" class="fnanchor">773</a> the qualities +which had preserved it through the fearful struggle with +Hannibal, and the duty of a noble Roman in regard to +it. From Polybius, indeed, it is not likely that he gained +much light on matters either of religion or morality; but +that statesman and historian must inevitably have accustomed +him, in the course of their long intercourse, to think +more deeply than Roman had ever yet thought, about +the world in which he lived and was to act for many +years the leading part. Thus he was well prepared for +the friendship of a more spiritual guide.</p> + +<p>Panaetius, who was probably about the same age as +Scipio, had the advantage, as a visitor at Rome, of being +a Rhodian, <i>i.e.</i> a citizen of the one Greek State which had +been almost continuously on good terms with Rome, and +of great value to her. He was also a scion of an old and +honoured family in that city, and was thus in every way +a fit friend and companion for a great Roman noble. +When their friendship began we do not know for certain; +but it is a fact that he lived for some two years, together +with Polybius, in the house of Scipio, and these years +were probably between 144 and 141 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, after Scipio's +return from the conquest of Carthage.<a name="FNanchor_774_774" id="FNanchor_774_774"></a><a href="#Footnote_774_774" class="fnanchor">774</a> When Scipio in +141 was commissioned by the Senate to go and set +things in order in the eastern Mediterranean, he took +Panaetius with him,<a name="FNanchor_775_775" id="FNanchor_775_775"></a><a href="#Footnote_775_775" class="fnanchor">775</a> and brought him home to live with +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">364</a></span>him again as a guest, perhaps until he left for the Numantine +war in 134, after which it is not likely that they met +again before Scipio's sudden death in 129. I am particular +about the extent of their intimacy, because I wish +to make it clear that this was no ordinary or fleeting +friendship between a commonplace Greek philosopher +and an average Roman statesman. Both statesman and +philosopher were far above the usual level of their kind, +and in the course of this long intimacy must have had +full opportunity of learning from each other. From +Scipio Panaetius would learn the secrets of the Roman +temperament, and divine the right methods of dealing +with it, and the result of this was a happy modification +of the old rigidity of the Stoic principles—an adaptation +of them to the Roman character which had far-reaching +consequences. From Panaetius Scipio and his friends +would learn a new and illuminating conception of man's +place in the universe, and of his relation to the Power +manifested in it. To understand the power of Stoicism +on the mind of these Romans and their intellectual +successors, it is necessary to have a clear idea of this +illumination.</p> + +<p>Hitherto there had been nothing in the religion of +Rome, or of any other city-state, to make it inevitable, +reasonable, that man should worship the Power, except +tradition and self-interest, involved in the tradition and +self-interest of the family and the city. The gods belonged, +as we saw, to family or city as divine inhabitants, +and if you neglected them they would show their anger +against you. Originally it was <i>religio</i>, the feeling of awe +for something distinct from man and unknown to him, +which forced him to propitiate that which he might fear, +but had no reason, except the instinct of self-preservation, +to reverence; and later on, as he came to know his +<i>numina</i> better, to make them, so to speak, his own, and +to formulate the methods of propitiating them, he gradually +came also to take them for granted, and to worship +them as a matter of traditional duty. The idea of conforming +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">365</a></span>his life to the will of any of these <i>numina</i> would, +of course, be absolutely strange to him—the expression +would have no meaning whatever for him. The help +which he sought from them was not moral help, but +material.<a name="FNanchor_776_776" id="FNanchor_776_776"></a><a href="#Footnote_776_776" class="fnanchor">776</a> But now, when the <i>religio</i> has been hypnotised +and soothed away, and when the tradition of ceremonial +observance was growing dim and weak, when he is left +alone with his fellow-men, and without any binding +reason for right conduct towards them, he may learn +from Stoicism that there is a Power above and beyond +all his <i>numina</i>, yet involving and embracing them all, to +which, and by the help of which, as a man endowed with +reason, he <i>must</i> conform his life.</p> + +<p>The theology held and taught by Panaetius, in common +with all Stoics at all periods, was based upon two leading +thoughts, in the correlation of which lay the kernel of the +Stoic ethical system. The first of these thoughts is this: +the whole universe, in all its forms and manifestations, +shows unmistakably the work of Reason, of Mind; without +mind, reason, <i>spiritus</i>, as Cicero calls it,<a name="FNanchor_777_777" id="FNanchor_777_777"></a><a href="#Footnote_777_777" class="fnanchor">777</a> the universe +could not exist. I need not go here into the origin and +history of this thought; what is important for us is to +make clear the theological consequences of it. Obviously +it was natural that the Stoic should be led on to the +conviction that this universe endowed with Reason—with +a Reason far transcending all human capacity—must +itself be God. The Stoic arguments in support of +this further step are indeed lame, as they inevitably must +be; they are well set forth at the beginning of Book ii. +of Cicero's work <i>de Natura Deorum</i> (based upon one by +Posidonius, the successor and disciple of Panaetius), where +they seem to us rather cold and formal. That step is +indeed incapable of being made convincing by any +syllogism; it is only when we try to think with the +minds of those old thinkers, living in a world of unmeaning +worship, that we begin to realise the nobility of a +conviction which they tried in vain to reduce to a +syllogism. <i>Sapiens a principio mundus, et deus habendus +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">366</a></span>est</i>;<a name="FNanchor_778_778" id="FNanchor_778_778"></a><a href="#Footnote_778_778" class="fnanchor">778</a> these words, which sound like an article of a creed, +suffice for us without the laborious arguments of Cleanthes +and Chrysippus which we may read in the fifth and sixth +chapters of Cicero's book. Cicero has added to these a +characteristic illustration from city life, which I may +quote as more useful for us. "If a man enters a house +or a gymnasium or a forum, and sees reason, method, +and discipline reigning there, he cannot suppose that +these came about without a cause, but perceives that +there is someone there who rules and is obeyed: how +much more, when he contemplates the motions and +revolutions to be seen in the universe (<i>e.g.</i>, in the heavenly +bodies), must he conclude that they are all governed by +a conscious Mind!" And this Mind can be nothing +else but God.</p> + +<p>This sounds like the Deism of the eighteenth century, +and might be described as "natural religion"; but the +Stoics took yet another step, and developed their thought +into Pantheism. The idea of a personal Deity, distinct +from the universe and its Creator, was obnoxious to them; +it would have committed them to a dualism of Mind and +Matter which, from the very outset of their history, they +emphatically repudiated; their conviction was of a Unity +in all things, and to this they consistently held in spite +of constant and damaging criticism. The theological +result of this conviction has lately been well expressed +by Dr. Bussell.<a name="FNanchor_779_779" id="FNanchor_779_779"></a><a href="#Footnote_779_779" class="fnanchor">779</a> He is speaking of Seneca in particular, +but what he says applies to all Stoics equally well: +"Though he yearns to see God in 'the moral order of +the Universe,' he is forced in the interests of Unity to +identify Him with every other known force. As He is +everything, so any name will suit Him. He is the sum of +existence: or the secret and abstract law which guides it: +He is Nature or Fate. The partial names of special +deities are all His, and together they make up the fulness +of the divine title; but <i>they disappear in the immense +nothingness</i>, rather than colour or qualify it." This is a +point of immense importance for the study of Stoicism at +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">367</a></span>Rome; it was fully developed by Posidonius, and copied +from him both by Cicero and Varro. "God," says Cicero +in the book I have been quoting, "pervading all nature +(<i>pertinens per naturam cuiusque rei</i>), can be understood as +Ceres on the land, as Neptune on the sea, and so on, and +may be and should be worshipped in all these different +forms;" not in superstitious fear and grovelling spirit—the +mental attitude which Lucretius had condemned +years before this treatise was written—but with pure +heart and mind, following the one and true God in all +his various manifestations.<a name="FNanchor_780_780" id="FNanchor_780_780"></a><a href="#Footnote_780_780" class="fnanchor">780</a> Thus the Stoic Pantheism, +in spite of its weak points, could find room for the deities +of the city-state, and put new illuminating life into them. +To us it may seem, as it seems to Dr. Bussell, that they +would disappear in an immense nothingness; but to the +Roman mind of Scipio's age, if I am not mistaken, they +might, on the contrary, save the great Pantheistic idea +from so itself disappearing. I cannot but think that the +Roman's idea of divinity, the force or will-power which +he called <i>numen</i>,<a name="FNanchor_781_781" id="FNanchor_781_781"></a><a href="#Footnote_781_781" class="fnanchor">781</a> would find here a means of reviving +its former hold on the Roman mind, and enabling it to +grasp as a concrete fact, and not merely as an abstract +idea, the "deus pertinens per naturam cuiusque rei." In +particular the Roman conception of the great Jupiter, the +father of heaven, might gain new life for the people who +had so long been used to call him "the Best and +Greatest." Almost from the very beginning of Stoicism +the school had seized upon Zeus to convey, under the guise +of a personality and a name, some idea of the Reason in +the universe;<a name="FNanchor_782_782" id="FNanchor_782_782"></a><a href="#Footnote_782_782" class="fnanchor">782</a> and the same use might just as well, +perhaps even better, be made of the great deity of the +Capitoline temple, whom his people recognised as the +open heaven with all its manifestations, the celestial +representative of good faith and righteous dealing, and +the special protector of the destinies of Rome and her +empire.</p> + +<p>The second thought which lies at the base of the +religion or theology of Stoicism, is this: that Man himself, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">368</a></span>alone in all the Universe, shares with God the full +possession of Reason. In other words, Man alone, besides +God, is strictly individual, self-conscious, capable of realising +an end and of working towards it; he is so utterly +different from the animals, so far above them (or if we +call him an animal, he is, in Cicero's language,<a name="FNanchor_783_783" id="FNanchor_783_783"></a><a href="#Footnote_783_783" class="fnanchor">783</a> <i>animal +providum, sagax, multiplex, acutum, memor, plenum +rationis et consilii</i>), that he must surely be of the same +nature as God. And this is what, in strict conformity +with all Stoic teaching, Cicero in this same passage expressly +says—man is <i>generatus a deo</i>. So too in the +famous hymn of Cleanthes,<a name="FNanchor_784_784" id="FNanchor_784_784"></a><a href="#Footnote_784_784" class="fnanchor">784</a> quoted by St. Paul at +Athens ("For we are also his offspring,"):—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Chiefest glory of deathless Gods, Almighty for ever,</span> +<span class="i0">Sovereign of Nature that rulest by law, what name shall we give thee?</span> +<span class="i0">Blessed be Thou, for on Thee should call all things that are mortal.</span> +<span class="i0">For that we are Thy offspring: nay, all that in myriad motion</span> +<span class="i0">Lives for its day on the earth bears one impress, Thy likeness, upon it;</span> +<span class="i0">Wherefore my song is of Thee, and I hymn Thy power for ever.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>In these splendid lines it is plain that not Man only is +thought of, but all living things, animals included with +Man; and this is in accordance with the true Stoic Pantheism. +But none the less on this account did the Stoics +believe Man to be the one living thing in the universe +comparable with God, and capable of communion with +him by virtue of the possession of Reason. As Cicero +says, a few lines farther on in the work I am quoting, +"virtus eadem in homine ac deo est, neque ullo alio +ingenio praeterea." And since every creature seeks to +maintain and augment its own being, to bring it to +perfection, to express it fully, by an innate law of its +nature, Man being endowed with Reason above all other +creatures, strives, or should strive, to bring himself to a +perfect expression, by identifying himself with the divine +principle which he shares with God. As Dr. Caird puts +it,<a name="FNanchor_785_785" id="FNanchor_785_785"></a><a href="#Footnote_785_785" class="fnanchor">785</a> "the ruling power of Reason so dominates his nature +that he cannot be described as anything but a self-conscious +<i>ego</i> (<i>i.e.</i> in contrast with other animals); and +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">369</a></span>just because of this, all his impulses become concentrated +in one great effort after self-realisation." But the self +that he tries to realise must be his true self, not his +irrational impulses: the self which is a part of the divine +principle. He must desire to realise himself as having +Reason, and so to come into close communion with God, +the Reason of the universe. Those who are at all +familiar with the later Roman Stoics, Seneca and Marcus +Aurelius, and Epictetus, if we may include him among +them, will recognise in this inspiring thought, vague and +impalpable as it may seem, the germ of many beautiful +expressions of the relation of Man to God, which +seem to bring Stoicism into closer spiritual connection +with Christianity than any other doctrine of the ancient +world.</p> + +<p>The work of Cicero from which I have been quoting, +the first book of his treatise on the Laws, <i>i.e.</i> the Roman +constitution, is very probably based on one by Panaetius +himself,<a name="FNanchor_786_786" id="FNanchor_786_786"></a><a href="#Footnote_786_786" class="fnanchor">786</a> of whom we are expressly told that he used +to discuss that constitution together with Polybius and +Scipio in the days of their happy intimacy at Rome.<a name="FNanchor_787_787" id="FNanchor_787_787"></a><a href="#Footnote_787_787" class="fnanchor">787</a> +In any case we may find it helpful, taken together with +the earlier fragmentary work <i>de Republica</i>, in trying to +form some idea of the effect of this second leading Stoic +thought on the best Roman minds of the last ages of the +Republic. We find, as we might expect, that it is not +on Man simply as individual that stress is here laid. +Man is not thought of as hoping to realise his own +Reason in isolation; the Stoics, though, like their rivals, +they represent a reaction of the individual against the +State, were all along perfectly clear that man in isolation +would be helpless, and that his own reason bade him +realise himself in association with his fellow-men.<a name="FNanchor_788_788" id="FNanchor_788_788"></a><a href="#Footnote_788_788" class="fnanchor">788</a> It +is the position of Man, as associated, 1, with God, 2, with +other men, that is here made prominent; and the bond +of connection is in each case Law, which is indeed only +one name for the Supreme Reason and the highest Good. +I must say a word about these two aspects of Man's +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">370</a></span>position in the world, in order to explain what I believe +to have been the effect of this teaching on the Roman +mind.</p> + +<p>1. In explaining the relation of Man to God Cicero +uses an expression which some years before he had developed +in a fine passage in the Republic: <i>true law</i>, he +says, <i>is right reason</i>.<a name="FNanchor_789_789" id="FNanchor_789_789"></a><a href="#Footnote_789_789" class="fnanchor">789</a> In the Laws he takes it up again, +and argues that as both God and Man have reason, there +must be a direct relation between them.<a name="FNanchor_790_790" id="FNanchor_790_790"></a><a href="#Footnote_790_790" class="fnanchor">790</a> And as Law +and right reason are identical, we may say that Law is +the binding force of that relation. And again, this means +that the universe may be looked on as one great State +(<i>civitas</i>), of which both God and Man (or gods and men) +are citizens, or in another way as a State of which the +constitution is itself the Reason, or God's law, which all +reasonable beings must obey. Such obedience is itself +the effort by which Man realises his own reason: he is a +part of a reasonable universe, and he cannot rebel against +its law without violating his own highest instinct. It is +not hard to see how this way of expressing the Stoic +theological principle would appeal to the Roman mind. +That mind was wholly incapable of metaphysical thinking; +but it could without effort understand, with the help +of its social and political principles and experience, the +idea of supreme intelligent rule—a supreme <i>imperium</i>, as +it were, to rebel against which would be a moral <i>perduellio</i>, +high treason against a supreme Law, unwritten like his +own, and resting, as he thought of his own as resting, on +the best instincts, tradition, reason, of his community; +from his own constitution and laws he could lift his mind +without much difficulty to the constitution and law of the +<i>communis deorum et hominum civitas</i>. The idea of God +in any such sense as this was indeed new to him; but he +could grasp it under the expression "universal law of +right reason" when he would have utterly failed, for +example, to conceive of it as "the Absolute." He can +feel himself the citizen of a State whose maker and ruler +is God, and whose law is the inevitable force of Reason; +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">371</a></span>he can realise his relationship to God as a part of the +same State, gifted with the same power of discerning its +legal basis, nay, even helping to administer its law by +rational obedience.</p> + +<p>2. Reason as thus ruling the universe can also provide +a basis for Man's reasonable association with his fellow-men, +and a religious basis if conceived as God; for +Man's recognition of the divine law, the <i>recta ratio</i>, as +binding on him, is followed quite naturally by his recognition +of the application of that law to the world he lives +in. "Human law comes into existence," says Zeller, +explaining this point,<a name="FNanchor_791_791" id="FNanchor_791_791"></a><a href="#Footnote_791_791" class="fnanchor">791</a> "when man becomes aware of the +divine law, and recognises its claim on him." Here, +again, it is easy to see how illuminating would be this +conception of law for the Roman of Scipio's time. So +far the Roman idea and study of law (as I have elsewhere +expressed it)<a name="FNanchor_792_792" id="FNanchor_792_792"></a><a href="#Footnote_792_792" class="fnanchor">792</a> had been of a crabbed, practical character, +wanting in breadth of treatment, destitute of any philosophical +conception of the moral principles which lie +behind all law and government. The new doctrine called +up life in these dry bones, and started Roman lawyers, +many of whom were Stoics more or less pronounced, on +a career of enlightened legal study which has left one of +the most valuable legacies inherited by the modern world +from ancient civilisation. In another way too it had, I +think, an immediate effect on Scipio himself and his +circle, and on their mental descendants, of whom Cicero +was the most brilliant: it made them look on the law and +constitution of their State as eminently reasonable, and +on rebellion against it as unreason, or as the Romans call +it, <i>lascivia</i>, wanton disregard of principle. So far as I +know, no great Roman lawyer was ever a revolutionary +like Catiline or Clodius, nor yet an obstinate conservative +like Cato, whose Stoicism was of the older and less +Romanised type; the two of whom we know most in +the century following the arrival of Panaetius were both +wise, just, and moderate men, Mucius Scaevola and +Servius Sulpicius, of whom it may be truly said they +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">372</a></span>contributed as much to civilisation as the great military +and political leaders of the same period.<a name="FNanchor_793_793" id="FNanchor_793_793"></a><a href="#Footnote_793_793" class="fnanchor">793</a></p> + +<p>There now remains the question whether this noble +Stoic religion, as we may fairly call it, with its ideas of +the relation of Man to God and to his fellow-men, had, +after all, sufficient definiteness for a Roman to act as a grip +on his conscience and his conduct in his daily dealings +with others. It could deduce the existence and beauty +of the social virtues from its own principles; if Man partakes +of the eternal Reason, or, as they otherwise put it, +if he is through his Reason a part of God himself in the +highest sense, and if God and Reason are in the highest +sense good, then in realising his own Reason, in obeying +the voice of the God within him,<a name="FNanchor_794_794" id="FNanchor_794_794"></a><a href="#Footnote_794_794" class="fnanchor">794</a> he must be himself +good by the natural instinct of his own being. Accordingly, +these social virtues, duties, <i>officia</i>, as the Romans +called them, were set forth by Panaetius in two books, +which in a Latinised form we still fortunately possess,—the +first two of Cicero's work <i>de Officiis</i>,—and without +the uncompromising rigidity which characterised the +original Stoic ethical doctrine inherited from the Cynics.<a name="FNanchor_795_795" id="FNanchor_795_795"></a><a href="#Footnote_795_795" class="fnanchor">795</a> +In the first book he treated of the good simply (<i>honestum</i>), +in the second of the useful (<i>utile</i>), and in a third, which it +was left for Cicero to execute, of the cases of conflict +between these two. In this charming work there is much +to admire, and even much to learn: the social virtues—benevolence, +justice, liberality, self-restraint, and so on, +are enlarged upon and illustrated by historical examples<a name="FNanchor_796_796" id="FNanchor_796_796"></a><a href="#Footnote_796_796" class="fnanchor">796</a> +in perfect Latin by Cicero; and as we read it we cannot +but feel that the influence of Panaetius upon his educated +Roman pupils must have been eminently wholesome.</p> + +<p>But at the same time we inevitably feel that there is +something wanting. What power could such a discussion +really have to constrain an ordinary man to right action? +The constraint, such as it is, seems purely an intellectual +process, and this is indeed noticeable in the Stoic ethics +of all periods. No Stoic brought his doctrine nearer to a +religious system than Epictetus; yet this is how Epictetus +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">373</a></span>puts the matter:<a name="FNanchor_797_797" id="FNanchor_797_797"></a><a href="#Footnote_797_797" class="fnanchor">797</a> "If a man could be thoroughly penetrated, +as he ought to be, with this <i>thought</i>, that we are +all in an especial manner sprung from God, and that God +is the Father of men as well as gods, full sure he would +never conceive aught ignoble or base of himself.... Those +few who <i>hold</i> that they are born for fidelity, +modesty, and unerring rightness in dealing with the things +of sense, never conceive aught base or ignoble of themselves." +He means that, for the real Stoic, <i>self-respect is +the necessary consequence of his intellectual conception of his +place in the universe</i>, and that self-respect must as inevitably +result in virtue. Can this intellectual attitude really +act as a constraining force on the will of the average +man? This is far too complicated a question for me +to enter upon here, and I can but suggest the study of +it for anyone who would wish to test the actual life-giving +moral power of this philosophy. Suffice it to +say that their idea of the universe as Reason and God +naturally led the Stoics into a kind of Fatalism, a destined +order in the world which nothing could effectually oppose;<a name="FNanchor_798_798" id="FNanchor_798_798"></a><a href="#Footnote_798_798" class="fnanchor">798</a> +and they were naturally in some difficulty in reconciling +this with the freedom of Man's will. That freedom they +constantly and consistently asserted; but it comes after +all to this, that Man is free to bring his will into conformity, +<i>through knowledge</i>, with the Power and the universal +Reason; or, as Dr. Caird puts it,<a name="FNanchor_799_799" id="FNanchor_799_799"></a><a href="#Footnote_799_799" class="fnanchor">799</a> Man has the +choice whether he will be a willing or an unwilling servant +(of the universal Reason): unwilling, if he makes it his +aim to satisfy his particular self, an aim which he can +only attain so far as the general system of things allows +him; willing, if he identifies himself with the divine +reason which is manifested in that system." But that +identification of himself with the divine Reason is again +an intellectual process; it can only be realised by minds +highly trained in thinking; it could not have the smallest +grip on the conduct of the ordinary ignorant man, or on +the minds of women and children.</p> + +<p>And here we come upon another weak point in Stoicism +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">374</a></span>as presented to the Roman world in this last century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> +It was an age in which gentleness, tenderness, pity, and +the philanthropic spirit were most sadly needed, and it +cannot be said of Stoicism that it had any mission to +encourage their growth. The Stoics looked on the mass +of men as ignorant and wicked,<a name="FNanchor_800_800" id="FNanchor_800_800"></a><a href="#Footnote_800_800" class="fnanchor">800</a> and it never occurred to +them that it was a duty of the Good Man to teach and +redeem them,—to sacrifice his life, if need be, in the work +of enlightenment. They seem to have thought even of +women and children as hardly partaking of Reason; their +ideally good man was virtuous in a strictly virile way,<a name="FNanchor_801_801" id="FNanchor_801_801"></a><a href="#Footnote_801_801" class="fnanchor">801</a> +and it never occurred to them that training in goodness +must begin from the earliest years, and be gradually +developed with infinite sympathy and tenderness. If a +man is to learn that there is something within him which +partakes of God, and which should naturally lead him to +right conduct, he must begin to learn this truth in his +infancy.<a name="FNanchor_802_802" id="FNanchor_802_802"></a><a href="#Footnote_802_802" class="fnanchor">802</a> But the absence of a place for emotion and +sympathy in the Stoic system, resulting from the purely +intellectual nature of their central doctrine of Reason, +meant also the absence of any spirit of enthusiastic propaganda. +Their notion that emotion or passion is "a movement +of mind contrary to reason and nature,"<a name="FNanchor_803_803" id="FNanchor_803_803"></a><a href="#Footnote_803_803" class="fnanchor">803</a> lamed +their whole system as a progressive force in the world of +that day. Such religious power as it could exercise +worked simply through the radiating influence of a few +wise and good men, by nature pure and unselfish, who +gradually familiarised the educated part of society with a +nobler idea of God than the old religion had ever been +able to supply, and with that other inspiring idea of the +near relation of Man to God as partaking of His nature. +But the active enthusiasm of a real religion—the <i>effective</i> +desire to be in right relation with the Power—was strange +to Stoicism. In one way or another it had many excellent +results; it cleared the ground, for example, for a +new and universal religion by putting into the shade, if +not altogether out of the way, the old local cults with +their narrow and limited civic force: it glorified the idea +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">375</a></span>of law and order in an age when the Roman world +seemed to be forgetting what these sacred words meant; +<i>but a real active enthusiasm of humanity was wanting in it</i>. +Hence there is a certain hopelessness about Stoicism, +which increased rather than diminished as the world went +on, and such as is seen in a kind of sad grandeur in +Marcus Aurelius, the Stoic emperor. Of him it may be +said, both as emperor and philosopher, as has been said +of the Stoic in general, that "he was essentially a soldier +left to hold a fort surrounded by overpowering hosts of +the enemy. He could not conquer or drive them away, +but he could hold out to the last and die at his post."</p> + + +<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE XVI.</h5> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_755_755" id="Footnote_755_755"></a><a href="#FNanchor_755_755"><span class="label">755</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i> Livy iii. 20: "Sed nondum haec, quae nunc tenet +saeculum, neglegentia deum venerat; nec interpretando sibi quisque +iusiurandum et leges aptas faciebat, sed suos potius mores ad ea +accommodabat." Cp. Cic. <i>de Off.</i> iii. 111.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_756_756" id="Footnote_756_756"></a><a href="#FNanchor_756_756"><span class="label">756</span></a> Two Epicureans were expelled from Rome in 173 (probably), +Athenaeus, p. 547. Cicero, <i>Tusc.</i> iv. 3, 7, gives some idea of the +later popularity of the school in the first half of the last century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_757_757" id="Footnote_757_757"></a><a href="#FNanchor_757_757"><span class="label">757</span></a> So Masson, <i>Lucretius</i>, i. 263, 271.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_758_758" id="Footnote_758_758"></a><a href="#FNanchor_758_758"><span class="label">758</span></a> See Masson i. ch. xii. and ii. p. 141 foll.; Mayor's Cicero +<i>de Nat. Deor.</i> vol. i. xlviii. and 138 foll.; Guyau, <i>La Morale d'Épicure</i> +(ed. 4), p. 171 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_759_759" id="Footnote_759_759"></a><a href="#FNanchor_759_759"><span class="label">759</span></a> Cic. <i>N.D.</i> i. 19, 49 foll., and many other passages; Diog. +Laert. x. 55; Zeller, <i>Stoics, Epicureans, and Sceptics</i>, p. 441 foll.; +Masson i. 292, who aptly quotes Cotta the academic critic in Cicero's +dialogue: "When Epicurus takes away from the gods the power of +helping and doing good, he extirpates the very roots of religion from +the minds of men" (Cic. <i>N.D.</i> i. 45. 121). One may add with +Dr. Masson (i. 416 foll.) that a machine cannot command worship; +the <i>Natura</i> of Lucretius, <i>i.e.</i>, was really a machine.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_760_760" id="Footnote_760_760"></a><a href="#FNanchor_760_760"><span class="label">760</span></a> Masson i. p. 284, and citations of Philodemus there given.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_761_761" id="Footnote_761_761"></a><a href="#FNanchor_761_761"><span class="label">761</span></a> Mayor's Cic. <i>N.D.</i> vol. i. p. xlix.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_762_762" id="Footnote_762_762"></a><a href="#FNanchor_762_762"><span class="label">762</span></a> Lucr. vi. 68 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_763_763" id="Footnote_763_763"></a><a href="#FNanchor_763_763"><span class="label">763</span></a> Masson i. p. 285.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_764_764" id="Footnote_764_764"></a><a href="#FNanchor_764_764"><span class="label">764</span></a> Cic. <i>N.D.</i> i. 2. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_765_765" id="Footnote_765_765"></a><a href="#FNanchor_765_765"><span class="label">765</span></a> Cic. <i>N.D.</i> i. 37. 102; to believe the gods idle "etiam +homines inertes efficit."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_766_766" id="Footnote_766_766"></a><a href="#FNanchor_766_766"><span class="label">766</span></a> For this profound reverence for Epicurus see also Cic. <i>N.D.</i> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">376</a></span>i. 8. 18. It amounted to a faith. In this passage the Epicurean is +described as "nihil tam verens quam ne dubitare aliqua de re +videretur, tanquam modo ex deorum concilio et ex Epicuri intermundiis +descendisset." See also sec. 43 and Mayor's note; Cic. +<i>de Finibus</i>, i. 5. 14; Masson i. 354-5, who quotes the most striking +passages from Lucretius, <i>e.g.</i> v. 8-10:</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i3_5">deus ille fuit, deus, inclyte Memmi,</span> +<span class="i0">qui princeps vitae rationem invenit eam quae</span> +<span class="i0">nunc appellatur sapientia, etc.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>In a paper entitled "Die Bekehrung (conversion) im klassischen +Altertum," by W. A. Heidel (<i>Zeitschrift für Religionspsychologie</i>, +vol. iii. Heft 2), the author, an American disciple of W. James, +argues that the exordium of Bk. iii. indicates a psychological conversion +of Lucretius.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_767_767" id="Footnote_767_767"></a><a href="#FNanchor_767_767"><span class="label">767</span></a> See Masson's chapter (p. 399 foll.) on the teaching and +personality of Lucretius. <i>Social Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero</i>, +p. 327 foll., and references there given. I may note here that the +power of Epicurism as a faith depended also largely on the directness, +downrightness, and audacity of its system, working on minds weary +of philosophers' disputations and political quarrels.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_768_768" id="Footnote_768_768"></a><a href="#FNanchor_768_768"><span class="label">768</span></a> Cic. <i>de Finibus</i>, i. viii. to end (translation by J. S. Reid, +Camb. Univ. Press). The following sentence in ch. 18, sec. 57, +puts the Epicurean ethics in a nutshell: "Clamat Epicurus, is quem +vos nimis voluptatibus esse deditum dicitis, non posse iucunde vivi +nisi sapienter, honeste, iusteque vivatur, nec sapienter, honeste, iuste, +nisi iucunde."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_769_769" id="Footnote_769_769"></a><a href="#FNanchor_769_769"><span class="label">769</span></a> What this quietism might mean for a Roman may be +gathered from the following passage in Cic. <i>de Finibus</i>, i. 13. 43, in +which <i>sapientia</i> is practical wisdom, the Aristotelian φρονησιϛ or the +<i>ars vivendi</i>, as Cicero has explained it just before: "Sapientia est +adhibenda, quae, et terroribus cupiditatibusque detractis et omnium +falsarum opinionum temeritate derepta, certissimam se ducem praebeat +ad voluptatem. Sapientia enim est una, quae maestitiam pellat ex +animis, quae nos exhorrescere metu non sinat; qua praeceptrice in +tranquillitate vivi potest, omnium cupiditatum ardore restincto. Cupiditates +enim sunt insatiabiles, quae non modo singulos homines, sed +universas familias evertunt, totam etiam labefactant saepe rempublicam. +Ex cupiditatibus odia discidia discordiae seditiones bella nascuntur." +And so on to the end of the chapter. The message of Lucretius to +the Roman was practically the same. The remedy was the wrong +one in that age; though it does not necessarily entail withdrawal +from public life with all its enticements and risks, it must inevitably +have a strong tendency to suggest it; and such withdrawal had, as +a matter of fact, been one of the characteristics of the Epicurean +life. See Zeller, <i>Stoics</i>, etc., ch. xx.; Guyau, <i>La Morale d'Épicure</i>, +p. 141 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_770_770" id="Footnote_770_770"></a><a href="#FNanchor_770_770"><span class="label">770</span></a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">377</a></span> <i>History of European Morals</i> (1899), vol. i. p. 225. The +treatment of Stoicism in this work, though not, strictly speaking, +philosophical, is in many ways most instructive.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_771_771" id="Footnote_771_771"></a><a href="#FNanchor_771_771"><span class="label">771</span></a> F. Leo, <i>Die griechische und lateinische Literatur</i>, p. +337. See the author's <i>Social Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero</i>, +p. 105.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_772_772" id="Footnote_772_772"></a><a href="#FNanchor_772_772"><span class="label">772</span></a> Polybius xxxii. 9-16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_773_773" id="Footnote_773_773"></a><a href="#FNanchor_773_773"><span class="label">773</span></a> See a discussion by the author of the meaning of τὑχη in +Polybius, <i>Classical Review</i>, vol. xvii. p. 445, and the passages there +quoted relating to the growth of the Roman dominion.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_774_774" id="Footnote_774_774"></a><a href="#FNanchor_774_774"><span class="label">774</span></a> See Schmekel, <i>Die mittlere Stoa</i>, p. 3 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_775_775" id="Footnote_775_775"></a><a href="#FNanchor_775_775"><span class="label">775</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 6, note 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_776_776" id="Footnote_776_776"></a><a href="#FNanchor_776_776"><span class="label">776</span></a> See above, p. 251.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_777_777" id="Footnote_777_777"></a><a href="#FNanchor_777_777"><span class="label">777</span></a> Cic. <i>N.D.</i> ii., end of sec. 19. He is translating the Greek +πνεῦμα, which in Stoicism is not a spiritual conception, but a material +one, in harmony with their theory of the universe as being itself +material, including reason and the soul. This is one of the weak +points of the Stoic idea of Unity. For the meaning of <i>spiritus</i> see +Mayor's note on the passage; it is "the ether or warm air which +penetrates and gives life to all things, and connects them together in +one organic whole."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_778_778" id="Footnote_778_778"></a><a href="#FNanchor_778_778"><span class="label">778</span></a> Cic. <i>N.D.</i> ii. xiii. 36 <i>ad fin.</i> On all this department of the +Stoic teaching see Zeller, <i>Stoics</i>, etc., p. 135 foll.; Caird, <i>Gifford +Lectures</i>, vol. ii., Lectures 16 and 17.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_779_779" id="Footnote_779_779"></a><a href="#FNanchor_779_779"><span class="label">779</span></a> <i>Marcus Aurelius and the Later Stoics</i>, by F. W. Bussell +p. 42.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_780_780" id="Footnote_780_780"></a><a href="#FNanchor_780_780"><span class="label">780</span></a> Cic. <i>N.D.</i> ii. ch. 28 (secs. 70-72), with Mayor's commentary; +Zeller, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 327 foll.; Mayor, introduction to vol. ii. of his +edition of Cic. <i>N.D.</i> xi. foll.; <i>Social Life at Rome in the Age of +Cicero</i>, p. 334 foll. It is important to note the distinction drawn by +Cicero between religion and superstition; what Lucretius called +<i>religio</i> as a whole Cicero (and Varro too, cf. Aug. <i>Civ. Dei</i>, vi. 9) +thus divided. See Mayor's valuable note, vol. ii. p. 183. Some +interesting remarks on the Stoic way of dealing with popular +mythology will be found in Oakesmith's <i>Religion of Plutarch</i>, +p. 68 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_781_781" id="Footnote_781_781"></a><a href="#FNanchor_781_781"><span class="label">781</span></a> See above, p. 118 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_782_782" id="Footnote_782_782"></a><a href="#FNanchor_782_782"><span class="label">782</span></a> See Mayor's note on Cic. <i>N.D.</i> ii. 15. 39 (vol. i. p. +130), with quotation from Philodemus. Zeller, <i>Stoics</i>, etc., p. 337 +foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_783_783" id="Footnote_783_783"></a><a href="#FNanchor_783_783"><span class="label">783</span></a> Cic. <i>de Legibus</i>, i. 7. 22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_784_784" id="Footnote_784_784"></a><a href="#FNanchor_784_784"><span class="label">784</span></a> <i>Fragmenta Philosophorum Graecorum</i>, Paris, 1883. I have +borrowed the beautiful translation of my friend Hastings Crossley, +printed p. 183 foll. of his <i>Golden Sayings of Epictetus</i>, in Macmillan's +Golden Treasury Series.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_785_785" id="Footnote_785_785"></a><a href="#FNanchor_785_785"><span class="label">785</span></a> <i>Gifford Lectures</i>, ii. p. 94.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_786_786" id="Footnote_786_786"></a><a href="#FNanchor_786_786"><span class="label">786</span></a> So Schmekel, <i>Die mittlere Stoa</i>, p. 61 foll. The evidence is +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">378</a></span>not conclusive, and the process of argument is one of elimination; +but it raises a fairly strong probability.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_787_787" id="Footnote_787_787"></a><a href="#FNanchor_787_787"><span class="label">787</span></a> Cic. <i>de Rep.</i> i. 21. 34.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_788_788" id="Footnote_788_788"></a><a href="#FNanchor_788_788"><span class="label">788</span></a> See Zeller, <i>Stoics</i>, etc., p. 294 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_789_789" id="Footnote_789_789"></a><a href="#FNanchor_789_789"><span class="label">789</span></a> Cic. <i>de Rep.</i> iii. 22. 33.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_790_790" id="Footnote_790_790"></a><a href="#FNanchor_790_790"><span class="label">790</span></a> Cic. <i>de Legibus</i>, i. 7. 22 foll.: "Est igitur, quoniam nihil est +ratione melius, eaque in homine et in deo, prima homini cum deo +rationis societas. Inter quos autem ratio, inter eosdem etiam recta +ratio communis est," etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_791_791" id="Footnote_791_791"></a><a href="#FNanchor_791_791"><span class="label">791</span></a> Zeller, <i>Stoics</i>, etc., p. 226 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_792_792" id="Footnote_792_792"></a><a href="#FNanchor_792_792"><span class="label">792</span></a> <i>Social Life at Rome</i>, p. 117.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_793_793" id="Footnote_793_793"></a><a href="#FNanchor_793_793"><span class="label">793</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 118 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_794_794" id="Footnote_794_794"></a><a href="#FNanchor_794_794"><span class="label">794</span></a> I may take this opportunity of noting that a Roman might +better understand this notion of his Reason as the voice of God +within him, or conscience, from his own idea of his "other soul," or +genius; see above, p. 75. But we do not know for certain that it +was presented to him in this way by Panaetius, though Posidonius +(<i>ap. Galenum</i>, 469) used the word δαἱμων in this sense, as did the +later Stoics; see Mulder, <i>de Conscientiae notione</i>, p. 71. Seneca, +<i>Ep.</i> 41. 2, uses the word <i>spiritus</i>: "Sacer intra nos spiritus sedet ... +in unoquoque virorum bonorum, quis deus incertum est, habitat deus" +(from Virg. <i>Aen.</i> viii. 352). Cp. Marcus Aurelius iii. 3. Seneca +uses the word genius clearly in this sense in <i>Ep.</i> 110 foll. On the +Stoic daemon consult Zeller, <i>Stoics</i>, etc., p. 332 foll.; Oakesmith, +<i>Religion of Plutarch</i>, ch. vi.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_795_795" id="Footnote_795_795"></a><a href="#FNanchor_795_795"><span class="label">795</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i>, Zeller, p. 268.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_796_796" id="Footnote_796_796"></a><a href="#FNanchor_796_796"><span class="label">796</span></a> This habit of illustrating by historical examples had an +educational value of its own, but serves well to show how comparatively +feeble was the appeal of Stoicism to the conscience. It may +be seen well in Valerius Maximus, whose work, compiled of fact and +fiction for educational purposes, is far indeed from being an inspiring +one. See <i>Social Life at Rome</i>, p. 189.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_797_797" id="Footnote_797_797"></a><a href="#FNanchor_797_797"><span class="label">797</span></a> Arrian, <i>Discourses</i>, i. 3. 1-6 (<i>Golden Sayings of Epictetus</i>, +No. 9).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_798_798" id="Footnote_798_798"></a><a href="#FNanchor_798_798"><span class="label">798</span></a> Schmekel, <i>Die mittlere Stoa</i>, p. 190 foll. (Panaetius), and 244 +foll. (Posidonius), Zeller 160 foll. This is the Fate or Providence on +which the moral lesson of the <i>Aeneid</i> is based; see below, p. 409 foll. +Aeneas is the servant of Destiny. If he had persisted in rebelling +against it by remaining at Carthage with Dido, that would not have +changed the inevitable course of things, but it would have ruined +him.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_799_799" id="Footnote_799_799"></a><a href="#FNanchor_799_799"><span class="label">799</span></a> <i>Gifford Lectures</i>, ii. 96.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_800_800" id="Footnote_800_800"></a><a href="#FNanchor_800_800"><span class="label">800</span></a> Zeller, <i>Stoics</i>, etc., p. 255. This, of course, did not diminish +the duty of general benevolence, <i>ib.</i> p. 310 and references, where +fine passages of Cicero and Seneca are quoted about duties to one's +inferiors. But an enthusiasm of humanity was none the less wanting +in Stoicism, and this was largely owing no doubt to their hard and fast +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">379</a></span>distinction between virtue and vice, and their want of perception of a +growth or evolution in society. See Caird, <i>op. cit.</i> ii. 99; Lecky, +<i>Hist. of European Morals</i>, i. 192 foll.; Zeller 251 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_801_801" id="Footnote_801_801"></a><a href="#FNanchor_801_801"><span class="label">801</span></a> See some excellent remarks in Lecky, <i>op. cit.</i> i. p. 242 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_802_802" id="Footnote_802_802"></a><a href="#FNanchor_802_802"><span class="label">802</span></a> See above, note 40.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_803_803" id="Footnote_803_803"></a><a href="#FNanchor_803_803"><span class="label">803</span></a> Zeller, <i>Stoics</i>, etc., p. 229. Cic. <i>de Finibus</i>, iii, 10, 35; +<i>Tusc. Disp.</i> iv. 28, 60.</p></div> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">380</a></span></p> +<h4>LECTURE XVII</h4> + +<h5>MYSTICISM—IDEAS OF A FUTURE LIFE</h5> + + +<p>We have now reached the end of the period of the +Republic; but before I go on to the age of Augustus, +with which I must bring these lectures to an end, I must +ask attention to a movement which can best be described +by the somewhat vague term Mysticism, but is generally +known to historians of philosophy as Neo-pythagoreanism. +The fact is that such tendency as there ever was at Rome +towards Mysticism—which was never indeed a strong +one till Rome had almost ceased to be Roman<a name="FNanchor_804_804" id="FNanchor_804_804"></a><a href="#Footnote_804_804" class="fnanchor">804</a>—seems +to have taken the form of thinking known as Pythagorean. +The ideas at the root of the Pythagorean doctrine, the +belief in a future life, the conception of this life as only +preparatory to another, the conviction of the need of +purgation in another life and of the preparatory discipline +and asceticism to be practised while we are here,—these +are truly religious ideas; and even among Romans the +religious instinct, though it might be hypnotised, could +never be entirely destroyed. When it awoke from time +to time in the minds of thinking men it was apt to +express itself in Pythagorean tones. With the ignorant +and vulgar it might find a baser expression in superstition +pure and simple,—in the finding of portents, in astrology, +in Dionysiac orgies; but with these Pythagoreanism must +not be reckoned. These, as they appeared on the soil of +Italy, were the bastard children of quasi-religious thought. +But the movement of which I speak marks a reaction, +among men who could both feel and think, against the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">381</a></span>whole tendency of Roman religious experience as we have +been tracing it; against the extreme formalism, now +meaningless, of the Roman State religion; against the +extreme scepticism and indifference so obvious in the last +century and a half of the republican era; against the +purely intellectual appeal of the ethical systems of which +I have been recently speaking. Stoicism indeed, as we +shall see, held out a hand to the new movement, simply +because Stoicism had a religious side which was wanting +in Epicurism. But the thought that our senses and our +reason are not after all the sole fountains of our knowledge, +a thought which is the essence of mysticism, was +really foreign to Stoicism; and when this thought did +find a soil in the mind of a thinking Roman of this age, +it was likely to spring up in a transcendental form which +we may call Pythagoreanism.</p> + +<p>South Italy was indeed the true home of the +Pythagorean teaching. There its founder had established +it, and there, mixed up with more popular Orphic doctrine +and practice, it must have remained latent for centuries.<a name="FNanchor_805_805" id="FNanchor_805_805"></a><a href="#Footnote_805_805" class="fnanchor">805</a> +"Tenuit magnam illam Graeciam," says Cicero of Pythagoras, +"cum honore disciplinae, tum etiam auctoritate; +multaque saecula post sic viguit Pythagoreorum nomen, +ut nulli alii docti viderentur."<a name="FNanchor_806_806" id="FNanchor_806_806"></a><a href="#Footnote_806_806" class="fnanchor">806</a> To South Italy Plato is +said to have travelled to study this philosophy, and to +learn the doctrine of the immortality of the soul; and the +story is generally accepted as true.<a name="FNanchor_807_807" id="FNanchor_807_807"></a><a href="#Footnote_807_807" class="fnanchor">807</a> But of any missionary +attempt of Pythagoreanism on Rome we know nothing—and +probably there was nothing to tell—till that mysterious +plot to introduce it after the Hannibalic war which I +mentioned in a recent lecture.<a name="FNanchor_808_808" id="FNanchor_808_808"></a><a href="#Footnote_808_808" class="fnanchor">808</a> That war brought Rome +into close contact with Tarentum and southern Italy, and +it is likely enough that the attempt to connect King Numa +with the philosopher, both in the familiar legend and in +the alleged discovery of the stone coffin with its forged +manuscripts, had its origin in this contact. The Senate +could not object to the legend, but it promptly stamped +out this grotesque attempt at propagandism. Then we +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">382</a></span>hear no more of the doctrine for a century at least; but +in the last century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> we know that there appeared a +number of Pythagorean writings, falsely attributed to the +founder himself or his disciples,<a name="FNanchor_809_809" id="FNanchor_809_809"></a><a href="#Footnote_809_809" class="fnanchor">809</a>—a method of propagandism +which, like that of the previous century, may +perhaps be taken as marking the religious nature of the +doctrine, which needed the <i>ipse dixit</i> of the founder or +something as near it as possible.<a name="FNanchor_810_810" id="FNanchor_810_810"></a><a href="#Footnote_810_810" class="fnanchor">810</a> But of the immediate +influence of these writings we know nothing. The person +really responsible for the tendency to this kind of mysticism +was undoubtedly the great Posidonius, philosopher, +historian, traveller, who more than any other man +dominated the Roman world of thought in the first half +of the last century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, and whose writings, now surviving +in a few fragments only, lie at the back of nearly all the +serious Roman literature of his own and indeed of the +following age.<a name="FNanchor_811_811" id="FNanchor_811_811"></a><a href="#Footnote_811_811" class="fnanchor">811</a> Panaetius, there can be little doubt, +had done something to leaven Stoicism with Platonic-Aristotelian +psychology,<a name="FNanchor_812_812" id="FNanchor_812_812"></a><a href="#Footnote_812_812" class="fnanchor">812</a> the general tendency of which +was towards a dualism of Soul and Body. The Stoics, in +the strict sense of the name, "could not be content with +any philosophy which divided heaven from earth, the +spiritual from the material." "They rebelled against the +idea of a transcendent God and a transcendent ideal +world, as modern thought has rebelled against the supernaturalism +of mediaeval religion and philosophy."<a name="FNanchor_813_813" id="FNanchor_813_813"></a><a href="#Footnote_813_813" class="fnanchor">813</a> In +their passion for unity they would not separate soul and +body. But when once Panaetius had hinted at a reversion +to the older mode of thought, it was natural and easy to +follow his lead in a society which had long ago abandoned +burial for cremation, and bidden farewell to the primitive +notion that the body lived on under the earth: in a society, +too, which had always believed in that "other soul," the +<i>Genius</i> of a man, as distinct from his bodily self of this +earthly life.<a name="FNanchor_814_814" id="FNanchor_814_814"></a><a href="#Footnote_814_814" class="fnanchor">814</a></p> + +<p>Now as soon as this dualism of body and soul was +suggested, it was taken up by Posidonius into what we +may call his neo-Stoic system, and at once gave mysticism, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">383</a></span>—or transcendentalism, if we choose so to call it—its +chance. For in such a dualistic psychology it is the soul +that gains in value, the body that loses. Life becomes +an imprisonment of the soul in the body; the soul seeks +to escape, death is but the beginning of a new life, and +the imagination is set to work to fathom the mysteries of +Man's future existence, nay, in some more fanciful minds, +those of his pre-existence as well. This kind of speculation, +half philosophic, half poetical, is the transcendental +side of the Platonic psychology, and in the last age of +the Republic was able to connect Platonism and Pythagoreanism +without deserting Stoicism.<a name="FNanchor_815_815" id="FNanchor_815_815"></a><a href="#Footnote_815_815" class="fnanchor">815</a> We can see it +reflected from Posidonius in the Dream of Scipio, the +beautiful myth, imitated from those of Plato, with which +Cicero concluded his treatise on the State, written in the +year 54 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, after his retirement from political life. In +this, and again in the first book of his <i>Tusculan +Disputations</i>, composed nearly ten years later, Cicero is +beyond doubt on the tracks of Posidonius, and therefore +also of Pythagoreanism.<a name="FNanchor_816_816" id="FNanchor_816_816"></a><a href="#Footnote_816_816" class="fnanchor">816</a> Listen to the words put into the +mouth of the elder Scipio and addressed to his younger +namesake: "Tu vero enitere et sic habeto, non esse te +mortalem, sed corpus hoc; non enim tu es, quem forma +ista declarat; sed <i>mens cuiusque is est quisque</i>, non ea +figura quae digito demonstrari potest."<a name="FNanchor_817_817" id="FNanchor_817_817"></a><a href="#Footnote_817_817" class="fnanchor">817</a> Here is the body +plainly losing, the soul gaining importance. But he goes +still further: "<i>deum igitur te scito esse</i>: si quidem deus +est qui viget qui sentit qui meminit: qui providet, qui +tam regit et moderatur et movet id corpus cui propositus +est, quam hunc mundum ille princeps deus, et ut mundum +ex quadam parte mortalem ipse deus aeternus, sic fragile +corpus animus sempiternus movet."<a name="FNanchor_818_818" id="FNanchor_818_818"></a><a href="#Footnote_818_818" class="fnanchor">818</a></p> + +<p>With such a view of the soul in relation to the body, we +can understand how in this myth it is described as flying +upwards, released from corporeal bondage, and ascending +through heavenly stations to pure aether, if at least (and +here we may note the characteristic Roman touch) its abode +on earth has been the body of a good citizen.<a name="FNanchor_819_819" id="FNanchor_819_819"></a><a href="#Footnote_819_819" class="fnanchor">819</a> All that +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384">384</a></span>is of earth earthy, all old ideas of burial, all notions of a +gloomy abode below the earth, are here fairly left behind. +So too in the first book of the <i>Tusculans</i>, written after the +death of his beloved daughter, Cicero would persuade himself +and others that death cannot be an evil if we once allow +the soul to be immortal: for from its very nature it must +rise into aethereal realms, cannot sink like the body into +the earth.<a name="FNanchor_820_820" id="FNanchor_820_820"></a><a href="#Footnote_820_820" class="fnanchor">820</a> Into its experiences in the aether I do not +need to go here. Enough has been said to show that, as +it were, the heavens were opened, and with the psychological +separation of soul from body the imaginative +faculty was released also; not indeed that any Roman, +or even Posidonius himself, could revel in cosmological +dreams as did Plato, but they found in him all they +needed, and it would seem that they made much use of +it. Plato's <i>Timaeus</i> was made by Posidonius the subject +of a commentary,<a name="FNanchor_821_821" id="FNanchor_821_821"></a><a href="#Footnote_821_821" class="fnanchor">821</a> and by Cicero himself it was in part +at least translated, about the time when he was writing +the <i>Tusculans</i>, and still deeply moved by his recent loss. +Of this translation a fragment survives; and in the introductory +sentences he indicates a second stimulus to his +Pythagorean tendencies, besides Posidonius. He tells how +he had met at Ephesus, when on his way to his province +of Cilicia, the famous Pythagorean Nigidius Figulus, and +had enjoyed conversation with him.