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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Historical Introduction to Studies Among the Sedentary Indians of New Mexico; Report on the Ruins of the Pueblo of Pecos + Papers Of The Archæological Institute Of America, American + Series, Vol. I + +Author: Adolphus Bandelier + +Release Date: October 27, 2007 [EBook #23224] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK INDIANS OF NEW MEXICO *** + + + + +Produced by Joe Longo and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This book was +produced from scanned images of public domain material +from the Google Print project.) + + + + + + +</pre> + + + +<div class="center" style="margin-top:3em"> +<table width="450" border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0"> + <col style="width:90%;" /> +<tbody valign="top"> + <tr> + <td align="center"> + +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 450px;"> +<img src="images/illus-paia.png" width="450" height="48" alt="Papers of the Archæological Institute of America." title="Papers of the Archæological Institute of America." /> +</div> + +<p class="titleblock" style="font-size:145%"><i>AMERICAN SERIES.</i></p> +<p class="titleblock" style="font-size:145%;margin-top:3em;margin-bottom:3em"><b>Volume I.</b></p> + </td> + </tr> +</tbody> +</table> +</div> + + +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 423px;"> +<a name="pXI" id="pXI" href="images/illus-platexi-large.png"> +<img src="images/illus-platexi.png" width="423" height="744" +alt="PLATE XI. MAPS OF COUNTRY NEAR SANTA FÉ." title="PLATE XI. MAPS OF COUNTRY NEAR SANTA FÉ." /> +</a> +<span class="caption">PLATE XI. MAPS OF COUNTRY NEAR SANTA FÉ.</span> +</div> + +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 450px;margin-top:3em;margin-bottom:.5em"> +<img src="images/illus-paia.png" width="450" height="48" alt="Papers of the Archæological Institute of America." title="Papers of the Archæological Institute of America." /> +</div> + +<div class="center"> +<table width="450" border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0"> + <col style="width:90%;" /> +<tbody valign="top"> + <tr> + <td align="center"> + +<p class="titleblock" style="font-size:125%"><i>AMERICAN SERIES.</i></p> +<p class="titleblock" style="font-size:125%"><b>I.</b></p> +<hr class='minor' /> + +<div style="text-align:left"> +<ol style="text-align:left"> +<li style="font-size:110%;margin-top:1em;margin-bottom:.5em"> +<a href="#I">HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION TO STUDIES +AMONG THE SEDENTARY INDIANS OF NEW MEXICO.</a> +</li> +<li style="font-size:110%;margin-top:1em;margin-bottom:.5em"> +<a href="#II">REPORT ON THE RUINS OF THE PUEBLO OF PECOS.</a> +</li> +</ol> +</div> +<p class="titleblock" style="font-size:90%;margin-top:3em;margin-bottom:.5em">BY</p> +<p class="titleblock" style="font-size:125%;margin-bottom:2.5em">A. F. BANDELIER.</p> +<br /> +<br /> +<p class="titleblock" style="font-size:110%">BOSTON:</p> +<p class="titleblock">PUBLISHED BY A. WILLIAMS AND CO.</p> +<p class="titleblock" style="font-size:90%">LONDON: N. TRÜBNER AND CO.</p> +<p class="titleblock">1881.</p> + + </td> + </tr> +</tbody> +</table> +</div> + +<p class="center" style="font-size:90%;margin-top:4em;margin-bottom:3em"> +<span class="smcap">University Press:<br /> +John Wilson and Son, Cambridge.</span></p> + + +<p class="center" style="font-size:120%;margin-top:4em;page-break-before: always"> +ARCHÆOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA.</p> + +<hr class='minor' /> + +<p class="center">Executive Committee, 1880-81.</p> + +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 108px;"> +<img src="images/illus-line.png" width="108" height="10" alt="decorative line" /> +</div> + +<p style="margin-left:20%;margin-right:20%"> +CHARLES ELIOT NORTON, <i>President</i>.<br /> + +MARTIN BRIMMER, <i>Vice-President</i>.<br /> + +FRANCIS PARKMAN.<br /> + +W. W. GOODWIN.<br /> + +H. W. HAYNES.<br /> + +ALEXANDER AGASSIZ.<br /> + +WILLIAM R. WARE.<br /> + +O. W. PEABODY, <i>Treasurer</i>.<br /> + +E. H. GREENLEAF, <i>Secretary</i>.<br /> +</p> + + +<hr class="chapter" /> + +<div class="center"> +<table width="450" border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0"> + <col style="width:90%;" /> +<tbody valign="top"> + <tr> + <td align="center"> + +<p class="center" style="font-size:115%">I.</p> +<p class="center" style="font-size:115%">HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION</p> +<p class="center" style="font-size:60%">TO</p> +<p class="center" style="font-size:115%">STUDIES AMONG THE SEDENTARY INDIANS</p> +<p class="center" style="font-size:60%">OF</p> +<p class="center" style="font-size:115%">NEW MEXICO.</p> +<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Part</span> I.</p> +<p class="center"><span class="smcap">By</span> AD. F. BANDELIER.</p> + </td> + </tr> +</tbody> +</table> +</div> + +<hr class="chapter" /> + +<h4 class="sect"><a name="ToI" id="ToI"></a><span class="smcap">List of Plates and Illustrations</span></h4> + +<div class="center"> +<table border="0" width="76%" cellpadding="1" cellspacing="0"> + <col style="width:10%;" /><col style="width:75%;" /><col style="width:15%;" /> +<tbody valign="top"> + <tr> + <td align="right" style="font-size: small;">Plate</td> + <td class="imgr"> </td> + <td class="pr" style="font-size: small;">Page</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="right">XI.</td> + <td class="imgr">MAPS OF COUNTRY NEAR SANTA FÉ.</td> + <td class="pr"><a href="#pXI">frontispiece</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="right">VI.</td> + <td class="imgr">VIEW OF CHURCH, FROM THE SOUTH.</td> + <td class="pr"><a href="#pVI">41</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="right">VII.</td> + <td class="imgr">WALLS OF CHURCH, LOOKING SOUTHWEST.</td> + <td class="pr"><a href="#pVII">43</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="right">I.</td> + <td class="imgr">GENERAL PLAN OF RUINS OF PECOS.</td> + <td class="pr"><a href="#pI">44</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="right">IX.</td> + <td class="imgr">VIEW OF GATEWAY OF CIRCUMVALLATION, FROM THE EAST.</td> + <td class="pr"><a href="#pIX">47</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="right">II.</td> + <td class="imgr">PLAN OF SECTIONS OF BUILDING B.</td> + <td class="pr"><a href="#pII">52</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="right">III.</td> + <td class="imgr">SECTIONS OF BUILDING B.</td> + <td class="pr"><a href="#pIII">58</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="right">IV.</td> + <td class="imgr">PLAN OF BUILDING A.</td> + <td class="pr"><a href="#pIV">66</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="right">X.</td> + <td class="imgr">VIEW OF PASSAGE G, BUILDING A, FROM THE NORTH.</td> + <td class="pr"><a href="#pX">71</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="right">V.</td> + <td class="imgr">SECTIONS OF BUILDING A.</td> + <td class="pr"><a href="#pV">78</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="right">VIII.</td> + <td class="imgr">INTERIOR OF BUILDING A, FROM THE SOUTH.</td> + <td class="pr"><a href="#pVIII">84</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="right" style="font-size: small;"> </td> + <td class="imgr"> </td> + <td class="pr" style="font-size: small;"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="right"> </td> + <td class="imgr">Stone Wall</td> + <td class="pr"><a href="#i44">44</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="right"> </td> + <td class="imgr">Clay Pit Area</td> + <td class="pr"><a href="#i97">97</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="right"> </td> + <td class="imgr">Grave</td> + <td class="pr"><a href="#i98">98</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="right"> </td> + <td class="imgr">Graves</td> + <td class="pr"><a href="#i103">103</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="right"> </td> + <td class="imgr">Spring</td> + <td class="pr"><a href="#i114">114</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td align="right" style="font-size: small;"> </td> + <td class="imgr"> </td> + <td class="pr" style="font-size: small;"> </td> + </tr> + </tbody> +</table> +<h4 class="sect"><span class="smcap">Appendix</span></h4> + +<table border="0" width="76%" cellpadding="1" cellspacing="0"> + <col style="width:10%;" /><col style="width:75%;" /><col style="width:15%;" /> +<tbody valign="top"> + <tr> + <td align="right"> </td> + <td class="imgr">Grant of 1689 to the Pueblo Of Pecos</td> + <td class="pr"><a href="#GRANT_OF_1689_TO_THE_PUEBLO_OF_PECOS">134</a></td> + </tr> + </tbody> +</table> +</div> + +<hr class="chapter" /> +<h2 style="font-size:125%;font-weight:normal"><a name="I" id="I"></a>I.</h2> + +<p class="center" style="font-size:125%">HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.</p> + +<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Part I.</span></p> + +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 108px;"> +<img src="images/illus-line.png" width="108" height="10" alt="decorative line" /> +</div> + +<p>The earliest knowledge of the existence of the sedentary +Indians in New Mexico and Arizona reached Europe +by way of Mexico proper; but it is very doubtful whether or +not the aborigines of Mexico had any <i>positive</i> information to +impart about countries lying north of the present State of +Querétaro. The tribes to the north were, in the language of +the valley-confederates, "Chichimecas,"—a word yet undefined, +but apparently synonymous, in the conceptions of the +"Nahuatl"-speaking natives, with fierce savagery, and ultimately +adopted by them as a warlike title.</p> + +<p>Indistinct notions, indeed, of an original residence, during +some very remote period of time, at the distant north, have +been found among nearly all the tribes of Mexico which speak +the Nahuatl language. These notions even assume the form +of tradition in the tale of the <i>Seven Caves</i>,<a name="FNanchor_1" id="FNanchor_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> whence the Mexicans +and the Tezcucans, as well as the Tlaxcaltecans, are said +to have emigrated to Mexico.<a name="FNanchor_2" id="FNanchor_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Perhaps the earliest mention +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">p. 4</a></span>of this tradition may be found in the writings of Fray Toribio +de Paredes, surnamed Motolinia. It dates back to 1540 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span><a name="FNanchor_3" id="FNanchor_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> +But it is not to be overlooked that ten years previously, in +1530, the story of the <i>Seven Cities</i>, which was the form in +which the first report concerning New Mexico and its sedentary +Indians came to the Spaniards, had already been told to +Nuño Beltran de Guzman in Sinaloa.<a name="FNanchor_4" id="FNanchor_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> The parallelism between +the two stories is striking, although we are not authorized +to infer that the so-called seven <i>cities</i> gave rise to what +appeared as an aboriginal myth of as many <i>caves</i>.<a name="FNanchor_5" id="FNanchor_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p> + +<p>The tale of the Seven Caves, as the original home of the +Mexicans and their kindred, prevailed to such an extent that, +as early as 1562, in a collection of picture-sheets executed in +aboriginal style, the so-called "Codex Vaticanus," "Chicomoztoc," +and the migrations thence, were graphically represented. +All the important Indian writers of Mexico between +1560 and 1600, such as Duráro, Camargo, Tezozomoc, and +Ixtlilxochitl, refer to it as an ancient legend, and they locate +the site of the story, furthermore, very distinctly in New Mex<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">p. 5</a></span>ico. +Even the "Popol-Vuh," in its earliest account of the +Quiché tribe of Guatemala, mentions "Tulan-Zuiva, the seven +caves or seven ravines."<a name="FNanchor_6" id="FNanchor_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p> + +<p>While it is impossible as yet to determine whether or not +this legend exercised any direct influence on the extension +of Spanish power into Northern Mexico, another myth, well +known to eastern continents from a remote period, became +directly instrumental in the discovery of New Mexico. This +is the tale of the <i>Amazons</i>.</p> + +<p>About 1524 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, Cortes was informed by one of his officers +(then on an expedition about Michhuacan) that towards +the north there existed a region called Ciguatan ("Cihuatlan"—place +of women), near to which was an island inhabited +by warlike females exclusively.<a name="FNanchor_7" id="FNanchor_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> The usual exaggerations +about metallic wealth were added to this report; and when, in +1529, Nuño de Guzman governed Mexico he set out northwards, +first to conquer the sedentary Indians of Michhuacan, +and then to search for the gold and jewels of the Amazons.<a name="FNanchor_8" id="FNanchor_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> +It was while on this foray that he heard of the Seven Cities in +connection with Ciguatan. This latter place was reached; +and, while the fancies concerning it were speedily dispelled +by reality, those concerning the Seven Cities flitted further +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">p. 6</a></span>north.<a name="FNanchor_9" id="FNanchor_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> Guzman overran, laid waste, and finally colonized +Sinaloa. He sent parties into Sonora; but, after his recall, +slow colonization superseded military forays on a large scale, +at least for a few years.</p> + +<p>During this time, Pamfilo de Narvaez had undertaken the +colonization of Florida.<a name="FNanchor_10" id="FNanchor_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> His scheme failed, and cost him +his life. Of the few survivors of his expedition, four only +remained in the American continent, wandering to and fro +among the tribes of the south-west. After nine years of untold +hardships, these four men finally reached Sonora, having +traversed the continent, from the Gulf of Mexico to the +coast of the Pacific. The name of the leader and subsequent +chronicler of their adventures was Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de +Vaca.<a name="FNanchor_11" id="FNanchor_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a></p> + +<p>It is not possible to follow and to trace, geographically, +the erratic course of Cabeza de Vaca with any degree of certainty. +His own tale, however authentic, is so confused<a name="FNanchor_12" id="FNanchor_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> that +it becomes utterly impossible to establish any details of location. +We only know that, in the year <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 1536, he and +his associates finally met with their own countrymen about +Culiacan.<a name="FNanchor_13" id="FNanchor_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">p. 7</a></span></p> + +<p>They reported that, when their shiftings had cast them far +to the west of the sinister coast of what was then called "Florida," +settlements of Indians were reached which presented a +high degree of culture.<a name="FNanchor_14" id="FNanchor_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> These settlements they described as +having a character of permanence, but we look in vain for any +accurate description of the buildings, or of the material of +which they were composed.<a name="FNanchor_15" id="FNanchor_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> For such a report of important +settlements in the north, the mind of the Spanish conquerors +in Mexico was, as we have already intimated, well prepared.</p> + +<p>During their stay among the nondescript tribes of South-western +North America, Cabeza de Vaca and his companions +had tried to scatter the seeds of Christianity,—at least, they +claimed to have done so. The monks of the order of St. +Francis then represented the "working church" in Mexico. +One of their number, Fray Marcos de Nizza, who had joined +Pedro de Alvarado upon his return from his adventurous tour +to Quito in Ecuador, and who was well versed in Indian lore,<a name="FNanchor_16" id="FNanchor_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> +at once entered upon a voyage of discovery, determining to +go much farther north than any previous expedition from the +colonies in Sinaloa. He took as his companion the negro +Estevanico, who had been with Cabeza de Vaca on his marvellous +journey.</p> + +<p>Leaving San Miguel de Culiacan on the 7th of March, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">p. 8</a></span>1539,<a name="FNanchor_17" id="FNanchor_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> + and traversing Petatlan, Father Marcos reached Vacapa.<a name="FNanchor_18" id="FNanchor_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> +If we compare his statements about this place with +those contained in the diary of Mateo Mange,<a name="FNanchor_19" id="FNanchor_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> who went +there with Father Kino in 1701, we are tempted to locate it +in Southern Arizona, somewhat west from Tucson, in the "Piméria +alta,"<a name="FNanchor_20" id="FNanchor_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> at a place now inhabited by the Pima Indians, +whose language is also called "Cora" and "Nevome."<a name="FNanchor_21" id="FNanchor_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> Vacapa +was then "a reasonable settlement" of Indians. Thence +he travelled in a northerly direction, probably parallel to the +coast at some distance from it. It is impossible to trace his +route with any degree of certainty: we cannot even determine +whether he crossed the Gila at all; since he does not mention +any considerable river in his report, and fails to give +even the direction in which he travelled, beyond stating at +the outset that he went northward. Still we may suppose, +from other testimony on the subject, that he went beyond +the Rio Gila,<a name="FNanchor_22" id="FNanchor_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> and finally he came in sight of a great Indian +pueblo, "more considerable than Mexico,"—the houses +of stone and several stories high. The negro Estevanico had +been killed at this pueblo previous to the arrival of Fray Mar<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">p. 9</a></span>cos, +so the latter only gazed at it from a safe distance, and +then hastily retired to Culiacan. While the date of his departure +is known, we are in the dark concerning the date of +his return, except that it occurred some time previous to the +2d of September, 1539.<a name="FNanchor_23" id="FNanchor_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p> + +<p>To this great pueblo, "more considerable than Mexico," +Fray Marcos was induced to give the name of Cibola.<a name="FNanchor_24" id="FNanchor_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> The +comparison with Mexico shows a lively imagination; still, we +must reflect that in 1539 Mexico was not a large town,<a name="FNanchor_25" id="FNanchor_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> and +the startling appearance of the many-storied pueblo-houses +should also be taken into account.<a name="FNanchor_26" id="FNanchor_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a></p> + +<p>With the report about Cibola came the news that the said +pueblo was only one of seven, and the "Seven Cities of Cibola" +became the next object of Spanish conquest.</p> + +<p>It is not our purpose here to describe the events of this +conquest, or rather series of conquests, beginning with the +expedition of Francisco Vasquez Coronado in 1540, and +ending in the final occupation of New Mexico by Juan de +Oñate in 1598. For the history of these enterprises, we refer +the reader to the attractive and trustworthy work of Mr. +W. W. H. Davis.<a name="FNanchor_27" id="FNanchor_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> But the numerous reports and other documents +concerning the conquest enable us to form an idea +of the ethnography and linguistical distribution of the In<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">p. 10</a></span>dians +of New Mexico in the sixteenth century. Upon this +knowledge alone can a study of the present ethnography +and ethnology of New Mexico rest on a solid historical foundation.</p> + +<p>There can be no doubt that Cibola is to be looked for in +New Mexico. From the vague indications of Fray Marcos, +we are at least authorized to place it within the limits of New +Mexico or Arizona, and the subsequent expedition of Coronado +furnishes more positive information.</p> + +<p>Coronado marched—"leaving north slightly to the left"<a name="FNanchor_28" id="FNanchor_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a>—from +Culiacan on. In other words, he marched east of +north. Hence it is to be inferred that Cibola lay nearly north +of Culiacan in Sinaloa. Juan Jaramillo has left the best itinerary +of this expedition. We can easily identify the following +localities: Rio Cinaloa, upper course, Rio Yaquimi, and upper +course of the Rio Sonora.<a name="FNanchor_29" id="FNanchor_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> Thence a mountain chain was +crossed called "Chichiltic-Calli,"<a name="FNanchor_30" id="FNanchor_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> or "Red-house" (a Mexican +name), and a large ruined structure of the Indians was +found there.</p> + +<p>Within the last forty years at least, this "Red house" has +been repeatedly identified with the so-called "Casas Grandes," +lying to the south of the Rio Gila in Arizona.<a name="FNanchor_31" id="FNanchor_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> It should not +be forgotten that from the upper course of the Rio Sonora +<i>two</i> groups of Indian pueblos in ruins were within reach of +the Spaniards. One of these were the ruins on the Gila, the +other lay to the right, across the Sierra Madre, in the pres<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">p. 11</a></span>ent +district of Bravos, State of Chihuahua, Mexico. Jaramillo +states that Coronado crossed the mountains to the <i>right</i>.<a name="FNanchor_32" id="FNanchor_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> Now, +whether the "Nexpa," whose stream the expedition descended +for two days, is the Rio Santa Cruz or the Rio San Pedro, their +course after they once crossed the Sierra could certainly not +have led them to the "great houses" on the Rio Gila, but +much farther east. The query is therefore permitted, whether +Coronado did not perhaps descend into Chihuahua, and thence +move up due north into South-western New Mexico. In any +case,—whether he crossed the Gila and then turned north-eastward, +as Jaramillo intimates,<a name="FNanchor_33" id="FNanchor_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> or whether he perhaps struck +the small "Rio de las Casas Grandes" in Chihuahua, and +then travelled due north to Cibola, according to Pedro de<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">p. 12</a></span> +Castañeda,<a name="FNanchor_34" id="FNanchor_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a>—the lines of march necessarily met the first sedentary +Indians living in houses of stone or adobe about the +region in which the pueblo of Zuñi exists. It is not to be +wondered at, therefore, if all the writers on New Mexico, from +Antonio de Espejo (1584) down to General J. H. Simpson +(1871), with very few exceptions, have identified Zuñi with +Cibola.</p> + + +<p>There are numerous other indications in favor of this assumption.</p> + +<p class="indentp">1. Thus Castañeda says: "Twenty leagues to the north-west, +there is another province which contains seven villages. +The inhabitants have the same costumes, the same customs, +and the same religion as those of Cibola."<a name="FNanchor_35" id="FNanchor_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> This district is the +one called "Tusayan" by the same author, who places it at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">p. 13</a></span> +twenty-five leagues also; and "Tucayan" by Jaramillo, "to +the left of Cibola, distant about five days' march."<a name="FNanchor_36" id="FNanchor_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> These +seven villages of "Tusayan" were visited by Pedro de Tobar. +West of them is a broad river, which the Spaniards called +"Rio del Tizon."<a name="FNanchor_37" id="FNanchor_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></p> + +<p class="indentp">2. Five days' journey from Cibola to the east, says Castañeda, +there was a village called "Acuco," erected on a rock. "This +village is very strong, because there was but one path leading +to it. It rose upon a precipitous rock on all sides, etc."<a name="FNanchor_38" id="FNanchor_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> +Jaramillo mentions, at one or two days' march from Cibola +to the east, "a village in a very strong situation on a precipitous +rock; it is called Tutahaco."<a name="FNanchor_39" id="FNanchor_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a></p> + +<p class="indentp">3. According to Jaramillo: "All the water-courses which +we met, whether they were streams or rivers, until that of +Cibola, and I even believe one or two journeyings beyond, +flow in the direction of the South Sea; further on they take +the direction of the Sea of the North."<a name="FNanchor_40" id="FNanchor_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a></p> + +<p class="indentp">4. The village called "Acuco," or "Tutahaco," lay between +Cibola and the streams running to the south-east, "entering +the Sea of the North."<a name="FNanchor_41" id="FNanchor_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a></p> + +<p>It results from points 3 and 4, that the region of Cibola +lay at all events <i>west of the present grants to the pueblo of +Acoma</i>. There are watercourses in their north-western corner, +and through the western half thereof, which become +tributaries to the Rio Grande del Norte. The only settled +region, or rather the region containing the remains of large +settlements, lying west of the water-shed between the Colorado +of the West and the Rio Grande, is much farther north.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">p. 14</a></span> +It is the so-called San Juan district, where extensive ruins are +still found, for the description of which we are indebted to +General Simpson, to Messrs. Jackson and Holmes, and to Mr. +Lewis H. Morgan. To reach this region, Coronado had to +pass either between Acoma and Zuñi, or between the Zuñi +and the Moqui towns. In either case he could not have +failed to notice one or the other of these pueblos; whereas +Nizza, as well as the reports of Coronado's march, particularly +insist upon the fact that Cibola lay on the borders of +a great uninhabited waste.</p> + +<p>Our choice is therefore limited between Zuñi and the +Moqui towns themselves; for there can be no doubt as to the +identity of the rock of Acuco or Tutahaco, east of Cibola, +with the pueblo of Acoma, whose remarkable situation, on +the top of a high, isolated rock, has made it the most conspicuous +object in New Mexico for nearly three centuries.<a name="FNanchor_42" id="FNanchor_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">p. 15</a></span></p> + +<p>But there can be as little doubt, also, in regard to the identity +of the Moqui district with the "Tusayan" of Castañeda +and of Jaramillo. When the Moqui region first was made +known under that name ("Mohoce," "Mohace") in 1583, +by Antonio de Espejo, it lay westward from Cibola "four +journeys of seven leagues each." One of its pueblos was +called "Aguato" ("Aguatobi").<a name="FNanchor_43" id="FNanchor_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> Fifteen years later (1598), +Juan de Oñate found the first pueblo of "Mohóce," twenty +leagues of the first one of "Juñi" ("Zuñi") to the westward.<a name="FNanchor_44" id="FNanchor_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> +Besides, the "Rio del Tizon" was, at an early day, +distinctly identified with the Colorado River of the West.<a name="FNanchor_45" id="FNanchor_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">p. 16</a></span></p> + +<p>Finally, we must notice here that the text of Hackluyt's +version of Espejo's report is in so far incorrect as it leads to +the inference that Espejo only admitted Cibola to be a +Spanish name for Zuñi, therefore making it doubtful whether +or not it was the original place ("y la llaman los Españoles +Cibola"). The original text of Espejo's report distinctly +says, however, "a province of six pueblos, called Zuñi, +and by another name, Cibola," thus positively identifying +the place.<a name="FNanchor_46" id="FNanchor_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a></p> + +<p>We cannot, therefore, refuse to adopt the views of General +Simpson and of Mr. W. W. H. Davis, and to look to the +pueblo of Zuñi as occupying, if not the actual site, at least +one of the sites within the tribal area of the "Seven cities of +Cibola." Nor can we refuse to identify Tusayan with the +Moqui district, and Acuco with Acoma.</p> + +<p>This investigation has so far enabled us to locate, at the +time of their first discovery, <i>three</i> of the principal pueblos or +groups of pueblos of New Mexico and Arizona. The pueblo +of Acoma appears to have occupied at that time the identical +striking position in which it is found to-day. The pueblo of +Zuñi, while it undoubtedly occupies the ground once claimed +by the cluster to which the name of Cibola was given, is but +the remaining one of six or seven villages then forming that +group, or a recent construction sheltering the remnants of +their former occupants. The Moqui towns appear to be the +same which the Spaniards found three hundred and forty +years ago, though additions from other tribes have, as we<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">p. 17</a></span> +shall subsequently establish, modified the character of their +dwellers.</p> + +<p>But the information to be derived from Coronado's march, +on the ethnography of New Mexico, is not confined to the +above. While at Cibola, Indians from a tribe or region called +"Cicuyé," which was said to be found far to the east, came to +see him. They brought with them buffalo-hides, prepared +and manufactured into shields and "helmets." Although +the Spaniards had heard of the buffalo before reaching Zuñi, +the animal itself had not been met with, and accordingly +Coronado sent Hernando de Alvarado to Cicuyé, and in quest +of the "buffalo country."<a name="FNanchor_47" id="FNanchor_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a></p> + +<p>Cicuyé is the "Cicuique" of Juan Jaramillo, and the "Acuique" +of an anonymous relation of the year 1541: it lay to +the east of Acoma, through which the Spaniards passed.<a name="FNanchor_48" id="FNanchor_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> +Between it and Acoma was the pueblo of "Tiguex," at a distance +of three days' march, while Cicuyé was five days from +Tiguex.<a name="FNanchor_49" id="FNanchor_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> General Simpson identifies the latter with a point +on the Rio Grande del Norte, "at the foot of the Socorro +Mountains," and then places Cicuyé at "Pecos."<a name="FNanchor_50" id="FNanchor_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> Between +Acoma and the Rio Grande there lies the Rio Puerco; and +on its banks other authorities, conspicuous among whom +is Mr. W. W. H. Davis, have located Tiguex, while Cicuyé, +according to them, was on the Rio Grande, somewhere +near the valley of Guadalupe.<a name="FNanchor_51" id="FNanchor_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> Both conclusions have their +strong points; but both of them have also their weak sides. +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">p. 18</a></span></p> + +<p>If it took five days of march from Zuñi to Acoma, three +days more, in a <ins class="correction" title="Transcriber's note: original reads 'northeasterly'">north-easterly</ins> direction, would have brought +the Spaniards to the Rio Grande, and certainly much beyond +the Rio Puerco; and then Pecos could easily be reached in +five days.<a name="FNanchor_52" id="FNanchor_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a></p> + +<p>But we are unable to guess, even, at the length of each +journey. From Zuñi to Acoma the country was uninhabited; +therefore the length of each journey may have been great, +because there was nothing to attract the attention of the +Spaniards,—nothing to prevent them from hastening their +progress in order to reach their point of destination. From +Acoma on, the ethnographical character changed. The actual +distance to the Rio Grande may be shorter; but pueblos +sprung up at small intervals of space, which necessitated +greater caution, and therefore greater delay, in the movements +of the advancing party. Still, we have a guide of +great efficiency in another branch of information. The pueblo +of "Tiguex," mentioned as lying three days from Acoma, +indicates, seemingly, a settlement of <i>Tehua</i>-speaking Indians. +Now, the "Tehua" idiom is spoken in those pueblos which lie +directly north of Santa Fé. San Ildefonso, San Juan, Santa +Clara, Pohuaque, Nambé, and Tesuque. But it is quite ap<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">p. 19</a></span>parent +that, considering the great distance of Santa Fé from +Acoma, the journeys, as indicated in Castañeda, would fall +very short of any of the pueblos mentioned.<a name="FNanchor_53" id="FNanchor_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a></p> + +<p>The Tehua, like all the tribes along the Rio Grande, +suffered vicissitudes and consequent displacements; and +it might be advanced that one or the other of the Tehua +villages, formerly known as Tiguex, might now be destroyed.</p> + +<p>Fortunately, we need not resort to such hypotheses. It appears, +from documentary evidence of the year 1598, that there +was, distinct from the Tehua or Tegua, a tribe of "Chiguas," +or "Tiguas;"<a name="FNanchor_54" id="FNanchor_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> and, from the notes of Father Juan Amando +Niel (written between 1703 and 1710), it results that their +settlements were near Bernalillo, on the Rio Grande; there<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">p. 20</a></span> +being at that time three villages, the most northern of which +was Santiago, the central one Puaray, near Bernalillo, and +the most southern one San Pedro.<a name="FNanchor_55" id="FNanchor_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> The distance between the +first two pueblos, according to Fray Zarate Salmeron, in 1626, +was about one and a half leagues, or five and a half English +miles.<a name="FNanchor_56" id="FNanchor_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> Tiguex, therefore, must be located on or near the +site of Bernalillo. The "Rio Tiguex" of Castañeda is the +Rio Grande del Norte, and the Indians of Tiguex belonged to +the stock of the "Tanos" language, now spoken still by a +few Indians at Galisteo, and by the inhabitants of the pueblos +of Sandia and Isleta.<a name="FNanchor_57" id="FNanchor_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> Even the direction in which the Spaniards +moved from Acoma—that is, to the north-east—perfectly +agrees with that in which Bernalillo lies, whereas the +mouth of the Rio Puerco, below which General Simpson locates +Tiguex, lies <ins class="correction" title="Transcriber's note: original reads 'southeast'">south-east</ins> of the pueblo of Acoma.</p> + +<p>Having thus, as we believe, satisfactorily located Tiguex, it +is easy to locate Cicuyé. It can be nothing else than Pecos, +whose aboriginal Indian name, in the Jemez language, is +"Âgin," whereas Pecos is the "Paego" of the Qq'uêres idiom. +There is no other Indian pueblo answering to its description +and geographical location as given by the chroniclers of +Coronado. The fact that "when the army quitted Cicuyé to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">p. 21</a></span> +go to Quivira, we entered the mountains, which it was necessary +to cross to reach the plains, and on the fourth day we +arrived at a great river, very deep, which passes also near +Cicuyé,"<a name="FNanchor_58" id="FNanchor_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> does not at all militate against it. The easiest passage, +and the most accessible one from Pecos eastward, leads +directly to the slopes between the Rio Gallinas and the Rio +Pecos; and either of these two streams could be, and had to +be, met with very near to the confluence of both.<a name="FNanchor_59" id="FNanchor_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> For other +proof, and very conclusive too, I refer to my detailed description +of the Ruins of the Pueblo de Pecos.</p> + +<p>I repeat, it is not to our purpose to describe the "faits et +gestes" of Coronado and of his men, but only to discuss the results +of his march for the Ethnography of New Mexico. I even +exclude Ethnology in as far as it does not include language. +The distribution of tribes and stocks of tribes designated by +idioms, as Coronado revealed it in 1540 to 1543, is to be the +final result of the discussion. Therefore, I leave the acts of the +Spaniards aside everywhere, when they are not essential to the +object, and do not even follow a strict chronological sequence.</p> + +<p>After Alvarado had left Cibola for Tiguex, Coronado himself +followed him; and, "taking the road to Tiguex," he crossed +a range of mountains where snow impeded his march,—and +during which march he and his men were once two and a half +days without water,—until finally he reached a pueblo called +"Tutahaco."<a name="FNanchor_60" id="FNanchor_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> General Simpson has not paid any attention +to this place. Mr. Davis places it near Laguna.<a name="FNanchor_61" id="FNanchor_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> This author +has forgotten that Tutahaco was further from Zuñi than +Tiguex itself, since it took Coronado more than eleven days +to reach it.<a name="FNanchor_62" id="FNanchor_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> This could not have been the case, had he<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">p. 22</a></span> +passed <i>north</i> of Acoma; he must consequently have passed +<i>south</i> of it, and, while originally following the trail to Tiguex, +deviated in a direction from N.E. to E.S.E., crossing the +mountains, and then finally struck the "Tiguex" pueblos, +but in their southern limits, on the Rio Grande about "Isleta."<a name="FNanchor_63" id="FNanchor_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> +Castañeda is very positive in regard to the fact that +"Tutahaco" was on the same river as "Tiguex," and that +from the former Coronado <i>ascended</i> the stream to the latter.<a name="FNanchor_64" id="FNanchor_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> +This river was the Rio Grande; and, consequently, "Tutahaco" +was south of "Puaray" or Bernalillo. There, he heard +of other pueblos further south still.<a name="FNanchor_65" id="FNanchor_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> "Tutahaco" was "four +leagues to the south of Tiguex."<a name="FNanchor_66" id="FNanchor_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a></p> + +<p>When Coronado reached "Tiguex" at last, it thereafter +became the centre of his operations. Castañeda very justly +remarks: "Tiguex is the central point;"<a name="FNanchor_67" id="FNanchor_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> and a glance at the +map, substituting Bernalillo for it, will at once satisfy the reader +of the accuracy of this statement.</p> + +<p>From Tiguex an expedition was sent along the Rio Grande<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">p. 23</a></span> +and west of it. It discovered in succession: Quirix on the +river, with seven villages; Hemes with seven villages; Aguas +Calientes, three; Acha to the north-east; and, furthest in a +<ins class="correction" title="Transcriber's note: original reads 'northeasterly'">north-easterly</ins> direction, Braba. Four leagues west of the +river, Cia was met with; and, between Quirix and Cicuyé, +Ximera. Further north of Quirix, Yuque-Yunque was found +on the Rio Grande. An officer was also despatched to the +south beyond Tutahaco, and he indeed discovered "four villages" +at a great distance from the latter, and beyond these a +place where the Rio Grande "disappeared in the ground, like +the Guadiana in Estremadura."<a name="FNanchor_68" id="FNanchor_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a></p> + +<p>Through our identifications of "Tiguex" with <i>Bernalillo</i>, +of "Cicuyé" with <i>Pecos</i>, and "Tutahaco" with <i>near Isleta</i>, it +becomes now extremely easy to locate all these pueblos in +the most satisfactory manner. "Quirix" is the <i>Queres</i> district +Santo-Domingo, Cochití, etc.<a name="FNanchor_69" id="FNanchor_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> "Hemes" and "Aguas +Calientes," together form the <i>Jemez</i> and <i>San Diego</i> clusters +of pueblos,<a name="FNanchor_70" id="FNanchor_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> "Acha" is <i>Picuries</i>, "Braba," <i>Taos</i>.<a name="FNanchor_71" id="FNanchor_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> The pueblo +of "Ximera" between Pecos and Queres is the <i>Tanos</i> pueblo of +<i>San Cristóbal</i>.<a name="FNanchor_72" id="FNanchor_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> "Yuque-Yunque" are the <i>Tehuas</i>, north of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">p. 24</a></span> +Santa Fé,<a name="FNanchor_73" id="FNanchor_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> and the four villages on the Rio Grande far south +of Isleta, naturally are found in the now deserted towns of +the "Piros" near Socorro, the most southerly and the least +known of the linguistical stocks of sedentary Indians in New +Mexico.<a name="FNanchor_74" id="FNanchor_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a></p> + +<p>In sending the officers mentioned along the Rio Grande, as +far south as Mesilla probably, Coronado explored the territory +beyond the range of the pueblos, and he thus secured information +also concerning the roaming tribes. It is essential that +I should touch these here also, because the subsequent history +of the village Indians cannot be understood without connection +with their savage surroundings. I might as well state +here, that west of the Rio Grande and south of Zuñi, the entire +south-west corner of New Mexico, appears to have been uninhabited +in 1540. Stray hunting parties may have visited +it, though there was hardly any inducement, since the buffalo +was found east of the Rio Grande only, as far as New +Mexico is concerned.<a name="FNanchor_75" id="FNanchor_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a></p> + +<p>The country visited along the Rio Grande, as far as Mesilla, +appears not to have given any occasion for its explorers, to +mention any wild tribes as its occupants. Still we know that, +east of Socorro and south-east, not forty years after Coronado, +the "Jumanas" Indians claimed the Eastern portions of +Valencia and Socorro counties; the regions of Abo, Quarac, +and Gran Quivira.<a name="FNanchor_76" id="FNanchor_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> These savages, also called "Rayados"<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">p. 25</a></span> +("Striated" from their custom of painting or cutting their +faces and breasts for the sake of ornament), were reduced to +villages in 1629 only, by the Franciscans; and the ruins which +are now called Gran Quivira date from that time.<a name="FNanchor_77" id="FNanchor_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> Dona +Ana county was (from later reports which I shall discuss in +a subsequent paper), roamed over, towards the Rio Grande, +by equally savage hordes, to which Antonio de Espejo and +others give the name of "Tobosas."