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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Legacy of Greece, by Various
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Legacy of Greece
+       Essays By: Gilbert Murray, W. R. Inge, J. Burnet, Sir T.
+       L. Heath, D'arcy W. Thompson, Charles Singer, R. W.
+       Livingston, A. Toynbee, A. E. Zimmern, Percy Gardner, Sir
+       Reginald Blomfield
+
+Author: Various
+
+Editor: R.W. Livingstone
+
+Release Date: August 6, 2007 [EBook #22259]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: UTF-8
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LEGACY OF GREECE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by L.N. Yaddanapudi and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+The Legacy of GREECE
+
+_Essays by_ GILBERT MURRAY, W. R. INGE,
+J. BURNET, SIR T. L. HEATH, D'ARCY W.
+THOMPSON, CHARLES SINGER, R. W.
+LIVINGSTON, A. TOYNBEE, A. E. ZIMMERN,
+PERCY GARDNER, SIR REGINALD BLOMFIELD
+
+_Edited by_
+
+R. W. LIVINGSTONE
+
+[Illustration]
+
+OXFORD
+
+AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
+
+
+PRINTED IN ENGLAND AT THE
+UNIVERSITY PRESS, OXFORD
+BY JOHN JOHNSON
+PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY
+
+
+
+
+In spite of many differences, no age has had closer affinities with
+Ancient Greece than our own; none has based its deeper life so largely
+on ideals which the Greeks brought into the world. History does not
+repeat itself. Yet, if the twentieth century searched through the past
+for its nearest spiritual kin, it is in the fifth and following
+centuries before Christ that they would be found. Again and again, as we
+study Greek thought and literature, behind the veil woven by time and
+distance, the face that meets us is our own, younger, with fewer lines
+and wrinkles on its features and with more definite and deliberate
+purpose in its eyes. For these reasons we are to-day in a position, as
+no other age has been, to understand Ancient Greece, to learn the
+lessons it teaches, and, in studying the ideals and fortunes of men with
+whom we have so much in common, to gain a fuller power of understanding
+and estimating our own. This book--the first of its kind in
+English--aims at giving some idea of what the world owes to Greece in
+various realms of the spirit and the intellect, and of what it can still
+learn from her.
+
+THE EDITOR.
+
+_October 1921._
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+                                                                  PAGE
+
+THE VALUE OF GREECE TO THE FUTURE OF THE WORLD.
+By GILBERT MURRAY, F.B.A., Regius Professor of Greek in
+the University of Oxford                                             1
+
+RELIGION. By W. R. INGE, D.D., Dean of St. Paul's                   25
+
+PHILOSOPHY. By J. BURNETT, F.B.A., Professor of Greek in the
+University of St. Andrews                                           57
+
+MATHEMATICS AND ASTRONOMY.
+By Sir T. L. HEATH, K.C.B., K.C.V.O., F.R.S.                        97
+
+NATURAL SCIENCE. By D'ARCY W. THOMPSON, F.R.S.,
+Professor of Natural History in the University of St. Andrews      137
+
+BIOLOGY. By CHARLES SINGER, Lecturer in the History of Medicine
+in University College, London                                      163
+
+MEDICINE. By CHARLES SINGER                                        201
+
+LITERATURE. By R. W. LIVINGSTONE, Fellow of Corpus Christi
+College, Oxford                                                    249
+
+HISTORY. By ARNOLD TOYNBEE, Koraés Professor of Byzantine and
+Modern Greek Language, Literature, and History in the
+University of London                                               289
+
+POLITICAL THOUGHT. By A. E. ZIMMERN, late Wilson Professor of
+International Politics, University College of Wales, Aberystwyth   321
+
+THE LAMPS OF GREEK ART. By PERCY GARDNER, F.B.A., Merton
+Professor of Classical Archaeology in the University of Oxford     353
+
+ARCHITECTURE. By Sir REGINALD BLOMFIELD, F.S.A., R.A.              397
+
+
+
+
+THE VALUE OF GREECE TO THE FUTURE OF THE WORLD
+
+
+If the value of man's life on earth is to be measured in dollars and
+miles and horse-power, ancient Greece must count as a poverty-stricken
+and a minute territory; its engines and implements were nearer to the
+spear and bow of the savage than to our own telegraph and aeroplane.
+Even if we neglect merely material things and take as our standard the
+actual achievements of the race in conduct and in knowledge, the average
+clerk who goes to town daily, idly glancing at his morning newspaper, is
+probably a better behaved and infinitely better informed person than the
+average Athenian who sat spellbound at the tragedies of Aeschylus. It is
+only by the standard of the spirit, to which the thing achieved is
+little and the quality of mind that achieved it much, which cares less
+for the sum of knowledge attained than for the love of knowledge, less
+for much good policing than for one free act of heroism, that the great
+age of Greece can be judged as something extraordinary and unique in
+value.
+
+By this standard, if it is a legitimate and reasonable one to apply, we
+shall be able to understand why classical Greek literature was the basis
+of education throughout all later antiquity; why its re-discovery,
+however fragmentary and however imperfectly understood, was able to
+intoxicate the keenest minds of Europe and constitute a kind of
+spiritual 'Re-birth', and how its further and further exploration may be
+still a task worth men's spending their lives upon and capable of giving
+mankind guidance as well as inspiration.
+
+But is such a standard legitimate and reasonable? We shall gain nothing
+by unanalysed phrases. But I think surely it is merely the natural
+standard of any philosophical historian. Suppose it is argued that an
+average optician at the present day knows more optics than Roger Bacon,
+the inventor of spectacles; suppose it is argued that therefore he is,
+as far as optics go, a greater man, and that Roger Bacon has nothing to
+teach us; what is the answer? It is, I suppose, that Roger Bacon,
+receiving a certain amount of knowledge from his teachers, had that in
+him which turned it to unsuspected directions and made it immensely
+greater and more fruitful. The average optician has probably added a
+little to what he was taught, but not much, and has doubtless forgotten
+or confused a good deal. So that, if by studying Roger Bacon's life or
+his books we could get into touch with his mind and acquire some of that
+special moving and inspiring quality of his, it would help us far more
+than would the mere knowledge of the optician.
+
+This truth is no doubt hard to see in the case of purely technical
+science; in books of wider range, such as Darwin's for instance, it is
+easy for any reader to feel the presence of a really great mind,
+producing inspiration of a different sort from that of the most
+excellent up-to-date examination text-book. In philosophy, religion,
+poetry, and the highest kinds of art, the greatness of the author's mind
+seems as a rule to be all that matters; one almost ignores the date at
+which he worked. This is because in technical sciences the element of
+mere fact, or mere knowledge, is so enormous, the elements of
+imagination, character, and the like so very small. Hence, books on
+science, in a progressive age, very quickly become 'out of date', and
+each new edition usually supersedes the last. It is the rarest thing for
+a work of science to survive as a text-book more than ten years or so.
+Newton's _Principia_ is almost an isolated instance among modern
+writings.
+
+Yet there are some few such books. Up till about the year 1900 the
+elements of geometry were regularly taught, throughout Europe, in a
+text-book written by a Greek called Eucleides in the fourth or third
+century B. C.[1] That text-book lasted over two thousand years. Now, of
+course, people have discovered a number of faults in Euclid, but it has
+taken them all that time to do it.
+
+    [1] Since this paper was first written _Euclid_, Book I, in the
+    Greek, has been edited with a commentary by Sir Thomas Heath
+    (Cambridge Press, 1920). It is full of interest and instruction.
+
+Again, I knew an old gentleman who told me that, at a good English
+school in the early nineteenth century, he had been taught the
+principles of grammar out of a writer called Dionysius Thrax, or Denis
+of Thrace. Denis was a Greek of the first century B. C., who made or
+carried out the remarkable discovery that there was such a thing as a
+science of grammar, i. e. that men in their daily speech were
+unconsciously obeying an extraordinarily subtle and intricate body of
+laws, which were capable of being studied and reduced to order. Denis
+did not make the whole discovery himself; he was led to it by his master
+Aristarchus and others. And his book had been re-edited several times in
+the nineteen-hundred odd years before this old gentleman was taught it.
+
+To take a third case: all through later antiquity and the middle ages
+the science of medicine was based on the writings of two ancient
+doctors, Hippocrates and Galen. Galen was a Greek who lived at Rome in
+the early Empire, Hippocrates a Greek who lived at the island of Cos in
+the fifth century B. C. A great part of the history of modern medicine
+is a story of emancipation from the dead hand of these great ancients.
+But one little treatise attributed to Hippocrates was in active use in
+the training of medical students in my own day in Scotland and is still
+in use in some American Universities. It was the Oath taken by medical
+students in the classic age of Greece when they solemnly faced the
+duties of their profession. The disciple swore to honour and obey his
+teacher and care for his children if ever they were in need; always to
+help his patients to the best of his power; never to use or profess to
+use magic or charms or any supernatural means; never to supply poison or
+perform illegal operations; never to abuse the special position of
+intimacy which a doctor naturally obtains in a sick house, but always on
+entering to remember that he goes as a friend and helper to every
+individual in it.
+
+We have given up that oath now: I suppose we do not believe so much in
+the value of oaths. But the man who first drew up that oath did a great
+deed. He realized and defined the meaning of his high calling in words
+which doctors of unknown tongues and undiscovered countries accepted
+from him and felt to express their aims for well over two thousand
+years.
+
+Now what do I want to illustrate by these three instances? The rapidity
+with which we are now at last throwing off the last vestiges of the yoke
+of Greece? No, not that. I want to point out that even in the realm of
+science, where progress is so swift and books so short-lived, the Greeks
+of the great age had such genius and vitality that their books lived in
+a way that no others have lived. Let us get away from the thought of
+Euclid as an inky and imperfect English school-book, to that ancient
+Eucleides who, with exceedingly few books but a large table of sand let
+into the floor, planned and discovered and put together and re-shaped
+the first laws of geometry, till at last he had written one of the great
+simple books of the world, a book which should stand a pillar and beacon
+to mankind long after all the political world that Eucleides knew had
+been swept away and the kings he served were conquered by the Romans,
+and the Romans in course of time conquered by the barbarians, and the
+barbarians themselves, with much labour and reluctance, partly by means
+of Eucleides' book, eventually educated; so that at last, in our own
+day, they can manage to learn their geometry without it. The time has
+come for Euclid to be superseded; let him go. He has surely held the
+torch for mankind long enough; and books of science are born to be
+superseded. What I want to suggest is that the same extraordinary
+vitality of mind which made Hippocrates and Euclid and even Denis of
+Thrace last their two thousand years, was also put by the Greeks of the
+great age into those activities which are, for the most part at any
+rate, not perishable or progressive but eternal.
+
+This is a simple point, but it is so important that we must dwell on it
+for a moment. If we read an old treatise on medicine or mechanics, we
+may admire it and feel it a work of genius, but we also feel that it is
+obsolete: its work is over; we have got beyond it. But when we read
+Homer or Aeschylus, if once we have the power to admire and understand
+their writing, we do not for the most part have any feeling of having
+got beyond them. We have done so no doubt in all kinds of minor things,
+in general knowledge, in details of technique, in civilization and the
+like; but hardly any sensible person ever imagines that he has got
+beyond their essential quality, the quality that has made them great.
+
+Doubtless there is in every art an element of mere knowledge or science,
+and that element is progressive. But there is another element, too,
+which does not depend on knowledge and which does not progress but has a
+kind of stationary and eternal value, like the beauty of the dawn, or
+the love of a mother for her child, or the joy of a young animal in
+being alive, or the courage of a martyr facing torment. We cannot for
+all our progress get beyond these things; there they stand, like light
+upon the mountains. The only question is whether we can rise to them.
+And it is the same with all the greatest births of human imagination. As
+far as we can speculate, there is not the faintest probability of any
+poet ever setting to work on, let us say, the essential effect aimed at
+by Aeschylus in the Cassandra-scene of the _Agamemnon_, and doing it
+better than Aeschylus. The only thing which the human race has to do
+with that scene is to understand it and get out of it all the joy and
+emotion and wonder that it contains.
+
+This eternal quality is perhaps clearest in poetry: in poetry the
+mixture of knowledge matters less. In art there is a constant
+development of tools and media and technical processes. The modern
+artist can feel that, though he cannot, perhaps, make as good a statue
+as Pheidias, he could here and there have taught Pheidias something: and
+at any rate he can try his art on subjects far more varied and more
+stimulating to his imagination. In philosophy the mixture is more subtle
+and more profound. Philosophy always depends in some sense upon science,
+yet the best philosophy seems generally to have in it some eternal
+quality of creative imagination. Plato wrote a dialogue about the
+constitution of the world, the _Timaeus_, which was highly influential
+in later Greece, but seems to us, with our vastly superior scientific
+knowledge, almost nonsensical. Yet when Plato writes about the theory of
+knowledge or the ultimate meaning of Justice or of Love, no good
+philosopher can afford to leave him aside: the chief question is whether
+we can rise to the height and subtlety of his thought.
+
+And here another point emerges, equally simple and equally important if
+we are to understand our relation to the past. Suppose a man says: 'I
+quite understand that Plato or Aeschylus may have had fine ideas, but
+surely anything of value which they said must long before this have
+become common property. There is no need to go back to the Greeks for
+it. We do not go back and read Copernicus to learn that the earth goes
+round the sun.' What is the answer? It is that such a view ignores
+exactly this difference between the progressive and the eternal, between
+knowledge and imagination. If Harvey discovers that the blood is not
+stationary but circulates, if Copernicus discovers that the earth goes
+round the sun and not the sun round the earth, those discoveries can
+easily be communicated in the most abbreviated form. If a mechanic
+invents an improvement on the telephone, or a social reformer puts some
+good usage in the place of a bad one, in a few years we shall probably
+all be using the improvement without even knowing what it is or saying
+Thank you. We may be as stupid as we like, we have in a sense got the
+good of it.
+
+But can one apply the same process to _Macbeth_ or _Romeo and Juliet_?
+Can any one tell us in a few words what they come to? Or can a person
+get the good of them in any way except one--the way of vivid and loving
+study, following and feeling the author's meaning all through? To
+suppose, as I believe some people do, that you can get the value of a
+great poem by studying an abstract of it in an encyclopaedia or by
+reading cursorily an average translation of it, argues really a kind of
+mental deficiency, like deafness or colour-blindness. The things that we
+have called eternal, the things of the spirit and the imagination,
+always seem to lie more in a process than in a result, and can only be
+reached and enjoyed by somehow going through the process again. If the
+value of a particular walk lies in the scenery, you do not get that
+value by taking a short cut or using a fast motor-car.
+
+In looking back, then, upon any vital and significant age of the past we
+shall find objects of two kinds. First, there will be things like the
+Venus of Milo or the Book of Job or Plato's _Republic_, which are
+interesting or precious in themselves, because of their own inherent
+qualities; secondly, there will be things like the Roman code of the
+Twelve Tables or the invention of the printing-press or the record of
+certain great battles, which are interesting chiefly because they are
+causes of other and greater things or form knots in the great web of
+history--the first having artistic interest, the second only historical
+interest, though, of course, it is obvious that in any concrete case
+there is generally a mixture of both.
+
+Now Ancient Greece is important in both ways. For the artist or poet it
+has in a quite extraordinary degree the quality of beauty. For instance,
+to take a contrast with Rome: if you dig about the Roman Wall in
+Cumberland you will find quantities of objects, altars, inscriptions,
+figurines, weapons, boots and shoes, which are full of historic interest
+but are not much more beautiful than the contents of a modern rubbish
+heap. And the same is true of most excavations all over the world. But
+if you dig at any classical or sub-classical site in the Greek world,
+however unimportant historically, practically every object you find will
+be beautiful. The wall itself will be beautiful; the inscriptions will
+be beautifully cut; the figurines, however cheap and simple, may have
+some intentional grotesques among them, but the rest will have a special
+truthfulness and grace; the vases will be of good shapes and the
+patterns will be beautiful patterns. If you happen to dig in a
+burying-place and come across some epitaphs on the dead, they will
+practically all--even when the verses do not quite scan and the words
+are wrongly spelt--have about them this inexplicable touch of beauty.
+
+I am anxious not to write nonsense about this. One could prove the point
+in detail by taking any collection of Greek epitaphs, and that is the
+only way in which it can be proved. The beauty is a fact, and if we try
+to analyse the sources of it we shall perhaps in part understand how it
+has come to pass.
+
+In the first place, it is not a beauty of ornament; it is a beauty of
+structure, a beauty of rightness and simplicity. Compare an athlete in
+flannels playing tennis and a stout dignitary smothered in gold robes.
+Or compare a good modern yacht, swift, lithe, and plain, with a
+lumbering heavily gilded sixteenth-century galleon, or even with a
+Chinese state junk: the yacht is far the more beautiful though she has
+not a hundredth part of the ornament. It is she herself that is
+beautiful, because her lines and structure are right. The others are
+essentially clumsy and, therefore, ugly things, dabbed over with gold
+and paint. Now ancient Greek things for the most part have the beauty of
+the yacht. The Greeks used paint a good deal, but apart from that a
+Greek temple is almost as plain as a shed: people accustomed to
+arabesques and stained glass and gargoyles can very often see nothing in
+it. A Greek statue has as a rule no ornament at all: a young man racing
+or praying, an old man thinking, there it stands expressed in a stately
+and simple convention, true or false, the anatomy and the surfaces right
+or wrong, aiming at no beauty except the truest. It would probably seem
+quite dull to the maker of a mediaeval wooden figure of a king which I
+remember seeing in a town in the east of Europe: a crown blazing with
+many-coloured glass, a long crimson robe covered with ornaments and
+beneath them an idiot face, no bones, no muscles, no attitude. That is
+not what a Greek meant by beauty. The same quality holds to a great
+extent of Greek poetry. Not, of course, that the artistic convention was
+the same, or at all similar, for treating stone and for treating
+language. Greek poetry is statuesque in the sense that it depends
+greatly on its organic structure; it is not in the least so in the sense
+of being cold or colourless or stiff. But Greek poetry on the whole has
+a bareness and severity which disappoints a modern reader, accustomed as
+he is to lavish ornament and exaggeration at every turn. It has the
+same simplicity and straightforwardness as Greek sculpture. The poet has
+something to say and he says it as well and truly as he can in the
+suitable style, and if you are not interested you are not. With some
+exceptions which explain themselves he does not play a thousand pretty
+tricks and antics on the way, so that you may forget the dullness of
+what he says in amusement at the draperies in which he wraps it.
+
+But here comes an apparent difficulty. Greek poetry, we say, is very
+direct, very simple, very free from irrelevant ornament. And yet when we
+translate it into English and look at our translation, our main feeling,
+I think, is that somehow the glory has gone: a thing that was high and
+lordly has become poor and mean. Any decent Greek scholar when he opens
+one of his ancient poets feels at once the presence of something lofty
+and rare--something like the atmosphere of _Paradise Lost_. But the
+language of _Paradise Lost_ is elaborately twisted and embellished into
+loftiness and rarity; the language of the Greek poem is simple and
+direct. What does this mean?
+
+I can only suppose that the normal language of Greek poetry is in itself
+in some sense sublime. Most critics accept this as an obvious fact, yet,
+if true, it is a very strange fact and worth thinking about. It depends
+partly on mere euphony: _Khaireis horôn fôs_ is probably more beautiful
+in sound than 'You rejoice to see the light', but euphony cannot be
+everything. The sound of a great deal of Greek poetry, either as we
+pronounce it, or as the ancients pronounced it, is to modern ears almost
+ugly. It depends partly, perhaps, on the actual structure of the Greek
+language: philologists tell us that, viewed as a specimen, it is in
+structure and growth and in power of expressing things, the most perfect
+language they know. And certainly one often finds that a thought can be
+expressed with ease and grace in Greek which becomes clumsy and involved
+in Latin, English, French or German. But neither of these causes goes,
+I think, to the root of the matter.
+
+What is it that gives words their character and makes a style high or
+low? Obviously, their associations; the company they habitually keep in
+the minds of those who use them. A word which belongs to the language of
+bars and billiard saloons will become permeated by the normal standard
+of mind prevalent in such places; a word which suggests Milton or
+Carlyle will have the flavour of those men's minds about it. I therefore
+cannot resist the conclusion that, if the language of Greek poetry has,
+to those who know it intimately, this special quality of keen austere
+beauty, it is because the minds of the poets who used that language were
+habitually toned to a higher level both of intensity and of nobility
+than ours. It is a finer language because it expresses the minds of
+finer men. By 'finer men' I do not necessarily mean men who behaved
+better, either by our standards or by their own; I mean men to whom the
+fine things of the world, sunrise and sea and stars and the love of man
+for man, and strife and the facing of evil for the sake of good, and
+even common things like meat and drink, and evil things like hate and
+terror, had, as it were, a keener edge than they have for us and roused
+a swifter and a nobler reaction.
+
+Let us resume this argument before going further. We start from the
+indisputable fact that the Greeks of about the fifth century B. C. did
+for some reason or other produce various works of art, buildings and
+statues and books, especially books, which instead of decently dying or
+falling out of fashion in the lifetime of the men who made them, lasted
+on and can still cause high thoughts and intense emotions. In trying to
+explain this strange fact we notice that the Greeks had a great and
+pervading instinct for beauty, and for beauty of a particular kind. It
+is a beauty which never lies in irrelevant ornament, but always in the
+very essence and structure of the object made. In literature we found
+that the special beauty which we call Greek depends partly on the
+directness, truthfulness, and simplicity with which the Greeks say what
+they want to say, and partly on a special keenness and nobility in the
+language, which seems to be the natural expression of keen and noble
+minds. Can we in any way put all these things together so as to explain
+them--or at any rate to hold them together more clearly?
+
+An extremely old and often misleading metaphor will help us. People have
+said: 'The world was young then.' Of course, strictly speaking, it was
+not. In the total age of the world or of man the two thousand odd years
+between us and Pericles do not count for much. Nor can we imagine that a
+man of sixty felt any more juvenile in the fifth century B. C. than he
+does now. It was just the other way, because at that time there were no
+spectacles or false teeth. Yet in a sense the world _was_ young then, at
+any rate our western world, the world of progress and humanity. For the
+beginnings of nearly all the great things that progressive minds now
+care for were then being laid in Greece.
+
+Youth, perhaps, is not exactly the right word. There are certain
+plants--some kinds of aloe, for instance--which continue for an
+indefinite number of years in a slow routine of ordinary life close to
+the ground, and then suddenly, when they have stored enough vital force,
+grow ten feet high and burst into flower, after which, no doubt, they
+die or show signs of exhaustion. Apart from the dying, it seems as if
+something like that happened from time to time to the human race, or to
+such parts of it as really bear flowers at all. For most races and
+nations during the most of their life are not progressive but simply
+stagnant, sometimes just managing to preserve their standard customs,
+sometimes slipping back to the slough. That is why history has nothing
+to say about them. The history of the world consists mostly in the
+memory of those ages, quite few in number, in which some part of the
+world has risen above itself and burst into flower or fruit.
+
+We ourselves happen to live in the midst or possibly in the close of one
+such period. More change has probably taken place in daily life, in
+ideas, and in the general aspect of the earth during the last century
+than during any four other centuries since the Christian era: and this
+fact has tended to make us look on rapid progress as a normal condition
+of the human race, which it never has been. And another such period of
+bloom, a bloom comparatively short in time and narrow in area, but
+amazingly swift and intense, occurred in the lower parts of the Balkan
+peninsula from about the sixth to the fourth centuries before Christ.
+
+Now it is this kind of bloom which fills the world with hope and
+therefore makes it young. Take a man who has just made a discovery or an
+invention, a man happily in love, a man who is starting some great and
+successful social movement, a man who is writing a book or painting a
+picture which he knows to be good; take men who have been fighting in
+some great cause which before they fought seemed to be hopeless and now
+is triumphant; think of England when the Armada was just defeated,
+France at the first dawn of the Revolution, America after Yorktown: such
+men and nations will be above themselves. Their powers will be stronger
+and keener; there will be exhilaration in the air, a sense of walking in
+new paths, of dawning hopes and untried possibilities, a confidence that
+all things can be won if only we try hard enough. In that sense the
+world will be young. In that sense I think it was young in the time of
+Themistocles and Aeschylus. And it is that youth which is half the
+secret of the Greek spirit.
+
+And here I may meet an objection that has perhaps been lurking in the
+minds of many readers. 'All this,' they may say, 'professes to be a
+simple analysis of known facts, but in reality is sheer idealization.
+These Greeks whom you call so "noble" have been long since exposed.
+Anthropology has turned its searchlights upon them. It is not only their
+ploughs, their weapons, their musical instruments, and their painted
+idols that resemble those of the savages; it is everything else about
+them. Many of them were sunk in the most degrading superstitions: many
+practised unnatural vices: in times of great fear some were apt to think
+that the best "medicine" was a human sacrifice. After that, it is hardly
+worth mentioning that their social structure was largely based on
+slavery; that they lived in petty little towns, like so many wasps'
+nests, each at war with its next-door neighbour, and half of them at war
+with themselves!'
+
+If our anti-Greek went further he would probably cease to speak the
+truth. We will stop him while we can still agree with him. These charges
+are on the whole true, and, if we are to understand what Greece means,
+we must realize and digest them. We must keep hold of two facts: first,
+that the Greeks of the fifth century produced some of the noblest poetry
+and art, the finest political thinking, the most vital philosophy, known
+to the world; second, that the people who heard and saw, nay perhaps,
+even the people who produced these wonders, were separated by a thin and
+precarious interval from the savage. Scratch a civilized Russian, they
+say, and you find a wild Tartar. Scratch an ancient Greek, and you hit,
+no doubt, on a very primitive and formidable being, somewhere between a
+Viking and a Polynesian.
+
+That is just the magic and the wonder of it. The spiritual effort
+implied is so tremendous. We have read stories of savage chiefs
+converted by Christian or Buddhist missionaries, who within a year or so
+have turned from drunken corroborees and bloody witch-smellings to a
+life that is not only godly but even philanthropic and statesmanlike. We
+have seen the Japanese lately go through some centuries of normal growth
+in the space of a generation. But in all such examples men have only
+been following the teaching of a superior civilization, and after all,
+they have not ended by producing works of extraordinary and original
+genius. It seems quite clear that the Greeks owed exceedingly little to
+foreign influence. Even in their decay they were a race, as Professor
+Bury observes, accustomed 'to take little and to give much'. They built
+up their civilization for themselves. We must listen with due attention
+to the critics who have pointed out all the remnants of savagery and
+superstition that they find in Greece: the slave-driver, the
+fetish-worshipper and the medicine-man, the trampler on women, the
+bloodthirsty hater of all outside his own town and party. But it is not
+those people that constitute Greece; those people can be found all over
+the historical world, commoner than blackberries. It is not anything
+fixed and stationary that constitutes Greece: what constitutes Greece is
+the movement which leads from all these to the Stoic or fifth-century
+'sophist' who condemns and denies slavery, who has abolished all cruel
+superstitions and preaches some religion based on philosophy and
+humanity, who claims for women the same spiritual rights as for man, who
+looks on all human creatures as his brethren, and the world as 'one
+great City of gods and men'. It is that movement which you will not find
+elsewhere, any more than the statues of Pheidias or the dialogues of
+Plato or the poems of Aeschylus and Euripides.
+
+From all this two or three results follow. For one thing, being built up
+so swiftly, by such keen effort, and from so low a starting-point, Greek
+civilization was, amid all its glory, curiously unstable and full of
+flaws. Such flaws made it, of course, much worse for those who lived in
+it, but they hardly make it less interesting or instructive to those who
+study it. Rather the contrary. Again, the near neighbourhood of the
+savage gives to the Greek mind certain qualities which we of the safer
+and solider civilizations would give a great deal to possess. It springs
+swift and straight. It is never jaded. Its wonder and interest about the
+world are fresh. And lastly there is one curious and very important
+quality which, unless I am mistaken, belongs to Greek civilization more
+than to any other. To an extraordinary degree it starts clean from
+nature, with almost no entanglements of elaborate creeds and customs and
+traditions.
+
+I am not, of course, forgetting the prehistoric Minoan civilization, nor
+yet the peculiar forms--mostly simple enough--into which the traditional
+Greek religion fell. It is possible that I may be a little misled by my
+own habit of living much among Greek things and so forgetting through
+long familiarity how odd some of them once seemed. But when all
+allowances are made, I think that this clean start from nature is, on
+the whole, a true claim. If a thoughtful European or American wants to
+study Chinese or Indian things, he has not only to learn certain data of
+history and mythology, he has to work his mind into a particular
+attitude; to put on, as it were, spectacles of a particular sort. If he
+wants to study mediaeval things, if he takes even so universal a poet as
+Dante, it is something the same. Curious views about the Pope and the
+emperor, a crabbed scholastic philosophy, a strange and to the modern
+mind rather horrible theology, floating upon the flames of Hell: all
+these have somehow to be taken into his imagination before he can
+understand his Dante. With Greek things this is very much less so. The
+historical and imaginative background of the various great poets and
+philosophers is, no doubt, highly important. A great part of the work of
+modern scholarship is now devoted to getting it clearer. But on the
+whole, putting aside for the moment the possible inadequacies of
+translation, Greek philosophy speaks straight to any human being who is
+willing to think simply, Greek art and poetry to any one who can use his
+imagination and enjoy beauty. He has not to put on the fetters or the
+blinkers of any new system in order to understand them; he has only to
+get rid of his own--a much more profitable and less troublesome task.
+
+This particular conclusion will scarcely, I think, be disputed, but the
+point presents difficulties and must be dwelt upon.
+
+In the first place, it does not mean that Greek art is what we call
+'naturalist' or 'realist'. It is markedly the reverse. Art to the Greek
+is always a form of _Sophia_, or Wisdom, a _Technê_ with rules that have
+to be learnt. Its air of utter simplicity is deceptive. The pillar that
+looks merely straight is really a thing of subtle curves. The funeral
+bas-relief that seems to represent in the simplest possible manner a
+woman saying good-bye to her child is arranged, plane behind plane, with
+the most delicate skill and sometimes with deliberate falsification of
+perspective. There is always some convention, some idealization, some
+touch of the light that never was on sea or land. Yet all the time, I
+think, Greek art remains in a remarkable degree close to nature. The
+artist's eye is always on the object, and, though he represents it in
+his own style, that style is always normal and temperate, free from
+affectation, free from exaggeration or morbidity and, in the earlier
+periods, free from conventionality. It is art without doubt; but it is
+natural and normal art, such as grew spontaneously when mankind first
+tried in freedom to express beauty. For example, the language of Greek
+poetry is markedly different from that of prose, and there are even
+clear differences of language between different styles of poetry. And
+further, the poetry is very seldom about the present. It is about the
+past, and that an ideal past. What we have to notice there is that this
+kind of rule, which has been usual in all great ages of poetry, is
+apparently not an artificial or arbitrary thing but a tendency that grew
+up naturally with the first great expressions of poetical feeling.
+
+Furthermore, this closeness to nature, this absence of a unifying or
+hide-bound system of thought, acting together with other causes, has led
+to the extraordinary variety and many-sidedness which is one of the most
+puzzling charms of Ancient Greece as contrasted, say, with Israel or
+Assyria or early Rome. Geographically it is a small country with a
+highly indented coast-line and an interior cut into a great number of
+almost isolated valleys. Politically it was a confused unity made up of
+numerous independent states, one walled city of a few thousand
+inhabitants being quite enough to form a state. And the citizens of
+these states were, each of them, rather excessively capable of forming
+opinions of their own and fighting for them. Hence came in practice much
+isolation and faction and general weakness, to the detriment of the
+Greeks themselves; but the same cause led in thought and literature to
+immense variety and vitality, to the great gain of us who study the
+Greeks afterwards. There is hardly any type of thought or style of
+writing which cannot be paralleled in ancient Greece, only they will
+there be seen, as it were, in their earlier and simpler forms. Traces of
+all the things that seem most un-Greek can be found somewhere in Greek
+literature: voluptuousness, asceticism, the worship of knowledge, the
+contempt for knowledge, atheism, pietism, the religion of serving the
+world and the religion of turning away from the world: all these and
+almost all other points of view one can think of are represented
+somewhere in the records of that one small people. And there is hardly
+any single generalization in this chapter which the author himself could
+not controvert by examples to the contrary. You feel in general a great
+absence of all fetters: the human mind free, rather inexperienced,
+intensely interested in life and full of hope, trying in every direction
+for that excellence which the Greeks called _aretê_, and guided by some
+peculiar instinct toward Temperance and Beauty.
+
+The variety is there and must not be forgotten; yet amid the variety
+there are certain general or central characteristics, mostly due to this
+same quality of freshness and closeness to nature.
+
+If you look at a Greek statue or bas-relief, or if you read an average
+piece of Aristotle, you will very likely at first feel bored. Why?
+Because it is all so normal and truthful; so singularly free from
+exaggeration, paradox, violent emphasis; so destitute of those
+fascinating by-forms of insanity which appeal to some similar faint
+element of insanity in ourselves. 'We are sick', we may exclaim, 'of the
+sight of these handsome, perfectly healthy men with grave faces and
+normal bones and muscles! We are sick of being told that Virtue is a
+mean between two extremes and tends to make men happy! We shall not be
+interested unless some one tells us that Virtue is the utter abnegation
+of self, or, it may be, the extreme and ruthless assertion of self; or
+again, that Virtue is all an infamous mistake! And for statues, give us
+a haggard man with starved body and cavernous eyes, cursing God--or give
+us something rolling in fat and colour....'
+
+What is at the back of this sort of feeling? which I admit often takes
+more reasonable forms than these I have suggested. It is the same
+psychological cause that brings about the changes of fashion in art or
+dress: which loves 'stunts' and makes the fortunes of yellow newspapers.
+It is boredom or _ennui_. We have had too much of A; we are sick of it,
+we know how it is done and despise it; give us some B, or better still
+some Z. And after a strong dose of Z we shall crave for the beginning
+of the alphabet again. But now think of a person who is not bored at
+all; who is, on the contrary, immensely interested in the world, keen to
+choose good things and reject bad ones; full of the desire for knowledge
+and the excitement of discovery. The joy to him is to see things as they
+are and to judge them normally. He is not bored by the sight of normal,
+healthy muscles in a healthy, well-shaped body; he is delighted. If you
+distort the muscles for emotional effect, he would say with
+disappointment: 'But that is ugly!' or 'But a man's muscles do _not_ go
+like that!' He will have noted that tears are salt and rather warm; but
+if you say like a modern poet that your heroine's tears are 'more hot
+than fire, more salt than the salt sea', he will probably think your
+statement απιθανον {apithanon} 'unpersuasive', and therefore ψυχρον
+{psychron} 'chilling'.
+
+It is perhaps especially in the religious and moral sphere that we are
+accustomed to the habitual use of ecstatic language: expressions that
+are only true of exalted moments are used by us as the commonplaces of
+ordinary life. 'It is a thousand times worse to see another suffer than
+to suffer oneself.' 'True love only desires the happiness of the beloved
+object.' This kind of 'high falutin'' has become part of our regular
+mental habit, just as dead metaphors by the bushel are a part of our
+daily language. Consequently we are a little chilled and disappointed by
+a language in which people hardly ever use a metaphor except when they
+vividly realize it, and never utter heroic sentiments except when they
+are wrought up to the pitch of feeling them true. Does this mean that
+the Greek always remains, so to speak, at a normal temperature, that he
+never has intense or blinding emotions? Not in the least. It shows a
+lack of faith in the value of life to imagine such a conclusion. It
+implies that you can only reach great emotion by pretence, or by
+habitually exaggerating small emotions, whereas probably the exact
+reverse is the case. When the great thing comes, then the Greek will
+have the great word and the great thought ready. It is the habitual
+exaggerator who will perhaps be bankrupt. And after all--the great
+things are sure to come!
+
+The power of seeing things straight and knowing what is beautiful or
+noble, quite undisturbed by momentary boredoms or changes of taste, is a
+very rare gift and never perhaps possessed in full by any one. But there
+is a profound rule of art, bidding a man in the midst of all his study
+of various styles or his pursuit of his own peculiar imaginations, from
+time to time _se retremper dans la nature_--'to steep himself again in
+nature'. And in something the same way it seems as if the world ought
+from time to time to steep itself again in Hellenism: that is, it ought,
+amid all the varying affectations and extravagances and changes of
+convention in art and letters, to have some careful regard for those
+which arose when man first awoke to the meaning of truth and beauty and
+saw the world freely as a new thing.
+
+Is this exaggeration? I think not. But no full defence of it can be
+attempted here. In this essay we have been concerned almost entirely
+with the artistic interest of Greece. It would be equally possible to
+dwell on the historical interest. Then we should find that, for that
+branch of mankind which is responsible for western civilization, the
+seeds of almost all that we count best in human progress were sown in
+Greece. The conception of beauty as a joy in itself and as a guide in
+life was first and most vividly expressed in Greece, and the very laws
+by which things are beautiful or ugly were to a great extent discovered
+there and laid down. The conception of Freedom and Justice, freedom in
+body, in speech and in mind, justice between the strong and the weak,
+the rich and the poor, penetrates the whole of Greek political thought,
+and was, amid obvious flaws, actually realized to a remarkable degree
+in the best Greek communities. The conception of Truth as an end to
+pursue for its own sake, a thing to discover and puzzle out by
+experiment and imagination and especially by Reason, a conception
+essentially allied with that of Freedom and opposed both to anarchy and
+to blind obedience, has perhaps never in the world been more clearly
+grasped than by the early Greek writers on science and philosophy. One
+stands amazed sometimes at the perfect freedom of their thought. Another
+conception came rather later, when the small City States with exclusive
+rights of citizenship had been merged in a larger whole: the conception
+of the universal fellowship between man and man. Greece realized soon
+after the Persian war that she had a mission to the world, that
+Hellenism stood for the higher life of man as against barbarism, for
+Aretê, or Excellence, as against the mere effortless average. First came
+the crude patriotism which regarded every Greek as superior to every
+barbarian; then came reflection, showing that not all Greeks were true
+bearers of the light, nor all barbarians its enemies; that Hellenism was
+a thing of the spirit and not dependent on the race to which a man
+belonged or the place where he was born: then came the new word and
+conception ανθρωποτης {anthrôpotês}, _humanitas_, which to the Stoics
+made the world as one brotherhood. No people known to history clearly
+formulated these ideals before the Greeks, and those who have spoken the
+words afterwards seem for the most part to be merely echoing the
+thoughts of old Greek men.
+
+These ideas, the pursuit of Truth, Freedom, Beauty, Excellence are not
+everything. They have been a leaven of unrest in the world; they have
+held up a light which was not always comforting to the eyes to see.
+There is another ideal which is generally stronger and may, for all we
+know, in the end stamp them out as evil things. There is Submission
+instead of Freedom, the deadening or brutalizing of the senses instead
+of Beauty, the acceptance of tradition instead of the pursuit of Truth,
+the belief in hallucination or passion instead of Reason and Temperate
+Thought, the obscuring of distinctions between good and bad and the
+acceptance of all human beings and all states of mind as equal in value.
+If something of this kind should prove in the end to be right for man,
+then Greece will have played the part of the great wrecker in human
+history. She will have held up false lights which have lured our ship to
+dangerous places. But at any rate, through calm and storm, she does hold
+her lights; she lit them first of the nations and held them during her
+short reign the clearest; and whether we believe in an individual life
+founded on Freedom, Reason, Beauty, Excellence and the pursuit of Truth,
+and an international life aiming at the fellowship between man and man,
+or whether we think these ideals the great snares of human politics,
+there is good cause for some of us in each generation at the cost of
+some time and trouble to study such important forces where they first
+appear consciously in the minds of our spiritual ancestors. In the
+thought and art of ancient Greece, more than any other, we shall find
+these forces, and also to some extent their great opposites, fresh,
+clean and comparatively uncomplicated, with every vast issue wrought out
+on a small material scale and every problem stated in its lowest terms.
+
+GILBERT MURRAY.
+
+
+
+
+RELIGION
+
+
+Those who write about the Greeks must beware of a heresy which is very
+rife just now--the theory of _racialism_. Political ethnology, which is
+no genuine science, excused the ambition of the Germans to themselves,
+and helped them to wage war; it has suggested to the Allies a method of
+waging peace. The false and mischievous doctrine of superior and
+inferior races is used to justify oppression in Europe, and murder by
+torture in America. It will not help us to understand the Greeks. The
+Greeks were a nation of splendid mongrels, made up of the same elements,
+differently mixed, as ourselves. Their famous beauty, which had almost
+disappeared when Cicero visited Athens, was mainly the result of a
+healthy outdoor life and physical training, combined with a very
+becoming costume. They were probably not handsomer than Oxford rowing
+crews or Eton boys. Their flowering time of genius was due to the same
+causes which produced similar results in the Italian Renaissance. The
+city-state is a forcing-house of brilliant achievement, though it
+quickly uses up its human material. We cannot even regard the Greeks as
+a homogeneous mixed race. The Spartiates were almost pure Nordics; the
+Athenians almost pure Mediterraneans. The early colonists, from whom
+sprang so many of the greatest names in the Hellenic roll of honour, are
+not likely to have kept their blood pure. Nor was there ever a Greek
+culture shared by all the Greeks. The Spartan system, that of a small
+fighting tribe encamped in a subject country, recalls that of Chaka's
+Zulus; Arcadia was bucolic, Aetolia barbarous, Boeotia stolid, Macedonia
+half outside the pale. The consciousness of race among the Greeks
+counted practically for about as much as the consciousness of being
+white men, or Christians, does in modern civilization.