<a name="FNanchor_822_822" id="FNanchor_822_822"></a><a href="#Footnote_822_822" class="fnanchor">822</a> Nigidius was an +old friend, who had helped Cicero in his consulship; he +was one of those "polyhistores" who are characteristic of +the age, like Posidonius and Varro, and wrote works on +all kinds of subjects of which but few fragments remain. +But his reputation as a Pythagorean survived for centuries;<a name="FNanchor_823_823" id="FNanchor_823_823"></a><a href="#Footnote_823_823" class="fnanchor">823</a> +and this mention of him by Cicero is only +another proof of the direction the thoughts of the latter +were taking in these last two years of his life.</p> + +<p>Clearly, then, Cicero in his philosophical writings of +these years was affected by the current of mysticism that +was then running. But to me it is still more interesting +to find it moving him in a practical matter of which he +has himself left the truth on record; for Cicero is a real +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">385</a></span>human being for whom all who are familiar with his +letters must have something in the nature of affection, +and with whom, too, we feel genuine sympathy in the +calamity which now fell upon him. It was early in +45 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> that he lost his only and dearly loved daughter, +and the blow to his sensitive temperament, already hardly +tried by political anxiety, was severe. We still have the +private letters which he wrote to Atticus after her death +from his solitude at Astura on the edge of the melancholy +Pomptine marshes;<a name="FNanchor_824_824" id="FNanchor_824_824"></a><a href="#Footnote_824_824" class="fnanchor">824</a> and here, if our minds are sufficiently +divested of modern ideas and trained to look on +death with Roman eyes, we may be startled to find him +thinking of her as still in some sense surviving, and as +divine rather than human: as a deity or spirit to whom a +<i>fanum</i> could be erected. He makes it clear to Atticus, +who is acting as his business agent at Rome, that he does +not want a mere tomb (<i>sepulcrum</i>), but a <i>fanum</i>, which as +we have seen was the general word for a spot of ground +sacred to a deity. "I wish to have a <i>fanum</i> built, and +that wish cannot be rooted out of my heart. I am +anxious to avoid any likeness to a tomb, not so much on +account of the penalty of the law, as in order to attain as +nearly as possible to an <i>apotheosis</i>. This I could do if I +built it in the villa itself, but ... I dread the changes of +owners. Wherever I construct it on the land, I think +that I could secure that posterity should respect its +sanctity."<a name="FNanchor_825_825" id="FNanchor_825_825"></a><a href="#Footnote_825_825" class="fnanchor">825</a> The word here translated sanctity is <i>religio</i>; +we may remember that all burial places were <i>loca religiosa</i>, +not consecrated by the State, yet hallowed by the feeling +of awe or scruple in approaching them; but Cicero is +probably here using the word rather in that wider sense +in which it so often expresses the presence of a deity in +some particular spot.<a name="FNanchor_826_826" id="FNanchor_826_826"></a><a href="#Footnote_826_826" class="fnanchor">826</a></p> + +<p>Atticus was a man of the world and probably an +Epicurean, and his friend in two successive letters half +apologises for this strong desire. "I should not like it to +be known by any other name but <i>fanum</i>,—unreasonably, +you will perhaps say." And again, "you must bear with +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386">386</a></span>these silly wishes (<i>ineptiæ</i>) of mine."<a name="FNanchor_827_827" id="FNanchor_827_827"></a><a href="#Footnote_827_827" class="fnanchor">827</a> But this only makes +the intensity of his feeling about it the more plain and +significant; he really seems to want Tullia to be thought +of as having passed into the sphere of divinity, however +vaguely he may have conceived of it. Perhaps he remembered +his own words in Scipio's dream, "Deum te esse +scito." The ashes of Tullia rested in the family tomb, +but the godlike thing imprisoned in her mortal body was +to be honoured at this <i>fanum</i>, which, strange as it may +seem to us, her father wished to erect in a public and +frequented place. She does not fade away into the common +herd of Manes, but remains, though as a spirit, the +same individual Tullia whom her father had loved so dearly.</p> + +<p>I long ago explained the old Roman idea of Manes,<a name="FNanchor_828_828" id="FNanchor_828_828"></a><a href="#Footnote_828_828" class="fnanchor">828</a> +a vague conception of shades of the dead dwelling below +the earth, and hardly, if at all, individualised. But in +Tullia's case we meet with a clear conception of an +individual spirit; and this alone would lead us to suspect +a Pythagorean influence at work, such as that under +which Virgil wrote the famous words "Quisque suos +patimur Manes," which simply mean "Each individual of +us must endure his own individual ghosthood."<a name="FNanchor_829_829" id="FNanchor_829_829"></a><a href="#Footnote_829_829" class="fnanchor">829</a> This +process of individualisation must have been gradually +coming on, but the steps are lost to us; we only know +that the earliest sepulchral inscription which speaks to it, +in the vague plural Di Manes so familiar in later times, is +dateable somewhere about this very time.<a name="FNanchor_830_830" id="FNanchor_830_830"></a><a href="#Footnote_830_830" class="fnanchor">830</a> My friend +Dr. J. B. Carter would explain it, in part at least, by the +Roman conception of Genius to which I alluded just now, +and doubtless this must be taken into account. For +myself I would rather think of it as the natural result of +the growth of individualism in the living human being +during the last two centuries <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> Surely it was impossible +for personality to grow as it did in that period without +a corresponding growth of the idea of individual +immortality in the minds of all who believed in a future +life of any kind at all. The Epicureans did not so +believe; but Roman Stoics instructed by Panaetius and +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387">387</a></span>Posidonius might not only believe in immortality but in an +immortality of the individual.</p> + +<p>Let me take this opportunity of noting that there was, of +course, no sort of restriction on a man's belief about this +or any other religious question. It was perfectly open to +every one to hold what view best pleased him about the +state of the dead: all that the State required of him was that +he should fulfil his obligations at the tombs of his own kin. +No dogma reigned in the necropolis, only duty, <i>pietas</i>,—and +that <i>pietas</i> implied no conviction. The Parentalia in +February were originally, so far as we can discern, only a +yearly renewal of the rite of burial on its anniversary;<a name="FNanchor_831_831" id="FNanchor_831_831"></a><a href="#Footnote_831_831" class="fnanchor">831</a> +this implies civilisation and some kind of calendar, but +not a creed. Later on, in the Fasti of the City-state, the +day was fixed for all citizens without regard of anniversaries; +and here the rites become a matter of <i>ius</i>, the <i>ius +Manium</i>, to the observance of which the Manes are +entitled. Still there is no creed, though Cicero speaks of +this <i>ius</i> as based on the idea of a future life.<a name="FNanchor_832_832" id="FNanchor_832_832"></a><a href="#Footnote_832_832" class="fnanchor">832</a> As a fact +these rites are a survival from an age in which the dead +man was believed to go on living in the grave, but that +primitive idea was no longer held by the educated. Each +man was free in all periods to believe what he pleased +about the dead, and as the Romans began to think, this +freedom becomes easy to illustrate. Cicero himself is +usually agnostic, as is in keeping with his Academic +tendency in philosophy; even in one of these very letters +he seems to speak of his own non-existence after death.<a name="FNanchor_833_833" id="FNanchor_833_833"></a><a href="#Footnote_833_833" class="fnanchor">833</a> +So, too, the excellent Servius Sulpicius, in the famous +letter of condolence written to Cicero at this time from +Athens, seems to be uncertain.<a name="FNanchor_834_834" id="FNanchor_834_834"></a><a href="#Footnote_834_834" class="fnanchor">834</a> We all know the words +of Caesar (reported by Sallust), which are often quoted +with a kind of holy horror, as though a pontifex maximus +might not hold any opinion he pleased about death, and +as though his doubt were not the common doubt of +innumerable thinking men of the age.<a name="FNanchor_835_835" id="FNanchor_835_835"></a><a href="#Footnote_835_835" class="fnanchor">835</a> Catullus wrote +of death as "nox perpetua dormienda"; Lucretius, of +course, gloried in the thought that there is no life beyond. +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388">388</a></span>In the following century the learned Pliny could write of +death as the relapsing into the same nothingness as before +we were born, and could scoff at the absurdities of the +cult of the dead.<a name="FNanchor_836_836" id="FNanchor_836_836"></a><a href="#Footnote_836_836" class="fnanchor">836</a></p> + +<p>But when a man like Cicero was deeply touched by +grief, his emotional nature abandoned its neutral attitude, +and turned for consolation to mysticism. As I have said, +he was persuading himself that Tullia was still living,—a +glorified spirit. We can gain just a momentary glimpse +of what was in his mind by turning to the fragments of +the <i>Consolatio</i> which he was now writing at Astura.</p> + +<p>This was a <i>Consolatio</i> of the kind which was a recognised +literary form of this and later times,<a name="FNanchor_837_837" id="FNanchor_837_837"></a><a href="#Footnote_837_837" class="fnanchor">837</a> though in +this case it was addressed by the writer to himself; to +write was for Cicero second nature, and he was sure to take +up his pen when he had feelings that needed expression. It +is unfortunately lost, all but one fragment, which he quotes +himself in the first book of his <i>Tusculans</i>, and one or two +more preserved by the Christian writer Lactantius, a great +admirer of Cicero, who came near to catching the beauty +of his style. The passage quoted by himself is precious.<a name="FNanchor_838_838" id="FNanchor_838_838"></a><a href="#Footnote_838_838" class="fnanchor">838</a> +It insists on the spiritual nature of the soul, which can +have nothing in common with earth or matter of any +kind, seeing that it thinks, remembers, foresees: "ita +quicquid est illud, quod sentit, quod sapit, quod vivit, +quod viget, caeleste et divinum, ob eamque rem aeternum +sit necesse est." And in the concluding words he hints +strongly at the <i>divinity</i> of the soul, which is of the same +make as God himself,—of the same immaterial nature +as the only Deity of whom we mortals can conceive. +His daughter, therefore, is not only still living in a +spiritual life, but she is in some vague sense divine; that +word <i>apotheosis</i>, which he twice uses in the letters, has a +real meaning for him at this moment; and in a fragment +of the <i>Consolatio</i> quoted by Lactantius he makes this +quite plain; "Te omnium optimam doctissimamque, +approbantibus dis immortalibus ipsis, in eorum coëtu +locatam, ad opinionem omnium mortalium consecrabo."<a name="FNanchor_839_839" id="FNanchor_839_839"></a><a href="#Footnote_839_839" class="fnanchor">839</a></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_389" id="Page_389">389</a></span>Undoubtedly Cicero is here under the influence of the +Pythagoreans as well as of his own emotion. In another +chapter Lactantius seems to make this certain;<a name="FNanchor_840_840" id="FNanchor_840_840"></a><a href="#Footnote_840_840" class="fnanchor">840</a> he +begins by combining Stoics and Pythagoreans as both +believing the immortality of the soul, goes on to deal with +the Pythagorean doctrine (or one form of it) that in this +life we are expiating the sins of another, and ends by +quoting Cicero's <i>Consolatio</i> to that effect: "Quid Ciceroni +faciemus? qui cum in principio Consolationis suae dixit, +luendorum scelerum causa nasci homines, iteravit id ipsum +postea, quasi obiurgans eum qui vitam poenam non esse +putet." Another lost book, the <i>Hortensius</i>, which was +written immediately after the <i>Consolatio</i>, March to May +45,<a name="FNanchor_841_841" id="FNanchor_841_841"></a><a href="#Footnote_841_841" class="fnanchor">841</a> shows in one or two surviving fragments exactly the +same tendency of thought and reading.<a name="FNanchor_842_842" id="FNanchor_842_842"></a><a href="#Footnote_842_842" class="fnanchor">842</a> Our conclusion +then must be that Cicero, always impressionable, and in +his way also religious, had in this year 45 a real religious +experience. He was brought face to face with one of the +mysterious facts of life, and with one of the great mysteries +of the universe, and the religious instinct awoke within him. +How many others, even in that sordid and materialistic +age, may have had the like experience, with or without a +mystical philosophy to guide their thoughts? In the last +words of the famous Laudatio Turiae, of which I have +written at length in my <i>Social Life in the Age of Cicero</i>,<a name="FNanchor_843_843" id="FNanchor_843_843"></a><a href="#Footnote_843_843" class="fnanchor">843</a> +we may perhaps catch an echo of a similar religious +feeling: "Te di Manes tui ut quietam patiantur atque +ita tueantur opto" (I pray that thy divine Manes may +keep thee in peace and watch over thee). These words, +expressing the hope of a practical man, not of a philosopher, +are very difficult to explain, except as the +unauthorised utterances of an individual. They hardly +find a parallel either in literature or inscriptions. We +must not press them, yet they help us to divine that there +was in this last half-century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> some mystical yearning +to realise the condition of the loved ones gone before, and +the relation of their life to that of the living. This +religious instinct, let us note once for all, is not identical +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_390" id="Page_390">390</a></span>with the old one which we expressed by the formula +about the Power manifesting itself in the universe. The +religious instinct of the primitive Roman was concerned +only with this life and its perils and mysteries; the +religious instinct of Cicero's time was not that of simple +men struggling with agricultural perils, but that of +educated men whose minds could pass in emotional +moments far beyond the troubles of this present world, to +speculate on the great questions, why we are here, what +we are, and what becomes of us after death.</p> + +<p>But what of the ordinary Roman of this age—what +of the man who was not trained to think, and had no +leisure or desire to read? What did he believe about +a future life, or did he believe anything? This brings +us to a curious question about which I must say a very +few words—did this ordinary Roman, as Lucretius seems +to insist, believe in Hades and its torments? Not in +one passage only does Lucretius insist on this. "That +fear of Hell" (so Dr. Masson translates him) "must be +driven out headlong, which troubles the life of man from +its inmost depth, and overspreads everything with the +blackness of death, and permits no pleasure to be pure +and unalloyed."<a name="FNanchor_844_844" id="FNanchor_844_844"></a><a href="#Footnote_844_844" class="fnanchor">844</a> I need not multiply quotations; +evidently the poet believed what he said, though he +may be using the exaggeration of poetical diction. And +to a certain extent he is borne out by the literature of +his time. In fact Polybius, writing nearly a century +earlier of the Romans and their religion, implies that +such notions were common, and that they were invented +by "the ancients" to frighten the people into submission.<a name="FNanchor_845_845" id="FNanchor_845_845"></a><a href="#Footnote_845_845" class="fnanchor">845</a> +Cicero, though he of course thinks of them as merely +the fables of poets, seems to suggest that the ordinary +man did believe in them; thinking of his own recent +loss, he says that our misery would be unbearable when +we lose those we love, if we really thought of them as +"<i>in iis malis quibus vulgo opinantur</i>."<a name="FNanchor_846_846" id="FNanchor_846_846"></a><a href="#Footnote_846_846" class="fnanchor">846</a> Of course all +these fables were Greek, not Roman. There is no reason +to believe that the old Romans imagined their own dead +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_391" id="Page_391">391</a></span>experiencing any miseries in Orcus—the old name, as +it would seem, for the dimly imagined abode of the +Manes, afterwards personified after the manner of Plutus.<a name="FNanchor_847_847" id="FNanchor_847_847"></a><a href="#Footnote_847_847" class="fnanchor">847</a> +No doubt they believed that the dead were ghosts, +desiring to get back to their old homes, who, in the +well-ordered religion of the City-state, were limited in +this strong desire to certain days in the civic year.<a name="FNanchor_848_848" id="FNanchor_848_848"></a><a href="#Footnote_848_848" class="fnanchor">848</a> But +their first acquaintance with Hades and its tortures may +probably be dated early, <i>i.e.</i> when they first became +acquainted with Etruscan works of art, themselves the +result of a knowledge of Greek art and myth.<a name="FNanchor_849_849" id="FNanchor_849_849"></a><a href="#Footnote_849_849" class="fnanchor">849</a> Early +in the second century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> Plautus in the <i>Captivi</i> alluded +to these paintings as familiar;<a name="FNanchor_850_850" id="FNanchor_850_850"></a><a href="#Footnote_850_850" class="fnanchor">850</a> and we must not forget +that the Etruscans habitually chose the most gruesome +and cruel of the Greek fables for illustration, and +especially delighted in that of Charon, one likely enough +to strike the popular imagination. The play-writers +themselves were responsible for inculcating the belief, as +Boissier remarked in his work on the Roman religion of +the early empire.<a name="FNanchor_851_851" id="FNanchor_851_851"></a><a href="#Footnote_851_851" class="fnanchor">851</a> In the theatre, with women and +children present, Cicero says in the first book of his +<i>Tusculans</i>, the crowded auditorium is moved as it listens +to such a "grande carmen" as that sung by a ghost +describing his terrible journey from the realms of +Acheron; and in another passage of the same book +he mentions both painters and poets as responsible for +a delusion which philosophers have to refute.<a name="FNanchor_852_852" id="FNanchor_852_852"></a><a href="#Footnote_852_852" class="fnanchor">852</a> I need +not say that the Roman poets too continually use the +imagery of Tartarus; but they use it as literary tradition, +and in the sixth <i>Aeneid</i> it is used also to enforce the +idea of duty to the State which is the real theme of +the poem.</p> + +<p>As Dr. Masson truly observes, we have the literature +but we have not the folklore of the age of Cicero and +Virgil; and it must be confessed that without the folklore +such scanty literary evidence as I have just mentioned +does not come to much. Dr. Masson indeed +concludes on this evidence that the fear of future torments +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_392" id="Page_392">392</a></span>played a considerable part in the religious notions both +of the common people and possibly of some of the educated. +I think it may have been so, but on other grounds, +which I must briefly explain.</p> + +<p>From all that I have said in these lectures about the +religious ideas represented in the earliest calendar, <i>i.e.</i> +those of the governing Romans of the earliest City-state, +it will be plain that a gruesome eschatology was an impossibility +for them. Just the same may be said of the +Greek ideas represented in the Homeric poems; for with +the exception of the Nekuia of the <i>Odyssey</i>, which almost +all scholars agree in attributing to a later age than the +bulk of the two Homeric epics, in this poetry <i>il se fait +grand jour</i>.<a name="FNanchor_853_853" id="FNanchor_853_853"></a><a href="#Footnote_853_853" class="fnanchor">853</a> This is not the first time that I have +compared the religion of the Roman patricians to that of +Homer;<a name="FNanchor_854_854" id="FNanchor_854_854"></a><a href="#Footnote_854_854" class="fnanchor">854</a> and there is a growing conviction among +experts that we have in each case the ideas of a comparatively +civilised immigrant population, whose religion, +though it has developed in very different ways, has the +common characteristic of cleanness and brightness. In +Italy it is practical, in Homer imaginative; but in both +it is free from the brutal and the grotesque. Even the +eschatology of the eleventh <i>Odyssey</i> is not cruel, it is +comparatively colourless; and, as I said just now, this +also may be said of the Roman ideas of Orcus and the +Manes.</p> + +<p>In each case it is life, not death, that is of interest to +the living; death is rather a negation than anything +distinctly realised. The state of the dead in Homer is +shadowy and <i>triste</i>, a state not to be desired, as Achilles +so painfully expresses it in a famous passage; but the +<i>life</i> of the Achaean in the poems is vivid—nay, such +a vivid realisation of life can alone account for the +production of such poems. So, too, the immigrant +population at Rome, to whom is due the regulation of +the religion as we know it, and the inspiring force that +made for ordered government and warlike enterprise, +was too full of practical if not of imaginative vitality to +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_393" id="Page_393">393</a></span>be apt to dwell upon the possibilities of existence after +death, to conceive of such existence as either happy or +miserable, the reward or the punishment for things done +in this world.</p> + +<p>But in each peninsula this immigrant race was living +in the midst of a far more primitive population; and it +is perhaps to this population that we must look for the +origin of the more detailed and imaginative notions of +the life of the dead. Of the Greeks in this matter I +have not space here to speak, nor am I competent to do +so. But the conviction is steadily gaining ground that +in early Rome we have to recognise the existence of two +races; whether the older of these was Ligurian, as Prof. +Ridgeway thinks, or primitive Latin, <i>i.e.</i> old Italic, as +Binder believes, does not matter for our present purpose;<a name="FNanchor_855_855" id="FNanchor_855_855"></a><a href="#Footnote_855_855" class="fnanchor">855</a> +nor are the arguments drawn from religion which these +writers have used at all convincing to my intelligence. +But they have not noticed what is to me a really valid +argument, viz. the double festival of the dead in the +calendar of Numa. In February we find the cheerful +and orderly festival of the Parentalia, the yearly renewal +of the seemly rite of burial; in May, on the other hand, +the student of the calendar is astonished to find three +several days called Lemuria, the rites belonging to which +are never mentioned, except where Ovid treats us to a +grotesque account of the driving out of ancestral spirits +from the house.<a name="FNanchor_856_856" id="FNanchor_856_856"></a><a href="#Footnote_856_856" class="fnanchor">856</a> No one doubts, I think, that the +Lemuria represents an older stratum of thought about +the dead than the other festival,<a name="FNanchor_857_857" id="FNanchor_857_857"></a><a href="#Footnote_857_857" class="fnanchor">857</a> but no one, so far as I +know, has ventured to claim the Lemures and their three +days as belonging to the religion of the more primitive +race. If I make this suggestion now, it must be taken +as a hypothesis only, but as a hypothesis it can at least +do no harm. If I am asked why Lemuria should have +been admitted into the patrician calendar, I answer that +I have long held that a few of the non-patrician religious +customs were absorbed into the religion of the city of +the four regions, the Lupercalia, for example;<a name="FNanchor_858_858" id="FNanchor_858_858"></a><a href="#Footnote_858_858" class="fnanchor">858</a> and +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_394" id="Page_394">394</a></span>nothing could be more likely than that the old barbarous +ideas about the dead should win this amount of respect, +seeing that by the limitation to three days in the year +order and decency might be brought into their service. +I may repeat, with a slight addition, what I wrote ten +years ago about these two Roman festivals of the dead: +"If we compare Ovid's account of the grotesque domestic +rites of the Lemuria with those of February, which were +of a systematic, cheerful, and even beautiful character, we +may feel fairly sure that the latter represent the organised +life of a City-state, the former the ideas of an age when +life was wilder and less secure, and the fear of the dead, +of ghosts and demons, was a powerful factor in the minds +of the people. If we may argue from Ovid's account, it +is not impossible that the Lemuria may have been one of +those periodical expulsions of demons of which we hear +so much in the <i>Golden Bough</i>, and which are performed +on behalf of the community as well as in the domestic +circle among savage peoples. It is noticeable that the +offering of food to the demons is a feature common to +these practices, and that it also appears in those described +by Ovid."<a name="FNanchor_859_859" id="FNanchor_859_859"></a><a href="#Footnote_859_859" class="fnanchor">859</a> To this I should now add the suggestion +above made, that the Lemuria represents the ideas of +the older race that occupied the site of Rome, while +the Parentalia is originally the festival of the patrician +immigrants.</p> + +<p>But what has all this to do with the eschatology which +Lucretius attributes to the common people at Rome in his +own day? Simply this, that the ideas at the root of the +Lemuria may well have provided the raw material for +such an eschatology, while those at the root of the +Parentalia could not have done this. Dr. Westermarck +has recently shown that primitive religions do spontaneously +generate the idea of moral retribution after +death, <i>e.g.</i> the notion that the souls of bad people may +reappear as evil spirits or obnoxious animals.<a name="FNanchor_860_860" id="FNanchor_860_860"></a><a href="#Footnote_860_860" class="fnanchor">860</a> We have +no proof whatever of the existence of such notions at +Rome; but I contend that the permanence of this type +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_395" id="Page_395">395</a></span>of belief about the dead which is represented by the +Lemuria—a permanence which is attested by Ovid's +description—raises a presumption that the lower stratum +of the Roman population, if the chance were given it, +would the more readily understand the pictures of +Etruscan artists and the allusions of Greek playwrights, +and the more easily become the prey of the eschatological +horrors which Lucretius describes as terrifying them. The +material was there from the earliest times, and all that +was needed was for Greeks and Etruscans to work +upon it.</p> + +<p>Before leaving this point it may be worth while to +remember that though the well-to-do and educated classes +cremated their dead, the poor of the crowded city population +of the period I am now dealing with enjoyed no such +orderly and cleanly funeral rites. The literary evidence +is explicit on this point, and has been confirmed by +modern excavation on the Esquiline, where we know from +Varro and Horace that the poor and the slaves were +thrown <i>en masse</i> into <i>puticuli</i>, <i>i.e.</i> holes where it was +impossible that any memorial ceremonies could be kept +up.<a name="FNanchor_861_861" id="FNanchor_861_861"></a><a href="#Footnote_861_861" class="fnanchor">861</a> Horace's lines are familiar (<i>Sat.</i> 8. 8):</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">huc prius angustis eiecta cadavera cellis</span> +<span class="i0">conservus vili portanda locabat in arca.</span> +<span class="i0">hoc miserae plebi stabat commune sepulcrum, etc.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>It is dangerous to be too confident about the effect on +the religious imagination of different ways of dealing +with the dead; but it is at least not improbable that +any inherited tendency to believe in a miserable future +for the soul would be confirmed and maintained by so +miserable a fate for the body. The mass of the population +had little chance of ridding itself of eschatological +superstition.</p> + +<p>Thus I am inclined to come to Dr. Masson's conclusion, +though on somewhat different grounds. I think +it quite possible that the uneducated in the age of the +poet may have really been inoculated with these ideas of +cruel retribution, and that in many cases this may have +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_396" id="Page_396">396</a></span>resulted in despair or at least discomfort. Only we must +remember that in a great city like Rome, as in Paris or +London to-day, both the miseries and the enjoyments of +life would tend to accustom the minds of the lower strata +to consider the present rather than the future; the +necessities and pleasures of the moment are with them +the only material of thought. Neither comfort nor remonstrance +could reach them from pulpit or from missioner; +neither fear nor hope could largely enter into their lives. +In fact I half suspect that most of them were, after all, +so long as they were healthy and active, much what +Lucretius would have them be—free from all religious +scruple; but, alas, utterly destitute of the intellectual +support which he claimed from the study of philosophy. +We can well understand how it was among the lower +population of the great cities that early Christianity found +its chance. They had no education or philosophy to +stand between them and the gospel of redemption.</p> + +<p>I must say one word about another kind of transcendentalism +which was pushing its way into favour in +Roman society at this time—I mean astrology. One +may call it transcendental because it was based, in its +original home in the East, on a mystical notion of +sympathy between the phenomena of the starry heavens +and the phenomena of human life;<a name="FNanchor_862_862" id="FNanchor_862_862"></a><a href="#Footnote_862_862" class="fnanchor">862</a> and that this +notion was carefully inculcated by those who taught the +"science" at Rome is shown by the long and wearisome +poem on astrology written by Manilius in the succeeding +age. But it is not likely that this form of mysticism +had become really popular before the period of the +Empire, and in any case it can hardly be called a part of +Roman religious experience. I only mention it here as +helping to illustrate the way in which men's minds were +now beginning to turn with interest to speculations +altogether beyond the range of that practical ethical +philosophy which was natural and congenial to the +Roman, altogether beyond the horizon of man's daily +prospect in this world. The growing interest in Fortuna, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_397" id="Page_397">397</a></span>both as natural force and deity, which became intense +under the Empire, is another indication of the same +tendency.<a name="FNanchor_863_863" id="FNanchor_863_863"></a><a href="#Footnote_863_863" class="fnanchor">863</a></p> + +<p>As soon as Rome had come into close contact with +Greece, which had long before been overrun by the +eastern astrology—by the Chaldaeans or <i>mathematici</i>, as +they are so often called—these experts began to appear +also in Italy. We first hear of them from old Cato, who +advises that the steward of an estate should be strictly +forbidden to consult <i>Chaldaei</i>, <i>harioli</i>, <i>haruspices</i>, and such +gentry.<a name="FNanchor_864_864" id="FNanchor_864_864"></a><a href="#Footnote_864_864" class="fnanchor">864</a> In 139 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>—a year in which there happened +to be in Rome an embassy from Simon Maccabaeus—Chaldaeans +were ordered to leave Rome and Italy within +ten days; but I think there is some evidence that these +were really Jews who were trying to propagate their own +religion.<a name="FNanchor_865_865" id="FNanchor_865_865"></a><a href="#Footnote_865_865" class="fnanchor">865</a> For some time we hear nothing more of these +intruders; but they probably gained ground again in the +course of the Mithridatic wars, which were responsible +for the introduction of much Oriental religion into Italy. +They are mentioned in 87, together with θῦται and +Sibyllistae, as persuading the ill-fated Octavius to remain +in Rome to meet his death, as it turned out, at the hands +of the Marians.<a name="FNanchor_866_866" id="FNanchor_866_866"></a><a href="#Footnote_866_866" class="fnanchor">866</a> But no Roman seems to have taken +up astrology as a quasi-scientific study till that Nigidius, +of whom I have already said a word, was persuaded thus +to waste his time and brains. He is said to have foretold +the greatness of Augustus at his birth in 63 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>;<a name="FNanchor_867_867" id="FNanchor_867_867"></a><a href="#Footnote_867_867" class="fnanchor">867</a> and +from this time forward the taking of horoscopes or <i>genethliaca</i> +became a favourite pursuit at Rome—unfortunately +for the people of Europe, who caught the infection +and kept it endemic for at least fifteen centuries.</p> + +<p>Astrology is in no sense religion, and I must leave it +with these few remarks. It represents the individual and +his personal interests, not even the advantage of the community, +and it was for this reason that the Chaldaei were +disliked by the Roman government. The individual is +not satisfied with legitimate Roman means of divination; +he is employing illegitimate ways when he entrusts himself +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_398" id="Page_398">398</a></span>to these Orientals, who, most of them doubtless, well +deserved the scathing contempt which Tacitus has contrived +to put into six words: "Genus hominum potentibus +infidum, sperantibus fallax," adding, with no less contempt +for the Roman authorities who had to deal with +them, that they will always be forbidden, and always will +be found at Rome.<a name="FNanchor_868_868" id="FNanchor_868_868"></a><a href="#Footnote_868_868" class="fnanchor">868</a></p> + + +<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE XVII</h5> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_804_804" id="Footnote_804_804"></a><a href="#FNanchor_804_804"><span class="label">804</span></a> For the Pythagoreanism of the Neo-platonic movement in the +third century <span class="smcap">A.D.</span> consult Bussell, <i>Marcus Aurelius and the Later +Stoics</i> (Edin. 1910), p. 30 foll., who explains the reaction from +Stoicism to Neo-Platonism. See also Caird, <i>Gifford Lectures</i>, ii. +162 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_805_805" id="Footnote_805_805"></a><a href="#FNanchor_805_805"><span class="label">805</span></a> Schmekel, <i>Die mittlere Stoa</i>, p. 403, says that it had ceased +to exist for centuries as a philosophy, but cautiously adds in a note +that the knowledge of it was not extinct. The famous Orphic tablets +from South Italy are taken as dating from the third and fourth +centuries <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, and if not actually Pythagorean, they are next door to +being so. See Miss Harrison, <i>Prolegomena to the Study of Greek +Religion</i>, p. 660.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_806_806" id="Footnote_806_806"></a><a href="#FNanchor_806_806"><span class="label">806</span></a> <i>Tusc. Disp.</i> i. 38.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_807_807" id="Footnote_807_807"></a><a href="#FNanchor_807_807"><span class="label">807</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i>, Prof. Taylor's little book on Plato (Constable), p. 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_808_808" id="Footnote_808_808"></a><a href="#FNanchor_808_808"><span class="label">808</span></a> See above, p. 349.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_809_809" id="Footnote_809_809"></a><a href="#FNanchor_809_809"><span class="label">809</span></a> Sextus Empiricus, <i>adv. Physicos</i>, ii. 281 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_810_810" id="Footnote_810_810"></a><a href="#FNanchor_810_810"><span class="label">810</span></a> For the devotion of the believers to the founder and his <i>ipse +dixit</i>, see Cicero, <i>Nat. Deor.</i> i. 5. 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_811_811" id="Footnote_811_811"></a><a href="#FNanchor_811_811"><span class="label">811</span></a> The relation of Posidonius to Roman literature has been much +discussed of late. See, <i>e.g.</i>, Norden, Virgil, <i>Aen.</i> vi., index, <i>s.v.</i> +"Stoa"; Schmekel, <i>Die mittlere Stoa</i>, 85 foll., 238 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_812_812" id="Footnote_812_812"></a><a href="#FNanchor_812_812"><span class="label">812</span></a> For Panaetius' enthusiasm for Plato and his teaching, see +Cic. <i>Tusc. Disp.</i> i. 32. 79; the whole passage indicates, though it +does not exactly prove, an approach to the Platonic psychology.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_813_813" id="Footnote_813_813"></a><a href="#FNanchor_813_813"><span class="label">813</span></a> Caird, <i>Gifford Lectures</i>, vol. ii. p. 85.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_814_814" id="Footnote_814_814"></a><a href="#FNanchor_814_814"><span class="label">814</span></a> See above, p. 75. The idea that the practice of cremation +influenced the ideas of the Roman about the soul was first, I think, +suggested by Boissier, <i>Religion romaine</i>, i. 310. Cicero himself +hints at this conclusion in <i>Tusc. Disp.</i> i. 16. 36: "In terram enim +cadentibus corporibus, hisque humo tectis, e quo dictum est humari, +sub terra censebant reliquam vitam agi mortuorum. Quam eorum +opinionem magni errores consecuti sunt; quos auxerunt poetae."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_815_815" id="Footnote_815_815"></a><a href="#FNanchor_815_815"><span class="label">815</span></a> This point is well put by Dill, p. 493 of <i>Roman Society from +Nero to Marcus Aurelius</i>. See also Dieterich, <i>Eine Mithras-Liturgie</i>, +p. 200 fol.; Stewart, <i>Myths of Plato</i>, 352-53.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_816_816" id="Footnote_816_816"></a><a href="#FNanchor_816_816"><span class="label">816</span></a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_399" id="Page_399">399</a></span> Schmekel, <i>Die mittlere Stoa</i>, p. 400 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_817_817" id="Footnote_817_817"></a><a href="#FNanchor_817_817"><span class="label">817</span></a> <i>De Rep.</i> vi. 26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_818_818" id="Footnote_818_818"></a><a href="#FNanchor_818_818"><span class="label">818</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> The word <i>providet</i> reminds us that this transcendental +philosophy supplied the later Stoics with an explanation of divination. +See Bouché-Leclercq, <i>Hist. de divination</i>, i. 68; Dill, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 439; +Seneca, <i>Nat. Quaest.</i> ii. 52, fully accepted divination. Cp. Cic. +<i>Tusc. Disp.</i> i. 37. 66, where he quotes his own <i>Consolatio</i>; see +above, p. 388. Panaetius, however, had courageously denied +divination: Cic. <i>Div.</i> i. 3. 6; Zeller, <i>Stoics</i>, etc., p. 352.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_819_819" id="Footnote_819_819"></a><a href="#FNanchor_819_819"><span class="label">819</span></a> <i>De Rep.</i> vi. 15, 26, and 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_820_820" id="Footnote_820_820"></a><a href="#FNanchor_820_820"><span class="label">820</span></a> <i>Tusc. Disp.</i> i. 16. 36 foll. On the whole subject of the rise +of the soul after death see Dieterich, <i>Eine Mithras-Liturgie</i>, p. +179 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_821_821" id="Footnote_821_821"></a><a href="#FNanchor_821_821"><span class="label">821</span></a> Schmekel, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 438; Stewart, <i>Myths of Plato</i>, p. 300.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_822_822" id="Footnote_822_822"></a><a href="#FNanchor_822_822"><span class="label">822</span></a> For Nigidius, see Schanz, <i>Gesch. der röm. Literatur</i> (ed. 2), +vol. ii. p. 419 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_823_823" id="Footnote_823_823"></a><a href="#FNanchor_823_823"><span class="label">823</span></a> "Nigidius Figulus Pythagoreus et magus in exilio moritur" +is the notice of him in St. Jerome's Chronicle for the year 45 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_824_824" id="Footnote_824_824"></a><a href="#FNanchor_824_824"><span class="label">824</span></a> These letters are in the 12th book of those to Atticus, +Nos. 12-40.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_825_825" id="Footnote_825_825"></a><a href="#FNanchor_825_825"><span class="label">825</span></a> <i>Ad Att.</i> xii. 36. The translation is Shuckburgh's.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_826_826" id="Footnote_826_826"></a><a href="#FNanchor_826_826"><span class="label">826</span></a> A good example is Virg. <i>Aen.</i> viii. 349, but it is needless to +multiply instances of the <i>religio loci</i>. Serv. <i>ad Aen.</i> i. 314 defines +<i>lucus</i> as "arborum multitudo cum religione."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_827_827" id="Footnote_827_827"></a><a href="#FNanchor_827_827"><span class="label">827</span></a> <i>Ad Att.</i> xii. 36; cp. 35. He uses the Greek word ἀποθἑωσιϛ +in 35. 1, which seems to have come into use in his own time; see +Liddell & Scott, <i>s.v.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_828_828" id="Footnote_828_828"></a><a href="#FNanchor_828_828"><span class="label">828</span></a> See above, p. 58.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_829_829" id="Footnote_829_829"></a><a href="#FNanchor_829_829"><span class="label">829</span></a> <i>Aen.</i> vi. 743. The meaning of these words seems to be quite +plain, though commentators have worried themselves over them from +Servius downwards. The mistake has been in not sufficiently considering +the force of <i>quisque</i>, and puzzling too much over the vague +word <i>Manes</i>. Henry discerned the true meaning in our own time. +See his <i>Aeneidea</i>, vol. iii. p. 397. Cp. the words quoted above from +<i>Somn. Scip.</i>: "mens cuiusque is est quisque." M. S. Reinach +(<i>Cultes</i>, etc. ii. 135 foll.) is not far out: "Nous souffrons chacun +suivant le degré de souillure de nos âmes."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_830_830" id="Footnote_830_830"></a><a href="#FNanchor_830_830"><span class="label">830</span></a> <i>C.I.L.</i> i. 639, with Mommsen's note.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_831_831" id="Footnote_831_831"></a><a href="#FNanchor_831_831"><span class="label">831</span></a> See <i>R.F.</i> p. 308.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_832_832" id="Footnote_832_832"></a><a href="#FNanchor_832_832"><span class="label">832</span></a> <i>Tusc. Disp.</i> i. 12. 27. For the "ius Manium," <i>de Legibus</i>, ii. +22 and 54 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_833_833" id="Footnote_833_833"></a><a href="#FNanchor_833_833"><span class="label">833</span></a> <i>Ad Att.</i> xii. 18: "Longum illud tempus <i>cum non ero</i> magis +me movet quam hoc exiguum," etc. Cp. <i>Tusc.</i> i. <i>ad fin.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_834_834" id="Footnote_834_834"></a><a href="#FNanchor_834_834"><span class="label">834</span></a> <i>Ad Fam.</i> iv. 5. 6: "Quod si quis apud inferos sensus est, +qui illius in te amor fuit pietasque in omnes suos, hoc certe illa te +facere nonvult."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_835_835" id="Footnote_835_835"></a><a href="#FNanchor_835_835"><span class="label">835</span></a> Sall. <i>Cat.</i> ch. 51: "Mortem cuncta mortalium dissolvere, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_400" id="Page_400">400</a></span>ultra neque curae neque gaudio locum esse." This is the Epicurean +doctrine, which Caesar was said to hold.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_836_836" id="Footnote_836_836"></a><a href="#FNanchor_836_836"><span class="label">836</span></a> Catull. 5. 6; Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> vii. 188. The whole passage is +worth quoting: "Post sepulturam vanae Manium ambages. Omnibus +a supremo die eadem quae ante primum, nec magis a morte +sensus ullus aut corpori aut animae quam ante natalem. Eadem +enim vanitas in futurum etiam se propagat et in mortis quoque +tempora sibi vitam mentitur, alias immortalitatem animae, alias +transfigurationem, <i>alias sensum inferis dando et Manes colendo +deumque faciendo qui iam etiam homo esse desierit</i>, ceu vero ullo modo +spirandi ratio ceteris animalibus praestet, aut non diuturniora in vita +multa reperiantur quibus nemo similem divinat immortalitatem," etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_837_837" id="Footnote_837_837"></a><a href="#FNanchor_837_837"><span class="label">837</span></a> There is an essay on this form of literature in the <i>Études +morales sur l'antiquité</i> of Constant Martha, p. 135 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_838_838" id="Footnote_838_838"></a><a href="#FNanchor_838_838"><span class="label">838</span></a> <i>Tusc. Disp.</i> i. 27. 66.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_839_839" id="Footnote_839_839"></a><a href="#FNanchor_839_839"><span class="label">839</span></a> Lact. <i>Inst.</i> i. 15. 20.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_840_840" id="Footnote_840_840"></a><a href="#FNanchor_840_840"><span class="label">840</span></a> Lact. iii. 18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_841_841" id="Footnote_841_841"></a><a href="#FNanchor_841_841"><span class="label">841</span></a> See Schanz, <i>Gesch. der röm. Literatur</i>, vol. ii. p. 376.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_842_842" id="Footnote_842_842"></a><a href="#FNanchor_842_842"><span class="label">842</span></a> Fragments 54 and 55.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_843_843" id="Footnote_843_843"></a><a href="#FNanchor_843_843"><span class="label">843</span></a> P. 158 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_844_844" id="Footnote_844_844"></a><a href="#FNanchor_844_844"><span class="label">844</span></a> Lucr. vi. 764 foll. Cp. iii. 966 foll.; Masson, <i>Lucretius</i>, i. +p. 402. Mr. Cyril Bailey also reminds me of Lucr. iii. 31-93, and +1053 to end; and adds a decided opinion that the poet is not here +thinking of the common Roman, but of the educated Roman brought +up on Greek and Graeco-Roman poetry and philosophy.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_845_845" id="Footnote_845_845"></a><a href="#FNanchor_845_845"><span class="label">845</span></a> Polyb. vi. 56.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_846_846" id="Footnote_846_846"></a><a href="#FNanchor_846_846"><span class="label">846</span></a> <i>Tusc.</i> i. 46. 111.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_847_847" id="Footnote_847_847"></a><a href="#FNanchor_847_847"><span class="label">847</span></a> See Roscher's <i>Myth. Lex.</i> <i>s.v.</i> "Orcus"; Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> +p. 192.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_848_848" id="Footnote_848_848"></a><a href="#FNanchor_848_848"><span class="label">848</span></a> See above, p. 107.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_849_849" id="Footnote_849_849"></a><a href="#FNanchor_849_849"><span class="label">849</span></a> Müller-Deecke, <i>Etrusker</i>, ii. 108 foll. Illustrations can be +seen in Dennis, <i>Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria</i>, ed. 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_850_850" id="Footnote_850_850"></a><a href="#FNanchor_850_850"><span class="label">850</span></a> <i>Captivi</i>, v. 4. 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_851_851" id="Footnote_851_851"></a><a href="#FNanchor_851_851"><span class="label">851</span></a> <i>La Religion romaine d'Auguste aux Antonins</i>, vol. i. p. 310.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_852_852" id="Footnote_852_852"></a><a href="#FNanchor_852_852"><span class="label">852</span></a> Cic. <i>Tusc.</i> i. 16. 37. For the eschatology of the sixth <i>Aeneid</i>, +a curious mélange of religion, philosophy, and folklore, see Norden's +work on Virgil, <i>Aeneid</i>, vi. (index, p. 468). Norden believes, I may +note, that the philosophical and religious elements in it are mainly +derived from Posidonius. Cp. also Glover, <i>Studies in Virgil</i>, ch. x. +(Hades). For popular beliefs in Hades, etc., under the Empire, see +Friedländer's <i>Sittengeschichte</i>, vol. iii. last chapter.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_853_853" id="Footnote_853_853"></a><a href="#FNanchor_853_853"><span class="label">853</span></a> Weil, <i>Études sur l'antiquité grecque</i>, p. 12, quoted by Glover, +p. 218.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_854_854" id="Footnote_854_854"></a><a href="#FNanchor_854_854"><span class="label">854</span></a> See above, p. 105.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_855_855" id="Footnote_855_855"></a><a href="#FNanchor_855_855"><span class="label">855</span></a> Since this lecture was written a most interesting discussion +of Greek ideas, Achaean and Pelasgic, about the relation of soul and +body after death, has appeared in Mr. Lawson's <i>Modern Greek Folklore +</i><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_401" id="Page_401">401</a></span><i>and Ancient Greek Religion</i>, especially in chapters v. and vi., +confirming me, to some extent at least, in the conjecture I had here +hazarded. The working of the imagination in regard to a future +state is in Greece, in his view, peculiar to the older or Pelasgic +population; and if the Etruscans were of Pelasgic stock, as is now +believed by many, their imaginative grotesqueness, a degraded form +perhaps of the original characteristic, acting on the ideas of a still +more primitive population of which the Lemuria is a survival, might +explain the later prevalence of a gruesome eschatology at Rome. +But whoever studies Mr. Lawson's chapters closely will find serious +difficulties in the way even of such a hypothesis as this.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_856_856" id="Footnote_856_856"></a><a href="#FNanchor_856_856"><span class="label">856</span></a> Ovid, <i>Fasti</i>, v. 430 foll.; <i>R.F.</i> p. 109. Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> +p. 192, attributes the ideas of larvae (ghosts) and of Orcus, not to +religion, but to popular superstition. If he here means by religion +the State religion and the <i>Parentalia</i> in particular, I can agree with +him.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_857_857" id="Footnote_857_857"></a><a href="#FNanchor_857_857"><span class="label">857</span></a> Dr. Carter allows this in Hastings' <i>Dict. of Religion and +Ethics</i>, vol. i. (Roman section of article "Ancestor Worship.")</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_858_858" id="Footnote_858_858"></a><a href="#FNanchor_858_858"><span class="label">858</span></a> See <i>R.F.</i> p. 334.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_859_859" id="Footnote_859_859"></a><a href="#FNanchor_859_859"><span class="label">859</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 107.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_860_860" id="Footnote_860_860"></a><a href="#FNanchor_860_860"><span class="label">860</span></a> <i>Origin and Development of Moral Ideas</i>, ii. 693 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_861_861" id="Footnote_861_861"></a><a href="#FNanchor_861_861"><span class="label">861</span></a> Varro, <i>L.L.</i> v. 25; Paulus p. 216; Hülsen-Jordan, <i>Röm. +Topogr.</i> iii. p. 268 foll. The remains of these puticuli were unluckily +very imperfectly reported, and have been lost in the building +of the Rome of to-day. On the question of the religious aspect of +the two ways of disposing of the dead, burial and cremation, it is as +well to remember Dieterich's warning in <i>Mutter Erde</i>, p. 66, note: +"den Versuch, aus der Verbreitung und dem Wechsel der Sitte des +Verbrennens und Begrabens für meine Untersuchung Schlüsse zu +gewinnen, habe ichvöllig aufgegeben, als ich angesichts der ungeheueren +Materialen meines Kollegen von Duhn die Unmöglicheit +solcher Schlüsse einsehen musste." In Mr. Lawson's book quoted +above it seems to me to be proved that the object of both methods +is the same, viz. to destroy the body as quickly as possible in order +to prevent the soul from re-entering it and annoying the survivors.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_862_862" id="Footnote_862_862"></a><a href="#FNanchor_862_862"><span class="label">862</span></a> This is well explained by Cumont in his <i>Religions orientales +dans le paganisme romain</i>, p. 196 foll., following Bouché-Leclercq's +work on astrology in Greece. Cumont thinks that astrology took +over the business of the augurs and haruspices, which was now +dropped, and this is true in the main as regards the individual, but +not as regards the State; see above, p. 308 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_863_863" id="Footnote_863_863"></a><a href="#FNanchor_863_863"><span class="label">863</span></a> For Fortuna in the writings of Caesar, etc., see <i>Classical +Review</i>, vol. xvii. p. 153. The <i>locus classicus</i> for Fortuna as a deity +under the early empire is Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> ii. 22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_864_864" id="Footnote_864_864"></a><a href="#FNanchor_864_864"><span class="label">864</span></a> Cato, <i>R.R.</i> ch. v. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_865_865" id="Footnote_865_865"></a><a href="#FNanchor_865_865"><span class="label">865</span></a> Val. Max. i. 3. 2, who no doubt was following Livy; for in +the Epitomes of some lost books of Livy discovered at Oxyrrhyncus +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_402" id="Page_402">402</a></span>by Grenfell and Hunt (<i>Oxyrrh. Papyri</i>, vol. iv. p. 101), the same +fact is alluded to. For the embassy, Maccab. i. 14. 24; xv. 15-24. +Two extracts from the text of Valerius, which is here lost, both state +that proselytising Jews were at this time driven from Rome; the +Jupiter Sabazius, whose cult they were propagating, can hardly be +other than that of Jehovah; see Schürer, <i>Jewish People in the Time +of Christ</i>, pt. ii. vol. ii. p. 233 of the English translation. The +expulsion of Chaldaei may, however, have been a separate measure +of the praetor Hispalus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_866_866" id="Footnote_866_866"></a><a href="#FNanchor_866_866"><span class="label">866</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Marius</i>, 42.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_867_867" id="Footnote_867_867"></a><a href="#FNanchor_867_867"><span class="label">867</span></a> Suet. <i>Aug.</i> 1. I have seen a learned work about a century +old, now entirely forgotten, in which it is maintained that Virgil's +fourth Eclogue is simply a genethliacon of Augustus; the arguments, +which are ingenious but futile, are drawn from the poem of +Manilius.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_868_868" id="Footnote_868_868"></a><a href="#FNanchor_868_868"><span class="label">868</span></a> Tacitus, <i>Hist.</i> i. 22.</p></div> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_403" id="Page_403">403</a></span></p> +<h4>LECTURE XVIII</h4> + +<h5>RELIGIOUS FEELING IN THE POEMS OF VIRGIL</h5> + + +<p>My justification for devoting a whole lecture to Virgil +must be that this great poet, more warmly and sympathetically +than any other Latin author, gives expression +to the best religious feeling of the Roman mind. And +this is so not only in regard to the tendencies of religion +in his own day; he stands apart from all his literary +contemporaries in that he sums up the past of Roman +religious experience, reflects that of his own time, and +also looks forward into the future. No other poet, no +historian, not even Livy, who sprang from the same +region and in his tone and spirit in some ways resembles +Virgil, has the same broad outlook, the same tender interest +in religious antiquity, the same all-embracing sympathy +for the Roman world he knew, and the same confident +and cheerful hope for its future. Each of the Augustan +poets—Horace, Ovid, Propertius, Tibullus—has his own +peculiar gift and charm; but those who know Virgil +through and through will at once acknowledge the difference +between these and the man possessed of spiritual +insight. They are helpful in various ways to the student +of Roman religion, and Tibullus especially has a simple +reverence for the old religion which has inspired a few +exquisite descriptions of this aspect of Italian life. But, +if I may use the word, they had no mission; they were +true poets, yet not poets of the prophetic order; they had +not thought deeply and reached conviction, like Lucretius +and Virgil. A few words from the conclusion of an +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_404" id="Page_404">404</a></span>Edinburgh professor's admirable work on Virgil will +sufficiently express what I mean. "His religious belief," +says Sellar, "like his other speculative convictions, was +composite and undefined; yet it embraced what was +purest and most vital in the religions of antiquity, and in +its deepest intuitions it seems to look forward to the belief +which became dominant in Rome four centuries later."