<a name="FNanchor_78" id="FNanchor_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> It is, of course, +impossible to assign boundaries to the Ranges of such +tribes.</p> + +<p>Very distinct ethnographic information, however, is given +by Coronado himself, as well as by Castañeda and by Jaramillo, +in regard to north-eastern New Mexico. This information +was secured in the year 1542, during his adventurous expedition +in search of Quivira.</p> + +<p>In regard to the route followed by him, I can but, in +a general way, heartily accept the conclusions of General +Simpson.<a name="FNanchor_79" id="FNanchor_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> If, in some details, we may have some doubts +yet, I gladly bow to his superior knowledge of the country +and to his experience of travelling in the plains, in the +latter of which I am totally deficient. Coronado started +from Pecos, he crossed, probably, the Tecolote chain, threw +a bridge over the Rio Gallinas, and then moved on to the +<ins class="correction" title="Transcriber's note: original reads 'northeast'">north-east</ins> at an unknown distance. Although not as yet +satisfied that he reached as far north-east as General Simpson +states, and believing that he moved more in a <i>circle</i> (as +men wandering astray in the plains are apt to do), there is +no doubt but that he went far into the "Indian territory,"<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">p. 26</a></span> +and that Quivira—which, by the way, is plainly described +as an agglomeration of Indian "lodges" inhabited, not by +sedentary Indians of the pueblo type, but by a tribe exactly +similar in culture to the corn-raising aborigines of the Mississippi +valley<a name="FNanchor_80" id="FNanchor_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a>—was situated at all events somewhere between +the Indian territory and the State of Nebraska. This +is plainly confirmed by the reports of Juan de Oñate's fruitless +search of Quivira in 1599,<a name="FNanchor_81" id="FNanchor_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> and principally by the +statements of the Indians of Quivira themselves, when +they visited that governor at Santa Fé thereafter.<a name="FNanchor_82" id="FNanchor_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> They +told him that the direct route to Quivira was by the pueblo +of Taos.</p> + +<p>The Quivira of Coronado and of Oñate has therefore not +the slightest connection,—and never had, with the Gran +Quivira of this day, situated east of Alamillo, near the +boundaries of Socorro and Lincoln Counties, New Mexico, +and the ruins there;<a name="FNanchor_83" id="FNanchor_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> which ruins are those of a Franciscan +mission founded after 1629, around whose church a village of +"Jumanas" and probably "Piros" Indians had been established +under direction of the fathers.</p> + +<p>The reports of Coronado, and others, reveal to us the east +and north-east of New Mexico as the "Buffalo Country," and +consequently as inhabited or roamed over by hunting savages. +Of these, two tribes were the immediate neighbors +of the Pueblos,—the "Teyas" to the north-east, and the +"Querechos" more to the east, south of the former probably. +The Ranges intermingled, and both tribes were at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">p. 27</a></span> +war with each other. The "Teyas" were possibly Yutas,<a name="FNanchor_84" id="FNanchor_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> +as these occupied the region latterly held by the Comanches. +About the "Querechos" I have, as yet, and at this distance +from all documentary evidence, not a trace of information.</p> + +<p>On the ethnographical map accompanying this sketch, I +have indicated the <i>Apaches</i> as occupying <i>North-western New +Mexico</i>. In this locality they were found by Juan de Oñate +in 1598-99.<a name="FNanchor_85" id="FNanchor_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a></p> + +<p>Coronado's homeward march offering no new points of +interest, I shall, in conclusion, briefly survey the Ethnography +of New Mexico, as it is sketched on the map, and +as established by the preceding investigation of the years +1540-43.</p> + +<p>We find the sedentary Indians of New Mexico agglomerated +in the following clusters:—</p> + +<p class="indent">1. Between the frontier of Arizona and the Rio Grande, +from west to east: <i>Zuñi</i>, <i>Acoma</i>, with possibly <i>Laguna</i>.</p> + +<p class="indent">2. Along the Rio Grande, from north to south, between +"Sangre de Cristo" and Mesilla: <i>Taos</i>, <i>Picuries</i>, <i>Tehua</i>, +<i>Queres</i>, <i>Tiguas</i> (branch of the <i>Tanos</i>), <i>Piros</i>.</p> + +<p class="indent">3. West of the Rio Grande valley: <i>Jemez</i>, including <i>San +Diego</i> and <i>Cia</i>.</p> + +<p class="indent">4. East of the Rio Grande: <i>Tanos</i>, <i>Pecos</i>.</p> + +<p>Around these "pueblos," then, ranged the following wild +tribes.</p> +<p class="pn"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">p. 28</a></span></p> +<p class="indent">1. In the north-west: <i>Apaches</i>.</p> + +<p class="indent">2. In the north-east: <i>Teyas</i>.</p> + +<p class="indent">3. North-east and east: <i>Querechos</i>.</p> + +<p class="indent">4. South-east and south: <i>Jumanas</i>, <i>Tobosas</i>.</p> + +<p>The south-west of the territory appears to have been completely +uninhabited, and also devoid of the buffalo. The +innumerable herds of this quadruped roamed over the plains +occupying the eastern third of New Mexico and extending +into Texas.</p> + +<p>The <i>Moqui</i> of Arizona, clearly identified with Coronado's +"Tusayan" are not noticed on the map, of course.</p> + +<p>If now we compare these localities in 1540 with the present +sites of the pueblos of New Mexico, it is self-evident that the +Zuñi, Acoma, Tiguas, Queres, Jemez, Tehua, and Taos still +occupy (Acoma excepted), if not the identical houses, at +least the same tribal grounds. The Piros have removed +to the frontier of Mexico, the Pecos are extinct as a tribe; +of the Tanos and Picuries, a few remain on their ancient +soil. Their fate is not a matter of conjecture, but of historical +record.</p> + +<p>While this discussion has proved, we believe, the truthfulness +and reliability of the chroniclers of Coronado's expedition, +and their great importance for the history of American +aborigines, it establishes at the same time the superior +advantages of New Mexico as a field for archæological and +ethnological study. It is the only region on the whole continent +where the highest type of culture attained by its aborigines—the +village community in stone or adobe buildings—has +been preserved on the respective territories of the tribes. +These tribes have shrunk, the purity of their stock has been +affected, their customs and beliefs encroached upon by civilization. +Still enough is left to make of New Mexico the objective +point of serious, practical archæologists; for, besides the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">p. 29</a></span> +living pueblo Indians, besides the numerous ruins of their +past, the very history of the changes they have undergone is +partly in existence, and begins three hundred and forty years +ago, with Coronado's adventurous march.<a name="FNanchor_86" id="FNanchor_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a></p> + +<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Ad. F. Bandelier.</span></p> + +<p class="indent" style="font-size:80%"><span class="smcap">Santa Fé, N. M.</span>, Sept. 19, 1880.</p> + +<p class="pn"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">p. 30</a></span></p> + + +<p class="center" style="font-size:125%;margin-top:4em;page-break-before: always">NOTE.</p> + +<p class="center">THE GRAND QUIVIRA. See p. <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</p> + +<p>The following extract is from the "General Description" in the +field-notes of the survey in 1872 of the base line of the public surveys +in New Mexico by United States Deputy Surveyor Willison, taken +from the original notes on file at the United States Surveyor General's +office at Santa Fé:—</p> + +<p class="quote">"The Gran Quivira, about which so much has been written and so +many attempts made to reconcile with the city of that name spoken of +by the early Spanish explorers, and which was said by them to be the +seat of immense wealth, is passed through by the line in Sec. 34, range +8 East. The most prominent building is the church, which, as well as +all the other buildings, is of limestone laid in mortar. The ground +plan presents the form of a cross. The dimensions of the buildings +are as follows:—</p> + +<p class="quote">"Width of short arm of cross, 33 feet; width of long arm of cross, +42 feet. Their axes are respectively 48 feet long and 140.5 feet long, +and their intersection 35 feet from the head of the cross. The walls +have a thickness of 6 feet, and a height of about 30 feet. The main +entrance has a height of 11 feet, an outside width of 11 feet, and an +inside width of 16.5 feet. The church is situated due east and west, +having its front to the east.</p> + +<p class="quote">"Extending south from the church a distance of 160 feet, and connected +with it by a door in the short arm of the cross, is a building +containing a number of apartments. On the window-frames of this +building the mark of the carpenter's scribe is still plainly visible, though +doubtless exposed to the action of the atmosphere for nearly two centuries. +The carved timbers in the church are still in a good state of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">p. 31</a></span> +preservation; a portion of the roof still remains; some of the timbers +must have weighed 3,000 pounds at the time they were brought to this +place, and they could not have been procured within a less distance +than sixteen miles.</p> + +<p class="quote">"The site of the ruins is elevated about one hundred feet above the +surrounding country, and embraces an area of about eighteen acres. +The town has been well and compactly built, and probably contained +a population approaching five thousand souls. Numerous excavations +have been made by the Mexicans in search of the treasures said +to have been left by the Jesuits when they were expelled by the Indians. +In one of these excavations I found a large quantity of human +bones, including a skull. From the formation of the latter, and +its thickness, it was undoubtedly that of an Indian.</p> + +<p class="quote">"The questions that arise in contemplating these ruins are, how was +it possible for such a number of people not only to exist, but to build a +town of such superior construction at a point which is now entirely +destitute of water, and to which water cannot be brought from any +present source, the nearest water being fifteen miles distant? what was +their occupation? and what has become of them?</p> + +<p class="quote">"That this town was the abode of Jesuit [Franciscan?] priests, and +a tribe of Indians under their control, the architecture of the buildings +conclusively shows.</p> + +<p class="quote">"That they were there for agricultural and pastoral purposes I consider +certain, from the fact that there are no evidences of mines, or +any mineral indications of any kind in the surrounding country, and +that the country, with the single exception of the absence of water, is +well adapted to the mode of cultivation pursued and crops raised by +the Indians.</p> + +<p class="quote">"That water was brought there from some distant point—and distant +it would have been—cannot be the case, as the face of the +country would have required the construction of numerous aqueducts +for its conveyance, remains of which would be found at the present +time; and why would a people bring water a long distance for the purpose +of working lands no more valuable than such as could have +been had at the water?</p> + +<p class="quote">"Where, then, did the inhabitants get the water necessary for their +subsistence? There are two arroyos between the ruins and the Mesa +Jumanes, within a mile of the town, having well-defined watercourses,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">p. 32</a></span> +which might have contained permanent water at the time that the town +was inhabited. Even at the present time, the drainage from these +arroyos furnishes water for a laguna some five miles below that lasts during +about one half the year. Again, springs may have existed around +the rise upon which the town is situated that, from natural causes, have +become dry.</p> + +<p class="quote">"The phenomenon of the failures of water is no uncommon one in +this region, as is evidenced by the numerous vents where the surrounding +rocks show the action of running water.</p> + +<p class="quote">"A case directly supporting the assumption of the failure of the water +is furnished at a place about thirty-five miles northerly from the Gran +Quivira, known as 'La Cienega.' At this point a stream of water, furnished +by two springs, and running to a distance of about a mile at all +seasons of the year, which has never been known to be dry within the +memory of the oldest inhabitant, has, within the last year, entirely disappeared; +and even digging to a considerable depth in the bed of the +late springs fails to find the stream, or the channel by which it has so +mysteriously disappeared.</p> + +<p class="quote">"To those at all familiar with the cretaceous formation of the south-eastern +portion of New Mexico, and who have seen the numerous rivers +that flow hundreds of inches of water within a few yards of where +they make their first appearance, and the total disappearance of these +streams within a few miles, who have seen the water flowing in caves +and subterraneous streams, and the fact that the whole country is cavernous, +can easily imagine the possibility of a stream acting upon its +cretaceous bed, and eventually wearing a channel, to connect with some +immense cavern, and disappearing at once from the surface beyond all +reach of human power.</p> + +<p class="quote">"To the south of the Gran Quivira, at a distance of about twenty +miles, commences a <i>mal pais</i>, an immense bed of lava, sixty miles in +length from north to south, and covering an area of five hundred +square miles. To the south-west of this commences a salt marsh, +which has an area of fifty square miles, and which is fed entirely by +subterranean streams from the Sacramento and White Mountains, receiving +without doubt by the same means the drainage of this plain +for a hundred miles to the north. The above facts are, I think, sufficient +to account for the absence of water at the present time near +Gran Quivira.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">p. 33</a></span></p> + +<p class="quote">"As to what became of the inhabitants of this place, as well as those +of Abo and Quarrá to the north-west,—towns that are coeval with the +Gran Quivira,—we can only conjecture. The most reasonable conclusion +that can be arrived at is that they were exterminated by the Spaniards +upon their reoccupation of the country. Though history is silent +as to the complete operations of the Spaniards upon their return to +New Mexico, yet it is a fact established by documentary evidence that +a relentless war was waged against the Indians, and a number of tribes +are spoken of as being engaged in certain battles, of which tribes we +know nothing at the present day; and in some instances it is stated +that some tribes sued for peace, and promised obedience to the rule +of the conquerors, for which they received grants of lands that they at +present occupy. The inhabitants of Gran Quivira, Abo, and Quarro +would be among the first that the Spaniards would meet on their reoccupation +of the country, and there is every reason to believe that +they were exterminated by the incensed invaders."</p> + + + +<hr class="chapter" /> + +<div class="footnotes"> +<h3 class="footnotes"><a name="FNI" id="FNI"></a>FOOTNOTES</h3> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_1" id="Footnote_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1"><span class="label1">[1]</span></a> <i>Las siete cuevas</i>: in Nahuatl <i>Chicomoztoc</i>, from <i>chicome</i>, seven, and <i>oztoc</i>, +cave. Alonzo de Molina, <i>Vocabulario Mexicano</i>, 1571, parte iia. pp. 20 and 78. +Fray Juan de Tobar, <i>Codice Ramirez</i>, p. 18.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_2" id="Footnote_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2"><span class="label1">[2]</span></a> Fray Diego Durán, <i>Historia de las Yndias de Nueva-España, é Islas de Tierra +Firme</i>, cap. i. p. 8; <i>Codex Vaticanus</i>, Kingsborough, vols. i., ii., vi.; <i>Anales de +Cuauhtitlan: Anales del Museo Nacional de México</i>, tom. i. entrega 7, p. 7 of 2d +vol., but incorporated in the first. "I acatl ipan quizque Chicomoztoc in Chichimeca +omitoa moternuh in imitoloca."</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_3" id="Footnote_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3"><span class="label1">[3]</span></a> <i>Historia de los Indios de la Nueva-España, in Coleccion de Documentos para la +Historia de México</i>, by J. G. Icazbalceta, vol. i. p. 7.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_4" id="Footnote_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4"><span class="label1">[4]</span></a> <i>Segunda Relacion Anónima de la Jornada de Nuño de Guzman, in Coleccion +de Documentos</i>, etc., vol. ii. p. 303.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_5" id="Footnote_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5"><span class="label1">[5]</span></a> The early literature on this subject will only be fully known when the remarkable +collection called <i>Libro de Oro</i> shall have been published by Señor Icazbalceta, +its meritorious owner. This valuable collection of manuscripts dates +from the sixteenth century, and contains, besides a number of official reports on +local matters of Mexico and districts pertaining to it, the chronicles of the tezcucan +Juan Bautista Pomar, a copy of Motolinia, and a number of MSS. written +between 1529 and 1547 at the instance of the much-abused Bishop Zumárraga. +These MSS. contain the results of the earliest investigations on Mexican history +and tradition.</p> +<p class="footnote"> +The natives of Mexico appear to have had no knowledge, nay, not even the +most dim recollection, of the <i>fauna</i> of South-western North America. While +their so-called calendar, in the graphic tokens used to designate each one of the +twenty days of their conventional "month," contains the forms of all the larger +quadrupeds roaming over Mexico and Central America, the tapir excepted, we +look in vain for the coyote, the bear, the mountain-sheep, and the buffalo.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_6" id="Footnote_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6"><span class="label1">[6]</span></a> <i>Popol Vuh</i>, part iii. cap. iv. p. 216, cap. vi. pp. 226, 228, cap. viii. p. 238, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_7" id="Footnote_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7"><span class="label1">[7]</span></a> Hernando Cortés, <i>Carta Quarta</i>, dated Temixtitan, 15 October, 1524, Vedia +i. p. 102. Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdés, <i>Historia General y Natural +de las Indias</i>, lib. xxxiii. cap. xxxvi. vol. iii. p. 447, lib. xxxiv. cap. viii. p. 576, +Madrid, 1853. The information was derived from Gonzalo de Sandoval. See +Antonio de Herrera, <i>Historia General de los Hechos de los Castellanos en las Islas +y Tierra Firme del Mar Oceano</i>, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. xvii. p. 106, edition of +1726.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_8" id="Footnote_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8"><span class="label1">[8]</span></a> <i>Relacion de las Ceremonias y Ritos, Poblacion y Gobierno de los Indios de la Provincia +de Mechuacan</i>, p. 113, from the <i>Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de +la España. Tercera Relacion Anónima de la Jornada de Nuño de Guzman, Coleccion +de Documentos</i>, Icazbalceta, ii. pp. 443, 449, 451. <i>Matias de la Mota Padilla, +Historia de la Nueva-Galicia</i>, published 1870, cap. iii. p. 27. Oviedo, lib. vi. cap. +xxxiii. vol. i. pp. 222, 223.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_9" id="Footnote_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9"><span class="label1">[9]</span></a> <i>Quarta Relacion Anónima de la Jornada de Nuño de Guzman, Coleccion de +Documentos</i>, Icazbalceta, ii. p. 475. Oviedo, lib. vi. cap. xxxiii. vol. i. p. 223.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_10" id="Footnote_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10"><span class="label2">[10]</span></a> In 1527, Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. iv. pp. 26, 27.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_11" id="Footnote_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11"><span class="label2">[11]</span></a> He was treasurer of Narvaez' expedition, and subsequently, upon his return, +or rather in 1541, became <i>adelantado</i> of Paraguay.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_12" id="Footnote_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12"><span class="label2">[12]</span></a> He wrote all from memory. The title of his work is <i>Naufragios de Alvar +Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca, y Relacion de la Jornada que hizo á la Florida</i>. It was first +printed in 1555, at Valladolid. My references are to the reprint in Vedia's <i>Historiadores +Primitivos de Indias</i>, vol. i.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_13" id="Footnote_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13"><span class="label2">[13]</span></a> Cabeza de Vaca, <i>Naufragios</i>, etc., cap. xxxvii. p. 548, xxxiv. p. 545. According +to Herrera, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. vii. p. 11 and cap. viii. p. 11, it +might be either 1536 or 1534, "el año pasado de 1534." Oviedo, lib. xxxv. +cap. vi. p. 614, intimates as much as 1538. Fray Antonio Tello, <i>Historia de la +Nueva-Galicia</i>, fragment preserved in <i>Coleccion de Documentos</i>, Icazbalceta, ii. +cap. xii. p. 358, says "habían llegado ese año de treinta y tres á aquellas tierras," +1533.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_14" id="Footnote_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14"><span class="label2">[14]</span></a> Cabeza de Vaca, cap. xxxi. pp. 542, 543.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_15" id="Footnote_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15"><span class="label2">[15]</span></a> Id., p. 543.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_16" id="Footnote_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16"><span class="label2">[16]</span></a> He was a native of Savoy, Italy, and was with Sebastian de Belalcazar during +the latter's conquest of Quito. Juan de Velasco, <i>Histoire du royaume de Quito</i>, +French translation by Ternaux-Compans, Introd. p. viii. He wrote the following +books: <i>Conquista de la Provincia del Quito: Ritos y Ceremonias de los Indios</i>; +<i>Las dos Lineas de los Incas y de los Scyris en las Provincias del Perú y del +Quito</i>; <i>Cartas Informativas de lo Obrado en las Provincias del Perú y del Cuzco</i>. +These manuscripts may still exist. According to Fray Augustin de Vetancurt +(Menologio Franciscano, ed. of 1871, pp. 117, 118, 119), he was born at Nizza, and in +1531 came to America, being in Peru in 1532. Thence he went to Nicaragua +and Mexico. He was provincial from 1540 to 1543, and died at Mexico, March +25, 1558.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_17" id="Footnote_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17"><span class="label2">[17]</span></a> Fray Marcos Nizza, <i>Descubrimiento de las Siete Ciudades</i>, p. 329.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_18" id="Footnote_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18"><span class="label2">[18]</span></a> Nizza, p. 332. Herrera, dec. vi. lib. vii. cap. vii. p. 156.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_19" id="Footnote_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19"><span class="label2">[19]</span></a> In <i>Documentos para la Historia de Méjico</i>, 1856, 4 série, vol. i. p. 327. The +diary has not even a title. Mentioned by Father Jacob Sedelmair, S. J., <i>Relacion +que hizo ... Misionero de Tubatama</i>, in <i>Documentos para la Historia de Méjico</i>, +3a série, vol. ii. pp. 846, 848, 857, 859.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_20" id="Footnote_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20"><span class="label2">[20]</span></a> On the map of Father Eusebio Francisco Kino, in <i>Der neue Weltbott</i>, by P. +Joseph Stöcklein, vol. i. 2d edition, 1728, there appears St. Ludov. de Bacapa. +The diary of Mange, p. 327, is explicit.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_21" id="Footnote_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21"><span class="label2">[21]</span></a> Manuel Orozco y Berra, <i>Geografía de las Lenguas y Carta Etnográfica de México</i>, +part iii. cap. xxiii. pp. 345-353, etc. Francisco Pimentel, <i>Cuadro Descriptivo +y Comparativo de las Lenguas Indígenas de México</i>, 1865, vol. ii. pp. 91, 92-116.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_22" id="Footnote_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22"><span class="label2">[22]</span></a> The fact that he became the guide of Coronado, and led him to Cibola, indicates +that Fray Marcos crossed the Gila, since otherwise the Spaniards would +have traversed the Sierra Madre, and entered New Mexico from Chihuahua. +It is true that the general direction of Coronado's march from Culiacan was from +south to north, inclining to the <i>east</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_23" id="Footnote_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23"><span class="label2">[23]</span></a> The attest of D. Antonio de Mendoza, concerning Nizza's report, bears +the date, Mexico, 2 Sept., 1539. Consequently, Fray Marcos had returned +previously. See <i>Relation du Voyage de Cibola</i>, Ternaux-Compans, Appendix, +p. 282.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_24" id="Footnote_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24"><span class="label2">[24]</span></a> This word is said to be now found only in the dialect of the pueblo of Isleta, +south of Santa Fé, under the form <i>sibúlodá</i>, buffalo. Albert S. Gatschet, <i>Zwölf +Sprachen aus dem Südwesten Nord Amerika's</i>, Weimar, 1876, p. 106.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_25" id="Footnote_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25"><span class="label2">[25]</span></a> Herrera, <i>Descripcion de las Indias</i>, cap. ix. p. 17, says that Mexico has 4,000 +vecinos. This was in 1610, about.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_26" id="Footnote_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26"><span class="label2">[26]</span></a> Lewis H. Morgan, <i>On the Ruins of a Stone Pueblo on the Animas River</i>, in +<i>12th Annual Report of the Peabody Museum of American Archæology</i>, etc., 1880, +p. 550.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_27" id="Footnote_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27"><span class="label2">[27]</span></a> <i>The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico</i>, Doylestown, Pa., 1869.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_28" id="Footnote_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28"><span class="label2">[28]</span></a> Pedro de Castañeda y Nagera, <i>Relation du Voyage de Cibola</i>, translation of +Ternaux-Compans, Paris, 1838, part ii. cap. iii. p. 163.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_29" id="Footnote_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29"><span class="label2">[29]</span></a> Juan Jaramillo, <i>Relation du Voyage fait à la Nouvelle-Terre sous les Ordres +du Général Francisco Vasquez de Coronado</i>, in <i>Voyage de Cibola</i>, Append. vi. pp. 365, +366, 367.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_30" id="Footnote_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30"><span class="label2">[30]</span></a> Castañeda, i. cap. ix. pp. 40, 41, ii. cap. iii. p. 162. The word is composed +of <i>chichiltic</i>, a red object, and <i>calli</i>, house. Molina, ii. pp. 11, 19.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_31" id="Footnote_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31"><span class="label2">[31]</span></a> General Simpson locates the "Casas Grandes" on the Gila, in lat. 33° 4' 21" +and lon. 111° 45' Greenwich. <i>Coronado's March</i>, p. 326.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_32" id="Footnote_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32"><span class="label2">[32]</span></a> <i>Relation</i>, etc., p. 365. "Nous souffrîmes quelques fatigues, jusqu'à ce que +nous eussions atteint une chaîne de montagnes dont j'avais entendu parler +à la Nouvelle-Espagne, à plus de trois-cents lieues de là. Nous donnâmes à +l'endroit où nous passâmes le nom de Chichiltic-Calli, parce que nous avions +su par des Indiens que nous laissions derrière nous, qu'ils l'appelaient ainsi," +etc. Id. "On nous dit qu'elle se nommait Chichiltic-Calli. Après avoir franchi +ces montagnes." ...</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_33" id="Footnote_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33"><span class="label2">[33]</span></a> Jaramillo, <i>Relation</i>, etc., p. 367. Simpson, p. 325. For descriptions of the +"Casas Grandes," I refer to Castañeda, i. cap. ix. pp. 40, 41, ii. cap. iii. pp. 161, +162, to be compared with Mateo Mange, <i>Documentos para la Historia de México</i>, +série 4, vol. i. cap. v. p. 282, describing Father Kino's visit there in 1697, cap. x. +pp. 362, 363. Cristóbal Martin Bernal, Francisco de Acuña, Eusebio Francisco +Kino, etc., <i>Relacion</i>, in <i>Documentos</i>, 3 série, vol. ii. p. 884; this bears date, 4 Dec., +1697. Fray Tomás Ignacio Lizazoin, <i>Informe sobre las Provincias de Sonora y +Nueva-Vizcaya, Documentos</i>, 3 série, ii. p. 698. Segundo Media, <i>Rudo Ensayo +Tentativo de una Prevencional Descripcion de la Provincia de Sonora, sus Terminos +y Confines</i>, written by a Jesuit about 1761 or 1762, and published by Buckingham +Smith at S. Augustine in 1863, cap. ii. sec. 3, p. 18. Padre Font, in <i>Relation de +Cibola</i>, Append, vii. pp. 383-386. Of more recent descriptions, I enumerate +Lieut. W. H. Emory, <i>Notes of a Military Reconnaissance, etc., Executive Documents</i>, +41, pp. 80, 81; Capt. A. R. Johnston, <i>Journal</i>, etc., id. pp. 582, 584, 596, +597; John R. Bartlett, <i>Personal Narrative of Explorations and Incidents</i>, etc., vol. +ii. cap. xxxii. pp. 265-280. While we can easily identify the "Casas Grandes," +seen in 1846-47 and 1852, with those described in 1697, 1761, and 1775, in regard +to the earliest description of "Chichilticalli," we are inclined to agree with Mr. +L. H. Morgan, <i>Seven Cities of Cibola</i>, that "there is no ruin on the Gila at the +present time that answers the above description."</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_34" id="Footnote_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34"><span class="label2">[34]</span></a> <i>Relation de Cibola</i>, part ii. cap. iii. p. 163, and especially part iii. cap. ix. p. 243. +"On fit d'abord cent dix lieues vers l'ouest, en partant de Mexico; Ton se dirigea +ensuite vers le nord-est pendant cent lieues; puis pendant six cent cinquante +vers le nord, et l'on n'était encore arrive qu'aux ravins des bisons. De sorte +qu'après avoir fait plus de huit cent cinquante lieues, on n'était pas en définitive +à plus de quatre cents de Mexico." +</p><p class="footnote"> +The "Casas Grandes" in Chihuahua are on the river of the same name, north-west +of the city of Chihuahua, and nearly south of János. I have been unable as +yet to ascertain when they first came to notice. According to Antonio de Oca +Sarmiento, <i>Letter to the General Francisco de Gorraez Beaumont</i>, dated 22 Sept., +1667, in <i>Mandamiento del Señor Virey, Marques de Mancora, sobre las Doctrinas de +Casas Grandes, que estaban en las Yumas, Jurisdiccion de San Felipe del Parral</i>, in +<i>Documentos</i>, 4 série, vol. iii. p. 231, etc., the Padre Pedro de Aparicio died there, and +the General Francisco de Gorraez Beaumont, 1 <i>Letter</i>, 25 Oct., 1667, p. 234, adds: +"Que en este puesto de las Casas Grandes era parimo de minéria y segun tradicion +antigua y ruinas que se veian que decian ser del tiempo de Moctezuma." A +very good description of the ruins has been given by José Agustin Escudero, +<i>Noticias Estadísticas del Estado de Chihuahua</i>, Mexico, 1834, cap. viii. pp. 234, +235, who visited them in 1819. Finally, Mr. J. R. Bartlett, <i>Personal Narrative</i>, +etc., vol. ii. cap. xxxv., has furnished excellent descriptions and plates. +</p><p class="footnote"> +It is hardly possible to determine if these ruins would better correspond to +"Chichilticalli" than those on the Gila. The fact that the former presented, in +1819, the appearance of one solitary building, whereas the latter, in 1697, composed +a group of <i>eleven</i>, is noteworthy, but far from being a critical point.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_35" id="Footnote_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35"><span class="label2">[35]</span></a> <i>Relation</i>, etc, ii. cap. iii. p. 165.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_36" id="Footnote_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36"><span class="label2">[36]</span></a> <i>Relation</i>, etc., p. 370.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_37" id="Footnote_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37"><span class="label2">[37]</span></a> Castañeda, i. cap. xi. pp. 58, 63, 64.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_38" id="Footnote_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38"><span class="label2">[38]</span></a> <i>Relation</i>, i. cap. xii., pp. 69, 70; ii. cap. iii. p. 166.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_39" id="Footnote_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39"><span class="label2">[39]</span></a> <i>Relation</i>, p. 370. Castañeda, i. cap. xiii. p. 76.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_40" id="Footnote_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40"><span class="label2">[40]</span></a> <i>Relation</i>, p. 370.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_41" id="Footnote_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41"><span class="label2">[41]</span></a> Jaramillo, pp. 370 and 371.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_42" id="Footnote_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42"><span class="label2">[42]</span></a> Acoma is always described with particular care by the older Spanish authors. +Antonio de Espejo, Carta, 23 April, 1584, in <i>Documentos Inéditos del +Archivo de Indias</i>, vol. xv. p. 179: "Y hallamos un pueblo que se llama, Acoma, +donde nos pareció, habria mas de seis mil ánimas, el cual está asentado sobre +una peña alta que tiene mas de cincuenta estados en alto," etc. Juan de Oñate, +<i>Discurso de las Jornadas que hizo el Campo de Su Magestad desde la Nueva-España +á la Provincia de la Nueva-México, Documentos Inéditos</i>, vol. xvi. pp. 268, +270: "A quatro de Diciembre [1598?], lo mataron en Acoma, los Indios de aquella +fortaleza, que es la mejor en sitio de toda la cristiandad ..." "dieron el primer +asalto al Peñol de Acóma ..." <i>Obediencia y Vassalaje á Su Magestad por los +Indios del Pueblo de Acóma, Documentos Inéditos</i>, xvi. p. 127: "Al pié de una +peña muy grande sobre la qual en lo alto délla está fundado y poblado el Pueblo +que llaman de Acóma, ..." dated 27 October, 1598. Fray Agustin de Vetancurt, +<i>Crónica de la Provincia del Santo Evangélio de México</i>, trat. iii. cap. vi. +p. 319. "Al Oriente del Pueblo de Zia está el Peñol de Acoma, que tiene una +legua en Circuito de treinta Estados de alto." <i>Menologio Franciscano</i>, p. 247. +Both references are taken from the edition of 1871. Furthermore, in the anonymous +<i>Relacion del Suceso de la Jornada que Francisco Vazquez hizo en el Descubrimiento +de Cibola</i>, año de 1531 (should be 1541), in vol. xiv. of the <i>Documentos del +Archivo de Indias</i>, we find Acuco (<i>east</i> of Cibola), "el cual ellos llaman en su lengua +<i>Acuco</i>, y el padre Márcos le llamaba <i>Hacús</i>:" now Hacús forcibly recalls the +proper name of Acoma, which by the Qq'uêres Indians, to whose stock its inhabitants +belong, is called "Âgo."</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_43" id="Footnote_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43"><span class="label2">[43]</span></a> <i>Carta</i>, 23 April, 1584, <i>Documentos Inéditos</i>, vol. xv. p. 182.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_44" id="Footnote_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44"><span class="label2">[44]</span></a> <i>Discurso de las Jornadas, etc., Documentos Inéditos</i>, vol. xvi. p. 274. <i>Obediencia +y Vassallaje á Su Magestad por los Indios del Pueblo de San Joan Baptista</i>, +id. vol. xv. p. 115. That the "Mohoces" were the Moqui is evidenced by Padre +Geronimo de Zarate Salmeron, <i>Relacion de todas las Provincias que en el Nuevo-México +se han visto y sabido así por Mar como por Tierra, desde el Año de 1538, hasta +el Año de 1626. Documentos para la Historia de México</i>, série 3, vol. i. p. 30.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_45" id="Footnote_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45"><span class="label2">[45]</span></a> Castañeda, i. cap. x. pp. 49, 50. Melchor Diaz reached the Rio del Tizon, +starting from Culhuacan and Sonora. This river emptied into the Gulf of California, +and he found there traces of Fernando de Alarcon. The latter went up the +Rio Colorado, and learned many details about Cibola from Indians living along +the river. <i>Relation de la Navigation et de la Découverte faite par le Capitaine Fernando +Alarcon, Voyage de Cibola</i>, Ternaux-Compans, Append, iv. cap. i. p. 302: +"Nous y trouvâmes un très grand fleuve dont le courant était si rapide, qu'à +peine pouvions nous nous y maintenir," cap. v. pp. 324-326; cap. vi. p. 331. +Herrera, dec. vi. lib. ix. cap. xi. p. 212. Fray Juan de Torquemada, <i>Monarchia +Indiana</i>, lib. v. cap. xi. p. 609, ed. of 1723. While Alarcon was endeavoring to +meet Coronado by sailing or boating up the Colorado from its mouth, the latter +sent Garci-Lopez de Cardenas to explore a river which the Indians of "Tusayan" +had mentioned to Pedro de Tobar; and he reached this river after twenty days' +march. It is described as follows by Castañeda (i. cap. xi. p. 62): "After +these twenty days' marching, they indeed reached this river, whose shores are so +high that they thought themselves at least three or four leagues up in the air. +The country is covered with low and crippled pines; it is exposed to the north, +and the cold is so severe that, although it was summer, it could hardly be supported. +The Spaniards for three days marched along these mountains, hoping to +find a place where they could reach the river, which, from above, appeared to be +about one fathom in width, while the Indians said it was wider than one-half league; +but it was found to be impossible," etc. This is a fair picture of the cañons +of the Colorado River of the West, the only one emptying into the head of the +Gulf of California; and Castañeda adds (p. 65): "This river was the del Tizon."</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_46" id="Footnote_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46"><span class="label2">[46]</span></a> <i>Carta, Documentos Inéditos</i>, vol. xv. p. 180: "Una provincia, que son seis +pueblos, que la provincia llaman Zuñi, y por otro nombre Cibola. Richard +Hackluyt, <i>The Third and last Volume of the Voyages, Navigations, Traffiques, and +Discoveries of the English Nation</i>." <i>El Viaie que hizo Antonio de Espeio en el +Año de ochenta y tres</i>, pp. 457-464, has "dieron con una Provincia, que se nombra +en lengua de los naturales Zuny, y la llaman los Españoles Cibola, ay en +ella cantidad de Indios ..."</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_47" id="Footnote_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47"><span class="label2">[47]</span></a> Castañeda, i. cap. xii. pp. 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_48" id="Footnote_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48"><span class="label2">[48]</span></a> Jaramillo, pp. 370, 371. Castañeda, p. 69.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_49" id="Footnote_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49"><span class="label2">[49]</span></a> Castañeda, p. 71.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_50" id="Footnote_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50"><span class="label2">[50]</span></a> <i>Coronado's March</i>, pp. 333-336.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_51" id="Footnote_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51"><span class="label2">[51]</span></a> <i>The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico</i>, cap. xxiv. p. 185, note I; cap. xxv. +p. 198, note I; also p. 199. I attach particular importance to the opinions of Mr. +Davis. He visited New Mexico at a time when it was still "undeveloped," and +his writings on the country show thorough knowledge, and much documentary +information. It is to be regretted that he fails absolutely to mention his sources +in any satisfactory manner, a defect which might deprive his valuable book of +much of its unquestionable reliability and importance. The attentive student, +however, finds, after going seriously through the mass of material still on hand, +that Mr. Davis has been so painstaking and honest, that he is very much inclined +to forgive the lack of citations.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_52" id="Footnote_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52"><span class="label2">[52]</span></a> From Bernalillo or Sandia, the easiest way, and the one which Alvarado, +by Coronado's order, must certainly have taken, is south of Galisteo. This +would have led him to Pecos, either by the Cañon de San Cristóbal or, as I presume, +to the lower valley, and thence up the river to the Pueblo. Castañeda (ii. +cap. v. p. 176) speaks of abandoned villages along the route. There is a ruin +at the place called "Pueblo," one at San José, and another at Kingman; all +along the line of the "Atchison, Topeka, and Santa Fé Railroad." I presume, +therefore, that he took this route. At all events, he went <i>south</i> of the Tanos, +else he would have struck the villages called later San Lázaro and San Cristóbal, +both then occupied.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_53" id="Footnote_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53"><span class="label2">[53]</span></a> The belief has been expressed to me at Santa Fé, by authority which I have +learned to respect, that on the site of the present city there stood the old +town of Tiguex. This belief has been strengthened by the popular tale, that +the old adobe house, of two low stories, adjoining the ancient chapel of San +Miguel, was an ancient Indian home. Personal inspection has, however, satisfied +me of the fact that this building, while certainly very old, is certainly not +one of an Indian "pueblo." It forms a rectangle: <i>Met.</i> 20.71' from east to west, +and 4.80' from north to south. Its front has five doors, and the upper story as +many windows. It is entirely of adobe, and may indeed have been an Indian +house, but built after their old plan, when Santa Fé had already been founded. +There is no notice of any pueblo on this site. Besides, documentary evidence +regarding the establishment of Santa Fé absolutely ignores the existence of +any Indian settlement at that place in 1598. Juan de Oñate, <i>Discurso de las +Jornadas que hizo el Capitan de Su Magestad desde la Nueva-España á la +Provincia de la Nuevo-Mexico</i>, in <i>Coleccion de Documentos del Archivo de Indias</i>, +vol. xvi. pp. 263-266. <i>Obediencia y Vasallaje á Su Magestad por los Indios de San +Joan Baptista.