+
+Greece for our purposes means not a race, but a culture, a language and
+literature, and still more an attitude towards life, which for us begins
+with Homer, and persists, with many changes but no breaks, till the
+closing of the Athenian lecture-rooms by Justinian. The changes no doubt
+were great, when politically Greece was living Greece no more, and when
+the bearers of the tradition were no longer the lineal descendants of
+those who established it. But the tradition, enshrined in literature, in
+monuments, and in social customs, survived. The civilization of the
+Roman Empire was not Italian but Greek. After the sixth century,
+Hellenism--the language, the literature, and the attitude towards
+life--was practically lost to the West for nearly a thousand years. It
+was recovered at the Renaissance, and from that time to this has been a
+potent element in western civilization. The Dark Ages, and the early
+Middle Ages, are the period during which the West was cut off from
+Hellenism. Yet even then the severance was not complete. For these were
+the ages of the Catholic theocracy; and if we had to choose one man as
+the founder of Catholicism as a theocratic system, we should have to
+name neither Augustine nor St. Paul, still less Jesus Christ, but Plato,
+who in the _Laws_ sketches out with wonderful prescience the conditions
+for such a polity, and the form which it would be compelled to take.
+Even in speculative thought we know that Augustine owed much to the
+Platonists, the Schoolmen to Aristotle, the mystics to the pupil of
+Proclus whom they called Dionysius. Only Greek science, and the
+scientific spirit, were almost completely lost, and a beginning _de
+novo_ had to be made when the West shook off its fetters.
+
+Hellenism then is not the mind of a particular ethnic type, nor of a
+particular period. It was not destroyed, though it was emasculated, by
+the loss of political freedom; it was neither killed nor died a natural
+death. Its philosophy was continuous from Thales to Proclus, and again
+from Ficino and Pico to Lotze and Bradley, after a long sleep which was
+not death. Its religion passes into Christian theology and cultus
+without any real break. The early Church spoke in Greek and thought in
+Greek. In the days of Greek freedom to be a Greek had meant to be a
+citizen of a Greek canton; after Alexander it meant to have Greek
+culture. None of the great Stoics were natives of Greece proper; Zeno
+himself was a Semite. Of the later Greek writers, Marcus Aurelius was a
+Romanized Spaniard, Plotinus possibly a Copt, Porphyry and Lucian
+Syrians, Philo, St. Paul, and probably the Fourth Evangelist were Jews.
+These men all belong to the history of Greek culture. And if these were
+Greeks how shall we deny the name to Raphael and Michael Angelo, to
+Spenser and Sidney, to Keats and Shelley? When Blake wrote--
+
+    The sun's light when he unfolds it,
+    Depends on the organ that beholds it,
+
+he was summing up, not only the philosophy of the Lake Poets but the
+fundamental dogma of the maturest Greek thought. Would not Plato have
+rejoiced in Michael Angelo's confession of faith, which Wordsworth has
+translated for us?
+
+    Heaven-born, the soul a heavenward course must hold;
+    Beyond the visible world she soars to seek
+    (For what delights the sense is false and weak)
+    Ideal Form, the universal mould.
+    The wise man, I affirm, can find no rest
+    In that which perishes; nor will he lend
+    His heart to aught that doth on time depend.
+
+Has the highest aspect of Greek religion ever been better expressed than
+by Wordsworth himself, to whom, as to Blake, it came by inspiration and
+not from books?
+
+    While yet a child, and long before his time
+    Had he perceived the presence and the power
+    Of greatness; and deep feelings had impressed
+    So vividly great objects that _they lay_
+    _Upon his mind like substances_, whose presence
+    Perplexed the bodily sense.
+
+The spirit of man does not live only on tradition; it can draw direct
+from the fountain-head. We are dealing with a permanent type of human
+culture, which is rightly named after the Greeks, since it attained its
+chief glory in the literature and art of the Hellenic cities, but which
+cannot be separated from western civilization as an alien importation.
+Without what we call our debt to Greece we should have neither our
+religion nor our philosophy nor our science nor our literature nor our
+education nor our politics. We should be mere barbarians. We need not
+speculate how much we might ultimately have discovered for ourselves.
+Our civilization is a tree which has its roots in Greece, or, to borrow
+a more appropriate metaphor from Clement of Alexandria, it is a river
+which has received affluents from every side; but its head waters are
+Greek. The continuity of Greek thought and practice in religion and
+religious philosophy is especially important, and it is necessary to
+emphasize it because the accident of our educational curriculum leaves
+in the minds of most students a broad chasm between the Stoics and the
+Christians, ignores the later Greek philosophy of religion altogether,
+and traces Christian dogma back to Palestine, with which it has very
+little connexion.
+
+Our sense of continuity is dulled in another way. There is a tendency to
+isolate certain aspects of Hellenic life and thought as characteristic,
+and to stamp others, which are equally found among the ancient Greeks,
+as untypical and exceptional. In the sphere of religion, with which we
+are concerned in this essay, we are bidden to regard Plato and Euripides
+as rebels against the national tradition, and not as normal products of
+their age and country. I do not feel at liberty to pick and choose in
+this fashion. A national character may be best exemplified in its
+rebels, a religion in its heretics. If Nietzsche was right in calling
+Plato a Christian before Christ, I do not therefore regard him as an
+unhellenic Greek. Rather, I trace back to him, and so to Greece, the
+religion and the political philosophy of the Christian Church, and the
+Christian type of mysticism. If Euripides anticipated to an
+extraordinary degree the devout agnosticism, the vague pantheism, the
+humanitarian sentiment of the nineteenth (rather than of the twentieth)
+century, I do not consider that he was a freak in fifth-century Athens,
+but that Greece showed us the way even in paths where we have not been
+used to look to her for guidance. I am equally reluctant to assume,
+without evidence, that the later Platonism, whether we call it religion
+or philosophy, is unhellenic. It is quite unnecessary to look for
+Asiatic influences in a school which clung close to the Attic tradition.
+It is more to the purpose to show how a religious philosophy of mystical
+revelation and introspection grew naturally out of the older
+nature-philosophies, just as in our own day metaphysics and science have
+both been driven back upon the theory of knowledge and psychology. It
+should not be necessary to remind Hellenists that 'Know thyself' passed
+for the supreme word of wisdom in the classical period, or that
+Heracleitus revealed his method in the words 'I searched myself'.
+
+We shall come presently to certain parts of our modern heritage which
+are not Greek either by origin or by affinity. These will not be found
+in Euripides or Plato any more than in Herodotus or Sophocles. But some
+developments of religion which our Hellenists particularly dislike, and
+are therefore anxious to disclaim as alien to Greek thought and
+practice, such as asceticism, sacramental magic, religious persecution,
+and timid reliance on authority, are maladies of the Greek spirit, and
+came into the Church from Hellenistic and not from Jewish sources. It
+was Cleanthes who wished to treat Aristarchus as the Church treated
+Galileo, for anticipating Galileo's discovery. It was Plutarch, or
+rather his revered father, who said, 'You seem to me to be handling a
+very great and dangerous subject, or rather to be raising questions
+which ought not to be raised at all, when you question the opinion we
+hold about the gods, and ask reasons and proofs for everything. The
+ancient and ancestral faith is enough; and if on one point its fixed and
+traditional character be disturbed, it will be undermined and no one
+will trust it'. It is true that Celsus accused the Christians of saying,
+'Do not inquire; only believe.' But this was not the attitude of Clement
+and Origen, still less of that most courageous pioneer St. Paul; it was
+rather the attitude of the average devout pagan. At this time the
+defence of popular superstition was no longer a matter of mere policy
+but of heartfelt need. Marcus Aurelius was a great immolator of white
+cows. The Christians were disliked, not as superstitious, but as
+impious. Alexander of Abunoteichos expelled 'Christians and Epicureans'
+by name from his _séances_. Lucian is the Voltaire of a credulous age.
+As for sacerdotal magic, Ovid explicitly ascribed the _ex opere operato_
+doctrine to the Greeks.
+
+    Graecia principium moris fuit; illa nocentes
+      impia lustratos ponere facta putat,
+    a nimium faciles, qui tristia crimina caedis
+      fluminea tolli posse putatis aqua.
+
+The Christian Church was the last great creative achievement of the
+classical culture. It is neither Asiatic nor mediaeval in its essential
+character. It is not Asiatic; Christianity is the least Oriental of all
+the great religions. The Semites either shook it off and reverted to a
+Judaism purged of its Hellenic elements, or enrolled themselves with
+fervour under the banner of Islam, which Westcott called 'a petrified
+Judaism'. Christian missions have had no success in any Asiatic
+country. Nor is there anything specifically mediaeval about Catholicism.
+It preserved the idea of Roman imperialism, after the secular empire of
+the West had disappeared, and even kept the tradition of the secular
+empire alive. It modelled all its machinery on the Roman Empire, and
+consecrated the Roman claim to universal dominion, with the Roman law of
+_maiestas_ against all who disputed its authority. Even its favourite
+penalty of the 'avenging flames' is borrowed from the later Roman codes.
+It maintained the official language of antiquity, and the imperial title
+of the autocrat who reigned on the Seven Hills. Nor were the early
+Christians so anxious as is often supposed to disclaim this continuity.
+At first, it is true, their apologetic was directed to proving their
+continuity with Judaism; but Judaism ceased to count for much after the
+destruction of the Holy City in A. D. 70, and the second-century
+apologists appeal for toleration on the ground that the best Greek
+philosophers taught very much the same as what Christians believe. 'We
+teach the same as the Greeks', says Justin Martyr, 'though we alone are
+hated for what we teach.' 'Some among us', says Tertullian, 'who are
+versed in ancient literature, have written books to prove that we have
+embraced no tenets for which we have not the support of common and
+public literature.' 'The teachings of Plato', says Justin again, 'are
+not alien to those of Christ; and the same is true of the Stoics.'
+'Heracleitus and Socrates lived in accordance with the divine Logos',
+and should be reckoned as Christians. Clement says that Plato wrote 'by
+inspiration of God'. Augustine, much later, finds that 'only a few words
+and phrases' need be changed to bring Platonism into complete accord
+with Christianity. The ethics of contemporary paganism, as Harnack
+shows, with special reference to Porphyry, are almost identical with
+those of the Christians of his day. They differ in many points from the
+standards of 500 years earlier and from those of 1,500 years later, but
+the divergences are neither racial nor credal. Catholic Christianity is
+historically continuous with the old civilization, which indeed
+continued to live in this region after its other traditions and customs
+had been shattered. There are few other examples in history of so great
+a difference between appearance and reality. Outwardly, the continuity
+with Judaism seems to be unbroken, that with paganism to be broken. In
+reality, the opposite is the fact.
+
+This most important truth has been obscured from many causes. The gap in
+history made by our educational tradition has been already mentioned.
+And our histories of the early Church are too often warped by an
+unfortunate bias. Christianity has been judged at its best, paganism at
+its worst. The rhetorical denunciations of writers like Seneca, Juvenal,
+and Tacitus are taken at their face value, and few have remembered the
+convention which obliged a satirist to be scathing, or the political
+prejudice of the Stoics against the monarchy, or the non-representative
+character of fashionable life in the capital. The modern Church
+historian, as Mr. Benn says, has gathered his experience in a college
+quadrangle or a cathedral close, and knows little enough about his own
+country, next to nothing about what morality was in the Middle Ages, and
+nothing at all about what it still is in many parts of Europe. In the
+most recent books, however, there is a real desire to hold the scales
+fairly, and Christianity has nothing to fear from an impartial
+judgement.
+
+There is also an assumption, which we find even in such learned writers
+as Harnack and Hatch, that the Hellenic element in Christianity is an
+accretion which transformed the new religion from its original purity
+and half-paganized Europe again. They would like to prove that
+underneath Catholicism was a primitive Protestantism, which owed nothing
+to Greece. The truth is that the Church was half Greek from the first,
+though, as I shall say presently, the original Gospel was not. St. Paul
+was a Jew of the Dispersion, not of Palestine, and the Christianity to
+which he was converted was the Christianity of Stephen, not of James the
+Lord's brother. His later epistles are steeped in the phraseology of the
+Greek mysteries. The Epistle to the Hebrews and the Fourth Gospel are
+unintelligible without some knowledge of Philo, whose theology is more
+Greek than Jewish. In the conflict about the nature of the future life,
+it was the Greek eschatology which prevailed over the Jewish. St. Paul's
+famous declaration, 'We look not at the things which are seen, but at
+the things which are not seen; for the things which are seen are
+temporal, but the things which are not seen are eternal', is pure
+Platonism and quite alien to Jewish thought. Judaic Christianity was a
+local affair, and had a very short life.
+
+Further, too much is made of the conflict between the official cults of
+paganism and Christian public worship. It is forgotten how completely,
+in Hellenistic times, religion and philosophy were fused. Without
+under-estimating the simple piety which, especially in country
+districts, still attached itself to the temples and their ritual, we may
+say confidently that the vital religion of the empire was associated
+with the mystery-religions and with the discipline of the 'philosophic
+life'. It is in this region that the continuity of Catholicism with
+Hellenism is mainly to be found. The philosophers at this time were
+preachers, confessors, chaplains, and missionaries. The clerical
+profession, in nearly all its activities, is directly descended from the
+Hellenistic philosophers.
+
+This claim of continuity may seem paradoxical when we remember the
+savage persecutions of the Christians by the imperial government. Of
+these persecutions there were several causes. The empire, like all
+empires of the same type, rested partly on religious support. Augustus
+encouraged his court poets to advocate a revival of piety and sound
+morals. A government cannot inquire into religious conviction, but it
+can enforce conformity and outward respect for the forms of worship as
+'by law established'. The Christians and Epicureans were held guilty of
+the same political offence--'atheism'. The State had no quarrel with the
+mystery-religions, which were a private matter, but open disrespect to
+the national deities was flat disloyalty. The pagans could not
+understand why the Church would make no terms with the fusion of
+religions (θεοκρασια {theokrasia}) which seemed to them the natural
+result of the fusion of nationalities. Apuleius makes Isis say, when she
+reveals herself to Lucius, 'cuius numen unicum multiformi specie, ritu
+vario, nomine multiiugo totus veneratur orbis'; and she then recounts
+her various names. This more than tolerant hospitality of the spirit
+seemed to the mixed population of the empire the logical recognition of
+the actual political situation, and those who deliberately stood outside
+it were at least potentially enemies of society. This was the real
+quarrel between the Church and the empire. It is the old State religion
+which Augustine attacks, ridiculing the innumerable Roman godlings whose
+names he perhaps found in Varro. It is true that Plato, Euripides, and
+Xenophanes had attacked the official mythology with hardly less
+asperity; but they did not escape censure, and the Christian alienation
+from the Olympians was far more fundamental.
+
+The pagan revival under the empire was rather like Neo-Catholicism in
+France. It was patriotic, nationalistic, and conservative, rather than
+strictly religious. Celsus, in his lost book against the Christians,
+seems to have appealed to their patriotism, urging them to support their
+country and its government in dangerous times. As the Church grew in
+numbers and power, and the old traditions crumbled away, largely from
+the fall in the birth-rate among the upper and middle classes, the
+conservatives became more anxiously attached to their own culture, and
+saw in Christianity a 'shapeless darkness' which threatened to
+extinguish 'all the beautiful things in the world'. We can partly
+sympathize with this alarm, though not with the foolish policy which it
+inspired. The early persecutions were like Russian 'pogroms', instigated
+or connived at by the government as a safety valve for popular
+discontent. For at this time the common people hated the Christians, and
+half believed the monstrous stories about them. The attacks were not
+continuous, and were half-hearted, very unlike the systematic
+extermination of Jews and Protestants in Spain. At Alexandria Hadrian
+found a money-loving population worshipping Christ and Sarapis almost
+indifferently. A wrong impression is formed if we picture to ourselves
+two sections of society engaged in constant war. The first real war was
+the last, under Diocletian; it was to decide whether paganism or
+Christianity was to be the state religion. However, there is no doubt
+that the persecutions helped to seal the fate of the old culture.
+
+Harnack traces three stages in the Hellenization of Christianity. 'In
+the earliest Christian writings, apart from Paul, Luke, and John', he
+cannot find any considerable traces of Greek influence. 'The real influx
+of Greek thought and life' began about 130. The exception is so
+important as to make this statement of little or no value. After 130, he
+says, 'the philosophy of Greece went straight to the core of the new
+religion'. A century or so later, 'Greek mysteries and Greek
+civilization in the whole range of its development exercise their
+influence on the Church, but as yet not its mythology and polytheism;
+these were still to come'. 'Another century had to elapse before
+Hellenism as a whole and in every phase of its development was
+established in the Church.' The process which he describes began, in
+fact, as soon as Christian preachers used the Greek language, and was
+never so complete as he says. The Logos-Christology, to which he justly
+attributes the greatest importance, is already present in St. Paul's
+epistles; the name only is wanting; and the sharp contradiction which
+he finds between the Christian idea of a revelation made through a
+person at a certain date, and the Greek idea of an apprehension of
+timeless and changeless truth, always open to individuals after the
+appropriate discipline, was faced and in part overcome by the Greek
+Fathers. Harnack also regards Gnosticism as an embodiment of the
+genuinely Greek view of revelation, forgetting that orthodox Platonism
+was as hostile to Gnosticism as the Church itself. In rejecting
+Gnosticism, the Church in fact decided for genuine Hellenism against a
+corrupted and barbarized development of it. On the other hand, there is
+no period at which we can speak of a complete conquest of Christianity
+by Greek ideas. There was a large part of the old tradition which
+perished with its defenders, who, obeying the melancholy law which
+directs human survival, died out to make way for immigrants and for the
+formerly submerged classes, the people with few wants, who were
+indifferent to a culture which they had never been allowed to share.
+
+One more cause of misunderstanding may be illustrated from the writings
+of Matthew Arnold. He divides the human race into Hebraizers and
+Hellenizers, and classifies the modern English and Americans as
+Hebraizers. The fundamental maxim of Hebrew ethics, according to him, is
+'Walk by the light you have'; of Greek ethics, 'Take heed that the light
+which is in thee is not darkness'. The Hebraizer is conscientious but
+unenlightened; the Hellenizer is clear-headed but unscrupulous.
+Professor Santayana has lately noted the same difference between the
+type of character developed by the Latin nations and by the
+Anglo-Saxons. The Mediterranean civilization, older and more
+sophisticated, is careful to get its values right; the northern man is
+bent on doing something big, no matter what, and follows Clough's
+advice:
+
+    Go! say not in thine heart, And what then, were it accomplished,
+      Were the wild impulse allayed, what is the use and the good?
+
+But Santayana does not make the mistake of regarding the Reformation as
+a return to Palestinian Christianity. This was, indeed, the opinion of
+the Reformers themselves; but all religious innovation seeks to base
+itself on some old tradition. Christianity at first sought for its
+credentials in Judaism, though the Jews saw very quickly that it
+'destroyed the Law'. The belief of the Reformers was plausible; for they
+rejected just those parts of Catholicism which had nothing to do with
+Palestine, but were taken over from the old Hellenic or Hellenistic
+culture. But the residuum was less Jewish than Teutonic. On one side,
+indeed, the Reformation was a return to Hellenism from Romanism. Early
+Christian philosophy was mainly Platonic; early Christian ethics (as
+exemplified especially in writers like Ambrose) were mainly Stoical.
+There had been a considerable fusion of Plato and the Stoa among the
+Neoplatonists, so that it was easy for the two to flourish together.
+Augustine banished Stoical ethics from the Church, and they were revived
+only at the Reformation. Calvinism is simply baptized Stoicism; it is
+logically pantheistic, since it acknowledges only one effective will in
+the universe. The creed of nineteenth-century science is very similar.
+Puritanism was not at all like Judaism, in spite of its fondness for the
+Old Testament; it was very like Stoicism. The Reformation was a revolt
+against Latin theocracy and the hereditary paganism of the Mediterranean
+peoples; it was not really a return to pre-Hellenic Christianity. It
+sheltered the humanism of Erasmus and the late-flowering English
+Renaissance, and Christian Platonism has nowhere had a more flourishing
+record than in Protestant Britain.
+
+At the present time a more drastic revolt is in progress among the
+_plebs urbana_, which does in truth threaten with destruction 'what we
+owe to Greece'. The industrial revolution has generated a new type of
+barbarism, with no roots in the past. For the second time in the history
+of Western Europe, continuity is in danger of being lost. A generation
+is growing up, not uneducated, but educated in a system which has little
+connexion with European culture in its historical development. The
+Classics are not taught; the Bible is not taught; history is not taught
+to any effect. What is even more serious, there are no social
+traditions. The modern townsman is _déraciné_: he has forgotten the
+habits and sentiments of the village from which his forefathers came. An
+unnatural and unhealthy mode of life, cut off from the sweet and
+humanizing influences of nature, has produced an unnatural and unhealthy
+mentality, to which we shall find no parallels in the past. Its chief
+characteristic is profound secularity or materialism. The typical town
+artisan has no religion and no superstitions; he has no ideals beyond
+the visible and tangible world of the senses. This of course opens an
+impassable gulf between him and Greek religion, and a still wider gulf
+between him and Christianity. The attempts which are occasionally made,
+especially in this country, to dress up the Labour movement as a return
+to the Palestinian Gospel, are little short of grotesque. The contrast
+is well summed up by Belfort Bax, in a passage quoted by Professor
+Gardner. 'According to Christianity, regeneration must come from within.
+The ethics and religion of modern socialism on the contrary look for
+regeneration from without, from material conditions and a higher social
+life.' Here the gauntlet is thrown down to Christ and Plato alike.
+
+Quite logically the new spirit is in revolt against what it calls
+intellectualism, which means the application of the dry light of reason
+to the problems of human life. It wishes to substitute for reason what
+some of its philosophers call instinct, but which should rather be
+called sentiment and emotion. There is no reconciliation between this
+view of life and Hellenism. For science is the eldest and dearest child
+of the Greek spirit. One of the great battles of the future will be
+between science and its enemies. The misologists have numbers on their
+side; but 'Nature', whom all the Greeks honoured and trusted, will be
+justified in her children.
+
+The new spirit is especially bitter against the Stoical ethics, which as
+we have seen were taken over, with the Platonic metaphysics, by
+Christianity. Stoicism teaches men to venerate and obey natural law; to
+accept with proud equanimity the misfortunes of life; to be beneficent,
+but to inhibit the emotion of pity; to be self-reliant and
+self-contained; to practise self-denial for the sake of self-conquest;
+and to regard this life as a stern school of moral discipline. All this
+is simply detestable to the new spirit, which is sentimental,
+undisciplined, and hedonistic. It remembers the hardness of Puritanism,
+and has no admiration for its virtues.
+
+It is often said that the modern man has entirely lost the Greek love of
+beauty. This is, I think, untrue, and unjust to our present
+civilization, unlovely as it undoubtedly is in many ways. It is curious
+that modern critics of the Greeks have not called attention to the
+_aesthetic_ obtuseness which showed itself in the defective reaction of
+the ancients against cruelty. It was not that they excluded beautiful
+actions from the sphere of aesthetics; they never thought of separating
+the beautiful from the good in this way. But they were not disgusted at
+the torture of slaves, the exposure of new-born children, or the
+massacre of the population of a revolted city. The same callousness
+appears in the Italian cities at the Renaissance; Ezzelino was a
+contemporary of the great architects and painters. I cannot avoid the
+conclusion that it is connected in some obscure way with the artistic
+creativeness of these two closely similar epochs. The extreme
+sensibility to physical suffering which characterizes modern
+civilization arose together with industrialism, and is most marked in
+the most highly industrialized countries. It has synchronized with the
+complete eclipse of spontaneous and unconscious artistic production,
+which we deplore in our time. Evelyn, in the seventeenth century, was
+still able to visit a prison in Paris to gratify his curiosity by seeing
+a prisoner tortured, and though he did not stay to the end of the
+exhibition he shows that his stomach was not easily turned. It is
+certain that our repugnance to such sights is aesthetic rather than
+moral, and probable that it is strongest in the lower social strata.
+Several years ago I went to the first night of a rather foolish play
+about ancient Rome, in which an early Christian is brought in to be very
+mildly tortured on the stage. At the first crack of the whip my
+neighbours sprang from their seats, crying, 'Shame! Stop that!'; and the
+scene had to be removed in subsequent performances. The operatives in a
+certain factory stopped the engines for an hour because they heard a cat
+mewing among the machinery. Having with difficulty rescued the animal
+from being crushed they strangled it. The explanation of this extreme
+susceptibleness must be left to psychologists; but I am convinced that
+we have here a case of transferred aesthetic sensibility. We can walk
+unmoved down the streets of Plaistow, but we cannot bear to see a horse
+beaten. The Athenians set up no Albert Memorials, but they tortured
+slave-girls in their law-courts and sent their prisoners to work in the
+horrible galleries of the Laureion silver-mines.
+
+This emergence of a new spirit, which seems to be almost independent of
+all traditions, makes it difficult to estimate our present indebtedness
+to Greece in matters of religion. It would be difficult even if the
+industrial revolution had not taken place. The northern Europeans have
+hardly yet attained to self-expression. Their religion is a mixture of
+Greek, Latin, and Hebrew elements which refuse to be harmonized, and
+which in this country sometimes clash with the ideal of a gentleman,
+that lay religion of the English-speaking peoples, which has no longer
+any connexion with heraldry or property in land. The English gentleman
+is not a Greek any more than he is a Jew. His code makes Odysseus an
+amusing rascal; Achilles a violent and sulky savage; and Aristotle's
+μεγαλοψυχος {megalopsychos} (as has been said) is rather like a nobleman
+in a novel by Disraeli, but not like any other sort of gentleman. The
+Englishman is by nature religious; but Christianity in its developed
+form is a Mediterranean religion; in all external features it might have
+been very different if it had been first planted north of the Alps.
+There is, therefore, a chronic confusion in Protestantism which makes
+its conflicts with the Latin Church like the battles of undisciplined
+barbarians against well-drilled troops.
+
+Nevertheless, though it is so difficult to separate out the various
+threads which make up the tangled skein of our modern religion, it may
+be worth while to make the attempt to distinguish, first, those parts of
+current Christianity which are not Greek, in the wide sense which I have
+chosen for the word, and then those which, in the same sense, are Greek
+by origin or affinity.
+
+Among those elements which are not Greek, the first place must be given
+to the original Gospel, of which I have said nothing yet. Our records of
+the Galilean ministry, contained in the three synoptic Gospels, were not
+compiled till long after the events which they describe, and must not be
+used uncritically. But in my opinion, at any rate, the substance of the
+teaching of Christ comes out very clearly in these books. No Hellenic
+influence can be traced in it; there is not even any sign of the
+Hellenized Judaism which for us is represented by his contemporary
+Philo. But neither is it possible to call the Gospel Jewish, except with
+many qualifications. Christ came before his countrymen as a prophet; he
+deliberately placed himself in the line of the prophetic tradition.
+Like other prophets of his nation, he did not altogether eschew the
+framework of apocalyptic which was at that time the natural mould for
+prophecy. But he preached neither the popular nationalism, nor the
+popular ecclesiasticism, nor the popular ethics. His countrymen rejected
+him as soon as they understood him. The Gospel was, as St. Paul said, a
+new creation. It is most significant that it at once introduced a new
+ethical terminology. The Greek words which we translate love (or
+charity), joy, peace, hope, humility, are no part of the stock-in-trade
+of Greek moralists before Christ. Men do not coin new words for old
+ideas. Taken as a whole the Gospel is profoundly original; and a
+Christian can find strong evidence for his belief that in Christ a
+revelation was made to humanity at large, in which the religion of the
+Spirit, in its purest and most universal form, was for the first time
+presented to mankind. This revelation has to a considerable extent
+passed into the common consciousness of the civilized world; but its
+implications in matters of conduct, individual, social, and
+international, are still imperfectly understood and have never been
+acted upon, except feebly and sporadically. It is a reproach to us that
+the teaching of Christ must be regarded as only one of many elements
+which make up what we call Christianity. The Quakers, as a body, seem to
+me to come nearest to what a genuinely Christian society would be.
+
+Secondly, the Greeks escaped the evils of priestly government. The
+Oriental type of theocracy, with which they were familiar in the Egypt
+of the Pharaohs, was alien to their civilization. Their sacrifices were
+for the most part of the genial type, a communion-meal with the god. But
+even in Greece we must remember the gloomy chthonian rites, and the
+degradations of Orphism mentioned by Plato in the _Republic_. 'They
+persuade not only individuals but whole cities that expiations and
+atonements for sin may be made by sacrifices and amusements which fill
+a vacant hour, and are equally at the service of the living and of the
+dead; the latter sort they call mysteries, and they redeem us from the
+pains of hell, but if we neglect them no one knows what awaits us.' This
+exploitation of sacramentalism was common enough in Greece; but the
+characteristic Caesaro-Papism of Byzantium and modern imperialism was
+wholly foreign to Hellenism. It was introduced by Constantine as part of
+the Orientalizing of the empire begun by Diocletian. As Seeley says,
+'Constantine purchased an indefeasible title by a charter. He gave
+certain liberties and received in return passive obedience. He gained a
+sanction for the Oriental theory of government; in return he accepted
+the law of the Church. He became irresponsible to his subjects on
+condition of becoming responsible to Christ.'
+
+The Greeks never had a book-religion, in the sense in which Judaism
+became, and Islam always was, a book-religion. But they were in some
+danger of treating Homer and Hesiod as inspired scriptures. To us it is
+plain that a long religious history lies behind Homer, and that the
+treatment of the gods in Epic poetry proves that they had almost ceased
+to be the objects of religious feeling. Some of them are even comic
+characters, like the devil in Scottish folklore. To turn these poems
+into sacred literature was to court the ridicule of the Christians. But
+Homer was never supposed to contain 'the faith once delivered to the
+saints'; no religion of authority could be built upon him, and Greek
+speculation remained far more unfettered than the thought of Christendom
+has been until our own day.
+
+Those who have observed the actual state of Christianity in
+Mediterranean countries cannot lay much stress on the difference between
+Christian monotheism and pagan polytheism. The early Church fought
+against the tendency to interpose objects of worship between God and
+man; but Mariolatry came in through a loophole, and the worship of the
+masses in Roman Catholic countries is far more pagan than the
+service-books. In the imagination of many simple Catholics, Jesus, Mary,
+and Joseph are the chief potentates in their Olympus.
+
+The doctrine of the creation of the world in time, which was denied by
+most pagan thinkers and affirmed by most Christian divines, belongs to
+philosophy rather than to religion. The disbelief in the pre-existence
+of the soul, a doctrine which for Greek thought stands or falls with the
+belief in survival after death, is more important, and may be partly
+attributable to Jewish influence. But pre-existence does not seem to
+have been believed by the majority of Greeks, and in fact almost
+disappears from Greek thought between Plato and the Neoplatonists. It is
+possible that the Pythagorean and Platonic doctrine may still have a
+future.
+
+There are some who will insist that these differences are insignificant
+by the side of the fact that Christianity was the idealistic side of a
+revolt of the proletariat against the whole social order of the time.
+This notion, which made Christ 'le bon sans-culotte', has again become
+popular lately; some have even compared the early Christians with
+Bolsheviks. It is a fair question to ask at what period this was even
+approximately true. Christ and his apostles belonged to the prosperous
+peasantry of Galilee, a well-educated and comfortable middle class. The
+domestic slaves of wealthy Romans, who embraced the new faith in large
+numbers, were legally defenceless, but by no means miserable or
+degraded. After the second century the comparison of the Christians to
+modern revolutionists becomes too absurd for discussion. There is a good
+deal of rhetorical declamation about riches and poverty in the Christian
+Fathers; but unfortunately the Church seems to have done very little to
+protest against the crying economic injustices of the fourth and fifth
+centuries. From first to last there was nothing of the 'Spartacus'
+movement about the Catholic Church. As soon as the persecutions ceased,
+the bishops took their place naturally among the nobility.
+
+When we turn to the obligations of modern religion to Greece, it is
+difficult to know where to begin.
+
+The conception of philosophy as an _ars vivendi_ is characteristically
+Greek. Nothing can be further from the truth than to call the Greeks
+'intellectualists' in the disparaging sense in which the word is now
+often used. The object of philosophy was to teach a man to live well,
+and with that object to think rightly about God, the world, and himself.
+This close union between metaphysics, morals, and religion has remained
+as a permanent possession of the modern world. Every philosopher is now
+expected to show the bearing of his system on morality and religion, and
+the criticism is often justified that however bold the speculations of
+the thinker, he is careful, when he comes to conduct, to be conventional
+enough. The Hellenistic combination of Platonic metaphysics with Stoic
+ethics is still the dominant type of Christian religious philosophy. It
+is curious to observe how competing tendencies in these systems--the
+praise of isolated detachment and of active social sympathy--have
+continued to struggle against each other within the Christian Church.
+
+The place of asceticism in religion is so important, and so much has
+been written rather unintelligently about the contrast between Hellenism
+and Christianity in this matter, that I propose to deal with it, briefly
+indeed, but with a little more detail than a strict attention to
+proportion would justify. It has often been assumed that a nation of
+athletes, who made heroes of Heracles and Theseus, Achilles and Hector,
+could have had nothing but contempt for the ascetic ideal. But in truth
+asceticism has a continuous history within Hellenism. Even Homer knows
+of the priests of chilly Dodona, the Selli, whose bare feet are
+unwashed, and who sleep on the ground. This is probably not, as
+Wilamowitz-Moellendorff thinks, a description of savage life, but of an
+ascetic school of prophets. For the fastdays which introduced the
+Thesmophoria were observed by the Athenian matrons in the same way; they
+went unshod and sat on the bare earth; and we may compare the
+Nudipedalia, ordered by the Romans in time of dearth and mentioned by
+Petronius and Tertullian. Prophets and prophetesses fasted at Miletus,
+Colophon, and other places. National fasts were ordered in times of
+calamity or danger, and Tarentum kept a yearly fast of thankfulness for
+deliverance from a siege. The flagellation of boys at Sparta hardly
+comes into account, being probably a substitute for human sacrifice; but
+the continuance of the cruel rite till nearly the end of antiquity
+causes surprise. The worship of Dionysus Zagreus in Thrace was
+accompanied by ascetic practices before Pythagoras. Vegetarianism, which
+has always played an important part in the ascetic life, was obligatory
+on all Pythagoreans; but in this school there was another motive besides
+the desire to mortify the flesh. Those who believe in the transmigration
+of souls into the bodies of animals must regard flesh-eating as little
+better than cannibalism. The Pythagorean and the Orphic rules of life
+were well known throughout antiquity, and were probably obeyed by large
+numbers. The rule of continence was far less strict than in the Catholic
+'religious' life; but Empedocles, according to Hippolytus, advised
+abstinence from marriage and procreation, and the tendency to regard
+celibacy as part of the 'philosophic life' increased steadily. The Cynic
+Antisthenes is quoted by Clement of Alexandria as having expressed a
+wish to 'shoot Aphrodite, who has ruined so many virtuous women'. But
+the asceticism of the early Cynics and of some Stoics was based not on
+self-devotion and spirituality but on the desire for independence, and
+often took repulsive forms. Of some among them it may be said that they
+did not object to sensual pleasure, they only objected to having to pay
+for it. Desire for self-sufficiency is always part of asceticism, but
+in the Christian saints it has been a small part. The Greeks who
+practised it were from first to last too anxious to be invulnerable;
+this was the main attraction of the philosophic life from the time of
+Antisthenes, and it remained the main attraction to the end. But
+Cynicism and Stoicism (which tend to run together) became gentler, more
+humane, and more spiritual under the Roman empire. Seneca, Epictetus,
+and Marcus Aurelius often seem to be half Christian. Direct influence of
+Christian ethics at this early period is perhaps unlikely; it is enough
+to suppose that the spirit of the age affected in a similar way all
+creeds and denominations. Self-mortification tended to assume more and
+more violent forms, till it culminated in the strange aberrations of
+Egyptian eremitism. It is impossible to regard these as either Greek or
+Christian; they indicate a pathological state of society, which can be
+partly but not entirely accounted for by the conditions of the time.
+After a few centuries a far more wholesome type of monachism supplanted
+the hermits; the anchorites of the Middle Ages retained the solitary
+life, but were very unlike the crazy savages of the Thebaid. In modern
+times, those who have been most under the Greek spirit have generally
+lived with austere simplicity, but without any of the violent
+self-discipline which is said to be still practised by some devout
+Catholics. The assiduous practice of self-mastery and the most sparing
+indulgence in the pleasures of sense are the 'philosophic life' which
+the Greek spirit recommends as the highest. The best Greeks would blame
+the life of an English clergyman, professor, or philosopher as too
+self-indulgent; we often forget how frugally and hardily the Greeks
+lived at all times. But here we have to consider the differences of
+climate, and the apparent necessity of a rather generous diet for the
+Nordic race.
+
+The influence of the Greek mysteries upon Christianity is a keenly
+debated question, in which passion and prejudice play too large a part.
+The information necessary for forming a judgement has been much enlarged
+by recent discoveries in Egypt and elsewhere, and, as usually happens,
+the importance of the new facts has been sometimes exaggerated.
+Protestant theology has on the whole minimized the influence of the
+mysteries, and has post-dated it, from an unwillingness to allow that
+there was already a strong Catholic element in the Christianity of the
+first century. Orthodox Catholicism has ignored it from different but
+equally obvious motives. Modernist Catholicism has in my opinion
+antedated the irruption of crude sacramentalism into the Church, and has
+greatly overstated its importance in the religion of the first-century
+Christians. This school practically denies anything more than a
+half-accidental continuity between the preaching of the historical
+Christ, whom they strangely suppose to have been a mere apocalyptist,
+one of the many Messiahs or Mahdis who arose at this period in
+Palestine, and the Catholic Church, which according to them belonged to
+the same type of religion as the worship of Isis and Mithra. Another
+bone of contention is the value of the mystery-religions of Greece. The
+very able German scholars who have written on the subject, such as
+Reitzenstein and still more Rohde, seem to me much too unsympathetic in
+their treatment of the mystery-cults. Lastly, some competent critics
+have lately urged that this side of Christianity owed more to
+Judaism--Hellenized Judaism, of course--than has been hitherto supposed.
+
+Plato in the _Phaedo_ says that 'those who established our mysteries
+declare that all who come to Hades uninitiated will lie in the mud;
+while he who has been purified and initiated will dwell with the gods'.
+For, as they say in the mysteries, 'Many are the thyrsus-bearers, but
+few are the inspired'. This sacramentalism was not unchallenged, as we
+have already seen from Plato himself. Diogenes is said to have asked
+whether the robber Pataecion was better off in the other world than the
+hero Epaminondas, because the former had been initiated, and the latter
+had not. But Orphism, though liable to degradation, purified and
+elevated the old Bacchic rites. As Miss Harrison says, the Bacchanals
+hoped to attain unity with God by intoxication, the Orphics by
+abstinence. The way to salvation was now through 'holiness' (ὁσιοτης
+{hosiotês}). To the initiated the assurance was given, 'Happy and
+blessed one! Thou shalt be a god instead of a mortal.' To be a god meant
+for a Greek simply to be immortal; the Orphic saint was delivered from
+the painful cycle of recurring births and deaths. And Orphic purity was
+mainly, though not entirely, the result of moral discipline. Cumont says
+that the mystery-cults brought with them two new things--mysterious
+means of purification by which they proposed to cleanse away the
+defilements of the soul, and the assurance that an immortality of bliss
+would be the reward of piety. The truth, says Mr. H. A. Kennedy, was
+presented to them in the guise of divine revelations, esoteric doctrines
+to be carefully concealed from the gaze of the profane, doctrines which
+placed in their hands a powerful apparatus for gaining deliverance from
+the assaults of malicious demonic influences, and above all for
+overcoming the relentless tyranny of fate. This demonology was believed
+everywhere under the Roman empire, the period of which Mr. Kennedy is
+thinking in this sentence, and it has unfortunately left more traces in
+St. Paul's epistles than we like to allow. The formation of brotherhoods
+for mystic worship was also an important step in the development of
+Greek religion. These brotherhoods were cosmopolitan, and seem to have
+flourished especially at great seaports. They were thoroughly popular,
+drawing most of their support from the lower classes, and within them
+national and social distinctions were ignored. Their ultimate aim cannot
+be summed up better than in Mr. Kennedy's words--'to raise the soul
+above the transiency of perishable matter through actual union with the
+Divine'. It has been usual to distinguish between the dignified and
+officially recognized mysteries, like those of Eleusis, and the
+independent voluntary associations, some of which became important. But
+there was probably no essential difference between them. In neither case
+was there much definite teaching; the aim, as Aristotle says, was to
+produce a certain emotional state (ου μαθειν τι δειν αλλα παθειν {ou
+mathein ti dein alla pathein}). A passion-play was enacted amid the most
+impressive surroundings, and we need not doubt that the moral effect was
+beneficial and sometimes profound. When the Egyptian mysteries of Isis
+and Osiris were fused with the Hellenic, a type of worship was evolved
+which was startlingly like Christianity. A famous Egyptian text contains
+the promise: 'As truly as Osiris lives, shall he [the worshipper] live;
+as truly as Osiris is not dead, shall he not die.' The thanksgiving to
+Isis at the end of the _Metamorphoses_ of Apuleius is very beautiful in
+itself, though it is an odd termination of a licentious novel. The
+Hermetic literature also contains doctrine of a markedly Johannine type,
+as notably in a prayer to Isis: 'Glorify me, as I have glorified the
+name of thy son Horus.' I agree with those critics (Cumont, Zielinski,
+and others) who attach the 'higher' Hermetic teaching to genuinely
+Hellenic sources. But it is not necessary to ascribe all the higher
+teaching to Greece and the lower to Egypt.