<a name="FNanchor_869_869" id="FNanchor_869_869"></a><a href="#Footnote_869_869" class="fnanchor">869</a> +In fact, Virgil gathers up what was valuable in the past of +Rome and adds to it a new element, a new source of life +and hope. It was this that made it possible for a great +French critic to assert that for those who have read Virgil +there is nothing astonishing in Christianity.<a name="FNanchor_870_870" id="FNanchor_870_870"></a><a href="#Footnote_870_870" class="fnanchor">870</a> Let us try +and realise what these writers mean. The Scotsman is +sober and earnest, the Frenchman epigrammatically exaggerating; +but the feeling that underlies both utterances +is a true one.</p> + +<p>We have traced the gradual paralysis of the secularised +State religion. We have glanced at the two types of +philosophical thought which took the place of that religion +in the minds of the cultivated section of Roman society, +neither of which could adequately supply the Roman and +Italian mind with an expression of its own natural feeling, +never wholly extinct, of its relation to the Power manifesting +itself in the universe. Stoicism came near to doing +what was needed, by rehabilitating itself on Italian soil +and indulging Roman preconceptions of the divine; but it +could not greatly affect the mass of men, and its appeal was +not to feeling, but to reason. Epicurism, though perhaps +more popular, was in reality more in conflict with what was +best in the Italian nature, and the passionate appeal of +Lucretius to look for comfort to a scientific knowledge of +the <i>rerum natura</i> had no enduring power to cheer. Lastly, +we have examined the tendency of the same age towards +mysticism and Cicero's doubting and embarrassed expression +of it, and we found that this tendency rather illustrates +a sense of something wanting than hopefully satisfies it. +We may well feel ourselves, now we have arrived at the +close of the Republican era, just as the best men of that +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_405" id="Page_405">405</a></span>day felt, that there <i>is</i> something wanting. In their minds +this feeling almost amounted to despair; in ours, as we +read the story of the troublous time after the death of +Caesar, it is pity and wonder. There was, in fact, more +than a sense of weariness and discomfort, moral and +material, in the Roman mind of that generation—there +was also what we may almost call a sense of sin, such a +feeling, though doubtless less real and intense, as that +which their prophets, from time to time, awoke in the +Jewish people, and one not unknown in the history of +Hellas. It was essentially a feeling of neglected duty—of +neglected duty to the Power and of goodwill wanting +towards men. Lucretius had been unconsciously a +powerful witness to this feeling, but had not found the +remedy. In the early Augustan age it is again expressed +by Horace, by Sallust, and more deeply and truly in the +beautiful preface to Livy's History.<a name="FNanchor_871_871" id="FNanchor_871_871"></a><a href="#Footnote_871_871" class="fnanchor">871</a> Livy there says that +he devoted himself to the early annals of Rome that he +might shut his eyes to the evils of his own time—"tempora +quibus nec vitia nostra nec remedia pati possumus."</p> + +<p>This something wanting was then a feeling, a <i>religio</i>, if +we can venture to use the old word once more in the +sense which I have so often attributed to it. Not an +unreasonable or ungovernable feeling, not a <i>superstitio</i>, +but a feeling of happy dependence on a higher Power, +and a desire to conform to His will in all the relations of +human life. This is the kind of feeling that had always +lain at the root of the Roman <i>pietas</i>, the sense of duty to +family and State, and to the deities who protected them. +In the jarring of factions, the cruelty and bloodshed of +tyrants, and the luxurious self-indulgence of the last two +generations, the voice of <i>pietas</i> had been silenced, the +better instincts of humanity had gone down. We have +to see what was done by our poet to awake that voice +again and to put fresh life into those instincts. Only let +us remember that more permanent good is done in this +world by a beautiful nature giving itself its natural expression, +than by precept or denunciation; and beware of +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_406" id="Page_406">406</a></span>attributing to Virgil more direct consciousness of his +mission than he really felt. It is the nature of the man +that is of value to us in our studies, as it was to the +Romans in their despair, a nature ruled by sweet, calm +feeling, full of sympathy and full of hope.</p> + +<p>The something wanting in others which we find in +Virgil only, or in him more convincingly felt and more +resonantly expressed, is a kindly and hopeful outlook on +the world, with a deep and real sympathy for all sorrow +and pain. It is not the result of any definite religious +conviction; it is in the nature of the man, and is of the +very fibre of his being; but it made him a better religious +teacher than the rest, just because real religion is not a +matter of reason only, or of convention, or of art, but of +feeling. This was the true antidote to despair or depression—a +sympathy with man in all he does or suffers, not +an indignant cry of remonstrance like that of Lucretius. +Virgil's sympathetic outlook includes not only Man, but +the animal world, and there can be no better proof that +his feeling was genuine. The nightingale robbed of her +young,<a name="FNanchor_872_872" id="FNanchor_872_872"></a><a href="#Footnote_872_872" class="fnanchor">872</a></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i13">quem durus arator</span> +<span class="i0">observans nido implumes detraxit: at illa</span> +<span class="i0">flet noctem, ramoque sedens miserabile carmen</span> +<span class="i0">integrat et maestis late loca questibus implet;</span> +</div> +</div> +<p>the cattle smitten by the plague,<a name="FNanchor_873_873" id="FNanchor_873_873"></a><a href="#Footnote_873_873" class="fnanchor">873</a> the migrating birds +coming in from the sea,<a name="FNanchor_874_874" id="FNanchor_874_874"></a><a href="#Footnote_874_874" class="fnanchor">874</a> and many another tender +touch, all show us the feeling of which I am speaking; for +he who could so feel towards animals must needs have a +soul of pity for man. So, too, with the inanimate nature +of Italy; the land in which Virgil's shepherds and husbandmen +live and work is one full of such detailed loveliness +as might suggest a beneficent Power presiding over it all, +inviting man to lift up his heart in gratitude or prayer. +As Sellar has well remarked,<a name="FNanchor_875_875" id="FNanchor_875_875"></a><a href="#Footnote_875_875" class="fnanchor">875</a> the sense of natural beauty +is in the <i>Georgics</i> intertwined with the toil of man, raising, +as it were, the toiler to a higher level of humanity as he +lifts his eyes from his work. And this natural beauty is +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_407" id="Page_407">407</a></span>made real for the reader by the life and force that everywhere +pervades it; all nature is alive and full of feeling; +the fruit trees, for example, in the second <i>Georgic</i> seem +instinct with an almost human life.<a name="FNanchor_876_876" id="FNanchor_876_876"></a><a href="#Footnote_876_876" class="fnanchor">876</a> The moment this +comes home to us we see how it harmonises with all we +have learnt of the old Italian conception of the divine, of +the forceful <i>numina</i> working for man's benefit if properly +propitiated. And even when Virgil is using the language +of the Stoics to explain the life of nature, we feel that +behind the philosophical theory there lies this feeling of +the Italian:</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i8">deum namque ire per omnes</span> +<span class="i0">terrasque tractusque maris caelumque profundum:</span> +<span class="i0">hinc pecudes, armenta, viros, genus omne ferarum.<a name="FNanchor_877_877" id="FNanchor_877_877"></a><a href="#Footnote_877_877" class="fnanchor">877</a></span> +</div> +</div> +<p>This is the religious spirit of the <i>Georgics</i>; the divine +forces are everywhere, and a man must submit himself to +them and seek their aid. He finds his true resource +rather in prayer than in philosophy, his part in the world +is "laborare et orare." The hard lot of the Hesiodic +labourer is not that of the <i>agricola</i> of the <i>Georgics</i>, who +carries on his campaign of toil with a cheerful heart and +a clear conscience, for he is in right relation with the +Power manifesting itself in the life around him.</p> + +<p>This, then, so far as I can describe it without going too +far into detail, is the feeling, the <i>religio</i>, which was needed +in the Italy of that day. We may, perhaps, venture to +compare its revival in the work of Virgil with the return +to nature in the English poetry of a century ago, which +also brought with it a revival of religious fervency. +Though Virgil and Wordsworth are in many ways as +unlike as two poets can be, they are alike in the possession +of that gentle and trustful outlook on the world of +nature which stimulates the mind to think of itself in its +relation to the Power. We do not need to analyse the +process or to put it into any logical shape; we may rest +content with it as a fact in the history of Roman religious +experience.</p> + +<p>In Virgil's case, as in Wordsworth's, this feeling had +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_408" id="Page_408">408</a></span>the effect of reconciling the poet's mind to the old forms +of religious worship. Reconcile is, perhaps, hardly the +right word; we may doubt whether he had ever quarrelled +with them. As he believed in the Power and its +manifestations, so too he believed in the traditional modes +of propitiating it, not asking himself the <i>raison d'être</i> of +this or that ceremony, still less looking on them with pity +and contempt, like Lucretius, but accepting them in his +broad humanity as part of the life and thought of man +in Italy.</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">fortunatus et ille Deos qui <i>novit</i> agrestes.<a name="FNanchor_878_878" id="FNanchor_878_878"></a><a href="#Footnote_878_878" class="fnanchor">878</a></span> +</div> +</div> +<p>Let us mark the word <i>novit</i>. The husbandman has come +to recognise these emanations of the Power and to know +them as friends; the word could not have been used of +malignant spirits. As I said in an early lecture, man +advances in his knowledge of the Power as he advances +in civilisation. So the rural rites have a claim on his +sympathy no less than the men who performed them; he +knew them in their detail, and he knew them in the spirit +which animated them. He must have studied them in +detail, and not only the rural cults, but those of the city +too; every gesture in worship has an interest for him, +and so great is our respect for his accuracy that we accept +what he tells us even if we cannot explain it.<a name="FNanchor_879_879" id="FNanchor_879_879"></a><a href="#Footnote_879_879" class="fnanchor">879</a> His +careful learning in all these details has been the means of +preserving for us large sources of knowledge; for Servius, +Macrobius, and other commentators accumulated stores of +it in endeavouring to interpret him.</p> + +<p>Now, this is not mere antiquarianism in Virgil, any +more than is the detail of old life which abounds in Scott's +poems and novels. These two men had the same wide, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_409" id="Page_409">409</a></span>sympathetic outlook on the world. Scott was interested +in everything and everybody, whether living or dead long +ago, and in all they did; and I think we may say the +same of Virgil, though he is said to have been rather +reserved and shy than genial and talkative like Scott. +Virgil's mind was not so much "curious," I think, as +sympathetic, and his delight in these religious details +arises from his love of Italy and all that man did in it. +He caught the spirit of the old Italian worship, which, as +we saw, demanded that each act should be performed +accurately according to rules laid down. He recognises +the necessity, and with true Italian instinct he acts upon +it as he writes. He knows that these acts of cult are +one outward expression of that quality which had made +Rome great—<i>pietas</i>, the sense of duty to family, State, +and Deity.</p> + +<p>So far I have been considering what I may call the +psychological basis of Virgil's religion—the man's sympathetic +nature and wide outlook, which included in its +love of Italy even the old practical worship of Italians. I +have now to go on to the poet's greatest work, in which +the idea of duty was not merely recognised in religious +acts but exemplified in an ideal Roman. It is mainly in +the <i>Aeneid</i> that we see him looking forward as well as +backward, for it is there that we have the chart of the +Roman's duty drawn to the scale of his past history, and +meant to guide him in the future in still more glorious +travel.</p> + +<p>There are two ways in which we may contemplate the +<i>Aeneid</i> as a whole and the teaching it offered the Roman +of that day. We may think of it (if I may for a moment +use musical language) as a great fugue, of which the +leading subject is the mission of Rome in the world. +Providence, Divine will, the Reason of the Stoics, or, in +the poetical setting of the poem, Jupiter, the great protecting +Roman deity, with the Fates behind him somewhat +vaguely conceived,<a name="FNanchor_880_880" id="FNanchor_880_880"></a><a href="#Footnote_880_880" class="fnanchor">880</a> had guided the State to greatness +and empire from its infancy onwards, and the citizens of +that State must be worthy of that destiny if they were to +carry out the great work. This mighty theme pervades +the whole poem and, like the subject of a fugue, enters +and re-enters from time to time in thrilling tones. It is +given out in the prophecy put into the mouth of Jupiter +himself at the beginning of the first book; it is heard +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_410" id="Page_410">410</a></span>in still more magnificent music from the shade of old +Anchises in the last moments of the hero's visit to Hades +in the sixth book, and again in the description of the +shield which Venus gives her son.<a name="FNanchor_881_881" id="FNanchor_881_881"></a><a href="#Footnote_881_881" class="fnanchor">881</a> Though the poem +is unequal and some parts of it are left without the final +touches, yet whenever the poet comes upon this great +theme the tone is that of a full organ. This is, I think, +apart from those exquisite beauties of detail which are +for those only who have been initiated in the Virgilian +mysteries, what chiefly moves the modern reader of Virgil. +There are drawbacks which, for us moderns at least, +detract from the general effect: the intervention of gods +and goddesses after the Homeric manner, but without the +charm of Homer; the seeming want of warm human +blood in the hero; the stern decrees of Fate overruling +human passions and interests; but he who keeps the +great theme ever in mind, watching for it as he reads, as +one watches for the new entry of a great fugue-subject, +will never fail to see in the <i>Aeneid</i> one of the noblest +efforts of human art—to understand what makes it the +world's second great epic.</p> + +<p>But this great destiny of Rome has been accomplished +by the service of man; by his loyalty, self-sacrifice, and +sense of duty; by that quality known to the Romans as +<i>pietas</i>; and the second lesson or reminder of the <i>Aeneid</i> +lies in the exemplification of this truth in the person and +character of the hero. We moderns find it hard to +interest ourselves in the character of Aeneas. But as Prof. +Nettleship remarked long ago,<a name="FNanchor_882_882" id="FNanchor_882_882"></a><a href="#Footnote_882_882" class="fnanchor">882</a> a Roman reader would +not have thought him dull or uninteresting; if that had +been so, the poem could hardly have become popular +from the moment of its publication. I am inclined to +think that the <i>development</i> of the character of Aeneas +under stress of perils, moral and material, was much more +obvious to the Roman than it is to us, and much more +keenly appreciated. For him it was the chief lesson of +the poem, which makes it as it were a "whole duty of the +Roman"; and as this lesson is really a part of Roman +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_411" id="Page_411">411</a></span>religious experience I am going to occupy the rest of this +lecture with it.</p> + +<p>The development of the character of Aeneas, under +the influence of perils and temptations through which he +is guided by Jupiter and the Fates, is not a subject which +has received much attention from modern criticism.<a name="FNanchor_883_883" id="FNanchor_883_883"></a><a href="#Footnote_883_883" class="fnanchor">883</a> +Yet to me, at least, it would be surprising if the leading +character of the poem were, so to speak, a statue once +and for all conceived and executed by the artist, instead +of a human being subjected to various experiences which +work upon his character as well as his career. There +were circumstances in Virgil's time which made it natural +that a poet of a serious and philosophical turn of mind +should be interested in the development of character and +make it part of his great subject. We have more than +once had occasion to notice the growth of individualism +in the last two centuries <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> Beyond doubt personal +character had a great interest at this time for thinking +men, apart from its development; the world was ruled +by individuals, and at no time has so much depended on +the disposition of individuals. Men had long begun to +take themselves very seriously, and to write their own +biographies. So entirely had the individual emancipated +himself from the State, that he had almost forgotten that +the State existed and claimed his <i>pietas</i>; he worked +and played for his own ends.<a name="FNanchor_884_884" id="FNanchor_884_884"></a><a href="#Footnote_884_884" class="fnanchor">884</a> Even the armies of that +melancholy age were known and thought of, not as the +servants of the State, but as Sullani, Pompeiani, and so +on. This almost arrogant self-assertion of the individual +was a fact of the time, and could not be suppressed +entirely; it was henceforward impossible to return to the +old times when the State was all in all and the individual +counted for little.</p> + +<p>But in the <i>Aeneid</i>, if I am not mistaken, there is +an almost perfect balance between the two conflicting +interests. The State is the pivot on which turns all that +is best in individual human character; in other words, +Aeneas is not playing his own game, but fulfilling the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_412" id="Page_412">412</a></span>order of destiny which was to bring the world under +Roman dominion. Individualism of the wrong type, that +of Dido, Turnus, Mezentius, has to be escaped or overcome +by the hero, for whom the call of duty is that of the +State to be; but, all the same, the hero is an <i>individual</i>, +and one conceived not merely as a type or a force. +True, he is typical of Roman <i>pietas</i>, and bears his constant +epithet accordingly; but if we look at him carefully we +shall see that his <i>pietas</i> is at first imperfect, and that his +individualism has to be tamed and brought into the service +of the State <i>with the help of the State's deities</i>. This +is what makes the <i>Aeneid</i> a religious poem; the character +of Aeneas is pivoted on religion; religion is the one +sanction of his conduct. There is no appeal in the +<i>Aeneid</i> to knowledge, or reason, or pleasure,—always +to the will of God. <i>Pietas</i> is Virgil's word for religion, +as it had been Cicero's in his more exalted moments. +In the Dream of Scipio we read that "<i>piis</i> omnibus +retinendus est animus in custodia corporis: nec iniussu +eius a quo ille est vobis datus, ex hominum vita migrandum +est, <i>ne munus humanum adsignatum a deo defugisse videamini</i>."<a name="FNanchor_885_885" id="FNanchor_885_885"></a><a href="#Footnote_885_885" class="fnanchor">885</a> +In these words, as is shown by those that +follow, the <i>munus hominum</i> is exactly what it is in the +<i>Aeneid</i>, duty to Man and the State, and as it is laid +down for man by God, it is also duty to Him. The +State finds its perfection in the individual so long as he +thus fulfills the will of God.<a name="FNanchor_886_886" id="FNanchor_886_886"></a><a href="#Footnote_886_886" class="fnanchor">886</a></p> + +<p>Let us now go on to watch Aeneas as he gradually +develops this perfect balance of motive.</p> + +<p>Aeneas is marked at the very outset of the poem as +"insignem pietate virum"; the key-note of his character +is sounded here at once with skill, and the key thus +suggested (to use musical metaphor once more) is maintained +steadily throughout it. The quality demanded by +the gods from every true Roman who would take his +part in carrying out the divine mission of Rome must +be emphasised in the ideal Roman. Yet, as we read on, +we soon discover that Aeneas was by no means as yet +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_413" id="Page_413">413</a></span>a perfect character. It can hardly be by accident that +the poet has described him as yielding to despair and +bewailing his fate on the first approach of danger—forgetting +the mission before him and the destiny driving +him on, and wishing that he were lying dead with Hector +under the walls of Troy (i. 92 foll.). It would have been +easy enough for Virgil to have taken up at once the +heroic vein in the man, as it was left him by Homer,<a name="FNanchor_887_887" id="FNanchor_887_887"></a><a href="#Footnote_887_887" class="fnanchor">887</a> +and to have made him urge his men to bestir themselves +or to yield bravely to fate. And this is precisely what +Aeneas does <i>when the storm is over and the danger past</i> +(198 foll.); yet even then he is not whole-hearted about it:</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">talia voce refert, curisque ingentibus aeger</span> +<span class="i0"><i>spem voltu simulat</i>, premit alto corde dolorem.</span> +</div> +</div> +<p>At the very moment, that is, when he expresses his belief +in his destiny and the duty of making for Italy, he still +has misgivings, though he dare not express them.</p> + +<p>Heinze has remarked<a name="FNanchor_888_888" id="FNanchor_888_888"></a><a href="#Footnote_888_888" class="fnanchor">888</a> that before this, at the sack of +Troy, he had shown a want of self-control, and yielded +to a mad passion of desperate fighting that is not to be +found in the Aeneas of the last six books (ii. 314 foll.):</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">arma amens capio nec sat rationis in armis.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p><i>Furor</i> and <i>ira</i> drive him headlong; we are reminded of +the mad fury of Mezentius or Turnus.</p> + +<p>Again, after the death of Priam Venus has to remind +him of his duty to his father, wife, and son (ii. 594 foll.), +reproaching him for his loss of sanity and self-control:</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">nate, quis indomitas tantus dolor excitat iras?</span> +<span class="i0">quid furis, aut quonam nostri tibi cura recessit?</span> +<span class="i0">non prius aspicies ubi fessum aetate parentem</span> +<span class="i0">liqueris Anchisen, superet coniunxne Creusa</span> +<span class="i0">Ascaniusque puer?<a name="FNanchor_889_889" id="FNanchor_889_889"></a><a href="#Footnote_889_889" class="fnanchor">889</a></span> +</div> +</div> +<p>During the wanderings narrated in the third book +it is Anchises who leads, and who receives and interprets +the divine warnings; he seems to be the guardian and +guide of his son: to that son he is "omnis curae casusque +levamen" (iii. 709), and he is "felix nati pietate" (iii. 480). +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_414" id="Page_414">414</a></span>He is, in fact, the typical Roman father, who, unlike +Homer's Laertes, maintains his activity and authority to +the end of his life, and to whom even the grown-up son, +himself a father, owes reverence and obedience. As +Boissier has pointed out,<a name="FNanchor_890_890" id="FNanchor_890_890"></a><a href="#Footnote_890_890" class="fnanchor">890</a> the death of Anchises is postponed +in the story as long as possible, and it is only +after his death that Aeneas is exposed to a really dangerous +temptation; it is immediately after this event that, +as we saw, he loses heart at the first storm, and then, on +landing in Africa, falls a victim for the moment to the +queenly charms of Dido. We may notice that up to this +point his <i>pietas</i> has been a limited one, hardly called +upon for exercise beyond the bounds of family life and +duty; when he is himself at the head, not only of the +family, but, so to speak, of the State, it has to take a +wider range, and to be put to a severe test.</p> + +<p>To all that has at different times been written about +Virgil's treatment of the Dido legend I must venture here +to add another word. Heinze has shown<a name="FNanchor_891_891" id="FNanchor_891_891"></a><a href="#Footnote_891_891" class="fnanchor">891</a> that no certain +origin can be discovered for the form of the story as +Virgil tells it; it may have been Naevius who first took +Aeneas to Sicily, but we do not know whether he or any +successor of his invented the essential point of Virgil's +story,—the suicide of Dido as a consequence of her +desertion by Aeneas.<a name="FNanchor_892_892" id="FNanchor_892_892"></a><a href="#Footnote_892_892" class="fnanchor">892</a> In any case the question arises, +why our poet should have deliberately abandoned the +current and popular version, and exposed his hero to such +imminent danger of deserting the path which Jupiter and +the Fates had marked out for him,—of sacrificing his +great mission to the passion of a magnificent woman, and +to the prospect of illicit ease and unsanctioned dominion. +Heinze is of opinion that Virgil's motive was here a purely +artistic one; he wanted an opportunity to introduce the +pathetic element into his epic. "There was no lack of +models; the latest bloom of Greek poetry had been in +nothing more inventive than in dealing with all the +phenomena of the passion of love,—its agony, shame, +and despair, and the self-immolation of its victims."<a name="FNanchor_893_893" id="FNanchor_893_893"></a><a href="#Footnote_893_893" class="fnanchor">893</a> He +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_415" id="Page_415">415</a></span>enforces this view with great learning, and all he writes +about it is of value; but I must confess that he has not +convinced me that this was Virgil's chief motive. He +seems to me to leave out of account two important considerations: +first, that though the poet drew freely on +every available source, Greek and Roman, for the enrichment +of his subject and its treatment, yet the whole +design and purpose of the <i>Aeneid</i> is Roman and not +Greek, and the introduction of a love-story <i>as such</i> would +have been foreign to that design, and also to the aims +and hopes of Augustus and the best men of the age. +Secondly, Heinze seems to forget, like so many others +who have written about the Dido episode, that Virgil had +before his very eyes facts sufficiently striking, a romance +quite sufficiently appalling, to suggest the adoption of +the form of the story as we have it in the fourth book. +Twice in his own lifetime did a single formidable woman +work a baleful spell upon the destinies of the Roman +empire. In neither case did the spell take fatal effect; +Julius escaped in time from the wiles and the splendour +of Cleopatra; Antony failed indeed to escape, but brought +himself and her to fortunate ruin. It is to me inexplicable, +considering how all Virgil's poems abound with +allusions to the events of his time, and with side-glances +at the chief agents in them, that neither Heinze nor +Norden should have even touched on the possibility that +Cleopatra was in the poet's mind when he wrote the +fourth book. It is perhaps difficult for one who puts the +poem on the dissecting-board, and whose attention is +continually absorbed in the investigation of minute points +in the fibre of it, to bear in mind the extraordinary events +of the poet's lifetime,—the civil war, the murder of Julius, +the division of the Roman world, the distraction of Italy, +the attempt of Antony, or rather, indeed, of his enslaver, +to set up a rival Oriental dominion, and the rescue of +Romanism and civilisation by Augustus. Had Lucretius +himself lived in that generation, he could hardly have +escaped the influence of these appalling facts. Whoever +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_416" id="Page_416">416</a></span>will turn to the late Prof. Nettleship's essay on the poetry +of Virgil, appended to his <i>Ancient Roman Lives of +Virgil</i>,<a name="FNanchor_894_894" id="FNanchor_894_894"></a><a href="#Footnote_894_894" class="fnanchor">894</a> can hardly fail to be convinced that on the +later poet's mind they had produced a profound impression, +the effects of which are traceable throughout the whole +mass of his work. His Roman readers, whose state and +empire had been brought to the verge of ruin by the +exaltation of individual passions and ambitions, would +look for these constant allusions and understand them far +better than we can.</p> + +<p>I maintain, then, that the poet adopted his version of +the story of Dido not simply as an affecting and pathetic +episode, but (in keeping with his whole design) to +emphasise the great lesson of the poem by showing +that the growth and glory of the Roman dominion are +due, under providence, to Roman <i>virtus</i> and <i>pietas</i>—that +sense of duty to family, State, and gods, which +rises, in spite of trial and danger, superior to the enticements +of individual passion and selfish ease. Aeneas +is sorely tried, but he escapes from Dido to perform +the will of the gods; it is Jupiter, ruler of the Fates +and the Roman destinies, who rescues him, and thus +the divine care for Rome, an idea of which Augustus +wished to make the most, is carefully preserved in the +tale. If for us the character of Aeneas suffers by his +desertion of Dido, that is simply because the poet, +seized with intense pity for the injured queen, seems +for once, like his own hero, to have forgotten his mission +in the poem, and at the very moment when he means +to show Aeneas performing the noblest act of self-sacrifice, +renouncing his individual passion and listening +to the stern call of duty, human nature gets the better +of him, and what he meant to paint as a noble act has +come out on his canvas as a mean one.</p> + +<p>In Virgil's story, then, we have in contrast and conflict +the opposing principles of duty and pleasure, of patriotism +and selfishness, and the victory of the latter in the person +of Aeneas by the help of the great god who was the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_417" id="Page_417">417</a></span>guardian of the destinies of Rome, and of the goddess +who was the mother of the hero and the reputed +progenitor of the Julian family. When once this great +trial is over, the way is clear for the accomplishment +of Aeneas' mission, though he still has trials to face, +and as yet is not fully equipped for meeting them.</p> + +<p>Whoever, after reading the stormy scenes of the fourth +book, will go straight on to the fifth, cannot but be struck +with a change of tone which would have been doubly +welcome to a man of that true Roman feeling which +Virgil was counting on as well as inculcating throughout +his work—doubly welcome, because he would +find it not only in the incidents, but in the character of +Aeneas. We here leave self and passion behind, and +are introduced to scenes where the careful performance +of religious and family duties seems to produce ease +of mind and the tranquillity that comes of a soothed +conscience. For the first time in the poem we meet +with a characteristic of that best Roman life which was +dear to the heart of Augustus, and with which we may +be quite certain that the poet himself was entirely in +sympathy. Strange, indeed, it is that this should be the +case in a book so wholly based for its externals on Greek +poetical traditions; but it is none the less true, and it +is a striking example of Virgil's wonderful genius for +transforming old things with new light and meaning.<a name="FNanchor_895_895" id="FNanchor_895_895"></a><a href="#Footnote_895_895" class="fnanchor">895</a></p> + +<p>It is not only then, or even mainly, the traditional +necessity of describing games in an epic poem, that is the +<i>raison d'être</i> of the fifth book; the object was rather, as I +understand it, to gain the needful contrast to the stormy +passion of the fourth, and a relief for the mind of the +Roman reader before he approached the awful scenery and +experiences of the sixth, while at the same time there +could be indicated—and for a Roman reader more than +indicated—the <i>first beginning of a change</i> in the character +of the hero. All this is effected with wonderful skill by +making Aeneas perform with detailed carefulness the +Roman ritual of the <i>Parentalia</i> as it was known to the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_418" id="Page_418">418</a></span>Romans of the Augustan age. The <i>Parentalia</i>, as I have +said elsewhere,<a name="FNanchor_896_896" id="FNanchor_896_896"></a><a href="#Footnote_896_896" class="fnanchor">896</a> were not days of terror or ill-omen, but +rather days on which the performance of duty was the +leading idea in men's minds; that duty was a pleasant +and cheerful one, for the dead were still members of the +family, and there was nothing to fear from them so long +as the living performed their duties towards them under +the due regulations of the <i>ius divinum</i>. The ritual +indicates the idea of the yearly renewal of the rite of +burial, with the propitiation of the departed which was +necessary for the welfare of the family; and when the +liturgical nine days were over, the living members met +together in the <i>Caristia</i>, a kind of love feast of the family, +at which all quarrels were to be forgotten, and from which +all guilty members were excluded. In families of wealth +and distinction in Virgil's time the days of mourning +might be followed by <i>games in honour of the departed</i>. +Thus a Roman would at once recognise the fact that +Aeneas is here presented to us for the first time as a Roman +father of a family, discharging the duties essential to the +continuance and prosperity of that family with cheerfulness +as well as with <i>gravitas</i>; and that his <i>pietas</i> here +takes a definite, practical, and truly Roman form, though +it is not as yet extended to its full connotation as the +performance of duty towards the State and its gods.</p> + +<p>All this is quite in keeping with the little touches of +characterisation which we can also notice in this book. +In the second line Aeneas pursues his way <i>certus</i>, even +while he gazes at the flames of Dido's funeral pyre, not +knowing what they meant. He presides at the games +with the dignity of a Roman magistrate, and reproachingly +consoles the beaten Dares with words which seem to +reflect his late experience at Carthage (v. 465):</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">infelix, quae tanta animum dementia cepit?</span> +<span class="i0">non vires alias conversaque numina sentis?</span> +<span class="i0"><i>cede deo</i>.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>When the ships are burnt he does not give way to +despair, as in the storm of the first book, but prays for +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_419" id="Page_419">419</a></span>help to the omnipotent Jupiter, in whose hand were the +destinies of his descendants (v. 687 foll.). But he is not +yet perfect in his sense of duty; he feels the blow +severely, and for a moment wavers (v. 700 foll.):</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i7_5">... casu concussus acerbo</span> +<span class="i0">nunc huc ingentis, nunc illuc pectore curas</span> +<span class="i0">mutabat versans, Siculisne resideret arvis</span> +<span class="i0">oblitus fatorum, Italasne capesseret oras.</span> +</div> +</div> +<p>It needs the cheering advice of old Nautes (<i>quicquid +erit, superanda omnis fortuna ferendo est</i>), and the appearance +of the shade of Anchises, to confirm his wavering +will with renewed sense of his mission. This appearance +of his father, "omnis curae casusque levamen," with the +summons to meet him in Hades, is, as Heinze has seen,<a name="FNanchor_897_897" id="FNanchor_897_897"></a><a href="#Footnote_897_897" class="fnanchor">897</a> +a turning-point in the fortunes and the character of +Aeneas, and prepares us for the final ordeal and initiation +which he undergoes in the following book.</p> + +<p>I here use the word initiation because I have no doubt +that Virgil had in his mind when writing it the Greek +idea of initiation into mysteries preparatory to a new +life. An actual initiation was, of course, out of the +question; on the other hand a <i>catabasis</i>, a descent into +Hades, was part of the epic inheritance he derived from +Homer, and this, like the funeral games in the fifth book, +he might use with an earnestness of purpose wanting in +Homer, to work in with the great theme of his poem, +not merely as an artistic effort. The purpose here was +to make of Aeneas a new man, to regenerate him; to +prepare him by mystic enlightenment for the toil, peril, +and triumph that await him in the accomplishment of +his divine mission. We must not look too closely into +the process; it is a strange mélange of popular and +philosophic ideas and scenery, made at once intelligible +and magnificent by the wonderful resources of the poet; +but we may be sure that it has the same general meaning +as the visions of Dante long afterwards. As Mr. Tozer +has said, Dante's conversion and ultimate salvation were +the primary object of his journey through the three realms +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_420" id="Page_420">420</a></span>of the spiritual world.<a name="FNanchor_898_898" id="FNanchor_898_898"></a><a href="#Footnote_898_898" class="fnanchor">898</a> In this sense it can be called an +initiation, an ordeal, a sacrament.</p> + +<p>So much has been written about this wonderful book +that I do not need to dwell upon it here. I will content +myself with pointing out very briefly a fact which struck +me when I last read it. The ordeal of preparation is not +complete till the very end of the book, when the shade of +Anchises has shown his son all the great things to come, +the due accomplishment of which depends on his sense of +duty, his <i>pietas</i>. Up to that moment Aeneas is always +thinking and speaking of the past, while in the last six +books he is always looking ahead, absorbed in the work +each hour placed before him, and in the prospect of the +glory of Rome and Italy. The poet had contrived that +his hero should himself narrate the story of the sack of +Troy and his subsequent wanderings, and narrate them to +the very person who would have made it impossible for +him ever again to look forward on the path of duty. +Surely this is significant of a moral as well as an artistic +purpose; the passionate love of the queen urges her to +keep his mind fixed on the past, to engage him in the +story of events that concerned himself and not his +mission (i. 748):</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">necnon et vario noctem sermone trahebat</span> +<span class="i0">infelix Dido, longumque bibebat amorem</span> +<span class="i0">multa super Priamo rogitans, super Hectore multa, etc.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>After the shade of Creusa had told him of his destiny, +which she was not to share, the past was still in his mind, +and he seems to have forgotten the warning; he calls +himself an exile (iii. 10):</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">litora cum patriae lacrimans portusque relinquo</span> +<span class="i0">et campos ubi Troia fuit. Feror exsul in altum—</span> +</div> +</div> +<p>I find an exception after the meeting with Andromache, +when he thinks of the future for a moment, but even then +half-heartedly as it seems to me, with a very distinct +reluctance to face the dangers to come, and with a touching +envy of those who could "stay at home at ease" (iii. 493 +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_421" id="Page_421">421</a></span>foll.). His want of faith in the future is again shown in +Book v., in the passage quoted just now; and even in +Book vi. he is at first purposely depicted as "slack," as +having his attention caught by what is for the moment +before him, or with the figures of old friends and enemies +whom he meets, until the last awakening revelation of +Anchises. Thus no sooner has he landed in Italy than +he is attracted by the pictures in the temple of Apollo and +incurs a rebuke from the priestess (vi. 37 foll.):</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">non hoc ista sibi tempus spectacula poscit;</span> +<span class="i0">nunc grege de intacto septem mactare iuvencos</span> +<span class="i0">praestiterit, etc.;</span> +</div> +</div> +<p>so also a little farther on she has to warn him again +(50 foll.) at the entrance to the cave:</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i5_5">"cessas in vota precesque,</span> +<span class="i0">Tros" ait "Aenea, cessas?"</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>It may be fancy in me to see even in his prayer which +follows a leaning to think of Troy and his past troubles +(56 foll.). But I cannot but believe that in this book he +is meant to take a last farewell of all who have shared +his past fortunes, have helped him or injured him; he +meets Palinurus, Dido, Tydeus, Deiphobus, and the rest, +and while meditating over these he has once more to be +hurried by his guide (538):</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">sed comes admonuit breviterque adfata Sibylla est:</span> +<span class="i0">nox ruit, Aenea, nos flendo ducimus horas.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>When Anchises appears the whole tone changes, and +his famous words seem to me to show conclusively that +hesitation and want of fixed, undeviating purpose had +been so far his son's chief failing (806):</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">et dubitamus adhuc virtutem extendere factis,</span> +<span class="i0">aut metus Ausonia prohibet consistere terra?</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>The father's vision and prophecy are of the <i>future</i> and +the great deeds of men to come, and henceforward Aeneas +makes no allusion to the past and the figures that peopled +it, abandons talk and lamentations, "virtutem extendit +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_422" id="Page_422">422</a></span>factis." At the outset of Book vii. we feel the ship moving +at once; three lines suffice for the fresh start; Circe is +passed unheeded. "Maior rerum mihi nascitur ordo," +says the poet in line 43; "maius opus moveo;" for the +real subject of the poem is at last reached, and a heroic +character by heroic deeds is to lay the foundation of the +eternal dominion of Rome.</p> + +<p>A very few words shall suffice about the Aeneas of the +later books. Let us freely allow that he is not strongly +characterised; that for us moderns the interest centres +rather in Turnus, who is heroic as an individual, but not +as a pioneer of civilisation divinely led; that there is no +real heroine, for feminine passion would be here out of +place and un-Roman, and the courtship of Lavinia is +undertaken, so to speak, for political reasons. The rôle +of Aeneas, as the agent of Jupiter in conquest and civilisation, +would appeal to a Roman rather than to a modern, +and it was reserved for the modern critic to complain of a +lack of individual interest in him. So, too, it is in Jewish +history; we feel with Esau more than with Jacob, and with +David more than with Moses, who is none the less the +grandest typical Israelite in the Old Testament. And, +indeed, Virgil's theme here is less the development of a +character or the portraiture of a hero than the idealisation +of the people of the Italy which he loved so well, who +needed only a divinely guided leader and civiliser to enter +upon the glorious career that was in store for them.</p> + +<p>I cannot escape the belief, as I read again through +these books, that Virgil did intend to depict in Aeneas +his ideal of that Roman character to which the leading +writers of his day ascribed the greatness of their race. +His <i>pietas</i> is now confirmed and enlarged, it has become a +sense of duty to the will of the gods as well as to his +father, his son, and his people, and this sense of duty never +leaves him, either in his general course of action or in the +detail of sacrifice and propitiation. His courage and +steadfastness never fail him; he looks ever forward, confident +in divine protection; the shield he carries is adorned +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_423" id="Page_423">423</a></span>—a wonderful stroke of poetic genius—with scenes of the +future, and not of the past (viii. 729 foll.):</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">talia per clipeum Volcani, dona parentis,</span> +<span class="i0">miratur rerumque ignarus imagine gaudet</span> +<span class="i0">attollens umero famamque et fata nepotum.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>He is never in these books to be found wanting in +swiftness and vigilance; when he cheers his comrades it +is no longer in a half-hearted way, but as at the beginning +of the eleventh book, with the utmost vigour and confidence, +"Arma parate, animis et spe praesumite bellum" +(xi. 18).</p> + +<p>His <i>humanitas</i> again is here more obvious than in his +earlier career, and it is plainly meant to be contrasted with +the heroic savagery of Mezentius and Turnus. So keenly +did the poet feel this development in his hero's character, +that in his descriptions of the death of Lausus and the +burial of Pallas—noble and beautiful youths whom he +loved in imagination as he loved in reality all young +things—his tenderness is so touching that even now we +can hardly read them without tears. And not only is the +hero heroic and humane, but he is a just man and keeps +faith; when, in the twelfth book, the Rutulians break the +treaty, and his own men have joined in the unjust combat +(xii. 311):</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">at pius Aeneas dextram tendebat inermem</span> +<span class="i0">nudato capite atque suos clamore vocabat:</span> +<span class="i0">"quo ruitis? quove ista repens discordia surgit?</span> +<span class="i0">o cohibete iras; ictum iam foedus et omnes</span> +<span class="i0">compositae leges: mihi ius concurrere soli."</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>He claims for himself alone, under the guiding hand of +providence, the right to deal with Turnus, the enemy of +humanity and righteousness. And we may note that +when it came to that last struggle, though conquering by +divine aid, he was ready to spare the life of the conquered +till he saw the spoils of the young Pallas upon him.</p> + +<p>The character of Aeneas, then, though not painted in +such strong light as we moderns might expect or desire, is +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_424" id="Page_424">424</a></span><i>intentionally</i> developed into a heroic type in the course of +the story—a type which every Roman would recognise as +his own natural ideal. And this growth is the direct +result of religious influence. It is partly the result of the +hero's own natural <i>pietas</i>, innate within him from the first, +as it was in the breast of every noble Roman; partly the +result of a gradually enlarged recognition of the will of +God, and partly of the strengthening and almost sacramental +process of the journey to Hades, of the revelation +there made of the mysteries of life and death, and of the +great future which Jupiter and the Fates have reserved +for the Roman people. In these three influences Virgil +has summed up all the best religious factors of his day: +the instinct of the Roman for religious observance, with +all its natural effect on conduct; the elevating Stoic +doctrine which brought man into immediate relation with +the universal; and, lastly, the tendency to mysticism, +Orphic or Pythagorean, which tells of a yearning in the +soul of man to hope for a life beyond this, and to make +of this life a meet preparation for that other.</p> + +<p>Only one word more. We can hardly doubt the truth +of the story that the poet died earnestly entreating that +this greatest work of his life should perish with him, and +this may aptly remind us that though I have been treating +the Aeneid as a poem of religion and morals, yet, after +all, Virgil was a poet rather than a preacher, and thought +of his Aeneid, not as a sermon, but as a work of art. Had +he thought of it as a sermon he could hardly have wished +to deprive the Roman world of it. The true poet is never +a preacher except in so far as he is a poet. If the Greeks +thought of their poets as teachers, says the late Prof. +Jebb, "this was simply a recognition of poetry as the +highest influence, intellectual and spiritual, that they +knew." "It was not merely a recreation of their leisure, +but a power pervading and moulding their whole existence." +Surely this is also true of Virgil, and of the best +at least of his Roman readers. No one can read the sixth +Aeneid, the greatest effort of his genius, without feeling +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_425" id="Page_425">425</a></span>that poetry was all in all to him; that learning, legend, +philosophy, religion, whatever in the whole range of human +thought and fancy entered his mind, emerged from it as +poetry and poetry only.<a name="FNanchor_899_899" id="FNanchor_899_899"></a><a href="#Footnote_899_899" class="fnanchor">899</a></p> + + +<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE XVIII</h5> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_869_869" id="Footnote_869_869"></a><a href="#FNanchor_869_869"><span class="label">869</span></a> Sellar, <i>Virgil</i>, p. 371.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_870_870" id="Footnote_870_870"></a><a href="#FNanchor_870_870"><span class="label">870</span></a> Sainte-Beuve, <i>Étude sur Virgile</i>, p. 68.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_871_871" id="Footnote_871_871"></a><a href="#FNanchor_871_871"><span class="label">871</span></a> Horace, <i>Epode</i> 16, where, however, he is not quite so much +in earnest as in <i>Odes</i> iii. 6. Sallust, prefaces to Jugurtha and Catiline: +these do not ring quite true.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_872_872" id="Footnote_872_872"></a><a href="#FNanchor_872_872"><span class="label">872</span></a> <i>Georg.</i> iv. 511 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_873_873" id="Footnote_873_873"></a><a href="#FNanchor_873_873"><span class="label">873</span></a> <i>Georg.</i> iii. 440 foll. The famous lines (498 foll.) about the +horse smitten with pestilence will occur to every one.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_874_874" id="Footnote_874_874"></a><a href="#FNanchor_874_874"><span class="label">874</span></a> <i>Aen.</i> vi. 309.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_875_875" id="Footnote_875_875"></a><a href="#FNanchor_875_875"><span class="label">875</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i> p. 231. He cites <i>Georg.</i> i. 107 and 187 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_876_876" id="Footnote_876_876"></a><a href="#FNanchor_876_876"><span class="label">876</span></a> Sellar, <i>Virgil</i>, p. 232.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_877_877" id="Footnote_877_877"></a><a href="#FNanchor_877_877"><span class="label">877</span></a> <i>Georg.</i> iv. 221 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_878_878" id="Footnote_878_878"></a><a href="#FNanchor_878_878"><span class="label">878</span></a> <i>Georg.</i> ii. 493.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_879_879" id="Footnote_879_879"></a><a href="#FNanchor_879_879"><span class="label">879</span></a> Prof. Hardie recently asked me an explanation of the double +altar that we meet with more than once in Virgil in connection with +funeral rites: <i>e.g.</i>, <i>Ecl.</i> 5. 66; <i>Aen.</i> iii. 305; v. 77 foll. Servius +tries to explain this, but clearly did not understand it. Of course +I could offer no satisfactory solution. Yet we are both certain that +there is a satisfactory one if we could only get at it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_880_880" id="Footnote_880_880"></a><a href="#FNanchor_880_880"><span class="label">880</span></a> Much has been written about the part of the Fates in the +<i>Aeneid</i> and their relation to Jupiter. See Heinze, <i>Vergils epische +Technik</i>, p. 286 foll.; Glover, <i>Studies in Virgil</i>, 202 and 277 foll. +I may be allowed to refer also to my <i>Social Life at Rome in the +Age of Cicero</i>, p. 342 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_881_881" id="Footnote_881_881"></a><a href="#FNanchor_881_881"><span class="label">881</span></a> <i>Aen.</i> i. 257 foll., vi. 756 foll., viii. 615 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_882_882" id="Footnote_882_882"></a><a href="#FNanchor_882_882"><span class="label">882</span></a> <i>Suggestions preliminary to a Study of the Aeneid</i>, p. 36.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_883_883" id="Footnote_883_883"></a><a href="#FNanchor_883_883"><span class="label">883</span></a> It is not likely to strike us unless we read the whole <i>Aeneid</i> +through, without distracting our minds with other reading, and this +few of us do. I did it some ten years ago; before that the development +of character had not dawned on me fully. I later on found it +shortly but clearly set forth in Heinze's <i>Vergils epische Technik</i>, p. +266 foll.; and this caused me to read the poem through once more, +with the result that I became confirmed in my view, and read a +paper on the subject to the Oxford Philological Society, which I +have in part embodied in this lecture.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_884_884" id="Footnote_884_884"></a><a href="#FNanchor_884_884"><span class="label">884</span></a> This is dwelt on in <i>Social Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero</i>, +p. 124 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_885_885" id="Footnote_885_885"></a><a href="#FNanchor_885_885"><span class="label">885</span></a> <i>De Republica</i>, vi. 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_886_886" id="Footnote_886_886"></a><a href="#FNanchor_886_886"><span class="label">886</span></a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_426" id="Page_426">426</a></span> It may be as well to note here that the actual representation +of God in the <i>Aeneid</i> is its weakest point. It was an epic poem, +and could not dispense with the Homeric machinery: hence Jupiter +is practically the representative of the Stoic all-pervading deity, with +the Fates behind him. But it is not unlikely that Virgil may thus +have actually helped to make the way clear for a nobler monotheistic +idea by damaging Jupiter in the course of this treatment; see <i>Social +Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero</i>, p. 341 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_887_887" id="Footnote_887_887"></a><a href="#FNanchor_887_887"><span class="label">887</span></a> On the Homeric Aeneas there are some good remarks in +Boissier's <i>Nouvelles Promenades archaeologiques</i> (<i>Horace et Virgile</i>), +p. 130 foll. Of all the Homeric heroes he seems to come nearest, +though but slightly sketched, to the Roman ideal of heroism.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_888_888" id="Footnote_888_888"></a><a href="#FNanchor_888_888"><span class="label">888</span></a> Heinze, <i>Vergils epische Technik</i>, p. 17.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_889_889" id="Footnote_889_889"></a><a href="#FNanchor_889_889"><span class="label">889</span></a> I should be disposed to consider this passage as decisive +of the point, but that it immediately follows upon the doubtful +lines 567-588, in which Aeneas is tempted in his mad fury to +slay Helen; and if those lines are not Virgil's, we have not sufficient +explanation of the rebuke which Venus here administers to +her son. On the other hand, if they were really Virgil's, and +omitted (as Servius declares) by the original editors Tucca and +Varius, we should have a convincing proof that the poet meant his +hero, in these terrible scenes, to come so short of the true Roman +heroic type as to be capable of slaying a woman in cold blood, and +while a suppliant at an altar of the gods. Into this much-disputed +question I must not go farther, except to note that while Heinze is +absolutely confident that Virgil never wrote these lines, the editor of +the new Oxford text of Virgil is equally certain that he did. My +opinion is of no value on such a point; but I am disposed to agree +with Mr. Hirtzel that "versus valde Vergilianos, ab optimis codicibus +omissos, iniuria obleverunt Tucca et Varius." They are certainly +in keeping with the picture of Aeneas' <i>impotentia</i> which is generally +suggested in Book ii. If it should be argued that this <i>impotentia</i>, +<i>i.e.</i> want of self-control, is only put into the mouth of Aeneas in +order to heighten the effect of his stirring narrative, it will be well +to remember the remonstrances of Venus, which make such a +hypothesis impossible.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_890_890" id="Footnote_890_890"></a><a href="#FNanchor_890_890"><span class="label">890</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i> p. 231.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_891_891" id="Footnote_891_891"></a><a href="#FNanchor_891_891"><span class="label">891</span></a> <i>Vergils epische Technik</i>, p. 113 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_892_892" id="Footnote_892_892"></a><a href="#FNanchor_892_892"><span class="label">892</span></a> The original story was, that unable to escape from an +enforced marriage with Iarbas, she killed herself to mark her +unflinching faithfulness to her first husband Sicharbas. Servius +quotes Varro as stating that it was not Dido, but Anna who committed +suicide for love of Aeneas (on <i>Aen.