</i> Id., Sept 9, 1598, pp. 115, 116: "Al Padre Fray Cristóbal de +Salazar, la Provincia de los Tepúas (<i>Tehuas</i>) con los pueblos de Triapé, +Triáque el de Sant Yldefonso y Santa Clara, y este pueblo de Sant Joan Batista +y el de Sant Gabriele el de Troomaxiaquino, Xiomato, Axol, Comitría, Quiotracó, +y mas, la Cibdad de Sant Francisco de los Españoles, que al presente se +Edifican."</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_54" id="Footnote_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54"><span class="label2">[54]</span></a> <i>Obediencia y Vasallaje á Su Magestad por los Indios de Santo-Domingo.</i> Id., +p. 102. July 7, 1598. <i>Obediencia, etc., de S. Joan Baptista</i>, pp. 112, 115, "los +Chiguas ó Tiguas."</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_55" id="Footnote_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55"><span class="label2">[55]</span></a> <i>Apuntamientos que sobre el Terreno hizo el Padre José Amando Niel, Documentos +para la Historia de México</i>, 3a série, vol. i. pp. 98, 99: "Estan pobladas +junto á la sierra de Puruai que toma el nombre del principal pueblo que se llama +así, y orilla del gran rio." There were then three pueblos: San-Pedro, "rio +abajo de Puruai;" Santiago, "rio arriba." Puaray was destroyed and in ruins +in 1711. It was here that Father Augustin Ruiz was killed in 1581. Fray +Gerónimo de Zarate Salmeron, <i>Relacion</i>, etc., p. 10. Fray Agustin de Vetancurt, +<i>Menologio Franciscano</i>, pp. 412, 413. Jean Blaeu, <i>Douzième livre de la Géographie +Blaviane</i>, Amsterdam, 1667, p. 62, calls the Tiguas "Tebas," and says they had +"quinze bourgades." Vetancurt, <i>Menologio</i>, but principally <i>Crónica de la provincia +del Santo Evangelio de México</i>, gives the Tiguas, before 1680, the following +stations and pueblos: Isleta, Alameda, Puray, and Sandia, pp. 310-313.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_56" id="Footnote_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56"><span class="label2">[56]</span></a> <i>Relacion</i>, etc., p. 10.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_57" id="Footnote_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57"><span class="label2">[57]</span></a> A. S. Gatschet, <i>Zwölf Sprachen aus dem Südwesten Nord-Amerika's</i>, +Weímar, 1876, p. 41.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_58" id="Footnote_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58"><span class="label2">[58]</span></a> Castañeda, i. cap. xix. p. 116.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_59" id="Footnote_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59"><span class="label2">[59]</span></a> Simpson, <i>Coronadó's March</i>, pp. 336.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_60" id="Footnote_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60"><span class="label2">[60]</span></a> Castañeda, i. cap. xiii. p. 76.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_61" id="Footnote_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61"><span class="label2">[61]</span></a> <i>Spanish Conquest</i>, cap. xxiii. p. 180, note 5, p. 181, note 6.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_62" id="Footnote_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62"><span class="label2">[62]</span></a> Castañeda, p. 76.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_63" id="Footnote_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63"><span class="label2">[63]</span></a> Isleta is probably a modern <i>pueblo</i>, that is one erected since 1598 and +previous to 1680, and I shall treat it as such till I am better informed. The +description by Vetancurt ("<i>Crónica</i>," etc., trat. iii. cap. v. pp. 310 and 311, as +in the year 1680) is characteristic: "Fórmase un rio de la nieve que se derrite, +que con el rio Norte cercan un campo de cinco leguas ... Es el paso para las +provincias de Acoma, Zunias, Moqui ..." In a straight line, the distance from +Bernalillo is about twenty-five miles.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_64" id="Footnote_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64"><span class="label2">[64]</span></a> p. 76. "Le général remonta ensuite la rivière, et visita toute la province +jusqu'à ce qu'il fut arrivé à Tiguex."</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_65" id="Footnote_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65"><span class="label2">[65]</span></a> p. 76. "Ils apprirent qu'en descendant la rivière ils trouveraient encore +d'autres villages."</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_66" id="Footnote_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66"><span class="label2">[66]</span></a> Castañeda, ii. cap. iv. p. 168.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_67" id="Footnote_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67"><span class="label2">[67]</span></a> Cap. vi. p. 182, part ii. In looking at the map, it will be seen that Bernalillo +is, indeed, a central point. Along the Rio Grande it is almost at equal +distances from Taos at the north, and Socorro at the south, whereas it is little +further (in an east-westerly line) from Bernalillo to Zuñi, than from Bernalillo +to the plains. The accuracy of Castañeda becomes more and more wonderful, the +closer his narrative is studied and compared with the country itself. His distance +exceeds the bee-line regularly almost by one-third; a very natural fact, +since he computes the lengths from the routes taken.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_68" id="Footnote_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68"><span class="label2">[68]</span></a> These facts are taken from the following passages of Castañeda: i. cap. xviii., +ii. cap. vi., Quéres; i. cap. xxii, ii. cap. vi., Hemes and Aguas Calientes; ii. +cap. iv., Acha; i. cap. xxii., ii. cap. vi., Braba; i. cap. xviii., Cia; ii. cap. v., +Ximera; and i. cap. xxii., ii. cap. vi., Yuque-Yunque, perhaps Cuyamunque.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_69" id="Footnote_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69"><span class="label2">[69]</span></a> Santo Domingo, Cochiti, San Felipe, Santa-Ana, and Cia are the Quéres +pueblos near the Rio Grande still remaining. They all then existed in 1598. +<i>Obediencia, etc., á S. Joan Baptista</i>, p. 113.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_70" id="Footnote_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70"><span class="label2">[70]</span></a> The Jemez or Emmes, in 1598, contained nine "pueblos," or rather places +of habitation. <i>Obediencia, etc., de Santo Domingo</i>, p. 102. Niel, p. 99, mentions +five.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_71" id="Footnote_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71"><span class="label2">[71]</span></a> Castañeda, i. cap. xxii. It is unmistakable. Compare Simpson, <i>Coronado's +March</i>, p. 339. Vetancurt, <i>Crónica</i>, etc., p. 319. "Este es el último pueblo hácia +el norte." Jean Blaeu, <i>Géographie</i>, etc., p. 62.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_72" id="Footnote_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72"><span class="label2">[72]</span></a> This is equally definite. Castañeda, ii. cap. v. p. 177. "Between Cicuyé +and the province of Quirix, there exists a small very well fortified village which +the Spaniards have named Ximera, and another one which appears to have been +very large." This shows that the Spaniards went from Pecos by the San Cristóbal +cañon.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_73" id="Footnote_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73"><span class="label2">[73]</span></a> To-day Tezuque, Nambé, Santa Clara, San Juan, San Ildefonso, Pojuaque, +and, besides, Cuyamunque in ruins.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_74" id="Footnote_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74"><span class="label2">[74]</span></a> The Piros were totally dispersed during the intertribal wars of 1680-89. +Niel, p. 104. Senecu, near Mesilla, is a Piros pueblo, founded by Fray Antonio +de Arteaga in 1630. Fray Balthasar de Medina, <i>Chrónica de la Provincia de S. +Diego de México de Religiosos Descalzos de N. S. P. S. Francisco de la Nueva-España</i>, +México, 1682, lib. iv. cap. vii. fol. 168. Vetancurt, <i>Crónica</i>, p. 309. It +is therefore a Spanish "colony," and not an original pueblo.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_75" id="Footnote_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75"><span class="label2">[75]</span></a> Castañeda, i. cap. ix., ii. cap. iii. iv. p. 183, vii. p. 188. Fray Marcos de +Niza, pp. 274-276, Jaramillo, pp. 368, 369.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_76" id="Footnote_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76"><span class="label2">[76]</span></a> Antonio Espejo, <i>Viaje</i>, etc. Vetancurt, <i>Crónica</i>, etc., pp. 302, 303.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_77" id="Footnote_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77"><span class="label2">[77]</span></a> Vetancurt, <i>Crónica</i>, etc., trat. iii. cap. iv. pp. 302, 303-305, cap. vi. pp. 324, +325.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_78" id="Footnote_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78"><span class="label2">[78]</span></a> Espejo, <i>Viaje</i>, etc.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_79" id="Footnote_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79"><span class="label2">[79]</span></a> <i>Coronado's March</i>, pp. 336-339. Don José Cortes, <i>Memorias sobre las Provincias +del Norte de Nueva-España</i>, 1799. MSS. of the library of Congress, +fol. 87.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_80" id="Footnote_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80"><span class="label2">[80]</span></a> Coronado, Letter of Oct. 20, 1541, p. 354. Castañeda, ii. cap. viii. p. 194, +Jaramillo, pp. 376, 377.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_81" id="Footnote_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81"><span class="label2">[81]</span></a> He went from Santa Fé N.E. and E.N.E., and struck the "Escansaques:" +might they have been the "Kansas?" Gerónimo de Zarate Salmeron, <i>Relacion</i>, +etc., pp. 26, 27.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_82" id="Footnote_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82"><span class="label2">[82]</span></a> Zarate Salmeron, p. 29.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_83" id="Footnote_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83"><span class="label2">[83]</span></a> I append a valuable description of these ruins from the Surveyor-General's +office at Santa Fé, communicated to me by Mr. D. J. Miller. (See p. <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.)</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_84" id="Footnote_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84"><span class="label2">[84]</span></a> This is made probable through the statement of Father José Amando +Niel (p. 108), to the effect that the Yutas warred against the Pananas and the +Jumanas. The latter were about Socorro, therefore the Yutas must have +descended east to below Pecos. Their arrival east of the Sierra Madre is +placed, through the reports of the Pecos, about 1530. Castañeda, ii. cap. v., +p. 178.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_85" id="Footnote_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85"><span class="label2">[85]</span></a> <i>Obediencia, etc., de S. Joan Baptista</i>, p. 113, "todos los Apaches desde +la Sierra Nevada hacía la parte del Norte y Poniento," p. 114; speaking of the +Jemez, "y mas, todos los Apaches y cocoyes de sus sierras y comarcas."</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_86" id="Footnote_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86"><span class="label2">[86]</span></a> In a subsequent paper, I hope to continue this "Historical Introduction," +in the shape of a discussion of the various expeditions into New Mexico, and +from it to other points north-west and north-east, up to the year 1605.</p> + +</div> + +<hr class="chapter" /> +<div class="center"> +<table width="450" border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0"> + <col style="width:90%;" /> +<tbody valign="top"> + <tr> + <td align="center"> + +<p class="center" style="font-size:115%">II.</p> +<p class="center" style="font-size:115%">A VISIT </p> +<p class="center" style="font-size:60%">TO THE</p> +<p class="center" style="font-size:115%">ABORIGINAL RUINS</p> +<p class="center" style="font-size:60%">IN THE</p> +<p class="center">VALLEY OF THE RIO PECOS.</p> + </td> + </tr> +</tbody> +</table> +</div> + +<hr class="chapter" /> +<h2 style="font-size:125%;font-weight:normal"><a name="II" id="II"></a>II.</h2> + +<p class="center" style="font-size:125%">A VISIT TO THE ABORIGINAL RUINS IN THE<br /> +VALLEY OF THE RIO PECOS.</p> + +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 108px;"> +<img src="images/illus-line.png" width="108" height="10" alt="decorative line" /> +</div> + +<p>About thirty miles to the south-east of the city of Santa +Fé, and in the western sections of the district of San +Miguel (New Mexico), the upper course of the Rio Pecos +traverses a broad valley, extending in width from east to west +about six or eight miles, and in length from north-west to +south-east from twenty to twenty-five. Its boundaries are,—on +the north and north-east, the Sierra de Santa Fé, and the +Sierra de Santa Bárbara, or rather their southern spurs; on +the west a high <i>mesa</i> or table land, extending nearly parallel +to the river until opposite or south of the peak of Bernal; on +the east, the Sierra de Tecolote. The altitude of this valley +is on an average not less than six thousand three hundred +feet,<a name="FNanchor_87" id="FNanchor_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> while the <i>mesa</i> on the right bank of the river rises abruptly +to nearly two thousand feet higher; the Tecolote chain +is certainly not much lower, if any; and the summits of the +high Sierras in the north rise to over ten thousand feet at +least.<a name="FNanchor_88" id="FNanchor_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">p. 38</a></span></p> + +<p>The Rio Pecos (which empties into the Rio Grande fully +five degrees more to the south, in the State of Texas) hugs, +in the upper part of the valley, closely to the mountains of +Tecolote, and thence runs almost directly north and south. +The high <i>mesa</i> opposite, known as the Mesa de Pecos, sweeps +around in huge semicircles, but in a general direction from +north-west to south-east. The upper part of the valley, therefore, +forms a triangle, whose apex, at the south, would be +near San José: whereas its base-line at the north might be +indicated as from the Plaza de Pecos to Baughl's Sidings; or +rather from the Rio Pecos, east of the town, to the foot of +the <i>mesa</i> on the west, a length of over six miles. Nearly in +the centre of this triangle, two miles west of the river, and +one and a half miles from Baughl's, there rises a narrow, +semicircular cliff or <i>mesilla</i>, over the bed of a stream known +as the Arroyo de Pecos.<a name="FNanchor_89" id="FNanchor_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> The southern end of this tabular +cliff (its highest point as well as its most sunny slope) is covered +with very extensive ruins, representing, as I shall hereafter +explain, <i>three distinct kinds of occupation of the place by +man</i>. These ruins are known under the name of the Old +Pueblo of Pecos.</p> + +<p>The tourist who, in order to reach Santa Fé from the +north, takes the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fé Railroad +at La Junta, Colorado,—fascinated as he becomes by the +beauty as well as by the novelty of the landscape, while running +parallel with the great Sierra Madre, after he has traversed +the Ratonis at daybreak,—enters a still more weird +country in the afternoon. The Rio Pecos is crossed just +beyond Bernal, and thence on he speeds towards the west +and north: to the left, the towering Mesa de Pecos, dark<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">p. 39</a></span> +pines clambering up its steep sides; to the right, the broad +valley, scooped out, so to say, between the <i>mesa</i> and the +Tecolote ridge. It is dotted with green patches and black +clusters of cedar and pine shooting out of the red and rocky +soil. Scarcely a house is visible, for the <i>casitas</i> of adobe +and wood nestle mostly in sheltered nooks. Beyond +Baughl's, the ruins first strike his view; the red walls of +the church stand boldly out on the barren <i>mesilla</i>; and to +the north of it there are two low brown ridges, the remnants +of the Indian houses. The bleak summits of the high northern +chain seem to rise in height as he advances; even the +distant Trout mountains (Sierra de la Trucha) loom up solemnly +towards the head-waters of the Pecos. About Glorieta +the vale disappears, and through the shaggy crests of +the Cañon del Apache, which overlooks the track in awful +proximity, he sallies out upon the central plain of northern +New Mexico, six thousand eight hundred feet above the sea-level. +To the south-west the picturesque Sandia mountains;<a name="FNanchor_90" id="FNanchor_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> +to the west, far off, the Heights of Jemez and the Sierra del +Valle, bound the level and apparently barren table-land. An +hour more of fearfully rapid transit with astonishing curves, +and, at sunset, he lands at La Villa Real de Santa-Fé.</p> + +<p>Starting back from Santa Fé towards Pecos on a dry, sandy +wagon-road, we lose sight of the table-land and its environing +mountain-chain, when turning into the ridges east of Manzanares. +Vegetation, which has been remarkably stunted until +now, improves in appearance. However rocky the slopes are, +tall pines grow on them sparsely: the Encina appears in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">p. 40</a></span> +thickets; <i>Opuntia arborescens</i> bristles dangerously as a large +shrub; mammillary cactuses hide in the sand; even an occasional +patch of Indian corn is found in the valleys. It is +stunted in growth,<a name="FNanchor_91" id="FNanchor_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> flowering as late as the last days of the +month of August, and poorly cultivated. The few adobe +buildings are mostly recent. Over a high granitic ridge, grown +over with <i>piñon</i> (all the trees inclined towards the north-east +by the fierce winds that blow along its summit), and from +which the Sierra de Sandia for the last time appears, we +plunge into a deep valley, emptying into the Cañoncito, and +thence follow the railroad track again through a deep gorge +and pleasant bottom, overgrown with pines and cedars, +past Glorieta to Baughl's.<a name="FNanchor_92" id="FNanchor_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> It required all the skill and +firmness of my friend and companion, Mr. J. D. C. Thurston, +of the Indian Bureau at Santa Fé, to pilot our vehicle over +the steep and rocky ledges. From Baughl's, where I took +quarters at the temporary boarding-house of Mrs. Root (to +whose kindness and motherly solicitude I owe a tribute of +sincere gratitude), a good road leads to the east and south-east +along the Arroyo de Pecos. In a direct line the distance +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">p. 41</a></span> +to the ruins is but a mile and a half; but after nearing the +banks of the stream (which there are grassy levels), one is +kept at a distance from it by deep parallel gulches. So +we have to follow the <i>arroyo</i> downwards, keeping about +a quarter of a mile to the west of it, till, south of the old +church itself, the road at last crosses the wide and gravelly +bed, in which a fillet of clear water is running. Then we +ascend a gradual slope of sandy and micaceous soil, thinly +covered by tufts of <i>grama</i>; a wide, circular depression +strikes our eye; beyond it flat mounds of scarcely 0.50 m.—20 +in.—elevation are covered extensively with scattered and +broken stones. Further on distinct foundations appear, rectangles +enclosed by, or founded originally upon, thick walls +of stone, sunk into the ground and much worn,—sometimes +divided into small compartments, again forming large enclosures. +To the south a conspicuous, though small, mound +is visible. Immediately before us, due north, are distinct +though broken walls of stones; and above them, on a broad +terrace of red earth, completely shutting off the <i>mesilla</i> or +tabulated cliff, on which the Indian houses stand, there arises +the massive former Catholic temple of Pecos.</p> + +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 710px;"> +<a name="pVI" id="pVI" href="images/illus-platevi-large.jpg"> +<img src="images/illus-platevi.png" width="710" height="408" +alt="PLATE VI: VIEW OF CHURCH, FROM THE SOUTH." title="PLATE VI: VIEW OF CHURCH, FROM THE SOUTH." /> +</a> +<span class="caption">PLATE VI:<br />VIEW OF CHURCH, FROM THE SOUTH.</span> +</div> + +<p>The building forms a rectangle, about 46 m.—150 ft.—long, +from east to west, and 18 m.—60 ft.—from north to +south. The entrance was to the west, the eastern wall being +still solid and standing. <a href="#pI">Plate I.</a>, Fig. 2, gives an idea of its +form: <i>á</i> <i>a</i> are gateways, each capped by a heavy lintel of +hewn cedar; <i>b</i>, carved beam of wood across.</p> + +<p>The roof of the building is gone, and on the south side a +part of the walls themselves are reduced to a few metres +elevation. The church may originally have been not less +than 10 m.—33 ft.—perhaps higher. It had, according to +tradition, but one belfry and a single bell,—a very large one +at that. The Indians carried it off, it is said, to the top of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">p. 42</a></span> +<i>mesa</i>, where it broke. It is certain that a very large bell, of +which I saw one fragment, now in possession of Mr. E. K. +Walters, of Pecos, was found on the western slope of the +Mesa de Pecos, about three miles from its eastern rim, in a +<i>cañada</i> of the Ojo de Vacas stream, towards San Cristóbal. +Mr. Thomas Munn, of Baughl's, took the pains of piloting me +a whole day (6th of September) through the wilderness of the +<i>mesa</i>, and showing me the place where this interesting relic +was finally deposited. I shall return to this by and by.</p> + +<p>Mrs. Kozlowski (wife of a Polish gentleman, living two +miles south on the <i>arroyo</i>) informed me that in 1858, when +she came to her present home with her husband, the roof of +the church was still in existence. Her husband tore it down, +and used it for building out-houses; he also attempted to dig +out the corner-stone, but failed. In general, the vandalism +committed in this venerable relic of antiquity defies all description. +It is only equalled by the foolishness of such as, +having no other means to secure immortality, have cut out +the ornaments from the sculptured beams in order to obtain +a surface suitable to carve their euphonious names. All the +beams of the old structure are quaintly, but still not tastelessly, +carved; there was, as is shown in <a href="#pVII">Plate VII.</a>, much +scroll-work terminating them. Most of this was taken away, +chipped into uncouth boxes, and sold, to be scattered everywhere. +Not content with this, treasure-hunters, inconsiderate +amateurs, have recklessly and ruthlessly disturbed the +abodes of the dead. "After becoming Christians," said to +me Sr. Mariano Ruiz, the only remaining 'son of the tribe' of +Pecos, still settled near to its site, "they buried their dead within +the church." These dead have been dug out regardless +of their position relative to the walls of the building, and +their remains have been scattered over the surface, to become +the prey of relic-hunters. The Roman Catholic Archbishop +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">p. 43</a></span> +of New Mexico has finally stopped such abuses by asserting +his title of ownership; but it was far too late. It cannot be +denied, besides, that his concession to Kozlowski to use some +of the timber for his own purposes was subsequently interpreted +by others in a manner highly prejudicial to the preservation +of the structure.</p> + +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 656px;"> +<a name="pVII" id="pVII" href="images/illus-platevii-large.jpg"> +<img src="images/illus-platevii.png" width="656" height="406" alt="PLATE VII: WALLS OF CHURCH, LOOKING SOUTHWEST." title="PLATE VII: WALLS OF CHURCH, LOOKING SOUTHWEST." /> +</a> +<span class="caption">PLATE VII:<br />WALLS OF CHURCH, LOOKING SOUTHWEST.</span> +</div> + +<p>What alone has saved the old church of Pecos from utter +ruin has been its solid mode of construction. Entirely of +adobe, its walls have an average thickness of 1.5 m.—5 ft. +The adobe is made like that now used, wheat-straw entering +into it occasionally; but it also contains small fragments of +obsidian,—minute chips of that material and broken pottery. +This makes it evident that the soil for its construction must +have been gathered somewhere near the <i>mesilla</i>; and the +suspicion is very strong on my part that it was the right +bank of the <i>arroyo</i> which furnished the material.<a name="FNanchor_93" id="FNanchor_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> It is self-evident +that the grounds which were used for that purpose +must have antedated, in point of occupation, the date of the +construction of the church by a very long period. I have +measured all the adobe bricks of the church that are within +easy reach, at various places, and found them alike. They +all measure .55 m. × .28 m.—22 in. × 11 in.—and .08 m.—3 +in.—in thickness. They are laid as shown in <a href="#pI">Plate I.</a>, Fig. 4.</p> + +<p>The mortar is, as the specimen sent by me will prove, of +the same composition as the brick itself.</p> + +<p>The regularity with which these courses are laid is very<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">p. 44</a></span> +striking. The timbers, besides, are all well squared; the ornaments, +scrolls, and friezes are quaint, but not uncouth; there +is a deficiency in workmanship, but great purity in outline +and in design.</p> + +<p>To the south of the old church, at a distance of 4 m.—13 +ft.—there is another adobe wall, rising in places a few +metres above the soil; which wall, with that of the church, +seems to have formed a covered passage-way. Adjoining it +is a rectangular terrace of red earth, extending out to the +west as far as the church front. A valuable record of the +manner in which this terrace was occupied is preserved to us +in the drawing of the Pecos church given by Lieutenant W. +H. Emory in 1846. It appears that south of the church there +was a convent;<a name="FNanchor_94" id="FNanchor_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> and this is stated also by Sr. Ruiz. In fact, +the walls, whether enclosures or buildings, which appear to +have adjoined the church, extend south from it 74 m.—250 ft. +<a href="#pI">Plate I.</a>, Fig. 2, gives an idea of their relative position, etc.: +<i>c</i> is 4 m.—13 ft.—wide; <i>d</i> is 21 m. × 46 m.—70 ft. × 156 +ft.; <i>e</i> is 25 m. × 46 m.—82 ft. × 150 ft.; <i>f</i> is 24 m. × 46 +m.—78 ft. × 150 ft.</p> + +<p>The divisions are not strictly marked, and I forbear giving +any lengths, since there is great uncertainty about them.</p> + +<p>The foundation walls, where visible, are generally about +0.60 m. to 0.75 m.—23 in. to 30 in.—wide, and composed of +three rows of stones, set lengthwise, selected for size, and +probably broken to fit.<a name="FNanchor_95" id="FNanchor_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a></p> +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 418px;"> +<a name="pI" id="pI" href="images/illus-platei-large.png"> +<img src="images/illus-platei.png" width="418" height="712" alt="PLATE I: GENERAL PLAN OF RUINS OF PECOS." title="PLATE I: GENERAL PLAN OF RUINS OF PECOS." /> +</a> +<span class="caption">PLATE I:<br />GENERAL PLAN OF RUINS OF PECOS.</span></div> +<p>Looking northward from the church, a wall of broken +stones, similar to the one we already noticed at the south, +meets the eye. The <i>mesilla</i> itself terminates east and west +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">p. 45</a></span> +in rocky ledges of inconsiderable height, and the wall stretches +across its entire width of 39 m.—129 ft. Its distance from +the church is 10 m.—33 ft.; and it thus forms, with the +northern church wall, a trapezium of 10 m.—33 ft. This enclosure +is said to have been the church-yard.<a name="FNanchor_96" id="FNanchor_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> Beyond it the +mesilla and its ruined structures appear in full view; and from +the church to the northern end, which is also its highest point, +it has exactly the form of an elongated pear or parsnip. +Hence the name given to it by Spanish authors of the +eighteenth century, "el Navon de los Pecos."<a name="FNanchor_97" id="FNanchor_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> This fruit-like +shape is not limited to the outline: it also extends to the +profile. Starting from the church, there is a curved neck, +convex to the east, and retreating in a semicircle from the +stream on the west. At the end of this neck, about 200 m.—660 +ft.—north of the church, there is a slight depression, +terminating in a dry stream-bed emptying into the bottom of +the Arroyo de Pecos south-westward; and beyond this depression +the rocks bulge up to an oblong mound, nearly +280 m.—920 ft.—long from north to south, and at its greatest +width 160 m.—520 ft.—from east to west. At the northern +termination of this mound the <i>mesilla</i> curves to the north-east, +and finally terminates in a long ledge of tumbled rocks, high +and abrupt, which gradually merges into the ridges of sandy +soil towards the little town of Pecos.<a name="FNanchor_98" id="FNanchor_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> <a href="#pI">Pl. I.</a>, Fig. 5, gives a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">p. 46</a></span> +tolerably fair view of the <i>mesilla</i>. <a href="#pI">Pl. I.</a>, Fig. 1, is designed +to exhibit its appearance as seen from below, the highest +elevation above the stream being nearly 30 m.—95 ft.</p> + +<p>The rock of the <i>mesilla</i> is a compact, brownish-gray limestone. +It is crystalline, but yet fossiliferous, very hard, and +not deteriorating much on exposure. Its strata dip perceptibly +to the south-west; consequently the western rim is +comparatively less jagged and rocky than the eastern, and the +slope towards the stream more gentle, except at the north-western +corner, where the rocks appear broken and tumbled +down over the slopes in huge masses.</p> + +<p>From the church-yard wall, all along the edge of the +<i>mesilla</i>, descending into the depression mentioned, and again +rounding the highest northern point, then crossing over +transversely from west to east and running back south along +the opposite edge, there extends a wall of circumvallation, +constructed, as far as may be seen, of rubble and broken +stones, with occasional earth flung in between the blocks. +This wall has, along its periphery, a total length of 983 m.—3,220 +ft.—according to Mr. Thurston's measurement.<a name="FNanchor_99" id="FNanchor_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> It +was, as far as can be seen, 2 m.—6 ft. 6 in.—high on an +average, and about 0.50 m.—20 in.—thick. There is but +one entrance to it visible, on the west side, at its lowest level, +where the depression already mentioned runs down the slope +to the south-west as the bed of a rocky streamlet. There a +gateway of 4 m.—13 ft.—in width is left open; the wall +itself thickens on each side to a round tower built of stones, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">p. 47</a></span> +mixed with earthy fillings. These towers, considerably ruined, +are still 2 m.—6 ft. 6 in.—high, and appear to have been at +least 4m.—13 ft.—in diameter; at all events the northern +one. At the gateway itself the walls curve outward,<a name="FNanchor_100" id="FNanchor_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> and +appear to have terminated in a short passage of entering and +re-entering lines, between which there was a passage, as well +for man as for the waters from the <i>mesilla</i> into the bottom +and the stream below. But these lines can only be surmised +from the streaks of gravel and stones extending beyond the +gateway, as no definite foundations are extant. <a href="#pI">Pl. I.</a>, Fig. 3, +is a tolerably correct diagram of this gateway.</p> + +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 654px;"> +<a name="pIX" id="pIX" href="images/illus-plateix-large.png"> +<img src="images/illus-plateix.png" width="654" height="386" alt="PLATE IX: VIEW OF GATEWAY OF CIRCUMVALLATION, FROM THE EAST." +title="PLATE IX: VIEW OF GATEWAY OF CIRCUMVALLATION, FROM THE EAST." /> +</a> +<span class="caption">PLATE IX:<br /> +VIEW OF GATEWAY OF CIRCUMVALLATION, FROM THE EAST.</span> +</div> + +<p>The face of the wall at each side of the gate is 1.3 m.—4 +ft.—wide. Whether there was any contrivance to close it +or not it is now impossible to determine; but there are in the +northern wall of the gate pieces of decayed wood embedded +in and protruding from the stone-work. For what purpose +they were placed there it is not permitted even to conjecture.</p> + +<hr class="minor" /> + +<p>Having thus sketched, as far as I am able, the topography +of the <i>mesilla</i>, and described its great wall of circumvallation, +I now turn to the ruins which cover its upper surface, starting +for their survey from the transverse wall of the old church-yard, +10 m.—33 ft.—north of the church, and proceeding +thence northward along the top of the tabulated bluff.<a name="FNanchor_101" id="FNanchor_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a></p> + +<p>Sixty-one metres—200 ft.—north of our point of departure +we strike stone foundations running about due east and +west and resting almost directly on the rock, since the soil +along the entire plateau which I have termed the neck is +scarce, and has nowhere more than 1 m.—39 in.—in depth. +The eastern corner of this wall, as far as it can be made out, +is 12 m.—39 ft.—from the eastern wall of circumvallation. +From this point on there extends one continuous body of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">p. 48</a></span> +ruins, one half of which at least (the southern half), if not +two-thirds, as the ground plan will show, exhibits nothing +else but foundations of small chambers indicated by shapeless +stone-heaps and depressions. The northern part is in a better +state of preservation; a number of chambers are more or less +perfect, the roofs excepted,<a name="FNanchor_102" id="FNanchor_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> and we can easily detect several +stories retreating from east to west. About 9 m.—30 ft.—from +its northern limits a double wall intersects the pile for +one half of its width. The ruins beyond it, or rather the +addition, is in a state of decay equal to that of the southern +extremity. The western side is, generally, in a better state of +preservation than the eastern, especially the north-western +corner. Along the eastern side upright posts of wood, protruding +from stone-heaps, often are the only indications for +the outline of the structure. Along the <ins class="correction" title="Transcriber's note: original reads 'northwest'">north-west</ins>, however, +such posts are enclosed in standing walls of stone, at distances +not quite regularly distributed, but still showing plainly that +here, at least, the outer wall presented an appearance similar +to <a href="#pII">Pl. II.</a>, Fig. 4.</p> + +<p>At the place where I measured, the upright posts stood at +about 1.39 m.—4 ft. 6 in.—from each other; the projecting +wall was 2 m.—6 ft. 6 in.—long, and 0.63 m.—2 ft.—thick; +the retreating wall 1.40 m.—4 ft. 6 in.—long, and 0.33 m.—13 +in.—thick. The posts themselves were sometimes, but +not always, backed, or even encased in adobe sheaths, built +up like little chimneys in the wall itself. This mode of construction +was possibly peculiar to the western side alone, and +gives it a slight appearance of ornamentation, as well as more +strength, the projecting walls acting like buttresses.</p> + +<p>The whole structure, taking the sides of the <i>débris</i> as they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">p. 49</a></span> +are now scattered, extends nearly north and south 140 m.—460 +ft.—and east and west about 16 m. to 26 m.—50 ft. to +80 ft.—thus forming a rectangle of 140 m. × 20 m.—460 +ft. × 65 ft. To determine the exact size of the building I +proceeded to measure each compartment for itself, judging +that the total number of these apartments, adding to their +sizes the thicknesses of the walls, would finally give, within a +few decimetres, the exact length and width of the house. On +the ground plan I have numbered this building B.<a name="FNanchor_103" id="FNanchor_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a></p> + +<p>Beginning at the north-west corner, I ran my line almost +due east to within 10 m.—33 ft.—of the circumvallation, +where I found the north-east corner indicated by a broken +post of wood. Along this line I met the following sections +from west to east: 2.92 m.—9 ft. 6 in.; then a gangway, +1.55 m.—5 ft.; chamber, 3.22 m.—11 ft.; gangway, 1.21 m.—4 +ft.; and three chambers, 2.09 m., 2.72 m., and 2.72 m.—7 +ft., 9 ft., and 9 ft.—respectively, thus giving, adding to it +eight walls of a uniform thickness of 0.33 m.—13 in.,—a total +width of 19.07 m.—63 ft. Its length was easily found to be +8.56 m.—28 ft.; the northern appendix, therefore, forming a +rectangle of 8.5 m. × 19 m.—28 ft. × 63 ft.,—and containing, +as the ground-plan shows, ten rooms and two corridors, +the latter running through the structure from north to south. +It will also be noticed that the two middle rooms are the +largest, measuring each 4.28 m. × 3.22 m.—14 ft. × 10 ft. +I must also advert, here, to the fact that this structure is +extremely ruined, and that the east part of it exposes the +surveyor to dangerous errors.</p> + +<p>The line <i>a b</i>, and its continuation eastwardly to <i>c</i>, appears +to form the main northern wall of the whole structure. +Here the annex, just described, terminates. This wall +is of unequal thickness. In the north-westerly projection<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">p. 50</a></span> +from <i>a</i> to <i>b</i>, a length of 8 m.—26 ft.,—its thickness is +0.63 m.—2 ft.; from <i>b</i> to <i>c</i>, on the eastern line, it is only +0.33 m.—13 in.—thick. This inequality indicates also a +division of the structure to the southward, as far as the line +<i>d d d</i>, into two longitudinal sections. The western one, whose +four corners are respectively <i>a</i> <i>b</i> <i>d</i> <i>d</i> in the diagram, contains +eighteen rooms of equal size, measuring each 3.71 m. × 2.25 +m.—12 ft. × 7 ft.; it is consequently, inclusive of the rear +wall and the sides, 24.24 m. × 8.08 m.—80 ft. × 27 ft. +The eastern division, comprised within the area <i>b</i> <i>c</i> <i>d</i> <i>d</i>, has +fifteen rooms, or five longitudinal rows of three, whereas the +western has six rows of three. The rooms east must therefore +be larger than those west, and we see that they measure +from east to west respectively, 2.25 m., 2.28 m., and 2.28 m.—7 +ft., 7 ft. 6 in., and 7 ft. 6 in.: from north to south, 3.60 m., 5.07 +m., 4.43 m., 4.13 m., and 3.43 m.—12 ft., 17 ft., 15 ft., 14 ft., and +11 ft. It is a rectangle, or rather trapezium, 22.31 m. × 7.81 +m.—70 ft. × 25 ft.,—consequently the width of the building +<i>B</i> is somewhat less on the line <i>d d d</i> than on the line <i>a b c</i>. +The cause of this singular contraction I have found, and shall +afterwards indicate.</p> + +<p>Then follows a transverse section (<i>d d d e e</i>), containing +two rows of six rooms each, or twelve in all, of very unequal +sizes, as the ground-plans show. This entire section appears +to be trapezoidal. The line <i>d d d</i> is 15.89 m.—52 ft.—long; +the line <i>e e</i> 16.33 m.—53 ft.; <i>d e</i> measures 7.42 m.—24 ft.—along +the west, and 8.04 m.—27 ft.—along the east. Rooms +marked <i>II</i> and <i>III</i> are particularly irregular, having, as the +diagram shows, not less than six corners.</p> + +<p>From <i>e e</i> to <i>f f</i>, another transverse section, this time of four +rows of six each, or twenty-four cells in all, those of each row +being of equal length, to wit 3.65 m.—12 ft.; and in width +from east to west, respectively: 2.25 m., 2.78 m., 3.18 m., 2.63<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">p. 51</a></span> +m., and 4.40 m.—7 ft., 9 ft., 10 ft., 9 ft., and 14 ft. (the last +measure being the aggregate of the two eastern compartments, +the longitudinal partition being nearly obliterated). +To the south of <i>f f</i> a further slight change occurs, inasmuch +as the three eastern rooms, instead of being respectively 2.68 +m., 2.20 m., and 2.20 m.—9 ft., 7 ft., and 7 ft.,—now become +2.25 m., 2.33 m., and 2.32 m.—7 ft., 8 ft., and 8 ft. From <i>f f</i> +to <i>g g</i>, the southern limits of the structure, the whole structure +is badly ruined; and while the rooms can be counted, +measurements are possible only in a few places. Still I am +satisfied that no great error lies in the assumption that they +were, taken longitudinally, all equal to the six rooms contained +in the transverse row south of the line <i>f f</i>, that is, +3.65 m.—12 ft.—from north to south; and in width, counting +the cells from west to east, respectively, 2.25 m., 2.78 m., +3.18 m., 2.25 m., 2.33 m., and 2.32 m.—7 ft., 9 ft., 10 ft., 7 ft., +8 ft., and 8 ft. The section, <i>f f g g</i>, which forms the southern +and largest portion of the house (<i>B</i>), contains, therefore, +twenty-two transverse rows of six chambers each, or +one hundred and thirty-two apartments on the ground-plan; +and it forms a rectangle running from north to south and +east to west respectively of 80.30 m. × 15.11 m.—260 ft. × +50 ft.</p> + +<p>The general dimensions of this building (<i>B</i>), therefore +appear as follows:—</p> + +<div class="center"> +<div class="block"> +<table class="Bldg" border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="Building B dimensions"> + <col style="width:85%;" /><col style="width:15%;" /> +<tbody valign="top"> + <tr> + <td class="lj">Length from north to south, east side</td> + <td class="rj">133.81 m.—440 ft.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"><ins class="blank">Length</ins>"<ins class="blank">from nort</ins>"<ins class="blank"> to south,</ins> west side</td> + <td class="rj">134.92 m.—442 ft.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj">Width of northern appendix</td> + <td class="rj">19.07 m.— 63 ft.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj">Width along line <i>a b c</i></td> + <td class="rj">19.07 m.— 63 ft.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"><ins class="blank">Wi</ins>"<ins class="blank">th along</ins>"<ins class="blank"> line </ins><i>d d d</i></td> + <td class="rj">15.89 m.— 52 ft.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"><ins class="blank">Wi</ins>"<ins class="blank">th along</ins>"<ins class="blank"> line </ins><i>e e</i></td> + <td class="rj">16.33 m.— 53 ft.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"><ins class="blank">Wi</ins>"<ins class="blank">th along</ins>"<ins class="blank"> line </ins><i>f f</i></td> + <td class="rj">15.24 m.— 50 ft.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj">Width of line <i>g g</i>, approximated</td> + <td class="rj">15.70 m.— 51 ft.</td> + </tr> + </tbody> +</table> +</div></div> + +<p class="pn"> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">p. 52</a></span></p> + +<p>From the appearance of the ground-plan, as I have been +compelled to give it, it would result that the "first floor" +contained two hundred and eleven cells, or rooms. Such is, +however, not the case. The builders of this extensive fabric +had not the means of preparing the hard rock foundation by +removing it wherever it protruded over an average level. +While giving a uniform height to their structure, they accommodated +its ground-plan to the sinuosities of the rock. Out +of this accommodation the irregularities noticed in the construction +have mainly arisen. <a href="#pII">Pl. II.