+
+Much of St. Paul's theology belongs to the same circle of ideas as these
+mysteries. Especially important is the psychology which divides human
+nature into spirit, soul, and body, spirit being the divine element into
+which those who are saved are transformed by the 'knowledge of God'.
+This knowledge is a supernatural gift, which (in the _Poimandres_)
+confers 'deification'. St. Paul usually prefers 'Pneuma' as the name of
+this highest part of human nature; in the Hermetic literature it is not
+easy to distinguish between Pneuma and Nous, which holds exactly the
+same place in Neoplatonism. The notion of salvation as consisting in the
+knowledge of God is not infrequent in St. Paul; compare, for example, 1
+Cor. xiii. 12 and a still more important passage, Phil. ii. 8-10. This
+knowledge was partly communicated by visions and revelations, to which
+St. Paul attributed some importance; but on the whole he is consistent
+in treating knowledge as the crown and consummation of faith. The
+pneumatic transformation of the personality is the centre of St. Paul's
+eschatology. 'Though our outward man perish, our inward man is renewed
+day by day.' The 'spiritual body' is the vehicle of the transformed
+personality; for 'flesh and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of God'.
+The expression 'to be born again' is common in the mystery literature.
+
+It would be easy to find many other parallels in St. Paul's epistles, in
+the Johannine books which are the best commentary upon them, and in the
+theology of the Greek Fathers, which prove the close connexion of early
+Christianity with the mystery-religions of the empire. Twenty years ago
+it might have been worth while to draw out these resemblances in greater
+detail, even in so summary a survey as this. But at present the tendency
+is, if not to over-estimate the debt of the Christian religion to
+Hellenistic thought and worship, at any rate to ignore the great
+difference between the higher elements in the mystery-religions, which
+the new faith could gladly and readily assimilate, and the lower type,
+the theosophy, magic, and theurgy, which was not in the line of Hellenic
+development, and is not to be found in the New Testament. Wendland,
+always a judicious critic, has said very truly that St. Paul stands to
+the mystery-religions as Plato to Orphism; they are not the centre of
+his religious life, but they gave him effective forms of expression for
+his religious experience. Or, as Weinel says, 'St. Paul's doctrine of
+the Spirit and of Christ is not an imitation of mystery-doctrine, but
+inmost personal experience metaphysically interpreted after the manner
+of his time.' Writers like Loisy, who say that for St. Paul Jesus was
+'a Saviour God, after the manner of Osiris, Attis, or Mithra', and who
+proceed to draw out obvious parallels between the sufferings, death, and
+resurrection of these mythological personages and the gospels of the
+Christian Church, surely forget that St. Paul was a Jew, and that there
+are some transformations of which the religious mind is incapable. He
+never speaks of Christ as a 'Saviour God'. Even more perverse are the
+arguments which are used to prove that the centre of St. Paul's religion
+was a gross and materialistic sacramental magic. The apostle, whose
+antipathy to ritual in every shape is stamped upon all his writings, who
+thanks God that he baptized very few of the Corinthians, who declares
+that 'Christ sent him not to baptize but to preach the Gospel', is
+accused of regarding baptism as 'an _opus operatum_ which secures a
+man's admission into the kingdom apart from the character of his future
+conduct'. And yet in the Epistle to the Romans, as Weinel says, 'baptism
+only once enters his mind, and the Lord's Supper not even once'. Baptism
+for him is no _opus operatum_, but a ceremony of social significance, a
+symbol conditioning a deeper experience of divine grace, already
+embraced by faith. These same critics proceed to illustrate St. Paul's
+doctrine of the Lord's Supper by references to the religion of the
+Aztecs and other barbarians. But it is hardly worth while to argue with
+those who suppose that a man with St. Paul's upbringing and culture
+could have dallied with the notion of 'eating a god'. The 'table of the
+Lord' is the table at which the Lord is the spiritual host, not the
+table on which his flesh is placed. Does any one suppose that 'the table
+of demons' which is contrasted with the 'table of the Lord' is the table
+at which demons are eaten? Demons had no bodies, as we learn from the
+ουκ ειμι δαιμονιον ασωματον {ouk eimi daimonion asômaton} of a
+well-known passage in a New Testament manuscript.
+
+Crude sacramentalism certainly came in later. Its parentage may be
+traced, if we will, to those mystery-mongers whom Plato mentions with
+disapproval. If Hellenism is the name of a way of thinking, this form of
+religion is not healthy Hellenism; that it was held by many Hellenes
+cannot be denied.
+
+The biblical doctrine of the Fall of Man, which the Hebrews would never
+have evolved for themselves, remained an otiose dogma in Jewish
+religion. It was revivified in Christianity under Greek influence. Man,
+as Empedocles and others had taught, was 'an exile and vagabond from
+God'; his body was his tomb; he is clothed in 'an alien garment of
+flesh'. He is in a fallen state and needs redemption. Hellenism had
+become a religion of redemption; the empire was quite ready to accept
+this part of Christian doctrine. The sin of Adam became the first scene
+in the great drama of humanity, which led up to the Atonement. At the
+same time the whole process was never mere history; its deepest meaning
+was enacted in the life-story of each individual. Greek thought gave
+this turn to dogmas which for a Jew would have been a flat historical
+recital. In modern times the earlier scenes in the story, at any rate,
+are looked upon as little more than the dramatization of the normal
+experience of a human soul. But Greek thought, while it remained true to
+type, never took sin so tragically as Christianity has done. The
+struggle against evil has become sterner than it ever was for the
+Greeks. It must, however, be remembered that the large majority of
+professing Christians do not trouble themselves much about their sins,
+and that the best of the Greeks were thoroughly in earnest in seeking to
+amend their lives.
+
+Redemption was brought to earth by a Redeemer who was both God and Man.
+This again was in accordance with Greek ideas. The Mediator between God
+and Man must be fully divine, since an intermediate Being would be in
+touch with neither side. The victory of Athanasius was in no sense a
+defeat for Hellenism. The only difficulty for a Greek thinker was that
+an Incarnate God ought to be impassible. This was a puzzle only for
+philosophers; popular religion saw no difficulty in a _Christus
+patiens_. The doctrine of the Logos brought Christianity into direct
+affinity with both Platonism and Stoicism, and the Second Person of the
+Trinity was invested with the same attributes as the Nous of the
+Neoplatonists. But the attempts to equate the Trinity with the three
+divine hypostases of Plotinus was no more successful than the later
+attempt of Hegel to set the Trinity in the framework of his philosophy.
+
+The subject of eschatology is so vast that it is hopeless to deal with
+it, even in the most summary fashion, in one paragraph. It is usually
+said that the resurrection of the body is a Jewish doctrine, the
+immortality of the soul a Greek doctrine. But the Jews were very slow to
+bring the idea of a future life into their living faith; to this day it
+does not seem to be of much importance in Judaism. Some form of
+Millenarianism--a reign of the saints on earth--would seem to be the
+natural form for Jewish hopes to take. This belief, which was the
+earliest mould into which the treasure of the new revelation was poured,
+has never quite disappeared from the Church, and in times of excitement
+and upheaval it tends to reassert itself. The maturest Greek philosophy
+regards eternity as the divine mode of existence, while mortals are
+born, live, and die in time. Man is a microcosm, in touch with every
+rung of the ladder of existence; and he is potentially a 'participator'
+in the divine mode of existence, which he can make his own by living, so
+far as may be, in detachment from the vain shadows and perishable goods
+of earth. That this conception of immortality has had a great influence
+upon Christian thought and practice needs no demonstration. It is and
+always has been the religion of the mystic. But the Orphic tradition,
+with its pictures of purgatory and of eternal bliss and torment, has on
+the whole dominated the other two in popular Christian belief. It has
+been stripped of its accessories--the belief in reincarnation and the
+transmigration of souls, doctrines which maintain a somewhat uneasy
+existence within the scheme of the Neoplatonists. The picture of future
+retribution is even more terrifying without them. Both the philosophical
+and the popular beliefs about the other world are far more Greek than
+Jewish; but the attempt to hold these very discrepant beliefs together
+has reduced Christian eschatology to extreme confusion, and many
+Christians have given up the attempt to formulate any theories about
+what are called the four last things. On such a mysterious subject,
+definiteness is neither to be expected nor desired. The original Gospel
+does not encourage the natural curiosity of man to know his future fate;
+and the three types of eschatology which we have described have all
+their value as representing different aspects of religious faith and
+hope. We must after all confess the truth of St. Paul's words, that 'eye
+hath not seen, nor ear heard, neither hath it entered into the heart of
+man to conceive, the things that God hath prepared for them that love
+him'. The same apostle reminds us that 'now we see through a mirror, in
+riddles, and know only in part'; the face to face vision, and the
+knowledge which unites the knower and the known, may be ours when we
+have finished our course. In these words, which recall Plato's famous
+myth of the Cave, St. Paul is fundamentally at one with the Platonists;
+and it may well be that it is by this path that our contemporaries may
+recover that belief in eternal life which is at present burning very
+dimly among us.
+
+In conclusion, what has the religion of the Greeks to teach us that we
+are most in danger of forgetting? In a word, it is the faith that Truth
+is our friend, and that the knowledge of Truth is not beyond our reach.
+Faith in honest seeking (ζητησις {zêtêsis}) is at the heart of the Greek
+view of life. 'Those who would rightly judge of truth', says Aristotle,
+'must be arbitrators, not litigants'. 'Happy is he who has learnt the
+value of research' (ἱστορια {historia}), says Euripides in a fragment.
+Curiosity, as the Greeks knew and the Middle Ages knew not, is a
+virtue, not a vice. Nature, for Plato, is God's vicegerent and revealer,
+the Soul of the universe. Human nature is the same nature as the divine;
+no one has proclaimed this more strongly. Nature is for us; chaos and
+'necessity' are the enemy. The divorce between religion and humanism
+began, it must be admitted, under Plato's successors, who unhappily were
+indifferent to natural science, and did not even follow the best light
+that was to be had in physical knowledge. In the Dark Ages, when the
+link with Greece was broken, the separation became absolute. The
+luxuriant mythology of the early Greeks was not unscientific. In the
+absence of knowledge gaps were filled up by the imagination, and the
+'method of trial and error'. The dramatic fancy which creates myths is
+the raw material of both poetry and science. Of course religious myths
+may come to be a bar to progress in science; they do so when, in a
+rationalizing age, the question comes to be one of fact or fiction. It
+is a mistake to suppose that the faith of a 'post-rational' age, to use
+a phrase of Santayana, can be the same as that of an unscientific age,
+even when it uses the same formulas. The Greek spirit itself is now
+calling us away from some of the vestments of Greek tradition. The
+choice before us is between a 'post-rational' traditionalism,
+fundamentally sceptical, pragmatistic, and intellectually dishonest, and
+a trust in reason which rests really on faith in the divine Logos, the
+self-revealing soul of the universe. It is the belief of the present
+writer that the unflinching eye and the open mind will bring us again to
+the feet of Christ, to whom Greece, with her long tradition of free and
+fearless inquiry, became a speedy and willing captive, bringing her
+manifold treasures to Him, in the well-grounded confidence that He was
+not come to destroy but to fulfil.
+
+W. R. INGE.
+
+
+
+
+PHILOSOPHY
+
+
+If we consider the philosophical tendencies of the day, we shall
+probably observe first of all that the artificial wall of partition
+between philosophy and science--and especially mathematical science--is
+beginning to wear very thin. On the other hand, we cannot fail to notice
+a reaction against what is called intellectualism. This reaction takes
+many forms, the most characteristic perhaps of which is a renewed
+interest in Mysticism. It leads also to a strong insistence on the
+practical aspect of philosophic thought, and to a view of its bearing on
+what had been regarded as primarily theoretical issues, which is known
+by the rather unfortunate name of Pragmatism. Now it is just on these
+points that we have most to learn from the Greeks, and Greek philosophy
+is therefore of special importance for us at the present time. At its
+best, it was never divorced from science, while it found a way of
+reconciling itself both with the interests of the practical life and
+with mysticism without in any way abating the claims of the intellect.
+It is solely from these points of view that it is proposed to regard
+Greek philosophy here. It would be futile to attempt a summary of the
+whole subject in the space available, and such a summary would have no
+value. Many things will therefore be passed over in silence which are
+important in themselves and would have to be fully treated in a complete
+account. All that can be done now is to indicate the points at which
+Greek philosophy seems to touch our actual problems. It will be seen
+that here, as elsewhere, 'all history is contemporary history', and that
+the present can only be understood in the light of the past.
+
+The word 'philosophy' is Greek and so is the thing it denotes. Unless we
+are to use the term in so wide a sense as to empty it of all special
+meaning, there is no evidence that philosophy has ever come into
+existence anywhere except under Greek influences. In particular,
+mystical speculation based on religious experience is not itself
+philosophy, though it has often influenced philosophy profoundly, and
+for this reason the pantheism of the _Upanishads_ cannot be called
+philosophical. It is true that there is an Indian philosophy, and indeed
+the Hindus are the only ancient people besides the Greeks who ever had
+one, but Indian science was demonstrably borrowed from Greece after the
+conquest of Alexander, and there is every reason to believe that those
+Indian systems which can be regarded as genuinely philosophical are a
+good deal more recent still. On the other hand, the earliest
+authenticated instance of a Greek thinker coming under Indian influence
+is that of Pyrrho (326 B. C.), and what he brought back from the East
+was rather the ideal of quietism than any definite philosophical
+doctrine. The barrier of language was sufficient to prevent any
+intercourse on important subjects, for neither the Greeks nor the
+Indians cared to learn any language but their own. Of course philosophy
+may culminate in theology, and the best Greek philosophy certainly does
+so, but it begins with science and not with religion.
+
+By philosophy the Greeks meant a serious endeavour to understand the
+world and man, having for its chief aim the discovery of the right way
+of life and the conversion of people to it. It would not, however, be
+true to say that the word had always borne this special sense. At any
+rate the corresponding verb (φιλοσοφειν {philosophein}) had at first a
+far wider range. For instance, Herodotus (i. 30) makes Croesus say that
+Solon had travelled far and wide 'as a philosopher' (φιλοσοφεων
+{philosopheôn}), and it is clear from the context that this refers to
+that love of travel for the sake of the 'wonders' to be seen in strange
+lands which was so characteristic of the Ionian Greeks in the fifth
+century B. C. That is made quite plain by the phrase 'for the sake of
+sightseeing' (θεωριης ἑινεκεν {theôriês heineken}) with which the word
+is coupled. Again, when Thucydides (ii. 40) makes Pericles say of his
+fellow citizens 'we follow philosophy without loss of manliness'
+(φιλοσοφουμεν ανευ μαλακιας {philosophoumen aneu malakias}), it is
+certainly not of philosophy in the special sense he is thinking. He is
+only contrasting the culture of Athens with the somewhat effeminate
+civilization of the Ionians in Asia Minor. Even in the next century,
+Isocrates tried to revert to this wider sense of the word, and he
+regularly uses it of the art of political journalism which he imparted
+to his pupils.
+
+Tradition ascribes the first use of the term 'philosophy' in the more
+restricted sense indicated above to Pythagoras of Samos, an Ionian who
+founded a society for its cultivation in southern Italy in the latter
+half of the sixth century B. C. It is notoriously difficult to make any
+positive statements about Pythagoras, seeing that he wrote nothing; but
+it is safer on general grounds to ascribe the leading ideas of the
+system to the master rather than to his followers. Moreover, this
+particular tradition is confirmed by the fact, for which there is
+sufficient evidence, that the name 'philosophers' originally designated
+the Pythagoreans in a special way. For instance, we know that Zeno of
+Elea (_c._ 450 B. C.) wrote a book 'Against the Philosophers', and in
+his mouth that can only mean 'Against the Pythagoreans'. Now the
+Pythagorean use of the term depends on a certain way of regarding man,
+which there is good reason for ascribing to Pythagoras himself. It has
+become more or less of a commonplace now, but we must try to seize it in
+its original freshness if we wish to understand the associations the
+word 'philosophy' came to have for the Greeks. To state it briefly, it
+is the view that man is something intermediate between God and 'the
+other animals' (ταλλα ζωα {talla zôa}). As compared with God, he is
+'mere man', liable to error and death (both of which are spoken of as
+specially _human_, ανθρωπινα {anthrôpina}); as compared with 'the other
+animals', he is kindly and capable of civilization. The Latin word
+_humanus_ took over this double meaning, which is somewhat arbitrarily
+marked in English by the spellings _human_ and _humane_. Now it is clear
+that, for a being subject to error and death, wisdom (σοφια {sophia}) in
+the full sense is impossible; that is for God alone. On the other hand,
+man cannot be content, like 'the other animals' to remain in ignorance.
+If he cannot be wise, he can at least be 'a lover of wisdom', and it
+follows that his chief end will be 'assimilation to God so far as
+possible' (ὁμοιωσις τω θεω κατα το δυνατον {homoiôsis tô theô kata to
+dynaton}), as Plato put it in the _Theaetetus_. The mathematical studies
+of the Pythagoreans soon brought them face to face with the idea of a
+constant approximation which never reaches its goal. There is, then,
+sufficient ground for accepting the tradition which makes Pythagoras the
+author of this special sense of the word 'philosophy' and for connecting
+it with the division of living creatures into God, men and 'the other
+animals'. If the later Pythagoreans went a step further and classified
+rational animals into gods, men and 'such as Pythagoras', that was due
+to the enthusiasm of discipleship, and is really a further indication of
+the genuinely Pythagorean character of this whole range of ideas. We may
+take it, then, that the word 'philosophy' had acquired its special sense
+in southern Italy before the beginning of the fifth century B. C.
+
+It is even more certain that this sense was well known at Athens, at
+least in certain circles, not long after the middle of the fifth
+century. To all appearance, this was the work of Socrates (470-399
+B.C.). Whatever view may be taken of the philosophy of Socrates or of
+its relation to that expounded in Plato's earlier dialogues (a point
+which need not be discussed here), it is at least not open to question
+that he was personally intimate with the leading Pythagoreans who had
+taken refuge at Thebes and at Phlius in the Peloponnesus when their
+society came to be regarded as a danger to the state at Croton and
+elsewhere in southern Italy. That happened about the middle of the fifth
+century, and Socrates must have made the acquaintance of these men not
+long after. At that time it would be quite natural for them to visit
+Athens; but, after the beginning of the Peloponnesian War (431 B. C.),
+all intercourse with them must have ceased. They were resident in enemy
+states, and Socrates was fighting for his country. With the exception of
+the brief interval of the Peace of Nicias (421 B. C.), he can have seen
+nothing of them for years. Nevertheless it is clear that they did not
+forget him; for we must accept Plato's statement in the _Phaedo_ that
+many of the most distinguished philosophers of the time came to Athens
+to be with Socrates when he was put to death, and that those of them who
+could not come were eager to hear a full account of what happened. It is
+highly significant that, even before this, two young disciples of the
+Pythagorean Philolaus, Simmias and Cebes, had come from Thebes and
+attached themselves to Socrates. For that we have the evidence of
+Xenophon as well as of Plato, and Xenophon's statement is of real value
+here; for it was just during these few years that he himself associated
+with Socrates, though he saw him for the last time a year or two before
+his trial and death. Whatever other inferences may be drawn from these
+facts, they are sufficient to prove that Socrates had become acquainted
+with some of the leading philosophers of the Greek world before he was
+forty, and to make it highly probable that it was he who introduced the
+word 'philosophy' in its Pythagorean sense to the Athenians.
+
+So much for the word; we have next to ask how there came to be such a
+thing as philosophy at all. It has been mentioned that Pythagoras was an
+Ionian, and we should naturally expect to find that he brought at least
+the beginnings of what he called philosophy from eastern Hellas. Now it
+has been pointed out that Greek philosophy was based on science, and
+science originated at Miletus on the mainland of Asia Minor nearly
+opposite the island of Samos, which was the original home of Pythagoras.
+The early Milesians were, in fact, men of science rather than
+philosophers in the strict sense. The two things were not differentiated
+yet, however, and the traditional account of the matter, according to
+which Greek philosophy begins with Thales (_c._ 585 B. C.), is after all
+quite justified. The rudimentary mathematical science of which, as
+explained elsewhere in this volume, he was the originator in fact led
+him and his successors to ask certain questions about the ultimate
+nature of reality, and these questions were the beginning of philosophy
+on its theoretical side. It is true that the Milesians were unable to
+give any but the crudest answers to these questions, and very likely
+they did not realise their full importance. These early inquirers only
+wanted to know what the world was made of and how it worked, but the
+complete break with mythology and traditional views which they effected
+cleared the way for everything that followed. It was no small thing that
+they were able to discard the old doctrine of what were afterwards known
+as the 'elements'--Fire, Air, Earth, and Water--and to regard all these
+as states of a single substance, which presented different appearances
+according as it was more or less rarefied or condensed. Moreover,
+Anaximander at least (_c._ 546 B. C.), the successor of Thales, shook
+himself free of the idea that the earth required support of some kind to
+keep in its place. He held that it swung free in space and that it
+remained where it was because there was no reason for it to fall in one
+direction rather than another. In general these early cosmologists saw
+that weight was not an inherent quality of bodies and that it could not
+be used to explain anything. On the contrary, weight was itself the
+thing to be explained. Anaximander also noted the importance of rotary
+or vortex motion in the cosmical scheme, and he inferred that there
+might be an indefinite number of rotating systems in addition to that
+with which we are immediately acquainted. He also made some very
+important observations of a biological character, and he announced that
+man must be descended from an animal of a different species. The young
+of most animals, he said, can find their food at once, while that of the
+human species requires a prolonged period of nursing. If, then, man had
+been originally such as he is now, he could never have survived. All
+this, no doubt, is rudimentary science rather than philosophy, but it
+was the beginning of philosophy in this sense, that it completely
+transformed the traditional view of the world, and made the raising of
+more ultimate problems inevitable.
+
+This transformation was effected in complete independence of religion.
+What we may call secularism was, in fact, characteristic of all eastern
+Ionian science to the end. We must not be misled by the fact that
+Anaximander called his innumerable worlds 'gods' and that his successor
+Anaximenes spoke of Air as a 'god'. These were never the gods of any
+city and were never worshipped by any one, and they did not therefore
+answer at all to what the ordinary Greek meant by a god. The use of the
+term by the Milesians means rather that the place once occupied by the
+gods of religion was now being taken by the great fundamental phenomena
+of nature, and the later Greeks were quite right, from their own point
+of view, in calling that atheism. Aristophanes characterizes this way of
+speaking very accurately indeed in the _Clouds_ when he makes
+Strepsiades sum up the teaching he has received in the words 'Vortex has
+driven out Zeus and reigns in his stead', and when he makes Socrates
+swear by 'Chaos, Respiration and Air'. So too the Milesians spoke of the
+primary substance as 'ageless and deathless', which is a Homeric phrase
+used to mark the difference between gods and men, but this only means
+that the emotion formerly attached to the divine was now being
+transferred to the natural.
+
+The Milesians, then, had formed the conception of an eternal matter out
+of which all things are produced and into which all things return, and
+the conception of Matter belongs to philosophy rather than to science.
+But besides this they had laid the foundations of geometry, and that led
+in other hands to the formulation of the correlative conception of Limit
+or Form. It is needless to enumerate here the Milesian and Pythagorean
+contributions to plane geometry; it will be sufficient to remind the
+reader that they covered most of the ground of _Euclid_, Books I, II,
+IV, and VI, and probably also of Book III. In addition, Pythagoras
+founded Arithmetic, that is, the scientific theory of numbers
+(αριθμητικη {arithmêtikê}), as opposed to the practical art of
+calculation (λογιστικη {logistikê}). We also know that he discovered the
+sphericity of the earth, and the numerical ratios of the intervals
+between the concordant notes of the octave. It is obvious that he was a
+scientific genius of the first order, and it is also clear that his
+methods included those of observation and experiment. The discovery of
+the earth's spherical shape was due to observation of eclipses, and that
+of the intervals of the octave can only have been based on experiments
+with a stretched string, though the actual experiments attributed by
+tradition to Pythagoras are absurd. It was no doubt this last discovery
+that led him to formulate his doctrine in the striking saying 'Things
+are numbers', thus definitely giving the priority to the element of form
+or limit instead of to the indeterminate matter of his predecessors.
+
+Pythagoras further differed from his predecessors in one respect which
+proved of vital moment. So far was he from ignoring religion, that he
+founded a society in southern Italy which was primarily a religious
+community. It is quite possible that he was influenced by the growth of
+the Orphic societies which had begun to spread everywhere in the course
+of the sixth century, but his religion differed from the Orphic in many
+ways. In particular, Apollo and not Dionysus was the chief god of the
+Pythagoreans, and all our evidence points to the conclusion that
+Pythagoras brought his religion, as he had brought his science, from
+eastern Hellas, though rather from the islands of the Aegean than from
+mainland Ionia. He was much influenced, we can still see, by certain
+traditions of the temple of Delos, which had become the religious centre
+of the Ionic world. There had, of course, been plenty of religious
+speculation among the Greeks before Pythagoras, and it was of a type not
+unlike that we find in India, though there are insuperable difficulties
+in the way of assuming any Aegean influence on India or any Indian
+influence on the Aegean at this date. It may be that the beginnings of
+such ideas go back to the time when the Greeks and the Hindus were
+living together, though it is still more likely that both the Greeks and
+the Indians were affected by a movement originating in the north, which
+brought to both of them a new view of the soul. The Delian legend of the
+Hyperboreans may be thought to point in this direction. However that may
+be, the main purpose of the religious observances practised by the
+Orphics and Pythagoreans alike was to secure by means of 'purifications'
+(καθαρμοι {katharmoi}) the ransom (λυσις {lysis}) of the soul, which was
+regarded as a fallen god, from the punishment of imprisonment in
+successive bodies. There is no reason to suppose that Pythagoras
+displayed any particular originality in this part of his teaching. It
+all depends on the doctrine of transmigration or rebirth (παλιγγενεσια
+{palingenesia}), which is often incorrectly designated by the late and
+inaccurate term 'metempsychosis'. There is no doubt that Pythagoras
+taught this, and also the rule of abstinence from animal flesh which is
+its natural corollary, but such ideas had been well known in many parts
+of Greece before his time. The real difficulty is to see the connexion
+between all this and his scientific work. Here we are of course confined
+to inferences from what we are told by later writers; but, if the
+doctrine which Plato makes Socrates expound in the early part of the
+_Phaedo_ is Pythagorean, as it is generally supposed to be, we may say
+that what Pythagoras did was to teach that, while the ordinary methods
+of purification were well enough in their way, the best and truest
+purification for the soul was just scientific study. It is only in some
+such way as this that we can explain the religious note which is
+characteristic of all the best Greek science. It involves the doctrine
+that the Theoretic Life is the highest way of life for man, a belief
+still held by Plato and Aristotle, and to which we shall have to return.
+We may note at once, however, that it is not an 'intellectualist' ideal.
+There is no question of idle contemplation; it is a strenuous way of
+life, the aim of which is the soul's salvation, and it gives rise to an
+eager desire to convert other men. Just for that reason, the Pythagorean
+philosopher will take part in practical life when the opportunity
+offers, and he will even rule the state if called upon to do so. The
+Pythagorean society was a proselytizing body from the first, and it
+tried to bring in all it could reach, without distinction of
+nationality, social position, or sex (for women played a great part in
+it from the first). It was precisely its zeal for the reform of human
+life, and its attempt to set up a Rule of the Saints in the cities of
+southern Italy that led to its unpopularity. If the Pythagoreans had
+contented themselves with idle speculation, they would not have been
+massacred or forced to take refuge in flight, a fate which overtook them
+before the middle of the fifth century.
+
+It soon proved, however, that the Pythagorean doctrine in its entirety
+was too high a one for its adherents, and a rift between Pythagorean
+religion and Pythagorean science was inevitable. Those who were capable
+of appreciating the scientific side of the movement would tend more and
+more to neglect the religious rule which it prescribed, and we find
+accordingly that before the end of the fifth century the leading
+Pythagoreans, the men whose names we know, are first of all men of
+science, and more and more inclined to drop what they doubtless regarded
+as the superstitious side of the doctrine. In the end they were absorbed
+in the new philosophical schools which arose at Athens. The mass of the
+faithful, on the other hand, took no interest in arithmetic, geometry,
+music, and astronomy, and with them to follow Pythagoras meant to go
+barefoot and to abstain from animal flesh and beans. These continued the
+tradition even after scientific Pythagoreanism had become extinct as
+such, and they were a favourite subject of ridicule with the comic poets
+of the fourth century B. C.
+
+It is easy for us to see now that all this indicates a real weakness in
+Pythagoreanism. Science and religion are not to be brought into union by
+a simple process of juxtaposition. We do not know how far Pythagoras
+himself was conscious of the ambiguity of his position; it would not be
+surprising if he came to feel it towards the end of his life, and we
+know for certain that he lived long enough to witness the beginnings of
+the revolt against his society in Croton and elsewhere. It is for this
+reason that he removed to Metapontum where he died, and where Cicero was
+able to visit his tomb long afterwards. We shall see later what the weak
+point in his system was, and we shall have to consider how the discord
+he had left unresolved was ultimately overcome. For the present, it is
+more important to note that he was the real founder both of science, and
+of philosophy as we understand them now. It is specially true of science
+that it is the first steps which are the most difficult, and Pythagoras
+left a sufficient achievement in mathematics behind him for others to
+elaborate. The Greeks took less than three centuries to complete the
+edifice, and that was chiefly due to Pythagoras, who had laid the
+foundations truly and well.
+
+We have now seen how the two great conceptions of Matter and Form were
+reached; the next problem Greek philosophy had to face was that of
+Motion. At first the fact of movement had simply been taken for granted.
+The Ionian tendency was to see motion everywhere; it was rest that had
+to be explained, or rather the appearance of it. However, when the new
+conception of an eternal matter began to be taken seriously,
+difficulties made themselves felt at once. If reality was regarded as
+continuous, it appeared that there was no room for anything else, not
+even for empty space, which could only be identified with the unreal,
+and it was easy to show that the unreal could not exist. But, if there
+is no empty space, it seems impossible that there should be any motion,
+and the world of which we suppose ourselves to be aware must be an
+illusion. Such, briefly stated, was the position taken up by another
+Ionian of southern Italy, Parmenides of Elea (_c._ 475 B. C.), who had
+begun as a Pythagorean, but had been led to apply the rigorous method of
+reasoning introduced into geometry with such success by the Pythagoreans
+to the old question of the nature of the world which had occupied the
+Milesians. The remarkable thing about the earliest geometers is, in
+fact, that they did not formulate the conception of Space, which seems
+to us at the present day fundamental. They were able to avoid it because
+they possessed the conception of Matter, and regarded Air as the normal
+state of the material substratum. The confusion of air with empty space
+is, of course, a natural one, though it may be considered surprising
+that it should not have been detected by the founders of geometrical
+science. Such failures to draw all the consequences from a new discovery
+are common enough, however, in the history of scientific thought.
+
+Parmenides cleared up this ambiguity, not by affirming the existence of
+empty space, but by denying the possibility of such a thing, even before
+it had been asserted by any one. He saw that the Pythagoreans really
+implied it, though they were quite unconscious of the fact. He is
+interesting to us as the first philosopher who thought of expounding his
+system in verse. It was not a very happy thought, as the arguments in
+which he deals do not readily lend themselves to this mode of
+expression, and we may be thankful that none of his successors except
+Empedocles followed his example. It has the very great inconvenience of
+making it necessary to use different words for the same thing to suit
+the exigencies of metre. And if there ever was an argument that demanded
+precise statement, it was that of Parmenides. As it is, his poem has the
+faults we should look for in a metrical version of Euclid. On the other
+hand, Parmenides is the first philosopher of whom we have sufficient
+remains to enable us to follow a continuous argument; for we have
+nothing of Pythagoras at all, and only detached fragments of the rest.
+We can see that he was ready to follow the argument wherever it might
+lead. He took the conception of matter which had been elaborated by his
+predecessors and he showed that, if it is to be taken seriously, it must
+lead to the conclusion that reality is continuous, finite, and
+spherical, with nothing outside it and no empty space within it. For
+such a reality motion is impossible, and the world of the senses is
+therefore an illusion. Of course that was not a result in which it was
+possible for men to acquiesce for long, and historically speaking, the
+Eleatic doctrine must be regarded as a _reductio ad absurdum_ of earlier
+speculation. There is no reason to believe, however, that Parmenides
+himself meant it to be understood in this way. He believed firmly that
+he had found the truth.
+
+Several attempts were made to escape the conclusions of Parmenides, and
+they all start by abandoning the assumption of the homogeneity and
+continuity of matter which had been implicit in the earlier systems,
+though it was first brought to the light of day by Parmenides. Here
+again the influence of contemporary science on philosophic thought is
+clearly marked. Empedocles of Agrigentum (_c._ 460 B. C.), the only
+citizen of a Dorian state who finds a place in the early history of
+science and philosophy, was the founder of the Sicilian school of
+medicine, and it was probably his pre-occupation with that science that
+led him to revive the old doctrine of Fire, Air, Earth, and Water, which
+the Milesians had cast aside, but which lent itself readily to the
+physiological theories of the day. He did not use the word afterwards
+translated 'elements' (στοιχεια {stoicheia}) for these. It means
+literally 'letters of the alphabet', and appears to have been first
+employed in this connexion by the Pythagoreans at a later date, when
+they found it necessary to take account of the new theory. Empedocles
+spoke of the 'four roots' of things, and by this he meant to imply that
+these four forms of matter were equally original and altogether
+disparate. That furnished at least a partial answer to the arguments of
+Parmenides, which depended on the assumption that matter was
+homogeneous. He also found it necessary to assume two sources of motion
+or forces, as we might call them, though Empedocles thought of them as
+substances, one of which tended to separate the 'four roots' and the
+other to combine them. These he called Love and Strife, and he supposed
+the life of the world to take the form of alternate cycles, in which one
+or the other prevailed in turn. In all this he was plainly influenced by
+his physiological studies. He thinks of the world as an animal organism
+subject to what are now called anabolism and catabolism. The details of
+the theory make this quite clear. A similar doctrine was taught by
+Anaxagoras (_c._ 460 B. C.), who came from Clazomenae in Asia Minor to
+Athens after the Persian Wars, and was one of the teachers of Pericles.
+His doctrine of 'seeds', in which the traditional 'opposites'--wet and
+dry, cold and hot--were combined in different proportions, is rather
+more subtle than that of Empedocles, and it is possible to see in it a
+curious anticipation of certain features in modern chemistry.
+Anaxagoras too felt it necessary to assume a force or source of motion,
+but he thought that one would suffice to account for the rotation
+(περιχωρησις {perichôrêsis}) to which he attributed the formation of the
+world. He called that force Mind (νους {nous}), but his own
+description of it shows that he regarded it as corporeal, though he
+thought it was something more tenuous and unmixed than other bodies.
+There is little doubt that he selected the term in order to mark the
+identity of the source of motion in the world with that in the animal
+organism. That again is in accordance with the scientific interests of
+the time. In his astronomical theories, however, Anaxagoras showed
+himself a true eastern Ionian, and lagged far behind the Pythagoreans.
+For him, as for the Ionians of the Aegean down to and including
+Democritus, the earth was flat, and the eddy or vortex which gave rise
+to the world was still rotation in a plane. A more satisfying answer to
+Parmenides was the doctrine of Atomism, which frankly accepted the
+existence of space, and asserted that it was just as real as body. The
+first hint of such a solution was given by Melissus (_c._ 444 B. C.),
+who was a Samian but a member of the Eleatic school. He said, 'If things
+are a many, then each of them must be such as I have shown the One to
+be.' That was meant as a _reductio ad absurdum_; but, when Leucippus of
+Miletus (_c._ 440 B. C.), who had also studied in the school of Elea,
+ventured to assert the existence of the Void, there was no longer any
+reason for shirking the conclusion which Melissus had stated only to
+show its impossibility. The atoms are, in fact, just the continuous
+indivisible One of Parmenides multiplied _ad infinitum_ in an infinite
+empty space. On that side at least, the theory of body was now complete,
+and the question asked by Thales was answered, and it is of great
+interest to observe that this was brought about by the renewal of
+intercourse between the Ionians of Italy and those of the Aegean, a
+renewal which was made possible by the establishment of the Athenian
+Empire. Nothing makes us feel the historical connexion more vividly than
+the re-emergence of the names of Miletus and Samos after all these
+years. There were, however, certain more fundamental problems which
+Atomism could not solve, and which were first attacked at Athens itself.
+So far, it will be noted, Athens has played no part at all in our story,
+and in fact no more than two Athenians ever became philosophers of the
+first rank. It is true that they were called Socrates and Plato, so the
+exception is a considerable one. It was the foundation of the Athenian
+Empire that made Athens the natural meeting-place of the most diverse
+philosophical and scientific views. It was here that the east and west
+of Hellas came together, and that the two streams of tradition became
+one, with the result that a new tradition was started which, though
+often interrupted for a time, continues to the present day.
+
+If we wish to understand the development of Greek philosophy, it is of
+the first importance that we should realize the intellectual ferment
+which existed at Athens in the great days of the Periclean age. It has
+been mentioned already that Anaxagoras of Clazomenae had settled there,
+and it was not long before his example was followed by others. In
+particular, Zeno of Elea (_c._ 450 B. C.), the favourite disciple of
+Parmenides, had a considerable following at Athens. He made it his
+business to champion the doctrine of his master by showing that those
+who refused to accept it were obliged to give their assent to views
+which were at least as repugnant to common sense, and in this way he
+incidentally did much for mathematics and philosophy by raising the
+difficulties of infinite divisibility and continuity in an acute form.
+All that is something quite apart from the influence of the 'sophists'
+at a rather later date, though they too came both from the east and from
+the west, and though they had been influenced by the more strictly
+philosophical schools of these regions. It was into this Athens that
+Socrates was born (470 B. C.) about ten years after the battle of
+Salamis, and he was naturally exposed to all these conflicting
+influences, of which Plato has given us a vivid description in the
+_Phaedo_, from his earliest youth. He cannot, in fact, be understood at
+all unless this historical background is kept constantly in view. There
+can be no reasonable doubt that at a very early age he attached himself
+to Archelaus, an Athenian who had succeeded Anaxagoras, when that
+philosopher had to leave Athens for Lampsacus. Ion of Chios, a
+contemporary witness, said that Socrates had visited Asia Minor with
+Archelaus, and that appears to refer to the siege of Samos, when
+Socrates was under thirty. There is no reason whatever to doubt the
+statement, which Plato makes more than once, that he had met Parmenides
+and Zeno at a still earlier date. At any rate, the influence of Zeno on
+the dialectic of Socrates is unmistakable. We may also take it that he
+was familiar with all sorts of Orphic and Pythagorean sectaries.
+Aeschines of Sphettos wrote a dialogue entitled _Telauges_, in which he
+represented Socrates as rallying the extreme asceticism of the strict
+followers of Pythagoras. So far, however, as we can form a picture of
+him for ourselves, he was not the sort of man to become the disciple of
+any one. He was a genuine Athenian in respect of what is called his
+'irony', which implies a certain humorous reserve which kept him from
+all extravagances, however interested he might be in the extravagances
+of others. Nevertheless, while still quite a young man, he had somehow
+acquired a reputation for 'wisdom', though he himself disclaimed
+anything of the sort. He had also, it appears, gathered round him a
+circle of 'associates' (ἑταιροι {hetairoi}). The only direct evidence we
+have for these early days is the _Clouds_ of Aristophanes (423 B. C.),
+which is of course a comedy and must not be taken too literally. On the
+other hand, a comic poet who knew his business (and surely Aristophanes
+did) could hardly present a well-known man to the Athenian public in a
+manner which had no relation to fact at all. It is fortunate that there
+is a passage in Xenophon's _Memorabilia_ (i. 6) which seems to supply us
+with the very background we need to make the _Clouds_ intelligible. It
+represents Socrates in an entirely different light from that in which he
+appears in the rest of the work, and it can hardly be Xenophon's own
+invention. It seems to refer to a time when Plato and Xenophon were
+babies, if not to a time before they were born, and it is probable that
+it comes from some literary source which we can no longer trace. We are
+told, then, that Antiphon the sophist was trying to detach his
+companions (συνουσιασται {synousiastai}) from Socrates, and a
+conversation followed in which he charged him with teaching his
+followers to be miserable rather than happy, and added that he was right
+not to charge a fee for his teaching, since in fact it was of no value.