</i> iv. 682); and as Varro +died before the Aeneid was begun, this may be taken as proving +that Virgil's version of the love-story was not his own invention. +But it is quite possible that Servius here only means that Varro's +version differed in this point from that which the poet soon afterwards +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_427" id="Page_427">427</a></span>adopted; it may be that the story in the poem is thus practically +his own.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_893_893" id="Footnote_893_893"></a><a href="#FNanchor_893_893"><span class="label">893</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i> p. 116.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_894_894" id="Footnote_894_894"></a><a href="#FNanchor_894_894"><span class="label">894</span></a> <i>Ancient Lives of Vergil</i>, Clarendon Press, 1879.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_895_895" id="Footnote_895_895"></a><a href="#FNanchor_895_895"><span class="label">895</span></a> The critics have, I think, been weaker in dealing with the +fifth book than with any of the others. Prof. Tyrrell is too violent +in his contempt for it to admit of quotation here. Heinze has some +good and acute remarks on Virgil's motive in placing the book where +it is, but seems to me to miss the real importance of it (<i>op. cit.</i> 140 +foll.). Even Boissier, whose delightful account of the scenery of +Eryx should be read by every one who would appreciate this book +(<i>op. cit.</i> p. 232), goes so far as to say that it is the one book with +which we feel we might easily dispense so far as the story is +concerned.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_896_896" id="Footnote_896_896"></a><a href="#FNanchor_896_896"><span class="label">896</span></a> <i>Roman Festivals</i>, p. 307.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_897_897" id="Footnote_897_897"></a><a href="#FNanchor_897_897"><span class="label">897</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i> p. 270.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_898_898" id="Footnote_898_898"></a><a href="#FNanchor_898_898"><span class="label">898</span></a> <i>Commentary on Dante's Divina Commedia</i>, pp. 615 foll. I +am indebted for this reference to Stewart's <i>Myths of Plato</i>, p. +367.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_899_899" id="Footnote_899_899"></a><a href="#FNanchor_899_899"><span class="label">899</span></a> Nettleship remarked most truly that there is no better way +of appreciating the heroic Aeneas of these last books than by +studying carefully the early part of the eleventh.</p></div> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_428" id="Page_428">428</a></span></p> +<h4>LECTURE XIX</h4> + + +<h5>THE AUGUSTAN REVIVAL</h5> + + +<p>It is a long descent from the inspiring idealism of Virgil +to the cool, tactical attempt of Augustus to revive the +outward forms of the old religion. It seems strange that +two men so different in character and upbringing should +have been working in the same years in the same direction, +yet on planes so far apart. How far the two were +directly connected in their work we cannot know for +certain. It is said that the subject of the Aeneid was +suggested to Virgil by Augustus, and it is quite possible +that this may be true; but it by no means follows from +this that the inspiration of the poem came from any other +source but Virgil's own thought and feeling. We also +know that Augustus from the first appreciated the Aeneid, +and that he saved it for all time; but it is by no means +clear that it inspired him in his efforts towards moral +and religious regeneration. Perhaps the truth is that +both were moved by the wave of mingled depression and +hope that swept over Italy for some years after the death +of Julius, and that each used his experience in his own +way and according to his opportunities. They had at +least this in common, that they utilised the past to +encourage the present age, and that by filling old forms +and names with new meaning they set men's minds upon +thinking of the future.<a name="FNanchor_900_900" id="FNanchor_900_900"></a><a href="#Footnote_900_900" class="fnanchor">900</a></p> + +<p>Yet the revival of the State religion by Augustus is at +once the most remarkable event in the history of the +Roman religion, and one almost unique in religious +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_429" id="Page_429">429</a></span>history. I have repeatedly spoken of that State religion +as hypnotised or paralysed, meaning that the belief in the +efficacy of the old cults had passed away among the +educated classes, that the mongrel city populace had long +been accustomed to scoff at the old deities, and that the +outward practice of religion had been allowed to decay. +To us, then, it may seem almost impossible that the +practice, and to some extent also the belief, should be +capable of resuscitation at the will of a single individual, +even if that individual represented the best interests and +the collective wisdom of the State. For it is impossible +to deny that this resuscitation was real; that both <i>pax +deorum</i> and <i>ius divinum</i> became once more terms of +force and meaning. Beset as it was by at least three +formidable enemies, which tended to destroy it even while +they fed on it, like parasites in the animal or vegetable +world feeding on their hosts,—the rationalising philosophy +of syncretism, the worship of the Caesars, and the new +Oriental cults,—the old religion continued to exist for +at least three centuries in outward form, and to some +extent in popular belief.</p> + +<p>We must remember the tenacious conservatism of +the Roman mind: the emotional stimulus of the age +of depression and despair which preceded this revival: +and the conscientious care with which the successors of +Augustus, Tiberius in particular, carried out his religious +policy.<a name="FNanchor_901_901" id="FNanchor_901_901"></a><a href="#Footnote_901_901" class="fnanchor">901</a> Then as we become more familiar with the +Corpus of inscriptions and the writings of the early +Christian fathers, we begin to appreciate the fact that +the natural and inherited religion of a people cannot +altogether die, and that to describe this old Roman +religion as <i>dead</i> is to use too strong a word. The votive +inscriptions of the Empire show us overwhelming proof of +surviving belief in the great deities of the olden time, and +of the care taken of their temples. Antoninus Pius is +honoured "ob insignem erga caerimonias publicas curam +et religionem."<a name="FNanchor_902_902" id="FNanchor_902_902"></a><a href="#Footnote_902_902" class="fnanchor">902</a> Marcus Aurelius himself did not hesitate +in times of public distress to put in action the whole +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_430" id="Page_430">430</a></span>apparatus of the old religion.<a name="FNanchor_903_903" id="FNanchor_903_903"></a><a href="#Footnote_903_903" class="fnanchor">903</a> Constantius in <span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 329 +was shown round the temples when he visited Rome for +the first time, and in spite of his Christianity took a +curious interest in them.<a name="FNanchor_904_904" id="FNanchor_904_904"></a><a href="#Footnote_904_904" class="fnanchor">904</a> That the private worship, too, +went on into the fourth century we know from the +Theodosian code, where in the interest of Christianity +the worship of Lares Penates and Genius is strictly +forbidden.<a name="FNanchor_905_905" id="FNanchor_905_905"></a><a href="#Footnote_905_905" class="fnanchor">905</a> Again, the constant ridicule with which the +Christian writers speak of the <i>minutiae</i> of the heathen +worship makes it quite plain that they knew it as actually +existing, and not merely from books like those of Varro. +They do not so much attack the Oriental religions of +their time as the genuine old Roman cults; more especially +is this the case with St. Augustine, from whose <i>de +Civitate Dei</i> we have learnt so much about the latter. The +very necessity under which the leaders of Christianity +found themselves of suiting their own religious character, +and in some ways even their own ceremonies, to the +habits and prejudices of the pagans, tells the same story. +But the question how far Latin Christianity was indebted +to the religion of the Romans must be postponed to my +last lecture; I have said enough to indicate in which +direction we must go for evidence that the work of +Augustus was not in vain, that it gave fresh stimulus to +a plant that still had some life in it.</p> + +<p>If, then, the Augustan revival was not a mere sham, +but had its measure of real success, how are we to +account for this? I think the explanation is not really +difficult, if we bring to bear upon the problem what we +have learnt from the beginning about the religious experience +of the Romans. Let us note that Augustus troubled +himself little about the later political developments of +religion, which we have lately been examining,—about +pontifices, augurs, and Sibylline books; these institutions, +which had been so much used in the republican period for +political and party purposes, it was rather his interest to +keep in the background. But in one way or another he +must have grasped the fundamental idea of the old +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_431" id="Page_431">431</a></span>Roman worship, that the prosperity and the fertility of +man, and of his flocks and herds and crops on the farm, +and the prosperity and fertility of the citizen within the +city itself, equally depended on the dutiful attention +(<i>pietas</i>) paid to the divine beings who had taken up their +abode in farm or city.<a name="FNanchor_906_906" id="FNanchor_906_906"></a><a href="#Footnote_906_906" class="fnanchor">906</a> The best expression of this idea +in words is <i>pax deorum</i>,—the right relation between man +and the various manifestations of the Power,—and the +machinery by which it was secured was the <i>ius divinum</i>.<a name="FNanchor_907_907" id="FNanchor_907_907"></a><a href="#Footnote_907_907" class="fnanchor">907</a> +We shall not be far wrong if we say that it was Augustus' +aim to re-establish the <i>pax</i> by means of the <i>ius</i>; but if we +wished to explain the matter to some one who has not +been trained in these technical terms, it would be better +to say that he appealed to a deeply-rooted idea in the +popular mind,—the idea that unless the divine inhabitants +were properly and continually propitiated, they would not +do their part in supporting the human inhabitants in all +their doings and interests. This popular conviction he +deliberately determined to use as his chief political lever.</p> + +<p>This has, I think, been insufficiently emphasised by +historians, who contemplate the work of this shrewd +statesman too entirely from the political point of view. I +am sure that he had learnt from his predecessors in power +that reform on political lines only was without any +element of stability, and that he knew that it was far +more important to touch a spring in the feeling of the +people, than to occupy himself, like Sulla, in mending old +machinery or inventing new. If he could but induce +them to believe in him as the restorer of the <i>pax deorum</i>, +he knew that his work was accomplished. And I believe +that we have what is practically his own word for this +conviction; not in his Res Gestae, the <i>Monumentum +Ancyranum</i>, which is a record of facts and of deeds only, +but in the famous hymn which Horace wrote at his +instance and to give expression to his ideas, for use in the +Secular Games of 17 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, to which I am coming presently. +Ferrero has lately described that hymn as a magnificent +poem,<a name="FNanchor_908_908" id="FNanchor_908_908"></a><a href="#Footnote_908_908" class="fnanchor">908</a> an opinion which to me is incomprehensible. It +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_432" id="Page_432">432</a></span>is neat, and embodies the necessary ideas adequately, but +it is far too flat to be the genuine offspring of such a +poet as Horace. To me it reads as though Augustus had +written it in prose and then ordered his poet to put it +into metre; and assuredly it expresses exactly what we +should have expected Augustus to wish to be sung by his +youthful choirs. I shall refer to it again shortly to illustrate +another point; all I need say now is that he who +reads it carefully and thinks about it will find there the +conviction of which I have been speaking, that prosperity +and fertility, whether of man, beast, or crop, depend on +the Roman's attitude toward his deities; religion, morality, +fertility, and public concord are the points which the +astute ruler wished to be emphasised.<a name="FNanchor_909_909" id="FNanchor_909_909"></a><a href="#Footnote_909_909" class="fnanchor">909</a> That this hymn +was a really important part of the ceremony is certain +from the fact that it was given to the best living poet to +write, and that his name is mentioned as its author in the +inscription, discovered not many years ago, which commemorated +the whole performance: "CARMEN COMPOSUIT +Q. HORATIUS FLACCUS."<a name="FNanchor_910_910" id="FNanchor_910_910"></a><a href="#Footnote_910_910" class="fnanchor">910</a></p> + +<p>If, then, I am right, this strange movement was not +merely a revival of religious ceremonies, but an appeal +through them to the conscience of the people. A revival +of religious <i>life</i> it, of course, was not, for what we understand +by that term had never existed at Rome; but it +was an attempt to give expression, in a religious form and +under State authorisation, to certain feelings and ideas not +far removed in kind from those which in our own day we +describe as our religious experience. Whether Augustus +himself shared in these feelings and ideas it is, of course, +impossible to conjecture. But as a man's religious convictions +are largely the result of his own experience and +of that of the society in which he lives, and as Augustus' +own experience for the twenty years before he took this +work in hand had been full of trial and temptation, I am +disposed to guess that he was rather expressing a popular +conviction which he shared himself than merely standing +apart and administering a remedy. And this view seems +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_433" id="Page_433">433</a></span>to me to be on the whole confirmed by the tone and spirit +of the great literary works of the age.</p> + +<p>Augustus did not become pontifex maximus till the +year 12 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, nineteen years after he had crushed Antony +at Actium; he waited with scrupulous patience until the +headship of the Roman religion became vacant by the +death of Lepidus.<a name="FNanchor_911_911" id="FNanchor_911_911"></a><a href="#Footnote_911_911" class="fnanchor">911</a> But this did not prevent him from +pursuing his religious policy with great earnestness before +that date, for he had long been a member of the pontifical +college, as well as augur and quindecemvir. No sooner had +he returned to Rome from Egypt than the work of temple +restoration began, the outward and visible sign to all that +the <i>pax deorum</i> was to be firmly re-established. The fact +of the restoration he has told us in half a dozen words in +his own Res Gestae:<a name="FNanchor_912_912" id="FNanchor_912_912"></a><a href="#Footnote_912_912" class="fnanchor">912</a> "Duo et octaginta templa deum +in urbe ex decreto senatus refeci," adding that not one +was neglected that needed repair. Among them was that +oldest and smallest temple of Jupiter Feretrius on the +Capitol to which I referred in a former lecture;<a name="FNanchor_913_913" id="FNanchor_913_913"></a><a href="#Footnote_913_913" class="fnanchor">913</a> and his +personal interest in the work is attested by Livy, who +says that he himself heard Augustus tell how he had +found an inscription, relating to the second <i>spolia opima</i> +dedicated there, when he went into the temple bent on +the work of restoration.<a name="FNanchor_914_914" id="FNanchor_914_914"></a><a href="#Footnote_914_914" class="fnanchor">914</a> It needs but a little historical +imagination to appreciate the psychological importance of +all this work. We have to think not only of the bystanders +who watched, but of the very workmen themselves, +rejoicing at once in new employment and in the +revival of an old sense of religious duty. Little more +than twenty years earlier, no workman could be found to +lay a hand upon the newly-built temple of Isis, when the +consul Aemilius Paulus gave orders for its destruction +as a centre of <i>superstitio</i>;<a name="FNanchor_915_915" id="FNanchor_915_915"></a><a href="#Footnote_915_915" class="fnanchor">915</a> now abundant work was +provided which every man's conscience would approve. +When I think of the Rome of that year 28, with all its +fresh hope and confidence taking visible shape in this +way, even Horace's famous lines seem cold to me (<i>Od.</i> +ii. 6. 1):</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_434" id="Page_434">434</a></span>delicta maiorum immeritus lues</span> +<span class="i0">Romane, donec templa refeceris</span> +<span class="i1">aedesque labentis deorum et</span> +<span class="i2">foeda nigro simulacra fumo.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>The restoration of the temple buildings implies also a +revival of the old ritual, the <i>cura et caerimonia</i>. As to this +we are very imperfectly informed,—we have no correspondence +of this age, as of the last, and the details of life in +the Augustan city are not preserved in abundance. But +Ovid comes to the rescue here, as in secular matters, and +on the whole the evidence in his <i>Fasti</i> suggests that the +old sacrificing priesthoods, the Rex and the flamines, were +set to their work again. He tells us, for example, how he +himself, as he was returning to Rome from Nomentum,<a name="FNanchor_916_916" id="FNanchor_916_916"></a><a href="#Footnote_916_916" class="fnanchor">916</a> +had seen the flamen Quirinalis carrying out the <i>exta</i> of +a dog and a sheep which had been sacrificed in the +morning in the city, to be laid on the altar in the grove +of Robigus. In spite of all its disabling restrictions, it +was possible once more to fill the ancient priesthood of +Jupiter; and of the Rex sacrorum and the other flamines +we hear in the early Empire.<a name="FNanchor_917_917" id="FNanchor_917_917"></a><a href="#Footnote_917_917" class="fnanchor">917</a> They were in the <i>potestas</i> +of the pontifex maximus, and as after 12 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> that position +was always held by the Princeps himself, it was not +likely that they would be allowed to neglect their duties. +Other ancient colleges were also revived or confirmed by +the inclusion of the Emperor himself among their members +(a fact which Augustus was careful to record in his own +words), <i>e.g.</i> the Fetiales, of whom he had made use when +declaring war with Antony and Cleopatra;<a name="FNanchor_918_918" id="FNanchor_918_918"></a><a href="#Footnote_918_918" class="fnanchor">918</a> the Sodales +Titienses, an institution of which we have lost the origin +and meaning; the Salii, Luperci, and above all the Fratres +Arvales, the brotherhood whose duty it had once been +to lead a procession round the crops in May, and so to +ensure the <i>pax deorum</i> for the most vital material of +human subsistence. The corn-supply now came almost +entirely from Africa and Egypt; the inner meaning of +this old ritual could not be revived, and we must own that +all this restoration of the old <i>caerimonia</i> must have +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_435" id="Page_435">435</a></span>appealed rather to the eye than the mind of the beholder. +It was necessary to put some new element into it to give +it life. Here we come upon a most important fact in the +work of Augustus, which will become apparent if we take +a rapid glance at the work and history of the Fratres, and +then go on to find further illustration of the curious +mixture of old and new which the Roman religion was +henceforward to be.</p> + +<p>The fortunate survival of large fragments of the records +of the Brotherhood, dating from shortly after the battle of +Actium, show that it continued to work and to flourish +down to the reign of Gordian (<span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 241), and from other +sources we know that it was still in existence in the +fourth century.<a name="FNanchor_919_919" id="FNanchor_919_919"></a><a href="#Footnote_919_919" class="fnanchor">919</a> These records have been found on the +site of the sacred grove, at the fifth milestone on the via +Campana between Rome and Ostia, which from the time +of this revival onwards was the centre of the activity of +the Fratres.</p> + +<p>The brethren were twelve in number, with a <i>magister</i> +at their head and a flamen to assist him; they were +chosen from distinguished families by co-optation, the +reigning Emperor being always a member.<a name="FNanchor_920_920" id="FNanchor_920_920"></a><a href="#Footnote_920_920" class="fnanchor">920</a> Their duties +fell into two divisions, which most aptly illustrate respectively +the old and the new ingredients in the religious +prescriptions of Augustus, as they were carried out by his +successors. The first of these is the performance of the +yearly rites in honour of the Dea Dia, the goddess or +<i>numen</i> without a substantival name (a form perhaps of +Ceres and Tellus), whose home was in the sacred grove, +and who was the special object of this venerable cult. +Secondly, the care of vows, prayers, and sacrifices for the +Emperors and other members of the imperial house. I +must say a few words about each of these divisions of +duty.</p> + +<p>The worship of the Dea Dia took place in May on +three days, with an interval always of one day between +the first and second, according to the old custom of the +calendar.<a name="FNanchor_921_921" id="FNanchor_921_921"></a><a href="#Footnote_921_921" class="fnanchor">921</a> On the first, preliminary rites were performed +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_436" id="Page_436">436</a></span>at Rome, in the house of the magister; on the second was +the most important part of the whole ceremony, which +took place at the sacred grove. These rites will give a +good idea of the old Roman worship, and of the exactness +with which Augustus sought to restore it. At dawn the +magister sacrificed two <i>porcae piaculares</i> to the Dea, and +then a <i>vacca honoraria</i>, after which he laid aside the <i>toga +praetexta</i> or sacrificial vestment, and rested till noon, when +all the brethren partook of a common meal, of which the +<i>porcae</i> formed the chief part. Then resuming the <i>praetexta</i>, +and crowned with wreaths of corn-ears, they proceeded +to the altar in the grove, where they sacrificed the +<i>agna opima</i>, which was the principal victim in the whole +ceremonial.<a name="FNanchor_922_922" id="FNanchor_922_922"></a><a href="#Footnote_922_922" class="fnanchor">922</a> Other rites followed, <i>e.g.</i> the passing round, +from one to another of the brethren, fruits gathered and +consecrated on the previous day, each brother receiving +them in his left, <i>i.e.</i> lucky hand, and passing them on +with his right; and the singing of the famous Arval hymn +to Mars and the Lares to a rhythmic dance-tune. Then +after another meal and chariot-racing in the neighbouring +circus, they returned to Rome and finished the day with +further feasting.<a name="FNanchor_923_923" id="FNanchor_923_923"></a><a href="#Footnote_923_923" class="fnanchor">923</a> A cynical reader of these Acta might +suggest that the appetites of the good brethren were +made more of than their <i>pietas</i>; but the feasting may be +just as much a part of the ancient practice as any of the +other curiosities of ritual.</p> + +<p>The utensils employed were of the primitive sun-baked +clay (<i>ollae</i>), and seem to have been regarded with a +veneration almost amounting to worship.<a name="FNanchor_924_924" id="FNanchor_924_924"></a><a href="#Footnote_924_924" class="fnanchor">924</a> Long ago I +had occasion to note how the old form of piacular sacrifice +was used and recorded whenever iron was taken into the +grove, or any damage done to the trees by lightning or +other accident. Once, when a tiny fig-tree sprouted on +the roof of the temple, piacula of all suitable kinds had +to be offered to Mars, Dea Dia, Janus, Jupiter, Juno, +Virgines divae, Famuli divi, Lares, Mater Larum, sive +deus sive dea in cuius tutela hic lucus locusque est, Fons, +Hora, Vesta Mater, Vesta deorum dearumque, Adolenda +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_437" id="Page_437">437</a></span>Commolenda Deferunda,—and sixteen <i>divi</i> of the imperial +families!<a name="FNanchor_925_925" id="FNanchor_925_925"></a><a href="#Footnote_925_925" class="fnanchor">925</a> As the date of this extraordinary performance +is <span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 183, nothing can better show the extent to +which the revival of elaborate ritual had been carried by +Augustus, and the amazing tenacity with which it held its +ground.</p> + +<p>The second part of the activity of the brethren well +illustrates the new element which Augustus adroitly +insinuated into the old religious forms: but I shall +not dwell upon it, for the worship of the Caesars in its +developed form is not of either Roman or Italian origin, +any more than the other kinds of cult which were now +pressing in from the East; and it thus lies outside the +range of my subject. The revival of this old priesthood, +and doubtless of others, the Salii for example, was turned +to account to mark the sacred character and political and +social predominance of the imperial family. All events of +importance in the life of the Emperor himself and his +family were the occasion of vows, prayers, or thanksgivings +on the part of the Fratres; births, marriages, +successions to the throne, journeys and safe return, and +the assumption of the consulship and other offices or +priesthoods. These rites all took place at various temples +or altars in Rome, or at the Ara Pacis, recently excavated, +which Augustus had built in the Campus Martius. +Here, by way of example of them, is a "votum susceptum +pro salute novi principis," on his accession.<a name="FNanchor_926_926" id="FNanchor_926_926"></a><a href="#Footnote_926_926" class="fnanchor">926</a></p> + +<p>"Imperatore M. Othone Caesare Augusto, L. Salvio +Othone Titiano iterum consulibus, III kalendas Februarias +magistro Imperatore M. Othone Caesare Augusto, +promagistro L. Salvio Othone Titiano: collegi fratrum +Arvalium nomine immolavit in Capitolio ob vota nuncupata +pro salute imperatoris M. Othonis Caesaris Augusti +in annum proximum in III nonas Ianuarias Iovi bovem +marem, Iunoni vaccam: Minervae vaccam: Saluti +publicae populi Romani vaccam: divo Augusto bovem +marem, divae Augustae vaccam: divo Claudio bovem +marem: in collegio adfuerunt, etc."</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_438" id="Page_438">438</a></span>This record, which belongs to the year 69 and the +accession of Otho, shows the <i>divi</i>, <i>i.e.</i> the deified emperors +Augustus and Claudius, together with the deified Livia, +associated with the <i>trias</i> of the Capitoline temple and +the <i>Salus publica</i> in the sacrificial rites. But under the +Flavian dynasty which followed this association was +judiciously dropped.<a name="FNanchor_927_927" id="FNanchor_927_927"></a><a href="#Footnote_927_927" class="fnanchor">927</a> It may serve for the moment to +illustrate what was to come of this new element so subtly +introduced into the old worship; how it led to practices +which are utterly repulsive to us, and repulsive too to +an honest man even in that day. The noble words of +Tiberius, declining to have temples erected to him in +Spain, have been preserved by Tacitus from the senatorial +records:<a name="FNanchor_928_928" id="FNanchor_928_928"></a><a href="#Footnote_928_928" class="fnanchor">928</a> "Ego me, patres conscripti, mortalem esse +fateor"; and he added that his only claim to immortality +lay in the due performance of duty. Tiberius, whatever +else he may have been, was beyond doubt an honest man; +and so too was Seneca, the author of the famous skit on the +deification of Claudius. But the extravagances of Caesar-worship +are not to be met with in Augustus' time; for +him the new element may be defined, as in Rome (and in +Italy too, so far as his own wish could limit it) nothing +more than <i>the encouragement of the belief in him, and +loyalty to him as the restorer of the pax deorum</i>. To this +end he sought to magnify his own achievements as +avenger of the crime of the murder of Julius, by which +the <i>pax</i> had been grievously disturbed. I propose to +finish this lecture by giving some account of the way in +which he attained this object. Let us briefly examine the +famous ritual of the <i>Ludi saeculares</i>, of which we have +more detailed knowledge than of any other Roman rite +of any period; it marks the zenith of his prosperity and +religious activity, and belongs to the year 17 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, two +years after the death of Virgil,—a date which may be +said to divide the long power of Augustus into two nearly +equal halves.</p> + +<p>This famous celebration is an epoch in the history of +the Roman religion, if not in the history of Rome herself. +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_439" id="Page_439">439</a></span>It stands on the very verge of an old and a new régime. +It was the outward or ritualistic expression of the idea, +already suggested by Virgil in the fourth <i>Eclogue</i> and the +<i>Aeneid</i>, that a regeneration is at hand of Rome and Italy, +in religion, morals, agriculture, government; old things are +put away, new sap is to run in the half-withered trunk +and branches of a noble tree. The experience of the past, +as with Aeneas after the descent into Hades, is to lead to +new effort and a new type of character, of which <i>pietas</i> +in its broadest sense is the inspiring motive. Henceforward +the Roman is to look ahead of him in hope +and confidence, <i>virtutem extendere factis</i>. Augustus, the +Aeneas of the actual State, was firmly established in a +prestige which extended beyond Italy even to the far +East; his faithful and capable coadjutor Agrippa was by +his side to take his part in the ritual, and no cloud in that +year 17 seemed to be visible on the horizon.</p> + +<p>The <i>Ludi saeculares</i> are also unique in respect of the +records we have of them. By wonderful good fortune we +can construct an almost complete picture of what was +done in that year on the last days of May and the first +three of June. We have the text of the Sibylline oracle,—how +manufactured we do not know, nor does it much +matter,—which prescribed the ritual, preserved by Zosimus, +a Greek historian of the fifth century <span class="smcap">A.D.</span>, together with +his own account.<a name="FNanchor_929_929" id="FNanchor_929_929"></a><a href="#Footnote_929_929" class="fnanchor">929</a> Thus the outline of the ritual has been +known all along, together with many details; and to help +it out we have also the perfect text of the hymn written +by Horace for the occasion, and sung by two choirs of +boys and girls respectively. But great was the delight +of the learned world when, in September 1890, workmen +employed on the Tiber embankment, close, as it turned +out, to the spot where the nightly rites of the <i>ludi</i> took +place, came upon a mediaeval wall partly made of ancient +material, in which some marbles were found covered with +inscriptions relating to this same celebration.<a name="FNanchor_930_930" id="FNanchor_930_930"></a><a href="#Footnote_930_930" class="fnanchor">930</a> This +treasure was badly mutilated, but the inscription was +easily decipherable; it contains a letter from Augustus +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_440" id="Page_440">440</a></span>giving instructions, two decrees of the Senate, and a series +of records of the Quindecemviri, who were of course in +charge of a ritual which had been ordered by a Sibylline +oracle. Some few points were at first puzzling, but have +been cleared up since the discovery. Mommsen, of course, +took the work in hand, and his exposition is still, and +always will be, the starting-point for students. Wissowa +has an excellent popular account of it, and recently, in the +fifth volume of his <i>Greatness and Decline of Rome</i>, Ferrero +has utilised it to give an animated account of the whole +ceremony.<a name="FNanchor_931_931" id="FNanchor_931_931"></a><a href="#Footnote_931_931" class="fnanchor">931</a></p> + +<p>The <i>Ludi saeculares</i> take their name from the word +<i>saeculum</i>; and the old Italian idea of a <i>saeculum</i> seems +to have been a period stretching from any given moment +to the death of the oldest person born at that moment,—a +hundred years being the natural period so conceived.<a name="FNanchor_932_932" id="FNanchor_932_932"></a><a href="#Footnote_932_932" class="fnanchor">932</a> +Thus a new saeculum might begin at any time, and might +be endowed with special religious significance by certain +solemn ceremonies; in this way the people might be +persuaded that a new leaf, so to speak, had been turned +over in their history: that all past evil, material or moral, +had been put away and done with (<i>saeculum condere</i>), +and a new period entered on of innocence and prosperity. +There are faint traces of three early celebrations of this +kind, beginning in 463 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, traditionally a disastrous year, +and renewed in 363 and 263. But in 249, another year +of distress and peril, a new saeculum was entered on with +a new and a Greek ritual, ordered by a Sibylline oracle. +A subterranean altar in a spot by the Tiber, near the +present Ponte St. Angelo, and called Tarentum (possibly +to mark the original home of the rite), was dedicated to +Dis and Proserpina, Greek deities of the nether world; +and here for three successive nights black victims were +offered to them. The subterranean altar and the use of +the word <i>condere</i> (to put away), might suggest that this +rite may have had something in common with those well-known +quasi-dramatic ones in which objects are <i>buried</i> or +thrown into the water, to represent the cessation of one +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_441" id="Page_441">441</a></span>period of vegetation and the beginning of another.<a name="FNanchor_933_933" id="FNanchor_933_933"></a><a href="#Footnote_933_933" class="fnanchor">933</a> Or +we may look on it in the light of one of those <i>rites de +passage</i> in which a transition is made from one state of +things to another, without any definite religious idea being +attached to it. There is no doubt some mystical element +in the primitive idea of the beginning and ending of periods +of time, which has not as yet been thoroughly investigated.<a name="FNanchor_934_934" id="FNanchor_934_934"></a><a href="#Footnote_934_934" class="fnanchor">934</a></p> + +<p>Now it is easy to see how exactly a rite of this kind, +with suitable modifications, would fit in with Augustus' +purposes as we have explained them. Fortunately too +Varro had in 42 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> published a book in which the +mystic or Pythagorean doctrine was set forth of the +palingenesis of All Souls after four saecula of 110 years +each; the fourth <i>Eclogue</i> of Virgil may have been +influenced by this, among other mystical ideas, as it was +written only three years later; and in any case the +doctrine was well known.<a name="FNanchor_935_935" id="FNanchor_935_935"></a><a href="#Footnote_935_935" class="fnanchor">935</a> But Augustus had to wait a +while, until peace and confidence were restored. Why +eventually he chose the year 17 is quite uncertain; it +does not exactly fit in with any calculation of four saecula +of 110 years starting from any known date. But a +saeculum, as we have seen, might begin at any moment; +and in any case it was easy to manufacture a calculation, +which was now duly accomplished by trusty persons, chief +among them being the great lawyer, Ateius Capito, an +ardent adherent of Augustus and his projects.<a name="FNanchor_936_936" id="FNanchor_936_936"></a><a href="#Footnote_936_936" class="fnanchor">936</a> Probably +too it was necessary to take advantage of the popular +feeling of the moment, that a better time had come, and +that it should be started on its way in some fitting outward +form.</p> + +<p>So an elaborate programme was drawn up, the main +features of which I must now explain. On 26th May +and the two following days (for the mystic numbers three, +nine, and twenty-seven are noticeable throughout the +ritual)<a name="FNanchor_937_937" id="FNanchor_937_937"></a><a href="#Footnote_937_937" class="fnanchor">937</a> the means of purification (<i>suffimenta</i>)—torches, +sulphur, bitumen<a name="FNanchor_938_938" id="FNanchor_938_938"></a><a href="#Footnote_938_938" class="fnanchor">938</a>—were distributed by the priests to all +free persons, whether citizens or not; for this once, all in +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_442" id="Page_442">442</a></span>Rome at the time, with the exception of slaves, were to +give an imperial meaning to the ceremony by their share +in it. Even bachelors, though forbidden to attend public +shows under a recent law <i>de maritandis ordinibus</i>, were +allowed to do so on this occasion. No doubt the idea +was that the whole people were to be purified from all +pollution of the past; it is what M. van Gennep calls a +<i>rite de séparation</i>, the first step in a <i>rite de passage</i>. The +next three days all the people came to the Quindecemviri +at certain stated places, and made offerings of <i>fruges</i>, the +products of the earth, as we do at our harvest festivals; +these were the firstfruits of the coming harvest.<a name="FNanchor_939_939" id="FNanchor_939_939"></a><a href="#Footnote_939_939" class="fnanchor">939</a> It may +be worth while to recall the facts that it was on these same +days that the procession of the Ambarvalia used to go +round the ripening crops, and that in the early days of +June the symbolic <i>penus</i> of Vesta was being cleansed to +receive the new grain.<a name="FNanchor_940_940" id="FNanchor_940_940"></a><a href="#Footnote_940_940" class="fnanchor">940</a> That Augustus wished to +emphasise the importance of Italian agriculture is beyond +doubt, and is apparent also in the hymn of Horace, +<i>Fertilis frugum pecorisque Tellus spicea donet Cererem +corona, etc.</i></p> + +<p>When the <i>suffimenta</i> had been distributed and the offerings +made, all was ready for the putting away or burying of +the old <i>saeculum</i>. On the night before 1st June Augustus +himself, together with Agrippa, sacrificed to the Greek +Moirae, the Parcae of Horace's hymn, perhaps in some +sense the Fata of the <i>Aeneid</i>; on the second night to +Eilithyia, the Greek deity of childbirth; and on the third +to Mother Tellus. The form of prayer accompanying the +sacrifice is preserved in the inscription; it is Latin in +language and form, as dry and concise as any we examined +in my lectures on ritual, and contains the <i>macte esto</i> which +I was then at pains to explain. Augustus prayed for the +safety and prosperity of the State in every way, and also +for himself, his house, and his familia.<a name="FNanchor_941_941" id="FNanchor_941_941"></a><a href="#Footnote_941_941" class="fnanchor">941</a> The scene on the +bank of the Tiber, illuminated by torches, must have been +most impressive.</p> + +<p>These were the nightly ceremonies. But each day also +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_443" id="Page_443">443</a></span>had its ritual, in which the Roman deities of the heaven +were the objects of worship, not, as by the Tiber bank, +Greek deities of the earth and the nether world. On the +first two days Augustus and Agrippa offered the proper +victims to Jupiter and Juno respectively on the Capitol; +Minerva is omitted, and probably the other two are +reckoned in Greek fashion as a married pair. The form +of prayer was the same as that used by night, with the +necessary modifications. Thus the great Capitoline temple +and its deities have a full share of attention, and they go +too far who think that Augustus was so wanting in tact +as to put them in the shade.<a name="FNanchor_942_942" id="FNanchor_942_942"></a><a href="#Footnote_942_942" class="fnanchor">942</a> But on the third and last +day the scene changes from the Capitol to the Palatine, +the residence of Augustus, where he had built his great +temple of Apollo; here for the first time in the ceremony +Horace's hymn was sung. On all the days and nights +there had been shows and amusements, and a hundred +and ten chosen matrons had taken solemn part in the +services.<a name="FNanchor_943_943" id="FNanchor_943_943"></a><a href="#Footnote_943_943" class="fnanchor">943</a> But I must pass these over and turn in the +last place to the question, as interesting as it is old and +difficult, as to how and where Horace's hymn was sung, +and how we are to understand it.</p> + +<p>The instructions given to the poet by Augustus are +obvious as we read the Carmen in the light of the ceremonial +of which it was to mark the conclusion. He was +to bring into it, as we have already seen, the ideas which +were to be revived and made resonant, of religion, morality, +and the fertility of man, beast, and crop; and they are all +there. He was also to include all the deities who had +been addressed in prayer both by day and night, by Tiber +bank and on the Capitol, and to give the most prominent +place to those who on this last day were worshipped on the +Palatine; to Apollo, for whom Augustus had built a great +temple close to his own house (<i>in privato solo</i><a name="FNanchor_944_944" id="FNanchor_944_944"></a><a href="#Footnote_944_944" class="fnanchor">944</a>), as his +own specially protecting deity since Actium, and Diana, +who as equivalent to Artemis, could not but be associated +with Apollo. Thus the deities of the hymn are both +Latin and Greek,<a name="FNanchor_945_945" id="FNanchor_945_945"></a><a href="#Footnote_945_945" class="fnanchor">945</a> and this expresses the undoubted fact +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_444" id="Page_444">444</a></span>that the religion of the Romans was henceforward to be +even in outward expression a cosmopolitan or Romano-Hellenic +one, in keeping with the fact that all free men of +every race might take part in this great festival. But it +cannot fail to strike every careful reader that the great +trias of the Capitol is hardly visible in the poem, though +Jupiter and Juno had been the chief objects of worship +on the two previous days. Jupiter is twice incidentally +named, but in no connection with the Capitol;<a name="FNanchor_946_946" id="FNanchor_946_946"></a><a href="#Footnote_946_946" class="fnanchor">946</a> and it is +only when we read between the lines of the fourteenth +stanza that we discover Jupiter and Juno as the recipients +of the white oxen which had been sacrificed to them +there. I have already said that we must not make too +much of the neglect of Jupiter and Juno by Augustus; +but it is plain that he directed Horace not to make them +too prominent in this hymn, and I think it is quite +possible that Horace a little overdid his obedience.</p> + +<p>The result of all this is that the hymn, in spite of its +neatness and adequacy, is wanting in spontaneity, and +presents the casual reader with an apparently unmeaning +jumble of Greek and Roman gods and goddesses. The +only way to clear it up is by taking it in immediate +relation with what we know about the places in which it +was sung. To me at last it has become clear enough in +all its main points; and I will give here my own results, +which do not altogether coincide with those of other +recent inquirers.</p> + +<p>Before the discovery of the great inscription we knew +that this hymn was sung before the new temple of Apollo +on the Palatine; we now know that it was also sung on +the Capitol,<a name="FNanchor_947_947" id="FNanchor_947_947"></a><a href="#Footnote_947_947" class="fnanchor">947</a> thus uniting in one performance the old +religion of republican Rome with the new imperial cult of +Apollo. But this new fact has, in my opinion, led to +misapprehensions both of the manner of singing and the +order of subjects in the hymn. Mommsen thought that +the first part was sung on the Palatine, the middle part on +the Capitol, and the last again on the Palatine, and he is +followed by Wissowa; and both seem to think it possible +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_445" id="Page_445">445</a></span>that there may have been singing too during the procession +from the one hill to the other.<a name="FNanchor_948_948" id="FNanchor_948_948"></a><a href="#Footnote_948_948" class="fnanchor">948</a> I think we need +not trouble ourselves about the latter point, for the Via +Sacra, by which the procession must have gone, was far +too narrow and irregular to allow fifty-four singers, with +the <i>tibicines</i> who must have been accompanying them, to +walk and perform at the same time.<a name="FNanchor_949_949" id="FNanchor_949_949"></a><a href="#Footnote_949_949" class="fnanchor">949</a> The inscription, too, +says plainly that the hymn was sung on the Palatine and +then on the Capitol, and by that plain statement of fact +we had better abide.</p> + +<p>Now let us note that these two stations on the two +hills were the best possible positions for Augustus' purpose, +not only because of their religious importance, but because +they afforded the most spacious views of the city, now +everywhere adorned with new or restored buildings. The +temple of Apollo was built upon a large and lofty area at +the north-east end of the Palatine.<a name="FNanchor_950_950" id="FNanchor_950_950"></a><a href="#Footnote_950_950" class="fnanchor">950</a> Recent excavations +have shown it to be some hundred yards broad by a +hundred and fifty in length, and Ovid, in a passage of his +<i>Tristia</i><a name="FNanchor_951_951" id="FNanchor_951_951"></a><a href="#Footnote_951_951" class="fnanchor">951</a> gives us an idea of its height:</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">inde tenore pari gradibus sublimia celsis</span> +<span class="i1">ducor ad intonsi candida templa dei.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>On this area the choirs of boys and girls took their station, +facing the marble temple, on the <i>fastigium</i> of which was +represented the Sun driving his four-horse chariot.<a name="FNanchor_952_952" id="FNanchor_952_952"></a><a href="#Footnote_952_952" class="fnanchor">952</a> After +singing, probably together, the first two stanzas or exordium +of the hymn, they addressed this Sol:</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">alme Sol, curru nitido diem qui</span> +<span class="i0">promis et celas, aliusque et idem</span> +<span class="i0">nasceris, possis nihil urbe Roma</span> +<span class="i1">visere maius.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>As they sang these last words, they would turn towards +the city that lay behind them, and look over it to the +Tiber and the scene of the nightly sacrifices of the Tarentum; +and with the deities of these rites, who must of +course be taken before those of day and light, as in the +order of the festival, the next five stanzas are occupied:<a name="FNanchor_953_953" id="FNanchor_953_953"></a><a href="#Footnote_953_953" class="fnanchor">953</a> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_446" id="Page_446">446</a></span>Eilithyia, the Moirae (Parcae), and Tellus or Ceres. When +that duty is over they turn once more to the temple, and +the Greek deities of the Tarentum are mentioned no more. +Three stanzas are devoted to Apollo and Diana (Luna), +with a happy allusion to the <i>Aeneid</i>, and then once more +the choirs turn, and this time they face the Capitol; the +hymn is long, and these changes of movement would be +at once a relief to the singers and a pleasant sight to the +spectators. They address the deities of the Capitol in +appropriate language:</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">di probos mores docili iuventae,</span> +<span class="i0">di, senectuti placidae quietem,</span> +<span class="i0">Romulae genti date remque prolemque</span> +<span class="i2">et decus omne.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>The allusion to Jupiter and Juno is thus veiled:</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">quaeque vos bobus veneratur albis</span> +<span class="i0">clarus Anchisae Venerisque sanguis,</span> +<span class="i0">impetret, bellante prior, iacentem</span> +<span class="i2">lenis in hostem.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Horace has cleverly made Augustus himself the leading +figure in this and the following stanza, and the listeners +forget the Capitoline gods as they note the allusion to +Venus, the ancestress of the Julii, the prestige of Augustus +that has brought envoys to him from Scythia, Media, and +India, and in the next stanza the public virtues, presented +here as deities—Fides, Pax, Honos, Pudor, Virtus—on +whose aid and worship the new régime is based.<a name="FNanchor_954_954" id="FNanchor_954_954"></a><a href="#Footnote_954_954" class="fnanchor">954</a></p> + +<p>At the sixteenth stanza the choirs again face about to +the temple of Apollo, and with him and Diana again the +next two stanzas have to do. Only one remains, in +which as an <i>exodos</i> we may be sure the two choirs of boys +and girls joined; it sums up the whole body of deities, +but with Apollo and Diana as the special objects of the +day's worship:</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">haec Iovem sentire deosque cunctos</span> +<span class="i0">spem bonam certamque domum reporto,</span> +<span class="i0">doctus et Phoebi chorus et Dianae</span> +<span class="i2">dicere laudes.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_447" id="Page_447">447</a></span>The performance on the Palatine was now over, and +the procession streamed down the hill to join the Via Sacra +near the Regia and the Vesta temple, and so to make +its way up to the Capitol, where the performance was +repeated.<a name="FNanchor_955_955" id="FNanchor_955_955"></a><a href="#Footnote_955_955" class="fnanchor">955</a> Taking station at this noble point of view, he +who will can again follow its movement with the hymn +in his hand. The area in front of the Capitoline temple +looked across to the Palatine, and the image of Sol and +his <i>quadriga</i> must have been in full view; thus the +<i>exordium</i> and the next stanza (alme Sol) would be sung +looking in that direction. Equally well in view, if they +turned to the right, would be the scene of the midnight +sacrifices across the Campus Martius; and so on throughout +the singing the changes of position would be easy +and graceful, here as on the Palatine.</p> + +<p>Here I prefer to make an end of the performance, +following the text of the inscription, which tells us nothing +of a return to the Palatine. It would be far more in +keeping with Roman practice that the Capitol should be +the scene of the conclusion of the processional ceremony, +even on a day when Apollo was, with Augustus himself, +the principal figure. From the musical point of view, too, +a third performance is improbable, for the singers were +young and tender.</p> + +<p>And here, too, with this impressive scene, which can +hardly fail to move the imagination of any one who has +stood on Palatine and Capitol, I will close my account of +the religious experience of the Romans. A few remarks +only remain for me to make about its contribution, such +as it was, to the Latin form of Christianity.</p> + + +<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE XIX</h5> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_900_900" id="Footnote_900_900"></a><a href="#FNanchor_900_900"><span class="label">900</span></a> A summary of the relations between Virgil and Augustus may +be found in Mr. Glover's <i>Studies in Virgil</i>, p. 144 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_901_901" id="Footnote_901_901"></a><a href="#FNanchor_901_901"><span class="label">901</span></a> Tiberius added to his Augustan inheritance a curious and +possibly morbid anxiety about religious matters and details of cult, of +which examples may be found in Tac. <i>Ann.</i> iii. 58, vi. 12, among +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_448" id="Page_448">448</a></span>other passages. Perhaps, however, the most interesting is that +connected with the famous story of "the Great Pan is dead," told by +Plutarch in the <i>de Defectu Oraculorum</i>, ch. xvii. The news of this +strange story reached the ears of Tiberius, who at once set the +learned men about him to inquire into it; and they came to the no +less strange conclusion that "this was the Pan who was born of +Hermes and Penelope." S. Reinach has recently offered an explanation +of this story, which is at least better than previous ones, in +<i>Cultes, mythes, et religions</i>, vol. iii. p. 1 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_902_902" id="Footnote_902_902"></a><a href="#FNanchor_902_902"><span class="label">902</span></a> <i>C.I.L.</i> vi. 1001.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_903_903" id="Footnote_903_903"></a><a href="#FNanchor_903_903"><span class="label">903</span></a> Jul. Capitolinus, 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_904_904" id="Footnote_904_904"></a><a href="#FNanchor_904_904"><span class="label">904</span></a> Symmachus, <i>Rel.</i> 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_905_905" id="Footnote_905_905"></a><a href="#FNanchor_905_905"><span class="label">905</span></a> <i>Cod. Theod.</i> xvi. 10. 2. On this subject generally consult +Dill's <i>Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire</i>, +bk. i. chs. i. and iv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_906_906" id="Footnote_906_906"></a><a href="#FNanchor_906_906"><span class="label">906</span></a> This idea is exactly expressed by Horace in <i>Odes</i> iii. 23, +perhaps addressed to the <i>vilica</i> of his own farm. Cp. Cato, <i>R.R.</i> 143, +where the <i>vilica</i> is to pray to the <i>Lar familiaris pro copia</i>. Horace +mentions only the Kalends for this rite; Cato adds Nones and Ides. +Cp. Tibull. i. 3. 34; i. 10. 15 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_907_907" id="Footnote_907_907"></a><a href="#FNanchor_907_907"><span class="label">907</span></a> See above, Lectures iv. and v.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_908_908" id="Footnote_908_908"></a><a href="#FNanchor_908_908"><span class="label">908</span></a> <i>Greatness and Decline of Rome</i> (E.T.), v. 93.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_909_909" id="Footnote_909_909"></a><a href="#FNanchor_909_909"><span class="label">909</span></a> See especially lines 45 foll. and 56 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_910_910" id="Footnote_910_910"></a><a href="#FNanchor_910_910"><span class="label">910</span></a> <i>C.I.L.</i> vi. 32,323, or Dessau, <i>Inscriptiones selectae</i>, vol. ii. +part i. p. 284.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_911_911" id="Footnote_911_911"></a><a href="#FNanchor_911_911"><span class="label">911</span></a> For this reason the veiled figure in one of the fine sculptures +on the Ara Pacis frieze, which used to be taken as Augustus Pont. +Max., cannot be so identified (see Domaszewski, <i>Abhandlungen zur +römischen Religion</i>, p. 90 foll.), for the date of the Ara Pacis is +13 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, the year before Lepidus died. The figure can be most +conveniently seen by English students in Mrs. Strong's <i>Roman +Sculpture</i>, plate xi. p. 46. It may be Agrippa acting as Pont. Max. +for Lepidus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_912_912" id="Footnote_912_912"></a><a href="#FNanchor_912_912"><span class="label">912</span></a> <i>Monumentum Ancyranum</i>, ed. Mommsen (Lat.), iv. 17.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_913_913" id="Footnote_913_913"></a><a href="#FNanchor_913_913"><span class="label">913</span></a> See above, p. 129.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_914_914" id="Footnote_914_914"></a><a href="#FNanchor_914_914"><span class="label">914</span></a> Livy iv. 20. 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_915_915" id="Footnote_915_915"></a><a href="#FNanchor_915_915"><span class="label">915</span></a> Valerius Maximus, <i>Epit.</i> 3, 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_916_916" id="Footnote_916_916"></a><a href="#FNanchor_916_916"><span class="label">916</span></a> Ovid, <i>Fasti</i>, iv. 901 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_917_917" id="Footnote_917_917"></a><a href="#FNanchor_917_917"><span class="label">917</span></a> See Marquardt, 326 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_918_918" id="Footnote_918_918"></a><a href="#FNanchor_918_918"><span class="label">918</span></a> Dio Cassius, l. 4, 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_919_919" id="Footnote_919_919"></a><a href="#FNanchor_919_919"><span class="label">919</span></a> Henzen, <i>Acta Fratrum Arvalium</i>, p. xxv. of the exordium.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_920_920" id="Footnote_920_920"></a><a href="#FNanchor_920_920"><span class="label">920</span></a> Henzen, p. 154.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_921_921" id="Footnote_921_921"></a><a href="#FNanchor_921_921"><span class="label">921</span></a> See above, p. 98.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_922_922" id="Footnote_922_922"></a><a href="#FNanchor_922_922"><span class="label">922</span></a> Henzen, pp. 24, 28.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_923_923" id="Footnote_923_923"></a><a href="#FNanchor_923_923"><span class="label">923</span></a> For the hymn, Henzen, p. 26; Dessau, <i>Inscr. select.</i> ii. +pt. i. p. 276. See also above, p. 186.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_924_924" id="Footnote_924_924"></a><a href="#FNanchor_924_924"><span class="label">924</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 487, note 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_925_925" id="Footnote_925_925"></a><a href="#FNanchor_925_925"><span class="label">925</span></a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_449" id="Page_449">449</a></span> Henzen, 142 foll.; Dessau, p. 279; see above, p. 162.