</a>, Figs. 1, 2, 3, will illustrate +this statement.</p> + +<p><a href="#pII">Pl. II.</a>, Fig. 1.—Cross-section of <i>B</i> along the line a b c, +north end; <i>a b</i>, actually visible top-line; <i>c d e f g h</i>, rock; +<i>i k</i>, top of probable highest story, now destroyed.</p> + +<p>I have every reason to assume that this cross-section holds +good for the entire division (<i>a b c d d</i>). From <i>d d</i> on to <i>f f</i> +the distance between the rim of the <i>mesilla</i> to the east and +the house is greatest; the top-rock bends also to the west +about <i>e e</i>, and there the irregularities noticed on the diagram +about the chambers (<i>II</i> and <i>III</i>) come in. They evidently +result from an effort to conform the general plan to both the +lateral and vertical deviations of its base. About the line <i>f f</i>, +while the same number of chambers (six) remains in every +transverse row, there is but one story below the general surface +to the east. I may safely assume that south of the line +<i>f f</i> all the rooms of the first floor were on the same level. +<a href="#pII">Pl. II.</a>, Figs. 2 and 3 will illustrate this point. As far as I +could detect, the line <i>e e</i> can be admitted as the one where one +of the two lower stories disappears, and but one remains on +the east side lower than the rest.</p> + +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 414px;"> +<a name="pII" id="pII" href="images/illus-plateii-large.png"> +<img src="images/illus-plateii.png" width="414" height="711" +alt="PLATE II: PLAN OF SECTIONS OF BUILDING B." title="PLATE II: PLAN OF SECTIONS OF BUILDING B." /> +</a> +<span class="caption">PLATE II:<br /> +PLAN OF SECTIONS OF BUILDING B.</span> +</div> + +<p>I have everywhere assumed <i>four</i> stories. It is at least certain +that there were not less than four. When Coronado +visited the pueblo in 1540, he found "the houses with four +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">p. 53</a></span> +stories."<a name="FNanchor_104" id="FNanchor_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> Sr. Mariano Ruiz told me that "they all were +of three stories;" but then he mentioned, below, the +"casas de comodidad," thus indicating that the lowest story +was used for store-rooms. It is very apparent from the ruins +that, as I have indicated in the cross-sections, the western +wall was unbroken, whereas from the east the stories rose in +four retreating terraces. The western wall already mentioned +was given additional strength, by means of the buttresses, of +which I have given a small outline. The winds blow very +fiercely over the <i>mesilla</i>, especially from the <ins class="correction" title="Transcriber's note: original reads 'northwest'">north-west</ins>; there +is no tree to be seen on or about it, not even a cedar-bush, +higher than a couple of feet at most. Against such blasts +the solid wall was necessary, while the many intersecting partitions +inside gave additional strength. It was a very solid +structure as against winds, notwithstanding the comparative +thinness of the walls,—0.63 m.—2 ft.—being their greatest +width, and 0.33 m.—13 in.—their average.</p> + +<p>With reference to the cross-sections, it now becomes possible +to approximate the total number of chambers, apartments, +or cells, contained in the entire building; a point +impossible even to estimate from the ground-plan alone.</p> + +<p>Leaving aside the northern appendix, about whose elevation +I have not even means of conjecture, it becomes evident that +the section whose four corners are marked respectively <i>a</i>, <i>c</i>, +<i>d</i>, <i>d</i>, had the following number of compartments, starting with +the lowest story, and remembering that, as above stated, one +longitudinal row had six, and the other five, rooms:—</p> + +<div class="center"> +<div class="block"> +<table class="Bldg" border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="Building B rooms"> + <col style="width:85%;" /><col style="width:5%;" /> <col style="width:10%;" /> +<tbody valign="top"> + <tr> + <td class="lj">Lowest story</td> + <td class="rj">5</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj">Second story</td> + <td class="rj">5</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj">Third story. 3 × 6 + 5</td> + <td class="rj">23</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj">Fourth story. 3 × 6</td> + <td class="rj">18</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"><span style="margin-left: 4em">Total</span></td> + <td class="rj" style="border-top:1px solid black;">51</td> + <td class="lj">rooms.</td> + </tr> + </tbody> +</table> +</div></div> + +<p class="pn"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">p. 54</a></span></p> + +<div class="center"> +<div class="block"> +<table class="BldgBRooms" border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" style="margin-top:1em;margin-bottom:1em"> + <tr> +<td class="ljw"><i>Brought forward</i></td> + <td class="rj">51 rooms.</td> + </tr> +</table> + +<table class="BldgBRooms" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="Building B rooms"> + <col style="width:10%;" /><col style="width:80%;" /> <col style="width:5%;" /> <col style="width:5%;" /> +<tbody valign="top"> + <tr> + <td class="rj">The section</td> + <td class="ljw"><i>d d e e</i> had probably the same arrangement, and therefore, there being but two transverse rows, it contained in all</td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + <td class="ljb">18</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="rj">Section</td> + <td class="lj"><i>e e f f</i> contained on lower story</td> + <td class="rj">4</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="rj"> </td> + <td class="lj">Second Story. 5 × 4</td> + <td class="rj">20</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="rj"> </td> + <td class="lj">Third Story. 4 × 4</td> + <td class="rj">6</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="rj"> </td> + <td class="lj">Fourth Story. 3 × 4</td> + <td class="rj">12</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="rj"> </td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="rj" style="border-top:1px solid black;"> </td> + <td class="lj">52</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="rj">Section</td> + <td class="lj"><i>f f g g</i>:—</td> + <td class="rj">4</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="rj"> </td> + <td class="lj">Lower Story. 22 × 6</td> + <td class="rj">132</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="rj"> </td> + <td class="lj">Second Story. 22 × 5</td> + <td class="rj">110</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="rj"> </td> + <td class="lj">Third Story. 22 × 4</td> + <td class="rj">88</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="rj"> </td> + <td class="lj">Fourth Story. 22 × 3</td> + <td class="rj">66</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="rj"> </td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="rj" style="border-top:1px solid black;"> </td> + <td class="rj">396</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="ljw" colspan="3">Total number of rooms contained in building <i>B</i></td> + <td class="rj" style="border-top:1px solid black;">517</td> + </tr> + </tbody> +</table> +</div></div> + +<p>These rooms are very nearly of equal size, the largest one +being <i>III.</i> 2.85 m. × 4.78 m.—9 ft. × 16 ft.—on one side, and +3.71 m.—12 ft-on the other, with an entering angle; the smallest +room adjoining to it measuring 2.25 m. × 2.70 m.—7 ft. × +9 ft. The entire structure, therefore, presents the appearance +of a honeycomb, or rather of a bee-hive, and perfectly illustrates, +among the lower degrees of culture of mankind, the +prevailing principle of communism in living, which finds its +parallel in the lower classes of animals. Tradition, historical +relation, and analogy, tell us that this house was used as a +dwelling,<a name="FNanchor_105" id="FNanchor_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> and that consequently it was, to all intents and purposes, +a communal house.</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">p. 55</a></span></p> +<p>The height of the various stories it is almost impossible to +determine. I have measured walls which appeared to be +perfect, and they gave me an average of 2.28 m.—7 ft. 6 in.—elevation. +Should such be the rule, the western wall of the +building, at its greatest height south, would have risen about +11 m.—36 ft.</p> + +<p>The northern appendix I have ignored in the above computation, +because its whole appearance gives no ground for +definitive statements. It seems really to be an annex, and in +fact the whole building seems to have progressed, in its construction, +from south to north, in point of date and time.</p> + +<p>The southern portion of the building—the one which appears +to have been erected on a plane surface—was, in all +probability, the one first built. The northern portions were +added to it gradually as occasion required. This is further +shown by the fact that in these northern sections, along the +line <i>a, b, c</i>, parts of the third story wall are patched with +regular adobe bricks, about half as large as those in the church, +but still made by the same process.<a name="FNanchor_106" id="FNanchor_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> The rest of the structure +is exclusively composed of stone.</p> + +<p>It is to all intents and purposes a stone house. Two kinds of +rocks predominate among the material; a slaty, gray and red, +sandstone,—highly tabular, easily broken into plates of any +size,—and a sandstone conglomerate, containing small pebbles +from the size of a pea up to that of a small hazel-nut,—the +whole rock of a gray color. When freshly broken or wetted, +this conglomerate becomes very friable, and so soft that goats +have left the impression of their feet on scattered fragments. +When dry it becomes hard, and is always very heavy. Both +kind of rocks are found in the vicinity of the <i>mesilla</i>. Besides<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">p. 56</a></span> +these, loose pieces of stone from the bluff itself, boulders from +the creek, of convenient size, enter into the composition of the +walls. Sometimes the latter consist exclusively of slabs of +sandstone superposed; again there are polygonal fragments of +rocks piled upon one another, with courses of tabular sandstone, +forming, so to say, the basis for further piling; the foundations +are usually boulders and the hardest rocks, also of greater +width. There are no walls of dressed stone, but the rocks +are broken to a suitable size, as may be done with any stone +maul or sledge, or even by smashing with the hand and another +rock. In fact the whole <ins class="correction" title="Transcriber's note: original reads 'stonework'">stone-work</ins> must be termed, not +masonry, but simply judicious and careful piling.<a name="FNanchor_107" id="FNanchor_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> In performing +it, great attention has been paid to having the vertical +surfaces as nearly as possible vertical; but this end could be +reached without the use of the plumb-line, and with the aid +of mere ordinary eyesight, for the rooms are so small, and the +partitions so thin, that anything not "true" could, and can +yet be, "shoved" into position by a mere steady, slow push; +carefully watched on the opposite side. The same applies to +the angles, although they are tolerably accurate. As a general +thing, the transverse walls appear to be continuous, and +the longitudinal partitions to have been added afterwards, but +there are also instances of the contrary. In this respect the +sinuosities of the rocky foundation seem to have determined +the mode of action. To fill up the gaps between the stones,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">p. 57</a></span> +and to coat them with a smooth surface within the chambers +what appears to be earth from the surrounding bottoms has +been flung into the crevices, thus forming a natural mortar, +and at the same time a "first coat" of plaster of varying +thickness. This in turn is covered with a thin white layer +(now of course turning into gray, yellow, and flesh-red) much +resembling our plaster, but whose composition I am unable to +determine. (Specimens of the mud, containing small gravel +and minute particles of mica, are sent with the other collections, +also fragments of the white coating for analysis.<a name="FNanchor_108" id="FNanchor_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a>)</p> + + +<p>The woodwork proper appears not to have had any connection +with the strength or support of the walls, but simply +to have been erected within and among the walls as a scaffold +for the ceilings, which are also the floors of the higher +stories. Upright posts of cedar and pine, stripped of their +bark, but not squared, are, as I have already shown, set inside +of the stone wall, at more or less even distances. As far as I<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">p. 58</a></span> +could ascertain, these distances are regulated by the size of +the rooms. These posts are coarsely hacked off at the upper +end, and over them other similar beams are laid longitudinally, +sometimes fitted over the posts with chips wedged in. Such +is the case in a room in the northern wing of the building +marked <i>A</i>, of which I shall hereafter speak.<a name="FNanchor_109" id="FNanchor_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a></p> + + +<p>On these longitudinal beams other ones rest, laid transversely, +and imbedded in the wall on the opposite side. On +these again longitudinal poles are placed, also at intervals +varying according to the dimensions of the chambers, and on +them transversely, a layer of brush, or splinters of wood, +closely overlapping each other; and the whole is capped by +about .20 m.—8 in.—of common clay or soil. <a href="#pIII">Pl. III.</a>, Fig. 1, +is a front view of the wooden scaffold in a lower story room, +and of the ceiling which it supports.</p> + +<p class="indent"><i>a</i>, clay and lower seam of brush or splinters.</p> +<p class="indent"><i>b</i>, transverse poles or beams, in case the beams are lacking.</p> +<p class="indent"><i>c</i>, longitudinal beam.</p> +<p class="indent"><i>d</i>, upright posts.</p> + +<p>In most cases, however, the beams are transverse and the +poles longitudinal, and this is where the beam (<i>c</i>) is lacking, +as in the interior apartments, where the ceiling appears as in +<a href="#pIII">Pl. III.</a>, Fig. 2: <i>a</i>, clay; <i>b</i>, brush or splinters; <i>c</i>, poles; +<i>d</i>, beams; <i>e</i>, wall.<a name="FNanchor_110" id="FNanchor_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a></p> + +<p>The diameter of the upright posts is, on an average, 0.28 m.—11 +in.,—but even sometimes as great as 0.33 m.—13 in.,—the +longitudinal and transverse beams are scarcely less thick, +whereas the poles are about 0.05 m.—2 in.—across. The +splinters seem to have been obtained by splitting a middle-sized +tree, and tearing out thin segments.</p> + +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 396px;"> +<a name="pIII" id="pIII" href="images/illus-plateiii-large.png"> +<img src="images/illus-plateiii.png" width="396" height="700" alt="PLATE III: SECTIONS OF BUILDING B." title="PLATE III: SECTIONS OF BUILDING B." /> +</a> +<span class="caption">PLATE III:<br />SECTIONS OF BUILDING B.</span> +</div><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">p. 59</a></span></p> + +<p><a href="#pIII">Pl. III.</a>, Fig. 4, is a ground plan of the floor of room marked +<i>I</i> on the diagram. This room is on the eastern row of the +third floor, therefore an outer room.</p> + +<p class="indent"><i>c</i>, longitudinal poles.</p> + +<p class="indent"><i>d</i>, the end of the transverse beams projecting from the +other room.</p> + +<p class="indent"><i>e</i>, the transverse beams, resting in the wall on both sides.</p> + +<p>On the latter rested a thin layer of brush and a compact +mass of clay, 0.20 m.—8 in.—thick. The clay, or rather +soil, is very hard and was probably stamped or pounded.</p> + +<p>As far as I have been able to detect, the upright posts are +not found inside of the house, except, perhaps, on the rear +wall of the outer chamber, as in one room of building <i>A</i>, to +which I shall hereafter refer. If this is the room, then the +skeleton of the wood-work (upright and transverse posts and +beams) would present nearly the appearance shown in Pl. +III., Fig. 3, when viewed from the side, and admitting the +house to be four stories high.</p> + +<p><i>a</i>, horizontal beams.</p> + +<p><i>b</i>, upright posts, along the western wall, and in the three upper +stories. These posts are hypothetical, and therefore only +indicated by dotted lines. (It may be also that every cell had +its front and its rear posts, but I have not been able to detect +any except in the outer rooms.)</p> + +<p>With the exception of one chamber in building <i>A</i>, I +nowhere met anything like a roof. This one appears to +be nothing else than a ceiling-floor, but of nearly 0.75 m.—2 +ft. 6 in.—in thickness. It is, as <a href="#pVIII">Pl. VIII.</a> shows, much +covered by fallen stones, and its original height may have +been increased by <i>débris</i>; but at all events it was thoroughly +impermeable, and such as would be required in a climate<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">p. 60</a></span> +where, indeed, it seldom rains, but "whenever it rains it +pours."</p> + +<p>There is a certain air of sameness cast over the entire structure +which has strongly impressed me with the thought that +not only was it used as a dwelling for a large number (as +the reports, indeed, establish), but also that all its inhabitants +lived on an equal footing,—as far as accommodations for living +were concerned. There are no special quarters, no spacious +halls. The few rooms of somewhat larger size are naturally +explained by the mode of construction, adapting the house to +the configuration of the rock, and not conversely as we do. +It was, therefore, a large joint-tenement structure, harboring, +perhaps, when fully occupied, several hundreds of families.</p> + +<p>In regard to ingress and egress, not only have I found no +doors in any fragments of exterior walls, but the many persons +I have asked have always assured me that there had +been none, that the house was entered by means of ladders, +ascending to the top of each story in succession, and descending +into the rooms also by ladders and through trap-doors in +the roofs. They have also assured me that each room of each +story communicated with the one above and below, also by +means of trap-doors and ladders. It is quite certain that +there are no staircases nor steps, and that consequently ladders +were used, in the same manner as they are still used by +the Indians of the pueblos of Zuñi, Moqui, Acoma, Taos, and +others. Ingress and egress, therefore, must have taken place, +not horizontally "in and out," but vertically "up and down." +I have not been able to identify any one of the trap-doors referred +to, but I should not be surprised to hear that they have +been subsequently found in the north-west corner of each +room. By referring to the diagram of the floor (<a href="#pIII">Pl. III.</a>, +Fig. 4), it will be seen that the rectangular spaces between the +beams and overlying poles are almost everywhere large<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">p. 61</a></span> +enough, if the superstructure of splinters (or brush) and clay +is removed, to give passage to any man. The ladders themselves +have completely disappeared.</p> + +<p>On one and the same floor, I found in the side walls at a +few places, the remains of low and narrow openings through +which a man might pass in a stooping position and "sidling." +Nowhere could I see the full height of these small doorways, +so that I do not know whether there was a lintel, or whether +they terminated in an open angle, like the doorways of +Yucatan. I have seen openings showing the peculiar so-called +"aboriginal arch" of Yucatan on a small scale, and I +also have seen that an accidental "knocking-out" of one or +two stones from the walls produced a hole or gap very similar +in shape to the doorways at Uxmal and other pueblos of +Southern Mexico, though of course on a small scale. It is +self-evident that, the coincidence being accidental, I do not +place any stress upon it in view of "tracing relationships." +The coincidence is of ethnological, and not of ethnographical, +value. As far as I could ascertain, they were certainly 1 m.—3 +ft. 3 in.—high, whereas their average width may have +been 0.45 m.—18 in. (Those I measured averaged between +0.42 m. and 0.48 m.—16 in. and 19 in.) Their appearance is +shown in <a href="#pII">Pl. II.</a>, Fig. 5.</p> + +<p><i>a</i> is what might be termed a door-sill, a smooth oval +stone, evidently from the drift, probably dioritic, at all events +a dark-green hornblende rock. In the present instance one +was not long enough to fill the gap left between the walls, and +two were superposed. I saw no traces of wooden lintels or +sills. These doorways appeared to be generally about +0.50 m.—20 in.—above the floor, but if we deduct 0.20 m.—8 +in.—for the clay (measure having been taken from the +timbers), 0.30 m.—12 in.—will remain as their approximate +height over the chambers.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">p. 62</a></span></p> + +<p>The few doors that I could observe are all in the longitudinal +walls, and none of them in the transverse; that is, they +all open from east to west. But not all the longitudinal partitions +have doorways. It cannot, therefore, be admitted that +every transverse row was occupied by one family, still less that +the family apartments were arranged longitudinally. I rather +suspect that this arrangement was vertical, or perhaps vertical +and transverse. This surmise is given, however, for what it +may be worth. Windows I could not find, although small +apertures undoubtedly existed in all the outer walls, both for +light and for air.</p> + +<p>The chambers being all very much ruined, the lower ones +filled with the stones and decayed ruins of the superposed +stories,—of these stories themselves but part of the walls, denuded +and often twisted, remaining,—I have not been able, +with one single exception, to secure or even see any of what +we would call the "furniture." Small fragments of grinding-stones +(<i>metates</i>) are sparsely scattered over the entire ruins, +otherwise the only object of daily use as articles of furniture +met with by me has been a hearth, which I found or dug out +<i>in situ</i>, in room <i>I</i>, and which, complete, forms part of the +collections sent by me to Cambridge.</p> + +<p>The place where this hearth was situated is marked on the +diagram in room <i>I</i>. It stood on the floor against the north +wall, and is composed of three plates of stone, originally +ground and polished (as the specimen found in building A +will show, which is a fragment only), and, judging from new +fragments found, of diorite or other hornblende rock. There +are three plates,—a basal one, 40 m.—16 in.—long and +20 m.—8 in.—wide, and two sides, placed vertically east and +west of the base,—all three resting against the north wall of +the room. <a href="#pIII">Pl. III.</a>, Fig. 4, is a diagram of the room, the floor +timbers, and the hearth.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">p. 63</a></span></p> + +<p>The basal plate was covered with 0.10 m.—4 in.—of very +white ashes, which I have also secured, and the rear of the +hearth, which is formed by the original "first coat" of earth +daubed over the wall, is thoroughly baked by the heat produced +in front of it, as the samples sent will show.<a name="FNanchor_111" id="FNanchor_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a></p> + +<p>Of course, I looked at once for an opening where the smoke +arising from the hearth, etc., could have escaped. I am sorry +to say, however, that I utterly failed in finding anything like +a chimney,—not only in <i>B</i>, but in all the other buildings. +Still, in the ruined condition of the place, this is no proof of +their non-existence.<a name="FNanchor_112" id="FNanchor_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a></p> + +<p>I will refer to subsequent pages to such articles of mechanical +use and of wearing apparel which I was fortunate +enough to meet. I shall also return hereafter to the almost +omnipresent pieces of painted pottery, of two distinct kinds, +and to the very numerous chips of obsidian, jet-black on the +face, but transparent as smoky glass; of black lava; and to the +flint, jasper, and moss-agates, broken mechanically by man, +and scattered over the premises. These premises have been +thoroughly ransacked by visitors, and every striking object +has already been carried off. I had heard mentioned, among +such samples, flint, agate, and obsidian arrow-heads, stone +hatchets and hammers, and copper (not brass or iron) rings +used for ornamental purposes,<a name="FNanchor_113" id="FNanchor_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> but my luck it was not to find<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">p. 64</a></span> +any. Therefore the harvest is perhaps slim in that respect. +It is beyond all doubt that judicious digging among the lower +stories of the structures will reveal treasures,—not money, as +the tale current among the inhabitants has it, but things of +archæological and ethnological value. For such an undertaking +I was, as the Institute well knows, not prepared. I attempted +to dig, indeed, though quite alone, but soon came to +the conclusion that the time consumed in excavating one metre +of decayed and crumbling stones and earth would be more +satisfactorily employed in other directions; paving the way +for the exhaustive labors of better situated archæologists.</p> + +<p>I have been very lengthy in my <i>exposé</i> of facts and data +regarding this particular house <i>B</i>, for the simple reason that, +as far as the principles of architecture, based upon a knowledge +and want of "how to live," are concerned, it is typical +of the rest. Many details become therefore unnecessary in +subsequent descriptions.</p> + +<p>To return to the structure itself, its general plan and its mode +of construction in detail more and more forcibly remind me of +an extraordinarily large honeycomb. The various walls, a few +of the outer walls excepted, have little strength in themselves +(as the rapid decay shows), but combined altogether they oppose +to any outside pressure an immense amount of "inertia." +There is not in the whole building one single evidence of any +great progress in mechanics. Everything done and built with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">p. 65</a></span>in +it can be built and made with the use of a good or fair eyesight +only, and the implements and arts of what was formerly +called the "stone age." This does not exclude the possibility +that they had made a certain advance in mechanical agencies. +They may have had the plummet, or even the square; but +such expedients, applied to their system of building, might at +most have hastened the rapidity of construction. Necessary +they were not at all, still less indispensable. As the bee builds +one cell alongside of the other and above the other,—the +norm of one and the "habitat" impelling the norm of those +above and alongside,—so the Indians of Pecos aggregated +their cells according to their wants and the increase of their +numbers; their inside accommodations, the wood-work, bearing +the last trace of the frail "lodge" of a former shifting +condition.</p> + +<p>Leaving <i>B</i> for the present, I turn to the other ruins on the +so-called "neck" of the <i>mesilla</i>.</p> + +<p>4 m.—13 ft.—west of the N.W. corner of the northern annex, +I struck stone foundations indicating a structure (whether +enclosure or building I do not venture to tell) 10.21 m.—33 +ft.—from E. to W., and 6.60 m.—22 ft.—from N. to S.<a name="FNanchor_114" id="FNanchor_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a>, 49 +m.—160 ft.—to the north-west of its north-easterly angle +there is a mound about 2 m. or 6 ft. in diameter, thence 20 +m.—65 ft.—further N.W. or N.N.W. the southern ruins of +the east wing of <i>A</i> are reached.</p> + +<p>Parallel to <i>B</i>, longitudinally, and at an average distance of +28 m.—90 ft—to the west from it, there is a row of detached +buildings or structures, of which only the foundations and +shapeless stone heaps indicating the corners remain. <a href="#pI">Pl. I.</a>, +Fig. 8, conveys an idea of their position and size. The walls +are reduced to mere foundations, or to heaps in the corners;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">p. 66</a></span> +but these remnants indicate that the rocks used were similar +in kind and shape to those composing the walls of all the +other kinds of construction in the <i>mesilla</i> north of the church.</p> + +<p>For what purpose these buildings were erected, and in what +relation they stood to <i>B</i>, I am unable to determine. Some of +them appeared to have doors opening to the east.<a name="FNanchor_115" id="FNanchor_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> Beyond +<i>f</i> the ground rises suddenly. The floor of those structures +is, in some instances, formed of a black or red loam. I excavated +one of those, or, rather, dug into it, to the depth of +one metre. The surface had shown traces of a fire built in +the centre, and I found also, at the depth of nearly two feet, +that the dark soil was traversed by a band of charcoal, fragments +of burnt and blackened pottery, and some splinters of +bone. Below it the soil was dark red. Whether there was +a buried hearth at that depth, or whether the traces of fire +were due to an original destruction of woodwork through +combustion, the <i>débris</i> subsequently covering them with clay, +I am unable to judge.<a name="FNanchor_116" id="FNanchor_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> In all of them, of course, pottery +and obsidian were found.</p> + +<p>I have already stated that the <i>mesilla</i> dips to the south-west; +that there is a depression along the northern end of its +"neck;" and that from <i>f</i> the rocks bulge upwards again. All +this contributes to concentrate the drainage of the entire cliff-top, +as far north of the church as it was inhabited, in the hollow +where the gate of the general enclosure is placed. This +gate was therefore not only a passage-way, but also the water-gap +or channel through which the <i>mesilla</i> was finally drained +into the bottoms of the Arroyo de Pecos.</p> + +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 419px;"> +<a name="pIV" id="pIV" href="images/illus-plateiv-large.png"> +<img src="images/illus-plateiv.png" width="419" height="714" alt="PLATE IV: PLAN OF BUILDING A." title="PLATE IV: PLAN OF BUILDING A." /> +</a> +<span class="caption">PLATE IV:<br />PLAN OF BUILDING A.</span> +</div><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">p. 67</a></span></p> + +<p>20 m.—65 ft.—to the N.N.W. of the mound i, there rises +before us the huge pile of ruins which, on the plat as well as +on the diagram, I have designated by <i>A</i>. It crowns the highest +point of the entire <i>mesilla</i>, and covers the greatest portion +of its top. In ruins like <i>B</i>, its general aspect is yet somewhat +different Instead of forming, like the latter, a narrow, solid +rectangle of 140 m. × 20 m.—460 ft. × 65 ft.—, the building +<i>A</i> is (taking, of course, the outlines of the entire <i>débris</i>) a +broad hollow rectangle of 150 m. × 75 m.—490 ft. × 245 ft. +Its interior is occupied by a vast court or square, containing +three circular depressions, and surrounded on all four sides by +the broad ruined heaps of the former dwellings. On the east +side, between the circumvallation and the eastern line of the +structure, there are two more circular depressions similar to +those within the court. The latter is entered by four passageways,—one +on the S.E. corner, 4 m.—13 ft.—wide and about +12 m.—40 ft.—long from S. to N.; one through the eastern +wing, 3.40 m.—11 ft.—wide and about 14 m.—46 ft.—long +from E. to W.; one in the N.W. corner and another from the +S.W., both 2 m.—6 ft. 6 in.—across. I have designated these +four gateways respectively as <i>R</i>, <i>E</i>, <i>G</i>, and <i>N</i>. <i>R</i> and <i>E</i> enter +straight through the wall; <i>G</i> forms a semicircle almost from +W. through N. to S.; <i>N</i> describes a right angle from S. by N. +to E. The distribution of decay in this house is the same as +in <i>B</i>,—the southern parts are on all sides almost totally obliterated; +the N.W. corner is very nearly perfect; the northern +and western walls are tolerably fairly preserved; but the +eastern outline of the east wing, the southern outline of the +south wing, and the southern ends of both east and west have +almost completely disappeared under hills of rubbish, a few +posts alone assisting the explorer. The path of destruction +has in both buildings lain in the same direction,—from S.S.E. +to N.N.W.,—and across both its effects have decreased from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">p. 68</a></span> +south to north. Still, while the similarity in that respect is +astonishing, and while there are apparently more walls in <i>A</i> +standing than in <i>B</i>, there is, owing to the very uneven surface +of the rock upon which it is built, much more confusion among +the ruins of the former than among those of the latter. <i>B</i> is +built on a gradual slope or ridge; <i>A</i> caps a generally convex +surface, scooped out in the middle, and sloping eastward.<a name="FNanchor_117" id="FNanchor_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> +Hence comes the division of the whole structure into four separate +and distinct buildings, and hence, also, the complicated +manner in which the whole or each part is ruined, even walls +still standing being twisted out of shape and out of position. +Actual measurements were much less efficacious here than in +<i>B</i>; and, although I have worked with not less zeal and conscientiousness, +the result in neatness and precision is certainly +less satisfactory. This explanation will, I hope, induce subsequent +explorers to look up my inaccuracies and correct them.</p> + +<p>It is needless, of course, to detail the methods of work. +They are on a larger scale, and in more tedious ways, a repetition +of the proceedings in the case of <i>B</i>. The results are as +follows, starting from the line <i>f f</i> northwards: The space comprised +between the corners (<i>e</i>, <i>e</i>, <i>f</i>, <i>f</i>) forms a rectangle, containing +18 longitudinal rows of 6 rooms each. These rows +are all on the same level, except the most easterly one, +which lies on the slope. The cells, as far as measured and +still measurable, appear to be of the same size in length, namely, +2.87 m.—9 ft. 6 in.,—and their widths are respectively from +W. to E., or 2.83 m., 2.00 m., 3.14 m., 2.70 m., 2.53 m., and +2.53 m.—9 ft., 6 ft. 6 in., 10 ft., 9 ft., 8 ft., and 8 ft. The whole +area is therefore 51.66 m. × 15.73 m.—170 ft. × 51 ft. Still, +I believe that a sensible narrowing (possibly of nearly 2.0 m.—6 +ft. 6 in.—) may have taken place up to <i>ee</i>; but this is com<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">p. 69</a></span>pensated +by the strengthening of the corners, which there are +rounded outwards, so that the line <i>e e</i> presents about the same +length as <i>f f</i>. Thereupon follows the open passage <i>E</i>, which +is 3.40 m.—11 ft. wide, and north of it a rectangle of 3 longitudinal +rows of 3 apartments, <i>two</i> of which rows are on the +eastern slope. The width of the rooms appears to be the same +as that in the former section, whereas their length from N. to +S. is respectively 6.10 m., 4.27 m., and 5.44 m.—20 ft., 14 ft., +and 18 ft. It is therefore a rectangle of 15.81 m. × 15.73 m.—51 +ft. × 51 ft. North of it is an open space marked C, 3.13 m.—10 +ft.—wide, in which I could detect no longitudinal partition, +except one closing its western outlet towards the court. +I have therefore left it an open question, and marked it as an +alley or corridor. It may yet prove to have contained six +rooms on the ground; but, as this is uncertain, the rooms that +may have existed are not included in the computation of cells. +North of the line <i>b b</i> begins the section <i>a B b b</i>, which is very +badly ruined. This forms also the north-east angle of the +whole building, and whose northern line (<i>a B</i>) shows the +partitions of six chambers, each 2 m.—6 ft. 6 in. wide, each one +indicating a longitudinal row of 4 rooms, respectively 2.83 m.—9 +ft.—each from N. to S. It would indicate a rectangle of +11.32 m. × 12.00 m.—37 ft. × 40 ft. Of its six rows of +rooms, three are on the slope.</p> + +<p>From <i>a</i> to A extends the main northern wall of the structure. +It is very strong, .78 m.—2 ft. 6 in.—wide, and constructed +as follows, <a href="#pV">Pl. V.</a>, Fig. IX.:—</p> + +<p class="indent"><i>a</i>, the outer wall, is 0.33 m.—13 in.—wide.</p> + +<p class="indent"><i>b</i>, filling of mud, is 0.17 m.—6 in.—wide (this filling is +both earth and gravel).</p> + +<p class="indent"><i>c</i>, inner wall, is 0.28 m.—11 in.—wide.</p> + +<p>The width of the inner wall being the average thickness of all +the other walls in the whole house, the suggestion is not improbable +that it was built first, and the outer one, which is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">p. 70</a></span> +made of larger stones, added subsequently for additional +strength, and the interstice filled up as the work rose.</p> + +<p>The line <i>a A</i> is 17.28 m.—56 ft.—long. From <i>A</i> it runs +down to the south for 8.10 m.—27 ft.—, thence east, 17.28 m.—56 +ft.—, to connect with the north-east corner of the eastern +wing. It thus forms an aisle, and at the same time closes the +court to the north. A rectangle of 8.10 m. × 17.28—27 ft. +× 56 ft.—consists of 4 longitudinal sections of 3 rooms each, +which, while their length is uniformly 2.70 m.—9 ft.—(from +N. to S.), have widths from W. to E. of 5.46 m., 3.18 m., and +3.62 m.—18 ft., 10 ft., and 12 ft. All the rooms are on the same +level, and they are the largest and best preserved of any in the +entire area of ruins. Room <i>I</i> has even an unimpaired roof.</p> + +<p>The north wall of <i>a A</i> stands out boldly on the highest crest +of the <i>mesilla</i>. Below it northwards, a small hill of stones, +from which timbers occasionally protrude, forms a tumbled +and confused slope of inextricable ruin; and beyond this +slope there extend the foundations of walls on the level <i>mesilla</i> +up to 10 m.—33 ft.—from the northern transverse part of the +general circumvallation, which there is 45 m.—148 ft.—from +<i>a A</i>, and 30 m.—100 ft.—long from W. to E. It thus appears +that the building <i>A</i> had its northern annex as well as +the house <i>B</i>. To this annex I shall hereafter return.</p> + +<p>West of line <i>A n</i> there runs alongside of it the interesting gateway +<i>G</i>, 2 m.—6 ft. 6 in.—wide, its bottom somewhat higher +than the floor of the adjoining rooms,<a name="FNanchor_118" id="FNanchor_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> and forming, as before +stated, the north-westerly entrance to the great inner court. It +is perfectly straight on the east as far as <i>r</i>; but then a heavy +bank of stones and gravel starts out like a lower continuation of +the wall <i>a A</i>, and winds down, curving, till close to the western +circumvallation on the edge of the <i>mesilla</i>. It thus forms a +northern embankment to the gateway. Almost parallel to it, on +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">p. 71</a></span> +the opposite side of <i>n r</i>, the conical mound or tower H constitutes +the western and southern wall of the passage <i>G</i>. This +passage is therefore nearly semicircular. It is level from <i>n</i> to <i>r</i>, +and thence descends steeply towards the edge of the <i>mesilla</i>.</p> + +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 701px;"> +<a name="pX" id="pX" href="images/illus-platex-large.png"> +<img src="images/illus-platex.png" width="701" height="437" alt="PLATE X: VIEW OF PASSAGE G, BUILDING A, FROM THE NORTH." title="PLATE X: VIEW OF PASSAGE G, BUILDING A, FROM THE NORTH." /> +</a> +<span class="caption">PLATE X:<br />VIEW OF PASSAGE G, BUILDING A, FROM THE NORTH.</span> +</div> + +<p>The mound <i>H</i> describes about two-thirds of a circle. Its +base at the south is 6 m.—20 ft.—from E. to W.; its diameter, +6.85 m.—23 ft; its actual height, about 1.5 m.—5 ft. It +is conical, and appears to be a round heap of earth and rocks +encased with neat and judicious piling of well-selected stones. +This naturally gave the stone-work a slanting surface; the +higher it reaches, however, the more it becomes vertical, until +at last it juts out above the surface of the mound like a circular +breastwork, or a hollow round tower on a conical base. I refer +to <a href="#pX">Pl. X.</a> for an excellent view of its vertical aspect and structure. +This mound, or tower, while it commands an extensive view to +the west, north, and even north-east, is also the most northerly +"spur" of the western wing of the great house <i>A</i>. This wing +extends in an unbroken length of 62 m.—203 ft.—from the +base line of <i>H</i> to the entrance <i>N</i>, and is divided into 3 transverse +sections, all connected, and all having 3 longitudinal rows +of rooms or cells. The width of each cell is the same in every +section, to wit, from E. to W. 2.58 m., 2.58 m., and 3.22 m.—8 +ft. 6 in., 8 ft. 6 in., and 10 ft. 6 in., respectively.</p> + +<p class="indentp">Section <i>k l l m</i> has 3 × 5 apartments; in length from N. to +S., 2.51 m., 3.86 m., 2.35 m., 3.71 m., and 3.72 m.—8 ft., 13 ft., +8 ft., 12 ft., and 12 ft. It was therefore 16.15 m. × 8.38 m.—53 +ft. × 27 ft. Probably all the ground-floor cells were on +the same level.</p> + +<p class="indentp">Section <i>l l h h</i> has 3 × 12 apartments, each 2.53 m.—8 ft.—long. +Consequently, it was a rectangle of 30.36 m. x +8.38 m.—100 ft. × 27 ft. The eastern row of chambers was +on the slope.</p> + +<p class="indentp">Section <i>h h N</i> 3 × 4 long, respectively 2.77 m.—9 ft.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">p. 72</a></span> each, +therefore 10.98 m. × 8.38 m.—36 ft. × 27 ft. There +were two eastern rows on the slope.</p> + +<p>This entire wing (forming a rectangle of 62 m. × 8.38 m.—203 +ft. × 27 ft., if we add to the spaces given the thicknesses +of the transverse partitions, this time not included in the measures) +has given me more trouble than the rest of <i>A</i> and <i>B</i> +combined. Nowhere are the walls so twisted and out of range +as here. Besides, there is an unfinished air about it that is +almost bewildering. The height of the stories does not agree +with that of the other sections,—the western wing would +be one story lower. Furthermore, it contains in several places +squared beams of wood inserted in the stone-work lengthwise. +These beams (of which there is also one in the opposite wing +similarly embedded) are identical and apparently of the same +age with the (not sculptured) beams still found in and about +the old church. Entire walls of chambers, or rather sides, +appear to be new; the mud or adobe is fresh, whereas almost +everywhere else it has disappeared, out of the crevices even; +the stones are almost laid in courses. As I shall hereafter +relate, there are at several places adobe walls, the adobe containing +wheat-straw! And all this right among chambers +showing sides as uncouth and old as any of the pueblo, though +still as high as their more recent and better preserved neighbors. +Here there is evidently patchwork of later date, and +patchwork executed with material unknown to the Indians +previous to the advent of the Spaniards. I am even convinced +that it was done after 1680; for the beams evidently came +from the church or the convent, which buildings we know were +sacked and fired by the Indians in the month of August of +that year. If this conclusion be correct, the south-western +part of <i>A</i>, its entire westerly wall, was somehow destroyed +after 1680, and partly rebuilt with materials unknown to the +Indians at the time when Pecos was first erected.