+It will be seen that this implies a regular relation between Socrates
+and his followers which was sufficiently well known to arouse
+professional jealousy. Socrates does not attempt to deny the fact. He
+says that what he and his companions do is to spend their time together
+in studying the wisdom of the men of old which they have left behind
+them in books, and that, if they come upon anything which they think is
+good, they extract it for their own use, and count it great gain if, in
+doing this, they become friends to one another. It is obvious that this
+suggests something quite different from the current view of Socrates as
+a talker at street corners, something much more like a regular school,
+and that, so far as it goes, it explains the burlesque of Aristophanes.
+
+The Socrates of whom we know most is, however, quite differently
+engaged. He has devoted his life to a mission to his fellow men, and
+especially to his fellow citizens. If we may so far trust Plato's
+_Apology_, the occasion of that was the answer received from the Delphic
+oracle by Chaerephon, whom we know from Aristophanes as one of the
+leading disciples of Socrates in the earlier part of his life.
+Chaerephon asked the god of Delphi whether there was any one wiser than
+Socrates, and this of course implies that Socrates had a reputation for
+'wisdom' before his mission began. The oracle declared that there was no
+one wiser, and Plato makes Socrates say in the _Apology_ that this was
+the real beginning of that mission. He set out at first to prove that
+the oracle was wrong, and for that purpose he tried to discover some one
+wiser than himself, a search in which he was disappointed, since he
+could only find people who thought they were wise, and no one who really
+was so. He therefore concluded that what the oracle really meant was
+that Socrates was wiser than other people in one respect only. Neither
+he nor any one else was really 'wise', but Socrates was wiser than the
+rest because he knew he was not wise and they thought they were. It
+ought to be clear that this is mostly 'irony', and it is not to be
+supposed that Socrates attached undue importance to the oracle, which he
+speaks of quite lightly, but he could hardly have told the story at all
+unless it was generally known that his mission did in fact date roughly
+from that period of his life. Historically it would probably be truer to
+say that the outbreak of the Peloponnesian War, in which Socrates served
+with great distinction as a hoplite, marked the decisive turning-point.
+It was in the camp at Potidaea that he once stood in a trance for
+twenty-four hours (431 B. C.), and that seems to point to some great
+psychological change, which may very well have been occasioned or
+accelerated by his experiences in the war. At any rate we now find him
+entirely devoted to the conversion of his fellow citizens, and we must
+try to understand what the message he had for them was.
+
+In the _Apology_ Socrates declares that his mission was divinely imposed
+upon him, so that he dare not neglect it, even if it should lead to his
+death, as in fact it did. The tone here is quite different from the
+half-humorous style in which he deals with the Delphic oracle, and even
+the 'divine sign'. That only warned him not to do things, mostly quite
+trivial things, which he was about to do, and never told him to do
+anything; this, on the contrary, was a positive command, laid upon him
+by God, and there can be no doubt that Plato means us to understand this
+to have been the innermost conviction of Socrates. It is hard to believe
+that Plato could have misrepresented his master's attitude on such a
+point. He was present at the trial, and the _Apology_ must have been
+written not very long afterwards, when the memory of it was still fresh
+in people's minds. Now Plato tells us quite clearly that what Socrates
+tried to get the Athenians to understand was the duty of 'caring for
+their souls' (ψυχης επιμελειο {psychês epimeleio}). That is confirmed
+from other sources, and indeed it is generally admitted. The phrase has,
+however, become so familiar that it does not at once strike us as
+anything very new or important. To an Athenian of the fifth century B.
+C., on the other hand, it must have seemed very strange indeed. The word
+translated 'soul' (ψυχη {psychê}) occurs often enough, no doubt, in the
+literature of the period, but it is never used of anything for which we
+could be called upon to 'care' in the sense evidently intended by
+Socrates. Its normal use is to denote the breath of life, the 'ghost' a
+man 'gives up' at the moment of death. It can therefore be rendered by
+'life' in all cases where there is a question of risking or losing life
+or of clinging to it when we ought to be prepared to sacrifice it, but
+it is not used for the seat of conscious life at all. It is sometimes
+employed to signify the seat of the dream-consciousness or of what is
+now called the subconscious or subliminal self, but never of the
+ordinary waking consciousness which is the seat of knowledge and
+ignorance, goodness and badness.[2] On the other hand, that use of the
+word is quite common in the fourth century, and it may be inferred that
+this change was due to Socrates. More than once Aristophanes ridicules
+him for holding some strange view of the 'soul', and these jests were
+made at a time when Plato was only a child. We cannot, of course, expect
+to get any very definite idea from them as to the real teaching of
+Socrates on this subject, but it is not impossible to see what it was,
+if we take into account the views of the soul which had been held by the
+philosophical schools of eastern and western Ionia.
+
+    [2] See my paper on 'The Socratic Doctrine of the Soul'.
+    _Proceedings of the British Academy_, 1915-16, pp. 235 sqq.
+
+The Ionians of Asia Minor had certainly identified the soul with that in
+us which is conscious, and which is the seat of goodness and badness,
+wisdom and folly; but they did not regard it as what we call the self or
+treat it as an individual. Anaximenes and his school held that the soul
+was what they called Air, but that was just because they regarded Air as
+the primary substance of which all things are made. The soul was
+something, in fact, that comes to us from outside (θυραθεν {thyrathen})
+by means of respiration. As Diogenes of Apollonia expresses it, it is 'a
+small portion of the god', that is, of the primary substance, enclosed
+in a human body for a time, and returning at death to the larger mass of
+the same substance outside. The formula 'Earth to earth and air to air'
+was accepted as an adequate description of what takes place at death.
+The western Ionians, and especially the Pythagoreans, held a very
+different view. For them, the soul was something divine. It was, in
+fact, a fallen god, imprisoned in the body as a punishment for antenatal
+sin, and it deserved our care in this sense, that it was our chief
+business in life to purify it so as to secure its release from the
+necessity of reincarnation in another body. But, during this present
+life, they held that this divine element slumbers, except in prophetic
+dreams. As Pindar puts it, 'It sleeps when the limbs are active.'
+Neither of these views was familiar to the ordinary Athenian, but
+Socrates of course knew both well, and felt satisfied with neither. When
+he spoke of the soul he did not mean any mysterious fallen god which
+was the temporary tenant of the body, but the conscious self which it
+lies with us to try to make wise and good. On the other hand, his
+insistence on our duty to 'care for' it is quite inconsistent with the
+view that it is merely something extrinsic, as all the eastern Ionians
+down to Anaxagoras had taught. It is, on the contrary, our very self,
+the thing in us which is of more importance to us than anything else
+whatever. It was to this doctrine of the soul and our duty to it that
+Socrates felt he must convert mankind and especially his
+fellow-citizens. It was a strange and novel doctrine then; and, if it
+has become a commonplace since, that only shows that he was successful,
+if not in persuading his fellowmen to act on this knowledge, at least in
+making them aware of it. It was in this way that Socrates healed the
+rift between science and religion which had proved fatal to the
+Pythagorean society, and it may be suggested that the significance of
+his teaching is not exhausted yet. As has been indicated above it is to
+be found clearly stated in Plato's _Apology of Socrates_, and it
+furnishes the only clue to a right understanding of the great series of
+Platonic dialogues down to and including the _Republic_ in which
+Socrates is represented as the chief speaker. Whether Plato added much
+or little of his own to the doctrine of his master in these dialogues is
+an interesting historical problem, but it need not concern the ordinary
+reader, at least in the first instance. We know from the allusions of
+Aristophanes that Socrates himself taught a new doctrine of the soul
+when Plato was a child, and no sympathetic reader can fail to see that
+the passage of the _Apology_ to which we have referred is intended to be
+a faithful account of that doctrine. All the rest is simply its
+legitimate development, and it is not of very great importance for us to
+determine whether that development is due to Socrates or to Plato. The
+inspiration which has been derived from these writings by many
+generations will not be lessened by any decision we may come to on this
+point, so long as we keep clearly in mind that the new doctrine of soul
+is their principal theme, and that this must be understood in the light
+of the doctrines which had prepared the way for it. What Socrates did
+was really this. He deepened the meaning of the Eastern Ionian doctrine
+by informing it with some of the feeling and emotion which had
+characterized the Pythagorean teaching on the subject, while on the
+other hand he rationalized the Pythagorean theory by identifying the
+soul with our conscious personality.
+
+Now if this is a correct account of what Socrates taught, he must be
+regarded as inaugurating an entirely new period in the history of
+philosophy. That is implied in the common term 'Presocratics' generally
+applied to his predecessors, though the ordinary textbooks are by no
+means clear as to the grounds for assigning this pre-eminent position to
+Socrates. We can also see how natural it was for him to lay such
+emphasis on the conversion of souls as he certainly did. That purpose
+continued to dominate Greek philosophy to the very end. No doubt
+successive schools varied in their conception of what conversion meant,
+but that is the link which binds them all together. In fact, it gave
+rise to a new literary form, the 'hortatory discourse' (προτρεπτικος
+λογος {protreptikos logos}), which was more and more cultivated as time
+went on, and was at last taken over by the fathers of the Christian
+church along with much else of a more fundamental character.
+
+It has been noted already that Socrates had followers among all the
+leading philosophical schools of the time, and the possibility is not to
+be excluded that we may still learn more of him from the discovery of
+new sources. For the present, the recovery of some new and fairly
+extensive fragments of the _Alcibiades_ of Aeschines of Sphettos is the
+chief addition to our sources of information. We know that Aeschines was
+a disciple of Socrates, and the tradition of antiquity was that his
+dialogues gave the most faithful picture of the man as he really was. If
+so, that was probably because Aeschines had no philosophy of his own.
+For us the chief importance of the new fragments is that, if we read
+them along with those already known (and it is unfortunate that the old
+and the new have not yet been printed together), they strongly confirm
+the impression we get from Plato of the manner of Socrates and his
+method of argument, and that helps to reassure us as to the essentially
+historical character of the Platonic Socrates. The fragments of
+Aeschines also corroborate Plato by showing that the conversion of
+Alcibiades (whose life he had saved when a young man) was one of the
+things that lay nearest his heart.
+
+But the real successor of Socrates was, of course, Plato himself
+(427-347 B. C.). It is not possible to give even an outline of Plato's
+philosophy here. Indeed the time has hardly come for that yet, though
+much admirable work is now being done, especially by a French professor,
+M. Robin, which promises more certain conclusions than have yet been
+possible. All that can be attempted here is to indicate the attitude of
+Plato to some of the problems we have been discussing. His very great
+contributions to the theory of knowledge will be passed over, as they
+are beginning to be well understood, and the _Theaetetus_ in particular,
+with its sequel the _Sophist_, is more and more coming to occupy its
+rightful place as the best introduction to philosophy in general. It is
+necessary, however, just to notice in passing a fundamental question of
+method which the Platonic dialogues themselves suggest. It is this.
+While Socrates is present in every one of them except the _Laws_, he
+takes practically no part in some of them, and the dialogues in which
+this is the case are known on other grounds to belong to the later years
+of Plato's life. There must be some reason for this, and it is obviously
+prudent to treat these later dialogues in the first instance as our
+primary evidence for Plato's own views. Indeed, it is only after his
+philosophy has been reconstructed from these sources and from the
+sometimes obscure references to it in Aristotle, that it will be safe
+to attempt an answer to the question of how much there may be in the
+dialogues of his early life which is properly to be assigned to Plato
+himself rather than to Socrates. That is a historical question of great
+interest; but, as has been said, the solution of it, if that should ever
+prove possible, would not greatly affect the impression that Athenian
+philosophy leaves upon us as a whole.
+
+Now, if we consider Plato's later, and presumably therefore most
+independent writings, we find, just as we should expect from a disciple
+of Socrates, that the doctrine of soul holds the first place, but that
+it has certain features of its own which there is no sufficient ground
+for attributing to Socrates. We are too apt to think of Plato as mainly
+occupied with what is called the 'theory of Ideas', a theory which is
+discussed once or twice in his earlier dialogues, and which is there
+ascribed to Socrates, but which plays no part at all in his mature
+works. There the chief place is undoubtedly taken by the doctrine of the
+soul, and we can see that it is of the first importance for Plato. Soul
+is regarded as the source of all motion in the world, because it is the
+only thing in the world that moves without being itself moved by
+anything else. It is this and this alone that enables Plato to account
+for the existence of the world and of mankind, and to avoid the theory
+of 'two worlds' into which, as he points out in the _Sophist_, 'the
+friends of the Ideas', whoever they may have been, were only too apt to
+fall. In Plato this view of the soul culminates in theology of a kind
+which he nowhere attributes to Socrates. He represents him, indeed, as a
+man of a deeply religious nature, but we do not gather that he had felt
+the need of a formal doctrine of God. Plato, on the other hand, has left
+us the first systematic defence of Theism we know of, and it is based
+entirely on his doctrine of soul as the self-moved mover. But the
+highest soul, or God, is not only the ultimate source of motion, but
+also supremely good. Now, since there are many things in the world which
+are not good, and since it would be blasphemy to attribute these to
+God, there must be other souls in the world which are relatively at
+least independent. God is not, directly at least, the cause of all
+things, but it is not easy to discover the relation in which these other
+souls are thought of as standing to God. In the _Timaeus_, the matter is
+put in this way. The soul of the world, and all other souls human and
+divine, are the work of the Creator, who is identified with God, and
+they are not inherently indestructible, since anything that has been
+made can be unmade. They are, however, practically indestructible, since
+God made all things because He was good and wished them also to be as
+good as possible. His goodness, therefore, will not suffer Him to
+destroy what He has once made. That of course is mythically expressed,
+and Plato is not committed to it as a statement of his own belief, since
+it is only the account which _Timaeus_ puts into the mouth of the
+Creator. We can see, however, what was the problem with which he was
+occupied, and it is not perhaps illegitimate to infer that he approached
+the question which still baffles speculation from the point of view that
+God's omnipotence, as we should call it, is limited by his goodness.
+This is a much more important limitation than that imposed by the
+existence of matter, to which Timaeus also refers. In that, he is simply
+following the tradition of the Pythagorean society to which he belonged,
+as is shown by his identification of matter with space, or rather with
+'room'. So far as can be seen at present, we are not entitled to ascribe
+this view to Plato without more ado, but that is a point on which the
+last word has not yet been said.
+
+The description of the creation given by Timaeus is of course to be
+regarded as mythical in its details, but it has features from which we
+may learn a good deal as to the direction taken by Plato's thoughts
+about the world. In particular, while the important part played by
+geometry is quite intelligible in the mouth of a Pythagorean, he makes
+use of certain theories which we know to belong to the most recent
+mathematics of the day, in particular the complete doctrine of the five
+regular solids, which was due to Theaetetus, who was one of the earliest
+members of the Academy, and whom Plato represents as having made the
+acquaintance of Socrates just before the master's death. Theaetetus died
+young, but we know enough of him to feel sure that he was one of the few
+great original mathematicians who have appeared in history. In the
+_Timaeus_ the theory of the regular solids is used to get rid once more
+of the doctrine of four ultimate 'elements'. These, Timaeus says, are so
+far from being elements or letters of the alphabet, that they are not
+even syllables. The way in which the so-called elements are built up out
+of molecules corresponding in their configuration to the regular solids,
+and the explanations of their transmutation into one another based on
+the geometrical construction of these figures, is apt to strike the
+average reader as fantastic, but one of the most distinguished living
+mathematicians and physicists has stated that he is struck most of all
+by their resemblance to the scientific theories of the twentieth
+century. It will be well, therefore, to avoid hasty judgements on this
+point. It is at any rate easy to understand how the study of mathematics
+came to hold the preponderating place it did in the Platonic Academy.
+
+In accordance with the plan of this paper, something must now be said of
+Plato's attitude to the practical life, a point on which it is very easy
+to make mistakes. No one has insisted more strongly than he has on the
+primacy of the Theoretic Life. The philosopher is the man who is in love
+with the spectacle of all time and all existence and that is what
+delivers him from petty ambitions and low desires. He has made the
+toilsome ascent out of the Cave in which the mass of men dwell, and in
+which they only behold the shadows of reality. But, even in this
+enthusiastic description of the philosophic life, an equal stress is
+laid on the duty of philosopher to descend into the Cave in turn and to
+rescue as many of their former fellow-prisoners as may be, even against
+their will, by turning them to the light and dragging them up into the
+world of truth and reality. It is quite easy to understand, in view of
+this, that Plato devoted some of the best years of his life to practical
+affairs and that he relinquished the studies of the Academy for a time
+in order to direct the education of Dionysius II. The thing appeared
+well worth doing; for Greek civilization in Sicily, and consequently, as
+we can now see, the civilization of western Europe, was seriously
+threatened by the Carthaginians. They had been held at bay by Dionysius
+I, but after his death everything depended on his successor. Now the
+education of Dionysius II had been completely neglected, but he had good
+natural abilities, and his uncle Dion, who was Plato's friend, was ready
+to answer for his good intentions. Plato could not turn a deaf ear to
+such a call. Unfortunately Dionysius was vain and obstinate, and he soon
+became impatient of the serious studies which Plato rightly regarded as
+necessary to prepare him for his task. The result was a growing
+estrangement between Plato and his pupil, which made it impossible to
+hope for a successful issue to the plans of Dion. It is unnecessary to
+tell the whole story here, but it is right to say that there was nothing
+at all impracticable in what Plato undertook, and that he was certainly
+justified in holding that the education of Dionysius must be completed
+before it would be safe to entrust him with the championship of the
+cause of Hellenism in the west.
+
+His failure to make anything of Dionysius did not lead Plato to abandon
+his efforts to heal the wounds of Hellenism. One of the studies most
+ardently pursued in the Academy was Jurisprudence, of which he is the
+real founder. It was not uncommon for Greek states to apply to the
+Academy for legislators to codify existing law or to frame a new code
+for colonies which had just been founded. That is the real explanation
+of the remarkable work entitled the _Laws_, which must have occupied
+Plato for many years, and which was probably begun while he was still
+directing the studies of Dionysius. It appears to have been left
+unfinished; for, while some parts of it are highly elaborated, there are
+others which make upon us the impression of being a first draft. Even
+so, it is a great work if we regard it from the proper point of view. It
+is, in the first place, a codification of Greek, and especially Athenian
+law, of course with those reforms and improvements which suggest
+themselves when the subject is systematically treated, and it formed the
+basis of Hellenistic, and through that of Roman law, to which the world
+owes so much. There is no more useful corrective of the popular notion
+of Plato as an unpractical visionary than the careful study of the
+dullest and most technical parts of the _Laws_ in the light of the
+_Institutes_.
+
+No attempt has been made here to describe the system of Plato as a
+whole, and indeed the time has not yet come when such an attempt can
+profitably be made. We have no direct knowledge of his teaching in the
+Academy; for we only possess the works which he wrote with a wider
+public in view. In the case of Aristotle (384-322 B. C.), a similar
+reservation must be made, though for just the opposite reason. We have
+only fragments of his published works and what we possess is mainly the
+groundwork of his lectures in the Lyceum. It will be seen that there is
+still very much to be done here too. From the nature of the case, notes
+for lectures take a great deal for granted that would be more fully
+explained when the lectures were delivered, and some of the most
+important points are hardly developed at all. Nevertheless there are
+certain things which come out clearly enough, and it so happens that
+they are points of great importance from which we can learn something
+with regard to the philosophical problems of the present day.
+
+In the first place, it is desirable to point out that Aristotle was not
+an Athenian, but an Ionian from the northern Aegean, and that he was
+strongly influenced by eastern Ionian science, especially by the system
+of Democritus (which Plato does not appear to have known) and by the
+medical theories of the time. That is why he is so unsympathetic to the
+western schools of philosophy, and especially to the Pythagoreans and
+the Eleatics. Empedocles alone, who was a biologist like himself, and
+the founder of a medical school, finds favour in his eyes. He is not,
+therefore, at home in mathematical matters and his system of Physics can
+only be regarded as retrograde when we compare it with that of the
+Academy. He did indeed accept the doctrine of the earth's sphericity,
+but with that exception his cosmological views must be called
+reactionary. Where he is really great is in biology, a field of research
+which was not entirely neglected by the Academy, but which had been
+treated as secondary in comparison with mathematics and astronomy. The
+contrast between Plato and Aristotle in this respect seems to repeat on
+a higher plane that between Pythagoras and Empedocles, and this suggests
+something like a law of philosophical development which may perhaps
+throw light on the present situation. It seems as if this alternation of
+the mathematical and the biological interest was fundamental in the
+development of scientific thought and that the philosophy of different
+periods takes its colour from it. The philosophy of the nineteenth
+century was dominated in the main by biological conceptions, while it
+seems as if that of the twentieth was to be chiefly mathematical in its
+outlook on the world. We must not, of course, make too much of such
+formulas, but it is instructive to study such alternations in the
+philosophy of the Greeks, where everything is simpler and more easily
+apprehended.
+
+On the other hand, Aristotle had been a member of the Academy for twenty
+years, and that could not fail to leave its mark upon him. This no doubt
+explains the fact, which has often been noted, that there are two
+opposite and inconsistent strains in all Aristotle's thinking. On the
+one hand, he is determined to avoid everything 'transcendental', and his
+dislike of Pythagorean and Platonist mathematics is mainly due to that.
+On the other hand, despite his captious and sometimes unfair criticisms
+of Plato, he evidently admired him greatly and had been much influenced
+by him. It may be suggested that the tone of his criticisms is partly
+due to his annoyance at finding that he could not shake off his
+Platonism, do what he would. This is borne out by the fact that, when he
+has come to the furthest point to which his own system will take him, he
+is apt to take refuge in metaphors of a mythical or 'transcendental'
+character, for which we are not prepared in any way and of which no
+explanation is vouchsafed us. That is particularly the case when he is
+dealing with the soul and the first mover. On the whole his account of
+the soul is simply a development of eastern Ionian theories, and we feel
+that we are far removed indeed from the Platonist conception of the
+soul's priority to everything else. But, when he has told us that the
+highest and most developed form of soul is Mind, we are suddenly
+surprised by the statement that Mind in this sense is merely passive,
+while there is another form of it which is separable from matter, and
+that alone is immortal and everlasting. This has given rise to endless
+controversy which does not concern us here, but it seems best to
+interpret it as an involuntary outburst of the Platonism Aristotle could
+not wholly renounce. Very similar is the passage where he tries to
+explain how the first mover, though itself unmoved, communicates motion
+to the world. 'It moves it like a thing beloved,' he tells us, and
+leaves us to make what we can of that. And yet we cannot help feeling
+that, in passages like this, we come far nearer to the beliefs Aristotle
+really cared about than we do anywhere else. At heart he is a Platonist
+in spite of himself.
+
+Aristotle's attitude to the practical life is also dependent on
+Plato's. In the Tenth Book of the _Ethics_ he puts the claims of the
+Contemplative Life even higher than Plato ever did, so that the
+practical life appears to be only ancillary to it. He does not feel in
+the same degree as Plato the call for the philosopher to descend once
+more into the Cave for the sake of the prisoners there, and altogether
+he seems far more indifferent to the practical interests of life.
+Nevertheless he followed Plato's lead in giving much of his time to the
+study of Politics and that too with the distinctly practical aim of
+training legislators. He has often been criticized for his failure to
+see that the days of the city-state were numbered, and for the way in
+which he ignores the rise of an imperial monarchy in the person of his
+own pupil Alexander the Great. That, however, is not quite fair.
+Aristotle had a healthy dislike of princes and courts, and the
+city-state still appealed to him as the normal form of political
+organization. He could not believe that it would ever be superseded, and
+he wished to contribute to its better administration. He had, in fact, a
+much more conservative outlook than Plato, who was inclined to think
+with Isocrates, that the revival of monarchy was the only thing that
+could preserve Hellenism as things were then. We must remember that
+Aristotle was not himself a citizen of any free state, and that he could
+hardly be expected to have the same political instincts as Plato, who
+belonged by birth to the governing classes of Athens and had inherited
+the liberal traditions of the Periclean Age. This comes out best of all
+perhaps, in the attitude of the two philosophers to the question of
+slavery. In the _Laws_, which deals with existing conditions, Plato of
+course recognizes the _de facto_ existence of slavery, though he is very
+sensible of its dangers and makes many legislative proposals with a view
+to their mitigation. In the _Republic_, on the other hand, where there
+is no need to trouble about existing conditions, he makes Socrates
+picture for us a community in which there are apparently no slaves at
+all. Aristotle is also anxious to mitigate the worst abuses of slavery,
+but he justifies the institution as a permanent one by the consideration
+that barbarians are 'slaves by nature' and that it is for their own
+interest to be 'living tools'. This insistence upon the fundamental
+distinction between Greeks and barbarians must have seemed an
+anachronism to many of Aristotle's contemporaries and it had been
+expressly denounced by Plato as unscientific.
+
+The immediate effect of Aristotle's rejection of Platonist mathematics
+was one he certainly neither foresaw nor intended. It was to make a
+breach between philosophy and science. Mathematical science, whether
+Aristotle realized it or not, was still in the vigour of its first
+youth, and mathematicians were stirred by the achievements of the last
+generation to attempt the solution of still higher problems. If the
+Lyceum turned away from them, they were quite prepared to carry on the
+Academic tradition by themselves, and they succeeded for a time beyond
+all expectation. The third century B. C. was, in fact, the Golden Age of
+Greek mathematics, and it has been suggested that this was due to the
+emancipation of mathematics from philosophy. If that were true, it would
+be very important for us to know it; but it can, I think, be shown that
+it is not true. The great mathematicians of the third century were
+certainly carrying on the tradition of their predecessors who had been
+philosophers as well as mathematicians, and it is not to be wondered at
+that they were able to do so for a time. But the really striking fact is
+surely that Greek mathematics became sterile in a comparatively short
+time, and that no further advance was made till the days of Descartes
+and Leibniz, with whom philosophy and mathematics once more went hand in
+hand.
+
+Nor was the effect of this divorce on philosophy itself less
+disastrous. Theophrastus continued Aristotle's work on Aristotle's
+lines, and founded the science of Botany as his predecessor had founded
+that of Zoology, but the Peripatetic School practically died out with
+him and had very little influence till the study of Aristotle was
+revived long afterwards by the Neoplatonists.
+
+For the present, the divorce of science and philosophy was complete. The
+Stoics and the Epicureans had both, indeed, a scientific system, but
+their philosophy was in no sense based upon it. The attitude of Epicurus
+to science is particularly well marked. He took no interest in it
+whatever as such, but he used it as an instrument to free men from the
+religious fear to which he attributed human unhappiness. For that
+purpose, the science of the Academy, which had led up to a theology, was
+obviously unsuitable, and, like a true eastern Ionian as he was,
+Epicurus harked back to the atomic theory of Democritus, adding to it,
+however, certain things which really made nonsense of it, such, for
+instance, as the theory of absolute weight and lightness, which
+Aristotle had unfortunately taught. The Stoics too were corporealists,
+and found such science as they required in the system of Heraclitus,
+though they also adopted for polemical purposes much of Aristotle's
+Logic, taking pains, however, to alter his terminology. Both these
+schools, in fact, while remaining faithful to the idea of philosophy as
+conversion, forgot that it had always been based on science in its best
+days. It was this, no doubt, which chiefly commended Stoicism and
+Epicureanism to the Romans, who were never really interested in science.
+Both Stoicism and Epicureanism made a practical appeal, though of a
+different kind, and that served to gain credit for them at Rome.
+
+The Academy which Plato had founded still continued to exist, though it
+was diverted from its original purpose not more than a generation after
+Plato's death. Mathematics, we have seen, had made itself independent,
+and the most pressing necessity of the time was certainly the criticism
+of the new dogmatism which the Stoics had introduced. That was really
+carrying on one side of Platonism and not the least important. It is
+true indeed that the Academy appears to us at this distance of time
+mainly as a school of scepticism, but we must remember that its
+scepticism was directed entirely to the sensible world, as to which the
+attitude of Plato himself was not fundamentally different. The real
+sceptics always refused to admit that the Academics were sceptics in the
+proper sense of the word, and it is possible that the tradition of
+Platonism proper was never wholly broken. At any rate, by the first
+century B. C., we begin to notice that Stoicism tends to become more and
+more Platonic. The study of Plato's _Timaeus_ came into favour again,
+and the commentary which Posidonius (_c._ 100 B. C.) wrote upon it had
+great influence on the development of philosophy down to the end of the
+Middle Ages. It is this period of eclecticism which is reflected for us
+in the philosophical writings of Cicero. It had great importance for the
+history of civilization, but it is far removed from the spirit of
+genuine Greek philosophy. That was dead for the present, and it did not
+come to life again till the third century of our era, when Platonism was
+revived at Rome by Plotinus.
+
+It is only quite recently that historians of Greek philosophy have begun
+to do justice to 'Neoplatonism'. That is partly due to the contemporary
+philosophical tendencies noted at the beginning of this paper, and
+partly to historical investigations into the philosophy of the Middle
+Ages, which is more and more seen to be dependent mainly on Neoplatonism
+down to and including the system of St. Thomas Aquinas. It was in fact
+the most decisive fact in the history of Western European civilization
+that Plotinus founded his school at Rome rather than at Athens or
+Alexandria; for that is how Western Europe became the real heir to the
+philosophy of Greece. Every one knows, of course, that Plotinus was a
+'mystic', but the term is apt to suggest quite wrong ideas about him. He
+is often spoken of still as a man who introduced oriental ideas into
+Greek philosophy, and he is popularly supposed to have been an Egyptian.
+That is most improbable; and, if it were true, it would only make it the
+more remarkable that, though he certainly studied at Alexandria for
+eleven years, he never even mentions the religion of Isis, which was so
+fashionable at Rome in his day, and which had fascinated so genuine a
+Greek as Plutarch some generations before. There is no doubt that what
+Plotinus believed himself to be teaching was genuine Platonism, and that
+he had prepared himself for the task by a careful study of Aristotle and
+even of Stoicism, so far as that served his purpose. No doubt he was too
+great a man to make himself the mere mouthpiece of another's thought;
+but, for all that, he was the legitimate successor of Plato, and it may
+be added that M. Robin, who has taken upon himself the arduous task of
+extracting Plato's real philosophy from the writings of Aristotle, has
+come to the conclusion that there is a great deal more 'Neoplatonism' in
+Plato than is sometimes supposed.
+
+Plotinus is a mystic, then, though not at all in the sense in which the
+term is often misused. He sets before his disciples a 'way of life'
+which leads by stages to the highest life of all, but that is just what
+Pythagoras and Plato had done, and it is only the continuation of a
+tradition which goes back among the Greeks to the sixth century B. C.,
+nearly a thousand years before the time of Plotinus. His aim, like that
+of his predecessors, is the conversion of souls to this way of life, and
+he differs from such thinkers as the Stoics and the Epicureans in
+holding that the 'way of life' to which he calls them must be based once
+more on a systematic doctrine of God, the World and Man. The result was
+that the divorce which had existed for centuries between science and
+philosophy was once more annulled. We cannot say, indeed, that Plotinus
+himself made any special study of Mathematics, but there is no doubt at
+all that his followers did, and it is due to them, and especially to
+Proclus, that we know as much of Greek Mathematics as we do. Proclus was
+indeed the systematizer of the doctrine of Plotinus, though he differs
+from him on certain points, and his influence on later philosophy cannot
+be overestimated. It can be distinctly traced even in Descartes, whom it
+reached through a number of channels, the study of which has recently
+been undertaken by a French scholar, Professor Gilson, of the University
+of Strasbourg. When his researches are complete, the continuity of Greek
+and modern philosophy will be plainly seen, and the part played by
+Platonism in the making of the modern European mind will be made
+manifest. We shall then understand better than ever why Greek philosophy
+is a subject of perennial interest.
+
+The history of Greek philosophy is, in fact, the history of our own
+spiritual past, and it is impossible to understand the present without
+taking it into account. In particular, the Platonist tradition underlies
+the whole of western civilization. It was at Rome, as has been pointed
+out, that Plotinus taught, and it was in certain Latin translations of
+the writings of his school that St. Augustine found the basis for a
+Christian philosophy he was seeking. It was Augustine's great authority
+in the Latin Church that made Platonism its official philosophy for
+centuries. It is a complete mistake to suppose that the thinking of the
+Middle Ages was dominated by the authority of Aristotle. It was not till
+the thirteenth century that Aristotle was known at all, and even then he
+was studied in the light of Platonism, just as he had been by Plotinus
+and his followers. It was only at the very close of the Middle Ages that
+he acquired the predominance which has made so strong an impression on
+the centuries that followed. It was from the Platonist tradition, too,
+that the science of the earlier Middle Ages came. A considerable portion
+of Plato's _Timaeus_ had been translated into Latin in the fourth
+century by Chalcidius with a very elaborate commentary based on ancient
+sources, while the _Consolation of Philosophy_, written in prison by the
+Roman Platonist Boethius in A. D. 525, was easily the most popular book
+of the Middle Ages. It was translated into English by Alfred the Great
+and by Chaucer, and into many other European languages. It was on these
+foundations that the French Platonism of the twelfth century, and
+especially that of the School of Chartres, was built up, and the
+influence of that school in England was very great indeed. The names of
+Grosseteste and Roger Bacon may just be mentioned in this connexion, and
+it would not be hard to show that the special character of the
+contribution which English writers have been able to make to science and
+philosophy is in large measure attributable to this influence.
+
+But the interest of Greek philosophy is not only historical; it is full
+of instruction for the future too. Since the time of Locke, philosophy
+has been apt to limit itself to discussions about the nature of
+knowledge, and to leave questions about the nature of the world to
+specialists. The history of Greek philosophy shows the danger of this
+unnatural division of the province of thought, and the more we study it,
+the more we shall feel the need of a more comprehensive view. The
+'philosophy of things human', as the Greeks called it, is only one
+department among others, and the theory of knowledge is only one
+department of that. If studied in isolation from the whole, it must
+inevitably become one-sided. From Greek philosophy we can also learn
+that it is fatal to divorce speculation from the service of mankind. The
+notion that philosophy could be so isolated would have been wholly
+unintelligible to any of the great Greek thinkers, and most of all
+perhaps to the Platonists who are often charged with this very heresy.
+Above all, we can learn from Greek philosophy the paramount importance
+of what we call the personality and they called the soul. It was just
+because the Greeks realized this that the genuinely Hellenic idea of
+conversion played so great a part in their thinking and in their lives.
+That, above all, is the lesson they have to teach, and that is why the
+writings of their great philosophers have still the power to convert the
+souls of all that will receive their teaching with humility.
+
+J. BURNET.
+
+
+
+
+MATHEMATICS AND ASTRONOMY
+
+
+It has been well said that, if we would study any subject properly, we
+must study it as something that is alive and growing and consider it
+with reference to its growth in the past. As most of the vital forces
+and movements in modern civilization had their origin in Greece, this
+means that, to study them properly, we must get back to Greece. So it is
+with the literature of modern countries, or their philosophy, or their
+art; we cannot study them with the determination to get to the bottom
+and understand them without the way pointing eventually back to Greece.
+
+When we think of the debt which mankind owes to the Greeks, we are apt
+to think too exclusively of the masterpieces in literature and art which
+they have left us. But the Greek genius was many-sided; the Greek, with
+his insatiable love of knowledge, his determination to see things as
+they are and to see them whole, his burning desire to be able to give a
+rational explanation of everything in heaven and earth, was just as
+irresistibly driven to natural science, mathematics, and exact reasoning
+in general, or logic.
+
+To quote from a brilliant review of a well-known work: 'To be a Greek
+was to seek to know, to know the primordial substance of matter, to know
+the meaning of number, to know the world as a rational whole. In no
+spirit of paradox one may say that Euclid is the most typical Greek: he
+would know to the bottom, and know as a rational system, the laws of the
+measurement of the earth. Plato, too, loved geometry and the wonders of
+numbers; he was essentially Greek because he was essentially
+mathematical.... And if one thus finds the Greek genius in Euclid and
+the _Posterior Analytics_, one will understand the motto written over
+the Academy, μηδεις αγεωμετρητος εισιτω {mêdeis ageômetrêtos eisitô}. To
+know what the Greek genius meant you must (if one may speak εν αινιγματι
+{en ainigmati}) begin with geometry.'
+
+Mathematics, indeed, plays an important part in Greek philosophy: there
+are, for example, many passages in Plato and Aristotle for the
+interpretation of which some knowledge of the technique of Greek
+mathematics is the first essential. Hence it should be part of the
+equipment of every classical student that he should have read
+substantial portions of the works of the Greek mathematicians in the
+original, say, some of the early books of Euclid in full and the
+definitions (at least) of the other books, as well as selections from
+other writers. Von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff has included in his
+_Griechisches Lesebuch_ extracts from Euclid, Archimedes and Heron of
+Alexandria; and the example should be followed in this country.
+
+Acquaintance with the original works of the Greek mathematicians is no
+less necessary for any mathematician worthy of the name. Mathematics is
+a Greek science. So far as pure geometry is concerned, the
+mathematician's technical equipment is almost wholly Greek. The Greeks
+laid down the principles, fixed the terminology and invented the methods
+_ab initio_; moreover, they did this with such certainty that in the
+centuries which have since elapsed there has been no need to
+reconstruct, still less to reject as unsound, any essential part of
+their doctrine.
+
+Consider first the terminology of mathematics. Almost all the standard
+terms are Greek or Latin translations from the Greek, and, although the
+mathematician may be taught their meaning without knowing Greek, he will
+certainly grasp their significance better if he knows them as they arise
+and as part of the living language of the men who invented them. Take
+the word _isosceles_; a schoolboy can be shown what an isosceles
+triangle is, but, if he knows nothing of the derivation, he will wonder
+why such an apparently outlandish term should be necessary to express so
+simple an idea. But if the mere appearance of the word shows him that it
+means a thing _with equal legs_, being compounded of ισος {isos}, equal,
+and σκελος {skelos}, a leg, he will understand its appropriateness and
+will have no difficulty in remembering it. _Equilateral_, on the other
+hand, is borrowed from the Latin, but it is merely the Latin translation
+of the Greek ισοπλευρος {isopleuros}, _equal-sided_. _Parallelogram_
+again can be explained to a Greekless person, but it will be far better
+understood by one who sees in it the two words παραλληλος {parallêlos}
+and γραμμη {grammê} and realizes that it is a short way of expressing
+that the figure in question is contained by parallel lines; and we shall
+best understand the word _parallel_ itself if we see in it the statement
+of the fact that the two straight lines so described go _alongside one
+another_, παρ' αλληλας {par' allêlas}, all the way. Similarly a
+mathematician should know that a _rhombus_ is so called from its
+resemblance to a form of spinning-top (ῥομβος {rhombos} from ῥεμβω
+{rhembô}, to spin) and that, just as a parallelogram is a figure formed
+by two pairs of parallel straight lines, so a _parallelepiped_ is a
+solid figure bounded by three pairs of parallel planes (παραλληλος
+{parallêlos}, parallel, and επιπεδος {epipedos}, plane); incidentally,
+in the latter case, he will be saved from writing 'parallel_o_piped', a
+monstrosity which has disfigured not a few textbooks of geometry.
+Another good example is the word _hypotenuse_; it comes from the verb
+ὑποτεινειν {hypoteinein} (c. ὑπο {hypo} and acc. or simple acc.), to
+_stretch under_, or, in its Latin form, to _subtend_, which term is used
+quite generally for 'to be opposite to'; in our phraseology the word
+_hypotenuse_ is restricted to that side of a right-angled triangle which
+is opposite to the right angle, being short for the expression used in
+Eucl. i. 47, ἡ την ορθην γωνιαν ὑποτεινουσα πλευρα {hê tên orthên gônian
+hypoteinousa pleura}, 'the side subtending the right angle', which
+accounts for the feminine participial form ὑποτεινουσα {hypoteinousa},
+_hypotenuse_. If mathematicians had had more Greek, perhaps the
+misspelt form 'hypot_h_enuse' would not have survived so long.
+
+To take an example outside the Elements, how can a mathematician
+properly understand the term _latus rectum_ used in conic sections
+unless he has seen it in Apollonius as the _erect side_ (ορθια πλευρα
+{orthia pleura}) of a certain rectangle in the case of each of the three
+conics?[3] The word _ordinate_ can hardly convey anything to one who
+does not know that it is what Apollonius describes as 'the straight line
+drawn down (from a point on the curve) in the _prescribed_ or _ordained_
+manner (τεταγμενως κατηγμενη {tetagmenôs katêgmenê})'. _Asymptote_ again
+comes from ασυμπτωτος {asymptôtos}, _non-meeting_, _non-secant_, and had
+with the Greeks a more general signification as well as the narrower one
+which it has for us: it was sometimes used of parallel lines, which also
+'do not meet'.