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_926_926" id="Footnote_926_926"></a><a href="#FNanchor_926_926"><span class="label">926</span></a> Henzen, p. 105.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_927_927" id="Footnote_927_927"></a><a href="#FNanchor_927_927"><span class="label">927</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 107.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_928_928" id="Footnote_928_928"></a><a href="#FNanchor_928_928"><span class="label">928</span></a> Tac. <i>Ann.</i> iii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_929_929" id="Footnote_929_929"></a><a href="#FNanchor_929_929"><span class="label">929</span></a> Zosimus, ii. 5 and 6. The oracle and the extract from +Zosimus are printed in Dr. Wickham's introduction to the <i>Carmen +saeculare</i>, and in Diels, <i>Sibyllinische Blätter</i>, p. 131 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_930_930" id="Footnote_930_930"></a><a href="#FNanchor_930_930"><span class="label">930</span></a> <i>C.I.L.</i> vi. 32,323. <i>Ephemeris epigraphica</i>, viii. 255 foll., +contains the text and Mommsen's exposition. Dessau, <i>Inscr. selectae</i>, +ii. pt. i. 282, does not give the whole document.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_931_931" id="Footnote_931_931"></a><a href="#FNanchor_931_931"><span class="label">931</span></a> Wissowa, <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i>, p. 192 foll.; Ferrero, +vol. v. 85 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_932_932" id="Footnote_932_932"></a><a href="#FNanchor_932_932"><span class="label">932</span></a> The word was first explained by Mommsen, <i>Röm. Chronologie</i>, +ed. 2, p. 172.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_933_933" id="Footnote_933_933"></a><a href="#FNanchor_933_933"><span class="label">933</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i>, <i>Golden Bough</i>, ed. 2, vol. ii. p. 70 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_934_934" id="Footnote_934_934"></a><a href="#FNanchor_934_934"><span class="label">934</span></a> The religious or mystical conception of time is the subject of +an interesting discussion by Hubert et Mauss, <i>Mélanges d'histoire +et de religion</i>, p. 189 foll.; but the <i>saeculum</i> does not seem to +have attracted their attention.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_935_935" id="Footnote_935_935"></a><a href="#FNanchor_935_935"><span class="label">935</span></a> The actual words of Varro, from his work <i>de gente Populi +Romani</i>, are quoted by St. Augustine, <i>de Civ. Dei</i>, xxii. 28: "Genethliaci +quidam scripserunt esse in renascendis hominibus quam +appellant 45;λιγγενεσἱαν Graeci; hac scripserunt confici in annis +numero quadringentis quadraginta, ut idem corpus et eadem anima, +quae fuerint coniuncta in homine aliquando, eadem rursus redeant in +coniunctionem." The passage well illustrates the mystical tendency +of which I was speaking in the last lecture.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_936_936" id="Footnote_936_936"></a><a href="#FNanchor_936_936"><span class="label">936</span></a> For attempts to explain the difficulty see Wissowa, <i>op. cit.</i> +p. 204.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_937_937" id="Footnote_937_937"></a><a href="#FNanchor_937_937"><span class="label">937</span></a> The cakes offered to Eilithyia, and again to Apollo, are nine +in number; see the inscription lines 117 and 143. The choirs of +boys and girls were each twenty-seven.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_938_938" id="Footnote_938_938"></a><a href="#FNanchor_938_938"><span class="label">938</span></a> The <i>suffimenta</i> are described by Zosimus, <i>l.c.</i> There is a +coin of Domitian, who also celebrated <i>Ludi saeculares</i>, in which he +appears seated and distributing the <i>suffimenta</i>, as the inscription +shows.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_939_939" id="Footnote_939_939"></a><a href="#FNanchor_939_939"><span class="label">939</span></a> So Zosimus, who says they consisted of wheat, barley, and +beans.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_940_940" id="Footnote_940_940"></a><a href="#FNanchor_940_940"><span class="label">940</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 148 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_941_941" id="Footnote_941_941"></a><a href="#FNanchor_941_941"><span class="label">941</span></a> See the inscription, line 92 foll. Ferrero assumes that these +words were to be taken as representing the families of all worshippers +present, who would repeat the words "mihi domo familiae." But +this is arbitrary; the prayer follows the old form as we have it, <i>e.g.</i>, +in Cato, <i>R.R.</i> (see above, p. 182), and as Cato or any landowner +would represent the rest of the human beings on the estate, so did +Augustus represent the whole community.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_942_942" id="Footnote_942_942"></a><a href="#FNanchor_942_942"><span class="label">942</span></a> So J. B. Carter, <i>Religion of Numa</i>, p. 160.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_943_943" id="Footnote_943_943"></a><a href="#FNanchor_943_943"><span class="label">943</span></a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_450" id="Page_450">450</a></span> The matrons, equal in number to the years of the <i>saeculum</i>, +first appear on 2nd June in the worship of Juno.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_944_944" id="Footnote_944_944"></a><a href="#FNanchor_944_944"><span class="label">944</span></a> <i>Mon. Ancyr.</i> (Lat.), iv. 21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_945_945" id="Footnote_945_945"></a><a href="#FNanchor_945_945"><span class="label">945</span></a> Zosimus, <i>l.c.</i>, says that "hymns" were sung in Greek as well +as Latin; but this is not borne out by any other authority.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_946_946" id="Footnote_946_946"></a><a href="#FNanchor_946_946"><span class="label">946</span></a> Line 31 (<i>et Iovis aurae</i>), where Jupiter simply stands for +the heaven and its influence on the earth; and line 73 (<i>haec Iovem +sentire</i>, etc.), where he is introduced in the most general way as +head of all deities.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_947_947" id="Footnote_947_947"></a><a href="#FNanchor_947_947"><span class="label">947</span></a> Line 147 of the inscription: "Sacrificioque perfecto puer[i X] +XVII quibus denuntiatum erat patrimi et matrimi et puellae totidem +carmen cecinerunt: <i>eodemque modo in Capitolio</i>. Carmen composuit +Q. Horatius Flaccus."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_948_948" id="Footnote_948_948"></a><a href="#FNanchor_948_948"><span class="label">948</span></a> <i>Eph. epigr.</i> viii. 256. Wissowa, <i>Gesamm. Abhandl.</i> p. 206, +note, who refers to Vahlen and Christ as differing from Mommsen, in +papers which I have not seen. Wissowa says that the threefold +division of the hymn "springt in die Augen"; but this has never +been my experience.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_949_949" id="Footnote_949_949"></a><a href="#FNanchor_949_949"><span class="label">949</span></a> Apart from the awkwardness for singers of the descent from +the Palatine and the steep ascent to the Capitol, we may remember +that they would have to pass under the fornix Fabianus, which was not +much more than nine feet broad (Lanciani, <i>Ruins and Excavations</i>, +p. 217).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_950_950" id="Footnote_950_950"></a><a href="#FNanchor_950_950"><span class="label">950</span></a> See Hülsen-Jordan, <i>Topographie</i>, iii. 72 and note. See also +map at the end of the volume, No. 1 of the series. There is, however, +some doubt as to whether the site was not on the side of the Palatine +looking towards the Tiber over the Circus maximus. See my paper +in the <i>Classical Quarterly</i>, 1910, p. 145 foll. If so, my explanation +of the performance of the hymn seems rather to be confirmed than +weakened.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_951_951" id="Footnote_951_951"></a><a href="#FNanchor_951_951"><span class="label">951</span></a> Ovid, <i>Tristia</i>, iii. 1. 59 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_952_952" id="Footnote_952_952"></a><a href="#FNanchor_952_952"><span class="label">952</span></a> Propertius, iii. 28 (31): "In quo Solis erat supra fastigia +currus." No one seems to have noticed the connection between this +and Horace's allusion to Sol, which is otherwise not easy to explain.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_953_953" id="Footnote_953_953"></a><a href="#FNanchor_953_953"><span class="label">953</span></a> I will not enter on the insoluble question as to what stanzas +or parts of stanzas were sung by the boys and girls respectively. That +the hymn was so sung in double chorus is intrinsically probable, and +stated in the oracle, lines 20, 21. Some of the schemes which have +been propounded are given in Wickham's <i>Horace</i>. I imagine that +the stanzas may have been sung alternately except in the case of the +first two and the last, but the ninth looks as though it might have +been divided between the two choirs. Ferrero has a scheme of his +own, p. 91 foll.; and if he had taken a little more pains might have +worked out the whole problem satisfactorily.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_954_954" id="Footnote_954_954"></a><a href="#FNanchor_954_954"><span class="label">954</span></a> Of these quasi-deities Fides is the oldest, and was associated +with Jupiter on the Capitol; Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> 103 foll. Thus we +may find a <i>callida iunctura</i> between the thirteenth, fourteenth, and +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_451" id="Page_451">451</a></span>fifteenth stanzas, for Fides and Pax would fit in well with the +<i>responsa petunt</i> of the fourteenth. Whether Pax was recognised as +a deity at this time is not quite certain; but a few years later, in +9 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, an altar of Pax Augusta was dedicated. The Ara Pacis was +begun in 13 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> See Axtell, <i>Deification of Abstract Ideas</i> (Chicago, +1907), p. 37, who may also be consulted for the other deities here +mentioned. See also above, p. 285. In Tibull. i. 10. 45 foll., Pax +seems to be on the verge of deification, but not to have attained it +except in the poet's fancy.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_955_955" id="Footnote_955_955"></a><a href="#FNanchor_955_955"><span class="label">955</span></a> The route may be followed in the map of the Via Sacra in +Lanciani's <i>Ruins and Excavations</i>, and in his chapter entitled, "A +Walk through the Sacra Via," or more shortly in my <i>Social Life in +the Age of Cicero</i>, p. 18 foll.</p></div> + +<p><i>Note.</i>—The whole question of the singing of the <i>Carmen saeculare</i> +in its relation to the two principal sites and to the topography of the +festival generally, is fully discussed by the author in <i>Classical Review</i> +for 1910, p. 145 foll.</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_452" id="Page_452">452</a></span></p> +<h4>LECTURE XX</h4> + +<h4>CONCLUSION</h4> + + +<p>"A time of spiritual awakening, of a calling to higher +destinies, came upon the world, the civilised world which +lay around the Mediterranean Sea, at the beginning of +our era. The calling was concentrated in the life and +death of the Founder of Christianity."<a name="FNanchor_956_956" id="FNanchor_956_956"></a><a href="#Footnote_956_956" class="fnanchor">956</a> The writer of +these words goes on to point out that the beginning of +our era was "a time of general stirring in all the higher +fields of human activity," and that all such stirring, all +that brings higher ideals before the minds of men of +action, of imagination, or of reflection, if not itself religion, +is in some sense religious, and in that age must be taken +into account as having some bearing on the origin of +Christianity, the greatest of all religious movements. And +inasmuch as the new spirit of the age seems to have put +new life into the old religious systems, with the help of +philosophy and poetry, as well as of a purer and more +effective conception of Man's relation to the Power +manifesting itself in the universe, he finds it useful and +legitimate to show how the ideas and characteristics of +the leading types of religion in the civilised world of +which he speaks were absorbed or "baptized" into the +spirit of Christianity. In other words, we may ask what +was the contribution of each of these religious types to +the formation of the Christian type of religion; for +however new was the inspiration which was the essential +living germ of our religion, yet that germ was of necessity +planted in soil full of other religious ingredients, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_453" id="Page_453">453</a></span>which found their way into the sap of the plant as it +grew towards maturity.</p> + +<p>I have all along wished to bring our subject, the +religious experience of the Roman people, into touch +with Christianity, whether by marking points of contact, +or of contrast, or both. In the last few lectures I have +laid stress on certain points likely to be useful to us in +this last stage of our studies, and these will, I hope, +furnish us with some amount of material. But I confess +that I have approached this subject with great hesitation. +What I shall have to say will be tentative and suggestive +only; but I hope that the account that I have given in +these lectures of Roman religious experience may be of +use in helping a better qualified student to carry on the +work more adequately.</p> + +<p>Let us glance back for a moment at the results of the +last four lectures, in which I have been dealing with +Roman religious experience after the paralysis or hypnotism +of the old religion of the State. We saw, in the +first place, that the educated part of Roman society had +been brought to the very threshold of a new and more +elevating type of religion, by Greek philosophy transplanted +to Roman soil, and chiefly by Stoicism. True, +one great Epicurean genius had had his share in this +process, by denouncing the weakness and wickedness of +the Roman society, and the futility of all the religious +forms and fancies with which they still dallied; but +Lucretius had nothing to offer in the place of these forms +and fancies—nothing, that is, which could grip the conscience +and act as a real force upon conduct. The +Roman was in a religious sense destitute, both of a real +sense of duty to his fellow-men of all grades, and in +regard to God; and for this destitution Lucretius' remedy, +the accurate knowledge of a philosophical theory of the +universe, was wholly inadequate. The first real appeal +to the conscience of the Roman came from Stoicism, the +reasonable and less austere type of Stoicism which +Panaetius preached to the Scipionic circle. From this +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_454" id="Page_454">454</a></span>the Roman learnt that as a part of the divine universe +Man himself is divine: that as endowed with a portion +of that Reason which itself is God, he has a sacred duty +to perform in using it. Thus, as the Universal was revealed, +so the Individual was ennobled; and the only +thing wanting to make of this a real religion was a bond +that might unite the two more effectually in conduct as +well as in thought. Though a later development of +Stoicism did indeed all but achieve this union, that of the +later Republic failed to do so, because it inherited the +old Stoic neglect of the emotional side of man's nature, +and could take little advantage from a strong current of +mystical feeling that was running side by side with it. +The Stoic ingredient in the soil which was being prepared +for Christianity was rich and valuable, but in this one +respect it was poor. It was intellectually beautiful, but +it stirred as yet no "enthusiasm of humanity."<a name="FNanchor_957_957" id="FNanchor_957_957"></a><a href="#Footnote_957_957" class="fnanchor">957</a></p> + +<p>Another ingredient in the soil was that imaginative +transcendentalism which we discussed under the name of +Mysticism, in which the soul becomes of greater interest +than the body, and a strange yearning possesses the mind +to speculate on the nature of the soul, its existence before +this life, and its lot in another world. These imaginative +yearnings were not native to the Roman, who had never +had any very definite idea of a future life, nor had ever +troubled himself about a previous one; they filtered +through the Pythagorean and Platonic philosophy into +that type of later Stoicism which attracted him. They +were hardly treated in Roman society with real religious +earnestness, except perhaps in some few moments of +sorrow and emotion such as I dwelt on in the experience +of Cicero. But the mere fact that they were in the air +at Rome is of importance for us. They <i>stimulated the +imaginative faculty in religious thought</i>; they kept alive +in the minds at least of some men the questions why we +are here, what we are, and what becomes of us after +death. They prepared the Roman mind for Christian +eschatology; and this, though never so important in the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_455" id="Page_455">455</a></span>Latin Church as in the Greek, was yet an important part +of the teaching of the early Church. St. Paul exactly +expresses the yearning thus dimly foreshadowed in the +mystical movement of which I am speaking: "We that +are in this tabernacle do groan, being burdened; not for +that we would be unclothed, but that we would be clothed +upon, that what is mortal may be swallowed up of life" +(2 Cor. v. 4). It was essential that the Roman should be +able to understand words like these, and to associate them +with a religion which, though in its most vital points one +mainly affecting this life, was also, like those of Isis and +Mithras, strongly tinged with mysticism. "All religions +of that time," it has lately been said, "were religions of +hope. Stress was laid on the future: the present time +was but for preparation. So in the mysterious cults of +Hellenism, whose highest aim is to offer guarantees for +other worldly happiness; so too in Judaism, whose legacy +has but the aim of furnishing the happy life in the kingdom +of the future. But Christianity is a religion of faith, +the gospel not only giving guarantees for the future life, +but bringing confidence, peace, joy, salvation, forgiveness, +righteousness—whatever man's heart yearns after."<a name="FNanchor_958_958" id="FNanchor_958_958"></a><a href="#Footnote_958_958" class="fnanchor">958</a></p> + +<p>Yet another ingredient was that kindly, charitable, +sympathetic outlook on the world which we found in the +poems of Virgil, and which is associated throughout them +with the idea of duty and honourable service. The +husbandman toiling cheerfully and doing his simple +acts of worship, among the patient animals that he loves, +and the scenes of natural beauty that inspire him with +pure and tender thoughts; and then again in the <i>Aeneid</i> +the warrior kept true to his goal by a sense of duty +stimulated by supernatural influence: both these sides +of the Virgilian spirit show well how the soil is being +prepared for another and a richer crop. Love and Duty +are the essentials of Christian ethics; they are both +to be found in this poet, and through him made their +way into the ideas of the better Romans of the next +generation, and so into the philosophy of Seneca and +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_456" id="Page_456">456</a></span>Marcus Aurelius. "To minds touched with the same +sense of life's problems which pervades the poetry of +Virgil, the ideas that came from Galilee brought the rest +and peace which they could not find elsewhere."<a name="FNanchor_959_959" id="FNanchor_959_959"></a><a href="#Footnote_959_959" class="fnanchor">959</a> The +early Christian writers loved the "vates Gentilium," and +St. Augustine in particular is for ever quoting him; but +I should be going beyond the limits of my subject if I +were to follow his gentle influence farther down the +stream of time.</p> + +<p>In my last lecture we discussed the revival of the old +religious forms by Augustus, and the consummation of +this work of his in the splendid ritual of the <i>Ludi saeculares</i>. +Can it be said that such an astute and worldly +policy as this had any value in the way of preparation +for Christianity? Only, I think, in one way; it renewed +the idea of the connection between religion and the State, +and of the religious duties of the individual citizen towards +the State. It preserved the outward features of the old +State religion, such as the calendar, the ritual, and the +terminology or vocabulary, and handed these down to a +time when they could be of service to a Latin Christian +church.<a name="FNanchor_960_960" id="FNanchor_960_960"></a><a href="#Footnote_960_960" class="fnanchor">960</a> Had the old forms been allowed to go utterly +to rack and ruin, as they had been already doing for the +last two centuries, the Roman State would have been as +such without religion, or the worship of the Caesars would +have become disastrously powerful and prominent, or maybe +the State would have adopted the religion of Isis or Mithras +or some other Oriental cult and belief, before Christianity +could lay a firm grasp on it. I think it might be shown +that the continuity of the old religion in its connection +with the State was really of value in keeping these +growths from occupying too much ground: of value in +checking too rapid a growth of individualism:<a name="FNanchor_961_961" id="FNanchor_961_961"></a><a href="#Footnote_961_961" class="fnanchor">961</a> of value +too in cherishing certain really precious religious characteristics, +orderliness and decency in ritual, for example, +which, as we have seen, were very early developed in the +Roman religious system, and which owed their continued +vitality to the overwhelming influence of the Roman State +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_457" id="Page_457">457</a></span>over all her citizens and their ideas. Thus when at last, +after a period of anxious conflict between rival religions, +the State proclaimed itself Christian, and henceforward +for good or ill extended its protection to the Church, its +religious tradition was still one of decency and order, +still free from almost all that the old Roman State +knew and dreaded as <i>superstitio</i>. There was, in fact, a +legacy, not indeed a spiritual one, but yet one of some +small value, left by the old Roman religion to the Latin +Church: and this I will turn for a few minutes to +examine.</p> + +<p>As an example of the orderly, sane, and decent character +which the Church inherited from the Roman religion, +I might recall what I said in Lecture IX. about <i>lustratio</i>, +that slow and orderly processional movement in which the +old Romans delighted, and which is familiar still to all +travellers in Italy.<a name="FNanchor_962_962" id="FNanchor_962_962"></a><a href="#Footnote_962_962" class="fnanchor">962</a> Another is the tender and reverential +care for the resting-places of departed relatives. I am +not sure that Prof. Gardner is right in asserting that the +prayers for the dead of the Catholic Church took the +place of the worship of the dead in the Roman family;<a name="FNanchor_963_963" id="FNanchor_963_963"></a><a href="#Footnote_963_963" class="fnanchor">963</a> +for it is not easy to say how far it is true that the dead +were ever really worshipped at Rome, and the idea of +prayer for the dead, if it can be traced to Roman sources +at all, may be rather due to those tendencies which we +discussed under Mysticism, than to anything inherent in +the old Roman attitude to the departed. None the less +there is in the <i>sacra privata</i> of the Parentalia, and especially +of the Caristia which concluded it—a kind of love-feast +of all members of the family, where all quarrels and +differences were to be laid aside,<a name="FNanchor_964_964" id="FNanchor_964_964"></a><a href="#Footnote_964_964" class="fnanchor">964</a>—something that suggests +the Christian attitude towards the dead, and in +some dim way too the doctrine of the Communion of +Saints. And we may also notice how closely in regard +to externals the great events of family life,—those critical +moments when the aid of the <i>numina</i> was most needed—the +first days of infancy, the eras of puberty and of +marriage, passed on in their sober and orderly ritual into +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_458" id="Page_458">458</a></span>the baptism, confirmation, and sacramental wedding of +the Christian Church. In such ways the private religion +of the Roman family had doubtless a real continuity in +the new era, though the line of connection is difficult to +trace. This, and many other examples of survival, the +worship of local saints which took the place of that of +local deities, the use of holy water and of incense as +symbolic elements in worship, and the general resemblance +of the arrangement of festivals in the Calendars, Roman +and Christian, might be interesting matter for a complete +course of lectures, but must be omitted here.</p> + +<p>Another point of interest, which might also be widely +expanded, is the influence of the Roman religious <i>spirit</i>, +as distinct from the outward form, on Christian thought +and literature in the Western half of the Empire. The +subtle transcendentalism of the Greek fathers was foreign +to Latin Christianity; the characteristics of Roman life +as reflected in Roman worship are plainly visible in the +Latin fathers. From Minucius Felix onwards, the Christians +who wrote in Latin, so far from being imaginative +and dreamy, are one and all matter-of-fact; historical, +abounding in illustration of life and conduct; ethical +rather than speculative; legal in their cast of thought +rather than philosophical; rhetorical in their manner of +expression rather than fervent or poetical. They were +well versed in the great literature of Rome, but most of +them, and especially the African school (which carried +Roman tendencies to an extreme), knew comparatively +little of Greek. St. Augustine, for example, could not +bring himself to work at Greek with ardour, nor could he +explain why this was so.<a name="FNanchor_965_965" id="FNanchor_965_965"></a><a href="#Footnote_965_965" class="fnanchor">965</a> Of Augustine, as the type of +the literature of Latin Christianity, Bishop Westcott wrote +with something of an exaggerated criticism, lamenting +that he had not the Greek which had so large a place in +the Bishop's own training. "He looked" (more particularly +in the <i>de Civitate Dei</i>) "at everything from the side +of law and not of freedom: from the side of God, as an +irresponsible sovereign, and not of man, as a loving servant. +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_459" id="Page_459">459</a></span>In spite of his admiration for Plato, he was driven by a +passion for system" (how this reminds us of the old +Roman religious lawyers!) "to fix, to externalise, to freeze +every idea into a rigid shape. In spite of his genius he could +not shake off the influence of a legal and rhetorical training, +which controversy called into active exercise."<a name="FNanchor_966_966" id="FNanchor_966_966"></a><a href="#Footnote_966_966" class="fnanchor">966</a> The +lecture from which I am quoting is an interesting one, on +the work and character of Origen, the great Alexandrian +of the third century <span class="smcap">A.D.</span>, with whom Augustine is contrasted, +as in an earlier age we might contrast Seneca +with Philo; the Latin writers rhetorical, practical, realistic; +the Greek authors idealistic and fervent, apt to see deep +moral significance in all human life. And this is really +the manner and mental attitude of all the famous Latin +fathers: of Lactantius, the clear, precise Ciceronian, whose +every page shows the perennial value of the Latin tongue; +of Tertullian, the subtle and acute rhetorician, more gifted +with imagination than his fellows; of Arnobius, another +Roman African, the reputed teacher of Lactantius.</p> + +<p>One of the characteristics of these Latin fathers is +their fondness for using the famous words of the old +Roman religion, but in new senses. They inherit that +Roman love for a strong technical word of pregnant meaning +which has left us so many imperishable legacies in +terminology. <i>Municipium</i>, <i>colonia</i>, <i>imperium</i>, <i>collegium</i>, +rise in one's mind the moment the subject is mentioned; +and a few minutes' thought will reveal another score of +words which in various forms pervade all our modern +European terminology. So, too, with the language of +religion. These Latin advocates of Christian doctrine +took the old words which we have so often dwelt on in +the course of these lectures, and gave them new but almost +equally clear and pregnant meanings. Let us glance at +three or four of these; for such a legacy as this is no +mean property of the Christian religion of the West.</p> + +<p>Let us take, to begin with, the greatest of all these +words—<i>religio</i>. I have maintained throughout these +lectures that the original sense of this word was the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_460" id="Page_460">460</a></span>natural feeling of man in the presence of the supernatural; +and though this has actually been questioned since I +began them,<a name="FNanchor_967_967" id="FNanchor_967_967"></a><a href="#Footnote_967_967" class="fnanchor">967</a> I see no good reason to alter my conviction. +But in the age of Cicero and Lucretius the word +begins to take on a different meaning, of great importance +for the future. Though Cicero as a young man had +defined <i>religio</i> as "the feeling of the presence of a higher +or divine nature, which prompts man to worship,—to <i>cura +et caerimonia</i>,"<a name="FNanchor_968_968" id="FNanchor_968_968"></a><a href="#Footnote_968_968" class="fnanchor">968</a> yet later on in life he uses it with much +freedom of that <i>cura et caerimonia</i> apart from the feeling. +To take a single example among many: in a passage in +his <i>de Legibus</i> he says that to worship private or strange +or foreign gods, "confusionem habet religionum";<a name="FNanchor_969_969" id="FNanchor_969_969"></a><a href="#Footnote_969_969" class="fnanchor">969</a> and +again he calls his own imaginary <i>ius divinum</i> in that +treatise a <i>constitutio religionum</i>, a system of religious +duties.<a name="FNanchor_970_970" id="FNanchor_970_970"></a><a href="#Footnote_970_970" class="fnanchor">970</a> In many other passages, on the other hand, we +find both the feeling which prompts and the cult-acts +which follow on it equally connoted by the word; for +example, the phrase <i>religio sepulcrorum</i> suggests quite as +much the feeling as the ritual. So it would seem that +<i>religio</i> is already beginning to pass into the sense in +which we still use it—<i>i.e.</i>, <i>the feeling which suggests worship, +and the forms under which we perform that worship</i>. +In this broad sense it is also used by Lucretius, who +included under it all that was for him the world's evil and +folly, both the feeling of awe which he believed to be +degrading, and the organised worship of the family and +the State, which he no less firmly believed to be futile. +"Tantum <i>religio</i> potuit suadere malorum."<a name="FNanchor_971_971" id="FNanchor_971_971"></a><a href="#Footnote_971_971" class="fnanchor">971</a> The fact is +that in that age, when the old local character of the cults +was disappearing, and when men like Posidonius, Varro, +and Cicero were thinking and writing about the nature of +the gods and kindred subjects, a word was wanted to +gather up and express all this religious side of human life +and experience: it must be a word without a definite +technical meaning, and such a word was <i>religio</i>.</p> + +<p>Thus while <i>religio</i> continues to express the feeling +only or the cult only, if called on to do so, it gains in the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_461" id="Page_461">461</a></span>age of Cicero a more comprehensive connotation, as the +result of the contemplation of religion by philosophy as +a thing apart from itself; and this enabled the early +Christian writers, who knew their Cicero well, to give it +a meaning in which it is still in use among all European +nations.</p> + +<p>But there was yet to be a real change in the meaning +of the word, one that was inevitable, as the contrast between +Christianity and other religions called for emphasis. +The second century <span class="smcap">A.D.</span> was that in which the competition +was keenest between various religious creeds and +forms, each with its own vitality, and each clearly marked +off from the others. It is no longer a question of religion +as a whole, contemplated by a critical or a sympathetic +philosophy; the question is, which creed or form is to be +the true and the victorious religion. Our wonderful word +again adapts itself to the situation. Each separate +religious system can now be called a <i>religio</i>. The old +polytheistic system can now be called <i>religio Deorum</i> by +the Christian, while his own creed is <i>religio Dei</i>. In the +<i>Octavius</i> of Minucius Felix, written about the end of the +second century, the word is already used in this sense. +<i>Nostra religio, vera religio</i>,<a name="FNanchor_972_972" id="FNanchor_972_972"></a><a href="#Footnote_972_972" class="fnanchor">972</a> is for him the whole Christian +faith and practice as it stood then—the depth of +feeling and the acts which gave it outward form. The +one true religion can thus be now expressed by the word. +In Lactantius, Arnobius, Tertullian, in the third century +<span class="smcap">A.D.</span>, this new sense is to be found on almost every page, +but a single noble passage of Lactantius must suffice to +illustrate it. "The heathen sacrifice," he says, "and leave +all their religion in the temple; thus it is that such +<i>religiones</i> cannot make men good or firm in their faith. +But 'nostra <i>religio</i> eo firma est et solida et immutabilis, +quia mentem ipsam pro sacrificio habet, quia tota in +animo colentis est.'"<a name="FNanchor_973_973" id="FNanchor_973_973"></a><a href="#Footnote_973_973" class="fnanchor">973</a></p> + +<p>Here at last we come upon a force of meaning which +the word had never before attained. <i>Religio</i> here is not +awe only or cult only, but <i>a mental devotion capable of</i> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_462" id="Page_462">462</a></span><i>building up character</i>. "The kingdom of God is within +you." Surely this is a valuable legacy to the Christian +faith from our hard, dry, old Roman religion.</p> + +<p>Another legacy in words is that of <i>pius</i>. Our English +word "pious" has suffered some damage from the sanctimoniousness +of a certain type of Puritanism; but <i>piety</i> +still remains sweet and wholesome, and, like its Latin +original in the middle ages it seems to express one +beautiful aspect of the Christian life better than any other +word. In the old Roman religion <i>pius</i> meant the man +who strictly conforms his life to the <i>ius divinum</i>; this we +know from the very definite ancient explanations of its +contrary, <i>impius</i>. The <i>impius</i> is the man who <i>wilfully</i> +breaks the <i>ius divinum</i> and the <i>pax deorum</i>; for him no +<i>piaculum</i> was of avail.<a name="FNanchor_974_974" id="FNanchor_974_974"></a><a href="#Footnote_974_974" class="fnanchor">974</a> Such a crime is the nearest +approach in Roman antiquity to our idea of sin. <i>Pius</i> is +therefore, as we saw in discussing Aeneas, the man who +knows the will of the gods, and so far as in him lies +adjusts his conduct thereto, whether in the life of the +family or as a citizen of the State. As applied to things, +to a war for example, the word <i>pium</i> is almost equivalent +to <i>iustum</i> or <i>purum</i>, <i>i.e.</i>, <i>pium bellum</i> is a war declared +and conducted in accordance with the principles of the +<i>ius divinum</i>.<a name="FNanchor_975_975" id="FNanchor_975_975"></a><a href="#Footnote_975_975" class="fnanchor">975</a> <i>Pietas</i> is therefore a virtue, that of obedience +to the will of God as shown in private and public +life, and it herein differs from <i>religio</i>, which is not a virtue, +but a feeling. But we need not be surprised to find that +in Lactantius <i>pietas</i> can be used to explain <i>religio</i>; for +<i>religio</i> is no longer a feeling only or a cult only, but, as +we saw just now, a mental devotion capable of building +up character. In one passage he says that it is no true +philosophy which "veram religionem, id est summam +pietatem, non habet."<a name="FNanchor_976_976" id="FNanchor_976_976"></a><a href="#Footnote_976_976" class="fnanchor">976</a> In another interesting chapter +he shows plainly enough that he uses <i>pietas</i> just as he +uses <i>religio</i>, to express the whole Christian mental furniture.<a name="FNanchor_977_977" id="FNanchor_977_977"></a><a href="#Footnote_977_977" class="fnanchor">977</a> +He begins by scornfully pointing to Aeneas as +the typical <i>pius</i>, and asking what we are to think of the +<i>pietas</i> of a man who could bind the hands of prisoners +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_463" id="Page_463">463</a></span>in order to slaughter them as a sacrifice to the shade of +Pallas<a name="FNanchor_978_978" id="FNanchor_978_978"></a><a href="#Footnote_978_978" class="fnanchor">978</a> (little dreaming, indeed, that Christian piety +should ever be guilty of such slaughter in the cause of +the faith); and ends by asking, "What, then, is <i>pietas</i>? +Surely it is with those who know not war; who keep at +peace with all men; who love their enemies and count +all men their brethren; who can control their anger and +curb all mental wilfulness." And once again, <i>pietas</i> is +the main ingredient in <i>iustitia</i>, that is, in Christian righteousness, +for "pietas nihil aliud est quam Dei notio." +Even here it is not so far removed from its old meaning; +but in a Christian writer it can mean conformity to +the will of God, based on a real knowledge of Him, in a +sense which shows us by a sudden illuminating flash the +deep gulf set between the old religion and the new.</p> + +<p>Another word, bequeathed in this case rather by the +Latin language than the Roman religion, in which it +held no strictly technical meaning, is <i>sanctus</i>, which has +played so large a part in the terminology of the +Catholic Church, and passed thence into the language +of Puritanism for the living Christian, as in Baxter's +famous book, <i>The Saints' Rest</i>. The exact meaning of +<i>sanctus</i> is extremely difficult to fix, and this may be +why it was found to be a convenient word for a type +of character negative rather than positive. The lawyers +defined it as meaning what is <i>sancitum</i> by the State,<a name="FNanchor_979_979" id="FNanchor_979_979"></a><a href="#Footnote_979_979" class="fnanchor">979</a> +without tracing it back to a time when the State was a +religious as well as a civil entity. But there was beyond +doubt a religious flavour in it from the beginning, as in +other old Italian words connected with it; and thus it +seems to be able to express a certain conjunction of +religious and moral purity which finally brought it into +the hands of the Christian writers. A single verse of +Virgil will serve to explain what I mean. Turnus, +before he rushes forth to meet his death at Aeneas' +hand, and knowing that he is to meet it, asks the +Manes to be good to him, "quoniam superis aversa +voluntas," for—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_464" id="Page_464">464</a></span><i>sancta</i> ad vos <i>anima</i> atque istius nescia culpae</span> +<span class="i0">descendam magnorum haud unquam indignus avorum.<a name="FNanchor_980_980" id="FNanchor_980_980"></a><a href="#Footnote_980_980" class="fnanchor">980</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>He goes to the shades with a conscience clear of guilt +or of <i>impietas</i>; as the ancient scholiast interprets the +word, it is equivalent to <i>incorrupta</i>.<a name="FNanchor_981_981" id="FNanchor_981_981"></a><a href="#Footnote_981_981" class="fnanchor">981</a> In this sense it +became one of the favourite superlatives to describe in +sepulchral inscriptions, pagan or Christian, the purity of +departed women and children.<a name="FNanchor_982_982" id="FNanchor_982_982"></a><a href="#Footnote_982_982" class="fnanchor">982</a></p> + +<p>Lastly, we have the great word <i>sacer</i>, with its compounds +<i>sacrificium</i> and <i>sacramentum</i>. The adjective +itself has no new or special significance, I think, in the +language of the early Christians, and in our Teutonic +languages the Roman sense of it, "that which is made +over to God," is expressed by the word <i>holy</i>, <i>sacred</i> +being retained in a general sense for that which is not +"common." But <i>sacrificium</i>, the act of making a thing, +animate or inanimate, or yourself, as in <i>devotio</i>, over to +the gods, is indeed a great legacy on which I do not +need to dwell. <i>Sacramentum</i>, on the other hand, needs +a word of explanation.</p> + +<p><i>Sacramentum</i> in Roman public law meant (1) a legal +formula (<i>legis actio</i>), under which a sum of money was +deposited, originally in a temple,<a name="FNanchor_983_983" id="FNanchor_983_983"></a><a href="#Footnote_983_983" class="fnanchor">983</a> to be forfeited by +the loser in a suit. The deposition <i>in loco sacro</i> gives +the word to the process, and helps us to see that it +must mean some act which has a religious sanction. +So with (2) its other meaning, <i>i.e</i>. the oath of obedience +taken by the soldier, who was <i>iuratus in verba</i>, that is, +sworn under a formula with a religious sanction attached.<a name="FNanchor_984_984" id="FNanchor_984_984"></a><a href="#Footnote_984_984" class="fnanchor">984</a> +It is tempting to suppose that it is through this channel +that it found its way into the Christian vocabulary—the +soldier of Christ affirming his allegiance in the solemn +rites of baptism, marriage, or the Eucharist. It is a +curious fact that it seems to be used in this way in the +religion of Mithras,<a name="FNanchor_985_985" id="FNanchor_985_985"></a><a href="#Footnote_985_985" class="fnanchor">985</a> which was especially powerful among +the Roman legions of the Empire, and in which there +was a grade of the faithful with the title of <i>milites</i>. +<i>Sacramentum</i> was here the word for the initiatory rites +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_465" id="Page_465">465</a></span>of a grade. In the earliest Christian writers of Latin +it usually means a mystery; thus Arnobius writes of the +Christian religion as revealing the "veritatis absconditae +sacramenta";<a name="FNanchor_986_986" id="FNanchor_986_986"></a><a href="#Footnote_986_986" class="fnanchor">986</a> but in another passage the idea in his +mind seems to be that of military service. It is better, +he says, for Christians to break their worldly contracts, +even of marriage, than to break the <i>fides Christiana</i>, "<i>et +salutaris militiae sacramenta deponere</i>;"<a name="FNanchor_987_987" id="FNanchor_987_987"></a><a href="#Footnote_987_987" class="fnanchor">987</a> and Tertullian +more than once attaches the same military meaning to +it: "Vocati sumus ad militiam Dei vivi iam tunc <i>cum +in verba sacramenti spopondimus</i>."<a name="FNanchor_988_988" id="FNanchor_988_988"></a><a href="#Footnote_988_988" class="fnanchor">988</a> Perhaps we may +take it that the word, though of general significance for +a religiously binding force produced by certain mysterious +rites, had a special attraction for writers of the painful +third century <span class="smcap">A.D.</span>, as reflecting into the Christian life +from old Roman times something of the spirit of the +duty and self-sacrifice of the loyal legionary. In any +case we have once more a verbal legacy of priceless +value.<a name="FNanchor_989_989" id="FNanchor_989_989"></a><a href="#Footnote_989_989" class="fnanchor">989</a></p> + +<p>To sum up what I have been saying, there were certain +ingredients in the Roman soil, deposits of the Roman +religious experience, which were in their several ways +favourable to the growth of a new plant. There were +also certain direct legacies from the old Roman religion, +of which Christianity could dispose with profit, in the +shape of forms of ritual, and, what was even of greater +value, words of real significance in the old religion, which +were destined to become of permanent and priceless value +in the Christian speech of the western nations. There +were also other points in the society and organisation of +the Roman Empire which were of great importance for +the growth of the new creed; but these lie outside my +proper subject, and have been dealt with by Professor +Gardner in the lecture to which I alluded at the beginning +of this lecture, and most instructively by Sir W. M. +Ramsay in more than one of his books, and especially +in <i>St. Paul, the Traveller and Roman Citizen</i>.</p> + +<p>And yet, all this taken together, so far from explaining +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_466" id="Page_466">466</a></span>Christianity, does not help us much in getting to understand +even the conditions under which it grew into men's +minds as a new power in the life of the world. The +plant, though grown in soil which had borne other crops, +was wholly new in structure and vital principle. I say +this deliberately, after spending so many years on the +study of the religion of the Romans, and making myself +acquainted in some measure with the religions of other +peoples. The essential difference, as it appears to me +as a student of the history of religion, is this, that +whereas the connection between religion and morality +has so far been a loose one,—at Rome, indeed, so loose, +that many have refused to believe in its existence,—the +<i>new religion was itself morality</i>,<a name="FNanchor_990_990" id="FNanchor_990_990"></a><a href="#Footnote_990_990" class="fnanchor">990</a> but morality consecrated +and raised to a higher power than it had ever yet reached. +It becomes active instead of passive; mere good nature +is replaced by a doctrine of universal love; <i>pietas</i>, the +sense of duty in outward things, becomes an enthusiasm +embracing all humanity, consecrated by such an appeal +to the conscience as there never had been in the world +before—the appeal to the life and death of the divine +Master.</p> + +<p>This is what is meant, if I am not mistaken, by the +great contrast so often and so vividly drawn by St. Paul +between the spirit and the flesh, between the children of +light and the children of darkness, between the sleep or +the death of the world and the waking to life in Christ, +between the blameless and the harmless sons of God +and the crooked and perverse generation among whom +they shine as lights in the world. I confess that I never +realised this contrast fully or intelligently until I read +through the Pauline Epistles from beginning to end with +a special historical object in view. It is useful to be +familiar with the life and literature of the two preceding +centuries, if only to be able the better to realise, in +passing to St. Paul, a Roman citizen, a man of education +and experience, the great gulf fixed between the old and +the new as he himself saw it.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_467" id="Page_467">467</a></span>But historical knowledge, knowledge of the Roman +society of the day, study of the Roman religious +experience, cannot do more than give us a little help; +they cannot reveal the secret. History can explain the +progress of morality, but it cannot explain its consecration. +With St. Paul the contrast is not merely one of +good and bad, but of the spirit and the flesh, of life and +death. No mere contemplation of the world around him +could have kindled the fervency of spirit with which this +contrast is by him conceived and expressed. Absolute +devotion to the life and death of the Master, apart even +from His work and teaching (of which, indeed, St. Paul +says little), this alone can explain it. The love of Christ +is the entirely new power that has come into the world;<a name="FNanchor_991_991" id="FNanchor_991_991"></a><a href="#Footnote_991_991" class="fnanchor">991</a> +not merely as a new type of morality, but as "<i>a Divine +influence transfiguring human nature in a universal love</i>." +The passion of St. Paul's appeal lies in the consecration +of every detail of it by reference to the life and death +of his Master; and the great contrast is for him not as +with the Stoics, between the universal law of Nature and +those who rebel against it; not as with Lucretius, between +the blind victims of <i>religio</i> and the indefatigable student +of the <i>rerum natura</i>; not, as in the <i>Aeneid</i>, between the +man who bows to the decrees of fate, destiny, God, or +whatever we choose to call it, and the wilful rebel, victim +of his own passions; not, as in the Roman State and +family, between the man who performs religious duties +and the man who wilfully neglects them—between <i>pius</i> +and <i>impius</i>; but between the universal law of love, +focussed and concentrated in the love of Christ, and the +sleep, the darkness, the death of a world that will not +recognise it.</p> + +<p>I will conclude these lectures with one practical +illustration of this great contrast, which will carry us +back for a moment to the ritual of the old Roman <i>ius +divinum</i>. That ritual, we saw, consisted mainly of +sacrifice and prayer, the two apparently inseparable from +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_468" id="Page_468">468</a></span>each other. I pointed out that though the efficacy of +the whole process was believed to depend on the strictest +adherence to prescribed forms, whether of actions or +words, the prayers, when we first meet with them, have +got beyond the region of charm or spell, and are cast +in the language of petition; they show clearly a sense +of the dependence of man on the Power manifesting +itself in the universe. There was here, perhaps, a germ +of religious development; but it was arrested in its +growth by the formalisation of the whole Roman religious +system, and no substitute was to be found for it either +in the imported Greek ritual, or in the more enlightening +doctrines of exotic Greek philosophy. The prayers used +in the ritual of Augustus' great festival, which was almost +as much Greek as Roman in character, seem to us as +hard and formal as the most ancient Roman prayers +that have come down to us. In the most emotional +moments of the life of a Roman of enlightenment like +Cicero, when we can truly say of him that he was +touched by true religious feeling, as well as by the +spiritual aspirations of the nobler Greek philosophers, +prayers find no place at all.</p> + +<p>But for St. Paul and the members of the early +Christian brotherhood the whole of life was a continuous +worship, and the one great feature of that worship was +prayer. It has been said by a great Christian writer of +recent times that "when the attention of a thinking heathen +was directed to the new religion spreading in the Roman +Empire, the first thing to strike him as extraordinary +would be that a religion of prayer was superseding the +religion of ceremonies and invocation of gods; that it +encouraged all, even the most uneducated, to pray, or, in +other words, to meditate and exercise the mind in self-scrutiny +and contemplation of God."<a name="FNanchor_992_992" id="FNanchor_992_992"></a><a href="#Footnote_992_992" class="fnanchor">992</a> And, as the +same writer says, prayer thus became a motive power of +moral renewal and <i>inward civilisation</i>, to which nothing +else could be compared for efficacy. And more than +this, it was the chief inward and spiritual means of +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_469" id="Page_469">469</a></span>maintaining that universal law of love, which, so far as +this life was concerned, was the great secret of the new +religion.</p> + + +<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE XX</h5> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_956_956" id="Footnote_956_956"></a><a href="#FNanchor_956_956"><span class="label">956</span></a> P. Gardner, <i>The Growth of Christianity</i>, 1907, p. 2. Cp. some +remarks of Prof. Conway in <i>Virgil's Messianic Eclogue</i>, p. 39 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_957_957" id="Footnote_957_957"></a><a href="#FNanchor_957_957"><span class="label">957</span></a> The phrase "enthusiasm of humanity" is, of course, that of +the author of <i>Ecce Homo</i>, a most inspiring book for all students of +religious history, as indeed for all other readers.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_958_958" id="Footnote_958_958"></a><a href="#FNanchor_958_958"><span class="label">958</span></a> Dobschütz on "Early Christian Eschatology," in <i>Transactions +of the Third Congress for the History of Religions</i>, vol. ii. (Oxford, +1908), p. 320.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_959_959" id="Footnote_959_959"></a><a href="#FNanchor_959_959"><span class="label">959</span></a> The words are those of Mr. Glover in the last page of his +<i>Studies in Virgil</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_960_960" id="Footnote_960_960"></a><a href="#FNanchor_960_960"><span class="label">960</span></a> It should be understood that these legacies, with the exception +of the last (the vocabulary), were only taken up by the Church +after the first two centuries of its existence. And even the vocabulary +of the early Roman Church was mainly Greek (Gwatkin, <i>Early +Church History</i>, ii. 213, and it was not till the rise of the African +school of writers (Tertullian, Arnobius, Augustine) that the Latin +vocabulary really established itself. Any real assimilation of Christian +and pagan forms of worship was not possible until the latter +were growing meaningless; then "the assimilation of Christianity to +heathenism from the third century is matter of history" (Gwatkin, +i. 269).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_961_961" id="Footnote_961_961"></a><a href="#FNanchor_961_961"><span class="label">961</span></a> Caird, <i>Gifford Lectures</i>, vol. ii. p. 353, has some interesting +remarks on this point.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_962_962" id="Footnote_962_962"></a><a href="#FNanchor_962_962"><span class="label">962</span></a> See above, p. 211.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_963_963" id="Footnote_963_963"></a><a href="#FNanchor_963_963"><span class="label">963</span></a> <i>Growth of Christianity</i>, p. 144.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_964_964" id="Footnote_964_964"></a><a href="#FNanchor_964_964"><span class="label">964</span></a> See <i>Roman Festivals</i>, p. 308.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_965_965" id="Footnote_965_965"></a><a href="#FNanchor_965_965"><span class="label">965</span></a> <i>Confessions</i>, i. 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_966_966" id="Footnote_966_966"></a><a href="#FNanchor_966_966"><span class="label">966</span></a> Westcott, <i>Religious Thought in the West</i>, p. 246. Gwatkin +writes (vol. ii. 236) that all Augustine's conceptions are shaped by +law and Stoicism. Cp. p. 237. So, too, of Tertullian.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_967_967" id="Footnote_967_967"></a><a href="#FNanchor_967_967"><span class="label">967</span></a> By W. Otto, in the <i>Archiv für Religionswissenschaft</i>, vol. +xii. (1909) p. 533 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_968_968" id="Footnote_968_968"></a><a href="#FNanchor_968_968"><span class="label">968</span></a> <i>De Inventione</i>, ii. 161.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_969_969" id="Footnote_969_969"></a><a href="#FNanchor_969_969"><span class="label">969</span></a> <i>De Legibus</i>, ii. 10. 25.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_970_970" id="Footnote_970_970"></a><a href="#FNanchor_970_970"><span class="label">970</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> 10. 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_971_971" id="Footnote_971_971"></a><a href="#FNanchor_971_971"><span class="label">971</span></a> Lucretius i. 101.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_972_972" id="Footnote_972_972"></a><a href="#FNanchor_972_972"><span class="label">972</span></a> <i>E.g.</i> Octavius 38. 2; and again at the end of that chapter.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_973_973" id="Footnote_973_973"></a><a href="#FNanchor_973_973"><span class="label">973</span></a> Lactantius, bk. v. (<i>de Iustitia</i>) ch. 19. I may note here that +the paragraph in the text where this is quoted was first published +in the <i>Transactions of the Congress for the History of Religions</i> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_470" id="Page_470">470</a></span>(Oxford, 1908), vol. ii. p. 174. I may also add that the restricted +sense of the word <i>religio</i> as meaning the monastic life is, of course, +comparatively late. This restrictive use of heathen words, from the +third century onwards, is the subject of some valuable remarks by +Prof. Gwatkin in his <i>Early Church History</i>, vol. i. p. 268 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_974_974" id="Footnote_974_974"></a><a href="#FNanchor_974_974"><span class="label">974</span></a> See <i>Roman Festivals</i>, p. 299, and the references there given.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_975_975" id="Footnote_975_975"></a><a href="#FNanchor_975_975"><span class="label">975</span></a> Livy i. 32, ix. 8. 6; Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 476; Greenidge, +<i>Roman Public Life</i>, p. 56.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_976_976" id="Footnote_976_976"></a><a href="#FNanchor_976_976"><span class="label">976</span></a> Lactantius iv. 3 (<i>de vera sapientia</i>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_977_977" id="Footnote_977_977"></a><a href="#FNanchor_977_977"><span class="label">977</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> v. (<i>de Iustitia</i>) ch. 