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">p. 73</a></span></p> + +<p>I say partly, because there is evidence that the western wing, +from <i>H</i> to <i>N</i>, was originally much broader. As it now appears, +the wall <i>m h</i> presents itself as the western line of the +structure. But there are, still further out, although distinctly +connected with it, remains of buildings which were at least +attached to it. These are the ruined enclosures designated +on the ground-plan by <i>I</i>, <i>K</i>, and <i>L</i>.</p> + +<p>Nothing besides foundations, heaps of stones defining corners, +and upright posts protruding along the western limits of +<i>L</i> and <i>K</i> inside, remain of these structures. <i>L L</i> are of the +size of the ordinary chambers; <i>K K</i> are four times larger. +Their interior shows no partition whatever: the soil is level, +somewhat depressed in the centre of each apartment; and on +the whole they present very much the same appearance as +those structures on the "neck," which lie to the west of B, +but are not connected with the latter. Besides, the enclosures +are on a lower level than the two rows of rooms immediately +east of the wall <i>m N</i>. This wall itself is a double wall, each +single one being of the size of the ordinary partition; the total +width is therefore 0.56 m.—22 in.,—as proven by actual +measurement. The idea is therefore suggested—very naturally—that +the entire western wing of the building <i>A</i> was +originally a double house,<a name="FNanchor_119" id="FNanchor_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> terraced both towards the east and +the west. In sketching the cross-sections, I have taken due +notice of this very probable, if not positive, fact.</p> + +<p>The double wall <i>m N</i> shows no trace of lateral passages. +It therefore divides the whole structure from <i>H</i> to <i>N</i> into two +longitudinal sections. The western one, from <i>o</i> to <i>p</i>, consisted +of but one row of 5 rooms; from <i>p</i> to <i>N</i> it had two rows of 16<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">p. 74</a></span> +chambers each. The ground slopes still further to the S. and +S.W. outside of the trapezoidal enclosures, <i>I I</i>, and is covered +with <i>débris</i>; so that I presume that, from <i>ll</i> to <i>N</i>, there was an +additional row of 3 rooms on the outside. The entire division +was at one time very completely razed to the ground, so that its +owners never attempted to rebuild it after the original plan.</p> + +<p>The western division was also badly damaged in its southern +half, but the damage was subsequently repaired with the +aid of material and mechanical arts postdating the Spanish +conquest of New Mexico. <a href="#pV">Pl. V.</a>, Fig. 3, gives a view of the +western end, along the line <i>h h</i>.</p> + +<p>I would recall here the fact already noticed, that the northern +part of building <i>B</i> is also mended in places with adobes of +the same make as those used in repairing the western wing of +<i>A</i>, and that, while the squared beams are wanting, the stone-work +there in places appears also of a more recent date. The +suggestion may therefore not be uncalled for, that the same destroying +power which spent its main force on <i>A</i>, distinct from +the general decay, and moving in a direction from S.W. to +N. E., reflected or glanced off upon the northern portions of +<i>B</i>. This question will, however, be discussed hereafter.</p> + +<p>The annexes <i>I I</i> are trapezoidal enclosures of stone-work +as high as a man's breast, and respectively of the sizes indicated +on the ground-plan. The northern one is divided lengthwise +into two compartments; the southern is open to the +south. Both appear to be new and unfinished. From the +centre of the last one protrude two well-squared heavy timbers. +These timbers are in a singularly unfit position; they +cannot be accounted for, and convey the impression that they +were carried hither from some other totally different construction. +They look almost forlorn. Whence they came, and for +what purpose they were brought,—what was the object in +erecting the enclosures <i>I I</i>,—I do not intend to speculate<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">p. 75</a></span> +upon, unless they are recently constructed store-rooms ("Almacenas").</p> + +<p>Across the passage-way <i>N</i>, both southward from the line +<i>g g</i> and eastward from <i>I</i>, fitting into it to the east and barring +access to the great court from the "neck," lies the south wing +of <i>A</i>,—a rectangle of 27.25 m.—90 ft.—from W. to E., and +13 m.—43 ft.—from N. to S., including the walls. It is much +decayed and overturned; the northern side is far less so than +the southern; nowhere are there any signs of repairs. Here +the rows of rooms must be taken transversely (from W. to +E.). There are 5, each with 7 chambers, measuring in succession +from N. to S. 2.00 m., 2.00 m., 3.09 m., 2.40 m., and +2.00 m.—6 ft. 6 in., 6 ft. 6 in., 10 ft., 8 ft., and 6 ft. 6 in; +and from W. to E. 3.61 m.—12 ft. each. Two of these transverse +rows appear to be on the southern slope, and three on +the upper level towards the court.</p> + +<p>Here I have again reached the passage-way <i>R</i>, my original +point of departure. Before entering into an examination of +the other particulars of the building, as well as of its annexes +and surroundings, I shall make once more a rapid circuit, to +give an idea of its size, and also attempt a rude computation +of the number of rooms it contained.</p> + + +<div class="center"> +<div class="block"> +<table class="BldgA" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="Building A dimensions"> + <col style="width:33%;" /><col style="width:34%;" /> <col style="width:33%;" /> +<tbody valign="bottom"> + <tr> + <td class="ljwi">Lengths of the eastern wing from <i>f</i> to <i>B</i> (E. side N. and S.)</td> + <td class="rj">51.66 m.—170 ft.</td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="ljw"> </td> + <td class="rj">3.40 m.— 12 ft.</td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="ljw"> </td> + <td class="rj">15.81 m.— 52 ft.</td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="ljw"> </td> + <td class="rj">11.32 m.— 37 ft.</td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="ljw"> </td> + <td class="rj">7.84 m.— 25 ft.</td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="ljwi">Adding 28 walls à 0.28m.—11 in., total </td> + <td class="rj" style="border-top:1px solid black"> </td> + <td class="rj"> 93.16 m.—306 ft.</td> + </tr> + + </tbody> +</table> +</div></div> + +<p class="pn"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">p. 76</a></span></p> +<div class="center"> +<div class="block"> + +<table class="BldgA" border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" style="margin-top:1em;margin-bottom:1em"> + <tr> +<td class="ljw"><i>Brought forward</i></td> + <td class="rj">93.16 m.—306 ft.</td> + </tr> +</table> +<table class="BldgA" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="Building A dimensions"> + <col style="width:33%;" /><col style="width:34%;" /> <col style="width:33%;" /> +<tbody valign="bottom"> + <tr> + <td class="ljwi">Lengths of the north side from <i>B</i> to <i>a</i> </td> + <td class="rj">12.00 m.— 40 ft.</td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="ljwi"> from <i>a</i> to <i>A</i></td> + <td class="rj">17.28 m.— 57 ft.</td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="ljwi">6 transverse walls à .28m.—11 in.</td> + <td class="rj">1.68 m.— 6 ft.</td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="ljwi"> </td> + <td class="rj" style="border-top:1px solid black"> </td> + <td class="rj">30.96 m.—102 ft.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="ljwi">Length from <i>A</i> to <i>n</i></td> + <td class="rj">8.10 m.— 27 ft.</td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="ljwi"> <i>n</i> to <i>m</i> </td> + <td class="rj">8.38 m.— 27 ft.</td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="ljwi"> <i>m</i> to <i>o</i> </td> + <td class="rj">2.51 m.— 8 ft.</td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="ljwi"> <i>o</i> to W. corner of <i>L</i> (estimated) </td> + <td class="rj">5.00 m.— 16 ft.</td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="ljwi"> W. corner of <i>L</i>. to <i>p</i> </td> + <td class="rj">16.17 m.— 53 ft.</td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="ljwi"> <i>p</i> to <i>y</i> </td> + <td class="rj">2.10 m.— 7 ft.</td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="ljwi"> <i>y</i>, southward, to line <i>g g</i> </td> + <td class="rj"> 33.44 m.—110 ft.</td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="ljwi"> passage-way N </td> + <td class="rj"> 2.00 m.— 6 ft.</td> + <td class="ljwi">6 in.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="ljwi">Width of western section of W. wing (about)</td> + <td class="rj">7.48 m.— 25 ft.</td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="ljwi">Length of south wing </td> + <td class="rj">13.00 m.— 43 ft.</td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="ljwi">28 transverse walls à .28 m.—11 in. </td> + <td class="rj">7.84 m.— 26 ft.</td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="ljwi" style="margin-top:.3em"> </td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + <td class="rj">106.02 m.—348 ft. 6 in.</td> + </tr> + + <tr> + <td class="ljwi">Width of S. wing </td> + <td class="rj">27.25 m.— 90 ft.</td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="ljwi">Passage <i>R</i> </td> + <td class="rj">4.00 m.— 13 ft.</td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="ljwi">From <i>R</i> to <i>f</i> (about) </td> + <td class="rj">4.00 m.— 13 ft.</td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="ljwi">Line <i>f f</i> </td> + <td class="rj">15.73 m.— 52 ft.</td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="ljwi">8 longitudinal walls à .28 m.—11 in. </td> + <td class="rj"> 2.24 m.— 7 ft.</td> + <td class="ljwi"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="ljwi" style="padding-top:.4em">Total length to <i>f</i>, my point of departure</td> + <td class="rj" style="border-top:1px solid black"> </td> + <td class="rj"> 53.22 m.—175 ft.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="ljwi" style="padding-top:.4em">Entire length of circuit of building <i>A</i></td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + <td class="rj" style="border-top:1px solid black;padding-top:.3em">283.36 m.—928 ft.</td> + </tr> + </tbody> +</table> +</div></div> + +<p>Adding to this 15 m.—49 ft.—for the probable periphery +of mound <i>H</i>, and 64 m.—210 ft.—for the perimeter of a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">p. 77</a></span> +southern annex to the south wing, which I have not yet described, +we reach a perimeter of 362 m.—1,190 ft.—in all. +Comparing these figures with those given about the great +ruins of the Rio Chaco by Dr. W. H. Jackson,<a name="FNanchor_120" id="FNanchor_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> and of the +pueblo of Las Animas River by my friend the Hon. L. H. +Morgan,<a name="FNanchor_121" id="FNanchor_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> it will be seen that this building, <i>A</i>, at Pecos is +probably the largest aboriginal structure of stone within the +United States so far described, and that it will even bear +comparison with many of the aboriginal ruins of Mexico and +Central America.<a name="FNanchor_122" id="FNanchor_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">p. 78</a></span></p><p>The size of the interior court can now be easily determined. +It is 64 m.—210 ft.—from N. to S., and 19.28 m.—63 ft.—from +E. to W. Its area covers therefore 1,235 sq. m.—13,230 +sq. ft.,—or about one fourth of an acre; whereas the entire +<i>débris</i>, measured as well as possible, scatter over more than +two acres of ground.</p> + +<p>For the computation of the number of rooms in the whole +pile, cross-sections are necessary. (<a href="#pV">Pl. V.</a>, Figs. 1-8.) The +height of each story is about the same as in <i>B</i>, to wit, 2.28 m.—7 +ft. 6 in.</p> + +<p class="indent"> +Fig. 1, section of west wing about <i>l l</i>, from west to east.</p> +<p class="indent"> +Fig. 2, lines <i>b b</i> and <i>a B</i>.</p> +<p class="indent"> +Fig. 3, section of west wing along <i>h h</i>.</p> +<p class="indent"> +Fig. 4, line <i>d d</i>, north, up to south line of <i>C</i>.</p> +<p class="indent"> +Fig. 5, section of west wing along line <i>g g</i>.</p> +<p class="indent"> +Fig. 6, line <i>f f</i>, southern boundary of east wing, and for the +entire rectangle up to <i>E</i>.</p> +<p class="indent"> +Fig. 7, cross-section of north wing, line <i>A n</i>, from north to +south.</p> +<p class="indent"> +Fig. 8, south wing, from north to south.</p> + +<p>It is possible that the second row, from S. to N., had two +superposed chambers, but I am not positive of it, and therefore +do not include it in the computation of rooms which will +follow.</p> + +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 426px;"> +<a name="pV" id="pV" href="images/illus-platev-large.png"> +<img src="images/illus-platev.png" width="426" height="733" alt="PLATE V: SECTIONS OF BUILDING A." title="PLATE V: SECTIONS OF BUILDING A." /> +</a> +<span class="caption">PLATE V:<br />SECTIONS OF BUILDING A.</span> +</div> + +<p>It will be seen that, according to the ground plan and sections, +the east wing had five stories, the north wing two, the +west wing successively two, three, and four, and the south wing +four. Looking at the buildings from the great court, the south +presented an unbroken front of a two-story wall, the east +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">p. 79</a></span> +successively walls of four, three, and two stories; the north side +formed two, and the west side, from north to south, in succession, +two, three, and four terraces. In this manner, not only +was the building remarkably well accommodated to the great +irregularities of the surface, but even a tolerably uniform height +was attained, well agreeing, therefore, with the description of +"Cicuyé," as Castañeda saw it in 1540. "The houses have +four stories, terraced roofs all of the same height, along which +one can make the circuit of the entire village without meeting +any street to intercept the passage.<a name="FNanchor_123" id="FNanchor_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> Here we must remember +that the widest gateway is 4 m.—13 ft.—wide,—an expanse +easily spanned by common beams used by the Indians +in their house architecture.</p> + +<p>An attempt to compute the number of rooms in <i>A</i> results +as follows:—</p> + +<div class="center"> +<div class="block"> +<table class="Bldg" border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="Building A rooms"> + <col style="width:15%;" /><col style="width:65%;" /> + <col style="width:5%;" /> <col style="width:15%;" /> +<tbody valign="top"> + <tr> + <td class="ljwi" colspan="4">Rectangle <i>f f e e</i>, 18 longitudinal rows of 6 rooms and 5 stories.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="lj">1st story </td> + <td class="rj">18</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="lj">2d story 5 × 18</td> + <td class="rj">90</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="lj">3d story 4 × 18</td> + <td class="rj">72</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="lj">4th story 3 × 18 </td> + <td class="rj">54</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="lj">5th story 2 × 18 </td> + <td class="rj">36</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="rj" style="border-top:1px solid black;"> </td> + <td class="lj">270 rooms.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="rj">(<i>d d c c</i>)</td> + <td class="ljwi">1st story and 2d story on the slope, +and 3 rooms per row.</td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="lj">1st story </td> + <td class="rj">3</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="lj">2d story</td> + <td class="rj">3</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="lj">3d story 4 × 3</td> + <td class="rj">12</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="lj">4th story 3 × 3 </td> + <td class="rj">9</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="lj">5th story 2 × 6 </td> + <td class="rj">6</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="rj" style="border-top:1px solid black;"> </td> + <td class="lj">33 " </td> + </tr> + + </tbody> +</table> + +<table class="Bldg" border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" + style="margin-top: 0em;margin-bottom:1em"> + <col style="width:20%;" /><col style="width:60%;" /> + <col style="width:5%;" /> <col style="width:15%;" /> + <tr> + <td class="lj"><i>Carried forward</i></td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + <td class="lj" style="border-top:1px solid black;">303 rooms.</td> + </tr> +</table> +</div> +</div> + +<p class="pn"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">p. 80</a></span></p> + +<div class="center"> +<div class="block"> + +<table class="Bldg" border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" + style="margin-top: 1em;margin-bottom:0em"> + <col style="width:20%;" /><col style="width:60%;" /> + <col style="width:5%;" /> <col style="width:15%;" /> + <tr> + <td class="lj"><i>Brought forward</i></td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + <td class="lj" style="border-top:1px solid black;">303 rooms.</td> + </tr> +</table> + +<table class="Bldg" border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="Building A rooms"> + <col style="width:15%;" /><col style="width:65%;" /> + <col style="width:5%;" /> <col style="width:15%;" /> +<tbody valign="top"> + <tr> + <td class="rj">(<i>b b a B</i>)</td> + <td class="lj">6 rows of 4 rooms, and 3 stories on the slope.</td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="lj">1st, 2d, 3d story, each 4 </td> + <td class="rj">12</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="lj">4th story 3 × 4 </td> + <td class="rj">12</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="lj">5th story 2 × 4 </td> + <td class="rj">8</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="rj" style="border-top:1px solid black;"> </td> + <td class="lj">32 " </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj">(North wing)</td> + <td class="lj">2 stories, easily computed as </td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + <td class="lj">20 " </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="rj">(<i>k m l l</i>)</td> + <td class="lj">1st story 5 × 4 </td> + <td class="rj">20</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="lj">2d story 5 × 2 </td> + <td class="rj">10</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="rj" style="border-top:1px solid black;"> </td> + <td class="lj">30 " </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="rj">(<i>l l h h K</i>)</td> + <td class="lj">Lowest story </td> + <td class="rj">12</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="lj">2d story 12 × 4 </td> + <td class="rj">48</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="lj">3d story 12 × 2 </td> + <td class="rj">24</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="rj" style="border-top:1px solid black;"> </td> + <td class="lj">84 " </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="rj">(<i>h h K g g I</i>)</td> + <td class="lj">Lowest story </td> + <td class="rj">4</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="lj">2d story </td> + <td class="rj">4</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="lj">3d story 4 × 4 </td> + <td class="rj">16</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="lj">4th story 4 × 2 </td> + <td class="rj">8</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="rj" style="border-top:1px solid black;"> </td> + <td class="lj">32 " </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="rj">(South wing)</td> + <td class="lj">From E. to W.</td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="rj"> </td> + <td class="lj">Lowest story </td> + <td class="rj">7</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="lj">2d story </td> + <td class="rj">7</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="lj">3d story 7 × 3 </td> + <td class="rj">21</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="lj">4th story 7 × 2 </td> + <td class="rj">14</td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="lj"> </td> + <td class="rj" style="border-top:1px solid black;"> </td> + <td class="lj">49 " </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj" colspan="2">Adding for the southern annex a probable number of</td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + <td class="lj" style="border-bottom:1px solid black;">35 " </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="lj" colspan="2">Building <i>A</i> contained in all not less than </td> + <td class="rj"> </td> + <td class="lj">585 cells.</td> + </tr> + </tbody> +</table> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Turning now to the inside of the building itself, I am compelled +to acknowledge here an important omission in my survey +of <i>B</i>. It relates to the vertical connection of the walls. +They are all, with few exceptions, as far as their dilapidated +condition admits of observation, continuous from bottom to +top; that is, the sides were everywhere carried up above the +ceiling (or floor), and then, after the beams had been embedded +in the stones, another wall was piled up on it as straight<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">p. 81</a></span> +as possible. In this manner it became possible to add each +cell separately.</p> + +<p>There are several doors visible in <i>A</i>, as marked on the +ground-plan. Those in the eastern and western wings open +from east to west, those in the northern wing from north to +south; therefore transversely to the length of each structure. +But I have also seen longitudinal walls without passages. The +tops of the doors are all gone; the rest is everywhere similar +to the sample found in <i>B</i>, and already figured. In some +cases even the sills are gone. Windows I could not find, nor +trap-doors or ladders; there was no trace of steps, and, unfortunately, +no clew to any chimney or vent. Of furniture I +secured pieces of new hearth-stones; of other articles, broken +"metates," part of a fine maul of stone, flint chips, celts, +stone skin-scrapers, and, of course, painted pottery and obsidian. +But not one specimen is entire; every striking implement, +etc., has been carried off by amateurs, of whose presence +besides, broken beer bottles, with the inscription "Anheuser-Busch +Brewing Co., St. Louis, Mo.," give occasional notice.</p> + +<p>Room <i>I</i>, in the S.W. corner of the north wing is very well +preserved: so well, indeed, that it is nearly certain that there +was no entrance to it from above. On the contrary, the entrance +appears to have been from the front, as shown in Pl. +VIII., where this room stands in full view. It is perfectly plain +inside; eight posts of wood, round, and stripped of all bark, +support the ceiling and roof, whose composition I have elsewhere +described. These posts (which are also shown in Pl. +VIII.) are so distributed as to have one in each corner, and +two between, on each longer side of the room. In the S.E. +quarter of the ceiling the splinters covering the rafters or +poles are removed, and fresh straw (or rather very well preserved) +protrudes, as having formed a layer with the brush. +I was at first inclined to take it for wheat-straw, but other<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">p. 82</a></span> +parties insisted that it was mountain grass. For the latter it +appears to be very long, and it has a marked head. I have +not, as yet, seen any wheat-plants grown at these elevations.<a name="FNanchor_124" id="FNanchor_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a></p> + +<p>Otherwise this chamber appears nearly perfect. In the +middle of the north wall a hole is knocked out, but the two +coats of plaster (dark and white) are almost everywhere preserved. +Great interest attaches to this apartment, from the +fact that, according to Sr. Mariano Ruiz, the sacred embers +("braza") were kept here until 1840, in which year the five +last remaining families of Pecos Indians removed to their cognates +at Jemez, and the "sacred fire" disappeared with them. +Sr. Ruiz is good authority on that point, since, as a member +of the tribe<a name="FNanchor_125" id="FNanchor_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> ("hijo del pueblo"), he was asked to perform +his duty by attending to the embers one year. He refused, +for reasons which I shall hereafter state. The facts—that +the fire was kept in a sort of closed oven, and that the front +opening existed—made it unnecessary to search for any +other conduit for smoke and ventilation. The fire was kept +covered, and not permitted to flame.</p> + +<p>I now come to one of the most interesting features of the +court,—the three circular depressions marked <i>P</i> on the diagram. +Two of them are in the N. E. corner,—the northern +one close to the northern wing, and the other 2.65 m.—9 ft.—to +the S. S. E. of it. Both are perfect circles, and each has a +diameter of 7.70 m.—25 ft. In the S.W. corner, near to the +passage <i>N</i>, is the third, with a diameter of only 6 m.—20 ft. +They look like shallow basins, encased by a rim of stone-work +piled up in the usual way, and forming a wall of nearly 0.35<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">p. 83</a></span> +m.—14 in.—in thickness. This wall is sunk into the ground, +but at the northern basin it certainly, as former excavations +plainly show, did not reach the depth of 1 metre; and it appears +that at about that depth there were flat stones laid, like +a rough stone floor. These basins were the "Estufas," or +council chambers, where, as late as 1840, the meetings of the +poor remnants of the tribe were still held. Although an +adopted son of Pecos, Sr. Ruiz was never permitted to enter +the Estufa. Across the northern one a very large and very +old tree, nearly 0.75 m.—2 ft. 6 in.—in diameter, is lying +obliquely. Its thick end is towards the N.E. wall. It looks +as if uprooted and fallen upon the ruins. But how could a +tree of such dimensions ever have grown there? Again, for +what purpose, and how, could the Indians of Pecos have +carried it hither?</p> + +<p>Outside of the building <i>A</i>, the narrow ledge separating its +rubbish from the eastern wall of circumvallation, a rim 150 m.—192 +ft.—long by 32 m.—105 ft.—wide at the south, and +12 m.—40 ft.—at the north, shows the basins <i>D</i> and <i>F</i>, respectively +10 m.—33 ft.—and 8 m.—26 ft.—in diameter. +They hug the rock of the <i>mesilla</i> very closely, and look +completely like the estufas in the court. These buildings, +according to Sr. Epifanio Vigil, of Santa Fé, were barns or +store-houses (round towers 10 to 11 feet high), in which the +Indians preserved their gathered crops, forage, etc. Still, it +is not unlikely that they were tanks, built for collecting rain-water.</p> + +<p>On the south side of the eastern wing, and so close to it +that the heaps of rubbish touch, are two circular depressions +surrounded by large masses of stones. They are marked S S +on the plan. Their shape and size cannot be accurately determined, +and their object is unknown.</p> + +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 721px;"> +<a name="pVIII" id="pVIII" href="images/illus-plateviii-large.png"> +<img src="images/illus-plateviii.png" width="721" height="449" alt="PLATE VIII: INTERIOR OF BUILDING A, FROM THE SOUTH." title="PLATE VIII: INTERIOR OF BUILDING A, FROM THE SOUT" /> +</a> +<span class="caption">PLATE VIII:<br />INTERIOR OF BUILDING A, FROM THE SOUTH.</span> +</div> + +<p>Nearly the same must be said of a rectangular space, dotted +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">p. 84</a></span> +and intersected with foundations and upright beams marked +<i>T T</i>, and lying out in front of the south wing on the denuded +and thinly soiled apron forming the southern spur of the +"body" of the <i>mesilla</i>. Its eastern line, a double stone wall +sunk 0.50 m.—20 in.—into the soil, is 8 m.—26 ft.—long +from N. to S. From its southern extremity similar foundations +run to the west 37 m.—120 ft.,—thence 8 m.—26 ft.—north, +and 37 m.—120 ft.—east back to the first line. Thus +a rectangle of 8 m. × 37 m.—26 ft. × 120 ft.—is formed, +within whose area, especially in the western portion, upright +beams start up in something like a semicircle, which would +indicate that the structure was once a building. A metre and +a half to the north, a foundation wall runs about 20 m.—66 +ft.—E. and W.; and at both of its extremities a corridor +ascends towards the south wing of <i>A</i>. The nature and object +of these fabrics are equally a mystery to me.</p> + +<p>Attached to the S.W. corner of the south wing is the annex +of which I have already spoken. It is an elevated rectangle +of 24 m. × 9 m.—80 ft. × 30 ft., and is clearly divided into +compartments of 3½ m. × 3 m.—12 ft. × 11 ft. The whole +is not much more than a stone mound of oblong shape, but it +contained on its ground-plan 21 chambers. I presume, from +the mass of <i>débris</i>, that it had an upper story. Its eastern +row of cells is a direct continuation of the most westerly +row of the S. wing. Due south of this annex, and almost +touching it, there are two structures marked <i>O O</i> which are +very remarkable. They are octagonal. The most easterly +one is best preserved, and appears to be the largest. Its two +lateral walls are each 4 m.—13 ft.—long, the transverse 5.34 +m.—18 ft.,—and the corners are cut off sharply by intersections +of 0.86 m.—3 ft.—in length, so as to give the whole +eight sides. The walls are well defined; the corners sharp +and still one metre high. They are of the usual thickness.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">p. 85</a></span> +The other structure is so ruined that it appears round. These +buildings, according to Sr. Vigil, were store-houses also; and +they favor the suspicion that those marked <i>S S</i> south of the +east wing had the same shape. As they now appear, they +look like the ruins of octagonal towers. The stone-work is +like that of the estufas, but they are erected exclusively above +the ground, and still cannot have been very high.</p> + +<p>I have now reached the utmost south-westerly point of +ruins on the "body," where its drainage leads us into the +often-mentioned depression and to the broad gateway of the +circumvallation. From this gate the enclosure-wall creeps up +along the edge of the <i>mesilla</i> N.W. and N., in all 104 m.—340 +ft.,—to a point 44 m.—144 ft.—due west of the S. W. +corner of the annex; and here we find a distinct stone enclosure +27 m.—89 ft.—long from N. to S., and 15 m.—50 ft.—wide, +with an entrance of 3 m.—10 ft. wide, and terminating at +the circumvallation. North-east of this, and about 28 m.—92 +ft.—west of i on the middle wall of western wing, another +enclosure begins 20 m. × 8 m.—66 ft. × 26 ft.; and 3 m.—10 +ft.—south of this a small ruin 10 m. × 8 m.—33 ft. x +26 ft. Adjacent to <i>L L</i>, etc., around from o to y, a curved +enclosure of stone extends, 42 m.—140 ft.—long, and thence +east 6 m.—20 ft.—back to the N.W. corner of K. It appears +like a garden, or corral, and shows no partitions. These +are, as far as I could see, all the remains west of the building +<i>A</i>. The edge of the <i>mesilla</i> rounds into the north-western +corner of the latter, almost closing up with it; the slope is +very steep and covered with huge rocks, broken and tumbled +down along the declivity.</p> + +<p>The small northern plateau between the transverse circumvallation +and the top-wall of <i>A</i> is therefore nearly shut out +from communication to the S.W. This plateau is a trapezium +45 m.—148 ft.—long from N. to S.,—50 m.—164 ft.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">p. 86</a></span>—wide +on the S., and 30 m.—98 ft.—on the N. It holds +but few ruins; but, among these, a valuable find was made a +short time ago by Mr. Harry Dent, of Baughls.</p> + +<p>These ruins, in the main, can be described as follows: The +slope descending from the top-wall is a heap of rubbish with +shrivelled posts of wood, impossible to disentangle without +excavations. North of this <i>débris</i>, and 29 m.—95 ft.—from +<i>A a B</i>, stands a knoll, or mound, covered with stones. Looking +south from this, I thought I noticed that it stood in the +line of the second row of chambers of the east wing of <i>A</i>, +counting from E. to W.; and retracing my steps in that direction +I found, indeed, traces of stone foundations disappearing +under the great <i>débris</i>, which indicated a corridor, or perhaps +series of rooms, about 2 m.—6 ft. 6 in.—wide. It therefore +looked like a northern annex to A. From the mound, which +I have designated by <i>V</i> (<a href="#pI">Pl. I.</a>, Fig. 5), other foundations +radiate to the W. and N.W. Those west soon disappear, but +to the N.W. they are plainly visible for 14 m.—46 ft.—to +another mound, or knoll <i>T</i>, similar to the first, whence another +line of foundations vanishes to the west also. This appears to +be the utmost limit of structures north, except the wall of +enclosure, from which to T on the south is about 10 m.—33 +ft. About the N.W. corner of A large heaps of rubbish +descend in shapeless terraces outside and merge into the slope +of the <i>mesilla</i>. They are, like the entire slope itself, covered +with fragmentary pottery. About their eastern declivity, also, +I thought I saw foundations, but could not be sure whether +or not they connected with those extending westward from +the two mounds just mentioned.</p> + +<p>In the eastern section of mound <i>V</i>, Mr. Dent has, as I was +informed and saw, dug down one metre into the dark loamy +clay and stones of which the knoll is composed, and has thus +exposed a small stone chamber, or flue, walled in to the north,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">p. 87</a></span> +west, and south in the ordinary manner, and closed with earth, +etc., at the east. Whether there was any stone top other than +rocks heaped up above the hillock I could not learn; neither +did I, in digging down further, find any floor. This chimney-like +structure is 1.32 m.—3 ft. 8 in.—wide from E. to W., +and 0.70 m.—2 ft. 3 in.—from N. to S. It is therefore too +large for a chimney, or flue, and too small for a room. Out +of it Mr. Dent, whom I could not find personally, as he was +absent at the time, extracted a human skeleton and much +fairly preserved pottery. Of course, I was unable to see what +he carried off (among which was the skull), but I saw and dug +further in the same excavation, removing out of it bone splinters +and the best preserved pottery piece of the entire collection. +They are, in part, very similar to the yellow bowls still +made by the Indian pueblo of Nambé (a Tehua tribe); but +many of them have been so charred and blackened that it is +impossible to make out their color. The pottery is all thin. +Among it were also bits of charcoal and of rotten wood. The +structure therefore appears to have been a grave, in which the +body was placed in a sitting posture with its face to the east. +Subsequent information and discovery have fully confirmed +this view. I shall return to this on a subsequent page, and +only state here that my efforts to find another skeleton in the +same location failed.</p> + +<p>The aboriginal remains encircled by the great wall of circumvallation +and north of the old church are now exhausted, +so far as my work among them goes, and the surroundings of +the <i>mesilla</i> shall therefore become the subject of report.</p> + +<p>The slope towards the east and south-east is rocky on the +top, covered with sandy soil growing <i>grama</i> and very few +cedar bushes, studded with ant-hills, and devoid of all remains +of human structures so far as I could see. Pottery and +obsidian are ever present, but become perceptibly less and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">p. 88</a></span> +almost disappear further east. The rills which drain the eastern +slope carry much of this broken stuff into a small arroyo +that winds to the left of the <i>mesilla</i>. About one quarter of a +mile east of the building <i>A</i>, on a bare sunny and grassy level, +are, quite alone, the foundations of a singular ruin. They +run N. and S., consist of three rows of stones laid aside of +each other longitudinally, and have the shape shown in Pl. +V., Fig. 10.</p> + +<p>Its length from N. to S. is 25 m.—82 ft.,—and its width +about 10 m.—33 ft. From its form I suspect it to have been +a Christian chapel, erected, or perhaps only in process of erection, +before 1680. Not only is it completely razed, but even +the material of the superstructure seems to have been carried +off. Stones are scattered about the premises, but I found +neither obsidian nor pottery. It stands protected from the +north by the extremely rocky ledge terminating the <i>mesilla</i> +towards the east, and appears without the least connection +with the Indian pueblo proper.</p> + +<p>It is the almost circular bottom on the west of the <i>mesilla</i>, +encompassed by the north rock of <i>A</i> to the north, by the +whole length of the <i>mesilla</i> to the east, by the gradual expanse +below the church on the south, and by the Arroyo de Pecos +on the west, that contains the aboriginal remains. Much better +than a description, a diagram will illustrate their extent and +shape. <a href="#pI">Pl. I.</a>, Fig. 5.</p> + +<p>The distances are not very correctly given, and the shape +of <i>F</i> is slightly exaggerated in irregularity.</p> + +<p><i>A</i> and <i>B</i> being the respective large buildings, <i>C</i> the church, +<i>D</i> the great gate of the circumvallation; <i>E</i> is a stone or rubble +wall of undeterminable length running along the foot of +the mesilla in a slight curve till near the "wash-out" sallying +from the gate, and <i>F</i> is an irregular lozenge, or trapeze, enclosed +by a heavy low stone or rubble wall which might in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">p. 89</a></span> +some places be called an embankment. The corner <i>l</i> is +50 m.—165 ft.—from the border of the creek-bottom, which +there is cut off abruptly from 1 m. to 3 m.—3 ft. 3 in. to 10 +ft.,—presenting a section of red clay and gravel with pottery +fragments. The line <i>l r m</i> runs W.N.W. to E.S.E., and is +138 m.—452 ft.—long; the line <i>m s n</i> measures 121 m.—398 +ft.,—<i>n o p</i> 146 m.—480 ft., and <i>p l</i> 100 m.—330 ft. +From <i>r</i> to <i>s</i> an embankment of earth and stone runs almost in +a circle, and the whole triangle <i>r m s</i> forms a slightly elevated +platform, in the centre of which is a pond (<i>estanque</i>) <i>t</i>, +which, even at the present time, is filled with water. Viewed +through the gate from above, this pond appears, with a part +of the enclosure, as seen in <a href="#pIX">Pl. IX.</a> Several gullies (<i>barrancas</i>) +have cut through the western and southern parts of the enclosure.</p> + +<p>This enclosed area, now covered with tufts of grama, occasional +cactuses, knolls and scattered drift and pottery, was +according to Sr. Ruiz, the former <i>huerto del pueblo</i>; that is, +the fields of the inhabitants of the pueblo, where they planted +and raised Indian corn, beans, calabashes, squash, and, after +the advent of the Spaniards, also wheat, melons, and perhaps +other fruit. Not a vestige of former cultivation is left; but +the platform <i>r m s</i>, with a pond in the centre, at once explains +their mode of securing the water for irrigation. Through the +gateway <i>D</i> the drainage of the <i>mesilla</i> was conducted directly +to the platform <i>r m s</i>, where the pond <i>t</i> acted as a reservoir, +out of which the fields themselves could be very easily and +equitably supplied with moisture. Whether this was done by +channels radiating from below the curve <i>r s</i> over the area <i>F</i>, +or by carrying the water, I cannot tell, neither my informants +nor the appearance of the area giving any clew. But I could +not escape being forcibly struck by this plain and still very +forcible illustration of communal living. Not only did the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">p. 90</a></span> +Pecos Indians live together, and build their houses together, but +they raised their crops in one common field (though divided +into individual or rather family plots, according to Ruiz), +irrigated from one common water source which gathered its +contents of moisture from the inhabited surface of the pueblo +grounds. "The lands," said Mariano Ruiz, "belong to the +tribe, but each man can sell his own crops." ("Las tierras +son del pueblo, pero cada uno puede vender sus cosechas.") +It forcibly recalls the system of "distribution and tenure of +lands" among the ancient Mexicans.</p> + +<p>I now cross the Arroyo de Pecos, and on its western bank, +in the triangle formed by the creek with the military road to +Santa Fé, nearly opposite the site of the old church, I met +with a ruined enclosure and with remains of structures whose +purposes are yet unexplained to me.</p> + +<p>The distance from <i>M</i> to the arroyo is 40 m.—130 ft. Its +E. line is 75 m.—246 ft.,—the S. line 70 m.—230 ft.,—the +W., up to where the curve begins, 55 m.—180 ft. The distance +from <i>M</i> to <i>N</i> is 15 m.—50 ft. At the north end of <i>N</i> +is a mound of stone and <i>débris</i>, like a conical tower, 5 m.—16 +ft.—in diameter; the other lines are distinct foundations +only. Both <i>M</i> and <i>N</i> are scattered over with broken pottery, +chips of obsidian and flint, and I also found a fragment of a +stone implement.</p> + +<p>Mariano Ruiz told me that the enclosure <i>M</i> was the corral +of the pueblo; that is, the enclosure where they kept whatever +herds they possessed. It was at all events but an enclosure, +and no building. Still, why were their herds, their most valuable +property, kept on the opposite side of the creek, so far +from the dwellings themselves?</p> + +<p>There are other ruins yet further south on the western bank +of the arroyo, which, however, I shall not mention here. They +are so important as to deserve special discussion in a later<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">p. 91</a></span> +portion of this report. I therefore cross the creek back again +to its eastern shore, and thence to the south side of the old +church, proceeding thence southwards. From the church a +grassy slope, very gentle and with almost imperceptible undulations, +extends to the road which runs almost due W. and E. +from the creek towards the Rio Pecos. The distance is about +300 m.—1,000 ft.,—of which 74 m.—240 ft.—are taken up +by the embankments, walls, and foundation lines already described +as pertaining to the church building. <a href="#pI">Plate I.</a> shows +the position of this section, its northern limit being about +34 m.—112 ft.—N. of the southern lines of the church annexes +(or 42 m.—138 ft.—S. of the temple itself) the +southern limit being the road itself, while on the west the +creek-bed forms the boundary.</p> + +<p class="indentp"><i>H</i>, Corral-like structure, very plain, about 50 m. × 20 m., or +163 ft. × 65 ft. I understood Sr. Ruiz to say that it was the +garden of the church ("la huerta de la iglesia"), but believe +that he probably meant <i>G</i>, not having my field-notes with me +at the time.</p> + +<p class="indentp"><i>I</i>, rectangle of foundation lines 30 m.—98 ft.—from <i>A</i>; +30 m. × 31 m.—98 ft. × 100 ft.—divided into 2 compartments, +the western one 9 m. × 30 m.—30 ft. × 98 ft.</p> + +<p class="indentp"><i>J</i>, trapezium, with mound at S.W. corner 18 m. × 21 m., +or 60 ft. × 70 ft.</p> + +<p class="indentp"><i>K</i>, rectangle 25 m. × 36 m.—82 ft × 118 ft.—open to +the west, and only recognizable from the semicircular mound +of not 0.50 m.—20 in.—elevation, dotted out as leaving a +depression in the centre.</p> + +<p class="indentp"><i>L</i>, circular depression 36 m.—118 ft.—in diameter; ground +always wet.</p> + +<p class="indentp"><i>O</i>, circular mound 10 m.—33 ft.—in diameter, 1.5 m.—5 +ft.—high.</p> + +<p class="indentp"><i>k</i>, shapeless mound, possibly part of a hollow rectangle.