+
+    [3] In the case of the parabola, the base (as distinct from the
+    'erect side') of the rectangle is what is called the _abscissa_ (Gk.
+    αποτεμνομενη {apotemnomenê}, 'cut off') of the ordinate, and the
+    rectangle itself is equal to the square on the ordinate. In the case
+    of the central conics, the base of the rectangle is 'the transverse
+    side of the figure' or the transverse diameter (the diameter of
+    reference), and the rectangle is equal to the square on the diameter
+    conjugate to the diameter of reference.
+
+Again, if we take up a textbook of geometry written in accordance with
+the most modern Education Board circular or University syllabus, we
+shall find that the phraseology used (except where made more colloquial
+and less scientific) is almost all pure Greek. The Greek tongue was
+extraordinarily well adapted as a vehicle of scientific thought. One of
+the characteristics of Euclid's language which his commentator Proclus
+is most fond of emphasizing is its marvellous _exactness_ (ακριβεια
+{akribeia}). The language of the Greek geometers is also wonderfully
+concise, notwithstanding all appearances to the contrary. One of the
+complaints often made against Euclid is that he is 'diffuse'. Yet
+(apart from abbreviations in writing) it will be found that the
+exposition of corresponding matters in modern elementary textbooks
+generally takes up, not less, but more space. And, to say nothing of
+the perfect finish of Archimedes's treatises, we shall find in Heron,
+Ptolemy and Pappus veritable models of concise statement. The purely
+geometrical proof by Heron of the formula for the area of a triangle,
+Δ{D}=√_{s(s-a)(s-b)(s-c)}_, and the geometrical propositions in Book I
+of Ptolemy's _Syntaxis_ (including 'Ptolemy's Theorem') are cases in
+point.
+
+The principles of geometry and arithmetic (in the sense of the theory of
+numbers) are stated in the preliminary matter of Books I and VII of
+Euclid. But Euclid was not their discoverer; they were gradually evolved
+from the time of Pythagoras onwards. Aristotle is clear about the nature
+of the principles and their classification. Every demonstrative science,
+he says, has to do with three things, the subject-matter, the things
+proved, and the things from which the proof starts (εξ ὡν {ex hôn}). It
+is not everything that can be proved, otherwise the chain of proof would
+be endless; you must begin somewhere, and you must start with things
+admitted but indemonstrable. These are, first, principles common to all
+sciences which are called _axioms_ or _common opinions_, as that 'of two
+contradictories one must be true', or 'if equals be subtracted from
+equals, the remainders are equal'; secondly, principles peculiar to the
+subject-matter of the particular science, say geometry. First among the
+latter principles are definitions; there must be agreement as to what we
+mean by certain terms. But a definition asserts nothing about the
+existence or non-existence of the thing defined. The existence of the
+various things defined has to be _proved_ except in the case of a few
+primary things in each science the existence of which is indemonstrable
+and must be _assumed_ among the first principles of the science; thus in
+geometry we must assume the existence of points and lines, and in
+arithmetic of the unit. Lastly, we must assume certain other things
+which are less obvious and cannot be proved but yet have to be
+accepted; these are called _postulates_, because they make a demand on
+the faith of the learner. Euclid's Postulates are of this kind,
+especially that known as the parallel-postulate.
+
+The methods of solution of problems were no doubt first applied in
+particular cases and then gradually systematized; the technical terms
+for them were probably invented later, after the methods themselves had
+become established.
+
+One method of solution was the _reduction_ of one problem to another.
+This was called απαγωγη {apagôgê}, a term which seems to occur first in
+Aristotle. But instances of such reduction occurred long before.
+Hippocrates of Chios reduced the problem of duplicating the cube to that
+of finding two mean proportionals in continued proportion between two
+straight lines, that is, he showed that, if the latter problem could be
+solved, the former was thereby solved also; and it is probable that
+there were still earlier cases in the Pythagorean geometry.
+
+Next there is the method of mathematical _analysis_. This method is said
+to have been 'communicated' or 'explained' by Plato to Leodamas of
+Thasos; but, like reduction (to which it is closely akin), analysis in
+the mathematical sense must have been in use much earlier. _Analysis_
+and its correlative _synthesis_ are defined by Pappus: 'in analysis we
+assume that which is sought as if it were already done, and we inquire
+what it is from which this results, and again what is the antecedent
+cause of the latter, and so on, until by so retracing our steps we come
+upon something already known or belonging to the class of principles.
+But in synthesis, reversing the process, we take as already done that
+which was last arrived at in the analysis, and, by arranging in their
+natural order as consequences what were before antecedents and
+successively connecting them one with another, we arrive finally at the
+construction of that which was sought.'
+
+The method of _reductio ad absurdum_ is a variety of analysis. Starting
+from a hypothesis, namely the contradictory of what we desire to prove,
+we use the same process of analysis, carrying it back until we arrive at
+something admittedly false or absurd. Aristotle describes this method in
+various ways as _reductio ad absurdum_, proof _per impossibile_, or
+proof leading to the impossible. But here again, though the term was
+new, the method was not. The paradoxes of Zeno are classical instances.
+
+Lastly, the Greeks established the form of exposition which still
+governs geometrical work, simply because it is dictated by strict logic.
+It is seen in Euclid's propositions, with their separate formal
+divisions, to which specific names were afterwards assigned, (1) the
+_enunciation_ (προτασις {protasis}), (2) the _setting-out_ (εκθεσις
+{ekthesis}), (3) the διορισμος {diorismos}, being a re-statement of what
+we are required to do or prove, not in general terms (as in the
+_enunciation_), but with reference to the particular data contained in
+the _setting-out_, (4) the _construction_ (κατασκευη {kataskeuê}), (5)
+the _proof_ (αποδειξις {apodeixis}), (6) the _conclusion_ (συμπερασμα
+{symperasma}). In the case of a problem it often happens that a solution
+is not possible unless the particular data are such as to satisfy
+certain conditions; in this case there is yet another constituent part
+in the proposition, namely the statement of the conditions or limits of
+possibility, which was called by the same name διορισμος {diorismos},
+definition or delimitation, as that applied to the third constituent
+part of a theorem.
+
+We have so far endeavoured to indicate generally the finality and the
+abiding value of the work done by the creators of mathematical science.
+It remains to summarize, as briefly as possible, the history of Greek
+mathematics according to periods and subjects.
+
+The Greeks of course took what they could in the shape of elementary
+facts in geometry and astronomy from the Egyptians and Babylonians. But
+some of the essential characteristics of the Greek genius assert
+themselves even in their borrowings from these or other sources. Here,
+as everywhere else, we see their directness and concentration; they
+always knew what they wanted, and they had an unerring instinct for
+taking only what was worth having and rejecting the rest. This is
+illustrated by the story of Pythagoras's travels. He consorted with
+priests and prophets and was initiated into the religious rites
+practised in different places, not out of religious enthusiasm 'as you
+might think' (says our informant), but in order that he might not
+overlook any fragment of knowledge worth acquiring that might lie hidden
+in the mysteries of divine worship.
+
+This story also illustrates an important advantage which the Greeks had
+over the Egyptians and Babylonians. In those countries science, such as
+it was, was the monopoly of the priests; and, where this is the case,
+the first steps in science are apt to prove the last also, because the
+scientific results attained tend to become involved in religious
+prescriptions and routine observances, and so to end in a collection of
+lifeless formulae. Fortunately for the Greeks, they had no organized
+priesthood; untrammelled by prescription, traditional dogmas or
+superstition, they could give their reasoning faculties free play. Thus
+they were able to create science as a living thing susceptible of
+development without limit.
+
+Greek geometry, as also Greek astronomy, begins with Thales (about
+624-547 B. C.), who travelled in Egypt and is said to have brought
+geometry from thence. Such geometry as there was in Egypt arose out of
+practical needs. Revenue was raised by the taxation of landed property,
+and its assessment depended on the accurate fixing of the boundaries of
+the various holdings. When these were removed by the periodical flooding
+due to the rising of the Nile, it was necessary to replace them, or to
+determine the taxable area independently of them, by an art of
+land-surveying. We conclude from the Papyrus Rhind (say 1700 B. C.) and
+other documents that Egyptian geometry consisted mainly of practical
+rules for measuring, with more or less accuracy, (1) such areas as
+squares, triangles, trapezia, and circles, (2) the solid content of
+measures of corn, &c., of different shapes. The Egyptians also
+constructed pyramids of a certain slope by means of arithmetical
+calculations based on a certain ratio, _se-qeṭ_, namely the ratio of
+half the side of the base to the height, which is in fact equivalent to
+the co-tangent of the angle of slope. The use of this ratio implies the
+notion of similarity of figures, especially triangles. The Egyptians
+knew, too, that a triangle with its sides in the ratio of the numbers 3,
+4, 5 is right-angled, and used the fact as a means of drawing right
+angles. But there is no sign that they knew the general property of a
+right-angled triangle (= Eucl. I. 47), of which this is a particular
+case, or that they proved any general theorem in geometry.
+
+No doubt Thales, when he was in Egypt, would see diagrams drawn to
+illustrate the rules for the measurement of circles and other plane
+figures, and these diagrams would suggest to him certain similarities
+and congruences which would set him thinking whether there were not some
+elementary general principles underlying the construction and relations
+of different figures and parts of figures. This would be in accord with
+the Greek instinct for generalization and their wish to be able to
+account for everything on rational principles.
+
+The following theorems are attributed to Thales: (1) that a circle is
+bisected by any diameter (Eucl. I, Def. 17), (2) that the angles at the
+base of an isosceles triangle are equal (Eucl. I. 5), (3) that, if two
+straight lines cut one another, the vertically opposite angles are equal
+(Eucl. I. 15), (4) that, if two triangles have two angles and one side
+respectively equal, the triangles are equal in all respects (Eucl. I.
+26). He is said (5) to have been the first to inscribe a right-angled
+triangle in a circle, which must mean that he was the first to discover
+that the angle in a semicircle is a right angle (cf. Eucl. III. 31).
+
+Elementary as these things are, they represent a new departure of a
+momentous kind, being the first steps towards a _theory_ of geometry. On
+this point we cannot do better than quote some remarks from Kant's
+preface to the second edition of his _Kritik der reinen Vernunft_.
+
+'Mathematics has, from the earliest times to which the history of human
+reason goes back, (that is to say) with that wonderful people the
+Greeks, travelled the safe road of a _science_. But it must not be
+supposed that it was as easy for mathematics as it was for logic, where
+reason is concerned with itself alone, to find, or rather to build for
+itself, that royal road. I believe on the contrary that with mathematics
+it remained for long a case of groping about--the Egyptians in
+particular were still at that stage--and that this transformation must
+be ascribed to a _revolution_ brought about by the happy inspiration of
+one man in trying an experiment, from which point onward the road that
+must be taken could no longer be missed, and the safe way of a science
+was struck and traced out for all time and to distances illimitable....
+A light broke on the first man who demonstrated the property of the
+isosceles triangle (whether his name was Thales or what you will)....'
+
+Thales also solved two problems of a practical kind: (1) he showed how
+to measure the distance of a ship at sea, and (2) he found the heights
+of pyramids by means of the shadows thrown on the ground by the pyramid
+and by a stick of known length at the same moment; one account says that
+he chose the time when the lengths of the stick and of its shadow were
+equal, but in either case he argued by similarity of triangles.
+
+In astronomy Thales predicted a solar eclipse which was probably that of
+the 28th May 585 B. C. Now the Babylonians, as the result of
+observations continued through centuries, had discovered the period of
+223 lunations after which eclipses recur. It is most likely therefore
+that Thales had heard of this period, and that his prediction was based
+upon it. He is further said to have used the Little Bear for finding the
+pole, to have discovered the inequality of the four astronomical
+seasons, and to have written works _On the Equinox_ and _On the
+Solstice_.
+
+After Thales come the Pythagoreans. Of the Pythagoreans Aristotle says
+that they applied themselves to the study of mathematics and were the
+first to advance that science, going so far as to find in the principles
+of mathematics the principles of all existing things. Of Pythagoras
+himself we are told that he attached supreme importance to the study of
+arithmetic, advancing it and taking it out of the region of practical
+utility, and again that he transformed the study of geometry into a
+liberal education, examining the principles of the science from the
+beginning.
+
+The very word μαθηματα {mathêmata}, which originally meant 'subjects of
+instruction' generally, is said to have been first appropriated to
+mathematics by the Pythagoreans.
+
+In saying that arithmetic began with Pythagoras we have to distinguish
+between the uses of that word then and now. Αριθμητικη {Arithmêtikê}
+with the Greeks was distinguished from λογιστικη {logistikê}, the
+science of calculation. It is the latter word which would cover
+arithmetic in our sense, or practical calculation; the term αριθμητικη
+{arithmêtikê} was restricted to the science of numbers considered in
+themselves, or, as we should say, the Theory of Numbers. Another way of
+putting the distinction was to say that αριθμητικη {arithmêtikê} dealt
+with absolute numbers or numbers in the abstract, and λογιστικη
+{logistikê} with numbered _things_ or concrete numbers; thus λογιστικη
+{logistikê} included simple problems about numbers of apples, bowls, or
+objects generally, such as are found in the Greek Anthology and
+sometimes involve simple algebraical equations.
+
+The Theory of Numbers then began with Pythagoras (about 572-497 B. C.).
+It included definitions of the unit and of number, and the
+classification and definitions of the various classes of numbers, odd,
+even, prime, composite, and sub-divisions of these such as odd-even,
+even-times-even, &c. Again there were figured numbers, namely,
+triangular numbers, squares, oblong numbers, polygonal numbers
+(pentagons, hexagons, &c.) corresponding respectively to plane figures,
+and pyramidal numbers, cubes, parallelepipeds, &c., corresponding to
+solid figures in geometry. The treatment was mostly geometrical, the
+numbers being represented by dots filling up geometrical figures of the
+various kinds. The laws of formation of the various figured numbers were
+established. In this investigation the _gnomon_ played an important
+part. Originally meaning the upright needle of a sun-dial, the term was
+next used for a figure like a carpenter's square, and then was applied
+to a figure of that shape put round two sides of a square and making up
+a larger square. The arithmetical application of the term was similar.
+If we represent a unit by one dot and put round it three dots in such a
+way that the four form the corners of a square, _three_ is the first
+gnomon. _Five_ dots put at equal distances round two sides of the square
+containing four dots make up the next square (3²), and _five_ is the
+second gnomon. Generally, if we have _n²_ dots so arranged as to fill up
+a square with _n_ for its side, the gnomon to be put round it to make up
+the next square, _(n+1)²_, has _2n+1_ dots. In the formation of squares,
+therefore, the successive gnomons are the series of odd numbers
+following 1 (the first square), namely 3, 5, 7, ... In the formation of
+_oblong_ numbers (numbers of the form _n(n+1)_), the first of which is
+1. 2, the successive gnomons are the terms after 2 in the series of
+_even_ numbers 2, 4, 6.... Triangular numbers are formed by adding to 1
+(the first triangle) the terms after 1 in the series of natural numbers
+1, 2, 3 ...; these are therefore the gnomons (by analogy) for triangles.
+The gnomons for pentagonal numbers are the terms after 1 in the
+arithmetical progression 1, 4, 7, 10 ... (with 3, or 5-2, as the common
+difference) and so on; the common difference of the successive gnomons
+for an _a_-gonal number is _a-2_.
+
+From the series of gnomons for squares we easily deduce a formula for
+finding square numbers which are the sum of two squares. For, the gnomon
+_2n+1_ being the difference between the successive squares _n²_ and
+_(n+1)²_, we have only to make _2n+1_ a square. Suppose that _2n+1=m²_;
+therefore _n=½(m²-1)_, and _{½(m²-1)}²+m²={½(m²+1)}²_, where _m_ is any
+odd number. This is the formula actually attributed to Pythagoras.
+
+Pythagoras is said to have discovered the theory of proportionals or
+proportion. This was a numerical theory and therefore was applicable to
+commensurable magnitudes only; it was no doubt somewhat on the lines of
+Euclid, Book VII. Connected with the theory of proportion was that of
+_means_, and Pythagoras was acquainted with three of these, the
+arithmetic, geometric, and sub-contrary (afterwards called harmonic). In
+particular Pythagoras is said to have introduced from Babylon into
+Greece the 'most perfect' proportion, namely:
+
+_a:(a+b)/2=2ab/(a+b):b_,
+
+where the second and third terms are respectively the arithmetic and
+harmonic mean between _a_ and _b_. A particular case is 12:9=8:6.
+
+This bears upon what was probably Pythagoras's greatest discovery,
+namely that the musical intervals correspond to certain arithmetical
+ratios between lengths of string at the same tension, the octave
+corresponding to the ratio 2:1, the fifth to 3:2 and the fourth to 4:3.
+These ratios being the same as those of 12 to 6, 8, 9 respectively, we
+can understand how the third term, 8, in the above proportion came to
+be called the 'harmonic' mean between 12 and 6.
+
+The Pythagorean arithmetic as a whole, with the developments made after
+the time of Pythagoras himself, is mainly known to us through
+Nicomachus's _Introductio arithmetica_, Iamblichus's commentary on the
+same, and Theon of Smyrna's work _Expositio rerum mathematicarum ad
+legendum Platonem utilium_. The things in these books most deserving of
+notice are the following.
+
+First, there is the description of a 'perfect' number (a number which is
+equal to the sum of all its parts, i.e. all its integral divisors
+including 1 but excluding the number itself), with a statement of the
+property that all such numbers end in 6 or 8. Four such numbers, namely
+6, 28, 496, 8128, were known to Nicomachus. The law of formation for
+such numbers is first found in Eucl. IX. 36 proving that, if the sum
+(S_{n}) of _n_ terms of the series 1, 2, 2², 2³ ... is prime, then
+S_{n}.2^{n-1} is a perfect number.
+
+Secondly, Theon of Smyrna gives the law of formation of the series of
+'side-' and 'diameter-' numbers which satisfy the equations _2x²-y²=±1_.
+The law depends on the proposition proved in Eucl. II. 10 to the effect
+that _(2x+y)²-2(x+y)²=2x²-y²_, whence it follows that, if _x_, _y_
+satisfy either of the above equations, then _2x+y_, _x+y_ is a solution
+in higher numbers of the other equation. The successive solutions give
+values for _y/x_, namely 1/1, 3/2, 7/5, 17/12, 41/29, ..., which are
+successive approximations to the value of √2 (the ratio of the diagonal
+of a square to its side). The occasion for this method of approximation
+to √2 (which can be carried as far as we please) was the discovery by
+the Pythagoreans of the incommensurable or irrational in this particular
+case.
+
+Thirdly, Iamblichus mentions a discovery by Thymaridas, a Pythagorean
+not later than Plato's time, called the επανθημα {epanthêma} ('bloom')
+of Thymaridas, and amounting to the solution of any number of
+simultaneous equations of the following form:
+
+_x+x₁+x₂+ ... +x_{n-1} = s_,
+    _x+x₁ = a₁_,
+    _x+x₂ = a₂_,
+         ...
+_x+x_{n-1} = a_{n-1}_,
+
+the solution being _x=((a₁+a₂+ ... +a_{n-1})-s)/(n-2)_.
+
+The rule is stated in general terms, but the above representation of its
+effect shows that it is a piece of pure algebra.
+
+The Pythagorean contributions to geometry were even more remarkable. The
+most famous proposition attributed to Pythagoras himself is of course
+the theorem of Eucl. I. 47 that the square on the hypotenuse of any
+right-angled triangle is equal to the sum of the squares on the other
+two sides. But Proclus also attributes to him, besides the theory of
+proportionals, the construction of the 'cosmic figures', the five
+regular solids.
+
+One of the said solids, the dodecahedron, has twelve regular pentagons
+for faces, and the construction of a regular pentagon involves the
+cutting of a straight line 'in extreme and mean ratio' (Eucl. II. 11 and
+VI. 30), which is a particular case of the method known as the
+_application of areas_. This method was fully worked out by the
+Pythagoreans and proved one of the most powerful in all Greek geometry.
+The most elementary case appears in Eucl. I. 44, 45, where it is shown
+how to apply to a given straight line as base a parallelogram with one
+angle equal to a given angle and equal in area to any given rectilineal
+figure; this construction is the geometrical equivalent of arithmetical
+_division_. The general case is that in which the parallelogram, though
+applied to the straight line, overlaps it or falls short of it in such a
+way that the part of the parallelogram which extends beyond or falls
+short of the parallelogram of the same angle and breadth on the given
+straight line itself (exactly) as base is similar to any given
+parallelogram (Eucl. VI. 28, 29). This is the geometrical equivalent of
+the solution of the most general form of quadratic equation _ax±mx²=C_,
+so far as it has real roots; the condition that the roots may be real
+was also worked out (=Eucl. VI. 27). It is in the form of 'application
+of areas' that Apollonius obtains the fundamental property of each of
+the conic sections, and, as we shall see, it is from the terminology of
+application of areas that Apollonius took the three names _parabola_,
+_hyperbola_, and _ellipse_ which he was the first to give to the three
+curves.
+
+Another problem solved by the Pythagoreans was that of drawing a
+rectilineal figure which shall be equal in area to one given rectilineal
+figure and similar to another. Plutarch mentions a doubt whether it was
+this problem or the theorem of Eucl. I. 47 on the strength of which
+Pythagoras was said to have sacrificed an ox.
+
+The main particular applications of the theorem of the square on the
+hypotenuse, e. g. those in Euclid, Book II, were also Pythagorean; the
+construction of a square equal to a given rectangle (Eucl. II. 14) is
+one of them, and corresponds to the solution of the pure quadratic
+equation _x²=ab_.
+
+The Pythagoreans knew the properties of parallels and proved the theorem
+that the sum of the three angles of any triangle is equal to two right
+angles.
+
+As we have seen, the Pythagorean theory of proportion, being numerical,
+was inadequate in that it did not apply to incommensurable magnitudes;
+but, with this qualification, we may say that the Pythagorean geometry
+covered the bulk of the subject-matter of Books I, II, IV and VI of
+Euclid's _Elements_. The case is less clear with regard to Book III of
+the _Elements_; but, as the main propositions of that Book were known to
+Hippocrates of Chios in the second half of the fifth century B. C., we
+conclude that they, too, were part of the Pythagorean geometry.
+
+Lastly, the Pythagoreans discovered the existence of the incommensurable
+or irrational in the particular case of the diagonal of a square in
+relation to its side. Aristotle mentions an ancient proof of the
+incommensurability of the diagonal with the side by a _reductio ad
+absurdum_ showing that, if the diagonal were commensurable with the
+side, it would follow that one and the same number is both odd and even.
+This proof was doubtless Pythagorean.
+
+A word should be added about the Pythagorean astronomy. Pythagoras was
+the first to hold that the earth (and no doubt each of the other
+heavenly bodies also) is spherical in shape, and he was aware that the
+sun, moon and planets have independent movements of their own in a sense
+opposite to that of the daily rotation; but he seems to have kept the
+earth in the centre. His successors in the school (one Hicetas of
+Syracuse and Philolaus are alternatively credited with this innovation)
+actually abandoned the geocentric idea and made the earth, like the sun,
+the moon, and the other planets, revolve in a circle round the 'central
+fire', in which resided the governing principle ordering and directing
+the movement of the universe.
+
+The geometry of which we have so far spoken belongs to the Elements.
+But, before the body of the Elements was complete, the Greeks had
+advanced beyond the Elements. By the second half of the fifth century B.
+C. they had investigated three famous problems in higher geometry, (1)
+the squaring of the circle, (2) the trisection of any angle, (3) the
+duplication of the cube. The great names belonging to this period are
+Hippias of Elis, Hippocrates of Chios, and Democritus.
+
+Hippias of Elis invented a certain curve described by combining two
+uniform movements (one angular and the other rectilinear) taking the
+same time to complete. Hippias himself used his curve for the
+trisection of any angle or the division of it in any ratio; but it was
+afterwards employed by Dinostratus, a brother of Eudoxus's pupil
+Menaechmus, and by Nicomedes for squaring the circle, whence it got the
+name τετραγωνιζουσα {tetragônizousa}, _quadratrix_.
+
+Hippocrates of Chios is mentioned by Aristotle as an instance to prove
+that a man may be a distinguished geometer and, at the same time, a fool
+in the ordinary affairs of life. He occupies an important place both in
+elementary geometry and in relation to two of the higher problems above
+mentioned. He was, so far as is known, the first compiler of a book of
+Elements; and he was the first to prove the important theorem of Eucl.
+XII. 2 that circles are to one another as the squares on their
+diameters, from which he further deduced that similar segments of
+circles are to one another as the squares on their bases. These
+propositions were used by him in his tract on the squaring of _lunes_,
+which was intended to lead up to the squaring of the circle. The
+essential portions of the tract are preserved in a passage of
+Simplicius's commentary on Aristotle's _Physics_, which contains
+substantial extracts from Eudemus's lost _History of Geometry_.
+Hippocrates showed how to square three particular lunes of different
+kinds and then, lastly, he squared the sum of a circle and a certain
+lune. Unfortunately the last-mentioned lune was not one of those which
+can be squared, so that the attempt to square the circle in this way
+failed after all.
+
+Hippocrates also attacked the problem of doubling the cube. There are
+two versions of the origin of this famous problem. According to one
+story an old tragic poet had represented Minos as having been
+dissatisfied with the size of a cubical tomb erected for his son Glaucus
+and having told the architect to make it double the size while retaining
+the cubical form. The other story says that the Delians, suffering from
+a pestilence, consulted the oracle and were told to double a certain
+altar as a means of staying the plague. Hippocrates did not indeed solve
+the problem of duplication, but reduced it to another, namely that of
+finding two mean proportionals in continued proportion between two given
+straight lines; and the problem was ever afterwards attacked in this
+form. If _x_, _y_ be the two required mean proportionals between two
+straight lines _a_, _b_, then _a:x=x:y=y:b_, whence _b/a=(x/a)³_, and,
+as a particular case, if _b=2a_, _x³=2a³_, so that, when _x_ is found,
+the cube is doubled.
+
+Democritus wrote a large number of mathematical treatises, the titles
+only of which are preserved. We gather from one of these titles, 'On
+irrational lines and solids', that he wrote on irrationals. Democritus
+realized as fully as Zeno, and expressed with no less piquancy, the
+difficulty connected with the continuous and the infinitesimal. This
+appears from his dilemma about the circular base of a cone and a
+parallel section; the section which he means is a section 'indefinitely
+near' (as the phrase is) to the base, i. e. the _very next_ section, as
+we might say (if there were one). Is it, said Democritus, equal or not
+equal to the base? If it is equal, so will the very next section to it
+be, and so on, so that the cone will really be, not a cone, but a
+cylinder. If it is unequal to the base and in fact less, the surface of
+the cone will be jagged, like steps, which is very absurd. We may be
+sure that Democritus's work on 'The contact of a circle or a sphere'
+discussed a like difficulty.
+
+Lastly, Archimedes tells us that Democritus was the first to state,
+though he could not give a rigorous proof, that the volume of a cone or
+a pyramid is one-third of that of the cylinder or prism respectively on
+the same base and having equal height, theorems first proved by Eudoxus.
+
+We come now to the time of Plato, and here the great names are Archytas,
+Theodoras of Cyrene, Theaetetus, and Eudoxus.
+
+Archytas (about 430-360 B. C.) wrote on music and the numerical ratios
+corresponding to the intervals of the tetrachord. He is said to have
+been the first to write a treatise on mechanics based on mathematical
+principles; on the practical side he invented a mechanical dove which
+would fly. In geometry he gave the first solution of the problem of the
+two mean proportionals, using a wonderful construction in three
+dimensions which determined a certain point as the intersection of three
+surfaces, (1) a certain cone, (2) a half-cylinder, (3) an anchor-ring or
+_tore_ with inner diameter _nil_.
+
+Theodorus, Plato's teacher in mathematics, extended the theory of the
+irrational by proving incommensurability in certain particular cases
+other than that of the diagonal of a square in relation to its side,
+which was already known. He proved that the side of a square containing
+3 square feet, or 5 square feet, or any non-square number of square feet
+up to 17 is incommensurable with one foot, in other words that √3, √5
+... √17 are all incommensurable with 1. Theodorus's proof was evidently
+not general; and it was reserved for Theaetetus to comprehend all these
+irrationals in one definition, and to prove the property generally as it
+is proved in Eucl. X. 9. Much of the content of the rest of Euclid's
+Book X (dealing with compound irrationals), as also of Book XIII on the
+five regular solids, was due to Theaetetus, who is even said to have
+discovered two of those solids (the octahedron and icosahedron).
+
+Plato (427-347 B. C.) was probably not an original mathematician, but he
+'caused mathematics in general and geometry in particular to make a
+great advance by reason of his enthusiasm for them'. He encouraged the
+members of his school to specialize in mathematics and astronomy; e. g.
+we are told that in astronomy he set it as a problem to all earnest
+students to find 'what are the uniform and ordered movements by the
+assumption of which the apparent motions of the planets may be
+accounted for'. In Plato's own writings are found certain definitions,
+e. g. that of a straight line as 'that of which the middle covers the
+ends', and some interesting mathematical illustrations, especially that
+in the second geometrical passage in the _Meno_ (86E-87C). To Plato
+himself are attributed (1) a formula _(n²-1)²+(2n)²=(n²+1)²_ for finding
+two square numbers the sum of which is a square number, (2) the
+invention of the method of analysis, which he is said to have explained
+to Leodamas of Thasos (_mathematical_ analysis was, however, certainly,
+in practice, employed long before). The solution, attributed to Plato,
+of the problem of the two mean proportionals by means of a frame
+resembling that which a shoemaker uses to measure a foot, can hardly be
+his.
+
+Eudoxus (408-355 B. C.), an original genius second to none (unless it be
+Archimedes) in the history of our subject, made two discoveries of
+supreme importance for the further development of Greek geometry.
+
+(1) As we have seen, the discovery of the incommensurable rendered
+inadequate the Pythagorean theory of proportion, which applied to
+commensurable magnitudes only. It would no doubt be possible, in most
+cases, to replace proofs depending on proportions by others; but this
+involved great inconvenience, and a slur was cast on geometry generally.
+The trouble was remedied once for all by Eudoxus's discovery of the
+great theory of proportion, applicable to commensurable and
+incommensurable magnitudes alike, which is expounded in Euclid's Book V.
+Well might Barrow say of this theory that 'there is nothing in the whole
+body of the elements of a more subtile invention, nothing more solidly
+established'. The keystone of the structure is the definition of equal
+ratios (Eucl. V, Def. 5); and twenty-three centuries have not abated a
+jot from its value, as is plain from the facts that Weierstrass repeats
+it word for word as his definition of equal numbers, and it corresponds
+almost to the point of coincidence with the modern treatment of
+irrationals due to Dedekind.
+
+(2) Eudoxus discovered the method of exhaustion for measuring
+curvilinear areas and solids, to which, with the extensions given to it
+by Archimedes, Greek geometry owes its greatest triumphs. Antiphon the
+Sophist, in connexion with attempts to square the circle, had asserted
+that, if we inscribe successive regular polygons in a circle,
+continually doubling the number of sides, we shall sometime arrive at a
+polygon the sides of which will coincide with the circumference of the
+circle. Warned by the unanswerable arguments of Zeno against
+infinitesimals, mathematicians substituted for this the statement that,
+by continuing the construction, we can inscribe a polygon approaching
+equality with the circle _as nearly as we please_. The method of
+exhaustion used, for the purpose of proof by _reductio ad absurdum_, the
+lemma proved in Eucl. X. 1 (to the effect that, if from any magnitude we
+subtract not less than half, and then from the remainder not less than
+half, and so on continually, there will sometime be left a magnitude
+less than any assigned magnitude of the same kind, however small): and
+this again depends on an assumption which is practically contained in
+Eucl. V, Def. 4, but is generally known as the Axiom of Archimedes,
+stating that, if we have two unequal magnitudes, their difference
+(however small) can, if continually added to itself, be made to exceed
+any magnitude of the same kind (however great).
+
+The method of exhaustion is seen in operation in Eucl. XII. 1-2, 3-7
+Cor., 10, 16-18. Props. 3-7 Cor. and Prop. 10 prove that the volumes of
+a pyramid and a cone are one-third of the prism and cylinder
+respectively on the same base and of equal height; and Archimedes
+expressly says that these facts were first proved by Eudoxus.
+
+In astronomy Eudoxus is famous for the beautiful theory of concentric
+spheres which he invented to explain the apparent motions of the
+planets and, particularly, their apparent stationary points and
+retrogradations. The theory applied also to the sun and moon, for each
+of which Eudoxus employed three spheres. He represented the motion of
+each planet as produced by the rotations of four spheres concentric with
+the earth, one within the other, and connected in the following way.
+Each of the inner spheres revolves about a diameter the ends of which
+(poles) are fixed on the next sphere enclosing it. The outermost sphere
+represents the daily rotation, the second a motion along the zodiac
+circle; the poles of the third sphere are fixed on the latter circle;
+the poles of the fourth sphere (carrying the planet fixed on its
+equator) are so fixed on the third sphere, and the speeds and directions
+of rotation so arranged, that the planet describes on the second sphere
+a curve called the _hippopede_ (horse-fetter), or a figure of eight,
+lying along and longitudinally bisected by the zodiac circle. The whole
+arrangement is a marvel of geometrical ingenuity.
+
+Heraclides of Pontus (about 388-315 B. C.), a pupil of Plato, made a
+great step forward in astronomy by his declaration that the earth
+rotates on its own axis once in 24 hours, and by his discovery that
+Mercury and Venus revolve about the sun like satellites.
+
+Menaechmus, a pupil of Eudoxus, was the discoverer of the conic
+sections, two of which, the parabola and the hyperbola, he used for
+solving the problem of the two mean proportionals. If _a:x=x:y=y:b_,
+then _x²=ay_, _y²=bx_ and _xy=ab_. These equations represent, in
+Cartesian co-ordinates, and with rectangular axes, the conics by the
+intersection of which two and two Menaechmus solved the problem; in the
+case of the rectangular hyperbola it was the asymptote-property which he
+used.
+
+We pass to Euclid's times. A little older than Euclid, Autolycus of
+Pitane wrote two books, _On the Moving Sphere_, a work on Sphaeric for
+use in astronomy, and _On Risings and Settings_. The former work is the
+earliest Greek textbook which has reached us intact. It was before
+Euclid when he wrote his _Phaenomena_, and there are many points of
+contact between the two books.
+
+Euclid flourished about 300 B. C. or a little earlier. His great work,
+the _Elements_ in thirteen Books, is too well known to need description.
+No work presumably, except the Bible, has had such a reign; and future
+generations will come back to it again and again as they tire of the
+variegated substitutes for it and the confusion resulting from their
+bewildering multiplicity. After what has been said above of the growth
+of the Elements, we can appreciate the remark of Proclus about Euclid,
+'who put together the Elements, collecting many of Eudoxus's theorems,
+perfecting many of Theaetetus's and also bringing to irrefragable
+demonstration the things which were only somewhat loosely proved by his
+predecessors'. Though a large portion of the subject-matter had been
+investigated by those predecessors, everything goes to show that the
+whole arrangement was Euclid's own; it is certain that he made great
+changes in the order of propositions and in the proofs, and that his
+innovations began at the very beginning of Book I.
+
+Euclid wrote other books on both elementary and higher geometry, and on
+the other mathematical subjects known in his day. The elementary
+geometrical works include the _Data_ and _On Divisions_ (_of figures_),
+the first of which survives in Greek and the second in Arabic only; also
+the _Pseudaria_, now lost, which was a sort of guide to fallacies in
+geometrical reasoning. The treatises on higher geometry are all lost;
+they include (1) the _Conics_ in four Books, which covered almost the
+same ground as the first three Books of Apollonius's _Conics_, although
+no doubt, for Euclid, the conics were still, as with his predecessors,
+sections of a right-angled, an obtuse-angled, and an acute-angled cone
+respectively made by a plane perpendiular to a generator in each case;
+(2) the _Porisms_ in three Books, the importance and difficulty of which
+can be inferred from Pappus's account of it and the lemmas which he
+gives for use with it; (3) the _Surface-Loci_, to which again Pappus
+furnishes lemmas; one of these implies that Euclid assumed as known the
+focus-directrix property of the three conics, which is absent from
+Apollonius's _Conics_.
+
+In applied mathematics Euclid wrote (1) the _Phaenomena_, a work on
+spherical astronomy in which ὁ ὁριζων {ho horizôn} (without κυκλος
+{kyklos} or any qualifying words) appears for the first time in the
+sense of _horizon_; (2) the _Optics_, a kind of elementary treatise on
+perspective: these two treatises are extant in Greek; (3) a work on the
+Elements of Music. The _Sectio Canonis_, which has come down under the
+name of Euclid, can, however, hardly be his in its present form.
+
+In the period between Euclid and Archimedes comes Aristarchus of Samos
+(about 310-230 B. C.), famous for having anticipated Copernicus.
+Accepting Heraclides's view that the earth rotates about its own axis,
+Aristarchus went further and put forward the hypothesis that the sun
+itself is at rest, and that the earth, as well as Mercury, Venus, and
+the other planets, revolve in circles about the sun. We have this on the
+unquestionable authority of Archimedes, who was only some twenty-five
+years later, and who must have seen the book containing the hypothesis
+in question. We are told too that Cleanthes the Stoic thought that
+Aristarchus ought to be indicted on the charge of impiety for setting
+the Hearth of the Universe in motion.
+
+One work of Aristarchus, _On the sizes and distances of the Sun and
+Moon_, which is extant in Greek, is highly interesting in itself, though
+it contains no word of the heliocentric hypothesis. Thoroughly classical
+in form and style, it lays down certain hypotheses and then deduces
+therefrom, by rigorous geometry, the sizes and distances of the sun and
+moon. If the hypotheses had been exact, the results would have been
+correct too; but Aristarchus in fact assumed a certain angle to be 87°
+which is really 89° 50', and the angle subtended at the centre of the
+earth by the diameter of either the sun or the moon to be 2°, whereas we
+know from Archimedes that Aristarchus himself discovered that the latter
+angle is only 1/2°. The effect of Aristarchus's geometry is to find
+arithmetical limits to the values of what are really trigonometrical
+ratios of certain small angles, namely
+
+1/18 > sin 3° > 1/20, 1/45 > sin 1° > 1/60, 1 > cos 1° > 89/90.
+
+The main results obtained are (1) that the diameter of the sun is
+between 18 and 20 times the diameter of the moon, (2) that the diameter
+of the moon is between 2/45ths and 1/30th of the distance of the centre
+of the moon from our eye, and (3) that the diameter of the sun is
+between 19/3rds and 43/6ths of the diameter of the earth. The book
+contains a good deal of arithmetical calculation.
+
+Archimedes was born about 287 B. C. and was killed at the sack of
+Syracuse by Marcellus's army in 212 B. C. The stories about him are well
+known, how he said 'Give me a place to stand on, and I will move the
+earth' (πα βω και κινω ταν γαν {pa bô kai kinô tan gan}); how, having
+thought of the solution of the problem of the crown when in the bath, he
+ran home naked shouting ἑυρηκα, ἑυρηκα {heurêka, heurêka}; and how, the
+capture of Syracuse having found him intent on a figure drawn on the
+ground, he said to a Roman soldier who came up, 'Stand away, fellow,
+from my diagram.' Of his work few people know more than that he invented
+a tubular screw which is still used for pumping water, and that for a
+long time he foiled the attacks of the Romans on Syracuse by the
+mechanical devices and engines which he used against them. But he
+thought meanly of these things, and his real interest was in pure
+mathematical speculation; he caused to be engraved on his tomb a
+representation of a cylinder circumscribing a sphere, with the ratio
+3/2 which the cylinder bears to the sphere: from which we infer that he
+regarded this as his greatest discovery.
+
+Archimedes's works are all original, and are perfect models of
+mathematical exposition; their wide range will be seen from the list of
+those which survive: _On the Sphere and Cylinder_ I, II, _Measurement of
+a Circle_, _On Conoids and Spheroids_, _On Spirals_, _On Plane
+Equilibriums_ I, II, the _Sandreckoner_, _Quadrature of the Parabola_,
+_On Floating Bodies_ I, II, and lastly the _Method_ (only discovered in
+1906). The difficult Cattle-Problem is also attributed to him, and a
+_Liber Assumptorum_ which has reached us through the Arabic, but which
+cannot be his in its present form, although some of the propositions in
+it (notably that about the 'Salinon', salt-cellar, and others about
+circles inscribed in the αρβηλος {arbêlos}, shoemaker's knife) are quite
+likely to be of Archimedean origin. Among lost works were the
+_Catoptrica_, _On Sphere-making_, and investigations into polyhedra,
+including thirteen semi-regular solids, the discovery of which is
+attributed by Pappus to Archimedes.
+
+Speaking generally, the geometrical works are directed to the
+measurement of curvilinear areas and volumes; and Archimedes employs a
+method which is a development of Eudoxus's method of exhaustion. Eudoxus
+apparently approached the figure to be measured from below only, i. e.