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_978_978" id="Footnote_978_978"></a><a href="#FNanchor_978_978"><span class="label">978</span></a> <i>Aen.</i> xi. 81.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_979_979" id="Footnote_979_979"></a><a href="#FNanchor_979_979"><span class="label">979</span></a> Marquardt, 145, note 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_980_980" id="Footnote_980_980"></a><a href="#FNanchor_980_980"><span class="label">980</span></a> <i>Aen.</i> xii. 648.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_981_981" id="Footnote_981_981"></a><a href="#FNanchor_981_981"><span class="label">981</span></a> Servius, <i>ad Aen.</i> xii. 648.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_982_982" id="Footnote_982_982"></a><a href="#FNanchor_982_982"><span class="label">982</span></a> The original meaning of <i>sanctus</i> as applied to things, <i>e.g.</i> +walls and tombs, was probably "inviolable"; Nettleship, <i>Contributions +to Latin Lexicography</i>, <i>s.v.</i> "sanctus," who also suggests a +connection between the word and the attitude of the Roman towards +his dead: thus Cicero in <i>Topica 90</i> writes of <i>aequitas</i> as consisting of +three parts,—<i>pietas</i>, <i>sanctitas</i>, and <i>iustitia</i>,—meaning man's relation +to the gods, the Manes, and his fellow-men. Nettleship also quotes +<i>Aen.</i> v. 80 (<i>salve sancte parens</i>), Tibull. ii. 2. 6, and other passages, +which show that the word was specially used of the dead and their +belongings. But when used of persons living, as frequently in the +last century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, it expresses a certain purity of life, not without a +religious tincture, which could not so well be expressed by any other +word, owing to the original meaning being that of religious inviolability. +Thus Cicero uses it in the 9th Philippic of his old friend +Sulpicius, one of the best and purest men of his time; and long +before Cicero, Cato had used it of an obligation at once ethical and +religious: "Maiores <i>sanctius</i> habuere defendi pupillos quam clientem +non fallere." It is interesting to notice that it was used later on of +Mithras and other oriental deities (Cumont, <i>Mon. myst. Mithra</i>, i. +p. 533; <i>Les Religions orientales</i>, p. 289, note 45); in the case of +Mithras, at least, this meant that his life was pure, and that he wished +his worshippers to be pure also.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_983_983" id="Footnote_983_983"></a><a href="#FNanchor_983_983"><span class="label">983</span></a> Marquardt, p. 318, note 4; Mommsen, <i>Strafrecht</i>, pp. 902, +1026. See also Greenidge, <i>Roman Public Life</i>, p. 56; Festus, +p. 347.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_984_984" id="Footnote_984_984"></a><a href="#FNanchor_984_984"><span class="label">984</span></a> Greenidge, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 154.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_985_985" id="Footnote_985_985"></a><a href="#FNanchor_985_985"><span class="label">985</span></a> Cumont, <i>Mysterien von Mithras</i>, p. 116 of the German +edition. See also De Marchi, <i>La Religione nella vita privata</i>, +vol. ii. 114. It may be worth noting that the idea of life as the +service of a soldier bound to obedience by his oath is found also +in Stoicism; see Epictetus (<i>Arrian</i>), <i>Discourses</i>, i. 14, iii. 24, 99-101, +ii. 26, 28-30; (Crossley's <i>Golden Sayings of Epictetus</i>, Nos. +37, 125, 132, 134).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_986_986" id="Footnote_986_986"></a><a href="#FNanchor_986_986"><span class="label">986</span></a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_471" id="Page_471">471</a></span> Arnobius, <i>adv. Nationes</i>, i. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_987_987" id="Footnote_987_987"></a><a href="#FNanchor_987_987"><span class="label">987</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> ii. 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_988_988" id="Footnote_988_988"></a><a href="#FNanchor_988_988"><span class="label">988</span></a> Tertull., <i>ad Martyr.</i> c. 3. Cp. <i>de Corona Militiae</i>, c. 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_989_989" id="Footnote_989_989"></a><a href="#FNanchor_989_989"><span class="label">989</span></a> It is curious that the word <i>sacerdos</i> did not find its way into +the Christian vocabulary. Apparently it had its chance; for Tertullian +uses it in several ways, <i>e.g.</i>, "summus sacerdos" for a bishop +(<i>de Bapt.</i> 17; "disciplina sacerdotalis," <i>de Monog.</i> 7. 12; and for +other examples see Harnack, <i>Entstehung und Entwickelung der +Kirchenverfassung und des Kirchenrechts in den zwei ersten Jahrhunderten</i>, +1910, p. 85). But the words finally adopted for the +grades of the priesthood were Greek: bishop, priest, and deacon. +Nevertheless, the general word for the priesthood, as distinguished +from the laity, is Latin (<i>ordo</i>); hence "ordination" and holy +"orders." It is not of religious origin, but taken from the language +of municipal life, <i>ordo et plebs</i> being contrasted just as they were +contrasted in <i>municipia</i> as senate (<i>decuriones</i>) and all non-official +persons. See Harnack, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 82.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_990_990" id="Footnote_990_990"></a><a href="#FNanchor_990_990"><span class="label">990</span></a> This is, of course, in one light, the legitimate development of +the union of religion and morality in the Hebrew mind. "For the +Israelite morality, righteousness, is simply doing the will of God, +which from the earliest age is assumed to be ascertainable, and indeed +ascertained. The Law in its simplest form was at once the rule of +morality and the revealed will of God." "The central feature of +O.T. morality is its religious character" (Alexander, <i>Ethics of St. +Paul</i>, p. 34). In the religious system we have been occupied with, +religion can only be reckoned as one of the factors in the growth of +morality; it supplied the sanction for some acts of righteousness, but +(in historical times at least) by no means for all. +</p><p> +Prof. Gwatkin, in his <i>Early Church History</i>, vol. i. p. 54, states +the relation of early Christianity to morality thus: "Christ's person, +not His teaching, is the message of the Gospel. If we know anything +for certain about Jesus of Nazareth, it is that He steadily +claimed to be the Son of God, the Redeemer of mankind, and the +ruler of the world to come, and by that claim the Gospel stands or +falls. Therefore, the Lord's disciples went not forth as preachers of +morality, but as witnesses of his life, and of the historic resurrection +which proved his mightiest claims. Their morality is always an +inference from these, never the forefront of their teaching. They +seem to think that if they can only fill men with true thankfulness +for the gift of life in Christ, morality will take care of itself." I +cannot but think that this is expressed too strongly, or baldly; but +it is in the main in keeping with the impression left on my mind by +a study of St. Paul. It must, however, be remembered that the +Pauline spirit is not exactly that of early Christianity in general: see +Gwatkin, vol. i. p. 98. In the <i>Didache</i>, <i>e.g.</i>, there is no trace of +St. Paul's influence (104).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_991_991" id="Footnote_991_991"></a><a href="#FNanchor_991_991"><span class="label">991</span></a> In a book which had just been published when I was delivering +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_472" id="Page_472">472</a></span>these lectures at Edinburgh (<i>The Ethics of St. Paul</i>, by Archibald +Alexander), I found a very interesting chapter on "The Dynamic of +the New Life," p. 126 foll. The word which for the author best +expresses that dynamic is <i>faith</i>, which is "the spring of all endeavour, +the inspiration of all heroism" (p. 150). "It brings the whole life +into the domain of spiritual freedom, and is the animating and energising +principle of all moral purpose." What exactly is here understood +by faith is explained on p. 151 to the end of the chapter, of +which I may quote the concluding words: "Faith in Christ means +life in Christ. And this complete yielding of self and vital union +with the Saviour, this dying and rising again, is at once man's +supreme ideal and the source of all moral greatness."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_992_992" id="Footnote_992_992"></a><a href="#FNanchor_992_992"><span class="label">992</span></a> Döllinger, <i>The First Age of Christianity and the Church</i> +(Oxenham's translation), p. 344 foll.</p></div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_473" id="Page_473">473</a></span></p> +<h4>APPENDIX I</h4> + +<h5><span class="smcap">On The Use of Huts or Booths in Religious Ritual</span></h5> + + +<p>This may be taken as an addendum to Lecture II. on taboo at +Rome; but owing to the uncertainty of the explanation given in +it, I reserved it for an Appendix. The custom here dealt with +is found both in the public and private worship of the Romans, +and also in Greece and elsewhere, but has never, so far as I +know, been investigated by anthropologists.</p> + +<p>On the Ides of March, at the festival of Anna Perenna, a +deity explained as representing "the ring of the year," whose +cult is not recognised in the ancient religious calendar, the lower +population came out of the city, and lay about all day in the +Campus Martius, near the Tiber. Ovid, fortunately, took the +trouble to describe the scene in the third book of his <i>Fasti</i>, as he +had witnessed it himself. Some of them, he says, lay in the +open, <i>some constructed tents, and some made rude huts of stakes +and branches, stretching their togas over them to make a shelter</i>.</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">plebs venit ac virides passim disiecta per herbas</span> +<span class="i1">potat, et accumbit cum pare quisque sua.</span> +<span class="i0">sub Iove pars durat, pauci tentoria ponunt,</span> +<span class="i1">sunt quibus e ramis frondea facta casa est,</span> +<span class="i0">pars, ubi pro rigidis calamos statuere columnis,</span> +<span class="i1">desuper extentas imposuere togas.</span> +<span class="i1">quot sumant cyathos, ad numerumque bibunt.<a name="FNanchor_993_993" id="FNanchor_993_993"></a><a href="#Footnote_993_993" class="fnanchor">993</a></span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>It appears also from Ovid's account that there was much +drunkenness and obscene language; this was, in fact, a <i>festa</i> very +different in character from those of the Numan calendar; and +that there was a magical element in the cult of the deity seems +proved by the mysterious allusion to "virgineus cruor" in +connection with her grove not far from this scene of revelry, in +Martial iv. 64. 17 (cp. Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> xxviii. 78, and Columella +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_474" id="Page_474">474</a></span>x. 558). Tibullus describes something of the same kind at +a rustic festival,<a name="FNanchor_994_994" id="FNanchor_994_994"></a><a href="#Footnote_994_994" class="fnanchor">994</a> though he does not make it clear what time of +year he is speaking of; a few lines before he had mentioned +the drinking and leaping over the fire at the Parilia, the shepherd's +festival in April, though I cannot feel sure that the +following lines are also meant to refer to it:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">tunc operata deo pubes discumbet in herba,</span> +<span class="i1">arboris antiquae qua levis umbra cadit,</span> +<span class="i0">aut e veste sua tendent umbracula sertis</span> +<span class="i1">vincta, coronatus stabit et ipse calix.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Here it is too much to suppose that the <i>umbracula</i> were contrived +to make up for the want of shade in a country so covered +with woodland as Italy was then; and the words "<i>sertis vincta</i>" +show that there was some special meaning in the practice. I +think we may guess that in both instances the extemporised huts +had some forgotten religious meaning. Yet another passage of +Tibullus, which also describes a rural festival, alludes to a similar +custom.<a name="FNanchor_995_995" id="FNanchor_995_995"></a><a href="#Footnote_995_995" class="fnanchor">995</a> I have given reasons in the <i>Classical Review</i> for +thinking that this was a summer festival, accompanied as it was, +like many midsummer rites all over Europe, by bonfires and +revelry, though the usual interpretation ascribes it to the winter.<a name="FNanchor_996_996" id="FNanchor_996_996"></a><a href="#Footnote_996_996" class="fnanchor">996</a></p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">tunc nitidus plenis confisus rusticus agris</span> +<span class="i1">ingeret ardenti grandia ligna foco,</span> +<span class="i0">turbaque vernarum, saturi bona signa coloni,</span> +<span class="i1">ludet et ex virgis exstruet ante casas.</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>The slaves can here hardly be playing at building houses of +twigs, like the children in Horace's <i>Satire</i>,<a name="FNanchor_997_997" id="FNanchor_997_997"></a><a href="#Footnote_997_997" class="fnanchor">997</a> unless we are to +suppose that Tibullus is thinking of slave children only, which +is indeed possible; but even if that were so, how are we to +account for the popularity of this curious form of sport?</p> + +<p>There was, however, at Rome a public summer festival, +included in the calendar, in which we find this same custom. +At the Neptunalia, on July 23, huts or booths were erected, +made of the foliage of trees. "Umbrae vocantur Neptunalibus +<i>casae frondeae pro tabernaculis</i>," says Festus<a name="FNanchor_998_998" id="FNanchor_998_998"></a><a href="#Footnote_998_998" class="fnanchor">998</a> (following Verrius +Flaccus), where the last word is one in regular use for military +tents. This is the only thing that is told us about this festival, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_475" id="Page_475">475</a></span>and we may assume that even this would not have come down +to us if it had not been a survival rigidly adhered to, <i>i.e.</i> the +construction of shelters from the foliage of trees, instead of +using tents, which could easily have been procured in the city. +As the festival was in the hot month of July, we might suppose +that shelter from the sun was the real object here; but we do +not hear of it at other summer festivals, and the parallel practices +I shall now mention make the rationalising explanation very +doubtful. It is unlucky that we know hardly anything about +the older and un-Graecised Neptunus, and nothing about his +festival except this one fact; the comparative method is here +our only hope.</p> + +<p>The Jewish feast of tabernacles will, of course, occur at once +to every one; this was in the heat of the summer, and the booths +were here, as at the Neptunalia, made of the branches of trees;<a name="FNanchor_999_999" id="FNanchor_999_999"></a><a href="#Footnote_999_999" class="fnanchor">999</a> +the explanation given to the Israelites was not that they were +thus to shelter themselves from the heat, but to be reminded of +their homeless wanderings in the wilderness, plainly an aetiological +account, as in the case of the passover. There are distinct +examples in Greece of the same practice, <i>e.g.</i> the σκιἁδεϛ at the +Spartan Carneia,<a name="FNanchor_1000_1000" id="FNanchor_1000_1000"></a><a href="#Footnote_1000_1000" class="fnanchor">1000</a> and tents (σκηναἱ) in several cases, as at the +mysteries of Andania, where the peculiar regulations for the +construction of the tents points to a ritualistic origin almost +unmistakably.<a name="FNanchor_1001_1001" id="FNanchor_1001_1001"></a><a href="#Footnote_1001_1001" class="fnanchor">1001</a> But perhaps the most striking parallel is to be +found in the famous letter of Gregory the Great, preserved by +Bede, about the British converts to Christianity, who were to be +allowed to use their heathen temples as churches:</p> + +<p>"Et quia boves solent in sacrificio daemonum multos occidere, +debet iis etiam hac in re aliqua solemnitas immutari: ut die +dedicationis, vel natalicii sanctorum martyrum quorum illic +reliquiae ponuntur, <i>tabernacula sibi circa easdem ecclesias quae ex +fanis commutatae sunt, de ramis arborum faciant</i>, et religiosis conviviis +sollemnitatem celebrent: nec diabolo iam animalia immolent, +et ad laudem Dei in esu suo animalia occident," etc.<a name="FNanchor_1002_1002" id="FNanchor_1002_1002"></a><a href="#Footnote_1002_1002" class="fnanchor">1002</a></p> + +<p>Why should Gregory here take the trouble to describe the +material out of which these huts were to be made? Surely +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_476" id="Page_476">476</a></span>because the custom was one which had been described to him +by Augustine or Mellitus as part of the heathen practice, and +one which he was willing to condone as harmless (possibly with a +recollection of the Jewish feast), since the Britons set great store +by it.</p> + +<p>If these examples from Europe and Palestine are sufficient to +suggest that there was originally a religious or mystic meaning in +the custom, we must look for its explanation in anthropological +research. Robertson Smith was,<a name="FNanchor_1003_1003" id="FNanchor_1003_1003"></a><a href="#Footnote_1003_1003" class="fnanchor">1003</a> I think, the first to suggest a +possible explanation of the Feast of Tabernacles, by comparing +with it the rule, stated in Numbers xxxi. 19, that men might not +enter their houses after bloodshed: "Do ye abide without the +camp seven days: whosoever hath killed any person, and whosoever +hath touched any slain, purify both yourselves and your +captives on the third day and on the seventh day." He also +pointed out that pilgrims are subject to the same rule, or taboo, +in Syria and elsewhere. Since then an immense mass of +evidence has been collected showing that all the world over +persons in a holy or unclean state are placed under this or some +similar restriction;<a name="FNanchor_1004_1004" id="FNanchor_1004_1004"></a><a href="#Footnote_1004_1004" class="fnanchor">1004</a> and if this be the case with pilgrims and +warriors after a battle, it may also have been so with worshippers +at some particular festival, even if we are quite unable to recover +the special character of the worship which produced the +restriction.<a name="FNanchor_1005_1005" id="FNanchor_1005_1005"></a><a href="#Footnote_1005_1005" class="fnanchor">1005</a> In the Feast of Tabernacles, which was a harvest +festival, the cause seems to have been the great sanctity of the +first-fruits, which are regarded with extreme veneration in many +parts of the world. In the now famous festival of the first-fruits +among the Natchez Indians of Louisiana, of which the details +have been recorded with singular care and obvious accuracy,<a name="FNanchor_1006_1006" id="FNanchor_1006_1006"></a><a href="#Footnote_1006_1006" class="fnanchor">1006</a> we +find that the chief, the Great Sun, and all the celebrators, have +to live in huts two miles from their village, while the corn, grown +for the purpose in a particular spot, is sacramentally eaten. It +is quite impossible, without further evidence, which is not likely +ever to be forthcoming, to explain either the Greek, Roman, or +British customs in this way; we must be content with the +general principle that the holiness of human beings at particular +times is liable to carry with it the practice of renouncing your +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_477" id="Page_477">477</a></span>own dwelling and living in an extemporised hut or booth. The +tents that we hear of in the Greek rites I look upon as late +developments of this primitive practice. The inscription of +Andania, which is the best Greek evidence we possess, dates +only from 91 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>; and by that time there would have been +every opportunity for the rude huts to become civilised tents. +The <i>casae</i> made by the <i>vernae</i> in Tibullus' poem were, I would +suggest, a kind of unconscious survival of the same feeling and +practice, the real religious meaning being almost entirely lost.</p> + +<p>Lastly, I will venture to suggest that the <i>casae</i> of the Roman +custom, made of branches at the Neptunalia and the feast of +Anna Perenna, and of <i>virgae</i> by the slaves on the farm, are +a reminiscence of the earliest form of Italian dwelling, which +survived to historical times in the round temple of Vesta, and of +which we have examples in the hut-urns discovered in the +necropolis at Alba.<a name="FNanchor_1007_1007" id="FNanchor_1007_1007"></a><a href="#Footnote_1007_1007" class="fnanchor">1007</a> The earliest form of all was probably +a round structure made of branches of trees stuck into the +ground, bent inwards at the top and tied together.<a name="FNanchor_1008_1008" id="FNanchor_1008_1008"></a><a href="#Footnote_1008_1008" class="fnanchor">1008</a> Just as +bronze instruments survived from an earlier stage of culture in +some religious rites at Rome, so, I imagine, did this ancient +form of dwelling, which really belongs to an age previous to +that of permanent settlement and agricultural routine. The hut +circles of the neolithic age, such as are abundant on Dartmoor, +were probably roofed with branches supported by a central +pole.<a name="FNanchor_1009_1009" id="FNanchor_1009_1009"></a><a href="#Footnote_1009_1009" class="fnanchor">1009</a></p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_993_993" id="Footnote_993_993"></a><a href="#FNanchor_993_993"><span class="label">993</span></a> <i>Fasti</i>, iii. 525 foll. See <i>R.F.</i> p. 50 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_994_994" id="Footnote_994_994"></a><a href="#FNanchor_994_994"><span class="label">994</span></a> Tibull. ii. 5. 89 foll. Mr. Mackail has pointed out to me a passage in the +<i>Pervigilium Veneris</i>, line 5, which seems to contain a hint of the same practice +(cp. line 43).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_995_995" id="Footnote_995_995"></a><a href="#FNanchor_995_995"><span class="label">995</span></a> Tibull. ii. 1. 1-24.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_996_996" id="Footnote_996_996"></a><a href="#FNanchor_996_996"><span class="label">996</span></a> <i>Classical Review</i>, 1908, p. 36 foll. My conclusions were criticised by Dr. +Postgate in the <i>Classical Quarterly</i> for 1909, p. 127.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_997_997" id="Footnote_997_997"></a><a href="#FNanchor_997_997"><span class="label">997</span></a> Hor. <i>Sat.</i> ii. 3. 247.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_998_998" id="Footnote_998_998"></a><a href="#FNanchor_998_998"><span class="label">998</span></a> Festus, ed. Müller, p. 377.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_999_999" id="Footnote_999_999"></a><a href="#FNanchor_999_999"><span class="label">999</span></a> Leviticus xxiii. 40-42. Cp. Plutarch, <i>Quaest. conviv.</i> 4. 2. This was a +feast of harvest and first-fruits (Exodus xxiii. 16). Nehemiah viii. 13 foll. gives +a graphic account of the revival of this festival after the captivity.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1000_1000" id="Footnote_1000_1000"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1000_1000"><span class="label">1000</span></a> Athenaeus iv. 41. 8 F. Cp. Farnell, <i>Cults of the Greek States</i>, vol. iv., +p. 260.</p></div> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1001_1001" id="Footnote_1001_1001"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1001_1001"><span class="label">1001</span></a> Dittenberger, <i>Sylloge inscript.</i> (ed. 2), 653, lines 34 foll. Cp. p. 200 (Teos).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1002_1002" id="Footnote_1002_1002"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1002_1002"><span class="label">1002</span></a> Baeda, <i>Hist. eccl.</i> i. 30 (ed. Plummer). There is a curious case of isolation +in a hut in a process by which the sacrificer of the <i>soma</i> in the Vedic religion +becomes divine, quoted by Hubert et Mauss, <i>Mélanges</i>, p. 34. This may possibly +afford a clue to the mystery.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1003_1003" id="Footnote_1003_1003"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1003_1003"><span class="label">1003</span></a> <i>Religion of the Semites</i>, notes K and N at the end of the volume.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1004_1004" id="Footnote_1004_1004"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1004_1004"><span class="label">1004</span></a> See <i>e.g.</i> Frazer, <i>G. B.</i> ed. 2, index, <i>s.v.</i> "Seclusion."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1005_1005" id="Footnote_1005_1005"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1005_1005"><span class="label">1005</span></a> It has occurred to me that the shedding of blood in animal sacrifice may +possibly be the reason in some of these rites. The last words of the passage +quoted above from Baeda suggest this explanation in the case of the Britons. In +the first-fruits festivals the "killing of the corn" may be a parallel cause of taboo. +See <i>G. B.</i> i. 372.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1006_1006" id="Footnote_1006_1006"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1006_1006"><span class="label">1006</span></a> Du Pratz, translated in <i>G. B.</i> ii. 332 foll.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1007_1007" id="Footnote_1007_1007"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1007_1007"><span class="label">1007</span></a> See <i>e.g.</i> Helbig, <i>Die Italiker in der Poebene</i>, p. 50 foll. Lanciani, <i>Ruins +and Excavations of Ancient Rome</i>, p. 132. It is worth noting that in a passage +quoted by Helbig, Plutarch (<i>Numa</i> 8) uses for some of the most ancient Roman +attempts at temple building the same word by which he describes the booths at +the feast of tabernacles (καλιἁδεϛ).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1008_1008" id="Footnote_1008_1008"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1008_1008"><span class="label">1008</span></a> Whether there was in later days any special religious signification in the use +of green foliage and branches I will not undertake to say, but I have been struck +by the constant use of them in cases of religious seclusion, even where the person +is secluded in some part of the house, and not outside it. See <i>e.g. G. B.</i> ii. +pp. 205-214.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1009_1009" id="Footnote_1009_1009"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1009_1009"><span class="label">1009</span></a> Prof. Anwyl, <i>Celtic Religion</i> (Constable's series), p. 10. Mr. Baring-Gould +told Mr. Anwyl that he had seen in some of the Dartmoor circles central holes +which seemed meant for the fixing of this pole. I will add here that it has +occurred to me that these huts must, in one sense at least, be a survival (like +other points of ritual), from the days of pastoral life, and of the migration of the +Aryans. Temporary huts are characteristic of pastoral as contrasted with +agricultural life, and must have been used during the wanderings, as by the +Israelites. See Schrader, <i>Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples</i> (Eng. +Trans., London, 1890), p. 404.</p></div> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_478" id="Page_478">478</a></span></p> +<h4>APPENDIX II</h4> + +<h5><span class="smcap">Prof. Deubner's Theory of the Lupercalia</span></h5> + +<h5>(See pp. <a href="#Page_34">34</a> and <a href="#Page_106">106</a>)</h5> + + +<p>In the <i>Archiv für Religionswissenschaft</i>, 1910, p. 481 foll., Prof. +Deubner has published an interesting study of this puzzling +festival, to which I wish to invite attention, though it has reached +me too late for use in my earlier lectures.</p> + +<p>It has long been clear to me that any attempt to explain the +details of the Lupercalia on a single hypothesis must be a failure. +If all the details belong to the same age and the same original +festival, we cannot recover the key to the whole ceremonial, +though we may succeed in interpreting certain features of it with +some success. Is it, however, possible that these details belong +to <i>different</i> periods,—that the whole rite, as we know it, with all +the details put together from different sources of knowledge, was +the result of an accretion of various features upon an original +simple basis of ceremonial? Prof. Deubner answers this question +in the affirmative, and works out his answer with much skill and +learning.</p> + +<p>He begins by explaining the word <i>lupercus</i> as derived from +<i>lupus</i> and <i>arceo</i>, and meaning a "keeper off of wolves." The +<i>luperci</i> were originally men chosen from two gentes or families +to keep the wolves from the sheepfolds, in the days when the +Palatine was a shepherd's settlement, and they did it by running +round the base of the hill in a magical circle (if I understand +him rightly). If that be so, we need not assume a deity Lupercus, +nor in fact any deity at all, nor need we see in the runners a +quasi-dramatic representation of wolves as vegetation-spirits, as +Mannhardt proposed (see my <i>Roman Festivals</i>, p. 316 foll.). +This view has the advantage of making the rite a simple and +practical one, such as would be natural to primitive Latins; and +the etymology is apparently unexceptionable, though it will +doubtless be criticised, as in fact it has been long ago.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_479" id="Page_479">479</a></span>But in course of time, Prof. Deubner goes on, there came to +be engrafted on this simple rite of circumambulation without +reference to a deity, a festival of the rustic god Faunus; and +now there was added a sacrifice of goats, which seem to have +been his favourite victims (kids in Hor. <i>Odes</i>, iii. 18). The +<i>luperci</i>, who had formerly run round the hill quite naked, as in +many rites of the kind (see p. 491), now girt themselves with the +skins of the goats, in order to increase their "religious force" +in keeping away the wolves, with strength derived from the +victims.</p> + +<p>But the <i>luperci</i> also carried in their hands, in the festival as +we know it, strips of the skins of the victims, with which they +struck at women who offered themselves to the blows, in order +to make them fertile. This, Prof. Deubner thinks, was a still +later accretion. Life in a city had obliterated the original +meaning of the rite—the keeping off wolves; but a new meaning +becomes attached to it, presumably growing out of the use of +the skins as magical instruments of additional force. Here, too, +Juno first appears on the scene as the deity of women, for the +strips were known as <i>amicula Iunonis</i> (<i>R.F.</i> 321 and note). +The strips may have been substituted for something carried in +the hand to drive away the wolves; the goat, it should be noted, +is prominent in the cult of Juno, <i>e.g.</i> at Lanuvium. The mystical +meaning of striking or flogging has been sufficiently explained +in this instance by Mannhardt (<i>R.F.</i> p. 320), and is now +familiar to anthropologists in other contexts.</p> + +<p>In the period when the fertilisation of women became the +leading feature of the rite, the State took up the popular festival, +and it gained admittance to the religious calendar, which was +drawn up for the city of the four regions (see above, Lect. IV., +p. 106). The State was represented, as we learn from Ovid, +by the Flamen Dialis (<i>Fasti</i>, ii. 282).</p> + +<p>But we still have to account for some strange detail, which +has never been satisfactorily explained in connection with the rest +of the ceremony. The runners had their foreheads smeared +with the blood of the victims, which was then wiped off with +wool dipped in milk; after which, says Plutarch (<i>Romulus</i>, 21), +they were obliged to laugh. These details, as Prof. Deubner +remarks, seem very un-Roman; we have no parallel to them in +Roman ritual, and I have remarked more than once in these +lectures on the absence of the use of blood in Roman ceremonial. +I have suggested that they were allowed to survive in +the religion of the city-state, though actually belonging to that +of a primitive population living on the site of Rome. Prof. +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_480" id="Page_480">480</a></span>Deubner's explanation is very different, and at first sight +startling. These, he thinks, are Greek cathartic details added +by Augustus when he re-organised the Lupercalia, as we may +guess that he did from Suet. <i>Aug.</i> 31. They can all be +paralleled from Greek religion. We know of them only from +Plutarch, who quotes a certain Butas as writing Greek elegiacs in +which they were mentioned; but of the date of this poet we +know nothing. Ovid does not mention these details, nor hint +at them in the stories he tells about the festival. (It is certainly +possible that Augustus's revision may have been made after +Ovid wrote the second book of the <i>Fasti</i>; it could not have +been done until he became Pont. Max. in 12 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, and perhaps +not till long after that, and the <i>Fasti</i> was written some time +before Ovid's banishment in <span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 9.) That Augustus should insert +Greek cathartic details in the old Roman festival is certainly +surprising, but not impossible. We know that in the <i>ludi +saeculares</i> he took great pains to combine Greek with Roman +ritual.</p> + +<p>The above is a mere outline of Prof. Deubner's article, but +enough, I hope, to attract the attention of English scholars to it. +Whether or no it be accepted in whole or part by learned +opinion, it will at least have the credit of suggesting a way +in which not only the Lupercalia, but possibly other obscure +rites, may be compelled ultimately to yield up their secrets.</p> +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_481" id="Page_481">481</a></span></p> +<h4>APPENDIX III</h4> + +<h5><span class="smcap">The Pairs of Deities In Gellius</span> xiii. 23 (see page 150)</h5> + + +<p>The first paired deity mentioned by Gellius is <i>Lua Saturni</i>, +also known as <i>Lua Mater</i>, of whom Dr. Frazer writes (p. 412), +"In regard to Lua we know that she was spoken of as a +mother, which makes it not improbable that she was also +a wife." We are not surprised to find him claiming that +because Vesta is addressed as Mater in the <i>Acta Fratr. +Arv.</i> (Henzen, p. 147), that virgin deity was also married. This +he does in his lectures on Kingship (p. 222), quoting Ennius +and Lactantius as making Vesta mother of Saturnus and Titan. +No comment on this is needed for any one conversant with +Graeco-Roman religion and literature from Ennius onward. +The title Mater here means simply that Vesta was to her +worshippers in a maternal position: "quamvis virginem, indole +tamen quadam materna praeditam fuisse nuper exposuit +Preunerus," says Henzen, quoting Preuner's <i>Hestia-Vesta</i>, an +old book but a good one (p. 333). But to return to Lua: I +freely confess that I cannot explain why she was styled Mater. +We only know of her, apart from the list in Gellius and one +passage of Servius, from the two passages of Livy quoted without +comment by Dr. Frazer. The first of these (viii. 1), which may be +taken from the pontifical books, seems to let in a ray of light on +her nature and function. In 338 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> the Volscians had been +beaten, and "armorum magna vis" was found in their camp. +"Ea Luae Matri se dare consul dixit, finesque hostium usque ad +maritimam oram depopulatus est." That is, as I understand the +words, he dedicated the enemy's spoils to the <i>numen</i> who was the +enemy of his own crops.<a name="FNanchor_1010_1010" id="FNanchor_1010_1010"></a><a href="#Footnote_1010_1010" class="fnanchor">1010</a> For if Lua be connected etymologically +with <i>lues</i>, she may be the hurtful aspect of Saturnus, like <i>Tursa</i> +Cerfia Cerfii Martii as Buecheler explains it (<i>Umbrica</i>, p. 98).</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_482" id="Page_482">482</a></span>A curious passage of Servius may be quoted in support of this +view, in which Luae is an almost certain correction for Lunae +(see Jordan's edition of Preller's <i>Rom. Mythol.</i> vol. ii. p. 22). +Commenting on Virgil's "Arboribusque satisque lues" (<i>Aen.</i> iii. +139), he writes: "quidam dicunt, diversis numinibus vel bene +vel male faciendi potestatem dicatam, ut Veneri coniugia, Cereri +divortia, Iunoni procreationem liberorum: sterilitatem horum +tam Saturno quam Luae, hanc enim sicut Saturnum orbandi +potestatem habere." Whatever Lua may originally have been, +she seems to have been regarded as a power capable of working +for evil in the crops and in women; if you could get her to +work on your enemy's crops (cp. the <i>excantatio</i>, above p. 58), so +much the better, and the better would her claim be to the title +of Mater (but Dr. Frazer supplies us with examples of a <i>hostile</i> +spirit being called by a family name, <i>e.g.</i>, Grandfather Smallpox, +<i>G.B.</i> iii. p. 98). When the consul had dedicated the spoils to +her he proceeded to assist her in her functions by ravaging the +crops of the enemy; thus she became later on a deity of spoils. +In the Macedonian triumph of <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> 167 we find her in company +with Mars and Minerva as one of the deities to whom "spolia +hostium dicare ius fasque est" (Livy xlv. 33).</p> + +<p>I may add here that Dr. Frazer has another arrow in his +quiver to prove that Saturnus was married: if Lua was not his +wife (which no Roman asserts) certainly (he says) Ops was. He +quotes a few words from Macrobius (i. 13. 19) in which these +two are mentioned as husband and wife. If he had quoted the +whole passage, his reader would have been better able to judge +of the value of the writers of whom Macrobius says that they +"crediderunt" that Ops was wife of Saturn. For it appears +that some of them fancied that Saturnus was "a satu dictus +<i>cuius causa de caelo est</i>"—(a desperate attempt to make the old +spirit of the seed into a heaven-god), while Ops, whose name +speaks for itself, was the earth. But the real companion deity +to Ops was not Saturnus, but Consus. This has been placed +beyond all reasonable doubt by Wissowa in his <i>de Feriis</i> +(reprinted in <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i>, p. 154 foll.). See also +my <i>R.F.</i> p. 212. The names Ops and Consus obviously refer +to stored corn, and everything in their cult points the same way. +Saturnus' connection with Ops is a late and a mistaken one, +derived from the Graecising tendency, which brought Cronos +and Rhea to bear on them.</p> + +<p>Next a word about Hora Quirini. As this coupling of names +is followed by Virites Quirini, in the characteristic method +explained in the text (cp. Cic. <i>Nat. Deor.</i> ii. 27 of Vesta, "<i>vis</i> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_483" id="Page_483">483</a></span>eius ad aras et focos pertinet"), it is hardly necessary to comment +on it. Hora is perhaps connected with Umbrian Heris (cp. +Buecheler, <i>Umbrica</i>, index), which with kindred forms means +will, willingness. Thus in "Nerienem Mavortis et Herem" +(Ennius, fragm. 70, in Baehrens, <i>Fragm. Poet. Lat.</i>) we may +see the strength and the will of Mars (cp. Herie Iunonis). +Hora is also connected in legend with Hersilia (Ov. <i>Met.</i> 14. +829), and this helps to show how the Alexandrian erotic legend-making +faculty got hold of her. But, says Dr. Frazer, Ennius +regarded her as wife of Quirinus: "Teque Quirine pater veneror, +Horamque Quirini" (fragm. 71 of the <i>Annales</i>). This is Dr. +Frazer's interpretation of the words, but Ennius says nothing +of conjugal relations; and even if he had, his evidence as to +ancient Roman conceptions would be worthless. Ennius was +not a Roman; he came from Magna Graecia; and if Dr. Frazer +will read <i>all</i> that is said about him, <i>e.g.</i> in Schanz's history of +Roman literature, he will allow that every statement of such +a man about old Roman ideas of the divine must be regarded +with suspicion and subjected to careful criticism.</p> + +<p>Next we come to Salacia Neptuni. Of this couple Dr. Frazer +says that Varro plainly implies that they were husband and wife, +and that this is affirmed by Augustine, Seneca, and Servius. +The accumulation of evidence seems strong; but Varro implies +nothing of the kind (<i>L.L.</i> v. 72). He is indulging in fancy +etymologies, and derives Neptunus from <i>nubere</i>, "quod mare +terras obnubit ut nubes caelum, ab nuptu id est opertione ut +antiqui, a quo nuptiae, nuptus dictus." If he had meant to +make Salacia wife of Neptunus, this last sentence would surely +have suggested it; but he goes on after a full stop, "Salacia +Neptuni a salo." It is only the later writers, ignorant of the +real nature of Roman religious ideas, who make Salacia into a +wife. It is worth noting that Varro adds another feminine deity +in his next sentence, Venilia, whom Virgil makes the mother +of Turnus (<i>Aen.</i> x. 76); and Servius, commenting on this line, +goes one better, and says she was identical with Salacia. Perhaps +both were sea or water spirits, connected with Neptunus as +<i>famulae</i> or <i>anculae</i> (see Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 19), but they are lost +to us, and speculation is useless. In <i>R.F.</i> p. 186, I suggested +an explanation of Salacia which I am disposed to withdraw. +But for anyone wishing to study the treatment of old Roman +<i>numina</i> by the mythologists and philosophers of the Graeco-Roman +period, I would recommend an attentive reading of the +whole chapter of Augustine from which Dr. Frazer quotes a few +words (<i>C.D.</i> vii. 22); and further a careful study of the Graeco-Roman +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_484" id="Page_484">484</a></span>methods of fabricating myths about Roman divine names, +for which he will do well to read the passages referred to by +Wissowa in <i>R.K.</i> pp. 250 and 251, and notes.</p> + +<p>Lastly, comes Maia Volcani. Here for once we get a fact of +cult, which is a relief, after the loose and reckless statements of +non-Roman and Christian writers. The flamen Volcanalis +sacrificed to Maia on May 1st, which proves that there was a +real and not a fancied connection between Volcanus and Maia, +but certainly not that they were husband and wife. Dr. Frazer, +however, quotes Cincius "on the <i>Fasti</i>" as (ap. Macrob. i. 12. 18) +stating this, and refers us to Schanz's <i>Gesch. der röm. Lit.</i> for +information about him. In the second edition of that work he +will find a discussion of the very doubtful question as to whether +the Cincius he quotes is the person whom he asserts him to be, +viz., the annalist of the second Punic War. The writer of the +article "Cincius" in Pauly-Wissowa <i>Real-Encycl.</i> is very confident +that the one who wrote on the <i>Fasti</i> lived as late as the age of +Augustus. But putting that aside, what are we to make of the +fact that another annalist, L. Calpurnius Piso (famous as the +author of the first lex de repetundis, 149 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>), said that the wife +of Volcanus was not Maia, but Maiestas? Piso was not a good +authority (see above, p. 51), but he seems here to bring the +"consort" of the fire-god into line with such expressions of activity +as Moles, Virites, and so on; and it seems that as early as the +second century b.c., sport and speculation with these names were +beginning. I have quoted the whole pedantic passage from +Macrobius in my <i>Roman Festivals</i>, p. 98, where the reader may +enjoy it at leisure. I shall not be surprised if he comes to the +conclusion that neither Macrobius nor his learned informers +knew anything about Maia. When he reads that she was the +mother of Mercurius, he will recollect that Mercurius was not a +Roman deity of the earliest period, and did not belong to the +<i>di indigetes</i>; and when he finds that she is identified with +Bona Dea, he must not forget that that deity, as scholars are now +pretty well agreed, was introduced at Rome from Tarentum in +the age of the Punic Wars. The one fact we know is the +sacrifice by the flamen Volcanalis on May 1. Someone went to +work to explain this and another, viz. that the Ides of the month +was the dedication day of the first temple of Mercurius (<span class="smcap">B.C.</span> 495), +and also the fact that the temple of the Bona Dea on the +Aventine was dedicated on the Kalends. The result was an +extraordinary jumble of fancy and myth, which has been +recognised as such by those who have studied closely the +methods of Graeco-Roman scholarship. The unwary, of course, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_485" id="Page_485">485</a></span>are taken in. A student of these methods might do well to take +as an exercise in criticism the three "specimens of Roman +mythology" which Dr. Frazer says (p. 413) have "survived the +wreck of antiquity"—the loves of Vertumnus and Pomona, of +Jupiter and Juturna, of Janus and Cardea. In the last of these +especially he will find one of the most audacious pieces of +charming and wilful invention that a Latin poet could perpetrate, +in imitation of Hellenistic love tales, and to suit the +taste of a public whose education was mainly Greek.</p> + +<p>The above lengthy note was written before I had seen +von Domaszewski's paper on this subject ("Festschrift für O. +Hirschfeld") reprinted in <i>Abhandlungen zur röm. Religion</i>, p. 104 +foll. cp. p. 162.) His explanations are different in detail from +mine, but rest on the same general principle that the names +Salacia, etc., indicate functions or attributes of the male deity +to whom they are attached.</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1010_1010" id="Footnote_1010_1010"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1010_1010"><span class="label">1010</span></a> For the taboo on such spoils, and their destruction, see M. S. Reinach's +interesting paper "Tarpeia," in <i>Cultes, mythes, et religions</i>, iii. 221 foll.</p></div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_486" id="Page_486">486</a></span></p> +<h4>APPENDIX IV</h4> + +<h5>(<span class="smcap">Lecture</span> VIII., page 169 foll.) <span class="smcap">Ius and Fas</span></h5> + + +<p>In historical times the two kinds of <i>ius</i>, <i>divinum</i> and <i>humanum</i>, +were strongly distinguished (see Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 318, who +quotes Gaius ii. 2: "summa itaque rerum divisio in duos articulos +diducitur, nam aliae sunt divini iuris, aliae humani"). But it +is almost certain that there was originally no such clear distinction. +The general opinion of historians of Roman law is thus +expressed by Cuq (<i>Institutions juridiques des Romains</i>, p. 54): +"Le droit civil n'a eu d'abord qu'une portée fort restreinte. Peu +à peu il a gagné du terrain, il a entrepris de réglementer des +rapports qui autrefois étaient du domaine de la religion. Pendant +longtemps à Rome le droit théocratique a coexisté avec le +droit civil." (See also Muirhead, <i>Introduction to Roman Law</i>, ed. +Goudy, p. 15.) Possibly the formation of an organised calendar, +marking off the days belonging to the deities from those which +were not so made over to them, first gave the opportunity +for the gradual realisation of the thought that the set of rules +under which the citizen was responsible to the divine beings +was not exactly the same as that under which he was responsible +to the civil authorities. The distinction took many ages to +realise in all its aspects, and is not complete even under the +XII. Tables or later, because the sanction for civil offences +remained in great part a divine one; on this point Jhering is +certainly wrong (<i>Geist des röm. Rechts</i>, i. 267 foll.). As Cuq +remarks (p. 54, note 1), one institution of the <i>ius divinum</i> kept +its force after the complete secularisation of law, and retains +it to this day, viz. the oath.</p> + +<p>If there was originally no distinction between religious and +civil rules of law, it follows that there were originally no two +distinguishing terms for them. The earliest passage in which +they are distinguished as <i>ius divinum</i> and <i>humanum</i> (so far as I +know) is Cicero's speech for Sestius (<span class="smcap">B.C.</span> 56), sec. 91, quoted by +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_487" id="Page_487">487</a></span>Wissowa, p. 319: "domicilia coniuncta quas urbes dicimus, <i>invento +et divino iure et humano</i>, moenibus cinxerunt." But by all British +writers on Roman law, and by many foreign ones, the word <i>fas</i> +is used as equivalent to the ius divinum, and sharply distinguished +from <i>ius</i>. Thus the late Dr. Greenidge, in his useful +work on Roman public life (p. 52 and elsewhere), makes this +distinction; he writes of the <i>rex</i> as the chief expounder of the +divine law (<i>fas</i>), and of the control exercised by <i>fas</i> over the +citizen's life. Cp. Muirhead, ed. Goudy, p. 15 foll., where +Mommsen is quoted thus: "Mommsen is probably near the +mark when he describes the <i>leges regiae</i> as mostly rules of +the <i>fas</i>." But Mommsen, like Wissowa in his <i>Religion und +Kultus</i>, does not use the word <i>fas</i>, but speaks of "Sakralrecht." +Sohm, on the other hand (<i>Roman Law</i>, trans. Ledlie, p. 15, note), +compares <i>fas</i> with Sanscrit <i>dharma</i> and Greek <i>themis</i>, as meaning +unwritten rules of divine origin, which eventually gave way +before <i>ius</i>, as in Greece before δἱκαιον. (Cp. Binder, <i>Die Plebs</i>, +p. 501.) But it is safer in this case to leave etymology alone, +and to try to discover what the Romans themselves understood +by <i>fas</i>, which is indeed a peculiar and puzzling word. (For its +possible connection with <i>fari</i>, <i>effari</i> (ager effatus), <i>fanum</i>, and +<i>profanum</i>, etc., see H. Nettleship's <i>Contributions to Latin Lexicography</i>, +s.v. "Fas.")</p> + +<p><i>Fas</i> was at all times indeclinable, and is rarely found even as +an accusative, as in Virg. <i>Aen.</i> ix. 96:</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">mortaline manu factae immortale carinae</span> +<span class="i0">fas habeant?</span> +</div> +</div> + +<p>In the oldest examples of its use, <i>i.e.</i> in the ancient calendar +QRCF, on March 24 and May 24, <i>i.e.</i> "quando rex comitiavit fas" +(Varro, <i>L.L.</i> vi. 31), and QStDF on June 15, <i>i.e.</i> "Quando stercus +delatum fas" (Varro, <i>L.L.</i> vi. 32), it is hard to say whether it is +a substantive at all, and not rather an adverb like <i>satis</i>. So, too, +in the antique language of the <i>lex templi</i> of Furfo (58 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>) +we read, "Utii tangere sarcire tegere devehere defigere mandare +ferro oeti promovere referre <i>fasque esto</i>" (<i>liceat</i> should probably +be inserted before <i>fasque esto</i>). See <i>CIL.</i> i. 603, line 7; Dessau, +<i>Inscript. Lat. selectae</i>, ii. 1. 4906, p. 246. In these examples +<i>fas</i> simply means that you may do certain acts without breaking +religious law; it does not stand for the religious law itself. To +me it looks like a technical word of the <i>ius divinum</i>, meaning +that which it is lawful to do under it; thus a <i>dies fastus</i> is one +on which it is lawful under that <i>ius</i> to perform certain acts of +civil government, "sine piaculo" (Varro, <i>L.L.</i> vi. 29). <i>Nefas</i> is, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_488" id="Page_488">488</a></span>therefore, in the same way a word which conveys a prohibition +under the divine law. By constant juxtaposition with <i>ius</i>, <i>fas</i> +came in course of time to take on the character of a substantive, +and so too did its opposite <i>nefas</i>. The dictionaries supply many +examples of its use as a substantive and as paralleled with <i>ius</i>, +but the only one I can find that is earlier than Cicero is Terence, +<i>Hecyra</i>, iii. 3. 27, <i>i.e.</i> in the work of a non-Roman.</p> + +<p>I cannot find that it is so used by Varro, where we might +naturally have expected it. Cicero does not call his imaginary +ius divinum a <i>fas</i>, but iura religionum, constitutio religionum +(<i>de Legibus</i> ii. 10-23, 17-32). <i>Ius</i> is the word always used +technically of particular departments of the religious law, <i>e.g.</i> +ius pontificium, ius augurale, and ius fetiale (<i>CIL.</i> i. p. 202, is +preimus ius fetiale paravit). The notion that <i>fas</i> could mean +a kind of code of religious law is probably due to Virgil's use of +the word in "Quippe etiam festis quaeddam exercere diebus +Fas et iura sinunt," <i>Georg.</i> i. 269, and to the comment of +Servius, "id est, divina humanaque iura permittunt: nam ad +religionem fas, ad homines iura pertinent."</p> + +<p>It is strange to find it personified as a kind of deity in the +formula of the fetiales, used when they announced the Roman +demands at an enemy's frontier (Livy i. 32): "Audi Iuppiter, +inquit, audite Fines (cuiuscunque gentis sunt nominat), <i>audiat +Fas</i>." Whence did Livy get this formula? We have no record +of a book of the fetiales; if this came from those of the pontifices, +as is probable, the formula need not be of ancient date, +and the personification of Fines also suggests a doubt as to +the genuineness of the whole formula.</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_489" id="Page_489">489</a></span></p> +<h4>APPENDIX V</h4> + +<h5><span class="smcap">The Worship of Sacred Utensils</span> (page <a href="#Page_436">436</a>)</h5> + + +<p>There can be no doubt that some kind of worship was paid by +the Arval Brethren to certain <i>ollae</i>, or primitive vessels of sun-baked +clay used in their most ancient rites. This is attested by +two inscriptions of different ages which are printed on pp. 26 +and 27 of Henzen's <i>Acta Fratrum Arvalium</i>. After leaving their +grove and entering the temple "in mensa <i>sacrum fecerunt ollis</i>"; +and shortly afterwards, "in aedem intraverunt et <i>ollas precati +sunt</i>." Then, to our astonishment, we read that the door of the +temple was opened, and the <i>ollae</i> thrown down the slope in front +of it. This last act seems inexplicable; but the worship finds +a singular parallel in the dairy ritual of the Todas of the +Nilghiri hills.</p> + +<p>Dr. Rivers, in his work on the Todas (Macmillan, 1906, p. +453), in summing up his impressions of their worship, observes +that "the attitude of worship which is undoubtedly present +in the Toda mind is becoming transferred from the gods +themselves to the material objects used in the service of the +gods." "The religious attitude of worship is being transferred +from the gods themselves <i>to the objects round which centres the +ritual of the dairy</i>." These objects are mainly the bells of the +buffaloes and the dairy vessels; and an explicit account of them, +the reverence in which they are held, and the prayers in which +they are mentioned, will be found in the fifth, sixth, and eighth +chapters of Dr. Rivers' work, which, as an account of what seems +to be a religion atrophied by over-development of ritual, is in +many ways of great interest to the student of Roman religious +experience. The following sentence will appeal to the readers +of these Lectures:—</p> + +<p>"The Todas seem to show us how the over-development +of the ritual aspect of religion may lead to atrophy of those ideas +and beliefs through which the religion has been built up; and +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_490" id="Page_490">490</a></span>then how, in its turn, the ritual may suffer, and acts which are +performed mechanically, with no living ideas behind them, may +come to be performed carelessly and incompletely, while religious +observances which involve trouble and discomfort may be +evaded or completely neglected."</p> + +<p>Whether the worship of the <i>ollae</i> was a part of the original +ritual of the Brethren, or grew up after its revival by Augustus, it +is impossible to determine. But if we can allow the dairy ritual +of the Todas to help us in the matter, we may conclude that +in any case it was not really primitive, and that it was a result of +that process of over-ritualisation to which must also be ascribed +the <i>piacula</i> caused by the growth of a fig-tree on the roof of the +temple, and the three Sondergötter Adolenda Commolenda +Deferunda. (See above p. <a href="#Page_161">161</a> foll., and Henzen, <i>Acta Fratr. +Arv.</i> p. 147.)