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">p. 92</a></span></p> + +<p>In many cases the foundations (which are the only remains +visible) are themselves obliterated,—or at least overgrown. +They are sometimes of 0.27 m.—10 in.—in width; again, +two rows, even three rows, of stones compose them longitudinally. +The mound is regular, but the soil is everywhere so +hard and gravelly that I desisted from excavating. The basin +<i>L</i> looks much like an estufa: there are few scattered +stones on its surface, and this surface is moist; but I did not +notice any trace of stone encasement. In general, there is no +rubbish at all over the area. Stones are scattered about, and +evidently they were once used for building purposes; but +they nowhere form heaps. Then there is not the slightest +trace of pottery or obsidian. In this respect the area just +described forms a remarkable exception. All around it in +every direction the painted fragments cover the soil; this +particular locality, as far as I could find, has none. It only +reappears in <i>I</i>, opposite the church annexes, and also in the +enclosure <i>H</i>, whereas the church grounds are again strewn +with handsome pieces, and some of the finest obsidian flakes +were found on them.</p> + +<p>Across the road to the south, the ground becomes covered +with shrubs of cedar, and the eastern slope hugs the creek-bed. +Upon reaching the creek, the road divides,—one branch +crossing over directly to the west, and the other proceeding +along the arroyo about 200 m.—630 ft.—to the south ere it +turns across. The main military line of travel intersects there-about +the one to the Pecos River, and thence, striking almost +due south, forms a very acute angle with the creek. In this +angle ledges of rock protrude, sheltered by a fine group of +cedar-shrubs; and here, in what may be termed a snug little +corner, the rocks bear some Indian carvings.</p> + +<p>Expecting daily a supply of paper for "squeezes," I have +until now deferred taking any exact copies of these vestiges.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">p. 93</a></span> +Therefore this report contains but superficial notice of them. +It would have been useless labor to make sketches and take +measurements when I knew that, within the period of time I +shall spend in New Mexico, I should certainly be able to +secure fac-similes. The carvings are certainly old; they are +much worn, and represent mainly so-called footprints (of adults +as well as of children), turkey tracks, a human form, and a +circle formed by small cup-shaped holes, of the patterns about +which I hope that my friend Professor C. C. Rau, of Washington, +will by this time have finished his elaborate and very interesting +work. The human figure is as rude and childlike an +effort as any represented on the plates accompanying the reports +of General Simpson and of my friend Mr. W. H. Holmes; +the footmarks are fair, and the circle is rather perfect. Something +like a "diamond" appears within its periphery, but I +am not yet quite certain whether it is a carving or the result +of decay. Some of the tracks seem to point to the high +mesa, others to the north.<a name="FNanchor_126" id="FNanchor_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> By the side of these original ef<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">p. 94</a></span>forts +there are recent additions, destined, perhaps, to become +at some future time as successful archæological frauds as +many of the most interesting products of excavation in the +States of Ohio and Iowa. About the sculptured stones I +again met with fragments of painted pottery. Still further +down, on the east bank of the Arroyo de Pecos, about a +mile from the church in a southerly direction, and on a low +promontory of red clay jutting out into the creek-bed, there +are vestiges of other ruins,—a low, flat mound covered with +stones. I saw no pottery about it.</p> + +<p>Directly opposite the sculptured rocks, on the other bank +of the arroyo to the west, the cliffs of clay bordering it form a +huge cauldron, out of which the contents seem to have been +originally removed, leaving a semicircle of vertical bluffs of +clay and drift about 3 m.—10 ft.—high. It is out of this +locality that I suggested the clay for the adobe of the church<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">p. 95</a></span> +might have been secured. The faces of the slope cannot have +been washed out, for the creek runs straight far to the east, +hugging closely that side of its banks; there is no trace of an +old stream-bed winding to the westward, neither is there any +sufficient drainage from the west in the shape of gulches or +branches. It appears as if there had been an original start, +at least, given to the present basin by a removal of earth +in a curve, subsequent wearing and weakening enlarging the +cauldron to its actual form and size. This size is constantly +increased by decay and by the work of diggers; for this bluff +has been of late a favorite resort for them, from the fact that +in its face human bones—nay, complete graves—have been +found.</p> + +<p>I consequently started to examine the bluff, and finally noticed +a plain wall jutting out at about one fourth of the length +of the western curve from N. to S. This wall seemed at first to +be a corner. It is well made, and its stone-work is much like +that figured by Mr. Holmes from the cliff-dwellings on the +Rio Mancos in South-western Colorado. Still the stones are +not hewn, but only were carefully broken, the rock itself having +a tabular cleavage. The surface is true. I am unable to +say whether it was a corner or not; the thickness of the side +(east) is 0.65 m.—2 ft.,—and it looks like a strong outside +line running almost due N. and S., perhaps a little to the E.</p> + +<p>The height of the wall is 0.94 m.—3 ft.; its depth beneath +the surface, 0.52 m.—21 in. The sod (covered with grama) +looks undisturbed; it is hard and coarsely sandy on the +top, but beneath the clay is softer and loamy. Under the wall +there is red clay to the bottom of the bluff with bands of drift. +Clambering along the cliff to the northward, I soon perceived, +at a depth nearly agreeing with the base of the wall, a layer of +white ashes, similar to those found over the hearthstone in +building <i>B</i>, mixed with charcoal and charred pottery. This<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">p. 96</a></span> +layer was continuous along the exposure of the bluff; it formed +a regular seam, intersected horizontally by bands of charcoal, +and, at the lower end, a continuous stratum of pottery totally +different from that found hitherto, except one fragment in +the drift of the creek and another one among the adobe rubbish +of the church. Instead of being painted, it was corrugated +and indented, and identical with the corrugated and +indented ware from the Rio Mancos and from South-eastern +Utah, so beautifully figured by Mr. W. H. Holmes. There +were also a very few pieces of painted pottery: but these, +which became more numerous towards the top of the bluff, or +cliff, appeared to have been washed in; whereas the corrugated +fragments were a distinct, continuous band, most of the convex +surfaces being downwards; and this band, except where ledges +of the cliff projected far out into the bottom, or where the +clay had tumbled down recently in front of the exposure, was +visible from 50 m.—165 ft.—N. of the wall to 62 m.—203 +ft.—S. of it on a line of 110 m.—360 ft. It was everywhere +accompanied by the ashes and charcoal.</p> + +<p class="indent"><i>A</i>, little barranca, exposing ashes, etc., which contained +corncobs, and, in the upper parts of the clay, human bones.</p> + +<p class="indent"><i>a</i>, grave found by Mr. E. K. Walters, of Pecos; obliterated +now.</p> + +<p class="indent"><i>B</i>, wall.</p> + +<p class="indent"><i>b</i>, place where skeleton of child was partly secured, five +metres S. of <i>B</i>.</p> + +<p class="indent"><i>C</i>, southern barranca; no remains found.</p> + +<p class="indent"><i>c</i>, last sign south of pottery, ashes, and charcoal.</p> + +<p class="indent"><i>W</i>, rock carvings on west bank of the arroyo.</p> + +<p>The following are sections at four different places:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">p. 97</a></span>—</p> + +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 450px;"> +<a name="i97" id="i97" href="images/illus-p97-large.png"> +<img src="images/illus-p97.png" width="450" height="333" alt="Clay Pit Area" title="Clay Pit Area" /> +</a> +<span class="caption">Clay Pit Area</span> +</div> + +<p>Specimens of every section have been sent with the collection. +It has struck me that the stratum of ashes, charcoal, and pottery, +while visible always inside,—that is, to the west of a +supposed lateral extension of the wall from <i>B</i>,—still appears +to run below it. The human remains, however, protrude about +at heights where the wall, if in existence, might have been in +front of them. There were bones lying on rubbish in front of +<i>C</i>,—there were also bones within the ashes, even at <i>A</i>; but +the action of wear and washing being everywhere visible and +very complicated, I do not venture any surmise in these cases +beyond expressing the conviction that the human remains +originally rested above the layers of charcoal, ashes, corncobs, +and corrugated pottery.</p> + +<p>While at Sr. Ruiz's, I had diligently inquired of the old gentleman +about the graves of the Pecos Indians. He finally replied +(after he had for a time insisted upon it that they were at +the church) that before they became Christians ("antes que +fuéron cristianos") they buried their dead on the right bank of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">p. 98</a></span> +the Arroyo de Pecos, where he had often seen the skeletons +(las calaveras, the corpses) washed out of the cliffs and strewn +about. At Mrs. Kozlowski's, this also appeared to be a known +fact; but an examination of the creek banks showed no trace +of bones, and showed no other structures except the mound +already mentioned on the left shore. In the cliffs of the basin +which I have now described I met with the first sign of what +Sr. Ruiz called "El Campo-Santo de los Indios, antes que +fuéron Cristianos." Still it is not at all positive, because the +surface of the level west of the bluff shows extensive but flat +and low mounds, covered with stones used for building, and +with painted pottery, showing that at least adjoining the human +remains a very large building, if not several, had stood at some +very remote time. The wall would then stand towards that +ancient structure in the same relation as the mound or chamber +<i>V</i> stands towards the ruin <i>A</i> on the <i>mesilla</i>; and it would indicate +the custom on the part of their inhabitants of burying +their dead around their houses, or at least in sight of the rising +sun, and in little chambers of stone. This view is corroborated +by the statement of Mr. E. K. Walters, of Pecos, that at a place +which I have marked <i>a</i> (therefore to the north of the wall) +he dug out, very near the edge of the bluff, a stone grave, and +with it a human skeleton. The grave was a rectangle, walled +up on four sides, with stones on the top and no floor. The +western side was rounded, so as to present the following +plan:—</p> + +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 82px;"> +<a name="i98" id="i98"></a> +<img src="images/illus-p98.png" width="82" height="56" alt="Grave" title="Grave" /> +</div> + +<p>In it lay the skeleton, two feet below the soil, the feet pointing +eastward. The length of the chamber was about one third +of a large man's body; the head lay at the west end, amongst +the bones of the chest. It had therefore been buried in a sit<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">p. 99</a></span>ting +posture facing the rising sun.<a name="FNanchor_127" id="FNanchor_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> Along with the body +arrow-heads were found, and pieces of tanned deerskin, such +as are still worn by the Indians. Of course, all traces of the +skull, etc., have since disappeared.</p> + +<p>While this conversation was taking place, the partner of +Mr. Walters, Sr. Juan Basa y Salazar, came in, and the question +of the great bell (which I have already mentioned) +came up for discussion. All the parties assured me that +this bell formerly belonged to the church of Pecos, and +that after the outbreak of 1680 the Indians carried it up +into their winter pueblo, on the top of the high mesa, where +it broke and they left it. The positive assertion that the +winter pueblo of the Pecos tribe was about 2,000 feet higher +than the great ruins on the <i>mesilla</i>—that these ruins themselves +were but their summer houses—was very startling. +It appeared incredible that the Indians should have left +their comfortable quarters in the coldest season to look for +shelter in the highest and coldest places of the whole +region. Still, my informants being old residents and candid +men, with certainly no intention to deceive me, and +there being besides confused reports of the existence of +ruins on the mesa current among the people of the valley, +I resolved to devote my last day to a rapid reconnoissance +of the elevated plateau. Therefore, after a visit to the +Plaza de Pecos, on the 5th of September, where the Rev. +Father Léon Mailluchet confirmed the reports about the +winter houses on the mesa, I set out (always on foot) on +the morning of the 6th, Mr. Thomas Munn having volunteered +to be my guide.</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">p. 100</a></span></p> +<p>We followed the railroad track downwards, and about a mile +and a half south of Baughl's, east of the track, met a tolerably +large mound. At the station of Kingman, four miles from +Baughl's, there is also a ruined stone house, rectangular, but +smaller than any one of those on the <i>mesilla</i>.<a name="FNanchor_128" id="FNanchor_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> I had no time +to make any survey. We went along the railroad for one mile +farther, then struck to the S. W. across a recently cultivated but +abandoned field, and finally reached the apron of gravelly clay +and locas skirting the high mesa. Here Mr. Munn assured +me were the remains of stone structures all along for miles, +and especially stone graves. Of the latter he had seen "hundreds." +He described them exactly as Mr. Walters had, and +as I had found the pit in mound V, and described the position +of the skeleton also as if sitting with the face to the east. We +soon came to a walled ruin 6 m. × 6 m. or 20 ft. × 20 ft., the +walls composed of sandstone,—a range of rubble blocks very +much ruined,—a <i>piñon</i> having a diameter of 0.45 m.—18 in.—shooting +up from the interior. 50 m.—165 ft.—further north +a clearly defined estufa is seen, 4 m.—13 ft.—across, with +stone walls 1 m.—3 ft. 3 in.—in width. The apron of the +mesa is overgrown with fine pines. Thence, following a tie-shoot, +we ascended very nearly vertically, about 1,000 feet at +least, to the top. Here already the view to the E. and S. was +magnificent; but the air was light and chilly. Thunder-clouds +were hovering N. and E., rain-streaks pouring down on the +Sierra de Tecolote, and soon a heavy cloud formed south of us, +while others were slowly nearing from the N.E. The mesa dips +or slants decidedly to the W. and S.W.; the strata on its surface +are tilted up to a high pitch, and appear to be almost +vertical. The ground is very rocky, covered with high <i>piñon</i>.</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">p. 101</a></span></p> +<p>Notwithstanding the steadily nearing thunder, we plunged to +the S.W., past the tie-camp of Mr. Keno, and soon struck the +source of an arroyo in a rocky, desolate hollow, pines shooting +up in and around it. There, on its left bank, were the +foundations of a stone structure 11 m. × 3 m.—36 ft. × 10 +ft. About three miles from the edge of the mesa, in a still +wilder <i>cañada</i>, where there is no space nor site for any +abode around, the bell was found. There is no trace of any +"winter house" here,—not even on the entire mesa; and the +bell was left there, not because its carriers there remained, +but because it dropped there and broke. Who these carriers +were I shall discuss further on; at all events, they were not +the Indians of Pecos. This <i>cañada</i> is the entrance to a +gorge descending directly towards the pueblo of Galisteo.<a name="FNanchor_129" id="FNanchor_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> +Meanwhile the clouds had accumulated over our heads, sharp +thunder-claps and icy blasts preceding the storm. It was of +short duration, but as the hail fell thickly we were thoroughly +pelted and wet before again reaching the camp, glad to enjoy +the hospitality and hot coffee of its inmates. At one <span class="smcap">p.m.</span> the +sun shone again, and we started (this time to the north) along +the border of the mesa. Vegetation is here more exuberant +than in the valley of Pecos. Not only do tall pines grow +everywhere, but there is a thick undergrowth of <i>encina</i>; +the Yucca is large and green, mountain sage covers the soil, +and grassy levels are dotted with flowers. Animal life, also, +is more vigorous and more varied. Whereas in the valley +crows and turkey-buzzards alone enliven the air, and there are +scarcely any beetles; up here there is deer and turkey, and the +gray wolf; jays and magpies flutter through the thickets, and +the horned lizard is met with occasionally. The pith of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">p. 102</a></span> +pine-trees attracts a large species of buprestis, and lepidopteræ +are quite common. But there is not the least vestige of former +human dwellings, so far as I could see: the top of the +mesa of Pecos is, and was, a wilderness. It may have been the +hunting-grounds of the tribe even in winter, but as for their +exchanging their large pueblo at the bottom for a residence +on the top it is very much as if the good people of New +York City should spend Christmas week on the Catskill +Range, or the Bostonians take winter quarters on Mount +Monadnock. We followed the crest of the mesa for nearly +four miles, ascending two of its highest tops. They are +steep, denuded, and craggy. Beneath them vertical ledges +descend in amphitheatres. From the highest point the +horizon to the south appears unbounded. Like a small +cone, the peak of Bernal seems to guard the lowest end of +the Valley of Pecos. Over this vale rain-clouds still cast +their shadows, and distant thunder muttered behind the +Owl Mountains and the high Sierras in the north. To +the west and south-west are almost unlimited expanses of +slope, dark green pineries, and grassy spots. The bold +outline of the Sandia Mountains looms up stately beyond +it. Even the distant Sierra de Jemez protrudes. Between +it and the northern limits of the mesa lies, far off yet, the +city of Santa Fé.</p> + +<p>The mesa is mostly yellow sandstone, but its highest points +are capped with red; therefore the name of "Cerro amarillo" +often applied to it. Through a gorge worn in the rock, and +on an almost perpendicular "burro-trail," we finally descended +to the apron of the plateau, surrounded during our +descent by scenery as weird and wild as any of the lower Alps +of Switzerland. On the lower edge of the apron, a mile and +a half north of Kingman, and half a mile from the railroad +track, we struck again several ruins. They were partitioned<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">p. 103</a></span> +rectangles, very similar in size and in condition to the foundations +seen south of the old church of Pecos, and, like those, +utterly devoid of fragments of pottery. Along their eastern +line, and inside of the walls, there appeared little square +heaps of stones. These were the graves of which my guide +had spoken, and their position is exactly similar to that of +those near and at the pueblo itself.<a name="FNanchor_130" id="FNanchor_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a></p> + +<p>My time was up, however, and I could not stop to explore +them. I therefore returned to Baughl's, and thence to Santa +Fé, with the firm determination to revisit Pecos at a future +day, and then do what I was compelled reluctantly to leave +undone this time. Should, in the mean time, some archæologist +explore the same locality, correct my errors, and unravel +the mysteries hovering about the place, I heartily wish him as +much pleasure and quiet enjoyment as I have had during my +ten days' work, in which the dream of a life has at last begun +its realization. Before, however, turning to the close of my +report, which will embody scraps of history gathered about +the place, remarks on the customs and arts of its former inhabitants, +and general reflections, I must express my thanks +here to a few gentlemen not yet named in this "personal narrative." +Besides Mr. J. D. C. Thurston, who kindly assisted +me for the first two days, Mr. G. C. Bennet, the skilful photographer, +of whose ability his work is telling, has been for +two days a pleasant and welcome companion. Last, but certainly +not least, I thank Mr. John D. McRae, not only for his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">p. 104</a></span> +assistance free of expense to the Institute in many important +mechanical matters, but especially for the solicitude with which +he has watched my work and looked to my comforts, and for +the great store of information I have gathered from his conversation.</p> + + +<h4 class="sect">HISTORY.</h4> + +<p>My survey of the grounds occupied by the aboriginal ruins +in the valley of the Pecos indicates, as I have already stated, +three epochs, successive probably in time, in which they have +been occupied by man; that is, I have noticed these, and beyond +these I have not been able to go as yet. Subsequent +explorers may be more fortunate. This distinction, or rather +classification, is very imperfect in the two earlier stages, and +even arbitrary; but between the second and the last there is +a marked break,—not in time, but in ethnological development. +I shall term the three epochs as follows:—</p> + +<p class="indentp">1. Pre-traditional. (Indicated by the presence of the corrugated +and indented pottery as its most conspicuous "land-mark.")</p> + +<p class="indentp">2. Traditional and documentary. (Documents in the sense +of written records.)</p> + +<p class="indentp">3. Documentary period.</p> + + +<h4 class="sect">THE PRE-TRADITIONAL PERIOD.</h4> + +<p>I have not been able to detect as yet among the confused +traditions current about the pueblo of Pecos any tale concerning +occupation of their grounds by human beings prior to the +settlement of which the ruins now bear testimony. It is true +that the proper traditions of the tribe of Pecos are now preserved +only at the pueblo of Jemez, about eighty miles N.W. +of Pecos and fifty miles W. of Santa Fé, and that I have not<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">p. 105</a></span> +as yet visited that place.<a name="FNanchor_131" id="FNanchor_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> But it must be remembered that I +now report "up to date," and that subsequent information +will, or at least should, come in time.</p> + +<p>My reason for admitting a pre-traditional period is, then, +simply that I have found human remains at Pecos older than +those of the present ruins and different in kind. These remains, +as it may already have been inferred from the "personal +narrative," are those found on the west side of the +arroyo, in the basin (or rather the bank encircling it) opposite +the rock carvings.</p> + +<p>One fact is certain, the human bones, the walls protruding +from the banks, and the grave found by Mr. E. K. Walters, +are all above the layer of white ashes, charcoal, corncobs, and +corrugated pottery found as a continuous seam along an +extent of over 100 m.—327 ft.—from N. to S. Consequently, +the walls and graves must have been built over these +remains of a people which appears to have made indented +and corrugated pottery alone, and consequently also the latter +must be older in time than the former. It does not appear +that the sedentary Indians of New Mexico ever made, within +traditional and documentary times, any other than the painted +pottery in greater or less degree of perfection. Even Gaspar +Castaño de la Sosa, when he made his inroad into New Mexico +in 1590, mentions at the first pueblo which he conquered: +"They have much pottery,—red, figured, and black,—platters, +caskets, salters, bowls.... Some of the pottery was +glazed."<a name="FNanchor_132" id="FNanchor_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> The corrugated and indented pottery, as I am as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">p. 106</a></span>sured +by Sr. Vigil, is rarely met with over New Mexico, except +at old ruined pueblos, and only when digging (en cavando).<a name="FNanchor_133" id="FNanchor_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> +I feel, therefore, justified in assuming it to have been +the manufactured ware of a people distinct from the Pecos +tribe or the pueblo Indians of New Mexico in general, and +their predecessors in point of time. This pottery, however, +is frequently met with among the cliff dwellings of the Rio +Mancos and in Utah.<a name="FNanchor_134" id="FNanchor_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> Its relation, then, to the painted pottery +has, as far as I know, not yet been investigated.</p> + +<p>But what could have been the purpose in covering originally +a space of over 100 m.—327 ft.—in length with the +products of combustion and fragments of one and the same +industry in such a manner as to form an uninterrupted layer +of 0.45 m.—18 in.—at least in thickness? Those who subsequently +buried their dead over the seam certainly did not +collect these ashes and spread them there as a floor on which +they rested their structures afterwards. The combustion of a +large wooden building would not have given the same uniformity +on such a large scale. Sr. Vigil has suggested to me +the following very plausible explanation: In order to burn or +bake their pottery, the present pueblo Indians of New Mexico +build large but low hearths on the ground of small wood, +sticks, and other inflammable rubbish and refuse, on which +they place the newly formed articles, and then set the floor on +fire, until the whole is thoroughly burnt. Fragments of broken +objects, etc., are not removed. The combustible material +is thus reduced to ashes, and the broken pieces remain within +them; their convex surfaces, of course, falling outwards, and +thus resting on the floor. In this manner a thick layer of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">p. 107</a></span> +ashes and charcoal, with pottery, is easily formed. These +"hogueras" are still from 20 to 40 feet in diameter; but, as +they accommodate themselves to the size of the pueblo, it is +certain that they were formerly much larger. The analogy +between such a "potters'-field" and the layer in question is +very striking, and the inference appears likely that the people +who made this corrugated and indented pottery made it in the +same manner as the pueblo Indians now make their painted +ware, and as they made it at the time of the conquest.</p> + +<p>These very old manufacturers of indented ceramics were +also a horticultural people, for they raised Indian corn. The +cob found in the ashes, or rather cut out with the knife at +some distance inside the bluff, is charred and small. To +what variety of Zea it belongs the specialist must decide.</p> + +<p>I hold it to be utterly useless, and even improper, on my +part to speculate any further on these "pre-traditional" people. +Perhaps I have already said too much. Excavations +alone can throw further light on the subject.</p> + + +<h4 class="sect">THE TRADITIONAL AND DOCUMENTARY PERIOD.</h4> + +<p>The term "traditional" is applied to this period, because +the people occupying the site of Old Pecos have left some +traditions behind them, and not because we know when it +commenced. In fact, I am much inclined to divide it, for the +sake of convenience, into two periods again, one of which includes +the occupation of the area within the circumvallation +and its necessary annexes (field, etc.), whereas the other includes +the area without. Of the former, we have definite +knowledge in regard to its inhabitants; of the latter, we have +none whatever. It is therefore also pre-traditional as yet. Nevertheless, +I have included it in the second epoch, as its ruins +indicate that its people possessed arts identical with those of +the present pueblo Indians. Their pottery, wherever exposed,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">p. 108</a></span> +was painted, figured, and vitrified in places; its ornamentation +is exactly similar to that of the pottery of the interior area, and +different from that of Zuñi. They used flint, but no trace of +obsidian is found. This may be purely accidental; still, why +should it occur at three places so totally different in regard to +erosion and abrasion as the slope south of the church, the west +bank of the creek directly opposite, and, if thorough examination +should confirm the results of my cursory observations, the +apron of the high mesa? The graves, wherever found, are identical +with those of the <i>mesilla</i>; the plan of building, and consequently +of living,<a name="FNanchor_135" id="FNanchor_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> appears similar to that exhibited in houses +<i>A</i> and <i>B</i>; the material used is the same, but the walls are more +ruinous, and apparently of a much older date. The inference +is therefore not unreasonable, that the inhabitants of the three +areas named, as outside of the great circumvallation, were of +the kind now called "pueblo Indians," who preceded the tribe +of Pecos proper in point of time. It is not improbable that +one or the other of these ruins may have been erected by the +Pecos themselves before they settled on the mesilla. Still, +there is neither proof nor disproval of this surmise extant.</p> + +<p>There appears to be also a slight difference between the +different ruins of this period themselves. The ruins south of +the church and those along the mesa are similar, in that they +are more ruined, and not covered with <i>débris</i>, and in that their +surfaces are also devoid of pottery. The space west of the +creek has pottery and also heaps of rubbish, and I therefore +conclude that it was the most recent of the three locations,—or +at least the one last abandoned. To it must be added the +small mound or promontory found further south on the east<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">p. 109</a></span> +bank of the arroyo. One fact is certain: all these places +were deserted, and perhaps as badly ruined as now, at +the time when Coronado first visited Pecos.<a name="FNanchor_136" id="FNanchor_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> (The partial +removal of the surface material may have been effected by +the Pecos Indians themselves in order to build their own +houses.)</p> + +<p>Referring now to the inhabitants of the two houses, whose +ruins are situated on the mesilla, north of the church, it is a +thoroughly well-authenticated fact that they spoke the same +language as the Indians of the pueblo of Jemez. Jemez lies +80 miles N.W. of Pecos, beyond the Rio Grande. It is possible +that the Pecos Indians came to the valley from that +direction. But it is singular that, while there are no other +settlements speaking this same idiom but Jemez and Pecos, +these two pueblos should be separated, as early as at Coronado's +time (1540), by three distinct linguistical stocks, different +from theirs and lying across, intervening between +them. Directly W. of Pecos the Queres, S.W. the Tanos, +N.W. the Tehuas—all at war with the Jemez and the +Pecos, and often with each other—lay like a barrier between +the latter two. The point is an interesting one, as +the pueblo of Pecos defines (together with Taos at the +north) the utmost easterly limit to which the pueblo Indians +seem to have penetrated.</p> + +<p>Who were first in the valley of the Rio Grande? Did +the Queres, Tanos, Tehuas, etc., drive out the Pecos, then +already settled to the S.W., into the Sierra, or did the Pecos, +migrating from Jemez, force their passage through the +other tribes? I conjecture that the Jemez, etc., were the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">p. 110</a></span> +first; that they migrated down the Rio Grande, and on the +same area, between Sandía to the S. and Santa Fé, were gradually +displaced by the others successively coming in,—one +branch, the Jemez, recoiling into the mountains towards +San Diego;<a name="FNanchor_137" id="FNanchor_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> the other, the Pecos, driven up the cañon of +San Cristóbal,<a name="FNanchor_138" id="FNanchor_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> and finally, when the Tanos moved up into +that valley, crossing over to the valley of Pecos.</p> + +<p>This is to a great extent conjecture; still there are other +singular indications. I give them with due reserve, however, +formally protesting against any imputation that they are +intended for anything else than to suggest problems for future +study.</p> + +<p>According to my friend Mr. A. S. Gatchet, of Washington, +D. C., an excellent linguist, the Tanos and the inhabitants +of Isleta, the most southerly pueblo on the Rio Grande +still occupied, speak the same language.<a name="FNanchor_139" id="FNanchor_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> The same is asserted +here, as a known fact, to be the case with the Taos +and the Picuries in the north, and the Isletas at the south. +If this be true, then the supposition that the Queres and +Tehuas are the latest intrusive stock would become a certainty. +More than that: the Tanos prior to 1680, had their +chief pueblo at San Cristóbal, N. E. of Galisteo, on the slope +of the mesa of Pecos. They also had become dispossessed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">p. 111</a></span> +of the Rio Grande valley, and divided into (originally) +two branches,—the Picuries and Taos north, and the Tanos, +of Galisteo, east. Isleta itself is a later agglomeration.<a name="FNanchor_140" id="FNanchor_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> +There being no pueblo E. and S. E. of Pecos, then it appears +that the Jemez, or rather Emmes, were the first migration, +the Tanos the second, and the Queres and Tehuas +the last.</p> + +<p>The earliest traditions of the Pecos are preserved to us +by Pedro de Castañeda, one of the eye-witnesses and chroniclers +of Coronado's "march" in 1540. They told him that, +five or six years (?) before the arrival of the Spaniards, a +roaming tribe called the "Teyas" (Yutas) had ravaged the +surroundings of their pueblo, and even, though fruitlessly, +attempted to capture it.<a name="FNanchor_141" id="FNanchor_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> This tribe was afterwards met by +Coronado in the plains to the N.E. and E.<a name="FNanchor_142" id="FNanchor_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a></p> + +<p>Another tradition, very well known,—so well, indeed, that +it has given to the name of the unlucky "capitan de la guerra" +of the ancient Mexicans the honorific title of an aboriginal +"cultus-hero,"—is that of Montezuma.</p> + +<p>I hope, at some future time, to be able to give some further +information on this Spanish-Mexican importation. Suffice it +to say for the present, that not a single one of the numerous +chronicles and reports about New Mexico, up to the year 1680, +mentions the Montezuma story! The word itself, Mon-te-zuma, +is a corruption of the Mexican word "Mo-tecu-zoma,"—literally, +"my wrathy chief,"—which corruption that emi<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">p. 112</a></span>nently +"reliable gentleman," Bernal Diez de Castillo, is to be +thanked for. He wrote in 1568.<a name="FNanchor_143" id="FNanchor_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a></p> + +<p>What the Indians themselves say of this tale I have not as +yet ascertained; but the people of the valley all assert that +the people of the pueblo believe in it,—that they even affirmed +that Montezuma was born at Pecos; that he wore +golden shoes, and left for Mexico, where, for the sake of these +valuable brogans, he was ruthlessly slaughtered. They further +say that, when he left Pecos, he commanded that the +holy fire should be kept burning till his return, in testimony +whereof the sacred embers were kept aglow till 1840, and +then transferred to Jemez.</p> + +<p>There is one serious point in the whole story, and that is +the illustration how an evident mixture of a name with the +Christian faith in a personal redeemer, and dim recollections +of Coronado's presence and promise to return,<a name="FNanchor_144" id="FNanchor_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> could finally +take the form of a mythological personage. In this respect, +for the study of mythology in general, it is of great importance. +That the sacred fire had, originally, nothing at all to +do with the Montezuma legend is amply proven by the earliest +reports.</p> + +<p>It will also become interesting to ascertain in the future how +many pueblos, and which, concede to Pecos the honor of being +the birthplace of that famed individual, and how many, as +is the case with other great folks in more civilized communities, +claim the same honor for themselves.</p> + +<p>I cannot, therefore, attach to the Montezuma tale any historical +importance whatever,—not even a traditional value.</p> + +<p>Of course, Castañeda reports the story which every Indian<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">p. 113</a></span> +tribe tells of themselves; namely, that the Pecos Indians were +the bravest and the most warlike of the pueblos, and that in +every encounter they were always victorious.<a name="FNanchor_145" id="FNanchor_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a></p> + +<p>Historical data, founded upon positive written records, begin +for Pecos towards the fall of the year 1540, when Francisco +Vasquez de Coronado, then at Zuñi or Cibola, sent the Captain +Hernando de Alvarado with twenty men to visit a village +called "Cicuyé."<a name="FNanchor_146" id="FNanchor_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> Indians from that village, "situated seventy +leagues towards the east"<a name="FNanchor_147" id="FNanchor_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> from Zuñi, had visited the latter +town, and offered to the Spanish leader "tanned hides, +shields, and helmets." The hides were buffalo-robes, for the +woolly hair was still on them.<a name="FNanchor_148" id="FNanchor_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> Alvarado reached Cicuyé, +passing, as I have elsewhere stated, through Acoma and Bernalillo. +I have already identified Cicuyé with Pecos. Besides +the proofs already given, a few descriptive abstracts from +the report of Castañeda will add to the strength of the evidence:—</p> + +<p class="indent">(p. 71.) "Five days' journeys further, Alvarado reached Cicuyé, +a well-fortified village, whose houses are four stories high."</p> + +<p class="indent">(p. 176.) "It is built on the summit of a rock. It forms a +great square, in the centre of which are the <i>estufas</i>." (Compare +general description and diagrams.)</p> + +<p class="indent">(p. 177) "The village is surrounded besides by a stone wall +of rather low height. There is a spring which might be cut +off."</p> + +<p>In regard to the wall, I refer to the plans and descriptions; +as for the spring, it trickles out beneath a massive ledge of +rocks on the west side of the arroyo, nearly opposite to the +field. Its water, slightly alkaline, is still limpid and cool, and +a great source of comfort. The sketch upon the next page +will give an idea of its appearance.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">p. 114</a></span></p> +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 182px;"> +<a name="i114" id="i114" href="images/illus-p114-large.png"> +<img src="images/illus-p114.png" width="182" height="139" alt="Spring" title="Spring" /> +</a> +</div> + +<p>There is no trace of work about it. At sunset of the 3d of +September, Mr. Bennet and I saw a herd of many hundred +sheep and goats driven to this spring by Mexicans for water, +although the creek still had a fillet of clear water running, and +the pond in the old field was filled nearly to its brim; they +still preferred the old source.</p> + +<p>Finally, it must be borne in mind, that the name of Pecos, +in the language of its former inhabitants and of those of Jemez, +is "Âqiu," and that, in an anonymous report of the expedition +of Coronado from the year 1541, Cicuyé is spelt Acuique.<a name="FNanchor_149" id="FNanchor_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a></p> + +<p>Castañeda gives some few details concerning the mode of +life and the customs of the inhabitants. Aside from those +which I have already mentioned, he notices the ladders (p. +176); that at night the inhabitants kept watch on the walls, the +guard calling each other by means of "trumpets" (p. 179);<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">p. 115</a></span> +that the unmarried females went naked until their marriage +(p. 177); that the pueblo could muster 500 warriors (p. 176); +and finally, that it was situated in a narrow valley in the midst +of mountains covered with pines, and traversed by a small +river where excellent trout is caught; very large otters, bears, +and good hawks are found there (p. 179). The inhabitants +received Alvarado with the sound of "drums and flutes, similar +to fifes, which they use often." They presented to him a +great quantity of cloth and turquoises, which are common in +this province (p. 72). I must here add that the turquoise +mines of "Serrillos" are, in a direct line, only about twenty +miles nearly west of Pecos, in a country between the former +pueblos of the Tanos and those of the Tehuas. I have seen +splendid specimens of the mineral from that locality, and Mr. +Thurston found and I have sent on a perforated bead of +bluish color which he picked up among the rubbish of the +house <i>B</i>.</p> + +<p>When, in 1543, Coronado left Nuevo México with his whole +army to return to Mexico, two ecclesiastics remained there,—Fray +Juan de Padilla, who was subsequently killed by the +Indians near Gran Quivira,<a name="FNanchor_150" id="FNanchor_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> and a lay brother called Luis, +who took up his abode at Pecos. Before Coronado left Bernalillo +("Tiguex"), he sent to brother Luis the remainder of +the sheep. He was then of good cheer, but still expected to +be killed some day by the old men of the tribe, who hated +him, although the people were friendly to him in general.<a name="FNanchor_151" id="FNanchor_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> +Nothing was afterward heard of him. Thus Pecos was the +first "mission" in New Mexico; perhaps, also, the first place +where domestic quadrupeds became introduced.</p> + +<p>Forty years elapse before we again hear of Pecos. The un<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">p. 116</a></span>fortunate +father, Augustin Ruiz, who, in 1581, attempted to +convert the pueblos, did not reach further north than Puaray, +where the Tiguas killed him, with his two companions.<a name="FNanchor_152" id="FNanchor_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> But +Antonio de Espejo, who, with fourteen soldiers, explored New +Mexico in 1582 and 1583, visited Pecos. There can be no +doubt but that the pueblos of the "Hubates"—two journeyings +of six leagues to the east of the "Quires"—are the +Pecos and the "Tamos," the Tanos.<a name="FNanchor_153" id="FNanchor_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> Espejo is very liberal +in his estimates: he gives to the "Hubates" five towns +with 25,000 inhabitants, and to the "Tamos" even 40,000 souls. +He says they had cotton cloth; he also says there was much +good pine and cedar in their country, and that their houses +were four and five stories high. His visit to the pueblo was +of very short duration.