+by means of figures successively inscribed to it. Archimedes approaches
+it from both sides by successively inscribing figures and circumscribing
+others also, thereby compressing them, as it were, until they coincide
+as nearly as we please with the figure to be measured. In many cases his
+procedure is, when the analytical equivalents are set down, seen to
+amount to real _integration_; this is so with his investigation of the
+areas of a parabolic segment and a spiral, the surface and volume of a
+sphere, and the volume of any segments of the conoids and spheroids.
+
+The newly-discovered _Method_ is especially interesting as showing how
+Archimedes originally obtained his results; this was by a clever
+mechanical method of (theoretically) _weighing_ infinitesimal elements
+of the figure to be measured against elements of another figure the area
+or content of which (as the case may be) is known; it amounts to an
+_avoidance_ of integration. Archimedes, however, would only admit that
+the mechanical method is useful for finding results; he did not consider
+them proved until they were established geometrically.
+
+In the _Measurement of a Circle_, after proving by exhaustion that the
+area of a circle is equal to a right-angled triangle with the
+perpendicular sides equal respectively to the radius and the
+circumference of the circle, Archimedes finds, by sheer calculation,
+upper and lower limits to the ratio of the circumference of a circle to
+its diameter (what we call π {p}). This he does by inscribing and
+circumscribing regular polygons of 96 sides and calculating
+approximately their respective perimeters. He begins by assuming as
+known certain approximate values for √3, namely 1351/780 > √3 > 265/153,
+and his calculations involve approximating to the square roots of
+several large numbers (up to seven digits). The text only gives the
+results, but it is evident that the extraction of square roots presented
+no difficulty, notwithstanding the comparative inconvenience of the
+alphabetic system of numerals. The result obtained is well known, namely
+3-1/7 > π {p} > 3-10/71.
+
+The _Plane Equilibriums_ is the first scientific treatise on the first
+principles of mechanics, which are established by pure geometry. The
+most important result established in Book I is the principle of the
+lever. This was known to Plato and Aristotle, but they had no real
+proof. The Aristotelian _Mechanics_ merely 'refers' the lever 'to the
+circle', asserting that the force which acts at the greater distance
+from the fulcrum moves the system more easily because it describes a
+greater circle. Archimedes also finds the centre of gravity of a
+parallelogram, a triangle, a trapezium and finally (in Book II) of a
+parabolic segment and of a portion of it cut off by a straight line
+parallel to the base.
+
+The _Sandreckoner_ is remarkable for the development in it of a system
+for expressing very large numbers by _orders_ and _periods_ based on
+powers of myriad-myriads (10,000²). It also contains the important
+reference to the heliocentric theory of the universe put forward by
+Aristarchus of Samos in a book of 'hypotheses', as well as historical
+details of previous attempts to measure the size of the earth and to
+give the sizes and distances of the sun and moon.
+
+Lastly, Archimedes invented the whole science of hydrostatics. Beginning
+the treatise _On Floating Bodies_ with an assumption about uniform
+pressure in a fluid, he first proves that the surface of a fluid at rest
+is a sphere with its centre at the centre of the earth. Other
+propositions show that, if a solid floats in a fluid, the weight of the
+solid is equal to that of the fluid displaced, and, if a solid heavier
+than a fluid is weighed in it, it will be lighter than its true weight
+by the weight of the fluid displaced. Then, after a second assumption
+that bodies which are forced upwards in a fluid are forced upwards along
+the perpendiculars to the surface which pass through their centres of
+gravity, Archimedes deals with the position of rest and stability of a
+segment of a sphere floating in a fluid with its base entirely above or
+entirely below the surface. Book II is an extraordinary _tour de force_,
+investigating fully all the positions of rest and stability of a right
+segment of a paraboloid floating in a fluid according (1) to the
+relation between the axis of the solid and the parameter of the
+generating parabola, and (2) to the specific gravity of the solid in
+relation to the fluid; the term 'specific gravity' is not used, but the
+idea is fully expressed in other words.
+
+Almost contemporary with Archimedes was Eratosthenes of Cyrene, to whom
+Archimedes dedicated the _Method_; the preface to this work shows that
+Archimedes thought highly of his mathematical ability. He was indeed
+recognized by his contemporaries as a man of great distinction in all
+branches, though the names Beta and Pentathlos[4] applied to him
+indicate that he just fell below the first rank in each subject. Ptolemy
+Euergetes appointed him to be tutor to his son (Philopator), and he
+became librarian at Alexandria; he recognized his obligation to Ptolemy
+by erecting a column with a graceful epigram. In this epigram he
+referred to the earlier solutions of the problem of duplicating the cube
+or finding the two mean proportionals, and advocated his own in
+preference, because it would give any number of means; on the column was
+fixed a bronze representation of his appliance, a frame with
+right-angled triangles (or rectangles) movable along two parallel
+grooves and over one another, together with a condensed proof. The
+_Platonicus_ of Eratosthenes evidently dealt with the fundamental
+notions of mathematics in connexion with Plato's philosophy, and seems
+to have begun with the story of the origin of the duplication problem.
+
+    [4] This word primarily means an all-round athlete, a winner in all
+    five of the sports constituting the πενταθλον {pentathlon}, namely
+    jumping, discus-throwing, running, wrestling, and boxing (or
+    javelin-throwing).
+
+The most famous achievement of Eratosthenes was his measurement of the
+earth. Archimedes quotes an earlier measurement which made the
+circumference of the earth 300,000 stades. Eratosthenes improved upon
+this. He observed that at the summer solstice at Syene, at noon, the sun
+cast no shadow, while at the same moment the upright gnomon at
+Alexandria cast a shadow corresponding to an angle between the gnomon
+and the sun's rays of 1/50th of four right angles. The distance between
+Syene and Alexandria being known to be 5,000 stades, this gave for the
+circumference of the earth 250,000 stades, which Eratosthenes seems
+later, for some reason, to have changed to 252,000 stades. On the most
+probable assumption as to the length of the stade used, the 252,000
+stades give about 7,850 miles, only 50 miles less than the true polar
+diameter.
+
+In the work _On the Measurement of the Earth_ Eratosthenes is said to
+have discussed other astronomical matters, the distance of the tropic
+and polar circles, the sizes and distances of the sun and moon, total
+and partial eclipses, &c. Besides other works on astronomy and
+chronology, Eratosthenes wrote a _Geographica_ in three books, in which
+he first gave a history of geography up to date and then passed on to
+mathematical geography, the spherical shape of the earth, &c., &c.
+
+Apollonius of Perga was with justice called by his contemporaries the
+'Great Geometer', on the strength of his great treatise, the _Conics_.
+He is mentioned as a famous astronomer of the reign of Ptolemy Euergetes
+(247-222 B. C.); and he dedicated the fourth and later Books of the
+_Conics_ to King Attalus I of Pergamum (241-197 B. C.).
+
+The _Conics_, a colossal work, originally in eight Books, survives as to
+the first four Books in Greek and as to three more in Arabic, the eighth
+being lost. From Apollonius's prefaces we can judge of the relation of
+his work to Euclid's _Conics_, the content of which answered to the
+first three Books of Apollonius. Although Euclid knew that an ellipse
+could be otherwise produced, e. g. as an oblique section of a right
+cylinder, there is no doubt that he produced all three conics from right
+cones like his predecessors. Apollonius, however, obtains them in the
+most general way by cutting any oblique cone, and his original axes of
+reference, a diameter and the tangent at its extremity, are in general
+oblique; the fundamental properties are found with reference to these
+axes by 'application of areas', the three varieties of which,
+_application_ (παραβολη {parabolê}), application with an _excess_
+(ὑπερβολη {hyperbolê}) and application with a _deficiency_ (ελλειψις
+{elleipsis}), give the properties of the three curves respectively and
+account for the names _parabola_, _hyperbola_, and _ellipse_, by which
+Apollonius called them for the first time. The principal axes only
+appear, as a particular case, after it has been shown that the curves
+have a like property when referred to any other diameter and the tangent
+at its extremity, instead of those arising out of the original
+construction. The first four Books constitute what Apollonius calls an
+elementary introduction; the remaining Books are specialized
+investigations, the most important being Book V (on normals) and Book
+VII (mainly on conjugate diameters). Normals are treated, not in
+connexion with tangents, but as _minimum_ or _maximum_ straight lines
+drawn to the curves from different points or classes of points.
+Apollonius discusses such questions as the number of normals that can be
+drawn from one point (according to its position) and the construction of
+all such normals. Certain propositions of great difficulty enable us to
+deduce quite easily the Cartesian equations to the _evolutes_ of the
+three conics.
+
+Several other works of Apollonius are described by Pappus as forming
+part of the 'Treasury of Analysis'. All are lost except the _Sectio
+Rationis_ in two Books, which survives in Arabic and was published in a
+Latin translation by Halley in 1706. It deals with all possible cases of
+the general problem 'given two straight lines either parallel or
+intersecting, and a fixed point on each, to draw through any given point
+a straight line which shall cut off intercepts from the two lines
+(measured from the fixed points) bearing a given ratio to one another'.
+The lost treatise _Sectio Spatii_ dealt similarly with the like problem
+in which the intercepts cut off have to contain a given rectangle.
+
+The other treatises included in Pappus's account are (1) On _Determinate
+Section_; (2) _Contacts_ or _Tangencies_, Book II of which is entirely
+devoted to the problem of drawing a circle to touch three given circles
+(Apollonius's solution can, with the aid of Pappus's auxiliary
+propositions, be satisfactorily restored); (3) _Plane Loci_, i. e. loci
+which are straight lines or circles; (4) Νευσεις {Neuseis},
+_Inclinationes_ (the general problem called a νευσις {neusis} being to
+insert between two lines, straight or curved, a straight line of given
+length _verging_ to a given point, i. e. so that, if produced, it passes
+through the point, Apollonius restricted himself to cases which could be
+solved by 'plane' methods, i. e. by the straight line and circle only).
+
+Apollonius is also said to have written (5) a _Comparison of the
+dodecahedron with the icosahedron_ (inscribed in the same sphere), in
+which he proved that their surfaces are in the same ratio as their
+volumes; (6) _On the cochlias_ or cylindrical helix; (7) a 'General
+Treatise', which apparently dealt with the fundamental assumptions, &c.,
+of elementary geometry; (8) a work on _unordered irrationals_, i. e.
+irrationals of more complicated form than those of Eucl. Book X; (9) _On
+the burning-mirror_, dealing with spherical mirrors and probably with
+mirrors of parabolic section also; (10) ωκυτοκιον {ôkytokion} ('quick
+delivery'). In the last-named work Apollonius found an approximation to
+π {p} closer than that in Archimedes's _Measurement of a Circle_; and
+possibly the book also contained Apollonius's exposition of his notation
+for large numbers according to 'tetrads' (successive powers of the
+myriad).
+
+In astronomy Apollonius is said to have made special researches
+regarding the moon, and to have been called ε {e} (Epsilon) because the
+form of that letter is associated with the moon. He was also a master of
+the theory of epicycles and eccentrics.
+
+With Archimedes and Apollonius Greek geometry reached its culminating
+point; indeed, without some more elastic notation and machinery such as
+algebra provides, geometry was practically at the end of its resources.
+For some time, however, there were capable geometers who kept up the
+tradition, filling in details, devising alternative solutions of
+problems, or discovering new curves for use or investigation.
+
+Nicomedes, probably intermediate in date between Eratosthenes and
+Apollonius, was the inventor of the _conchoid_ or _cochloid_, of which,
+according to Pappus, there were three varieties. Diocles (about the end
+of the second century B. C.) is known as the discoverer of the _cissoid_
+which was used for duplicating the cube. He also wrote a book περι
+πυρειων {peri pyreiôn}, _On burning-mirrors_, which probably discussed,
+among other forms of mirror, surfaces of parabolic or elliptic section,
+and used the focal properties of the two conics; it was in this work
+that Diocles gave an independent and clever solution (by means of an
+ellipse and a rectangular hyperbola) of Archimedes's problem of cutting
+a sphere into two segments in a given ratio. Dionysodorus gave a
+solution by means of conics of the auxiliary cubic equation to which
+Archimedes reduced this problem; he also found the solid content of a
+_tore_ or anchor-ring.
+
+Perseus is known as the discoverer and investigator of the _spiric
+sections_, i. e. certain sections of the σπειρα {speira}, one variety of
+which is the _tore_. The _spire_ is generated by the revolution of a
+circle about a straight line in its plane, which straight line may
+either be external to the circle (in which case the figure produced is
+the tore), or may cut or touch the circle.
+
+Zenodorus was the author of a treatise on _Isometric figures_, the
+problem in which was to compare the content of different figures, plane
+or solid, having equal contours or surfaces respectively.
+
+Hypsicles (second half of second century B. C.) wrote what became known
+as 'Book XIV' of the _Elements_ containing supplementary propositions on
+the regular solids (partly drawn from Aristaeus and Apollonius); he
+seems also to have written on polygonal numbers. A mediocre astronomical
+work (Αναφορικος {Anaphorikos}) attributed to him is the first Greek
+book in which we find the division of the zodiac circle into 360 parts
+or degrees.
+
+Posidonius the Stoic (about 135-51 B. C.) wrote on geography and
+astronomy under the titles _On the Ocean_ and περι μετεωρων {peri
+meteôrôn}. He made a new but faulty calculation of the circumference of
+the earth (240,000 stades). _Per contra_, in a separate tract on the
+size of the sun (in refutation of the Epicurean view that it is as big
+as it _looks_), he made assumptions (partly guesswork) which give for
+the diameter of the sun a figure of 3,000,000 stades (39-1/4 times the
+diameter of the earth), a result much nearer the truth than those
+obtained by Aristarchus, Hipparchus, and Ptolemy. In elementary geometry
+Posidonius gave certain definitions (notably of parallels, based on the
+idea of equidistance).
+
+Geminus of Rhodes, a pupil of Posidonius, wrote (about 70 B. C.) an
+encyclopaedic work on the classification and content of mathematics,
+including the history of each subject, from which Proclus and others
+have preserved notable extracts. An-Nairīzī (an Arabian commentator on
+Euclid) reproduces an attempt by one 'Aganis', who appears to be
+Geminus, to prove the parallel-postulate.
+
+But from this time onwards the study of higher geometry (except
+sphaeric) seems to have languished, until that admirable mathematician,
+Pappus, arose (towards the end of the third century A. D.) to revive
+interest in the subject. From the way in which, in his great
+_Collection_, Pappus thinks it necessary to describe in detail the
+contents of the classical works belonging to the 'Treasury of Analysis'
+we gather that by his time many of them had been lost or forgotten, and
+that he aimed at nothing less than re-establishing geometry at its
+former level. No one could have been better qualified for the task.
+Presumably such interest as Pappus was able to arouse soon flickered
+out; but his _Collection_ remains, after the original works of the great
+mathematicians, the most comprehensive and valuable of all our sources,
+being a handbook or guide to Greek geometry and covering practically the
+whole field. Among the original things in Pappus's _Collection_ is an
+enunciation which amounts to an anticipation of what is known as
+Guldin's Theorem.
+
+It remains to speak of three subjects, trigonometry (represented by
+Hipparchus, Menelaus, and Ptolemy), mensuration (in Heron of
+Alexandria), and algebra (Diophantus).
+
+Although, in a sense, the beginnings of trigonometry go back to
+Archimedes (_Measurement of a Circle_), Hipparchus was the first person
+who can be proved to have used trigonometry systematically. Hipparchus,
+the greatest astronomer of antiquity, whose observations were made
+between 161 and 126 B. C., discovered the precession of the equinoxes,
+calculated the mean lunar month at 29 days, 12 hours, 44 minutes, 2-1/2
+seconds (which differs by less than a second from the present accepted
+figure!), made more correct estimates of the sizes and distances of the
+sun and moon, introduced great improvements in the instruments used for
+observations, and compiled a catalogue of some 850 stars; he seems to
+have been the first to state the position of these stars in terms of
+latitude and longitude (in relation to the ecliptic). He wrote a
+treatise in twelve Books on Chords in a Circle, equivalent to a table of
+trigonometrical sines. For calculating arcs in astronomy from other arcs
+given by means of tables he used propositions in spherical trigonometry.
+
+The _Sphaerica_ of Theodosius of Bithynia (written, say, 20 B. C.)
+contains no trigonometry. It is otherwise with the _Sphaerica_ of
+Menelaus (fl. A. D. 100) extant in Arabic; Book I of this work contains
+propositions about spherical triangles corresponding to the main
+propositions of Euclid about plane triangles (e.g. congruence theorems
+and the proposition that in a spherical triangle the three angles are
+together greater than two right angles), while Book III contains genuine
+spherical trigonometry, consisting of 'Menelaus's Theorem' with
+reference to the sphere and deductions therefrom.
+
+Ptolemy's great work, the _Syntaxis_, written about A. D. 150 and
+originally called Μαθηματικη συνταξις {Mathêmatikê syntaxis}, came to be
+known as Μεγαλη συνταξις {Megalê syntaxis}; the Arabs made up from the
+superlative μεγιστος {megistos} the word al-Majisti which became
+_Almagest_.
+
+Book I, containing the necessary preliminaries to the study of the
+Ptolemaic system, gives a Table of Chords in a circle subtended by
+angles at the centre of ½° increasing by half-degrees to 180°. The
+circle is divided into 360 μοιραι {moirai}, parts or degrees, and the
+diameter into 120 parts (τμηματα {tmêmata}); the chords are given in
+terms of the latter with sexagesimal fractions (e. g. the chord
+subtended by an angle of 120° is 103^{p} 53′ 23″). The Table of Chords
+is equivalent to a table of the _sines_ of the halves of the angles in
+the table, for, if (crd. 2 α {a}) represents the chord subtended by an
+angle of 2 α {a} (crd. 2 α {a})/120 = sin α {a}. Ptolemy first gives the
+minimum number of geometrical propositions required for the calculation
+of the chords. The first of these finds (crd. 36°) and (crd. 72°) from
+the geometry of the inscribed pentagon and decagon; the second
+('Ptolemy's Theorem' about a quadrilateral in a circle) is equivalent to
+the formula for sin (θ-φ) {th-ph}, the third to that for sin ½ θ {th}.
+From (crd. 72°) and (crd. 60°) Ptolemy, by using these propositions
+successively, deduces (crd. 1½°) and (crd. ¾°), from which he obtains
+(crd. 1°) by a clever interpolation. To complete the table he only needs
+his fourth proposition, which is equivalent to the formula for cos (θ+φ)
+{th+ph}.
+
+Ptolemy wrote other minor astronomical works, most of which survive in
+Greek or Arabic, an _Optics_ in five Books (four Books almost complete
+were translated into Latin in the twelfth century), and an attempted
+proof of the parallel-postulate which is reproduced by Proclus.
+
+Heron of Alexandria (date uncertain; he may have lived as late as the
+third century A. D.) was an almost encyclopaedic writer on mathematical
+and physical subjects. He aimed at practical utility rather than
+theoretical completeness; hence, apart from the interesting collection
+of _Definitions_ which has come down under his name, and his commentary
+on Euclid which is represented only by extracts in Proclus and
+an-Nairīzī, his geometry is mostly mensuration in the shape of numerical
+examples worked out. As these could be indefinitely multiplied, there
+was a temptation to add to them and to use Heron's name. However much of
+the separate works edited by Hultsch (the _Geometrica_, _Geodaesia_,
+_Stereometrica_, _Mensurae_, _Liber geëponicus_) is genuine, we must now
+regard as more authoritative the genuine _Metrica_ discovered at
+Constantinople in 1896 and edited by H. Schöne in 1903 (Teubner). Book I
+on the measurement of areas is specially interesting for (1) its
+statement of the formula used by Heron for finding approximations to
+surds, (2) the elegant geometrical proof of the formula for the area of
+a triangle Δ {D} = √{_s (s-a) (s-b) (s-c)}, a formula now known to be
+due to Archimedes, (3) an allusion to limits to the value of π {p} found
+by Archimedes and more exact than the 3-1/7 and 3-10/71 obtained in the
+_Measurement of a Circle_.
+
+Book I of the _Metrica_ calculates the areas of triangles,
+quadrilaterals, the regular polygons up to the dodecagon (the areas even
+of the heptagon, enneagon, and hendecagon are approximately evaluated),
+the circle and a segment of it, the ellipse, a parabolic segment, and
+the surfaces of a cylinder, a right cone, a sphere and a segment
+thereof. Book II deals with the measurement of solids, the cylinder,
+prisms, pyramids and cones and frusta thereof, the sphere and a segment
+of it, the anchor-ring or tore, the five regular solids, and finally the
+two special solids of Archimedes's _Method_; full use is made of all
+Archimedes's results. Book III is on the division of figures. The plane
+portion is much on the lines of Euclid's _Divisions_ (of figures). The
+solids divided in given ratios are the sphere, the pyramid, the cone and
+a frustum thereof. Incidentally Heron shows how he obtained an
+approximation to the cube root of a non-cube number (100). Quadratic
+equations are solved by Heron by a regular rule not unlike our method,
+and the _Geometrica_ contains two interesting indeterminate problems.
+
+Heron also wrote _Pneumatica_ (where the reader will find such things as
+siphons, Heron's Fountain, penny-in-the-slot machines, a fire-engine, a
+water-organ, and many arrangements employing the force of steam),
+_Automaton-making_, _Belopoeïca_ (on engines of war), _Catoptrica_, and
+_Mechanics_. The _Mechanics_ has been edited from the Arabic; it is
+(except for considerable fragments) lost in Greek. It deals with the
+puzzle of 'Aristotle's Wheel', the parallelogram of velocities,
+definitions of, and problems on, the centre of gravity, the distribution
+of weights between several supports, the five mechanical powers,
+mechanics in daily life (queries and answers). Pappus covers much the
+same ground in Book VIII of his _Collection_.
+
+We come, lastly, to Algebra. Problems involving simple equations are
+found in the Papyrus Rhind, in the _Epanthema_ of Thymaridas already
+referred to, and in the arithmetical epigrams in the Greek Anthology
+(Plato alludes to this class of problem in the _Laws_, 819 B, C); the
+Anthology even includes two cases of indeterminate equations of the
+first degree. The Pythagoreans gave general solutions in rational
+numbers of the equations _x²+y²=z²_ and _2x²-y²=±1_, which are
+indeterminate equations of the second degree.
+
+The first to make systematic use of symbols in algebraical work was
+Diophantus of Alexandria (fl. about A. D. 250). He used (1) a sign for
+the unknown quantity, which he calls αριθμος {arithmos}, and compendia
+for its powers up to the sixth; (2) a sign ([Transcriber's Note:
+Symbol]) with the effect of our _minus_. The latter sign probably
+represents ΛΙ {LI}, an abbreviation for the root of the word λειπειν
+{leipein} (to be wanting); the sign for αριθμος {arithmos}
+([Transcriber's Note: Symbol]) is most likely an abbreviation for the
+letters αρ {ar}; the compendia for the powers of the unknown are Δ^Υ
+{D^Y} for δυναμις {dynamis}, the square, Κ^Υ {K^Y} for κυβος {kybos},
+the cube, and so on. Diophantus shows that he solved quadratic equations
+by rule, like Heron. His _Arithmetica_, of which six books only (out of
+thirteen) survive, contains a certain number of problems leading to
+simple equations, but is mostly devoted to indeterminate or
+semi-determinate analysis, mainly of the second degree. The collection
+is extraordinarily varied, and the devices resorted to are highly
+ingenious. The problems solved are such as the following (fractional as
+well as integral solutions being admitted): 'Given a number, to find
+three others such that the sum of the three, or of any pair of them,
+together with the given number is a square', 'To find four numbers such
+that the square of the sum _plus_ or _minus_ any one of the numbers is a
+square', 'To find three numbers such that the product of any two _plus_
+or _minus_ the sum of the three is a square'. Diophantus assumes as
+known certain theorems about numbers which are the sums of two and three
+squares respectively, and other propositions in the Theory of Numbers.
+He also wrote a book _On Polygonal Numbers_ of which only a fragment
+survives.
+
+With Pappus and Diophantus the list of original writers on mathematics
+comes to an end. After them came the commentators whose names only can
+be mentioned here. Theon of Alexandria, the editor of Euclid, lived
+towards the end of the fourth century A. D. To the fifth and sixth
+centuries belong Proclus, Simplicius, and Eutocius, to whom we can never
+be grateful enough for the precious fragments which they have preserved
+from works now lost, and particularly the _History of Geometry_ and the
+_History of Astronomy_ by Aristotle's pupil Eudemus.
+
+Such is the story of Greek mathematical science. If anything could
+enhance the marvel of it, it would be the consideration of the shortness
+of the time (about 350 years) within which the Greeks, starting from the
+very beginning, brought geometry to the point of performing operations
+equivalent to the integral calculus and, in the realm of astronomy,
+actually anticipated Copernicus.
+
+T. L. HEATH.
+
+
+
+
+NATURAL SCIENCE
+
+_Aristotle_
+
+
+There is a little essay of Goethe's called, simply, _Die Natur_. It
+comes among those tracts on Natural Science in which the poet and
+philosopher turned his restless mind to problems of light and colour, of
+leaf and flower, of bony skull and kindred vertebra; and it sounds like
+a prose-poem, a noble paean, eulogizing the love and glorifying the
+study of Nature. Some twenty-five hundred years before, Anaximander had
+written a book with the same title, _Concerning Nature_, περι φυσεως
+{peri physeôs}: but its subject was not the same. It was a variant of
+the old traditional cosmogonies. It told of how in the beginning the
+earth was without form and void. It sought to trace all things back to
+the Infinite, το απειρον {to apeiron}--to That which knows no bounds of
+space or time but is before all worlds, and to whose bosom again all
+things, all worlds, return. For Goethe Nature meant the beauty, the all
+but sensuous beauty of the world; for the older philosopher it was the
+mystery of the Creative Spirit.
+
+Than Nature, in Goethe's sense, no theme is more familiar to us, for
+whom many a poet tells the story and many a lesser poet echoes the
+conceit; but if there be anywhere in Greek such overt praise and worship
+of Nature's beauty, I cannot call it to mind. Yet in Latin the _divini
+gloria ruris_ is praised and _Natura daedala rerum_ worshipped, as we
+are wont to praise and worship them, for their own sweet sakes. It is
+one of the ways, one of the simpler ways, in which the Roman world seems
+nearer to us than the Greek: and not only seems, but is so. For compared
+with the great early civilizations, Rome is modern and of the West;
+while, draw her close as we may to our hearts, Greece brings along with
+her a breath of the East and a whisper of remote antiquity. A Tuscan
+gentleman of to-day, like a Roman gentleman of yesterday, is at heart a
+husbandman, like Cato; he is _ruris amator_, like Horace; he gets him to
+his little farm or vineyard (_O rus, quando te aspiciam!_), like Atticus
+or the younger Pliny. As Bacon praised his garden, so does Pliny praise
+his farm, with its cornfields and meadowland, vineyard and woodland,
+orchard and pasture, bee-hives and flowers. That God made the country
+and man made the town was (long before Cowper) a saying of Varro's; but
+in Greek I can think of no such apophthegm.
+
+As Schiller puts it, the Greeks looked on Nature with their minds more
+than with their hearts, nor ever clung to her with outspoken admiration
+and affection. And Humboldt, asserting (as I would do) that the
+portrayal of nature, for her own sake and in all her manifold diversity,
+was foreign to the Greek idea, declares that the landscape is always the
+mere background of their picture, while their foreground is filled with
+the affairs and actions and thoughts of men. But all the while, as in
+some old Italian picture--of Domenichino or Albani or Leonardo
+himself--the subordinated background is delicately traced and
+exquisitely beautiful; and sometimes we come to value it in the end more
+than all the rest of the composition.
+
+Deep down in the love of Nature, whether it be of the sensual or
+intellectual kind, and in the art of observation which is its outcome
+and first expression, lie the roots of all our Natural Science. All the
+world over these are the heritage of all men, though the inheritance be
+richer or poorer here and there: they are shown forth in the lore and
+wisdom of hunter and fisherman, of shepherd and husbandman, of artist
+and poet. The natural history of the ancients is not enshrined in
+Aristotle and Pliny. It pervades the vast literature of classical
+antiquity. For all we may say of the reticence with which, the Greeks
+proclaim it, it greets us nobly in Homer, it sings to us in Anacreon,
+Sicilian shepherds tune their pipes to it in Theocritus: and anon in
+Virgil we dream of it to the coo of doves and the sound of bees'
+industrious murmur.
+
+Not only from such great names as these do we reach the letter and the
+spirit of ancient Natural History. We must go a-wandering into the
+by-ways of literature. We must eke out the scientific treatises of
+Aristotle and Pliny by help of the fragments which remain of the works
+of such naturalists as Speusippus or Alexander the Myndian; add to the
+familiar stories of Herodotus the Indian tales of Ctesias and
+Megasthenes; sit with Athenaeus and his friends at the supper table,
+gleaning from cook and epicure, listening to the merry idle troop of
+convivial gentlemen capping verses and spinning yarns; read Xenophon's
+treatise on Hunting, study the didactic poems, the Cynegetica and
+Halieutica, of Oppian and of Ovid. And then again we may hark back to
+the greater world of letters, wherein poet and scholar, from petty
+fabulist to the great dramatists, from Homer's majesty to Lucian's wit,
+share in the love of Nature and enliven the delicate background of their
+story with allusions to beast and bird.
+
+Such allusions, refined at first by art and hallowed at last by familiar
+memory, lie treasured in men's hearts and enshrine themselves in our
+noblest literature. Take, of a thousand crowding instances, that great
+passage in the _Iliad_ where the Greek host, disembarking on the plains
+of the Scamander, is likened to a migrating flock of cranes or geese or
+long-necked swans, as they fly proudly over the Asian meadows and alight
+screaming by Cayster's stream--and Virgil echoes more than once the
+familiar lines. The crane was a well-known bird. Its lofty flight brings
+it, again in Homer, to the very gates of heaven. Hesiod and Pindar speak
+of its far-off cry, heard from above the clouds: and that it 'observed
+the time of its coming', 'intelligent of seasons', was a proverb old in
+Hesiod's day--when the crane signalled the approach of winter, and when
+it bade the husbandman make ready to plough. It follows the plough, in
+Theocritus, as persistently as the wolf the kid and the peasant-lad his
+sweetheart. The discipline of the migrating cranes, the serried wedge of
+their ranks in flight, the good order of the resting flock, are often,
+and often fancifully, described. Aristotle records how they have an
+appointed leader, who keeps watch by night and in flight keeps calling
+to the laggards; and all this old story Euripides, the most naturalistic
+of the great tragedians, puts into verse:
+
+    The ordered host of Libyan birds avoids
+    The wintry storm, obedient to the call
+    Of their old leader, piping to his flock.
+
+Lastly, Milton gathers up the spirit and the letter of these and many
+another ancient allusion to the migrating cranes:
+
+    Part loosely wing the region; part more wise,
+    In common ranged in figure, wedge their way
+    Intelligent of seasons, and set forth
+    Their aery caravan, high over seas
+    Flying, and over lands; with mutual wing
+    Easing their flight; so steers the prudent crane.
+
+But the natural history of the poets is a story without an end, and in
+our estimation, however brief it be, of ancient knowledge, there are
+other matters to be considered, and other points of view where we must
+take our stand.
+
+When we consider the science of the Greeks, and come quickly to love it
+and slowly to see how great it was, we likewise see that it was
+restricted as compared with our own, curiously partial or particular in
+its limitations. The practical and 'useful' sciences of chemistry,
+mechanics, and engineering, which in our modern world crowd the others
+to the wall, are absent altogether, or so concealed that we forget and
+pass them by. Mathematics is enthroned high over all, as it is meet she
+should be; and of uncontested right she occupies her throne century
+after century, from Pythagoras to Proclus, from the scattered schools of
+early Hellenic civilization to the rise and fall of the great
+Alexandrine University. Near beside her sits, from of old, the
+daughter-science of Astronomy; and these twain were worshipped by the
+greatest scientific intellects of the Greeks. But though we do not hear
+of them nor read of them, we must not suppose for a moment that the
+practical or technical sciences were lacking in so rich and complex a
+civilization. China, that most glorious of all living monuments of
+Antiquity, tells us nothing of her own chemistry, but we know that it is
+there. Peep into a Chinese town, walk through its narrow streets,
+thronged but quiet, wherein there is neither rumbling of coaches nor
+rattling of wheels, and you shall see the nearest thing on earth to what
+we hear of Sybaris. To the production of those glowing silks and
+delicate porcelains and fine metal-work has gone a vast store of
+chemical knowledge, traditional and empirical. So was it, precisely, in
+ancient Greece; and Plato knew that it was so--that the dyer, the
+perfumer, and the apothecary had subtle arts, a subtle science of their
+own, a science not to be belittled nor despised. We may pass here and
+there by diligent search from conjecture to assurance; analyse a
+pigment, an alloy or a slag; discover from an older record than the
+Greeks', the chemical prescription wherewith an Egyptian princess
+darkened her eyes, or study the pictured hearth, bellows, oven,
+crucibles with which the followers of Tubal-Cain smelted their ore. Once
+in a way, but seldom, do we meet with ancient chemistry even in Greek
+literature. There is a curious passage (its text is faulty and the
+translation hard) in the story of the Argonauts, where Medea concocts a
+magic brew. She put divers herbs in it, herbs yielding coloured juices
+such as safflower and alkanet, and soapwort and fleawort to give
+consistency or 'body' to the lye; she put in alum and blue vitriol (or
+sulphate of copper), and she put in blood. The magic brew was no more
+and no less than a dye, a red or purple dye, and a prodigious deal of
+chemistry had gone to the making of it. For the copper was there to
+produce a 'lake' or copper-salt of the vegetable alkaloids, which
+copper-lakes are among the most brilliant and most permanent of
+colouring matters; the alum was there as a 'mordant'; and even the blood
+was doubtless there incorporated for better reasons than superstitious
+ones, in all probability for the purpose of clarifying (by means of its
+coagulating albumen) the seething and turbid brew.
+
+The 'Orphic' version of the story, in which this passage occurs, is
+probably an Alexandrine compilation, and whether the ingredients of the
+brew had been part of the ancient legend or were merely suggested to the
+poet by the knowledge of his own day we cannot tell; in either case the
+prescription is old enough, and is at least pre-Byzantine by a few
+centuries. Such as it is, it does not stand alone. Other fragments of
+ancient chemistry, more or less akin to it, have been gathered together;
+in Galen's book on _The making of Simples_, in Pliny, in Paulus
+Aegineta, and for that matter in certain Egyptian papyri (especially a
+certain very famous one, still extant, of which Clement of Alexandria
+speaks as a secret or 'hermetic' book), we can trace the broken and
+scattered stones of a great edifice of ancient chemistry.
+
+Nevertheless, all this weight of chemical learning figures scantily in
+literature, and is conspicuously absent from our conception of the
+natural genius of the Greeks. We have no reason to suppose that ancient
+chemistry, or any part of it, was ever peculiarly Greek, or that this
+science was the especial property of any nation whatsoever; moreover it
+was a trade, or a bundle of trades, whose trade-secrets were too
+precious to be revealed, and so constituted not a science but a
+mystery. So has it always been with chemistry, the most cosmopolitan of
+sciences, the most secret of arts. Quietly and stealthily it crept
+through the world; the tinker brought it with his solder and his flux;
+the African tribes who were the first workers in iron passed it on to
+the great metallurgists who forged Damascan and Toledan steel.
+
+This 'trade' of Chemistry was never a science for a Gentleman, as
+philosophy and mathematics were; and Plato, greatest of philosophers,
+was one of the greatest of gentlemen. Long, long afterwards, Oxford said
+the same thing to Robert Boyle--that Chemistry was no proper avocation
+for a gentleman; but he thought otherwise, and the 'brother of the Earl
+of Cork' became the Father of scientific Chemistry.
+
+Now I take it that in regard to biology Aristotle did much the same
+thing as Boyle, breaking through a similar tradition; and herein one of
+the greatest of his great services is to be found. There was a wealth of
+natural history before his time; but it belonged to the farmer, the
+huntsman, and the fisherman--with something over (doubtless) for the
+schoolboy, the idler, and the poet. But Aristotle made it a science, and
+won a place for it in Philosophy. He did for it just what Pythagoras had
+done (as Proclus tells us) for mathematics in an earlier age, when he
+discerned the philosophy underlying the old empirical art of 'geometry',
+and made it the basis of 'a liberal education'.[5]
+
+    [5] επι δε τουτοις Πυθαγορας την περι αυτην φιλοσοφιαν εις σχημα
+    παιδειας ελευθερου μετεστησεν. {epi de toutois Pythagoras tên peri
+    autên philosophian eis schêma paideias eleutherou metestêsen.}
+    _Procli Comment. Euclidis lib. I, Prolegom. II_ (p. 65, ed.
+    Friedlein).
+
+The Mediterranean fisherman, like the Chinese fisherman or the Japanese,
+has still, and always has had, a wide knowledge of all that pertains to
+and accompanies his craft. Our Scottish fishermen have a limited
+vocabulary, which scarce extends beyond the names of the few common
+fishes with which the market is supplied. But at Marseilles or Genoa or
+in the Levant they have names for many hundreds of species, of fish and
+shell-fish and cuttle-fish and worms and corallines, and all manner of
+swimming and creeping things; they know a vast deal about the habits of
+their lives, far more, sometimes, than do we 'scientific men'; they are
+naturalists by tradition and by trade. Neither, by the way, must we
+forget the ancient medical and anatomical learning of the great
+Aesculapian guild, nor the still more recondite knowledge possessed by
+various priesthoods (again like their brethren of to-day in China and
+Japan) of the several creatures, sacred fish, pigeons, guinea-fowl,
+snakes, cuttlefish, and what not, which time out of mind they had
+reared, tended, and venerated.
+
+Of what new facts Aristotle actually discovered it is impossible to be
+sure. Could it ever be proved that he discovered many, or could it even
+be shown that of his own hand he discovered nothing at all, it would
+affect but little our estimate of his greatness and our admiration of
+his learning. He was the first of Greek philosophers and gentlemen to
+see that all these things were good to know and worthy to be told. This
+was his great discovery.
+
+I have sought elsewhere to show that Aristotle spent two years, the
+happiest years perhaps of all his life--a long honeymoon--by the
+sea-side in the island of Mytilene, after he had married the little
+Princess, and before he began the hard work of his life: before he
+taught Alexander in Macedon, and long before he spoke _urbi et orbi_ in
+the Lyceum. Here it was that he learned the great bulk of his natural
+history, in which, wide and general as it is, the things of the sea have
+from first to last a notable predominance.
+
+I have tried to illustrate elsewhere (as many another writer has done)
+something of the variety and the depth of Aristotle's knowledge of
+animals--choosing an example here and there, but only drawing a little
+water from an inexhaustible well.
+
+A famous case is that of the 'molluscs', where either Aristotle's
+knowledge was exceptionally minute, or where it has come down to us with
+unusual completeness.
+
+These are the cuttle fish, which have now surrendered their Aristotelian
+name of 'molluscs' to that greater group which is seen to include them,
+together with the shell-fish or 'ostracoderma' of Aristotle. These
+cuttle-fishes are creatures that we seldom see, but in the Mediterranean
+they are an article of food and many kinds are known to the fishermen.
+All or wellnigh all of these many kinds were known to Aristotle. He
+described their form and their anatomy, their habits, their development,
+all with such faithful accuracy that what we can add to-day seems of
+secondary importance. He begins with a methodical description of the
+general form, tells us of the body and fins, of the eight arms with
+their rows of suckers, of the abnormal position of the head. He points
+out the two long arms of Sepia and of the calamaries, and their absence
+in the octopus; and he tells us, what was only confirmed of late, that
+with these two long arms the creature clings to the rock and sways about
+like a ship at anchor. He describes the great eyes, the two big teeth
+forming the beak; and he dissects the whole structure of the gut, with
+its long gullet, its round crop, its stomach and the little coiled
+coecal diverticulum: dissecting not only one but several species, and
+noting differences that were not observed again till Cuvier re-dissected
+them. He describes the funnel and its relation to the mantle-sac, and
+the ink-bag, which he shows to be largest in Sepia of all others. And
+here, by the way, he seems to make one of those apparent errors that, as
+it happens, turn out to be justified: for he tells us that in Octopus,
+unlike the rest, the funnel is on the upper side; the fact being that
+when the creature lies prone upon the ground, with all its arms
+outspread, the funnel-tube (instead of being flattened out beneath the
+creature's prostrate body) is long enough to protrude upwards between
+arms and head, and to appear on one side or other thereof, in a
+position apparently the reverse of its natural one. He describes the
+character of the cuttle-bone in Sepia, and of the horny pen which takes
+its place in the various calamaries, and notes the lack of any similar
+structure in Octopus. He dissects in both sexes the reproductive organs,
+noting without exception all their essential and complicated parts; and
+he had figured these in his lost volume of anatomical diagrams. He
+describes the various kinds of eggs, and, with still more surprising
+knowledge, shows us the little embryo cuttle-fish, with its great
+yolk-sac attached, in apparent contrast to the chick's, to the little
+creature's developing head.