</p> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_491" id="Page_491">491</a></span></p> +<h4>INDEX</h4> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li>Acca Larentia, <a href="#Page_67">67</a> +</li><li> +Acolytes, <a href="#Page_177">177</a> +</li><li> +Adolenda, <a href="#Page_162">162</a> +</li><li> +Addenda Commolenda Deferunda, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_490">490</a> +</li><li> +Aedes Vestae: <i>see</i> Vesta +</li><li> +Aediles, plebeian, <a href="#Page_255">255</a> +</li><li> +Aemilius Paulus, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a> +</li><li> +<i>Aeneid</i>, the, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>; +<ul><li> +as a means of understanding the spirit of the Roman religion, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>; +a poem of religion and morals, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>-425 +</li></ul> +</li><li> +Aesculapius, <a href="#Page_260">260</a> +</li><li> +<i>Ager paganus</i>: lustration, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a> +<ul><li> + <i>Romanus</i>: lustration, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a> +</li></ul> +</li><li> +Agriculture, the economic basis of Roman life, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>; +<ul><li> + festivals, <i>see</i> Festivals +</li></ul> +</li><li> +Agrippa, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a> +</li><li> +Alba Longa, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a> +</li><li> +Alban Mount: Latin festival, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>; +<ul><li> + temple of Jupiter Latiaris, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a> +</li></ul> +</li><li> +Alexander, Archibald, on faith, <a href="#Page_472">472</a> +</li><li> +Ambarvalia, procession of the, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a> +</li><li> +Amburbium, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a> +</li><li> +Amulets, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a> +</li><li> +Ancilia, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>; +<ul><li> + lustration, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>; +</li><li> + moving, <a href="#Page_36">36</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Angerona, <a href="#Page_117">117</a> +</li><li> +Animism, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a> +</li><li> +Anna Perenna: festival, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>; +<ul><li> + Ovid's account of, <a href="#Page_473">473</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Antoninus Pius, <a href="#Page_429">429</a> +</li><li> +Apollo, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>; +<ul><li> + cult of, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>; +</li><li> + associated with Diana, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>; +</li><li> + with Latona, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>; +</li><li> + the Pythian, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>; +</li><li> + temple, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>-445; +</li><li> + institution of Apolline games, <a href="#Page_326">326</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Appius Claudius, <a href="#Page_300">300</a> +</li><li> +Aquaelicium, ceremony of the, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a> +</li><li> +<i>Ara</i>, meaning of, <a href="#Page_146">146</a> +</li><li> +Ara Maxima in the Forum Boarium <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a> +</li><li> +Ara Pacis of Augustus, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a> +</li><li> +Argei: festival, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>; +<ul><li> + puppets thrown into the Tiber, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>; +</li><li> + chapels called, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Armilustrium, <a href="#Page_97">97</a> +</li><li> +Army: lustration of, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a> +</li><li> +Arnobius, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_465">465</a> +</li><li> +Artemis, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a> +</li><li> +Arval Brethren: <i>see</i> Fratres Arvales +</li><li> +Asclepios, <a href="#Page_260">260</a> +</li><li> +Astrology, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>-398, <a href="#Page_401">401</a> +</li><li> +Ateius Capito, <a href="#Page_441">441</a> +</li><li> +Athene Polias, <a href="#Page_234">234</a> +</li><li> +Attalus, king of Pergamus, <a href="#Page_330">330</a> +</li><li> +Atticus, Cicero's letters to, <a href="#Page_385">385</a> +</li><li> +Attus Navius, soothsayer, <a href="#Page_297">297</a> +</li><li> +<i>Augurium canarium</i>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a> +</li><li> +Augurs, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>-176, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>; +<ul><li> + and the art of divination, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>-309; +</li><li> + in relation to the Rex, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>; +</li><li> + art strictly secret, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>; +</li><li> + compared with pontifices, <a href="#Page_303">303</a> +</li><li> + lore preserved in books, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>; +</li><li> + political importance, <a href="#Page_305">305</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Augustus, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>; +<ul><li> + revival of religion, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>-447; +</li><li> + his connection with Virgil, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>; +</li><li> + pontifex maximus, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>; +</li><li> + restoration of temples, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>-434; +</li><li> + revival of ancient ritual, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>-436; +</li><li> + restorer of the <i>pax deorum</i>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Aurelius, Marcus, <a href="#Page_456">456</a> +</li><li> +<i>Auspicia</i>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>; +<ul><li> + in life of family, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>; +</li><li> + in State operations, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>; +</li><li> + indissolubly connected with <i>imperuim</i>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Aust, on religion of the family, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>; +<ul><li> + on Roman deities, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>; +</li><li> + on prayer, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>; +</li><li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_492" id="Page_492">492</a></span> + on reaction against the <i>ius divinum</i>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Aventine: plebeian quarter, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>; +<ul><li> + temples, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a> +</li><li> + Cyril, cited, <a href="#Page_400">400</a> +</li></ul></li><li> + +</li><li> +Beans, used to get rid of ghosts, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>; +<ul><li> + taboo on eating, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Bellona, connection with Mars, <a href="#Page_166">166</a> +</li><li> +Bibulus, <a href="#Page_305">305</a> +</li><li> +Binder, Dr., on the plebs, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a> +</li><li> +Birds, used in augury, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a> +</li><li> +Birth, spirits invoked at, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a> +</li><li> +Blood: taboo on, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>; +<ul><li> + mystic use of, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>; +</li><li> + not prominent in Roman ritual, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>-181; +</li><li> + consecration through, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>; +</li><li> + wine as substitute for, <a href="#Page_196">196</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Boissier, G., <a href="#Page_391">391</a>; +<ul><li> + on the <i>Aeneid</i>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_427">427</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Bona Dea, <a href="#Page_484">484</a> +</li><li> +Bouché-Leclercq, M., on divination, <a href="#Page_310">310</a> +</li><li> +Boundary festivals: <i>see</i> Terminalia +</li><li> +Boundary stones, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>-82, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>; +<ul><li> + sprinkled with blood of victims, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>Bulla</i> worn by children, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a> +</li><li> +Burial places <i>loca religiosa</i>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a> +</li><li> +Bussell, F. W., cited, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a> +</li><li> + +</li><li> +Caesar, Julius: belief in spells, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>; +<ul><li> + calendar, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>; +</li><li> + pontifex maximus, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>; +</li><li> + and the priesthood, <a href="#Page_343">343</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Caesar-worship, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a> +</li><li> +Caird, Professor, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>; +<ul><li> + on Reason in man, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Cakes: honey, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>; +<ul><li> + sacred, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>; +</li><li> + <i>see also</i> Salt-cake +</li></ul></li><li> +Calendar, the ancient religious, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>; +<ul><li> + described, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>-109; +</li><li> + in relation to agricultural life, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>-102, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>; +</li><li> + festivals necessarily fixed, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>; +</li><li> + a matter of routine, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>; +</li><li> + its psychological result, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>-105; +</li><li> + a document of religious law, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>; +</li><li> + exclusion of the barbarous and grotesque, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>; +</li><li> + attributed to Numa Pompilius, <a href="#Page_108">108</a> +</li><li> + Julian, <a href="#Page_95">95</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Calpurnius Piso, L.: <i>see</i> Piso +</li><li> +<i>Camilli</i> and <i>camillae</i>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a> +</li><li> +Campus Martius, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>; +<ul><li> + lustrum of censors, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Cannae, religious panic after the battle of, <a href="#Page_319">319</a> +</li><li> +Cantorelli, on the <i>annales maximi</i>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a> +</li><li> +Capitolium, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>; +<ul><li> + <i>Carmen saeculare</i> sung, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>-445; +</li><li> + temples, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Caprotinae, Nonae, <a href="#Page_143">143</a> +</li><li> +Cardea, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>; +<ul><li> + connection with Janus, <a href="#Page_485">485</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Caristia, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a> +</li><li> +<i>Carmen</i>, meaning of, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>; +<ul><li> + used at siege of Carthage, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a> +</li><li> + <i>Arvale</i>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a> +</li><li> + used by <i>Attiedii</i>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a> +</li><li> + <i>saeculare</i>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="#Page_432">432</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>-447, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a> +</li><li> + <i>Saliare</i>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Carmenta, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a> +</li><li> +Carmentalia, <a href="#Page_98">98</a> +</li><li> +Carna, <a href="#Page_117">117</a> +</li><li> +Carter, J. B., on cult-titles, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>; +<ul><li> + on the Latins, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>-230; +</li><li> + on Castor-cult, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>; +</li><li> + on Diana, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>; +</li><li> + on Fortuna, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>; +</li><li> + on Hercules, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>; +</li><li> + on Janus, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>; +</li><li> + on Juno, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>; +</li><li> + on the Manes, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>; +</li><li> + on Mars, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>; +</li><li> + on Poseidon-Neptune, <a href="#Page_260">260</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Cassius Hemina, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a> +</li><li> +Castor and Pollux, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>; +<ul><li> + temple, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Cato, the Censor, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>-184, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a> +</li><li> +Catullus, on death, <a href="#Page_387">387</a> +</li><li> +Censors, lustrum of the, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a> +</li><li> +Census, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a> +</li><li> +Cerealia, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a> +</li><li> +Ceres, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>; +<ul><li> + temple, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Cerfius, or Cerus, <a href="#Page_158">158</a> +</li><li> +Chaldeans, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>; +<ul><li> + expelled from Rome, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Charms, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>-62; +<ul><li> + <i>see also</i> Amulets +</li></ul></li><li> +Chickens, sacred, as omens, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a> +</li><li> +Children: purificatory rites, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>; +<ul><li> + naming of, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>-29, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>; +</li><li> + amulets and <i>bulla</i> worn by, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>; +</li><li> + dedication of, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>-205 +</li></ul></li><li> +Christianity, early: contributions from the Roman religion, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>-467; +<ul><li> + the Greek and Latin fathers compared, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>-459; +</li><li> + its relation to morality, <a href="#Page_471">471</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Cicero, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>; +<ul><li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_493" id="Page_493">493</a></span> + on religiousness of the Romans, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>-250; +</li><li> + on Titus Coruncanius, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>-282; +</li><li> + on divination, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>; +</li><li> + on interest of the gods in human affairs, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>; +</li><li> + on Stoicism, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>-368, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>; +</li><li> + on relation of man to God, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>; +</li><li> + affected by revival of Pythagoreanism, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>; +</li><li> + turns to mysticism, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>; +</li><li> + his letters to Atticus, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>; +</li><li> + his Somnium Scipionis, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>; +</li><li> + belief in a future life, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>; +</li><li> + definition of <i>religio</i>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Claudius, Emperor, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a> +</li><li> +Claudius Pulcher, P., <a href="#Page_315">315</a> +<ul><li> + Quadrigarius, <a href="#Page_39">39</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Cleanthes, hymn of, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a> +</li><li> +Clusius (or Clusivius), cult-title of Janus, <a href="#Page_126">126</a> +</li><li> +Coinquenda, <a href="#Page_162">162</a> +</li><li> +Colonia, religious rites at founding of, <a href="#Page_170">170</a> +</li><li> +Compitalia, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a> +</li><li> +Concordia, <a href="#Page_285">285</a> +</li><li> +Conditor, <a href="#Page_161">161</a> +</li><li> +<i>Confarreatio</i>, marriage by, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a> +</li><li> +<i>Coniuratio</i>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a> +</li><li> +<i>Consolatio</i>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a> +</li><li> +Constantius, <a href="#Page_430">430</a> +</li><li> +Consualia, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a> +</li><li> +Consuls, annual ceremony at the Capitoline temple, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>-240 +</li><li> +Consus, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>; +<ul><li> + connection with Ops, <a href="#Page_482">482</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Convector, <a href="#Page_161">161</a> +</li><li> +Conway, Professor, on Quirinus and Quirites, <a href="#Page_143">143</a> +</li><li> +Cook, A. B., on Jupiter, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>; +<ul><li> + on Janus, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>; +</li><li> + on Quirinus and Quirites, <a href="#Page_143">143</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Corn deities, Greek, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a> +</li><li> +<i>Corpus Inscriptionum</i>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a> +</li><li> +Coruncanius, Titus, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a> +</li><li> +Coulanges, Fustel de, on the Lar, <a href="#Page_77">77</a> +</li><li> +Crawley, Mr., on the fatherhood of gods, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>; +<ul><li> + on religion and morality, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Cremation, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a> +</li><li> +Crooke, Mr., on luck in odd numbers, <a href="#Page_98">98</a> +</li><li> +Cult-titles, invention of, <a href="#Page_153">153</a> +</li><li> +Cumont, Professor, on the religion of the Romans, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>; +<ul><li> + on Jupiter, <a href="#Page_246">246</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Cunina, <a href="#Page_159">159</a> +</li><li> +Cuq, on civil and religious law, <a href="#Page_486">486</a> +</li><li> +<i>Cura et caerimonia</i>, Cicero's expression, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a> +</li><li> +Curia, <a href="#Page_138">138</a> +</li><li> +Curiatius, <a href="#Page_126">126</a> +</li><li> +Cynics, the, <a href="#Page_372">372</a> +</li><li> + +</li><li> +Days, lucky and unlucky, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>-41; +<ul><li> + <i>see also</i> Dies +</li></ul></li><li> +De Marchi, on votive offerings, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a> +</li><li> +Dea Dia, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>; +<ul><li> + description of rites, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>-436; +</li><li> + veneration for utensils used, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>; +</li><li> + temple, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Dead: disposal of the, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>; +<ul><li> + cult, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>, <a href="#Page_470">470</a>; +</li><li> + festivals, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>; +</li><li> + contrast between Lemuria and Parentalia, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>-395 +</li></ul></li><li> +Decemviri, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a> +</li><li> +Decius Mus, self-sacrifice of, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>-207, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a> +</li><li> +Deities, Roman: <i>see also</i> Numen <i>and</i> Spirits; +<ul><li> + sources of our knowledge of, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>-115; +</li><li> + mental conception of the Romans regarding, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>-117, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>-123, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>-140, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>-225; +</li><li> + <i>di indigetes</i>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>; +</li><li> + functional spirits with will-power, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>; +</li><li> + the four great gods, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>-134; +</li><li> + epithets of Pater and Mater applied to, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>-157; +</li><li> + the question of marriage, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>-152, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>-485; +</li><li> + fluctuation between male and female, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>-149; +</li><li> + nomenclature, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>-156, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>; +</li><li> + compared with Greek gods, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>; +</li><li> + presence of, at meals, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>-173, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>; +</li><li> + introduction of new, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>-242, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>-262; +</li><li> + women's, <i>see</i> Women +</li></ul></li><li> +Delphic oracle consulted during Hannibalic war, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>-324, <a href="#Page_326">326</a> +</li><li> +Demeter, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>; +<ul><li> + supersession of Ceres by, <a href="#Page_100">100</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Deubner, Professor, his theory of the Lupercalia, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>-480 +</li><li> +<i>Devotio</i>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>-209, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>-221; +<ul><li> + formula, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>-208, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>; +</li><li> + sacrificial nature, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Di Manes: <i>see</i> Manes +</li><li> +Di Penates: <i>see</i> Penates +</li><li> +Diana: associated with Janus, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>; +<ul><li> + connection with Artemis, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>; +</li><li> + with Apollo, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>; +</li><li> + with Hercules, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>; +</li><li> + functions, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>-236; +</li><li> + temples, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a> +</li></ul></li><li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_494" id="Page_494">494</a></span> +<i>Dies comitiales</i>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a> +<ul><li> + <i>endotercisi</i>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a> +</li><li> + <i>fasti</i>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a> +</li><li> + <i>lustricus</i>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a> +</li><li> + <i>nefasti</i>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a> +</li><li> + <i>postriduani</i>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a> +</li><li> + <i>religiosi</i>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>-40, <a href="#Page_105">105</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Dieterich, on disposal of the dead, <a href="#Page_401">401</a> +</li><li> +Dill, Professor, on Roman worship, <a href="#Page_200">200</a> +</li><li> +Dionysius of Halicarnassus, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a> +</li><li> +Dionysus: identified with Liber, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>; +<ul><li> + ritual, in Greece, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>-345; +</li><li> + outbreak of Dionysiac orgies in Italy, <a href="#Page_344">344</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Dis, black victims sacrificed to, <a href="#Page_440">440</a> +</li><li> +Dius Fidius, connection with Jupiter, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a> +</li><li> +Divination, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>; +<ul><li> + a universal instinct of human nature, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>; +</li><li> + connection with magic, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>; +</li><li> + views on the origin of, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>; +</li><li> + formalised by State authorities, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>; +</li><li> + private, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>; +</li><li> + quack diviners, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>-298; +</li><li> + <i>auspicia</i> of family religion, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>-300; +</li><li> + public, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>; +</li><li> + duties of the Rex, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>; +</li><li> + lore preserved in books, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>; +</li><li> + divination by lightning, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>; +</li><li> + no lasting value in sphere of religion, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>; +</li><li> + a clog on progress, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>; +</li><li> + sinister influence of Etruscan divination on Rome, <a href="#Page_307">307</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Dobschütz, on Christianity, <a href="#Page_455">455</a> +</li><li> +Dogs: sacrifices: <i>see</i> Sacrifices +</li><li> +Dolabella, Cornelius, <a href="#Page_342">342</a> +</li><li> +Döllinger, Dr., on the Flamen Dialis, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>; +<ul><li> + on prayer, <a href="#Page_468">468</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Domaszewski, von, cited, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>; +<ul><li> + definition of <i>numen</i>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>; +</li><li> + on the cult epithets of Janus, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>; +</li><li> + on Juno, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>; +</li><li> + on evolution of <i>dei</i> out of functional <i>numina</i>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Duhn, Professor von, cited, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a> +</li><li> +Dynamic theory of sacrifice, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a> +</li><li> + +</li><li> +Earthquakes, expiation of, <a href="#Page_339">339</a> +</li><li> +Eilithyia, Greek deity of childbirth, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a> +</li><li> +Ennius, cited, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a> +</li><li> +Epictetus, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a> +</li><li> +Epicurism, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a> +</li><li> +Epicurus, <a href="#Page_359">359</a> +</li><li> +Epulum Iovis: <i>see</i> Jupiter +</li><li> +Equirria, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a> +</li><li> +Eschatology, Christian: preparation of the Roman mind for, <a href="#Page_454">454</a> +</li><li> +Esquiline, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a> +</li><li> +Etruscans, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>; +<ul><li> + domination in Rome, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>; +</li><li> + art of divination, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>; +</li><li> + sinister influence on Rome, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_391">391</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Evil spirits, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>; +<ul><li> + wolf's fat as a charm against, <a href="#Page_90">90</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>Evocatio</i>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a> +</li><li> +<i>Excantatio</i>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_482">482</a> +</li><li> +<i>Extipicina</i>, Etruscan rite of, <a href="#Page_180">180</a> +</li><li> + +</li><li> +Fabius Pictor, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a> +</li><li> +Falacer, <a href="#Page_122">122</a> +</li><li> +Family (<i>familia</i>): origin and meaning of, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>; +<ul><li> + religion in the, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>-228, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>-300; +</li><li> + description of the house, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>-73, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>; +</li><li> + its holy places, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>; +</li><li> + spirits of the household: <i>see</i> Spirits; +</li><li> + the Lar familiaris, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>; +</li><li> + position of slaves, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>; +</li><li> + <i>religio terminorum</i>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>; +</li><li> + marriage, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>; +</li><li> + childbirth, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>; +</li><li> + burial of the dead, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>; +</li><li> + maintenance of the <i>sacra</i>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>-275 +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>Fanum</i>, meaning of, <a href="#Page_146">146</a> +</li><li> +<i>Far</i>, sacred cakes of, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a> +</li><li> +Farnell, Dr., cited, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>; +<ul><li> + on the vow of the <i>ver sacrum</i>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>; +</li><li> + on Dionysiac ritual, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Farreus, connection with Jupiter, <a href="#Page_130">130</a> +</li><li> +<i>Fas</i>, early usage of, <a href="#Page_487">487</a>-488 +</li><li> +Fasti: <i>see</i> Calendar +</li><li> +Faunalia, <a href="#Page_137">137</a> +</li><li> +Faunus, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>; +<ul><li> + connection with Lupercalia, <a href="#Page_117">117</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>Februum</i>, meaning of, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a> +</li><li> +Feretrius, cult-title of Jupiter: <i>see</i> Jupiter +</li><li> +Feriae Iovis, <a href="#Page_129">129</a> +<ul><li> + Latinae, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Feronia, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a> +</li><li> +Ferrero, on the <i>Carmen saeculare</i>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>; +<ul><li> + on the <i>ludi saeculares</i>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Fertility, customs to produce, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a> +</li><li> +Festivals, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>-81, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>; +<ul><li> + agricultural, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>; +</li><li> + harvest, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>; +</li><li> + vintage, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>; +</li><li> + of the dead: <i>see</i> Dead; +</li><li> + Latin festival on Alban mount, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>; +</li><li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_495" id="Page_495">495</a></span> + in calendar, necessarily fixed, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>; +</li><li> + women's: <i>see</i> Women +</li></ul></li><li> +Festus, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a> +</li><li> +Fetiales, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>, <a href="#Page_488">488</a> +</li><li> +Fides, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>; +<ul><li> + connection with Jupiter, <a href="#Page_167">167</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Fig-tree: sprouting of, on roof of temple, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>; +<ul><li> + <i>piacula</i> offered to various deities, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>, <a href="#Page_490">490</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Flamen Cerealis, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a> +<ul><li> + Dialis, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>; +<ul><li> + insignia, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>; +</li><li> + taboos on, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>-35, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a> +</li></ul> +</li><li> + Martialis, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a> +</li><li> + Quirinalis, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a> +</li><li> + Volcanalis, <a href="#Page_484">484</a> +</li></ul> +</li><li> +Flamines, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>; +<ul><li> + insignia, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>; +</li><li> + personal purity essential, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Flaminica Dialis, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>; +<ul><li> + insignia, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>; +</li><li> + taboos on, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>-36 +</li></ul></li><li> +Flaminius, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a> +</li><li> +Flora, <a href="#Page_122">122</a> +</li><li> +Fons, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a> +</li><li> +Forculus, the door spirit, <a href="#Page_76">76</a> +</li><li> +Fordicidia, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a> +</li><li> +Fornacalia, <a href="#Page_173">173</a> +</li><li> +Fortuna (Fors Fortuna), <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a> +</li><li> +Forum Boarium, human sacrifices, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a> +</li><li> +Fratres Arvales: Acta Fratrum Arvalium, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>; +<ul><li> + altar, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>; +</li><li> + carmen, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>; +</li><li> + ritual of, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>; +</li><li> + revived by Augustus, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>; +</li><li> + duties of the Brethren, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>; +</li><li> + worship of sacred utensils, <a href="#Page_489">489</a>-490 +</li><li> + Attiedii, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Frazer, Dr. J. G., his definition of religion, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>; +<ul><li> + his theory of divine kingship, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>; +</li><li> + on totemism, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>; +</li><li> + on taboo, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>; +</li><li> + on <i>oscilla</i>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>; +</li><li> + on the Parilia, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>; +</li><li> + on marriage of gods, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>-485; +</li><li> + on cult of Jupiter, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>; +</li><li> + on appointment of <i>camillae</i>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>; +</li><li> + on Diana, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>; +</li><li> + on superstition, <a href="#Page_264">264</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Fulgur, cult-title of Jupiter, <a href="#Page_129">129</a> +</li><li> +Furrina, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a> +</li><li> + +</li><li> +Gallus, Aelius, on <i>religiosum</i>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a> +</li><li> +Games instituted to divert attention in times of trouble, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>-263; +<ul><li> + Apolline, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>; +</li><li> + <i>see also</i> Ludi +</li></ul></li><li> +Gardner, Professor E., cited, <a href="#Page_355">355</a> +</li><li> +Gardner, Professor P., on Christianity, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>; +<ul><li> + on prayers for the dead, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>; +</li><li> + cited, <a href="#Page_465">465</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Gellius, Aulus, on the conjunction of divine names, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>-152; +<ul><li> + story of Scipio, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>; +</li><li> + on religiousness of the Romans, <a href="#Page_250">250</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Genius: the male principle of life, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>; +<ul><li> + of the paterfamilias, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>; +</li><li> + doubtful identification of Hercules with, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>; +</li><li> + in combination with Hercules and Juventas, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>; +</li><li> + Juno the feminine counterpart of, <a href="#Page_87">87</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Gennep, M. van, on taboo, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>; +<ul><li> + on religious ceremonies, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>; +</li><li> + on lustrations, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>Gentes</i>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a> +</li><li> +<i>Georgics</i>, the religious spirit of the, <a href="#Page_407">407</a> +</li><li> +Ghosts, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a> +</li><li> +Gilds, trade, <a href="#Page_230">230</a> +</li><li> +Glover, Mr., on Christianity, <a href="#Page_456">456</a> +</li><li> +God, as represented in the <i>Aeneid</i>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a> +</li><li> +Gods: <i>see</i> Deities +</li><li> +Gratitude, not a prominent characteristic of the Roman, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a> +</li><li> +Greek comedy, influence on Roman religion, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>-353 +<ul><li> + gods, compared with Roman, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>; +</li><li> + introduced into Rome, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>-242 +</li><li> + literature, <a href="#Page_296">296</a> +</li><li> + philosophy, influence on Roman religion, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>-375 +</li></ul></li><li> +Greenidge, Dr., on the <i>auspicia</i> and the <i>imperium</i>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a> +</li><li> +Gregory the Great, <a href="#Page_475">475</a> +</li><li> +Gwatkin, Professor, on Augustine, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>; +<ul><li> + on the relation of early Christianity to morality, <a href="#Page_471">471</a> +</li></ul></li><li> + +</li><li> +Haddon, Professor, on supernaturalism, <a href="#Page_21">21</a> +</li><li> +Hades, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>, <a href="#Page_391">391</a> +</li><li> +Hannibalic War: revival of <i>religio</i>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>; +<ul><li> + Sibylline books consulted, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>-319, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>; +</li><li> + sacrifices and offerings made to deities, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>; +</li><li> + religious panic after battle of Cannae, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>; +</li><li> + human sacrifices, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>; +</li><li> + Delphic oracle consulted, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>; +</li><li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_496" id="Page_496">496</a></span> + outbreak of <i>lascivia</i>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>; +</li><li> + institution of Apolline games, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>; +</li><li> + religious history of last years, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>-329; +</li><li> + gratitude to deities, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>; +</li><li> + the Magna Mater of Pessinus brought to Rome, <a href="#Page_330">330</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Hardie, Professor, and the double altar in connection with funeral rites, <a href="#Page_425">425</a> +</li><li> +Hariolus, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a> +</li><li> +Harrison, Miss, on covering the head at sacrifices, <a href="#Page_195">195</a> +</li><li> +Haruspices, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>; +<ul><li> + history of the, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>-309 +</li></ul></li><li> +Hebe, <a href="#Page_332">332</a> +</li><li> +Heinze, on the <i>Aeneid</i>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>-415, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>, <a href="#Page_427">427</a> +</li><li> +Heitland, Mr., on Bacchanalia, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a> +</li><li> +Heracleitus, <a href="#Page_257">257</a> +</li><li> +Hercules: associated with Diana, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>; +<ul><li> + with Juno, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>; +</li><li> + in combination with Juventas and Genius, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>; +</li><li> + doubtful identification with Genius, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>; +</li><li> + identified with the Greek Heracles, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>; +</li><li> + Victor or Invictus, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>; +</li><li> + cult of, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>; +</li><li> + festival, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>; +</li><li> + worship confined to men, <a href="#Page_29">29</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Hermes, <a href="#Page_260">260</a> +</li><li> +Hirtzel, Mr., cited, <a href="#Page_426">426</a> +</li><li> +Homer, religion of, compared with that of Roman patricians, <a href="#Page_392">392</a> +</li><li> +Honey cakes, <a href="#Page_82">82</a> +</li><li> +Honos et Virtus, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>; +<ul><li> + temple, <a href="#Page_328">328</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Horace, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>; +<ul><li> + <i>Carmen saeculare</i>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>-432, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>-447, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Hora Quirini, <a href="#Page_482">482</a>-483 +</li><li> +Horses: lustrations, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>; +<ul><li> + races, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>; +</li><li> + sacrifice of, <i>see</i> Sacrifices +</li></ul></li><li> +Howerth, Ira W., his definition of religion, <a href="#Page_8">8</a> +</li><li> +Hubert et Mauss, on magic, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>; +<ul><li> + on sacrifice, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Human sacrifice, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a> +</li><li> +Hut-urns, sepulchral, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a> +</li><li> +Huts or booths, use of, in religious ritual, <a href="#Page_473">473</a>-477 +</li><li> +Huvelin, M., on magic, <a href="#Page_64">64</a> +</li><li> + +</li><li> +Ides, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>; +<ul><li> + sacred to Jupiter, <a href="#Page_129">129</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Iguvium: ritual, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>; +<ul><li> + lustration of the <i>arx</i>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>; +</li><li> + of the people, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>-216 +</li></ul></li><li> +Images and statues of gods, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>; +<ul><li> + statue of Athene, <a href="#Page_355">355</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Immortality, belief in, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>-387, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a> +</li><li> +Imporcitor, <a href="#Page_161">161</a> +</li><li> +<i>Inauguratio</i> of the priest-king Numa, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>-175, <a href="#Page_193">193</a> +</li><li> +Incense, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_458">458</a> +</li><li> +Indigetes, di, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a> +</li><li> +Indigitamenta, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>-161, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a> +</li><li> +Individualism, growth of, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a> +</li><li> +Innocent, Bishop of Rome, <a href="#Page_309">309</a> +</li><li> +Iron, tabooed in religious ceremonies, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a> +</li><li> +Isis: religion, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>; +<ul><li> + temple, <a href="#Page_433">433</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>Ius</i>, early usage of, <a href="#Page_486">486</a>-487 +<ul><li> + <i>augurale</i>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a> +</li><li> + <i>civile</i>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>; +</li><li> + and the <i>ius divinum</i>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>-279 +</li><li> + <i>divinum</i>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>-273, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>; +</li><li> + and the <i>ius civile</i>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>-279; +</li><li> + ritual, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>-191, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>; +</li><li> + the pontifical books the pharmacopoeia of, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>; +</li><li> + decay and neglect, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>; +</li><li> + reaction against, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>-344, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>; +</li><li> + Augustan revival, <a href="#Page_429">429</a> +</li><li> + <i>hospitii</i>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a> +</li><li> + <i>Manium</i>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a> +</li></ul></li><li> + +</li><li> +Janus: the door spirit, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>; +<ul><li> + bifrons of the Forum, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>; +</li><li> + speculations regarding, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>; +</li><li> + cult-titles, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>; +</li><li> + worship, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>; +</li><li> + connection with Cardea, <a href="#Page_485">485</a>; +</li><li> + with Diana, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>; +</li><li> + with Juno, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>; +</li><li> + with Vesta, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>; +</li><li> + temple, <a href="#Page_126">126</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Jebb, Professor, on poetry of the Greeks, <a href="#Page_424">424</a> +</li><li> +Jevons, Dr., <a href="#Page_19">19</a>; +<ul><li> + on totemism, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>; +</li><li> + on taboo, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>; +</li><li> + on magic, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>; +</li><li> + on priests, <a href="#Page_176">176</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Jews, proselytising, expelled from Rome, 139 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a> +</li><li> +Jhering, von, on origin of Roman divination, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a> +</li><li> +Jordan, H., <a href="#Page_13">13</a>; +<ul><li> + on pairing of deities, <a href="#Page_152">152</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Junius, <a href="#Page_315">315</a> +</li><li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_497" id="Page_497">497</a></span> +Juno, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>; +<ul><li> + Caprotina, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>; +</li><li> + Curitis, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>; +</li><li> + Moneta, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>; +</li><li> + Populonia, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>; +</li><li> + Regina, (of Ardea) <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, +</li><li> + (of the Aventine) <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, +</li><li> + (of Veii) <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>; +</li><li> + Sospita, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>; +</li><li> + connection with Hercules, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>; +</li><li> + with Janus, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>; +</li><li> + with Jupiter, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>; +</li><li> + one of the Etruscan trias, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>; +</li><li> + representative of female principle, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>; +</li><li> + temples, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Junonius, cult-title of Janus, <a href="#Page_126">126</a> +</li><li> +Jupiter, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>; +<ul><li> + difference between Jupiter and Zeus, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>; +</li><li> + connection with Diana, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>; +</li><li> + with Dius Fidius, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>; +</li><li> + with Juno, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>; +</li><li> + with Juturna, <a href="#Page_485">485</a>; +</li><li> + with Tellus, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>; +</li><li> + with Terminus, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>; +</li><li> + Capitolinus, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>; +</li><li> + Dapalis, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>; +</li><li> + Elicius, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>-52, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>; +</li><li> + Fagutalis, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>; +</li><li> + Farreus, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>; +</li><li> + Feretrius, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>; +</li><li> + Fulgur, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>; +</li><li> + Grabovius, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>; +</li><li> + Latiaris, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>; +</li><li> + Lucetius, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>; +</li><li> + Sabazius, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>; +</li><li> + Summanus, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>; +</li><li> + one of the Etruscan trias, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>; +</li><li> + cult at Praeneste, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>; +</li><li> + cult-titles Optimus Maximus, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>; +</li><li> + Ides sacred to, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>; +</li><li> + worshipped on Alban Mount, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>; +</li><li> + epulum Iovis, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>; +</li><li> + temples, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>-238, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Juturna, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>; +<ul><li> + connection with Jupiter, <a href="#Page_485">485</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Juventas, in combination with Genius and Hercules, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a> +</li><li> + +</li><li> +Kalends, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a> +</li><li> +Kobbert, Maximilianus, on <i>religio</i>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a> +</li><li> +Kronos, identified with Saturnus, <a href="#Page_118">118</a> +</li><li> + +</li><li> +Lactantius, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>, <a href="#Page_469">469</a> +</li><li> +Lang, Mr., <a href="#Page_19">19</a>; +<ul><li> + cited in connection with the calendar of Numa, <a href="#Page_105">105</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>Lapis</i>: <i>see</i> Stones +</li><li> +Laralia: <i>see</i> Compitalia +</li><li> +Larentia, Acca, <a href="#Page_67">67</a> +</li><li> +Lar familiaris, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a> +</li><li> +Lares compitales, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a> +</li><li> +Latin Festival: <i>see</i> Feriae Latinae +</li><li> +Latins, the, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a> +</li><li> +Latona, associated with Apollo, <a href="#Page_262">262</a> +</li><li> +Laughing, in ritual of Lupercalia, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a> +</li><li> +Laurel branches carried in procession, <a href="#Page_265">265</a> +</li><li> +Lawson, J. C., on burial and cremation, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a> +</li><li> +Leather, tabooed in the worship of Carmenta, <a href="#Page_36">36</a> +</li><li> +Lecky, Mr., on Stoicism, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a> +</li><li> +Lectisternium, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>-266, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>-319, <a href="#Page_327">327</a> +</li><li> +<i>Leges regiae</i>, connection with the <i>ius divinum</i>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a> +</li><li> +Leland, C. G., <a href="#Page_67">67</a> +</li><li> +Lemuria, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>; +<ul><li> + compared with the Parentalia, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>-395 +</li></ul></li><li> +Lepidus, pontifex maximus, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a> +</li><li> +Liber, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>; +<ul><li> + identified with Dionysus, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>; +</li><li> + temple, <a href="#Page_255">255</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Libera, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>; +<ul><li> + identified with Persephone, <a href="#Page_255">255</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Liberalia, <a href="#Page_332">332</a> +</li><li> +Libitina, <a href="#Page_159">159</a> +</li><li> +Licinius Imbrex, <a href="#Page_151">151</a> +</li><li> +Licinius, P., pontifex maximus, <a href="#Page_342">342</a> +</li><li> +Lightning, divination by, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a> +</li><li> +Limentinus, spirit of the threshold, <a href="#Page_76">76</a> +</li><li> +Livius Andronicus, <a href="#Page_328">328</a> +</li><li> +Livy, cited, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>; +<ul><li> + on Bacchanalia, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>-348 +</li></ul></li><li> +Lua, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>, <a href="#Page_482">482</a> +</li><li> +Lucaria, <a href="#Page_98">98</a> +</li><li> +Lucetius, cult-title of Jupiter, <a href="#Page_129">129</a> +</li><li> +Lucilius, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a> +</li><li> +Lucretius, cited, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>-406, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>; +<ul><li> + his contempt for <i>superstitio</i>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>7; +</li><li> + on Roman belief in Hades, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>; +</li><li> + his use of <i>religio</i>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>Lucus</i>, meaning of, <a href="#Page_146">146</a> +</li><li> +<i>Ludi</i>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>: <i>see also</i> Games +<ul><li> + <i>magni</i>, vowed to Jupiter during Hannibalic war, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a> +</li><li> + <i>saeculares</i>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>; +</li><li> + prayers used in, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_468">468</a>; +</li><li> + ritual described, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>-447; +</li><li> + discovery of inscriptions, <a href="#Page_439">439</a> +</li><li> + <i>scenici</i>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Lupercalia, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>; +<ul><li> + whipping to <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_498" id="Page_498">498</a></span>produce fertility, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>; +</li><li> + Prof. Deubner's theory, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>-480 +</li></ul></li><li> +Luperci, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a> +</li><li> +Lupercus, <a href="#Page_478">478</a> +</li><li> +Lustrations: meaning of <i>lustrare</i>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>-210; +<ul><li> + lustration of the <i>ager paganus</i>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>; +</li><li> + of the <i>ager Romanus</i>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>; +</li><li> + of <i>ancilia</i>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>; +</li><li> + of the army, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>; +</li><li> + of the <i>arx</i> of Iguvium, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>; +</li><li> + of cattle and sheep, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>; +</li><li> + of the city, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>; +</li><li> + of the farm, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>; +</li><li> + of horses, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>; +</li><li> + of people, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>; +</li><li> + of trumpets, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>; +</li><li> + animistic conception of, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>; +</li><li> + ultimately adapted by Roman Church to its own ritual, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Luthard, on Roman religion, <a href="#Page_288">288</a> +</li><li> + +</li><li> +Macrobius, cited, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a> +</li><li> +<i>Macte esto</i>, meaning of the phrase, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a> +</li><li> +Magic: allied to taboo, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>; +<ul><li> + contagious and homoeopathic, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>; +</li><li> + and