</p> + +<p>In 1590, Gaspar Castaño de la Sosa, "being then Lieutenant-Governor +and Captain-General of the kingdom of New +Leon," made a raid into New Mexico. It is possible that +the pueblo which he came to on the 11th January, 1591, may +have been Pecos.<a name="FNanchor_154" id="FNanchor_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a></p> + +<p>The "Spanish conquest of New Mexico" proper took place +in the years 1597 and 1598, under Don Juan de Oñate. He +met with little opposition, and his conquest amounted to little +else than a military occupation, followed by the foundation +of Santa Fé. On the 25th of July, 1598, he went to "the +great pueblo of Pecos,"<a name="FNanchor_155" id="FNanchor_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> and on the 9th of September, 1598, +in the "principal <i>estufa</i>" of the pueblo of San Juan, the Pe<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">p. 117</a></span>cos +pledged fidelity to the crown of Spain. On the same +occasion, Fray Francisco de San Miguel became the first regular +priest of the pueblo.<a name="FNanchor_156" id="FNanchor_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> Here terminates the second period +of the second epoch; and the last one begins where the history +of the Pecos tribe, whatever is left of it, becomes almost +exclusively documentary.<a name="FNanchor_157" id="FNanchor_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a></p> + +<p>Before, however, leaving this period, I must recall here two +facts elicited by the reports of the forays and travels above +mentioned. One is, that the Pecos Indians, however warlike +they may have been towards outsiders, still were of an orderly, +gentle disposition in every-day intercourse. This is a natural +consequence of their organization and degree of development. +The other and more important one is, that Pecos was the most +easterly pueblo in existence in 1540, and that even at that time +it was quite alone.</p> + +<p>Castañeda says (p. 188): "In order to understand how the +country is inhabited in the centre of the mountains, we must +remember that from Chichilticah, where they begin, there are +eighty leagues; thence to Cicuyé, which is the last village, +they reckon seventy leagues, and thirty from Cicuyé to the +beginning of the plains."</p> + +<p>Juan Jaramillo, another eye-witness of "Coronado's march," +intimates a similar fact.<a name="FNanchor_158" id="FNanchor_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a></p> + +<p>In regard to Pecos being "quite alone," Castañeda is positive; +so is Juan de Oñate, who received and registered its +submission. It is true, however, that Castañeda mentions a +small pueblo as subject to Cicuyé, which pueblo, however, he +says was half destroyed at his time. He locates it "between +the road and the Sierra Nevada."<a name="FNanchor_159" id="FNanchor_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> This may have been the +small ruin noticed near Kingman.</p> + +<p>These facts are very interesting in their bearings upon the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">p. 118</a></span> +older ruins of Pecos. It goes far towards furnishing additional +proof that they were indeed abandoned and decayed +already in 1540. In regard to building <i>B</i>, it is ignored in the +reports, <i>A</i>, with its vast court and its <i>estufas</i>, claiming exclusive +attention. Still there is no room left for doubt that <i>B</i> +was occupied during this period. But it is evident, from the +statements of the eye-witnesses, that <i>A</i> was the principal abode +of the Pecos tribe in 1540 and afterwards.</p> + + +<h4 class="sect">THE DOCUMENTARY PERIOD,</h4> + +<p>commencing in 1598, and running up to the present time. +Here we should be entitled to find, of course, ample and detailed +documentary evidence. Two unfortunate occurrences, +however, have contributed to destroy the records of the territory +of New Mexico.</p> + +<p>In the month of August, 1680, when the pueblo Indians +rose in successful revolt against the Spanish rule, and captured +the "villa" of Santa Fé, they brought the archives, +ecclesiastical and civil, into the plaza, and made a bonfire of +the entire pile. This was an act of barbarous warfare. But +few papers escaped the general destruction; these were saved +by Governor Don Antonio de Otermin, and sent to El Paso +del Norte, where they are still supposed to remain. We are, +therefore, as far as the period of 1598-1680 is concerned, +almost exclusively reduced to general works like the "Teatro +Mexicano" of Fray Augustin de Vetancurt, and to the collections +of documents published at Mexico and at Madrid. That, +nevertheless, some documents were saved, and subsequently +carried back to Santa Fé, is proved by the fact that Mr. +Louis Felsenthal, of this city, has recovered one, a copy of +which it is hoped will appear in the Journal of the Institute +in time.</p> + +<p>Subsequent to the return of the Spaniards, the archives of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">p. 119</a></span> +Santa Fé were kept in good order by its administrators, the +last revision thereof being made by Governor Donaciano Vigil. +In 1870, however, the man who then acted as Governor +of the Territory, although otherwise of irreproachable character, +permitted an act of vandalism almost without its parallel. +The archives had accumulated in the palace to a vast extent: +the original good order in which they were kept had been totally +neglected during and since the war of secession; there +was not even a custodian for them. So the head of the executive +of this territory suffered its archives to be sold as waste +paper, even sometimes used as kindling in the offices. Of the +entire carefully nursed documentary treasures, the accumulation +of 190 years, the Hon. Samuel Ellison, of this city (notwithstanding +his feeble health), has been able to register about +fifty bundles (<i>legajos</i>), whereas wagon-loads were scattered +or sold for wrapping.</p> + +<p>Many of the intelligent inhabitants attempted to save what +they could, and there are some who succeeded to a limited +extent; but of what yet remained in the palace, reduced to a +sufficiently small bulk as not to be "in the way" any longer, +even the valuable journals of Otermin and Vargas were considerably +reduced through further decay.</p> + +<p>This has been, in times of profound peace and in the nineteenth +century, the fate of the archives of New Mexico.</p> + +<p>Ever since, the legislature of the territory has been, in fact, +utterly neglectful of its public documents. Each and every +reminder in the shape of a petition has been disregarded, and +only Governor L. Wallace has at last succeeded in having +them overhauled. Hon. W. G. Ritch effected their removal +to a suitable place, and it is to the acts of these gentlemen, +and to the labor of love of Mr. Ellison, that we owe the preservation +of what now remains.</p> + +<p>What little documentary evidence has, therefore, been left<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">p. 120</a></span> +at my disposal, contains, as might be supposed, meagre information +concerning the pueblo of Pecos. The older church +annals I have not been able to find, for those at the Plaza de +Pecos date back only to 1862. Whither they have gone I am +unable to tell, except that they are not at Santa Fé.</p> + +<p>About the year 1628, through the action of Fray Francisco de +Apodaca,<a name="FNanchor_160" id="FNanchor_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> then Commissary-General of the Franciscan order +in Mexico, religious life in this territory obtained a new impulse. +Until then the work performed had been almost exclusively +missionary work; the priests had (and still have) enormous +districts to visit. Thus: that of the first priest of Pecos embraced +from N. to S. a country of over 60 miles long, and 30 +to 50 wide from E. to W. However, after Fray Gerónimo de +Zarate Salmeron had addressed to his superior at Mexico his +remarkable report in the year 1626,<a name="FNanchor_161" id="FNanchor_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> a new life began. It is +therefore after 1629 that the large church at Pecos was erected, +but I am as yet unable to give the exact dates. This church +and the "convent" were both built by Indians, whom the +fathers had taught to square timbers, to ornament them with +simple friezes and scroll-work, and to make adobe in the +manner now practised, namely, mixing straw with the clay +and moulding it in boxes. They were also taught to grow +wheat and oats, and their flocks increased. In addition to +being a horticultural people they became herders, and the +pueblo was prosperous. Its church was renowned as the +finest in New Mexico.<a name="FNanchor_162" id="FNanchor_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> Whereas Santa Fé, in 1667, had but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">p. 121</a></span> +250 inhabitants,<a name="FNanchor_163" id="FNanchor_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> Pecos, as late as 1680, sheltered 2,000 Indians.<a name="FNanchor_164" id="FNanchor_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a></p> + +<p>Still, during this very time of comparative prosperity, a storm +was brewing in New Mexico, from whose effects its sedentary +Indians never recovered. This was the great rebellion of +1680. The Indians of Pecos claim to have remained neutral +during that bloody massacre, and I am inclined to believe +their statements. Nevertheless, it is a positive fact that, on +the 10th of August of the aforesaid year, their priest, Fray +Fernando de Velasco, was murdered and their church sacked.<a name="FNanchor_165" id="FNanchor_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a> +By whom, then, was it done? The reply is intimated by the +place where the great bell was found, and by the events intervening +between 1680 and 1692, when Diego de Vargas recaptured +Santa Fé. It will be remembered that the bell was left on +the slope of the high mesa towards the S.W., in the rocky and +desolate gorge descending towards the pueblo San Cristóbal, +the old home of the Tanos tribe.<a name="FNanchor_166" id="FNanchor_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a> Father José Amanda Niel +writes, about twenty-five or thirty years after the rebellion, that +the Tanos secured the greatest part of the booty, among which +were bells (<i>campanas</i>).<a name="FNanchor_167" id="FNanchor_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a> That this bell was not carried to +the high <i>mesa</i> by the Pecos I believe I have proved; its proximity +to the Tanos village, and its actual position in the <i>cañada</i> +leading towards the latter, shows that it was either to +be carried down to it or carried up from it. If it is (as cur<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">p. 122</a></span>rent +report has it) the bell of Pecos, then it was a trophy which +the Tanos secured when they, on the 10th of August, 1680, +committed the atrocities at the pueblo of Pecos; and this +would make it extremely probable, also, that the slaughter of +Father Velasco was accompanied by that partial destruction +of the buildings <i>A</i> and B<i>,</i> which I have described, and which +appears to have been partly repaired by means of material +taken from the church, and of adobe containing wheat-straw. +This is rendered more likely by the events subsequent to the +driving out of the Spaniards, and it does not appear that the +Pecos Indians took any part even in their expulsion.</p> + +<p>After the victorious aborigines had returned from their pursuit +of Otermin, dissensions arose among them, and intertribal +warfare, in conformity with their pristine condition, set in. +The Pecos, aided by the Queres, made a violent onslaught on +the Tanos, compelling them to abandon San Cristóbal and +San Lázaro.<a name="FNanchor_168" id="FNanchor_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a> This looks very much like an act of retaliation. +During that time the Spaniards were not idle. In 1682, Governor +Otermin penetrated as far as Cochiti,<a name="FNanchor_169" id="FNanchor_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a> but appears to +have taken no notice of Pecos. In 1689, however, Don Domingo +Gironza Petroz de Cruzate made a successful raid into +New Mexico, in which raid the warriors of Pecos assisted him +against the other tribes. In reward of their services he, on +the 25th of September, 1689, after his return to El Paso del +Norte, executed there the document a copy of which is +hereto appended, and for which I am indebted to the kindness +of my friend David J. Miller, Esq., chief clerk of the +Surveyor General's Office at Santa Fé. It is a grant to the +tribe of Pecos of all the lands one league north, south, east, +and west from their pueblo ("una legua en cuadro"), there<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">p. 123</a></span>fore +four square leagues, or 18,763-33/100 acres, to be therefore +their joint and common property. When, therefore, in the +afternoon of the 17th of October, 1692, Diego de Vargas Zapata, +having recaptured Santa Fé from the Tanos who then +held its ruins,<a name="FNanchor_170" id="FNanchor_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> moved upon Pecos, he was received by the +whole tribe with demonstrations of joy,<a name="FNanchor_171" id="FNanchor_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a> and the "capitan de +la guerra" of the pueblo afterwards assisted him in subduing +a second outbreak in 1694.<a name="FNanchor_172" id="FNanchor_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a></p> + +<p>The result for the pueblos of the great revolt in New Mexico +was a gradual diminution in the numbers of their inhabitants. +It was the beginning of decline. The Tanos had been +in some places nearly exterminated, and all the others more +or less weakened.<a name="FNanchor_173" id="FNanchor_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a> The distant Moqui, far off in Arizona, +were the sole gainers by the occurrence, receiving accessions +from fugitives of New Mexico.<a name="FNanchor_174" id="FNanchor_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a> But it would be incorrect to +attribute this weakening of the pueblos during that time to the +warfare with the Spaniards, or to the latter's retaliatory measures +after final triumph. Vargas was energetic in action, but +not cruel. A few of those who had committed peculiar atrocities +were executed, but the remnants of the pueblos were reestablished +in their franchises and privileges as autonomous +communities. It is the intertribal warfare, which commenced +again as soon as the aborigines were left to themselves, and +drouth accompanying the bitter and bloody feuds, which destroyed +the pueblos of the Rio Grande Valley.<a name="FNanchor_175" id="FNanchor_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a> The Pecos, +isolated and therefore less exposed, suffered proportionately<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">p. 124</a></span> +less; still, their time was come also, though in a different +way.<a name="FNanchor_176" id="FNanchor_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a></p> + +<p>I have already stated that, in the beginning of the eighteenth +century, the Utes introduced near the pueblo of Taos another +branch of the great Shoshone stock,—the <i>Comanches</i>. This +tribe soon expelled the Apaches,<a name="FNanchor_177" id="FNanchor_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> who had not been exceedingly +troublesome to the pueblos, and, a vigorous northern +stock, became that fearful scourge of all the surrounding settlements, +which they have continued to be for 150 years. Their +efforts were mainly directed against the pueblo of Pecos, as +the most south-easterly village exposed to their attacks. On +one occasion the Comanches slaughtered all the "young men" +of Pecos but one,—a blow from which the tribe never recovered. +Thus, when the Indians of the Rio Grande rose in arms +against the Mexicans in 1837, as has been so ably described +by Mr. D. J. Miller,<a name="FNanchor_178" id="FNanchor_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a> the Pecos did not take any part, for there +were only eighteen adults left, huddled together in the northern +wing of the huge building <i>A</i>, and watching the sacred +embers in the face of slow, inevitable destruction.</p> + +<p>Then, in the following year, 1838, an event took place which, +simple and natural as it is, still illustrates forcibly the powerful +link which the bond of language creates between distant +Indian communities. The pueblos of Pecos and Jemez had +been almost without intercourse for centuries; but in the year +1838, says Mariano Ruiz, the principal men of Jemez appeared +in person on the site of Pecos and held a talk with its occupants. +They had heard of the weakness of their brethren, of +their forlorn condition, and now came to offer them a new<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">p. 125</a></span> +home within the walls of their own pueblo. The Pecos took the +proposal under consideration, but were loth to leave the home +where they had lived for so many centuries. In the following +year "mountain fever" broke out among them, and only five +adults remained alive. These, by joint indentures, sold the +majority of the lands granted to them in 1689 by Cruzate.<a name="FNanchor_179" id="FNanchor_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a> +Another portion was left to Ruiz as "son of the tribe." In +1840 these five men, named respectively Antonio (<i>gobernador</i>, +and still living at Jemez), Gregorio, Goya, Juan Domingo, +and Francisco, appeared before Don Manuel Armijo, then +Mexican governor of the territory, and declared to him their +intention to abandon their home and to seek refuge among +their kindred at Jemez. Soon after, the <i>gobernador</i>, the +<i>capitan de la guerra</i> and the <i>cacique</i> of Jemez, with several +other Indians of that tribe, appeared at Pecos. The +sacred embers disappeared, tradition being, according to the +Hon. W. G. Ritch, Secretary of the Territory, that they were +returned to Montezuma.<a name="FNanchor_180" id="FNanchor_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a> The remnants of the tribe moved +on with their chattels, and guided by their friends, to Jemez, +where, in a few months, I hope to visit "the last of the +Pecos."</p> + + +<h4 class="sect">MISCELLANEOUS OBSERVATIONS.</h4> + +<p>About the mythology of the Pecos Indians, aside from the +Montezuma story and the sacred embers, the tale of the <i>Great</i><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">p. 126</a></span> +<i>Snake</i> ("la vívora grande") appears to be widely circulated. +It is positively asserted<a name="FNanchor_181" id="FNanchor_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a> that the Pecos adored, and the Jemez +and Taos still adore, an enormous rattlesnake, which they keep +alive in some inaccessible and hidden mountain recess. It is +even dimly hinted at that human sacrifices might be associated +with this already sufficiently hideous cult. I give these +facts as they were given to me, and shall not believe them +until I am compelled. It has always been the natural tendency +in everything which (like the idolatrous practices still +existing among the pueblos, of which there is no doubt) we +do not positively know, to make bad look worse and good better +than it actually is. The prospect of securing a knowledge +of it is, however, not very good. The Indians themselves appear +to deny it, and are generally very reticent about their +aboriginal beliefs.</p> + +<p>I have previously mentioned that Ruiz had been called +upon by the Indians of Pecos to do his duty by attending to +the sacred fire for one year, and that he refused. The reason +for his refusal appears to have been that there was a belief to +the effect that any one who had ever attended to the embers +would, if he left the tribe, die without fail, and he did not wish +to expose himself to such a fate.</p> + +<p>About the social organization of the Pecos Indians, it has +not been possible, of course, to ascertain anything as yet. +That they lived on the communal plan is plainly shown by +the construction of their houses. That they were originally, +at least, organized into clans or <i>gentes</i>, can be inferred; but +here I must remark that it may be difficult to trace those clusters +among the Rio Grande pueblos, on account of their weakness +in numbers, and of the intermixture of the Tehua, Tanos,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">p. 127</a></span> +and Queres stocks resulting from the convulsion of 1680. It +may be possible, however, to find them at Jemez. They exist +at Laguna and among the Moquis, according to Mr. Morgan, +and I do not doubt but that Mr. Cushing, who is so thoroughly +studying the Zuñi Indians, has by this time settled the question +for that tribe. One fact, however, I consider to be ascertained; +namely, that there were neither castes nor classes +among the pueblos, therefore not at Pecos. At the head of +their communal government were the usual three officers,—the +<i>gobernador</i>, the <i>capitan de la guerra</i>, and the <i>cacique</i>. I +am not quite clear yet as to the proper functions of each, +except that the first two are both warriors ("ambos son guerreros," +Ruiz); that the <i>capitan</i> has also the supervision of +the lands of the tribe; and that the <i>cacique</i> is more or less +a religious functionary. Mr. D. J. Miller states that the latter +very seldom leaves the pueblo. It was therefore an unusual +act when the <i>cacique</i> of Jemez came to Pecos in 1840, +and I presume it was brought about through his connection +with the holy fire. I asked Sr. Ruiz very distinctly as to +whether these three officers were elective or not, and he +promptly affirmed that they were ("son elegidos por el pueblo"). +I then inquired if the sons succeeded to the fathers in +office, and his reply was that there was no objection to their +being elected thereto if they were qualified ("si son buenos"). +This disposes of the question of heredity in office, rank, and +title, and it is almost identical with the customs found by +Alonzo de Zuevita among the Indians of Mexico in the middle +of the sixteenth century. How the presumable "gentes" +of the Pecos might have localized for dwelling in the great +communal houses I am, of course, unable to conjecture.</p> + +<p>In regard to their marriage customs, their mode of naming +children, etc., I have not been able to gather much information +as yet. The old marriage customs are supplanted by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">p. 128</a></span> +those of the church. Still, they may be traced up eventually. +Every Pecos Indian had, besides his Spanish name, an Indian +name; and there is, according to Mr. Ritch, still a Pecos Indian +at Jemez whose aboriginal appellation is "Huaja-toya" +(Spanish pronunciation). I heard of him this morning (Sept. +17) through an Indian of Jemez. What I know of their burials +is already stated.</p> + +<p>Of their agriculture, or rather horticulture, I have also +spoken; the modes of cultivation have not been explained to +me as yet. Irrigation is therefore the only part of their tillage +system upon which I have been able to gather any information. +In addition to what the preceding pages may +contain, Sr. Vigil has assured me that they also irrigated their +<i>huerta</i> from the <i>arroyo</i>. This thin fillet of clear water, now +scarcely 0.50 m.—20 in.—in width, fills at times its entire +gravelly bed, 100 m. to 150 m.—327 ft. to 490 ft.—from +bank to bank. This does not occur annually, but at +irregular intervals. Sr. Ruiz said that while the Pecos Indians +were living at their pueblo the streams were filled with +water ("en ese tiempo, corrieron los arroyos con agua, muy +abundante"). It is further said that the tribe worked other +"gardens" besides, on the banks of the river Pecos, two miles +to the east.</p> + +<p>For their arts and industry I must refer to the collections, +however meagre and unsatisfactory they are; a condition for +which I have already apologized. Nowhere did I find a trace +of iron nor of copper, although they used the latter for ornaments +(bracelets, etc.), and there can be no doubt that they +had the former metal also,—after the Spanish conquest, of +course. The squaring of timbers, the scroll-work and friezes +in the church, could only be done with instruments of +iron. But all traces of these implements have disappeared +from the ruins, as far as the surface is concerned. I can<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">p. 129</a></span>not +refrain, however, from dwelling at greater length upon +two products of industry, so common among the ruins as +hardly to attract the attention of curiosity-hunters any more. +These are the flakes of obsidian and lava and the painted +pottery.</p> + +<p>I have called these flakes a product of industry; while the +material itself is of course a mineral, the fragments scattered +about are undoubted products of skill. They are chips and +splinters. There is neither lava nor obsidian cropping out in +or about the valley,<a name="FNanchor_182" id="FNanchor_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a> but highly volcanic formations are abundantly +found to the north, within fifty miles from Pecos, in +the high Sierra de Mora; perhaps, also, nearer yet. At all +events, the mineral has been brought to the pueblo and +chipped there. The same is the case with the flint flakes, +agates, jaspers, and moss-agates, with the difference, however, +that, in the case of these, water has done a great part of the +carrying, if not all; whereas the drift of the <i>arroyo</i> contains +no obsidian nor lava, except such as has clearly been washed +into it from the ruins. Among the flakes there will be noticed +several which may have been used for knives, whereas still +others approximate to the arrow-head. A small perfect arrow-head +was found and transmitted by me to the Institute,—the +only one I met with on the premises.<a name="FNanchor_183" id="FNanchor_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a></p> + +<p>The fact that several localities at Pecos are completely +devoid of obsidian has already been mentioned. These are<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">p. 130</a></span> +the oldest ruins. In the case of the ruins along the mesa +and those south of the church, I can only speak of the +surface; but where the corrugated pottery was found the +whole section of the bluff was exposed for more than 100 m.—327 +ft.,—and still not a trace of the mineral appeared, +while flint, agate, and jasper were rather conspicuous.<a name="FNanchor_184" id="FNanchor_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> This +may be accidental, but it is certainly suspicious and suggestive.</p> + +<p>The painted pottery is scattered in wagon-loads of fragments +over the ruins. There are two places, however, where, as already +stated, the surface is utterly devoid of them. Whether +or not this deficiency extends to the soil, I cannot tell. I +doubt it, however. These localities are, again, the apron +along the <i>mesa</i> and the ruins south of the church. For the +rest, it is very equally distributed everywhere. Still there are +two distinct kinds at least. One is exactly similar to the kind +now made and sold: it is coarse, soft; the ground is painted +gray or yellow; the ornaments show, in few instances, traces of +animal shapes (they are either black or brown); and the vessels +must have been thick, and with a thicker coarse rim. Out +of the grave in the mound <i>V</i>, the pottery was more perfect. +There are pieces of a <i>tinaja</i> (bowl) with a vertical rim, yellow +outside, white inside, with black geometrical ornamentation, +not vitrified. This kind of pottery is still made by the +Indians of Nambé, of Tezuque, and of Cochiti. (The former +two are Tehuas, the latter is Queres.) But there I also found +fragments of a plain black pottery, of dark red, and of dark +red with black ornaments, which are thinner and much superior +in "ring," and therefore in quality, to any now made. +This pottery is older in date, and appears to be almost a lost +art. There was, however, no distinction in distribution. Both +kinds have one point in common, namely, the varnishing of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">p. 131</a></span> +ornamental surfaces. I say varnishing,<a name="FNanchor_185" id="FNanchor_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a> and not "glazing;" +for, although I believe the glassy appearance of the painted +lines to be due to some admixture of the coloring material, +and not to a separate glossy exterior coating, I do not as yet +find a reason for admitting that the Indians knew the process +of vitrification.</p> + +<p>Of the military manufactures of the Pecos, a small arrow-head +of obsidian found near the church is the only trace. It +is even too small for a war-arrow. They had stone hatchets, +and may have had the dart, and, later on, the spear. Pebbles +convenient for hurling are promiscuously observed on the +<i>mesilla</i>, but they are not numerous; and nowhere along the +circumvallation did I notice any trace of heaps.<a name="FNanchor_186" id="FNanchor_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a> The military +constructions, however, become very interesting through +their connection with the system of drainage and a comparison +with the ancient Mexicans. Around the ancient pueblo of +Mexico ("Tenuchtitlan") the water formed the protective +circumvallation; at Pecos, the defensive wall collected the +water and conducted it where it was needed for subsistence +for the irrigation of crops.</p> + +<p>That this great circumvallation, 983 m.—3,225 ft.—in circuit, +was a wall for protection also there is no doubt, although +the main strength of the pueblo lay in the construction of its +houses, where the inhabitants could simply shut themselves in +and await quietly until the enemy was tired of prowling around +it. By Indians it could only be carried by surprise or treachery.<a name="FNanchor_187" id="FNanchor_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a> +Hence it was customary for the young men to leave the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">p. 132</a></span> +pueblo at times in a body, abandoning it to the old men and +women, etc., without concern.<a name="FNanchor_188" id="FNanchor_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a> As long as these kept good +watch they were safe, even if the Comanches should appear. +Roaming Indians cannot break open a pueblo house if well +guarded. For that purpose alone the mounds near the great +gate, and the mound <i>H</i>, <a href="#pIV">Pl. IV.</a>, were erected. They were +watch-towers for special purposes, for particular sections, where +the lookouts from the wall-tops were not sufficient.<a name="FNanchor_189" id="FNanchor_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a> These two +mounds—one on each side of the gateway—overlooked the +fields and the creek-bank: in the morning, when the people +went out to work, or to carry drinking water from the spring +opposite; during the day, while they attended to their simple +labor of tillage.</p> + +<p>The mound and tower <i>H</i> performed a similar office towards +the steep ledge of rocks there descending, among whose fragments +Indians could hide for hours from the scouts on the +house tops. Thus the great enclosure with its details served +a triple purpose. It was the reservoir which held and conducted +the waters precipitated on the <i>mesilla</i> to the useful +purpose of irrigation. It was a preliminary defensive line,—a +first obstruction to a storming foe, and a shelter for its defenders. +But it was also in places an admirable post of observation. +It formed the necessary complement to the houses +themselves,<a name="FNanchor_190" id="FNanchor_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a> and both together composed a system of defences +which, inadequate against the military science of civilization,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">p. 133</a></span> +was still wonderfully adapted for protection against the +stealthy, lurking approach, the impetuous but "short-winded" +dash, of Indian warfare.</p> + +<p>In conclusion of this lengthy report, I may be permitted to +add a few lines concerning the great houses themselves. Their +mode and manner of construction and occupation I have already +discussed; it is their abandonment and decay to which +I wish to refer. This decay is the same in both houses; the +path of ruin from S.S.E. to N.N.W. indicates its progress. It +shows clearly that, as section after section had been originally +added as the tribe increased in number, so cell after cell (or +section after section) was successively vacated and left to ruin +as their numbers waned, till at last the northern end of the +building alone sheltered the poor survivors. They receded +from south to north; for the church, despoiled and partly +destroyed in 1680, was no protection to them. Its own ruin +kept pace with that of the tribe.<a name="FNanchor_191" id="FNanchor_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a> The northern extremity of +the pueblo was their best stronghold, and thither they retired +step by step in the face of inevitable doom.</p> + +<p class='rr'><span class="smcap">A. F. Bandelier.</span></p> +<p class="sig2"><span class="smcap">Santa Fé</span>, Sept. 17, 1880.</p> + +<p class="sig0">To <span class="smcap">Professor C. E. Norton</span>, <i>President of the Archæological Institute of America, +Cambridge, Mass.</i></p> + + +<hr class="chapter" /> +<p class="center" style="font-size:125%"><a name="GRANT_OF_1689_TO_THE_PUEBLO_OF_PECOS" id="GRANT_OF_1689_TO_THE_PUEBLO_OF_PECOS"></a>GRANT OF 1689 TO THE PUEBLO OF PECOS.</p> + +<hr class='minor' /> + +<p>The following is a literal copy of the original grant, now (Sept. 25, +1880) on file at the United States Surveyor-General's office at Santa +Fé, made to the inhabitants of the Indian pueblo of Pecos in New +Mexico. The language of the document is not altogether clear, but +the essential terms are distinct:—</p> + +<div class="center"> +<table border="0" width="74%" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0"> + <col style="width:10%;" /><col style="width:90%;" /> +<tbody valign="top"> + <tr> + <td align="center" rowspan="2" style="padding-right:0.5em"><p class="mark">Año de 1689</p> + +<div style="margin-top:3em"> +<img src="images/illus-merced.png" width="21" height="261" alt="MERCED CONCEDIDA Á PECOS." title="MERCED CONCEDIDA Á PECOS." /> +</div> +</td> + <td><p>En el Pueblo de nu. S.<span class="grant">a</span> de Guadalupe del Paso del Rio +del Norte en veinte y cinco dias del mes de Sep.<span class="grant">te</span> de mil seiscientos +y ochenta y nueve años el Señor Gov.<span class="grant">or</span> y Cap.<span class="grant">n</span> Gen.<span class="grant">l</span> +D.<span class="grant">a</span> Domingo Jironza Petroz de Cruzate dijo que por quanto +en el alcanze que se dio en los de la Nueva Mex.<span class="grant">co</span> de los +Yndios Queres y los Apostatas y los Teguas y de la nacion +Thanos y despues de haber peleado con todos los demas +Yndios de todos Pueblos un Yndio del Pueblo de Zia llamado +Bartolomé de Ojeda que fue el que mas se señaló en la vatalla +acudiendo á todas partes se rindio viendose herido de +un balazo y un flechaso lo cual como dicho es mando que +debajo de juram.<span class="grant">to</span> declare como se halla el Pu.<span class="grant">o</span> de Pecos +aunque queda muy metido á donde el sol sale y fueron unos +Yndios Apostatas de aquel Reyno de la Nueva Mexico.</p></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><p>Preguntado que si este Pu.<span class="grant">o</span> volverá en algun tiempo como +ha sido constumbre en ellos y dice el confesante que no que +ya está muy metido en terror que aunque estaban abilantados +con lo que les habia susedido á los de el Pu.<span class="grant">o</span> de Zia el año +pasado juzgaba que era un imposible que dejaran de dar la +obediencia; por lo cual se concedieron por el Señor Governador +y Capitan General D.<span class="grant">a</span> Domingo Jironza Petroz de +Cruzate los linderos que aqui anoto; para el. Norte una +legua; y para el Oriente una legua; y para el Poniente una +legua; y para el Sur una legua; y medidas estas cuatro lineas +de las cuatro esquinas del Pu.<span class="grant">o</span> dejando á salvo el templo +que queda al medio dia del Pu.<span class="grant">o</span> y asi lo proveyo mando y +firmo susc<span class="grant2">a</span> [?] á mi el presente Secretario de Gov.<span class="grant">on</span> y +Guerra que de ello doy fé. D.<span class="grant">a</span></p> + +<p class='rr' style="left:-7%;">Domingo Jironza</p> +<p class='rr'>Petroz de Cruzate.</p> +<p class="sig0">Ante mi</p> +<p class="sig2">Don Pedro Ladron de Guitara</p> +<p class="sig4">Sc.<span class="grant">o</span> de G.<span class="grant">n</span> y Gu.<span class="grant">a</span></p> +</td> + </tr> + </tbody> +</table> +</div> +<hr class="minor" /> + +<p class="center">[<span class="smcap">Translation.</span>]</p> + +<div class="center"> +<table border="0" width="74%" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0"> + <col style="width:10%;" /><col style="width:90%;" /> +<tbody valign="top"> + <tr> + <td align="center" rowspan="2" style="padding-right:0.5em"><p class="mark">In the year 1689.</p> +<div style="margin-top:3em"> +<img src="images/illus-grant.png" width="21" height="220" alt="GRANT GIVEN TO PECOS." title="GRANT GIVEN TO PECOS." /> +</div> +</td> +<td> +<p>In the Pueblo of Our Lady of Guadalupe of El Paso +del Rio del Norte, on the twenty-fifth day of the month +of September, in the year sixteen hundred and eighty +nine, the Governor and Captain-General, Don Domingo +Jironza Petroz de Cruzate, said that inasmuch as during +the pursuit of the men of New Mexico, [namely], of the +Queres Indians, and the Renegades, and the Teguas, and +those of the Thanos nation, and after the fight with all +the rest of the Indians of all the Pueblos—an Indian of +the Pueblo of Zia, named Bartholomé de Ojeda, who had +greatly distinguished himself in the fight, assisting at every +point, surrendered, having been wounded by a bullet and +by an arrow; he [the Governor] ordered that he should +declare, under oath, how the Pueblo of Pecos is disposed, +although it lies far off toward the sunrise, and [its +people] are renegade Indians of that kingdom of New +Mexico.</p></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> +<p>Being asked whether [the inhabitants of] this Pueblo +will ever return to their old ways, he, the deponent, says +that they will not, since they are now in great terror, +and though they were very much emboldened by what +had happened to those of the Pueblo of Zia the year before, +he thought it was impossible that they should fail to +give in their submission. Wherefore there were granted by +the Governor and Captain-General, Don Domingo Jironza +Petroz de Cruzate, the boundaries here noted: to the +north a league, and to the east a league, and to the west a +league, and to the south a league; and these four lines +measured from the four corners of the Pueblo, reserving +the temple, which lies to the south of the Pueblo; and +thus did his Excellency provide, command, and sign +before me, the present Secretary of the Interior and of +War, who attest it.</p> + +<p class='rr' style="left:-7%"><span class="smcap">Don Domingo Jironza</span></p> +<p class='rr'><span class="smcap">Petroz de Cruzate.</span></p> +<p class="sig0">Before me,</p> +<p class="sig2">Don Pedro Ladron de Guitara,</p> +<p class="sig4">Secretary of the Interior and of War.</p> +</td> + </tr> + </tbody> +</table> +</div> + +<hr class="chapter" /> +<div class="footnotes"> +<h3 class="footnotes"><a name="FNII" id="FNII"></a>FOOTNOTES</h3> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_87" id="Footnote_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87"><span class="label2">[87]</span></a> Lieut.-Col. W. H. Emory, <i>Notes of a Military Reconnoissance from Fort +Leavenworth, in Missouri, to San Diego, in California, Executive Document</i> 41, +Washington, 1848. <i>Meteorological Observations</i>, p. 163. Camp 44, half-mile +south of the Pecos, Aug. 17, 1846, altitude six thousand three hundred and +forty-six feet. Camp 45, on the Pecos, near Pecos village, August 18, six thousand +three hundred and sixty-six feet.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_88" id="Footnote_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88"><span class="label2">[88]</span></a> This is the lowest height of the peaks seen from the valley. Some of the +other tops are much higher yet. The altitude of Santa Fé Baldy, for instance, +exceeds twelve thousand feet.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_89" id="Footnote_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89"><span class="label2">[89]</span></a> Not to be confounded with the Rio de Pecos proper. The <i>arroyo</i> is not +found on most of the maps. Its width is about 100 m.—330 ft.—but there +is scarcely ever more than a mere fillet of very clear, limpid water in it.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_90" id="Footnote_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90"><span class="label2">[90]</span></a> This is, however, only accidental, and exclusively due to nine months of +consecutive drouth. Generally the strips of bottom-land have a rich soil, and +grow fine corn, wheat, and oats.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_91" id="Footnote_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91"><span class="label2">[91]</span></a> They are very picturesque objects, and stand out boldly, appearing to rise +directly from the plain. Their height is stated to be about thirteen thousand +feet. In this vicinity are the Placitas, now famous for mineral wealth (gold +and silver), and the Cerrillos, also rich in ore, and containing beautiful green +and blue turquoises, of which I saw excellent specimens in possession of His +Excellency Governor L. Wallace.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_92" id="Footnote_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92"><span class="label2">[92]</span></a> Baughl's Sidings is a switch and large storing-place for ties. Even the +Spaniards call it La Switcha. It is about 800 m.—2,620 ft.—from the foot +of the <i>mesa</i>, in a belt of fine large pine timber, very high, and gives glimpses of +splendid views over the valley of Pecos to the Sierras beyond. Climate fine, but +nights very cold. The buildings are as yet nearly all temporary; it is more a +camp than a place as is it now. I spent ten very happy days here, from the 28th +of August to the 6th of September,—or rather nights, since the days were, with +two exceptions (5th and 6th of September, when I visited Pecos town and explored +the high <i>mesa</i>), devoted to the study of the ruins. I shall always gratefully +remember the uniform kindness and attention with which its inhabitants +and transient guests have treated me, and assisted me in my work. Aside of +those whom I shall have occasion to name in the body of my report, I take occasion +to express my thanks here to Messrs. McPherson & Co., and to their obliging +manager, Mr. Wright; also to the station agent.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_93" id="Footnote_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93"><span class="label2">[93]</span></a> On the right side of the Arroyo de Pecos, there is a wide amphitheatre +bottom, which was filled with red clay, like that of which the adobe at the +church is made, and which appears to have been partly dug out. The place +is to the right of the road also, which there crosses the creek. The only objection +to the surmise is in the fact that along this entire bottom I found not the +slightest trace of obsidian. Pottery, however, is scattered everywhere. On +the left side of the creek, unless more than a mile below, there is no place where +the soil is sufficiently thick or sufficiently free from ruins and scattered stones, +to permit the enormous quantity of clay needed for the church to be secured.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_94" id="Footnote_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94"><span class="label2">[94]</span></a> Lieut.