+
+But there is one other remarkable feature that he knew ages before it
+was rediscovered, almost in our own time. In certain male cuttle-fishes,
+in the breeding season, one of the arms develops in a curious fashion
+into a long coiled whip-lash, and in the act of breeding may then be
+transferred to the mantle-cavity of the female. Cuvier himself knew
+nothing of the nature or the function of this separated arm, and indeed,
+if I am not mistaken, it was he who mistook it for a parasitic worm. But
+Aristotle tells us of its use and its temporary development, and of its
+structure in detail, and his description tallies closely with the
+accounts of the most recent writers.
+
+A scarcely less minute account follows of the 'Malacostraca' or
+crustaceans, the lobsters and the crabs, the shrimps and the prawns, and
+others of their kind, a chapter to which Cuvier devoted a celebrated
+essay. There be many kinds of crabs--the common kind, the big 'granny'
+crabs, the little horsemen-crabs, that scamper over the sand and which
+are for the most part empty, that is to say, whose respiratory cavities
+are exceptionally large; and there are the freshwater crabs. There are
+the little shrimps and the big hump-backed fellows, or prawns; there are
+the 'crangons' or squillae; and the big lobsters and the crawfish or
+'langoustes', their spiny cousins. We read about their beady eyes, which
+turn every way; about their big rough antennae and the smaller,
+smoother pair between; the great teeth, or mandibles; the carapace with
+its projecting rostrum, the jointed abdomen with the tail-fins at the
+end, and the little flaps below on which the female drops her spawn. In
+more or less detail these things are severally described, and the many
+limbs severally enumerated, in one kind after another. The descriptions
+of the lobster and the langouste are particularly minute, and the
+comparison or contrast between the two is drawn with elaborate
+precision. In the former, besides other differences between male and
+female, the female is said to have the 'first foot' (or leg) bifurcate,
+while in the male it is undivided. It seems a trifling matter, but it is
+true; it is so small a point that I searched long before at last I found
+mention made of it in a German monograph. The puzzling thing is that it
+is (as we should say) the last and not the first leg which is so
+distinguished; but after all, it is only a convention of our own to
+count the limbs from before backwards. To inspect a lobster's limbs, we
+lay it on its back (as Aristotle did), and see the legs overlapping,
+each hinder one above the one before; the hindmost is the first we see,
+and the one we must first lift up to inspect the others.
+
+Aristotle's account of fishes is a prodigious history of habits, food,
+migrations, modes of capture, times and ways of spawning, and anatomical
+details; but it is not here that we can elucidate or even illustrate
+this astonishing Ichthyology. It is not always easy to understand--but
+the obstacle lies often, I take it, in our own ignorance. The
+identification of species is not always plain, for here as elsewhere
+Aristotle did not reckon with a time or place where the familiar words
+of Greek should be unknown or their homely significance forgotten. Among
+the great host of fish-names there are several referring, somehow or
+other, to the Grey Mullet, which puzzle both naturalist and
+lexicographer. A young officer told me the other day how he had watched
+an Arab fisherman emptying out his creel of Grey Mullet on some Syrian
+beach, and the Arab gave four if not five names to as many different
+kinds, betwixt which my friend could see no difference whatsoever. Had
+my friend been an ichthyologist he would doubtless have noticed that one
+had eyelids and the others none; that one had little brushes on its
+lips, another a small but wide-open slit under the jaw, another a yellow
+spot on its gill-covers, and so on. The Mullets are a difficult group,
+but Aristotle, like the Arab fisherman, evidently recognized their fine
+distinctions and employed the appropriate names. Again, Aristotle speaks
+of a certain nest-building fish, the 'phycis', and regarding this Cuvier
+fell into error (where once upon a time I followed him). In Cuvier's
+time there was but one nest-building fish known such as to suit,
+apparently, the passage, namely the little black goby; but after
+Cuvier's day the nest-building habits of the 'wrasses' became known to
+naturalists, as they had doubtless been known ages before to the
+fishermen--and to Aristotle.
+
+Like almost every other little point on which we happen to touch, we
+might make this one the starting-point (here comes in the delight and
+fascination of the interpreter's task!) for other stories.
+
+Speusippus, Plato's successor in the Academy, was both philosopher and
+naturalist, and we may take it, if we please, that his leaning towards
+biology, and the biological trend which at this time became more and
+more marked in Athenian philosophy, were not unconnected with the great
+impulse which Aristotle had given. However this may be, Speusippus wrote
+a book περι Ὁμοιων {peri Homoiôn} 'Concerning Resemblances'; and this,
+of which we only possess a few fragmentary sentences, must have been a
+very curious and an interesting book. He mentions, among other similar
+cases, that our little fish _phycis_ has a close outward semblance to
+the sea-perch; and this is enough to clinch the proof that Aristotle's
+nest-building fish was not a goby but a wrasse. The whole purport of
+Speusippus's book seems to have been to discuss how, or why, with all
+Nature's apparently infinite variety, certain animals have a singularly
+close resemblance to certain others, though they be quite distinct in
+kind. It is a problem which perplexes us still, when we are astonished
+and even deluded by the likeness between a wasp and a hover-fly, a
+merlin and a cuckoo. In certain extreme cases we call it 'mimicry', and
+invoke hypotheses to account for this 'mimetic' resemblance; and those
+of us who reject these hypotheses must fain take refuge in others, as
+far-reaching in their way. This at least we know, that Speusippus seized
+upon a real problem of biology, of lasting interest and even of
+fundamental importance.
+
+To come back to Aristotle and his fishes, let us glance at one little
+point more. The reproduction of the eel is an ancient puzzle, which has
+found its full solution only in our own day. While the salmon, for
+instance, comes up the river to breed and goes down again to the sea,
+the eel goes down to the ocean to spawn, and the old eels come back no
+more but perish in the great waters. The eel's egg develops into a
+little flattened, transparent fish, altogether different in outward
+appearance from an eel, which turns afterwards into a young eel or
+'elver'; and Professor Grassi, who had a big share in elucidating the
+whole matter, tells us the curious fact that he found the Sicilian
+fishermen well acquainted with the little transparent larva (the
+_Leptocephalus_ of modern naturalists), that they knew well what it was,
+and that they had a name for it--_Casentula_. Now Aristotle, in a
+passage which I think has been much misunderstood (and which we must
+admit to be in part erroneous), tells us that the eel develops from what
+he calls γης εντερα {gês entera}, a word which we translate, literally,
+the 'guts of the earth', and which commentators interpret as
+'earthworms'! But in Sicilian Doric, γης εντερα {gês entera} would at
+once become γας εντερα {gas entera}; and between 'Gasentera' and the
+modern Sicilian 'Casentula' there is scarce a hairbreadth's difference.
+So we may be permitted to suppose that here again Aristotle was
+singularly and accurately informed; and that he knew by sight and name
+the little larva of the eel, whose discovery and identification is one
+of the modest triumphs of recent investigation.
+
+Aristotle's many pages on fishes are delightful reading. The anatomist
+may read of such recondite matters as the _placenta vitellina_ of the
+smooth dog-fish, whereby the viviparous embryo is nourished within the
+womb, after a fashion analogous to that of mammalian embryology--a
+phenomenon brought to light anew by Johannes Müller, and which excited
+him to enthusiastic admiration of Aristotle's minute and faithful
+anatomy. Again we may read of the periodic migration of the tunnies, of
+the great net or 'madrague' in which they are captured, and of the
+watchmen, the θυννοσκοποι {thynnoskopoi}, the 'hooers' of our ancient
+Cornish fishery, who give warning from tower or headland of the
+approaching shoal. The student may learn what manner of fish it was (the
+great Eagle-ray) with whose barbed fin-spine--most primitive of
+spear-heads--Ulysses was slain; and again, he may learn not a little
+about that ναρκη {narkê}, or torpedo, to which Meno compared his master
+Socrates, in a somewhat ambiguous compliment.
+
+In rambling fashion Aristotle has a deal to tell us about insects, and
+he has left us a sort of treatise on the whole natural history of the
+bee. He knew the several inmates of the hive, though like others of his
+day (save, perhaps, only Xenophon), and like Shakespeare too, he took
+the queen-bee for a king. He describes the building of the comb, the
+laying of the eggs, the provision of the larvae with food. He discusses
+the various qualities of honey and the flowers from which these are
+drawn. He is learned in the diseases and the enemies of bees. He tells
+us many curious things about the economy of the hive and the arts of the
+bee-keeper, some of which things have a very modern and familiar look
+about them: for instance, the use of a net or screen to keep out the
+drones, a net so nicely contrived that these sturdy fellows are just
+kept out, while the leaner, slenderer workers are just let in. But it
+would be a long, long story to tell of Aristotle's knowledge of the bee,
+and to compare it with what is, haply, the still deeper skill and
+learning of that master of bee-craft, Virgil.
+
+Then, having perfect freedom to go whithersoever we chose and to follow
+the bees across the boundless fields of ancient literature, we might
+read of the wild bees and of their honey out of a rock, and of the
+hive-bees too, in Homer; follow them to their first legendary home in
+Crete, where the infant Jupiter was fed on honey--as a baby's lips are
+touched with it even unto this day; trace their association with
+Proserpine and her mother, or their subtler connexion with Ephesian
+Diana; find in the poets, from Hesiod to the later Anthology, a hundred
+sweet references--to the bee-tree in the oak-wood, to the flowery hill
+Hymettus. Perhaps, at last, we might even happen on the place where
+Origen seems so strangely to foreshadow Shakespeare--speaking of the
+king of the bees with his retinue of courtiers (his officers of sorts),
+the relays of workmen (the poor mechanic porters crowding in), the
+punishment of the idle (where some, like magistrates, correct at home),
+the wars, the vanquished, and the plunder (which pillage they with merry
+march bring home To the tent-royal of their Emperor).
+
+Go back to Aristotle, and we may listen to him again while he talks of
+many other kindred insects: of the humble-bee and its kind, of the
+mason-bee with its hard round nest of clay, of the robber-bees, and of
+the various wasps and hornets; or (still more curiously and
+unexpectedly) of the hunter-wasp or 'ichneumon', and how it kills the
+spider, carries it home to its nest, and lays its eggs in its poor body,
+that the little wasp-grubs may afterwards be fed. Or again of the great
+wasps which he calls Anthrenae, and how they chase the big flies, and
+cut off their heads, and fly away with the rest of the carcass--all
+agreeing to the very letter with what Henri Fabre tells us of a certain
+large wasp of Southern Europe, and how it captures the big 'taons' or
+horse-flies: 'Pour donner le coup de grâce à leurs Taons mal sacrifiés,
+et se débattants encore entre les pattes du ravisseur, j'ai vu des
+Bembex mâchonner la tête et le thorax des victimes.' Verily, there is
+nothing new under the sun.
+
+With the metamorphoses of various insects Aristotle was well acquainted.
+He knew how the house-fly passes its early stages in a dung-hill, and
+how the grubs of the big horse-flies and Tabanids live in decayed wood;
+how certain little flies or gnats are engendered (as he calls it) in the
+slime of vinegar. He relates with great care and accuracy the
+life-history of the common gnat, from its aquatic larva, the little red
+'blood-worm' of our pools; he describes them wriggling about like tiny
+bits of red weed, in the water of some half-empty well; and he explains,
+finally, the change by which they become stiff and motionless and hard,
+until a husk breaks away and the little gnat is seen sitting upon it;
+and by and by the sun's heat or a puff of wind starts it off, and away
+it flies.
+
+Some of these stories are indeed remarkable, for the events related are
+more or less hidden and obscure; and so, with all this knowledge at
+hand, it is not a little strange that Aristotle has very little indeed
+to tell us about the far more obvious phenomena of the life-history of
+the butterfly, and of the several kinds of butterflies and moths. He
+does tell us briefly that the butterfly comes from a caterpillar, which
+lives on cabbage-leaves and feeds voraciously, then turns into a
+chrysalis and eats no more, nor has it a mouth to eat withal; it is hard
+and, as it were, dead, but yet it moves and wriggles when you touch it,
+and after a while the husk bursts and out comes the butterfly. The
+account is good enough, so far as it goes, but nevertheless Aristotle
+shows no affection for the butterfly, does not linger and dally over it,
+tells no stories about it. This is all of a piece with the rest of
+Greek literature, and poetry in particular, where allusions to the
+butterfly are scanty and rare. I think the Greeks found something
+ominous or uncanny, something not to be lightly spoken of, in that all
+but disembodied spirit which we call a butterfly, and they called by the
+name of ψυχη {psychê}, the Soul. They had a curious name (νεκυδαλλος
+{nekydallos}) for the pupa. It sounds like a 'little corpse' (νεκυς
+{nekys}); and like a little corpse within its shroud or coffin the pupa
+sleeps in its cocoon. A late poet describes the butterfly 'coming back
+from the grave to the light of day'; and certain of the Fathers of the
+Church, St. Basil in particular, point the moral accordingly, and draw a
+doubtless time-honoured allegory of the Resurrection and the Life from
+the grub which is not dead but sleepeth, and the butterfly which (as it
+were) is raised in glory.
+
+Of one large moth, Aristotle gives us an account which has been a puzzle
+to many. This begins as a great grub or caterpillar, with (as it were)
+horns; and, growing by easy stages, it spins at length a cocoon. There
+is a class of women who unwind and reel off the cocoons, and afterwards
+weave a fabric with the thread; and a certain woman of Cos is credited
+with the invention of this fabric. This is, at first sight, a plain and
+straightforward description of the silkworm; but we know that it was not
+till long afterwards, nearly a thousand years after, in Justinian's
+reign, that the silkworm and the mulberry-tree which is its food were
+brought out of the East into Byzantine Greece. We learn something of
+this Coan silkworm from Pliny, who tells us that it lived on the ash and
+oak and cypress tree; and from Clement of Alexandria and other of the
+Fathers we glean a little more--for instance, that the larva was covered
+with thick-set hairs, and that the cocoon was of a loose material
+something like a spider's web. All this agrees in every particular with
+a certain large moth (_Lasiocampa otus_), which spins a rough cocoon not
+unlike that of our Emperor moth, and lives in south-eastern Europe,
+feeding on the cypress and the oak. Many other silkworms besides the
+true or common one are still employed, worms which yield the Tussore
+silks of India and other kindred silks in Japan; and so likewise was
+this rough silky fabric spun and woven in Hellas, until in course of
+time it was surpassed and superseded by the finer produce of the 'Seric
+worm', and the older industry died out and was utterly forgotten.
+
+Ere we leave the subject of insects let us linger a moment over one
+which the Greeks loved, and loved most of all. When as schoolboys we
+first began to read our Thucydides, we met in the very beginning with
+the story of how rich Athenians wore Golden Grasshoppers (as the
+schoolmaster calls them) in their hair. These golden ornaments were, of
+course, no common grasshoppers, but the little Cicadas, whose sharp
+chirrup seemed delightful music to the Greeks. It is unpleasant to our
+ears, as Browning found it; but in a multitude of Greek poets, in
+Alcaeus and Anacreon and all through the whole Anthology, we hear its
+praise. We have it, for instance, in the _Birds_:
+
+    Though the hot sun be shining in the sky
+    In the deep flowery meadow-grass I lie:
+    To listen to the shrill melodious tune
+    Of crickets, thrilled to ecstasy at noon.
+
+Of this familiar and beloved insect Aristotle gives a copious account.
+He describes two separate species, which we still recognize easily; a
+larger one and the better singer, the other smaller and the first to
+come and last to go with the summer season. He recognized the curious
+vocal organ, or vibratory drum, at the cicada's waist, and saw that some
+cicadas possessed it and others not; and he knew, as the poets also
+knew, that it was the males who sang, while their wives listened and
+were silent. He tells how the cicada is absent from treeless countries,
+as, for instance, from Cyrene (and why, I wonder, does he go all the way
+to Cyrene for his illustration?), neither is it heard in deep and
+sunless woods; but in the olive-groves you hear it at its best, for an
+olive-grove is sparse and the sun comes through. Then he tells us
+briefly, but with remarkable accuracy, the story of the creature's life:
+how the female, with her long ovipositor, lays her eggs deep down in
+dead, hollow twigs, such as the canes on which the vines are propped;
+how the brood, when they escape from the egg, burrow underground; how
+later on they emerge, especially in rainy weather, when the rains have
+softened the soil; how then the larva changes into another form, the
+so-called 'nymph'; and how at last, when summer comes, the skin of the
+nymph breaks and the perfect insect issues forth, changes colour, and
+begins to sing. In Aristophanes, in Theocritus, in Lucretius, Virgil,
+Martial, and in the Anthology, we may gather up a host of poetical
+allusions to the natural history thus simply epitomized.
+
+The Book about Animals, the _Historia Animalium_ as we say, from which I
+have quoted these few examples of Aristotle's store of information, may
+be taken to represent the first necessary stage of scientific inquiry.
+There is a kind of _manual_ philosophy (as old Lord Monboddo called it)
+which investigates facts which escape the vulgar, and may be called the
+_anecdotes_ or _secret history_ of nature. In this fascinating pursuit
+Gilbert White excelled, and John Ray and many another--the whole
+brotherhood of simple naturalists. But such accumulated knowledge of
+facts is but the foundation of a philosophy; and 'nothing deserves the
+name of philosophy, except what explains the causes and principles of
+things'. Aristotle would have done much had he merely shown (as Gilbert
+White showed to the country gentlemen of his day) that the minute
+observation of nature was something worth the scholar and the
+gentleman's while; but, far more than this, he made a Science of natural
+knowledge, and set it once for all within the realm of Philosophy. He
+set it side by side with the more ancient science of Astronomy, which
+for many hundred years in Egypt and the East, and for some few centuries
+in Hellas, had occupied the mind of philosophers and the attention of
+educated men. I have quoted before a great sentence in which he explains
+his purpose, and makes excuse for his temerity. 'The glory, doubtless,
+of the heavenly bodies fills us with more delight than the contemplation
+of these lowly things; for the sun and stars are born not, neither do
+they decay, but are eternal and divine. But the heavens are high and
+afar off, and of celestial things the knowledge that our senses give us
+is scanty and dim. The living creatures, on the other hand, are at our
+door, and if we so desire it we may gain ample and certain knowledge of
+each and all. We take pleasure in the beauty of a statue, shall not then
+the living fill us with delight; and all the more if in the spirit of
+philosophy we search for causes and recognize the evidences of design.
+Then will nature's purpose and her deep-seated laws be everywhere
+revealed, all tending in her multitudinous work to one form or another
+of the Beautiful.'
+
+Aristotle's voluminous writings have come down to us through many grave
+vicissitudes. The greatest of them all are happily intact, or very
+nearly so; but some are lost and others have suffered disorder and
+corruption. The work known as the 'Parts of Animals' opens (as our text
+has it) with a chapter which seems meant for a general exordium to the
+whole series of biological treatises; and I know no chapter in all
+Aristotle's books which better shows (in plainer English or easier
+Greek) the master-hand of the great Teacher and Philosopher. He begins
+by telling us (it has ever since been a common saying) that every
+science, every branch of knowledge, admits of two sorts of
+proficiency--that which may properly be termed scientific knowledge, and
+that which is within the reach of ordinary educated men. He proceeds to
+discuss the 'method' of scientific inquiry, whether we should begin with
+the specific and proceed to the general, or whether we are to deal first
+with common or generical characters and thereafterward with special
+peculiarities. Are we entitled to treat of animals, as is done in
+mathematical astronomy, by dealing first with facts or phenomena and
+then proceeding to discover and relate their several causes? At once
+this leads to a brief discussion (elaborated elsewhere) of the two great
+Causes, or aspects of cause--the final cause and the 'moving' or
+efficient cause--the _reason why_ or the purpose for which, and the
+antecedent cause which, _of necessity_, brings a thing to be such as it
+is. Here is one of the great crucial questions of philosophy, and
+Aristotle's leaning to the side of the Final Cause has been a dominant
+influence upon the minds of men throughout the whole history of
+learning. Empedocles had taken another view: he held that the rain comes
+when it listeth, or 'of necessity'; that we have no right to suppose it
+comes to make the corn grow in spring, any more than to spoil the autumn
+sheaves: that the teeth grow by the operation of some natural (or
+physical) law, and that their apparent and undoubted fitness for cutting
+and grinding is not purposeful but coincident; that the backbone is
+divided into vertebrae because of the antecedent forces, or flexions,
+which act upon it in the womb. And Empedocles proceeds to the great
+evolutionary deduction, the clear prevision of Darwin's philosophy, that
+fit and unfit arise alike, but that what is fit to survive does survive
+and what is unfit perishes.
+
+The story is far too long and the theme involved too grave and difficult
+for treatment here. But I would venture to suggest that Aristotle
+inclined to slur over the physical and lean the more to the final cause,
+for this simple reason (whatever other reasons there may be), that he
+was a better biologist than a physicist: that he lacked somewhat the
+mathematical turn of mind which was intrinsic to the older schools of
+philosophy. For better for worse the course he took, the choice he made,
+was of incalculable import, and had power for centuries to guide (dare
+we say, to bias) the teaching of the schools, the progress of learning,
+and the innermost beliefs of men.
+
+In this one short but pregnant chapter of Aristotle's there is far more
+than we can hope even to epitomize. He has much to say in it of
+'classification', an important matter indeed, and he discusses it as a
+great logician should, in all its rigour. Many commentators have sought
+for Aristotle's 'classification of animals'; for my part I have never
+found it, and, in our sense of the word, I am certain it is not there.
+An unbending, unchanging classification of animals would have been
+something foreign to all his logic; it is all very well, it becomes
+practically necessary, when we have to arrange our animals on the
+shelves of a museum or in the arid pages of a 'systematic' catalogue;
+and it takes a new complexion when, or if, we can attain to a real or
+historical classification, following lines of actual descent and based
+on proven facts of historical evolution. But Aristotle (as it seems to
+me) neither was bound to a museum catalogue nor indulged in visions
+either of a complete _scala naturae_ or of an hypothetical phylogeny. He
+classified animals as he found them; and, as a logician, he had a
+dichotomy for every difference which presented itself to his mind. At
+one time he divided animals into those with blood and those without, at
+another into the air-breathers and the water-breathers; into the wild
+and the tame, the social and the solitary, and so on in endless ways
+besides. At the same time he had a quick eye for the great natural
+groups, such 'genera' (as he called them) as Fish or Bird, Insect or
+Mollusc. So it comes to pass that, while he fashioned no hard and fast
+scheme of classification, and would undoubtedly (I hold) have thought it
+vain to do so, the threads of his several partial or temporary
+classifications come together after all, though in a somewhat hazy
+pattern, yet in a very beautiful and coherent parti-coloured web. And
+though his order is not always our order, yet a certain exquisite
+orderliness is of the very essence of his thought and style. It is the
+characteristic which Molière hits upon in _Les Femmes savantes_,--'Je
+m'attache _pour l'ordre_ au péripatétisme'.
+
+Before he finishes the great chapter of which we have begun to speak he
+indicates that there are more ways than one of relating, or
+classifying, our facts; that, for instance, it may be equally proper and
+necessary to deal now with the animals and their several parts or
+properties, and at another time with the parts or properties as such,
+explaining and illustrating them in turn by the several animals which
+display or possess them. The 'Parts of Animals' is, then, a corollary, a
+necessary corollary, to the more anecdotal _Historia Animalium_. And yet
+again, there is a third alternative--to discuss the great functions or
+actions or potentialities of the organism, as it were first of all in
+the abstract, and then to correlate them with the parts which in this or
+that creature are provided and are 'designed' to effect them. This
+involves the conception and the writing of separate physiological
+treatises on such themes as Respiration, Locomotion, on Sleeping and
+Waking, and lastly (and in some respects the most ambitious, most
+erudite, and most astonishing of them all) the great account of the
+Generation of Animals.
+
+So the whole range, we might say the whole conceivable range, of
+biological science is sketched out, and the greater part of the great
+canvas is painted in. But to bring it into touch with human life, and to
+make good its claim to the high places of philosophy, we must go yet
+farther and study Life itself, and what men call the Soul. So grows the
+great conception. We begin with trivial anecdote, with the things that
+fisherman, huntsman, peasant know; the sciences of zoology, anatomy,
+physiology take shape before our very eyes; and by evening we sit humbly
+at the feet of the great teacher of Life itself, the historian of the
+Soul. It is not for us to attempt to show that even here the story does
+not end, but the highest chapters of philosophy begin. Then, when we
+remember that this short narrative of ours is but the faintest
+adumbration of one side only of the philosopher's many-sided task and
+enterprise, we begin to rise towards a comprehension of Roger Bacon's
+saying, that 'although Aristotle did not arrive at the end of knowledge,
+he set in order all parts of philosophy'. In the same spirit a modern
+critic declares: 'Il n'a seulement défini et constitué chacune des
+parties de la science; il en a de plus montré le lien et l'unité'.
+
+Aristotle, like Shakespeare, is full of old saws, tags of wisdom, jewels
+five words long. Here is such a one, good for teacher and pupil
+alike--Δει πιστευειν τον μανθανοντα {Dei pisteuein ton manthanonta}. It
+tells us that the road to Learning lies through Faith; and it means that
+to be a scholar one should have a heart as well as brains.
+
+By reason partly of extraneous interpolation, but doubtless also through
+a lingering credulity from which even philosophers are not immune, we
+find in Aristotle many a strange story. The goats that breathe through
+their ears, the vulture impregnated by the wind, the eagle that dies of
+hunger, the stag caught by music, the salamander which walks through
+fire, the unicorn, the mantichore, are but a few of the 'Vulgar Errors'
+or 'Received Tenents' (as Sir Thomas Browne has it) which are
+perpetuated, not originated, in the _Historia Animalium_. Some of them
+come, through Persia, from the farther East: and others (we meet with
+them once more in Horapollo the Egyptian priest) are but the exoteric or
+allegorical expression of the arcana of ancient Egyptian religion.
+
+So it comes to pass that for two thousand years and throughout all lands
+men have come to Aristotle, and found in him information and
+instruction--that which they desired. Arab and Moor and Syrian and Jew
+treasured his books while the western world sat in darkness; the great
+centuries of Scholasticism hung upon his words; the oldest of our
+Universities, Bologna, Paris, Oxford, were based upon his teaching, yea,
+all but established for his study. Where he has been, there, seen or
+unseen, his influence remains; even the Moor and the Arab find in him,
+to this day, a teacher after their own hearts: a teacher of eternal
+verities, telling of sleep and dreams, of youth and age, of life and
+death, of generation and corruption, of growth and of decay: a guide to
+the book of Nature, a revealer of the Spirit, a prophet of the works of
+God.
+
+The purpose of these little essays, I have been told (though I had half
+forgotten it), is to help though ever so little to defend and justify
+the study of the language and the vast literature of Greece. It is a
+task for which I am unfitted and unprepared. When Oliver Goldsmith
+proposed to teach Greek at Leyden, where he 'had been told it was a
+desideratum', the Principal of that celebrated University met him (as we
+all know) with weighty objections. 'I never learned Greek', said the
+Principal, 'and I don't find that I have ever missed it. I have had a
+Doctor's cap and gown without Greek. I have ten thousand florins a year
+without Greek; and, in short', continued he, 'as I don't know Greek, I
+do not believe there is any good in it.'--I have heard or read the story
+again and again, for is it not written in the _Vicar of Wakefield_? But
+I never heard that any man, not Goldsmith himself, attempted to confute
+the argument. I agree for the most part with the Principal, and can see
+clearly that all the Greek that Goldsmith knew, and all the Greek in all
+the world, would have meant nothing and done nothing for him. But there
+is and will be many another who finds in Greek wisdom and sweet Hellenic
+speech something which he needs must have, and lacking which he would be
+poor indeed: something which is as a staff in his hand, a light upon his
+path, a lantern to his feet.
+
+In this workaday world we may still easily possess ourselves, as Gibbon
+says the subjects of the Byzantine Throne, even in their lowest
+servitude and depression, were still possessed, 'of a golden key that
+could unlock the treasures of antiquity, of a musical and prolific
+language that gives a soul to the objects of sense, and a body to the
+abstractions of philosophy'.
+
+Our very lives seem prolonged by the recollection of antiquity; for, as
+Cicero says, not to know what has been transacted in former times is to
+continue always a child. I borrow the citation from Dr. Johnson, who
+reminds us also of a saying of Aristotle himself, that as students we
+ought first to examine and understand what has been written by the
+ancients, and then cast our eyes round upon the world. And Johnson
+prefaces both quotations by another:
+
+        Tibi res antiquae laudis et artis
+    ingredior, sanctos ausus recludere fontes.
+
+But now I, who have dared to draw my tiny draft from Aristotle's great
+well, seem after all to be seeking an excuse, seeking it in example and
+precept. Precept, at least, I know to be of no avail. My father spent
+all the many days of his life in the study of Greek; you might suppose
+it was for Wisdom's sake,--but my father was a modest man. The fact is,
+he did it for a simpler reason still, a very curious reason, to be
+whispered rather than told: he did it _for love_.
+
+Nigh forty years ago, I first stepped out on the east-windy streets of a
+certain lean and hungry town (lean, I mean, as regards scholarship)
+where it was to be my lot to spend thereafter many and many a year. And
+the very first thing I saw there was an inscription over a very humble
+doorway, '_Hic mecum habitant Dante, Cervantes, Molière_'. It was the
+home of a poor schoolmaster, who as a teacher of languages eked out the
+scanty profits of his school. I was not a little comforted by the
+announcement. So the poor scholar, looking on the ragged regiment of his
+few books, is helped, consoled, exalted by the reflection: _Hic mecum
+habitant ... Homerus, Plato, Aristoteles_. And were one in a moment of
+inadvertence to inquire of him why he occupied himself with Greek, he
+might perchance stammer (like Dominie Sampson) an almost inarticulate
+reply; but more probably he would be stricken speechless by the enormous
+outrage of the request, and the reason of his devotion would be hidden
+from the questioner for ever.
+
+D'ARCY WENTWORTH THOMPSON.
+
+
+
+
+BIOLOGY
+
+
+_Before Aristotle_
+
+What is science? It is a question that cannot be answered easily, nor
+perhaps answered at all. None of the definitions seem to cover the field
+exactly; they are either too wide or too narrow. But we can see science
+in its growth and we can say that being a process it can exist only as
+growth. Where does the science of biology begin? Again we cannot say,
+but we can watch its evolution and its progress. Among the Greeks the
+accurate observation of living forms, which is at least one of the
+essentials of biological science, goes back very far. The word
+_Biology_, used in our sense, would, it is true, have been an
+impossibility among them, for _bios_ refers to the life of man and could
+not be applied, except in a strained or metaphorical sense, to that of
+other living things.[6] But the _ideas_ we associate with the word are
+clearly developed in Greek philosophy and the foundations of biology are
+of great antiquity.
+
+    [6] The word _Biology_ was introduced by Gottfried Reinhold
+    Treviranus (1776-1837) in his _Biologie oder die Philosophie der
+    lebenden Natur_, 6 vols., Göttingen, 1802-22, and was adopted by
+    J.-B. de Lamarck (1744-1829) in his _Hydrogéologie_, Paris, 1802. It
+    is probable that the first English use of the word in its modern
+    sense is by Sir William Lawrence (1783-1867) in his work _On the
+    Physiology, Zoology, and Natural History of Man_, London, 1819;
+    there are earlier English uses of the word, however, contrasted with
+    _biography_.
+
+The Greek people had many roots, racial, cultural, and spiritual, and
+from them all they inherited various powers and qualities and derived
+various ideas and traditions. The most suggestive source for our purpose
+is that of the Minoan race whom they dispossessed and whose lands they
+occupied. That highly gifted people exhibited in all stages of its
+development a marvellous power of graphically representing animal forms,
+of which the famous Cretan friezes, Vaphio cups (Fig. 5), and Mycenean
+lions provide well-known examples. It is difficult not to believe that
+the Minoan element, entering into the mosaic of peoples that we call the
+Greeks, was in part at least responsible for the like graphic power
+developed in the Hellenic world, though little contact has yet been
+demonstrated between Minoan and archaic Greek Art.
+
+For the earliest biological achievements of Greek peoples we have to
+rely largely on information gleaned from artistic remains. It is true
+that we have a few fragments of the works of both Ionian and
+Italo-Sicilian philosophers, and in them we read of theoretical
+speculation as to the nature of life and of the soul, and we can thus
+form some idea of the first attempts of such workers as Alcmaeon of
+Croton (_c._ 500 B. C.) to lay bare the structure of animals by
+dissection.[7] The pharmacopœia also of some of the earliest works of
+the Hippocratic collection betrays considerable knowledge of both native
+and foreign plants.[8] Moreover, scattered through the pages of
+Herodotus and other early writers is a good deal of casual information
+concerning animals and plants, though such material is second-hand and
+gives us little information concerning the habit of exact observation
+that is the necessary basis of science.
+
+    [7] The remains of Alcmaeon are given in H. Diel's _Die Fragmente
+    der Vorsokratiker_, Berlin, 1903, p. 103. Alcmaeon is considered in
+    the companion chapter on _Greek Medicine_.
+
+    [8] Especially the περι γυναικειης φυσιος {peri gynaikeiês physios},
+    _On the nature of woman_, and the περι γυναικειων {peri gynaikeiôn},
+    _On the diseases of women_.
+
+Something more is, however, revealed by early Greek Art. We are in
+possession of a series of vases of the seventh and sixth centuries
+before the Christian era showing a closeness of observation of animal
+forms that tells of a people awake to the study of nature. We have thus
+portrayed for us a number of animals--plants seldom or never appear--and
+among the best rendered are wild creatures: we see antelopes quietly
+feeding or startled at a sound, birds flying or picking worms from the
+ground, fallow deer forcing their way through thickets, browsing
+peacefully, or galloping away, boars facing the hounds and dogs chasing
+hares, wild cattle forming their defensive circle, hawks seizing their
+prey. Many of these exhibit minutely accurate observation. The very
+direction of the hairs on the animals' coats has sometimes been closely
+studied, and often the muscles are well rendered. In some cases even the
+dentition has been found accurately portrayed, as in a sixth-century
+representation on an Ionian vase of a lioness--an animal then very rare
+on the Eastern Mediterranean littoral, but still known in Babylonia,
+Syria, and Asia Minor. The details of the work show that the artist must
+have examined the animal in captivity (Figs. 1 and 2).
+
+[Illustration: FIG. 1. Lioness and young from an Ionian vase of the
+sixth century B. C. found at Caere in Southern Etruria (Louvre, Salle E,
+No. 298), from _Le Dessin des Animaux en Grèce d'après les vases
+peints_, by J. Morin, Paris (Renouard), 1911. The animal is drawing
+itself up to attack its hunters. The scanty mane, the form of the paws,
+the udders, and the dentition are all heavily though accurately
+represented.]
+
+[Illustration: FIG. 2. A, Jaw bones of lion; B, head of lioness from
+Caere vase (Fig. 1), after Morin. Note the careful way in which the
+artist has distinguished the molar from the cutting teeth.]
+
+Animal paintings of this order are found scattered over the Greek world
+with special centres or schools in such places as Cyprus, Boeotia, or
+Chalcis. The very name for a painter in Greek, _zoographos_, recalls the
+attention paid to living forms. By the fifth century, in painting them
+as in other departments of Art, the supremacy of Attica had asserted
+itself, and there are many beautiful Attic vase-paintings of animals to
+place by the side of the magnificent horses' heads of the Parthenon
+(Fig. 6). In Attica, too, was early developed a characteristic and
+closely accurate type of representation of marine forms, and this
+attained a wider vogue in Southern Italy in the fourth century. From the
+latter period a number of dishes and vases have come down to us bearing
+a large variety of fish forms, portrayed with an exactness that is
+interesting in view of the attention to marine creatures in the
+surviving literature of Aristotelian origin (Fig. 3).
+
+[Illustration: FIG. 3. Paintings of fish on plates. Italo-Greek work of
+the fourth century B. C. From Morin.
+
+  A. Sargus vulgaris.
+  B. Crenilabrus mediterraneus.
+  C. Uranoscopus scaber?]
+
+These artistic products are more than a mere reflex of the daily life
+of the people. The habits and positions of animals are observed by the
+hunter, as are the forms and colours of fish by the fisherman; but the
+methods of huntsman and fisher do not account for the accurate portrayal
+of a lion's dentition, the correct numbering of a fish's scales or the
+close study of the lie of the feathers on the head, and the pads on the
+feet, of a bird of prey (Fig. 4). With observations such as these we are
+in the presence of something worthy of the name _Biology_. Though but
+little literature on that topic earlier than the writings of Aristotle
+has come down to us, yet both the character of his writings and such
+paintings and pictures as these, suggest the existence of a strong
+interest and a wide literature, biological in the modern sense,
+antecedent to the fourth century.
+
+[Illustration: FIG. 4. Head and talons of the Sea-eagle, _Haliaëtus
+albicilla_:
+
+  A, From an Ionic vase of the sixth century B. C.
+  B, Drawn from the object.
+
+From Morin.]
+
+Greek science, however, exhibits throughout its history a peculiar
+characteristic differentiating it from the modern scientific standpoint.
+Most of the work of the Greek scientist was done in relation to man.
+Nature interested him mainly in relation to himself. The Greek
+scientific and philosophic world was an anthropocentric world, and this
+comes out in the overwhelming mass of medical as distinct from
+biological writings that have come down to us. Such, too, is the
+sentiment expressed by the poets in their descriptions of the animal
+creation:
+
+    Many wonders there be, but naught more wondrous than man:
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+    The light-witted birds of the air, the beasts of the weald and the wood
+    He traps with his woven snare, and the brood of the briny flood.
+    Master of cunning he: the savage bull, and the hart
+    Who roams the mountain free, are tamed by his infinite art.
+    And the shaggy rough-maned steed is broken to bear the bit.
+
+    Sophocles, _Antigone_, verses 342 ff.
+
+    (Translation of F. Storr.)
+
+It is thus not surprising that our first systematic treatment of animals
+is in a practical medical work, the περι διαιτης {peri diaitês}, _On
+diet_, of the Hippocratic Collection. This very peculiar treatise dates
+from the later part of the fifth century. It is strongly under the
+influence of Heracleitus (_c._ 540-475) and contains many points of view
+which reappear in later philosophy. All animals, according to it, are
+formed of fire and water, nothing is born and nothing dies, but there is
+a perpetual and eternal revolution of things, so that change itself is
+the only reality. Man's nature is but a parallel to that of the
+universal nature, and the arts of man are but an imitation or reflex of
+the natural arts or, again, of the bodily functions. The soul, a mixture
+of water and fire, consumes itself in infancy and old age, and increases
+during adult life. Here, too, we meet with that singular doctrine, not
+without bearing on the course of later biological thought, that in the
+foetus all parts are formed simultaneously. On the proportion of fire
+and water in the body all depends, sex, temper, temperament, intellect.
+Such speculative ideas separate this book from the sober method of the
+more typical Hippocratic medical works with which indeed it has little
+in common.
+
+After having discussed these theoretical matters the work turns to its
+own practical concerns, and in the course of setting out the natures of
+foods gives in effect a rough classification of animals. These are set
+forth in groups, and from among the larger groups only the reptiles and
+insects are missing. The list has been described, perhaps hardly with
+justification, as the _Coan classificatory system_. We have here,
+indeed, no _system_ in the sense in which that word is now applied to
+the animal kingdom, but we have yet some sort of definite arrangement of
+animals according to their supposed natures. The passage opens with
+mammals, which are divided into domesticated and wild, the latter being
+mentioned in order according to size, next follow the land-birds, then
+the water-fowl, and then the fishes. These fish are divided into (1) the
+haunters of the shore, (2) the free-swimming forms, (3) the
+cartilaginous fishes or Selachii, which are not so named but are placed
+together, (4) the mud-loving forms, and (5) the fresh-water fish.
+Finally come invertebrates arranged in some sort of order according to
+their structure. The characteristic feature of the 'classification' is
+the separation of the fish from the remaining vertebrates and of the
+invertebrates from both. Of the fifty animals named no less than twenty
+are fish, about a fifth of the number studied by Aristotle, but we must
+remember that here only edible species are mentioned. The existence of
+the work shows at least that in the fifth century there was already a
+close and accurate study of animal forms, a study that may justly be
+called scientific. The predominance of fish and their classification in
+greater detail than the other groups is not an unexpected feature. The
+Mediterranean is especially rich in these forms, the Greeks were a
+maritime people, and Greek literature is full of imagery drawn from the
+fisher's craft. From Minoan to Byzantine times the variety, beauty, and
+colour of fish made a deep impression on Greek minds as reflected in
+their art.