divination, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>; +</li><li> + harmless, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>; +</li><li> + prayers and incantations, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>; +</li><li> + private, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>; +</li><li> + in purificatory processes, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>; +</li><li> + and religion, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>-49, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>; +</li><li> + rigorously excluded from State ritual, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>; +</li><li> + sympathetic, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Magna Mater of Pessinus, brought to Rome, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a> +</li><li> +Maia, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>; +<ul><li> + connection with Volcanus, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Maiestas, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a> +</li><li> +<i>Mana</i>, the positive aspect of taboo, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a> +</li><li> +Manes, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>; +<ul><li> + individualisation of, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>; +</li><li> + Di Manes, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Mania, mother of the Lares, <a href="#Page_61">61</a> +</li><li> +Manilius, his poem on astrology, <a href="#Page_396">396</a> +</li><li> +Mannhardt, his theory of the Vegetation-spirit, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>-20, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>; +<ul><li> + on laughing in ritual of the Lupercalia, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>-112 +</li></ul></li><li> +Marcellus, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a> +</li><li> +Marcius, Latin oracles supposed to be written by, <a href="#Page_326">326</a> +</li><li> +Marcius Rex, praetor, <a href="#Page_339">339</a> +</li><li> +Marcus Aurelius, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a> +</li><li> +Marett, Mr., on taboo, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>; +<ul><li> + on <i>sacrificium</i>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>; +</li><li> + on divination, <a href="#Page_310">310</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Marquardt, on Roman religion, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>; +<ul><li> + on naming of children, <a href="#Page_42">42</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Marriage: a religious ceremony, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>; +<ul><li> + Tellus an object of worship at, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>; +</li><li> + among deities, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>-152, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>-485 +</li></ul></li><li> +Mars, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>; +<ul><li> + various forms of his name, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>; +</li><li> + as a married god, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>-152, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>; +</li><li> + invocations to, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>; +</li><li> + connection with Bellona, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>; +</li><li> + with Nerio, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>-151, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>; +</li><li> + with Quirinus, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>; +</li><li> + pater, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>; +</li><li> + Silvanus, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>; +</li><li> + cult of, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>-134; +</li><li> + festival, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>-97; +</li><li> + temple, <a href="#Page_133">133</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Martianus Capella, <a href="#Page_308">308</a> +</li><li> +Masson, Dr., <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>; +<ul><li> + on Roman fear of future torments, <a href="#Page_391">391</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Mastarna, Etruscan name of Servius Tullus, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a> +</li><li> +Masurius Sabinus, <a href="#Page_90">90</a> +</li><li> +Matutinus, cult-title of Janus, <a href="#Page_126">126</a> +</li><li> +Meals, sacrificial, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>; +<ul><li> + epulum Iovis: <i>see under</i> Jupiter +</li></ul></li><li> +Megalesia, <a href="#Page_330">330</a> +</li><li> +Mens, <a href="#Page_285">285</a> +</li><li> +Mercurius (Hermes), <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a> +</li><li> +Messor, <a href="#Page_161">161</a> +</li><li> +Mildew, spirit of the: <i>see</i> Robigus +</li><li> +Minerva, one of the Etruscan trias, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>; +<ul><li> + name Italian, not Etruscan, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>; +</li><li> + associated with trade gilds, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>; +</li><li> + Capta, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>; +</li><li> + temples, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Minium, faces painted with, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a> +</li><li> +Minucius Felix, <a href="#Page_461">461</a> +</li><li> +Mithras, religion of, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_464">464</a> +</li><li> +Moirae (Parcae), <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a> +</li><li> +<i>Mola salsa</i>: <i>see</i> Salt-cake +</li><li> +Moles, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a> +</li><li> +Mommsen, cited, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>; +<ul><li> + and the religion of the Romans, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>; +</li><li> + on the <i>Fasti anni Romani</i>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>; +</li><li> + on <i>Carmen saeculare</i>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Mucius Scaevola: <i>see</i> Scaevola +</li><li> +<i>Murus</i>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a> +</li><li> +Mysticism, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>-398, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>; +<ul><li> + in the form of astrology, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>; +</li><li> + not native to the Roman, <a href="#Page_454">454</a> +</li></ul></li><li> + +</li><li> +Neo-Pythagoreanism: <i>see</i> Mysticism +</li><li> +Neptunalia, <a href="#Page_474">474</a> +</li><li> +Neptunus, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>; +<ul><li> + identified with Poseidon, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>; +</li><li> + connection with Salacia, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_483">483</a>; +</li><li> + with Mercurius, <a href="#Page_262">262</a> +</li></ul></li><li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_499" id="Page_499">499</a></span> +Nerio: connection with Mars, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>-151, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>; +<ul><li> + meaning of Nerio Martis, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Nettleship, Professor, on the phrase <i>macte esto</i>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>; +<ul><li> + on the character of Aeneas, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>; +</li><li> + on <i>sanctus</i>, <a href="#Page_470">470</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Nigidius Figulus, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a> +</li><li> +Nones, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>; +<ul><li> + Nonae Caprotinae, <a href="#Page_143">143</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Numa Pompilius, priest-king: Livy's account of his <i>inauguratio</i>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>-175; +<ul><li> + legends, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>; +</li><li> + Calendar described, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>-109; +</li><li> + spurious books found in stone coffin, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Numbers, mystic, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a> +</li><li> +<i>Numen</i>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>; +<ul><li> + meaning of the word, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>; +</li><li> + von Domaszewski's definition of, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>; +</li><li> + evolution of <i>dei</i> out of functional <i>numina</i>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>; +</li><li> + <i>see also</i> Spirits <i>and</i> Deities +</li></ul></li><li> + +</li><li> +Oak-gods, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a> +</li><li> +Oaths: connection of Castor and Pollux with, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>; +<ul><li> + of Hercules, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>; +</li><li> + of Jupiter, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>; +</li><li> + taken in open air, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>-142; +</li><li> + the religious, in public life, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>; +</li><li> + used by women, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>; +</li><li> + taboo on, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Oberator, <a href="#Page_161">161</a> +</li><li> +October horse, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>; +<ul><li> + sacrifice of, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Odd numbers, luck in, <a href="#Page_98">98</a> +</li><li> +<i>Ollae</i>, worship of, <a href="#Page_489">489</a>-490 +</li><li> +Opalia, <a href="#Page_101">101</a> +</li><li> +Opiconsiva, <a href="#Page_101">101</a> +</li><li> +Ops, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>; +<ul><li> + connection with Consus, <a href="#Page_482">482</a>; +</li><li> + with Saturnus, <a href="#Page_482">482</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Oracles, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>; +<ul><li> + <i>see also</i> Delphic oracle +</li></ul></li><li> +Orcus, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>; +<ul><li> + the old name for the abode of the Manes, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>; +</li><li> + sacrifice of captives to, <a href="#Page_44">44</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Orosius, <a href="#Page_333">333</a> +</li><li> +Orphic doctrine, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>; +<ul><li> + tablets, <a href="#Page_398">398</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Oscilla, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>; +<ul><li> + Dr. Frazer's theory, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>; +</li><li> + <i>see also</i> Puppets +</li></ul></li><li> +Otto, W., on connection of <i>religio</i> with practice of taboo, <a href="#Page_46">46</a> +</li><li> +Ovid, on Roman gods, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>; +<ul><li> + his picture of the Sementivae, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>; +</li><li> + rite of pagus, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>; +</li><li> + on the Lemuria, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>; +</li><li> + on Janus, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>; +</li><li> + on images of gods, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>; +</li><li> + on the Robigalia, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>; +</li><li> + on meals at sacrifices, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>; +</li><li> + on the word <i>februum</i>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>; +</li><li> + on annual ceremony by consuls, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>; +</li><li> + on the festival of Anna Perenna, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_473">473</a> +</li></ul></li><li> + +</li><li> +Paganalia, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a> +</li><li> +Pagus: the <i>familia</i> in relation to, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>; +<ul><li> + meaning of the word, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>; +</li><li> + festival of the Lar, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>; +</li><li> + other festivals, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>; +</li><li> + the <i>religio terminorum</i>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>-82; +</li><li> + lustrations of the, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Pais, on Acca Larentia, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>; +<ul><li> + on the Tarquinii and Mastarna, <a href="#Page_245">245</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Palatine: <i>Carmen saeculare</i> sung on the, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>-447, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>; +<ul><li> + temple of Apollo, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>-445 +</li></ul></li><li> +Pales, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a> +</li><li> +Panaetius: and the Scipionic circle, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>-364, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>; +<ul><li> + his theology, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>; +</li><li> + and Platonic psychology, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Pantheism, Stoic, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>-368 +</li><li> +Papirius, the consul, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a> +</li><li> +Parentalia, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>; +<ul><li> + compared with the Lemuria, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>-395 +</li></ul></li><li> +Parilia, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_474">474</a> +</li><li> +Pater and Mater, as applied to deities, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>-157 +</li><li> +Patricians, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>; +<ul><li> + religious system a monopoly of, <a href="#Page_229">229</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Patulcius, cult-title of Janus, <a href="#Page_126">126</a> +</li><li> +Pax (deity), <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a> +</li><li> +<i>Pax deorum</i>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>; +<ul><li> + means towards maintenance of, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>; +</li><li> + violation of, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>; +</li><li> + reestablished by Augustus, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Pebble-rain, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a> +</li><li> +Penates, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a> +</li><li> +Persephone, <a href="#Page_255">255</a> +</li><li> +Peter, R., on Indigitamenta, <a href="#Page_160">160</a> +</li><li> +Petronius, on ceremony of the aquaelicium, <a href="#Page_64">64</a> +</li><li> +Philodemus, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a> +</li><li> +Picus, <a href="#Page_297">297</a> +</li><li> +<i>Pietas</i>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>-412, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>; +<ul><li> + meaning of, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>-463; +</li><li> + Virgil's word for religion, <a href="#Page_412">412</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Piso, L. Calpurnius, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>-53, <a href="#Page_484">484</a> +</li><li> +<i>Pius</i>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>; +<ul><li> + see <i>Pietas</i> +</li></ul></li><li> +Plague, Sibylline books consulted at outbreak of, <a href="#Page_261">261</a> +</li><li> +Plato, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a> +</li><li> +Plautus, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>-352 +</li><li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_500" id="Page_500">500</a></span> +Playwrights, their influence on Roman religion, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a> +</li><li> +Plebeians, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>; +<ul><li> + aediles, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>; +</li><li> + the Plebs as the original inhabitants of Latium, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>; +</li><li> + emotional tendency of, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>-264; +</li><li> + opening of priesthoods to, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>; +</li><li> + increase of importance under the Etruscan dynasty, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>; +</li><li> + first plebeian praetor, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>; +</li><li> + pontifex maximus: <i>see</i> Coruncanius, Titus +</li></ul></li><li> +Pliny, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>; +<ul><li> + on spells and charms, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>; +</li><li> + on human sacrifice, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>; +</li><li> + on death, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Polybius, cited, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>; +<ul><li> + on religion, <a href="#Page_336">336</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>Pomoerium</i>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a> +</li><li> +Pomona (or Pomunus), <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>; +<ul><li> + connection with Vertumnus, <a href="#Page_485">485</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Pompeianus, prefect of Rome, <a href="#Page_309">309</a> +</li><li> +Pomponius, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a> +</li><li> +Pons sublicius: no iron used in building, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>; +<ul><li> + Argei thrown from, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Pontifex Maximus, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>; +<ul><li> + <i>tabula</i> kept by, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>; +</li><li> + compelling power of, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Pontifices, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>; +<ul><li> + share in festivals, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>; +</li><li> + the question of their origin, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>; +</li><li> + insignia of, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>; +</li><li> + College of, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>; +</li><li> + open to plebeians, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>; +</li><li> + legal side of their work, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>-276; +</li><li> + the XII. Tables, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>-278, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>; +</li><li> + self-elected, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>; +</li><li> + abolition of legal monopoly, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>; +</li><li> + work of, in third century <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>; +</li><li> + admission of new deities, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>; +</li><li> + compilation of annals, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>; +</li><li> + collection of religious formulae, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>; +</li><li> + the Pontifical books, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>-286 +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>Porca praecidanea</i>, rite of the, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a> +</li><li> +Portunus, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a> +</li><li> +Poseidon, identified with Neptunus, <a href="#Page_118">118</a> +</li><li> +Posidonius, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>-384, <a href="#Page_398">398</a> +</li><li> +Prayers, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>; +<ul><li> + at the <i>inauguratio</i> of the priest-king Numa, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>; +</li><li> + at making of new clearing, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>; +</li><li> + at sacrifices, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>-191; +</li><li> + at flowering of the pear-trees, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>; +</li><li> + when wine is offered, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>; +</li><li> + for the ceremony of lustration, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>; +</li><li> + form and manner of Roman, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>; +</li><li> + magical survivals in, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>-189; +</li><li> + in ritual of <i>Ludi saeculares</i>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_468">468</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>Precatio</i>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a> +</li><li> +Priests: <i>see</i> Pontifices +</li><li> +Processions: of <i>lustratio</i>, adapted to the ritual of the Roman Church, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>; +<ul><li> + of the <i>triumphus</i>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>-240; +</li><li> + Roman fondness for, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>; +</li><li> + <i>see also</i> Lustrations +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>Procuratio</i>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>; +<ul><li> + <i>fulminis</i>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>Prodigia</i>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a> +</li><li> +Promitor, <a href="#Page_161">161</a> +</li><li> +Propertius, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a> +</li><li> +Proserpina, black victims sacrificed to, <a href="#Page_440">440</a> +</li><li> +Pudor, <a href="#Page_446">446</a> +</li><li> +<i>Pulvinaria</i>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a> +</li><li> +Punic War: <i>see</i> Hannibalic War +</li><li> +Puppets: Argei thrown into Tiber, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>; +<ul><li> + oscilla, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Purification: <i>see</i> Lustrations +</li><li> +<i>Puticuli</i>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a> +</li><li> +Pythagoras, legend of a religious connection between Numa and, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a> +</li><li> +Pythagoreanism, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>-381 +</li><li> +Pythagoreans, <a href="#Page_98">98</a> +</li><li> + +</li><li> +Quindecemviri, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a> +</li><li> +Quinquatrus, <a href="#Page_217">217</a> +</li><li> +Quirinal, <a href="#Page_134">134</a> +</li><li> +Quirinus, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>; +<ul><li> + identified with Mars, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>; +</li><li> + with Romulus, <a href="#Page_135">135</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Quirites, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a> +</li><li> + +</li><li> +Rain-making: <i>see</i> Aquaelicium +</li><li> +Ramsay, Sir W. M., <a href="#Page_465">465</a> +</li><li> +Red colouring in sacred rites and its connection with blood, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a> +</li><li> +Redarator, <a href="#Page_161">161</a> +</li><li> +Regia, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>; +<ul><li> + sacrarium Martis in, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Regifugium, <a href="#Page_99">99</a> +</li><li> +Reinach, M. Salomon, cited, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a> +</li><li> +<i>Religio</i>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>; +<ul><li> + meanings and uses of the word, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>, <a href="#Page_470">470</a>; +</li><li> + Cicero's definition of, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>; +</li><li> + and taboo, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>; +</li><li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_501" id="Page_501">501</a></span> + revival of, during Hannibalic war, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>-339 +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>Religio Larium</i>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a> +<ul><li> + <i>terminorum</i>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Religion, definitions of, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>-9; +<ul><li> + and magic, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>-49, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>; +</li><li> + and morality, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>, <a href="#Page_471">471</a>; +</li><li> + primitive, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>-28, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>; +</li><li> + real, a matter of feeling, <a href="#Page_406">406</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Roman: a highly formalised system, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>-104, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>-249, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>; +<ul><li> + compared with Roman law, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>; +</li><li> + a technical subject, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>; +</li><li> + its difficulties, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>; +</li><li> + aid from archaeology and anthropology, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>-20, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>; +</li><li> + primitive survivals in, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>; +</li><li> + examples of real magic in, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>-54; +</li><li> + a reality, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>-63, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>; +</li><li> + in the family, <i>see</i> Family; +</li><li> + of the State, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>-228, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>; +</li><li> + the Calendar of Numa the basis of our knowledge of, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>-109; +</li><li> + moral influence mainly disciplinary, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>; +</li><li> + Greek influence, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>-262, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>-353; +</li><li> + Roman ideas of divinity, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>-117, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>-123, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>-164; +</li><li> + ritual of the <i>ius divinum</i>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>-222; +</li><li> + personal purity essential in all worshippers, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>; +</li><li> + discouraged individual development, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>; +</li><li> + introduction of new deities, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>-242, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>-262; +</li><li> + priesthoods limited to patrician families, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>; +</li><li> + religious instinct of the Romans, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>; +</li><li> + neglect and decay, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>-265, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>; +</li><li> + growth of individualism, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>; +</li><li> + Sibylline influence, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>-262; +</li><li> + secularisation of, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>-291; +</li><li> + sinister influence of Etruscan divination, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>-309, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>; +</li><li> + <i>see</i> Divination; +</li><li> + used for political purposes, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>; +</li><li> + attempt to propagate Pythagoreanism, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>-350, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>; +</li><li> + destitution of Romans in regard to idea of God and sense of duty, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>-358; +</li><li> + no remedy in Epicurism, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>; +</li><li> + arrival of Stoicism: <i>see</i> Stoicism <i>and</i> Mysticism; +</li><li> + belief in future torments, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>; +</li><li> + religion compared with that of Homer, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>; +</li><li> + early Christianity, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>; +</li><li> + religious feeling in Virgil's poems, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>-427; +</li><li> + Augustan revival, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>-451; +</li><li> + contributions to the Latin form of Christianity, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>-472; +</li><li> + <i>see also</i> Prayer <i>and</i> Sacrifice +</li></ul></li><li> +Renan, cited, <a href="#Page_185">185</a> +</li><li> +Renel, M., cited, <a href="#Page_26">26</a> +</li><li> +Réville, M. Jean, on the formalism of the Roman religion, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>; +<ul><li> + his definition of religion, <a href="#Page_8">8</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Rex Nemoreusis, <a href="#Page_235">235</a> +<ul><li> + sacrorum, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>; +</li><li> + relation of the Rex to the augurs, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>-302 +</li></ul></li><li> +Ridgeway, Professor, on the Flamen Dialis, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>; +<ul><li> + on Janus, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>; +</li><li> + on original inhabitants of Latium, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Rivers, Dr., on the ritual aspect of religion among the Todas, <a href="#Page_489">489</a>-490 +</li><li> +Robertson Smith, Professor, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>; +<ul><li> + on the Feast of the Tabernacles, <a href="#Page_476">476</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Robigalia, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a> +</li><li> +Robigus, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>; +<ul><li> + Ovid's version of prayer to, <a href="#Page_197">197</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Roman Church, survival of old religious practices in the, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>-458, <a href="#Page_469">469</a> +</li><li> +Romulus, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a> +</li><li> +Roscher, Dr., <a href="#Page_141">141</a> +</li><li> + +</li><li> +<i>Sacellum</i>, meaning of, <a href="#Page_146">146</a> +</li><li> +<i>Sacer</i> and <i>sacramentum</i>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_464">464</a> +</li><li> +Sacred utensils, worship of, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>, <a href="#Page_489">489</a>-490 +</li><li> +Sacrifices, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>; +<ul><li> + description of the act, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>-181; +</li><li> + honorific, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>; +</li><li> + piacular, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>; +</li><li> + sacramental, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>; +</li><li> + vicarious, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>; +</li><li> + dynamic theory of, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>; +</li><li> + meals in connection with, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>; +</li><li> + mystic use of blood, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>; +</li><li> + victim must be acceptable to the deity, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>; +</li><li> + women and strangers excluded from rites, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>-31; +</li><li> + prayers at, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>-191; +</li><li> + sacrifice of cakes, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>; +</li><li> + cow, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>; +</li><li> + dog, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>; +</li><li> + goat, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>; +</li><li> + horse, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>; +</li><li> + lamb, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>; +</li><li> + ox, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>; +</li><li> + pig, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>; +</li><li> + red dog, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>; +</li><li> + salt-cake, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>; +</li><li> + sheep, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>; +</li><li> + sow, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>; +</li><li> + white heifer, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>; +</li><li> + wine, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>-184, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>; +</li><li> + <i>see also</i> Human sacrifice +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>Sacrificium</i>, meaning of, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_464">464</a> +</li><li> +<i>Sacrum</i>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a> +</li><li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_502" id="Page_502">502</a></span> +<i>Saeculum</i>, the old Italian idea of a, <a href="#Page_440">440</a> +</li><li> +St. Augustine, cited, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>; +<ul><li> + on Decius, <a href="#Page_220">220</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Sainte Beuve, on Virgil, <a href="#Page_404">404</a> +</li><li> +St. Paul, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>-468 +</li><li> +Salacia, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>; +<ul><li> + connection with Neptunus, <a href="#Page_483">483</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Salii, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>; +<ul><li> + ritual, <a href="#Page_97">97</a> +</li><li> + Collini, <a href="#Page_134">134</a> +</li><li> + Palatini, <a href="#Page_134">134</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Sallust, <a href="#Page_405">405</a> +</li><li> +Salt-cake, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a> +</li><li> +Salus, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a> +</li><li> +<i>Sanctus</i>, meaning of, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>-464, <a href="#Page_470">470</a> +</li><li> +Sarritor, <a href="#Page_161">161</a> +</li><li> +Saturnalia, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>-103, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a> +</li><li> +Saturnus, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>; +<ul><li> + identified with Kronos, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>; +</li><li> + connection with Consus, <a href="#Page_482">482</a>; +</li><li> + with Ops, <a href="#Page_482">482</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Sayce, Professor, <a href="#Page_155">155</a> +</li><li> +Scaevola, P. Mucius, <a href="#Page_283">283</a> +<ul><li> + Q. Mucius, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Scipio, the elder, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>; +<ul><li> + receives the Magna Mater at Rome, <a href="#Page_330">330</a> +</li><li> + Aemilianus, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>-204, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>; +</li><li> + his friendship with Polybius and Panaetius, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>-364, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Scott, Sir Walter, compared with Virgil, <a href="#Page_408">408</a> +</li><li> +Sellar, Professor, on Virgil, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a> +</li><li> +Sementivae, festival, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a> +</li><li> +<i>Senatusconsultum de Bacchanalibus</i>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a> +</li><li> +Seneca, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a> +</li><li> +Septimontium, <a href="#Page_110">110</a> +</li><li> +Servius, cited, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a> +<ul><li> + Sulpicius, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a> +</li><li> + Tullius, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>; +</li><li> + his Etruscan name Mastarna, <a href="#Page_237">237</a> +</li></ul></li><li> + +Sibyl of Cumae, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>-258 +</li><li> +Sibylline books, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>-257, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>; +<ul><li> + consulted during the Hannibalic war, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>-319, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>; +</li><li> + used for personal and political purposes, <a href="#Page_339">339</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Silvanus, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a> +</li><li> +Slaves, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="#Page_474">474</a>; +<ul><li> + Greek, buried alive in the <i>Forum boarium</i>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Sodales Titienses, <a href="#Page_434">434</a> +</li><li> +Sol, image of, on the Palatine, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a> +</li><li> +Sondergötter, Usener's theory of, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>-164, <a href="#Page_168">168</a> +</li><li> +Spells, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>-59, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>; +<ul><li> + origin of prayer in, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Spes, <a href="#Page_285">285</a> +</li><li> +Spirits, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>; +<ul><li> + agricultural, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>; +</li><li> + dead, <i>see</i> Ghosts; +</li><li> + of the doorway, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>-76, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>; +</li><li> + evil, <i>see </i> Evil spirits; +</li><li> + household, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>; +</li><li> + spring, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>; +</li><li> + water, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>; +</li><li> + woodland, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>; +</li><li> + development into <i>dei</i>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>-124, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>; +</li><li> + <i>see also</i> Deities <i>and</i> Numen +</li></ul></li><li> +Spolia opima, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>; +<ul><li> + dedicated at temple of Jupiter Feretrius, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Stanley, on religion and morality, <a href="#Page_292">292</a> +</li><li> +Statues and busts at Rome, first mention of, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>; +<ul><li> + <i>see also</i> Images +</li></ul></li><li> +Stoicism, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>-383; +<ul><li> + introduced into Rome, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>; +</li><li> + its influence on the Roman mind, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>-372, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>; +</li><li> + weak points in Roman, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>-374; +</li><li> + failed to rouse an "enthusiasm of humanity," <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Stones: lapis manalis, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>; +<ul><li> + silex, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>; +</li><li> + stone representing Magna Mater, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>; +</li><li> + <i>see also</i> Boundary stones +</li></ul></li><li> +Strangers, fear of, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>-32 +</li><li> +Stubbs, Bishop, <a href="#Page_103">103</a> +</li><li> +Subrincator, <a href="#Page_161">161</a> +</li><li> +Subterranean altar, black victims offered at, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a> +</li><li> +<i>Suffimenta</i>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a> +</li><li> +Sulpicius, consul <a href="#Page_211">211</a> <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a> +</li><li> +Summanus, cult-title of Jupiter, <a href="#Page_129">129</a> +</li><li> +<i>Suovetaurilia</i>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a> +</li><li> +<i>Superstitio</i>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>; +<ul><li> + temple of Isis condemned as a centre of, <a href="#Page_433">433</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>Supplicatio</i>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>; +<ul><li> + ordered during Hannibalic war, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a> +</li></ul></li><li> + +Tabernacles, Feast of the, <a href="#Page_475">475</a>, <a href="#Page_476">476</a> + +Taboo, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>; +<ul><li> + definition of, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>; +</li><li> + its ethical value, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>; +</li><li> + on children, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>; +</li><li> + on women, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>; +</li><li> + on strangers, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>-32; +</li><li> + on criminals, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>; +</li><li> + on inanimate objects, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>; +</li><li> + on places, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>; +</li><li> + on times and seasons, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>-41; +</li><li> + on iron, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>; +</li><li> + on leather, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>; +</li><li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_503" id="Page_503">503</a></span> + on the Flamen Dialis, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>-35, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>; +</li><li> + on the Flaminica Dialis, <a href="#Page_35">35</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Tacitus, <a href="#Page_398">398</a> +</li><li> +Tarentum, sacrifices on subterranean altar, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a> +</li><li> +Tarquinii, the, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a> +</li><li> +Tellus (Terra Mater), <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>; +<ul><li> + an object of worship at marriage, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>; +</li><li> + connection with Jupiter, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>; +</li><li> + temple, <a href="#Page_285">285</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Tempestates, <a href="#Page_285">285</a> +</li><li> +Temples: absence of, in earliest Rome, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>; +<ul><li> + restored by Augustus, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>; Aesculapius, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>; +</li><li> + Apollo, on the Palatine, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>-445; +</li><li> + Bona Dea on the Aventine, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>; +</li><li> + Castor, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>; +</li><li> + Ceres, Liber, and Libera, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>-257, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>; +</li><li> + Consus, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>; +</li><li> + Dea Dia, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>; +</li><li> + Diana, on the Aventine, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>; +</li><li> + Isis, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>; +</li><li> + Janus, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>; +</li><li> + Juno Moneta, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>-329; +</li><li> + Juno Sospita, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>; +</li><li> + Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>-238, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>; +</li><li> + Jupiter Feretrius, on the Capitol, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>-130, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>; +</li><li> + Jupiter Latiaris, on the Alban Hill, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>; +</li><li> + Mars, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>; +</li><li> + Minerva, on the Aventine, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>; +</li><li> + Pales, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>; +</li><li> + Tellus, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>; +</li><li> + Vertumnus, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>; +</li><li> + Vesta, <i>see</i> Vesta: aedes +</li></ul></li><li> +Terminalia, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a> +</li><li> +Terminus, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a> +</li><li> +Terra Mater, <i>see</i> Tellus +</li><li> +Tertullian, cited, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_465">465</a> +</li><li> +Theodosian code, <a href="#Page_430">430</a> +</li><li> +Tiberius, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a> +</li><li> +Tibicines, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a> +</li><li> +Tibullus, cited, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>; +<ul><li> + on use of huts at rural festivals, <a href="#Page_474">474</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Time, religious or mystical conception of, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>-441, <a href="#Page_449">449</a> +</li><li> +<i>Toga praetexta</i>, worn by priests and children, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>-177, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>-195, <a href="#Page_436">436</a> +<ul><li> + <i>virilis</i>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Tombstones, memorial, first mention of, <a href="#Page_341">341</a> +</li><li> +Totemism, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>-27 +</li><li> +Toutain, M., <a href="#Page_26">26</a> +</li><li> +Tozer, Mr., on Dante, <a href="#Page_419">419</a> +</li><li> +Trade: deities brought to Rome by, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>; +<ul><li> + connection of Hercules with, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>; +</li><li> + gilds, <a href="#Page_233">233</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Trasimene, outbreak of <i>religio</i> after the battle of, <a href="#Page_318">318</a> +</li><li> +Treaties, Jupiter's connection with, <a href="#Page_130">130</a> +</li><li> +<i>Tripodatio</i>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a> +</li><li> +Tubilustrium, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a> +</li><li> +Turiae, Laudatio, cited, <a href="#Page_389">389</a> +</li><li> +Turnus, <a href="#Page_483">483</a> +</li><li> +Tylor, Dr., <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a> +</li><li> + +</li><li> +Usener, H., <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>; +<ul><li> + his theory of the Sondergötter, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>-164, <a href="#Page_168">168</a> +</li></ul></li><li> + +</li><li> +Vacuna of Reate, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a> +</li><li> +Valerius Antias, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a> +<ul><li> + Flaccus, C., <a href="#Page_342">342</a>-343, <a href="#Page_355">355</a> +</li><li> + Maximus, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>-204, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Varro, cited, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a> +</li><li> +<i>Vates</i>, meaning of, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>-298 +</li><li> +Vedic ritual, <a href="#Page_185">185</a> +</li><li> +Vegetation-spirit, Mannhardt's theory, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_478">478</a> +</li><li> +Venilia, <a href="#Page_483">483</a> +</li><li> +Venus, connection with Volcanus, <a href="#Page_166">166</a> +</li><li> +<i>Ver sacrum</i>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>-205, <a href="#Page_318">318</a> +</li><li> +<i>Verbenarius</i>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a> +</li><li> +Verrius Flaccus, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a> +</li><li> +Vertumnus, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>; +<ul><li> + connection with Pomona, <a href="#Page_485">485</a>; +</li><li> + temple, <a href="#Page_285">285</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Vervactor, <a href="#Page_161">161</a> +</li><li> +Vesta, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>; +<ul><li> + aedes, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a>; +</li><li> + penus Vestae, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Vestal virgins, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>; +<ul><li> + at the ceremony of the Argei, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>; +</li><li> + salt-cake baked by, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>; +</li><li> + representative of daughters of the family, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>; +</li><li> + statues of, <a href="#Page_144">144</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +<i>Vicus</i>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a> +</li><li> +Vilicus, <a href="#Page_78">78</a> +</li><li> +Vinalia, <a href="#Page_100">100</a> +</li><li> +Virgil, on <i>religio</i>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>; +<ul><li> + on the Paganalia, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>; +</li><li> + on <i>lustratio</i>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>; +</li><li> + on the Manes, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>; +</li><li> + religious feeling in his poems, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>-427, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>; +</li><li> + compared with Wordsworth, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>-408; with Scott, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>; +</li><li> + his idea of <i>pietas</i>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>; +</li><li> + his connection with Augustus, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>; +</li><li> + see also <i>Aeneid</i> +</li></ul></li><li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_504" id="Page_504">504</a></span> +Virites, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a> +</li><li> +Virtus, <a href="#Page_446">446</a> +</li><li> +Volcanalia, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a> +</li><li> +Volcanus, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>; +<ul><li> + connection with Maia, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>; +</li><li> + with Venus, <a href="#Page_166">166</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Volturnus, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a> +</li><li> +Vortumnus, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a> +</li><li> +Vows, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>; +<ul><li> + private, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>-202; +</li><li> + public, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>-204; +</li><li> + extraordinary, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>-208; +</li><li> + see also <i>Devotio</i> and <i>Evocatio</i> +</li></ul></li><li> + +</li><li> +Waltzing, on Roman trades, <a href="#Page_233">233</a> +</li><li> +Westcott, Bishop, on Augustine, <a href="#Page_458">458</a> +</li><li> +Westermarck, Dr., cited, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>; +<ul><li> + on magic, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>; +</li><li> + on religion of primitive man, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>; +</li><li> + on Roman prayers, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>; +</li><li> + on religion and morality, <a href="#Page_227">227</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Williamowitz-Moellendorf, on Hercules, <a href="#Page_243">243</a> +</li><li> +Wine, used at sacrifices, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>-184; +<ul><li> + as a substitute for blood, <a href="#Page_196">196</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Winter, J. G., cited, <a href="#Page_243">243</a> +</li><li> +Wissowa, Georg, cited, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>-18, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>; +<ul><li> + on <i>dies religiosi</i>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>-40; +</li><li> + on the Argei, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>; +</li><li> + on the ritual of the Salii, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>; +</li><li> + his list of <i>di indigetes</i>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>; +</li><li> + on Faunus, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>; +</li><li> + on Janus, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>; +</li><li> + on Mars, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>; +</li><li> + on the Indigitamenta, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>-163, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>; +</li><li> + on cult of Jupiter, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>; +</li><li> + on prayer, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>; +</li><li> + on Hercules, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>; +</li><li> + on Hebe, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>; +</li><li> + on <i>Carmen saeculare,</i> <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Wolf's fat, used as a charm against evil spirits, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a> +</li><li> +Women, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>; +<ul><li> + taboo on, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>; +</li><li> + excluded from certain sacrificial rites, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>-30; +</li><li> + at the ceremony of the aquaelicium, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>; +</li><li> + rites to produce fertility, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>; +</li><li> + oaths used by, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>; +</li><li> + excitement among, during Hannibalic war, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>; +</li><li> + rebellion against the <i>ius divinum,</i> <a href="#Page_344">344</a>; +</li><li> + festivals, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>; +</li><li> + deities, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a> +</li></ul></li><li> +Wordsworth, compared with Virgil, <a href="#Page_407">407</a> +</li><li> + +</li><li> +Zeller, cited, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>; +<ul><li> + on human law and divine law, <a href="#Page_371">371</a> +</li></ul> +</li><li> +Zeus, <a href="#Page_367">367</a> +</li><li> +Zosimus, cited, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a> +</li></ul> + +<h5><span class="smcap">THE END</span></h5> + +<h6><i>Printed by</i> <span class="smcap">R. & R. 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Alike as a storehouse of critically-sifted facts +and as a tentative essay towards the synthetic arrangement of these facts, Mr. +Fowler's book seems to us to mark a very distinct advance upon anything that +has yet been done."</small></p> + + + +<h5><b>By W. WARDE FOWLER, M.A.</b></h5> + +<h6><i>Crown</i> 8<i>vo.</i> 5<i>s.</i></h6> + + +<h4><b>THE CITY-STATE</b></h4> + +<h6>OF THE</h6> + +<h4><b>GREEKS AND ROMANS</b></h4> + +<h5>A SURVEY INTRODUCTORY TO THE</h5> +<h5>STUDY OF ANCIENT HISTORY</h5> + +<p><small><i>TIMES.</i>—"The purpose is excellent, and Mr. Warde Fowler executes it in +a very skilful and scholarly fashion."<br /> + +<i>CLASSICAL REVIEW.</i>—"This little book is excellent both in design and +in execution, and it supplies a want which has been much felt by those engaged +in teaching ancient history.... A book which will have a most stimulating effect +on the teaching of ancient history, and which ought to become familiar to every +schoolboy and undergraduate."<br /> + +<i>WESTMINSTER GAZETTE.</i>—"It is impossible within any available +limits to give an adequate account of Mr. Fowler's treatment of his subject. We +can but commend his treatise to our readers; and this we can do without reserve."<br /> + +<i>OXFORD MAGAZINE.</i>—"One of those charming books which by their +excellence are able to commend themselves to entirely different persons.... +The man beginning work for 'Greats' will always be told that he must read this; +and if he do so, will be rewarded by having the relations of the different parts of +his reading marked out with masterly clearness; and the student who has been +over most of the ground himself in original authorities, will find with pleasure +fresh light thrown on many points by Mr. Fowler's grace of style and power of +illustration.... We cordially recommend it as at once charmingly written, and +accurate, useful and stimulating."</small></p> + + +<p class="two">TALES OF THE BIRDS. Illustrated. Uniform Edition. +Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. Prize Editions. Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d. +Extra gilt, gilt edges. 3s. 6d. School Edition. Globe 8vo. 1s. 6d.</p> + +<p class="two">MORE TALES OF THE BIRDS. Illustrated. Crown +8vo. 3s. 6d.</p> + +<p class="two">A YEAR WITH THE BIRDS. Illustrated. Crown +8vo. 3s. 6d. Prize Editions. Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d. +Extra gilt, gilt edges. 3s. 6d.</p> + +<p class="two">SUMMER STUDIES OF BIRDS AND BOOKS +Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.</p> + + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Religious Experience of the Roman +People, by W. 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