-Col. Emory, <i>Notes of a Military Reconnoissance</i>, p. 30, and two plates.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_95" id="Footnote_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95"><span class="label2">[95]</span></a> The walls, or foundations rather, appear as follows:—The +interstices are often filled with tufts of <i>grama</i>, and +the stones themselves look very old and worn, covered with +lichens and moss. +</p> +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 101px;"> +<a name="i44" id="i44" href="images/illus-p44-large.png"> +<img src="images/illus-p44.png" width="101" height="32" alt="Stone Wall" title="Stone Wall" /> +</a> +</div> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_96" id="Footnote_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96"><span class="label2">[96]</span></a> According to Mariano Ruiz and to Mrs. Kozlowski. The former has lived +in Pecos since 1837. But few, if any, of the dead are buried there; the majority +were entombed within the church itself.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_97" id="Footnote_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97"><span class="label2">[97]</span></a> P. José Amando Niel, <i>Apuntamientos que sobre el Terreno hizo el ... +Annotations to the history of</i> Fray Géronimo Zarate Salmeron, in <i>Documentos +para la Historia de México</i>, 3 series, vol. i. p. 99.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_98" id="Footnote_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98"><span class="label2">[98]</span></a> Called by the Spaniards Plaza de Pecos. It is a comparatively new place, +the only church-book still in possession of Rev. Father Léon Mailluchet, the present +priest, commences in 1862. Including the scattered <i>casitas</i> several miles +around, its population is not over five hundred souls. It is situated in a narrow +vale or hollow, not far west from the Rio Pecos itself, and has a modest but +clean and tidy church, with a small belfry. All the houses are of adobe. Lieutenant-Colonel +Emory (<i>Notes, Executive Document</i> 41, p. 30) speaks of it in 1846 as +"the modern village of Pecos, ... with a very inconsiderable population." As +yet there are but very few Americans in the plaza. My recollections of Pecos +are highly pleasant (5th September), owing to the friendly reception tendered +me by Mr. E. K. Walters, Sr. Juan Bacay Salazar, and Father L. Mailluchet. +According to Colonel Emory, its altitude is nearly 6,366 ft. (p. 163). Lat. about +35° 30' N.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_99" id="Footnote_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99"><span class="label2">[99]</span></a> See <a href="#pI">Plate I.</a></p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_100" id="Footnote_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100"><span class="label3">[100]</span></a> See <a href="#pIX">Plate IX.</a></p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_101" id="Footnote_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101"><span class="label3">[101]</span></a> See <a href="#pI">Plate I.</a>, Fig. 5.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_102" id="Footnote_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102"><span class="label3">[102]</span></a> When Mr. Louis Felsenthal of Santa-Fé came to New Mexico in 1855, and +still later, in 1858, the time of the arrival of Mrs. Kozlowski, the roofs were still +perfect in part.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_103" id="Footnote_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103"><span class="label3">[103]</span></a> <a href="#pII">Pl. II.</a>, Fig. 6.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_104" id="Footnote_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104"><span class="label3">[104]</span></a> Pedro de Castañeda de Nagera, <i>Relation du Voyage de Cibola</i>, French translation, +by Ternaux-Compans, 1838. Original written about 1560. Introduction, +p. ix; part ii. cap. v. p. 176.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_105" id="Footnote_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105"><span class="label3">[105]</span></a> Castañeda, <i>Relation</i>, i. cap. xii. p. 71; ii. cap. v. p. 176. Juan Jaramillo, +<i>Relation du Voyage fait à la Nouvelle Terre</i>, app. vi. to <i>Voyage de Cibola</i>, p. 371. +Fray Agustin de Vetancurt, <i>Crónica de la Provincia del Santo Evangelio de México</i> +(edition of 1871), p. 323. Gaspar Castaño de la Sosa, <i>Memoria del Descubrimiento +cue ... hizo en el Nuevo México, siendo teniente del Gobernador y Capitan General +del Nuevo-Reino de Leon</i>, July 27, 1590, in vol. xv. of <i>Documentos Inéditos +de los Archivos de Indias</i>, p. 244. The latter though, as well as Castañeda and +Jaramillo, mentions evidently building <i>A</i>, but there cannot be the slightest doubt +that <i>B</i> was erected for the same purpose; to wit, as a dwelling.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_106" id="Footnote_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106"><span class="label3">[106]</span></a> They are evidently moulded. Their size is about 0.28 m. × 15 m.—11 in. +× 6 in.—and straw is mixed with the soil. The appearance is very much as if +the adobe had been put in as a "mending;" and I am decidedly of the opinion +that the northern section is the latest, and erected after 1540.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_107" id="Footnote_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107"><span class="label3">[107]</span></a> It is very much like the stone-work of the Moqui Pueblos in Arizona, according +to the photographs in possession of the Bureau of Ethnology at Washington, +D. C.; and in some respects to the walls of the great house described by +the Hon. L. H. Morgan, <i>On the Ruins of an Ancient Stone Pueblo on the Animas +River, Eleventh and Twelfth Reports of the Peabody Museum of Archæology</i>, etc.; +also to those figured by Dr. William H. Jackson, <i>Tenth Annual Report of the +United States Geological and Geographical Survey of the Territories</i>, 1878, plate +lxii. fig. 1, from the Ruins of the Rio Chaco. Compare photograph No. 6. I am +led to suspect that the greater or less regularity of the courses was entirely +dependent upon the kind of stone on hand, and not upon the mechanical +skill employed.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_108" id="Footnote_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108"><span class="label3">[108]</span></a> I am just (Sept. 9) informed by Governor Wallace, that the Sierra de +Tecolote, east of the ruins, contains probably gypsum, even in the form of alabaster. +It is certain that nothing like lime-kilns or places where lime might have +been burnt are found at any moderate distance from the ruins. The surrounding +rocks, up to head of the valley and to the <i>mesa</i>, contain deposits of white, yellow, +and red carbonates of lead, often copper-stained, and very impure, therefore +proportionately light in weight. However, we have very positive information as +to how they made their plaster, etc., in Castañeda, <i>Voyage de Cibola</i>, ii. cap. iv. +pp. 168, 169. He says: "They have no lime, but make a mixture of ashes, soil, +and of charcoal, which replace it very well; for although they raise their houses to +four stories, the walls have not more than half an ell in width. They form great +heaps of pine [thym] and reeds, and set fire to them; whenever this mass is reduced +to ashes and charcoal, they throw over it a large quantity of soil and +water, and mix it all together. They knead it into round blocks, which they dry, +and of which they make use in lieu of stones, coating the whole with the same +mixture." Substituting for the "round blocks" the stones found at Pecos, we +have the whole process thoroughly explained, for indeed the mud contains bits +of charcoal, as the specimens sent prove. The white coat, however, is not explained. +I must state here, however, that I found the latter only in such parts +of <i>A</i>, as well as of <i>B</i>, as appeared to be most recent in occupation and in +construction. Further investigations at other pueblos may yet solve the mystery.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_109" id="Footnote_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109"><span class="label3">[109]</span></a> See <a href="#pVIII">Plate VIII.</a></p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_110" id="Footnote_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110"><span class="label3">[110]</span></a> Compare, in regard to the outer (western) wall of B, and also in regard to +the inner wall, Lieut. James H. Simpson, <i>Journal of a Military Reconnoissance +from Santa Fé, New-Mexico, to the Navajo Country, Executive Document 64</i>, 31st +Congress, 1st section, 1850; plate 41, no. 5. Also, L. H. Morgan, <i>On an Ancient +Stone Pueblo on the Animas River, Peabody Museum Reports</i>, 1880. The latter is +particularly suggestive.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_111" id="Footnote_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111"><span class="label3">[111]</span></a> Compare Castañeda, <i>Voyage de Cibola</i>, ii. cap. iv. pp. 171, 172. "There is a +piece reserved for the kitchen, and another one for to grind the corn. This last +one is apart; in it is found an oven and three stones sealed in masonry." Simpson, +<i>Journal</i>, etc, p. 62, description of a fireplace.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_112" id="Footnote_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112"><span class="label3">[112]</span></a> Simpson, p. 62, <i>Fireplace and Smoke-escape at the Pueblo of Santo Domingo</i>. +The vent was directly over the hearth. I expect to visit Santo Domingo shortly.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_113" id="Footnote_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113"><span class="label3">[113]</span></a> Mr. Thomas Munn found about the church a stone hatchet, a fragment of +a stone pipe (?), and many arrow-heads. These he kindly promised to me, even +authorizing me to get them at the place where he had deposited them, and which +lay on the line of my daily tramp to the ruins. Unfortunately, when I reached +the place, the objects were already gone. +</p> +<p class="footnote"> +Mrs. Kozlowski informed me that copper rings (bracelets) were of very common +occurrence among the ruins. Her statement was fully confirmed by Sr. +Baca and others. She also spoke of "the heads of little idols" having been plentiful +at one time. Gaspar Castaño de la Sosa, <i>Memoria del Descubrimiento</i>, etc., +<i>Documentos Inéditos</i>, vol. xv. p. 244, speaking of a pueblo which is evidently Pecos, +says: "Porque tiene muchos ídolos que atras nos olvidaba de declarar." +Antonio de Espejo, <i>El Viaje que hizo</i> ... in Hackluyt's <i>Voyages, Navigations, +and Discoveries of the English Nation</i>, 1600 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, pp. 457-464. A somewhat abbreviated +and frequently unreliable copy of Espejo's letter, dated "Sant Salvador +de la Nueva-España, 23 April, 1584," mentions a district two days east +from Bernalillo, inhabited by pueblo Indians: "Los quales tienen y adoran +ídolos."</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_114" id="Footnote_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114"><span class="label3">[114]</span></a> On first sight this building appears circular, but I soon became satisfied that +it was a rectangle.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_115" id="Footnote_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115"><span class="label3">[115]</span></a> They may have been the "almacenas", or granaries (storage-rooms), of +which I speak further on. "Outhouses" are referred to by Castañeda. (Part +ii. cap. iv. p. 172.)</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_116" id="Footnote_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116"><span class="label3">[116]</span></a> One or the other may also have been an Estufa, for I saw no round structures +about <i>B</i>. Castañeda (part ii. cap. iv. p. 169) says: "There are square and +round ones." It is true that the Estufas are usually in the courts; but when +there was no court, as in this case, there could be no Estufa inside.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_117" id="Footnote_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117"><span class="label3">[117]</span></a> <a href="#pI">Pl. I.</a>, Fig. 5, shows cross-sections of the "body" of the <i>mesilla</i> on which <i>A</i> +stands, along the lines indicated. The surface of <i>A</i> was therefore very irregular and +difficult to build upon for people who could not remove and fit the hard rock.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_118" id="Footnote_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118"><span class="label3">[118]</span></a> This may have been caused, in part, by filling with rubbish from the surrounding +walls.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_119" id="Footnote_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119"><span class="label3">[119]</span></a> Such double houses are mentioned by Castañeda (part ii. cap. v. p. 177). +Speaking of "Cicuyé," he says: "Those houses fronting outwards ('du coté de +la campagne') are backed up ('adossées') against those which stand towards the +court."</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_120" id="Footnote_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120"><span class="label3">[120]</span></a> The dimensions given by Gen. J. H. Simpson, <i>Reconnoissance</i>, etc., pp. 79-82, +of the pueblos—"Pintado," "Bonito," and "Peñasca blanca"—on the Rio +Chaco vary, as far as the circuit is concerned, between 1,200 and 1,700 feet, +"about." Dr. W. H. Jackson, <i>Geographical Survey</i>, etc., 1876, has measured these +ruins, and gives the following dimensions: "Pueblo Bonito," 544 × 314; "Peñasca +blanca," 499 × 363 (only 3 sides of the rectangle being built up); "Pueblo +Pintado" (2 sides), 238 × 174; "Pueblo Alto" (3 wings), 360 × 200 and 170. +"Pueblo Bonito" therefore alone comes up to the standard of Pecos. The latter, +however, is larger still, as, by adding to the perimeter given that of the northern +annex (about 90 m.—295 ft.), we obtain a total of 450 metres, or 1,480 feet. +The difference, if any, is not considerable; and I merely advert to the fact to +show that the old ruins of New Mexico, comparatively neglected, are fully as important +in size as any of those further north, besides being completely identical +in plan, structure, and material. Furthermore, the pottery is identical. This +was already recognized in 1776 by Father Silvestre Velez Escalante, <i>Diario y +Derrotero de los Nuevos Descubrimientos de Tierras á Rumbos N. N. Oe. Oe. del +Nuevo México</i>, MSS. at the Library of Congress, fol. 118, on the San Buenaventura +(Green River), and in his letter, dated Santa Fé, 2 April, 1778, <i>Documentos +para la Historia de México</i>, 3a série, vol. i. p. 124.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_121" id="Footnote_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121"><span class="label3">[121]</span></a> <i>On the Ruins of an Ancient Stone Pueblo on the Animas River</i>, Peabody Reports, +11 and 12.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_122" id="Footnote_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122"><span class="label3">[122]</span></a> I must here call attention to a singular coincidence. Among the ruins of +Uxmal in Yucatan there are, aside from the "Teocalli," or medicine mound, two +general forms of structure,—one narrow rectangle like <i>B</i>, and hollow rectangles +like <i>A</i>. The "Casa del Gobernador" would correspond to the former, and the +"Casa de las Monjas" to the latter. Of course, there is dissimilarity between +the house of the "Governor" and <i>B</i>, in so far as the former contains halls and +the latter but cells. Still the fact is interesting that, whereas the great northern +pueblos have each but one house alone, here, for the south, we have already two +buildings within one and the same enclosure, similar in form and size to those of +Central America. I call attention to this fact, though well remembering at the +same time the friendly advice of Major J. W. Powell, the distinguished chief +of the Bureau of Ethnology at Washington, "not to attempt to trace relationships."</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_123" id="Footnote_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123"><span class="label3">[123]</span></a> <i>Relation du Voyage de Cibola</i>, ii. cap. v. p. 176.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_124" id="Footnote_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124"><span class="label3">[124]</span></a> I am informed by Governor Wallace, and have permission to quote him, that +these elevated plateaux grow exceedingly tall wheat, rye, and oats. He has seen +oats whose stalks were 6 feet long and 1¾ inches in diameter. The heads were +proportionally large.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_125" id="Footnote_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125"><span class="label3">[125]</span></a> He became adopted, as I am told, from being, as a boy, assistant to the sacristan +of the church of Pecos.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_126" id="Footnote_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126"><span class="label3">[126]</span></a> It was Mr. John D. McRae who, together with Mr. Thomas Munn, led me to +this spot. Subsequently the former, who has been for nearly twenty years among +the northern Indians (in Canada and Oregon), gave me some valuable information +in regard to their sign-language. He affirms that it is very highly developed +and extensively practised by them; that tribes of entirely different stock-languages +can converse with each other freely; and that he was himself present at +one time when the Crees and the Blackfeet arranged for a pitched fight on the +day to follow, the parley consisting almost exclusively of signs. Thus, killing is +indicated by the spanning of a bow and the motion of throwing down; walking, +by shoving both hands forwards successively, etc.; the time of day is very correctly +given by describing an arc from E. to W. (facing S.) up to the point where +the sun stands at the specified hour. These signs are not new to my distinguished +friend, Lieutenant-Colonel G. Mallery, to whom science owes the gift of this new +branch of inquiry, but still they are interesting to those who may be less familiar +with it. In regard to connection of this "sign-language" and Indian "pictography," +Mr. McRae has told me the following: Whenever an Indian breaks up +his camp, and wishes to leave behind him information in what direction and how +far he is going, he plants into the ground near the fire a twig or stick, and breaks +it so that it forms an acute angle, planting the other end in the ground also in +the direction in which he intends to camp the following evening. The following +would very well give the appearance of this little mark, assuming the Indian +to travel from N. to S.:— +</p> +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 194px;"> +<img src="images/illus-p94a.png" width="194" height="34" alt="N. to S." title="N. to S." /> +</div> +<p class="footnote"> +If he intends to go S. for three days it will look thus:— +</p> +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 138px;"> +<img src="images/illus-p94b.png" width="138" height="40" alt="3 days" title="3 days" /> +</div> +<p class="footnote"> +Fractional days are indicated by corresponding shorter limbs. If his direction is +first S. and then E., this would be a top view of the bent twig, assuming that he +travels two days S. and three days W.:— +</p> +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 64px;"> +<img src="images/illus-p94c.png" width="64" height="51" alt="fractional day" title="fractional day" /> +</div> +<p class="footnote"> +The connection between this expedient and sign-language, knowing that, as Dr. +W. J. Hoffmann, of Washington City, has informed me, the sign for "lodge" is +an imitation of the tent,—that is, holding both hands up and the tips of the fingers +together at a steep angle,—becomes very apparent. Through it pictography +is easily reached.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_127" id="Footnote_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127"><span class="label3">[127]</span></a> Sr. E. Vigil has just informed me that the notion is current that all the Indians +of the New Mexican pueblos buried their dead in this manner. Among +the Mexicans and the Christianized Indians it is the rule to bury the dead around +the church or in sight of it.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_128" id="Footnote_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128"><span class="label3">[128]</span></a> There is still another ruin much farther down the railroad, near to a place +called "El Pueblo." I was informed of its existence, but have not as yet been +able to visit it.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_129" id="Footnote_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129"><span class="label3">[129]</span></a> Or rather towards the pueblo of San Cristóval. The latter was the chief +place of the Tanos Indians, of which stock there are still a few left at the town +of Galisteo.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_130" id="Footnote_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130"><span class="label3">[130]</span></a> The following is an approximate sketch of these structures. +This sketch is made without reference to size or plan, +merely in order to show the relative position of the graves +(<i>a</i>, <i>a</i>, <i>a</i>, <i>a</i>). It will be seen that the analogy with the grave +of mound <i>V</i>, building <i>A</i>, is very striking; also with the +grave discovered by Mr. Walters, and the wall above the +corrugated pottery west of the Arroyo de Pecos.</p> + +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 182px;"> +<a name="i103" id="i103" href="images/illus-p103-large.png"> +<img src="images/illus-p103.png" width="121" height="154" alt="Graves" title="Graves" /> +</a> +</div> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_131" id="Footnote_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131"><span class="label3">[131]</span></a> To judge from the report of General Simpson (p. 68), these early traditions +must be very meagre. His informant, the celebrated "Hoosta-Nazlé," is now +dead. Of the Pecos adults then living at Santo Domingo, a daughter is still alive, +and married to an Indian of the latter pueblo. General (then lieutenant) Simpson +was at Jemez in 1849.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_132" id="Footnote_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132"><span class="label3">[132]</span></a> <i>Memoria del Descubrimiento</i>, etc., p. 238. "Tienen mucha loza de los colorados +y pintadas y negras, platos, caxetes, saleros, almoficos, xicaras muy galanas, +alguna de la loza esta vidriada."</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_133" id="Footnote_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133"><span class="label3">[133]</span></a> W. H. Holmes, <i>Geographical Survey</i>, part iii., p. 404, plate xliv. "This plate +is intended to illustrate the corrugated and indented ware. Heretofore specimens +of this class have been quite rare, as it is not made by any of the modern +tribes."</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_134" id="Footnote_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134"><span class="label3">[134]</span></a> Holmes, pp. 404, 405.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_135" id="Footnote_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135"><span class="label3">[135]</span></a> Even the <i>estufa</i> and the <i>almacena</i> are found. The round depression near +the road to the Rio Pecos (marked <i>L</i> on the general plan) is evidently an Estufa, +while the circular ruin which I met upon the apron of the mesa during my ascent +appears very much like a storehouse.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_136" id="Footnote_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136"><span class="label3">[136]</span></a> House <i>A</i> alone appears in these reports; but from the statement that the +tribe mustered 500 warriors, it seems probable that <i>B</i> was also inhabited. 2,500 +souls could hardly have found room in the 585 cells of <i>A</i>, The number of warriors +given is doubtless a loose estimate.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_137" id="Footnote_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137"><span class="label3">[137]</span></a> San Diego, now in ruins, about 13 miles N. of the pueblo Jemez, was the old +pueblo of that tribe. It was the scene of a bloody struggle in 1692, according to +the story of Hoosta-Nazlé, given to General Simpson in 1849. <i>Reconnoissance</i>, +etc., p. 68. Diego de Vargas (<i>Carta</i>, Oct. 16, 1692), <i>Documentos para la Historia +de México</i>, 3a séries, i. p. 131. "Los Gemex y los de Santo-Domingo se +hallaban en otro tambien nuevo, dentro de la Sierra, á tres leguas del pueblo +antiguo de Gemex." Nearly all the pueblos, upon the approach of the Spaniards, +fled to steep and high mesas.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_138" id="Footnote_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138"><span class="label3">[138]</span></a> This is the same cañon whose source on the "Mesa de Pecos" I have visited, +and where the great bell was found. It is the natural pathway, from the W. and +S. W., up to the heights overlooking the valley of Pecos.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_139" id="Footnote_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139"><span class="label3">[139]</span></a> A. S. Gatchet, <i>Zwölf Sprachen aus dem Südwesten Nord-Amerika's</i>, Weimar, +1876, p. 41.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_140" id="Footnote_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140"><span class="label3">[140]</span></a> I infer it from the fact that it is not noticed previous to 1680. Agustin de +Vetancurt, <i>Crónica de la Provincia del Santo Evangelio en México</i>, edition of 1871, +pp. 310, 311. It then contained 2,000 "Tiguas;" but the church dedicated to +San Antonio de Padua had just been brought under cover when the rebellion +broke out.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_141" id="Footnote_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141"><span class="label3">[141]</span></a> Castañeda, ii. cap. v. pp. 178, 179.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_142" id="Footnote_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142"><span class="label3">[142]</span></a> Castañeda, pp. 189, 190. Jaramillo, pp. 372-382. Francisco Vasquez de +Coronado, <i>Letter to Charles V.</i>, dated Tigues, Oct. 20, 1541. Appendix to <i>Voyage +de Cibola</i>, pp. 356-359.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_143" id="Footnote_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143"><span class="label3">[143]</span></a> <i>Historia Verdadera de la Conquista de Nueva España</i>. Very valuable, but +much influenced by personal views and prejudice.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_144" id="Footnote_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144"><span class="label3">[144]</span></a> Fray Luis Descalona, a lay brother, who remained at Pecos in 1543, may +have had a hand in this report. Castañeda, iii. cap. iv. pp. 214, 215. Jaramillo, +p. 380.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_145" id="Footnote_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145"><span class="label3">[145]</span></a> Castañeda, pp. 176, 177.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_146" id="Footnote_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146"><span class="label3">[146]</span></a> Id., xii. p. 68.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_147" id="Footnote_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147"><span class="label3">[147]</span></a> Id., i. p. 68; ii. cap. vii. p. 188.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_148" id="Footnote_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148"><span class="label3">[148]</span></a> Id., i. p. 69.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_149" id="Footnote_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149"><span class="label3">[149]</span></a> <i>Relation del Suceso de la Jornada que Francisco Vazquez hizo en el Descubrimiento +de Cibola</i>, in vol. xiv. of the Documentos del Archivo de Indias, p. 325. "De +unos Indios que se hallaron en este pueblo de Acuique" This would make it +very important to consult the original manuscript of Castañeda in order to ascertain +if "Cicuyé" is not really "Acuyé." The latter word would be identical +almost with "Âqiu." The name Pecos itself belongs to the Qq'uêres language +of New Mexico, and is pronounced "Pae-qo." It is applied to the inhabitants +of the pueblo, the place itself being called "Pae-yoq'ona." The first mention of +it under the name of Pecos is found in the documents of the year 1598, after the +general meeting of Juan de Oñate with the pueblo Indians in the <i>estufa</i> of Santo +Domingo (a Qq'uêres village).</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_150" id="Footnote_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150"><span class="label3">[150]</span></a> Castañeda, ii. cap. viii. pp. 194, 195; iii. cap. iv. p. 214. Jaramillo, p. 380. +Vetancurt, <i>Menologio Franciscano</i>, Nov. 30, p. 386. Juan de Torquemada, <i>Monarchia +Indiana</i>, first edition, 1614, lib. xxi. p. 689.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_151" id="Footnote_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151"><span class="label3">[151]</span></a> Castañeda, ii. pp. 194, 195.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_152" id="Footnote_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152"><span class="label3">[152]</span></a> Vetancurt, <i>Menologio</i>, pp. 412-422. He calls him Rodriguez. Espejo, <i>Viaje</i>, +etc., Hackluyt, iii. Gerónimo de Zarate Salmeron, p. 9.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_153" id="Footnote_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153"><span class="label3">[153]</span></a> This is plain from the description, although Juan de Oñate (<i>Discurso de la +Jornada que hizo el Capitan de su Magestad desde la Nueva-España á la Provincia +de la Nueva-México, Archivos de Indias</i>, vol. xvi. p. 258) says of the "gran pueblo +de los Peccos, y es el que Espejo llama la provincia de Tamos."</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_154" id="Footnote_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154"><span class="label3">[154]</span></a> Castaño, <i>Descubrimiento</i>, etc., p. 244. The "vigas grandes," in the <i>estufa</i>, +recalls the great tree across the northern <i>estufa</i> in the court of A.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_155" id="Footnote_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155"><span class="label3">[155]</span></a> Oñate, <i>Jornada</i>, p. 244.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_156" id="Footnote_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156"><span class="label3">[156]</span></a> <i>Obediencia</i>, etc., <i>Archivos</i>, xvi. p. 113.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_157" id="Footnote_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157"><span class="label3">[157]</span></a> pp. 371, 372.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_158" id="Footnote_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158"><span class="label3">[158]</span></a> pp. 371, 372.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_159" id="Footnote_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159"><span class="label3">[159]</span></a> p. 179.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_160" id="Footnote_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160"><span class="label3">[160]</span></a> Fray Francisco de Apodaca, native of Cantabria, was commissary from 1627 +till 1633. Vetancurt, <i>Menologio</i>, p. 464. Davis, <i>Conquest of New Mexico</i>, cap. +xxxv. p. 278.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_161" id="Footnote_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161"><span class="label3">[161]</span></a> Published in vol. i. of 3a séries of <i>Documentos para la Historia de México</i>. +In consequence of it, Fray Estiban de Perea came to New Mexico with thirty +priests. Vetancurt, <i>Crónica</i>, p. 300. "Con cuyo ejemplo y enseñanza se poblaron +treinta y siete casas de diferentes naciones," among which the Pecos.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_162" id="Footnote_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162"><span class="label3">[162]</span></a> Jean Blaeu, <i>Douzième Volume de la Géographie Blaviane, contenant l'Amérique</i>, +etc., Amsterdam, 1667, p. 62. He says Picuries, but it must be Pecos. "Avec +un seul bourg, mais grandement peuplé, où il y a un temple somptueux." Vetancurt, +Crónica, etc., p. 323. "Tenia á nuestra Señora de los Angeles de Porciúncula +un templo magnífico, con seis torres, tres de cada lado, adornado; las paredes +tan anchas que en sus concavidades estaban hechas oficinas." There are +still, in the church of the plaza of Pecos, three paintings out of that church,—one +on buffalo-hide, representing Nra. Sra. de Guadalupe, and two on cloth, with +Our Lady of the Angels painted on it. The last two are very good.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_163" id="Footnote_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163"><span class="label3">[163]</span></a> Blaeu, p. 62.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_164" id="Footnote_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164"><span class="label3">[164]</span></a> Vetancurt, <i>Crónica</i>, p. 323.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_165" id="Footnote_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165"><span class="label3">[165]</span></a> Ibid.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_166" id="Footnote_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166"><span class="label3">[166]</span></a> Oñate, p. 258.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_167" id="Footnote_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167"><span class="label3">[167]</span></a> <i>Apuntamientos</i>, etc., p. 104.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_168" id="Footnote_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168"><span class="label3">[168]</span></a> "Este Cuaderno se cree ser de un Religioso de la Provincia del Santo Evangelio" +(<i>Anonymous Report on New Mexico</i>), Documentos, 3a série, vol. i. p. 127.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_169" id="Footnote_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169"><span class="label3">[169]</span></a> Davis, cap. xlii. p. 329.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_170" id="Footnote_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170"><span class="label3">[170]</span></a> Escalante, <i>Letter</i>, p. 123. Diego de Vargas, <i>Carta á S. E.</i>, etc., p. 129.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_171" id="Footnote_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171"><span class="label3">[171]</span></a> Davis, cap. xlv. pp. 348, 349.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_172" id="Footnote_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172"><span class="label3">[172]</span></a> Davis, cap. l. p. 396; cap. li. p. 402.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_173" id="Footnote_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173"><span class="label3">[173]</span></a> Niel, p. 104. Escalante, p. 123.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_174" id="Footnote_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174"><span class="label3">[174]</span></a> Niel, pp. 104-106. Escalante, p. 122. Gobierno de Don Francisco Cubero +y Valdes, <i>Documentos</i>, 3a série, vol. i. p. 194.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_175" id="Footnote_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175"><span class="label3">[175]</span></a> Gobierno de Don Francisco Cubero y Valdes, p. 195. In 1712 the pueblo +of Pojuaque (north of Santa Fé) contained but seventy-nine inhabitants,—all +Tehuas.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_176" id="Footnote_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176"><span class="label3">[176]</span></a> Niel, p. 104. "De los Pecos quedaron mas."</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_177" id="Footnote_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177"><span class="label3">[177]</span></a> The Apaches were in intercourse with Taos until 1700 <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> <i>Sesto Cuaderno, +Documentos</i>, 3a série, i. p. 180.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_178" id="Footnote_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178"><span class="label3">[178]</span></a> <i>Historical Sketch of Santa Fé</i>, pp. 22, 23, in the pamphlet on <i>Centennial Celebration</i>, +1876. It is the only printed report in existence, except a very short one +by Judge K. Benedict, on the revolt of 1837.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_179" id="Footnote_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179"><span class="label3">[179]</span></a> I have not as yet been able to consult the archives of San Miguel County, at +Las Vegas, in regard to the different "Deeds" then executed. Therefore I forbear +mentioning even the names of the grantees of which I was informed.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_180" id="Footnote_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180"><span class="label3">[180]</span></a> The Hon. W. G. Ritch is in possession of a number of highly interesting +data gathered from the Indians in relation to the sacred fire. All of these he has, +in the kindest manner, placed at my disposal. I, however, defer their mention +for a future report, in connection, as I hope, with the pueblo of Jemez. I shall +but refer here to a single one. There were, formerly, several fires burning. One +of these, that of the <i>cacique</i>, was never permitted to go out, so that, in case +one of the others should accidentally become extinguished, it could always be rekindled +from the "extra-holy" one.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_181" id="Footnote_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181"><span class="label3">[181]</span></a> Even Ruiz affirmed that the tale, as far as the Pecos were concerned, was +certainly true. He never could get to see the reptile, however. It is a rattlesnake +(<i>cascabel</i>).</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_182" id="Footnote_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182"><span class="label3">[182]</span></a> I am informed by Mr. Miller that blocks or "chunks" of obsidian, as large +as a fist or larger, are found in the Arroyo de Taos. This would be about 60 +miles north of Santa Fé.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_183" id="Footnote_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183"><span class="label3">[183]</span></a> In regard to the regular indentation of arrow-heads, I was informed by Mr. +Debrant, then incidentally at Baughl's (on the 4th of September), that these +were produced by contact with fire. Applying a glowing coal (the end of a burning +stick) to the edge of the flint, and blowing on it steadily, after a few seconds +a speck of the mineral will fly off, leaving a groove or indentation proportionate +in size to the coal used and to the length of time applied. Thus, an arrow-head +may be indented in a very short time, which would be impossible by +chipping.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_184" id="Footnote_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184"><span class="label3">[184]</span></a> Moss-agate is also found, but rarely.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_185" id="Footnote_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185"><span class="label3">[185]</span></a> Compare W. H. Holmes, <i>U. S. Geographical Survey</i>, 1876, p. 404.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_186" id="Footnote_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186"><span class="label3">[186]</span></a> That stones were used, both in offensive as well as in defensive warfare, is +proven by Castañeda, ii. cap. v. p. 178; i. cap. xii. p. 69. It is possible that +the pebbles used were kept on the roofs, as was the custom among the ancient +Mexicans.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_187" id="Footnote_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187"><span class="label3">[187]</span></a> Thus the probability of the destruction of a part of Pecos by the Tanos, on +the 10th of August, 1680, is still further increased.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_188" id="Footnote_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188"><span class="label3">[188]</span></a> Therefore the massacre of all their available men by the Comanches, already +mentioned. I could not as yet find the date of the event. It is a well-known tradition, +however. It occurred in the <i>moro</i>.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_189" id="Footnote_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189"><span class="label3">[189]</span></a> That constant guard was kept on the housetops is stated by Castañeda, ii. +p. 179.</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_190" id="Footnote_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190"><span class="label3">[190]</span></a> The defensive constructions of the pueblos, as late as 1540, were the houses. +The wall of Pecos is an exception. Castañeda says (i. cap. xiv. p. 80): "As +these villages have no streets, that all the houses are of the same height and +common to all the inhabitants, these large houses must be captured first, because +they are the points of defence."</p> + +<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_191" id="Footnote_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191"><span class="label3">[191]</span></a> The church of Pecos, although it had lost all its former splendor, still was +used till about 1840. Afterwards it was abandoned.</p> +</div> + + +<div class="tnote"> +<p class="center">Transcriber’s Note</p> +<p>Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully as possible, +including obsolete and variant spellings and other inconsistencies.</p> + +<p>Minor punctuation and printing errors have been corrected.</p> + +<p>The Google Print source suffers from numerous gaps in the text. +A copy of the original text obtained from the library at the College of Santa Fe (New Mexico) +enabled the transcriber to include all omitted pages and plates for this complete transcription.</p> + +<p>Footnotes occurring on each page of the original text are grouped at the end of the two major sections of the transcribed text, + <a href="#FNI">Part I</a> and <a href="#FNII">Part II</a>.</p> + +<p>This HTML edition contains a <a href="#ToI">new table</a> of plates and illustrations.</p> + +<p>Hyphen use in directional terms is now consistent throughout the author's text. This HTML edition contains inserted notes +<ins class="correction" title="Transcriber's note: original reads 'northeasterly'"> +like this</ins> for each occurrence. </p> + +</div> + + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Historical Introduction to Studies +Among the Sedentary Indians of New Mexico; Report on the Ruins of the Pueblo of Pecos, by Adolphus Bandelier + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK INDIANS OF NEW MEXICO *** + +***** This file should be named 23224-h.htm or 23224-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/2/3/2/2/23224/ + +Produced by Joe Longo and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This book was +produced from scanned images of public domain material +from the Google Print project.) + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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