+
+Much more important, however, for subsequent biological development
+than such observations on the nature and habits of animals, is the
+service that the Hippocratic physicians rendered to Anatomy and to
+Physiology, departments in which the structure of man and of the
+domesticated animals stands apart from that of the rest of the animal
+kingdom. It is with the nature and constitution of man that most of the
+surviving early biological writings are concerned, and in these
+departments are unmistakable tendencies towards systematic arrangement
+of the material. Thus we have division and description of the body in
+sevens from the periphery to the centre and from the vertex to the sole
+of the foot,[9] or a division into four regions or zones.[10] The
+teaching concerning the four elements and four humours too became of
+great importance and some of it was later adopted by Aristotle. We also
+meet numerous mechanical explanations of bodily structures, comparisons
+between anatomical conditions encountered in related animals,
+experiments on living creatures,[11] systematic incubation of hen's eggs
+for the study of their development, parallels drawn between the
+development of plants and of human and animal embryos, theories of
+generation, among which is that which was afterwards called
+'pangenesis'--discussion of the survival of the stronger over the
+weaker--almost our survival of the fittest--and a theory of inheritance
+of acquired characters.[12] All these things show not only extensive
+knowledge but also an attempt to apply such knowledge to human needs.
+When we consider how even in later centuries biology was linked with
+medicine, and how powerful and fundamental was the influence of the
+Hippocratic writings, not only on their immediate successors in
+antiquity, but also on the Middle Ages and right into the nineteenth
+century, we shall recognize the significance of these developments.
+
+    [9] περι ἑβδομαδων {peri hebdomadôn}. The Greek text is lost. We
+    have, however, an early and barbarous Latin translation, and there
+    has recently been printed an Arabic commentary. G. Bergstrasser,
+    _Pseudogaleni in Hippocratis de septimanis commentarium ab Hunnino
+    Q. F. arabice versum_, Leipzig, 1914.
+
+    [10] περι νουσων δ {peri nousôn d}.
+
+    [11] περι καρδιης {peri kardiês}.
+
+    [12] Especially in the περι γονης {peri gonês}.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 5. MINOAN GOLD CUP. SIXTEENTH CENTURY B. C.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 6. HORSE'S HEAD. FROM PARTHENON. 440 B. C.]
+
+Such was the character of biological thought within the fifth century,
+and a generation inspired by this movement produced some noteworthy
+works in the period which immediately followed. In the treatise περι
+τροφης {peri trophês}, _On nourishment_, which may perhaps be dated
+about 400 B. C., we learn of the pulse for the first time in Greek
+medical literature, and read of a physiological system which lasted
+until the time of Harvey, with the arteries arising from the heart and
+the veins from the liver. Of about the same date is a work περι καρδιης
+{peri kardiês}, _On the heart_, which describes the ventricles as well
+as the great vessels and their valves, and compares the heart of animals
+with that of man.
+
+A little later, perhaps 390 B. C., is the treatise περι σαρκων {peri
+sarkôn}, _On muscles_, which contains much more than its title suggests.
+It has the old system of sevens and, inspired perhaps by the philosophy
+of Heracleitus (_c._ 540-475), describes the heart as sending air, fire,
+and movement to the different parts of the body through the vessels
+which are themselves constantly in movement. The infant in its mother's
+womb is believed to draw in air and fire through its mouth and to eat
+_in utero_. The action of the air on the blood is compared to its action
+on fire. In contrast to some of the other Hippocratic treatises the
+central nervous system is in the background; much attention, however, is
+given to the special senses. The brain resounds during audition. The
+olfactory nerves are hollow, lead to the brain, and, convey volatile
+substances to it which cause it to secrete mucus. The eyes also have
+been examined, and their coats and humours roughly described; an
+allusion, the first in literature, is perhaps made to the crystalline
+lens, and the eyes of animals are compared with those of man. There is
+evidence not only of dissection but of experiment, and in efforts to
+compare the resistance of various tissues to such processes as boiling,
+we may see the small beginning of chemical physiology.
+
+An abler work than any of these, but exhibiting less power of
+observation is a treatise, περι γονης {peri gonês}, _On generation_,
+that may perhaps be dated about 380 B. C.[13] It exhibits a writer of
+much philosophic power, very anxious for physiological explanations, but
+hampered by ignorance of physics. He has, in fact, the weaknesses and in
+a minor degree the strength of his successor Aristotle, of whose great
+work on generation he gives us a fore-taste. He sets forth in
+considerable detail a doctrine of pangenesis, not wholly unlike that of
+Darwin. In order to explain the phenomena of inheritance he supposes
+that vessels reach the seed, carrying with them samples from all parts
+of the body. He believes that channels pass from all the organs to the
+brain and then to the spinal marrow (or to the marrow direct), thence to
+the kidneys and on to the genital organs; he believes, too, that he
+knows the actual location of one such channel, for he observes, wrongly,
+that incision behind the ears, by interrupting the passage, leads to
+impotence. As an outcome of this theory he is prepared to accept
+inheritance of acquired characters. The embryo develops and breathes by
+material transmitted from the mother through the umbilical cord. We
+encounter here also a very detailed description of a specimen of
+exfoliated _membrana mucosa uteri_ which our author mistakes for an
+embryo, but his remarks at least exhibit the most eager curiosity.[14]
+
+    [13] The three works περι γονης {peri gonês}, περι φυσιος παιδιου
+    {peri physios paidiou}, περι νουσων δ {peri nousôn d}, _On
+    generation_, _on the nature of the embryo_, _on diseases, book IV_,
+    form really one treatise on generation.
+
+    [14] περι φυσιος παιδιου {peri physios paidiou}, _On the nature of
+    the embryo_, § 13. The same experience is described in the περι
+    σαρκων {peri sarkôn}, _On the muscles_.
+
+The author of this work on generation is thus a 'biologist' in the
+modern sense, and among the passages exhibiting him in this light is his
+comparison of the human embryo with the chick. 'The embryo is in a
+membrane in the centre of which is the navel through which it draws and
+gives its breath, and the membranes arise from the umbilical cord....
+The structure of the child you will find from first to last as I have
+already described.... If you wish, try this experiment: take twenty or
+more eggs and let them be incubated by two or more hens. Then each day
+from the second to that of hatching remove an egg, break it, and examine
+it. You will find exactly as I say, for the nature of the bird can be
+likened to that of man. The membranes [you will see] proceed from the
+umbilical cord, and all that I have said on the subject of the infant
+you will find in a bird's egg, and one who has made these observations
+will be surprised to find an umbilical cord in a bird's egg.'[15]
+
+    [15] περι φυσιος παιδιου {peri physios paidiou}, _On the nature of
+    the embryo_, § 29.
+
+The same interest that he exhibits for the development of man and
+animals he shows also for plants.
+
+     'A seed laid in the ground fills itself with the juices there
+     contained, for the soil contains in itself juices of every nature
+     for the nourishment of plants. Thus filled with juice the seed is
+     distended and swells, and thereby the power (= faculty ἡ δυναμις
+     {hê dynamis}) diffused in the seed is compressed by pneuma and
+     juice, and bursting the seed becomes the first leaves. But a time
+     comes when these leaves can no longer get nourished from the juices
+     in the seed. Then the seed and the leaves erupt below, for urged by
+     the leaves the seed sends down that part of its power which is yet
+     concentrated within it and so the roots are produced as an
+     extension of the leaves. When at last the plant is well rooted
+     below and is drawing its nutriment from the earth, then the whole
+     grain disappears, being absorbed, save for the husk, which is the
+     most solid part; and even that, decomposing in the earth,
+     ultimately becomes invisible. In time some of the leaves put forth
+     branches. The plant being thus produced by humidity from the seed
+     is still soft and moist. Growing actively both above and below, it
+     cannot as yet bear fruit, for it has not the quality of force and
+     reserve (δυναμις ισχυρη και πιαρα {dynamis ischyrê kai piara}) from
+     which a seed can be precipitated. But when, with time, the plant
+     becomes firmer and better rooted, it develops veins as passages
+     both upwards and downwards, and it draws from the soil not only
+     water but more abundantly also substances that are denser and
+     fatter. Warmed, too, by the sun, these act as a ferment to the
+     extremities and give rise to fruit after its kind. The fruit thus
+     develops much from little, for every plant draws from the earth a
+     power more abundant than that with which it started, and the
+     fermentation takes place not at one place but at many.'[16]
+
+    [16] περι φυσιος παιδιου {peri physios paidiou}, _On the nature of
+    the embryo_, § 22.
+
+Nor does our author hesitate to draw an analogy between the plant and
+the mammalian embryo. 'In the same way the infant lives within its
+mother's womb and in a state corresponding to the health of the mother
+... and you will find a complete similitude between the products of the
+soil and the products of the womb.'
+
+The early Greek literature is so scantily provided with illustrations
+drawn from botanical study, that it is worth considering the remarkable
+comparison of generation of plants from cuttings and from seeds in the
+same work.
+
+     'As regards plants generated from cuttings ... that part of a
+     branch where it was cut from a tree is placed in the earth and
+     there rootlets are sent out. This is how it happens: The part of
+     the plant within the soil draws up juices, swells, and develops a
+     pneuma (πνευμα ισχει {pneuma ischei}), but not so the part without.
+     The pneuma and the juice concentrate the power of the plant below
+     so that it becomes denser. Then the lower end erupts and gives
+     forth tender roots. Then the plant, taking from below, draws juices
+     from the roots and transmits them to the part above the soil which
+     thus also swells and develops pneuma; thus the power from being
+     diffused in the plant becomes concentrated and budding, gives forth
+     leaves.... Cuttings, then, differ from seeds. With a seed the
+     leaves are borne first, then the roots are sent down; with a
+     cutting the roots form first and then the leaves.'[17]
+
+    [17] Ibid. § 23.
+
+But with these works of the early part of the fourth century the first
+stage of Greek biology reaches its finest development. Later
+Hippocratic treatises which deal with physiological topics are on a
+lower plane, and we must seek some external cause for the failure. Nor
+have we far to seek. This period saw the rise of a movement that had the
+most profound influence on every department of thought. We see the
+advent into the Greek world of a great intellectual movement as a result
+of which the department of philosophy that dealt with nature receded
+before Ethics. Of that intellectual revolution--perhaps the greatest the
+world has seen--Athens was the site and Socrates (470-399) the
+protagonist. With the movement itself and its characteristic fruit we
+are not concerned. But the great successor and pupil of its founder
+gives us in the _Timaeus_ a picture of the depth to which natural
+science can be degraded in the effort to give a specific teleological
+meaning to all parts of the visible Universe. The book and the picture
+which it draws, dark and repulsive to the mind trained in modern
+scientific method, enthralled the imagination of a large part of mankind
+for wellnigh two thousand years. Organic nature appears in this work of
+Plato (427-347) as the degeneration of man whom the Creator has made
+most perfect. The school that held this view ultimately decayed as a
+result of its failure to advance positive knowledge. As the centuries
+went by its views became further and further divorced from phenomena,
+and the bizarre developments of later Neoplatonism stand to this day as
+a warning against any system which shall neglect the investigation of
+nature. But in its decay Platonism dragged science down and destroyed by
+neglect nearly all earlier biological material. Mathematics, not being a
+phenomenal study, suited better the Neoplatonic mood and continued to
+advance, carrying astronomy with it for a while--astronomy that affected
+the life of man and that soon became the handmaid of astrology;
+medicine, too, that determined the conditions of man's life was also
+cherished, though often mistakenly, but pure science was doomed.
+
+But though the ethical view of nature overwhelmed science in the end,
+the advent of the mighty figure of Aristotle (384-322) stayed the tide
+for a time. Yet the writer on Greek Biology remains at a disadvantage in
+contrast with the Historian of Greek Mathematics, of Greek Astronomy, or
+of Greek Medicine, in the scantiness of the materials for presenting an
+account of the development of his studies before Aristotle. The huge
+form of that magnificent naturalist completely overshadows Greek as it
+does much of later Biology.
+
+CHARLES SINGER.
+
+
+_After Aristotle_
+
+All Aristotle's surviving biological works refer primarily to the animal
+creation. His work on plants is lost or rather has survived as the
+merest corrupted fragment. We are fortunate, however, in the possession
+of a couple of complete works by his pupil and successor Theophrastus
+(372-287), which may not only be taken to represent the Aristotelian
+attitude towards the plant world, but also give us an inkling of the
+general state of biological science in the generation which succeeded
+the master.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 7. ARISTOTLE
+From HERCULANEUM
+Probably work of fourth century B. C.]
+
+These treatises of Theophrastus are in many respects the most complete
+and orderly of all ancient biological works that have reached our time.
+They give an idea of the kind of interest that the working scientist of
+that day could develop when inspired rather by the genius of a great
+teacher than by the power of his own thoughts. Theophrastus is a
+pedestrian where Aristotle is a creature of wings, he is in a relation
+to the master of the same order that the morphologists of the second
+half of the nineteenth century were to Darwin. For a couple of
+generations after the appearance of the _Origin of Species_ in 1859 the
+industry and ability of naturalists all over the world were occupied in
+working out in detail the structure and mode of life of living things
+on the basis of the Evolutionary philosophy. Nearly all the work on
+morphology and much of that on physiology since his time might be
+treated as a commentary on the works of Darwin. These volumes of
+Theophrastus give the same impression. They represent the remains--alas,
+almost the only biological remains--of a school working under the
+impulse of a great idea and spurred by the memory of a great teacher. As
+such they afford a parallel to much scientific work of our own day,
+produced by men without genius save that provided by a vision and a hope
+and an ideal. Of such men it is impossible to write as of Aristotle.
+Their lives are summed up by their actual achievement, and since
+Theophrastus is an orderly writer whose works have descended to us in
+good state, he is a very suitable instance of the actual standard of
+achievement of ancient biology. 'Without vision the people perish' and
+the very breath of life of science is drawn, and can only be drawn, from
+that very small band of prophets who from time to time, during the ages,
+have provided the great generalizations and the great ideals. In this
+light let us examine the work of Theophrastus.
+
+In the absence of any adequate system of classification, almost all
+botany until the seventeenth century consisted mainly of descriptions of
+species. To describe accurately a leaf or a root in the language in
+ordinary use would often take pages. Modern botanists have invented an
+elaborate terminology which, however hideous to eye and ear, has the
+crowning merit of helping to abbreviate scientific literature. Botanical
+writers previous to the seventeenth century were substantially without
+this special mode of expression. It is partly to this lack that we owe
+the persistent attempts throughout the centuries to represent plants
+pictorially in herbals, manuscript and printed, and thus the possibility
+of an adequate history of plant illustration.
+
+Theophrastus seems to have felt acutely the need of botanical terms,
+and there are cases in which he seeks to give a special technical
+meaning to words in more or less current use. Among such words are
+_carpos_ = fruit, _pericarpion_ = seed vessel = pericarp, and _metra_,
+the word used by him for the central core of any stem whether formed of
+wood, pith, or other substance. It is from the usage of Theophrastus
+that the exact definition of fruit and pericarp has come down to us.[18]
+We may easily discern also the purpose for which he introduces into
+botany the term _metra_, a word meaning primarily the _womb_, and the
+vacancy in the Greek language which it was made to fill. '_Metra_,' he
+says, 'is that which is in the middle of the wood, being third in order
+from the bark and [thus] like to the marrow in bones. Some call it the
+_heart_ (καρδιαν {kardian}), others the _inside_ (εντεριωνην
+{enteriônên}), yet others call only the innermost part of the metra
+itself the heart, while others again call this _marrow_.'[19] He is thus
+inventing a word to cover all the different kinds of core and importing
+it from another study. This is the method of modern scientific
+nomenclature which hardly existed for botanists even as late as the
+sixteenth century of our era. The real foundations of our modern
+nomenclature were laid in the later sixteenth and in the seventeenth
+century by Cesalpino and Joachim Jung.
+
+    [18] It is possible that Theophrastus derived the word pericarp from
+    Aristotle. Cp. _De anima_, ii. 1, 412 b 2. In the passage το φυλλον
+    περικαρπιου σκεπασμα, το δε περικαρπιον καρπου {to phyllon
+    perikarpiou skepasma, to de perikarpion karpou}, in the _De anima_
+    the word does not, however, seem to have the full technical force
+    that Theophrastus gives to it.
+
+    [19] _Historia plantarum_, i. 2, vi.
+
+Theophrastus understood the value of developmental study, a conception
+derived from his master. 'A plant', he says, 'has power of germination
+in all its parts, for it has life in them all, wherefore we should
+regard them not for what they are but for what they are becoming.'[20]
+The various modes of plant reproduction are correctly distinguished in a
+way that passes beyond the only surviving earlier treatise that deals
+in detail with the subject, the Hippocratic work _On generation_. 'The
+manner of generation of trees and plants are these: spontaneous, from a
+seed, from a root, from a piece torn off, from a branch or twig, from
+the trunk itself, or from pieces of the wood cut up small.'[21] The
+marvel of germination must have awakened admiration from a very early
+date. We have already seen it occupying a more ancient author, and it
+had also been one of the chief preoccupations of Aristotle. It is thus
+not remarkable that the process should impress Theophrastus, who has
+left on record his views on the formation of the plant from the seed.
+
+    [20] _Ibid._ i. 1, iv.
+
+    [21] _Historia plantarum_, ii. 1, i.
+
+     'Some germinate, root and leaves, from the same point, some
+     separately from either end of the seed. Thus wheat, barley, spelt,
+     and all such cereals [germinate] from either end, corresponding to
+     the position [of the seed] in the ear, the root from the stout
+     lower part, the shoot from the upper; but the two, root and stem,
+     form a single continuous whole. The bean and other leguminous
+     plants are not so, but in them root and stem are from the same
+     point, namely, their place of attachment to the pod, where, it is
+     plain, they have their origin. In some cases there is a process, as
+     in beans, chick peas, and especially lupines, from which the root
+     grows downward, the leaf and stem upward.... In certain trees the
+     bud first germinates within the seed, and, as it increases in size,
+     the seeds split--all such seeds are, as it were, in two halves;
+     again, all those of leguminous plants have plainly two lobes and
+     are double--and then the root is immediately thrust out. But in
+     cereals, the seeds being in one piece, this does not happen, but
+     the root grows a little before [the shoot].
+
+     'Barley and wheat come up monophyllous, but peas, beans, and chick
+     peas polyphyllous. All leguminous plants have a single woody root,
+     from which grow slender side roots ... but wheat, barley, and the
+     other cereals have numerous slender roots by which they are matted
+     together.... There is a contrast between these two kinds; the
+     leguminous plants have a single root and have many side-growths
+     above from the [single] stem ... while the cereals have many roots
+     and send up many shoots, but these have no side-shoots.'[22]
+
+    [22] _Historia plantarum_, viii. 1, i.
+
+There can be no doubt that here is a piece of minute observation on the
+behaviour of germinating seeds. The distinction between dicotyledons and
+monocotyledons is accurately set forth, though the stress is laid not so
+much on the cotyledonous character of the seed as on the relation of
+root and shoot. In the dicotyledons root and shoot are represented as
+springing from the same point, and in monocotyledons from opposite poles
+in the seed.
+
+No further effective work was done on the germinating seed until the
+invention of the microscope, and the appearance of the work of Highmore
+(1613-85),[23] and the much more searching investigations of Malpighi
+(1628-94)[24] and Grew (1641-1712)[25] after the middle of the
+seventeenth century. The observations of Theophrastus are, however, so
+accurate, so lucid, and so complete that they might well be used as
+legends for the plates of these writers two thousand years after him.
+
+    [23] Nathaniel Highmore, _A History of Generation_, London, 1651.
+
+    [24] Marcello Malpighi, _Anatome plantarum_, London, 1675.
+
+    [25] Nehemiah Grew, _Anatomy of Vegetables begun_, London, 1672.
+
+Much has been written as to the knowledge of the sex of plants among the
+ancients. It may be stated that of the sexual elements of the flower no
+ancient writer had any clear idea. Nevertheless, sex is often attributed
+to plants, and the simile of the _Loves of Plants_ enters into works of
+the poets. Plants are frequently described as male and female in ancient
+biological writings also, and Pliny goes so far as to say that some
+students considered that all herbs and trees were sexual.[26] Yet when
+such passages can be tested it will be found that these so-called males
+and females are usually different species. In a few cases a sterile
+variety is described as the male and a fertile as the female. In a small
+residuum of cases diœcious plants or flowers are regarded as male and
+female, but with no real comprehension of the sexual nature of the
+flowers. There remain the palms, in which the knowledge of plant sex had
+advanced a trifle farther. 'With dates', says Theophrastus, 'the males
+should be brought to the females; for the males make the fruit persist
+and ripen, and this some call by analogy _to use the wild fig_
+(ολυνθαζειν {olynthazein}).[27] The process is thus: when the male is in
+the flower they at once cut off the spathe with the flower and shake the
+bloom, with its flower and dust, over the fruit of the female, and, if
+it is thus treated, it retains the fruit and does not shed it.'[28] The
+fertilizing character of the spathe of the male date palm was familiar
+in Babylon from a very early date. It is recorded by Herodotus[29] and
+is represented by a frequent symbol on the Assyrian monuments.
+
+    [26] Pliny, _Naturalis historia_, xiii. 4.
+
+    [27] The curious word ολυνθαζειν {olynthazein}, here translated _to
+    use the wild fig_, is from ολυνθος {olynthos}, a kind of wild fig
+    which seldom ripens. The special meaning here given to the word is
+    explained in another work of Theophrastus, _De causis plantarum_,
+    ii. 9, xv. After describing caprification in figs, he says το δε επι
+    των φοινικων συμβαινον ου ταυτον μεν, εχει δε τινα ὁμοιοτητα τουτω
+    δι' ὁ καλουσιν ολυνθαζειν αυτους {to de epi tôn phoinikôn symbainon
+    ou tauton men, echei de tina homoiotêta toutô di' ho kalousin
+    olynthazein autous} 'The same thing is not done with dates, but
+    something analogous to it, whence this is called ολυνθαζειν'
+    {olynthazein'}.
+
+    [28] _Historia plantarum_, ii. 8, iv.
+
+    [29] Herodotus i. 193.
+
+The comparison of the fertilization of the date palm to the use of the
+wild fig refers to the practice of Caprification. Theophrastus tells us
+that there are certain trees, the fig among them, which are apt to shed
+their fruit prematurely. To remedy this 'the device adopted is
+caprification. Gall insects come out of the wild figs which are hanging
+there, eat the tops of the cultivated figs, and so make them swell'.[30]
+These gall-insects 'are engendered from the seeds'.[31] Theophrastus
+distinguished between the process as applied to the fig and the date,
+observing that 'in both [fig and date] the male aids the female--for
+they call the fruit-bearing [palm] _female_--but whilst in the one there
+is a union of the two sexes, in the other things are different'.[32]
+
+    [30] _Historia plantarum_, ii. 8, i.
+
+    [31] _Ibid._ ii. 8, ii.
+
+    [32] _Historia plantarum_, ii. 8, iv.
+
+Theophrastus was not very successful in distinguishing the nature of the
+primary elements of plants, though he was able to separate root, stem,
+leaf, stipule, and flower on morphological as well as to a limited
+extent on physiological grounds. For the root he adopts the familiar
+definition, the only one possible before the rise of chemistry, that it
+'is that by which the plant draws up nourishment',[33] a description
+that applies to the account given by the pre-Aristotelian author of the
+work περι γονης {peri gonês}, _On generation_. But Theophrastus shows by
+many examples that he is capable of following out morphological
+homologies. Thus he knows that the ivy regularly puts forth roots from
+the shoots between the leaves, by means of which it gets hold of trees
+and walls,[34] that the mistletoe will not sprout except on the bark of
+living trees into which it strikes its roots, and that the very peculiar
+formation of the mangrove tree is to be explained by the fact that 'this
+plant sends out roots from the shoots till it has hold on the ground and
+roots again: and so there comes to be a continuous circle of roots round
+the tree, not connected with the main stem, but at a distance from
+it'.[35] He does not succeed, however, in distinguishing the real nature
+of such structures as bulbs, rhizomes, and tubers, but regards them all
+as roots. Nor is he more successful in his discussion of the nature of
+stems. As to leaves, he is more definite and satisfactory, though wholly
+in the dark as to their function; he is quite clear that the pinnate
+leaf of the rowan tree, for instance, is a leaf and not a branch.
+
+    [33] _Ibid._ i. 1, ix.
+
+    [34] _Ibid._ iii. 18, x.
+
+    [35] _De causis plantarum_, ii. 23.
+
+Notwithstanding his lack of insight as to the nature of sex in flowers,
+he attains to an approximately correct idea of the relation of flower
+and fruit. Some plants, he says, 'have [the flower] around the fruit
+itself as vine and olive; [the flowers] of the latter, when they drop,
+look as though they had a hole through them, and this is taken for a
+sign that it has blossomed well; for if [the flower] is burnt up or
+sodden, the fruit falls with it, and so it does not become pierced. Most
+flowers have the fruit case in the middle, or it may be the flower is on
+the top of the pericarp as in pomegranate, apple, pear, plum, and myrtle
+... for these have their seeds below the flower.... In some cases again
+the flower is on top of the seeds themselves as in ... all thistle-like
+plants'.[36] Thus Theophrastus has succeeded in distinguishing between
+the hypogynous, perigynous, and epigynous types of flower, and has
+almost come to regard its relation to the fruit as the essential floral
+element.
+
+    [36] _Historia plantarum_, i. 13, iii.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 8. THEOPHRASTUS
+From VILLA ALBANI
+Copy (second century A. D.?) of earlier work]
+
+Theophrastus has a perfectly clear idea of plant distribution as
+dependent on soil and climate, and at times seems to be on the point of
+passing from a statement of climatic distribution into one of real
+geographical regions. The general question of plant distribution long
+remained at, if it did not recede from, the position where he left it.
+The usefulness of the manuscript and early printed herbals in the West
+was for centuries marred by the retention of plant descriptions prepared
+for the Greek East and Latin South, and these works were saved from
+complete ineffectiveness only by an occasional appeal to nature.
+
+With the death of Theophrastus about 287 B. C. pure biological science
+substantially disappears from the Greek world, and we get the same type
+of deterioration that is later encountered in other scientific
+departments. Science ceases to have the motive of the desire to know,
+and becomes an applied study, subservient to the practical arts. It is
+an attitude from which in the end applied science itself must suffer
+also. Yet the centuries that follow were not without biological writers
+of very great ability. In the medical school of Alexandria anatomy and
+physiology became placed on a firm basis from about 300 B. C., but
+always in the position subordinate to medicine that they have since
+occupied. Two great names of that school, Herophilus and Erasistratus,
+we must consider elsewhere.[37] Their works have disappeared and we have
+the merest fragments of them. In the last pre-Christian and the first
+two post-Christian centuries, however, there were several writers,
+portions of whose works have survived and are of great biological
+importance. Among them we include Crateuas, a botanical writer and
+illustrator, who greatly developed, if he did not actually introduce,
+the method of representing plants systematically by illustration rather
+than by description. This method, important still, was even more
+important when there was no proper system of botanical nomenclature.
+Crateuas by his paintings of plants, copies of which have not improbably
+descended to our time, began a tradition which, fixed about the fifth
+century, remained almost rigid until the re-discovery of nature in the
+sixteenth. He was physician to Mithridates VI Eupator (120-63 B. C.),
+but his work was well known and appreciated at Rome, which became the
+place of resort for Greek talent.[38]
+
+    [37] See the companion chapter on _Greek Medicine_.
+
+    [38] The surviving fragments of the works of Crateuas have recently
+    been printed by M. Wellmann as an appendix to the text of
+    Dioscorides, _De materia medica_, 3 vols., Berlin, 1906-17, iii. pp.
+    144-6. The source and fate of his plant drawings are discussed in
+    the same author's _Krateuas_, Berlin, 1897.
+
+Celsus, who flourished about 20 B. C., wrote an excellent work on
+medicine, but gives all too little glimpse of anatomy and physiology.
+Rufus of Ephesus, however, in the next century practised dissection of
+apes and other animals. He described the decussation of the optic nerves
+and the capsule of the crystalline lens, and gave the first clear
+description that has survived of the structure of the eye. He regarded
+the nerves as originating from the brain, and distinguished between
+nerves of motion and of sensation. He described the oviduct of the sheep
+and rightly held that life was possible without the spleen.
+
+The second Christian century brings us two writers who, while
+scientifically inconsiderable, acted as the main carriers of such
+tradition of Greek biology as reached the Middle Ages, Pliny and
+Dioscorides. Pliny (A. D. 23-79), though a Latin, owes almost everything
+of value in his encyclopaedia to Greek writings. In his _Natural
+History_ we have a collection of current views on the nature, origin,
+and uses of plants and animals such as we might expect from an
+intelligent, industrious, and honest member of the landed class who was
+devoid of critical or special scientific skill. Scientifically the work
+is contemptible, but it demands mention in any study of the legacy of
+Greece, since it was, for centuries, a main conduit of the ancient
+teaching and observations on natural history. Read throughout the ages,
+alike in the darkest as in the more enlightened periods, copied and
+recopied, translated, commented on, extracted and abridged, a large part
+of Pliny's work has gradually passed into folk-keeping, so that through
+its agency the gipsy fortune-teller of to-day is still reciting garbled
+versions of the formulae of Aristotle and Hippocrates of two and a half
+millennia ago.
+
+The fate of Dioscorides (flourished A. D. 60) has been not dissimilar.
+His work _On Materia Medica_ consists of a series of short accounts of
+plants, arranged almost without reference to the nature of the plants
+themselves, but quite invaluable for its terse and striking descriptions
+which often include habits and habitats. Its history has shown it to be
+one of the most influential botanical treatises ever penned. It provided
+most of the little botanical knowledge that reached the Middle Ages. It
+furnished the chief stimulus to botanical research at the time of the
+Renaissance. It has decided the general form of every modern
+pharmacopœia. It has practically determined modern plant nomenclature
+both popular and scientific.
+
+Translated into nearly every language from Anglo-Saxon and Bohemian to
+Arabic and Hebrew, appearing both abstracted and in full in innumerable
+beautifully illuminated manuscripts, some of which are still among the
+fairest treasures of the great national libraries, Dioscorides, the
+drug-monger, appealed to scholasticized minds for centuries. The
+frequency with which fragments of him are encountered in papyri shows
+how popular his work was in Egypt in the third and fourth centuries. One
+of the earliest datable Greek codices in existence is a glorious volume
+of Dioscorides written in capitals,[39] thought worthy to form a wedding
+gift for a lady who was the daughter of one Roman emperor and the
+betrothed of a second.[40] The illustrations of this fifth-century
+manuscript are a very valuable monument for the history of art and the
+chief adornment of what was once the Royal Library at Vienna[41] (figs.
+9-10). Illustrated Latin translations of Dioscorides were in use in the
+time of Cassiodorus (490-585). A work based on it, similarly
+illustrated, but bearing the name of Apuleius, is among the most
+frequent of mediaeval botanical documents and the earliest surviving
+specimen is contemporary with Cassiodorus himself.[42] After the
+revival of learning Dioscorides continued to attract an immense amount
+of philological and botanical ability, and scores of editions of his
+works, many of them nobly illustrated, poured out of the presses of the
+sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 9
+ΣΟΓΚΟΣ ΤΡΥΦΕΡΟΣ {SOGKOS TRYPHEROS} = _Crepis paludosa_, _Mœn._]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 10
+ΓΕΡΑΝΙΟΝ {GERANION} = _Geranium pyrenaicum_, _L._
+
+Fifth-century drawings from JULIANA ANICIA M.S., copied from originals
+of first century B. C. (?)]
+
+    [39] The manuscript in question is Med. Graec. 1 at what was the
+    Royal Library at Vienna. It is known as the _Constantinopolitanus_.
+    After the war it was taken to St. Mark's at Venice, but either has
+    been or is about to be restored to Vienna. A facsimile of this grand
+    manuscript was published by Sijthoff, Leyden, 1906.
+
+    [40] The lady in question was Juliana Anicia, daughter of Anicius
+    Olybrius, Emperor of the West in 472, and his wife Placidia,
+    daughter of Valentinian III. Juliana was betrothed in 479 by the
+    Eastern Emperor Zeno to Theodoric the Ostrogoth, but was married,
+    probably in 487 when the manuscript was presented to her, to
+    Areobindus, a high military officer under the Byzantine Emperor
+    Anastasius.
+
+    [41] The importance of this manuscript as well as the position of
+    Dioscorides as medical botanist is discussed by Charles Singer in an
+    article 'Greek Biology and the Rise of Modern Biology', _Studies in
+    the History and Method of Science_, vol. ii, Oxford, 1921.
+
+    [42] This manuscript is at the University Library at Leyden, where
+    it is numbered Voss Q 9.
+
+But the greatest biologist of the late Greek period, and indeed one of
+the greatest biologists of all time, was Claudius Galen of Pergamon (A.
+D. 131-201). Galen devoted himself to medicine from an early age, and in
+his twenty-first year we hear of him studying anatomy at Smyrna under
+Pelops. With the object of extending his knowledge of drugs he early
+made long journeys to Asia Minor. Later he proceeded to Alexandria,
+where he improved his anatomical equipment, and here, he tells us, he
+examined a human skeleton. It is indeed probable that his direct
+practical acquaintance with human anatomy was limited to the skeleton
+and that dissection of the human body was no longer carried on at
+Alexandria in his time. Thus his physiology and anatomy had to be
+derived mainly from animal sources. He is the most voluminous of all
+ancient scientific writers and one of the most voluminous writers of
+antiquity in any department. We are not here concerned with the medical
+material which mainly fills these huge volumes, but only with the
+physiological views which not only prevailed in medicine until Harvey
+and after, but also governed for fifteen hundred years alike the
+scientific and the popular ideas on the nature and workings of the
+animal body, and have for centuries been embedded in our speech. A
+knowledge of these physiological views of Galen is necessary for any
+understanding of the history of biology and illuminates many literary
+allusions of the Middle Ages and Renaissance.
+
+Between the foundation of the Alexandrian school and the time of Galen,
+medicine was divided among a great number of sects. Galen was an
+eclectic and took portions of his teaching from many of these schools,
+but he was also a naturalist of great ability and industry, and knew
+well the value of the experimental way. Yet he was a somewhat windy
+philosopher and, priding himself on his philosophic powers, did not
+hesitate to draw conclusions from evidence which was by no means always
+adequate. The physiological system that he thus succeeded in building up
+we may now briefly consider (fig. 11).
+
+[Illustration: FIG. 11. Illustrating Galen's physiological teaching.]
+
+The basic principle of life, in the Galenic physiology, is a _spirit_,
+_anima_ or _pneuma_, drawn from the general world-soul in the act of
+respiration. It enters the body through the _rough artery_ (τραχεια
+αρτηρια {tracheia artêria}, _arteria aspera_ of mediaeval notation), the
+organ known to our nomenclature as the trachea. From this trachea the
+pneuma passes to the lung and then, through the _vein-like artery_
+(αρτηρια φλεβωδης {artêria phlebôdês}, _arteria venalis_ of mediaeval
+writers, the pulmonary vein of our nomenclature), to the left ventricle.
+Here it will be best to leave it for a moment and trace the vascular
+system along a different route.
+
+Ingested food, passing down the alimentary tract, was absorbed as chyle
+from the intestine, collected by the portal vessel, and conveyed by it
+to the liver. That organ, the site of the innate heat in Galen's view,
+had the power of elaborating the chyle into venous blood and of imbuing
+it with a spirit or pneuma which is innate in all living substance, so
+long as it remains alive, the _natural spirits_ (πνευμα φυσικον {pneuma
+physikon}, _spiritus naturalis_ of the mediaevals). Charged with this,
+and also with the nutritive material derived from the food, the venous
+blood is distributed by the liver through the veins which arise from it
+in the same way as the arteries from the heart. These veins carry
+nourishment and _natural spirits_ to all parts of the body. _Iecur fons
+venarum_, the liver as the source of the veins, remained through the
+centuries the watchword of the Galenic physiology. The blood was held to
+ebb and flow continuously in the veins during life.
+
+Now from the liver arose one great vessel, the hepatic vein, from
+division of which the others were held to come off as branches. Of
+these branches, one, our _common vena cava_, entered the right side of
+the heart. For the blood that it conveyed to the heart there were two
+fates possible. The greater part remained awhile in the ventricle,
+parting with its impurities and vapours, exhalations of the organs,
+which were carried off by the _artery-like vein_ (φλεπς αρτηριωδης
+{phleps artêriôdês}, the mediaeval _vena arterialis_, our pulmonary
+artery) to the lung and then exhaled to the outer air. These impurities
+and vapours gave its poisonous and suffocating character to the breath.
+Having parted thus with its impurities, the venous blood ebbed back
+again from the right ventricle into the venous system. But for a small
+fraction of the venous blood that entered the right ventricle another
+fate was reserved. This small fraction of venous blood, charged still
+with the _natural spirits_ derived from the liver, passed through minute
+channels in the septum between the ventricles and entered the left
+chamber. Arrived there, it encountered the external pneuma and became
+thereby elaborated into a higher form of spirit, the _vital spirits_
+(πνευμα ζωτικον {pneuma zôtikon}, _spiritus vitalis_), which is
+distributed together with blood by the arterial system to various parts
+of the body. In the arterial system it also ebbed and flowed, and might
+be seen and felt to pulsate there.
+
+But among the great arterial vessels that sent forth arterial blood thus
+charged with vital spirits were certain vessels which ascended to the
+brain. Before reaching that organ they divided up into minute channels,
+the _rete mirabile_ (πλεγμα μεγιστον θαυμα {plegma megiston thauma}),
+and passing into the brain became converted by the action of that organ
+into a yet higher type of spirits, the _animal spirits_ (πνευμα ψυχικον
+{pneuma psychikon}, _spiritus animalis_), an ethereal substance
+distributed to the various parts of the body by the structures known
+to-day as nerves, but believed then to be hollow channels. The three
+fundamental faculties (δυναμεις {dynameis}), the _natural_, the _vital_,
+and the _animal_, which brought into action the corresponding functions
+of the body, thus originated as an expression of the primal force or
+pneuma.
+
+This physiology, we may emphasize, is not derived from an investigation
+of human anatomy. In the human brain there is no _rete mirabile_, though
+such an organ is found in the calf. In the human liver there is no
+_hepatic vein_, though such an organ is found in the dog. Dogs, calves,
+pigs, bears, and, above all, Barbary apes were freely dissected by Galen
+and were the creatures from which he derived his physiological ideas.
+Many of Galen's anatomical and physiological errors are due to his
+attributing to one creature the structures found in another, a fact that
+only very gradually dawned on the Renaissance anatomists.
+
+The whole knowledge possessed by the world in the department of
+physiology from the third to the seventeenth century, nearly all the
+biological conceptions till the thirteenth, and most of the anatomy and
+much of the botany until the sixteenth century, all the ideas of the
+physical structure of living things throughout the Middle Ages, were
+contained in a small number of these works of Galen. The biological
+works of Aristotle and Theophrastus lingered precariously in a few rare
+manuscripts in the monasteries of the East; the total output of hundreds
+of years of Alexandrian and Pergamenian activities was utterly
+destroyed; the Ionian biological works, of which a sample has by a
+miracle survived, were forgotten; but these vast, windy, ill-arranged
+treatises of Galen lingered on. Translated into Latin, Syriac, Arabic,
+and Hebrew, they saturated the intellectual world of the Middle Ages.
+Commented on by later Greek writers, who were themselves in turn
+translated into the same list of languages, they were yet again served
+up under the names of such Greek writers as Oribasius, Paul of Aegina,
+or Alexander of Tralles.
+
+What is the secret of the vitality of these Galenic biological
+conceptions? The answer can be given in four words. _Galen is a
+teleologist_; and a teleologist of a kind whose views happened to fit in
+with the prevailing theological attitude of the Middle Ages, whether
+Christian, Moslem, or Jewish. According to him everything which exists
+and displays activity in the human body originates in and is formed by
+an intelligent being and on an intelligent plan, so that the organ in
+structure and function is the result of that plan. 'It was the Creator's
+infinite wisdom which selected the best means to attain his beneficent
+ends, and it is a proof of His omnipotence that he created every good
+thing according to His design, and thereby fulfilled His will.'[43]
+
+    [43] A good instance of Galen's teleological point of view is
+    afforded by his classical description of _the hand_ in the περι
+    χρειας των εν ανθρωπου σωματι μοριων {peri chreias tôn en anthrôpou
+    sômati moriôn}, _On the uses of the parts of the body of man_, i. 1.
+    This passage is available in English in a tract by Thomas Bellott,
+    London, 1840.
+
+After Galen there is a thousand years of darkness, and biology ceases to
+have a history. The mind of the Dark Ages turned towards theology, and
+such remains of Neoplatonic philosophy as were absorbed into the
+religious system were little likely to be of aid to the scientific
+attitude. One department of positive knowledge must of course persist.
+Men still suffered from the infirmities of the flesh and still sought
+relief from them. But the books from which that advice was sought had
+nothing to do with general principles nor with knowledge as such. They
+were the most wretched of the treatises that still masqueraded under the
+names of Hippocrates and Galen, mostly mere formularies, antidotaries,
+or perhaps at best symptom lists. And, when the depression of the
+western intellect had passed its worst, there was still no biological
+material on which it could be nourished.
+
+The prevailing interest of the barbarian world, at last beginning to
+settle into its heritage of antiquity, was with Logic. Of Aristotle
+there survived in Latin dress only the _Categories_ and the _De
+interpretatione_, the merciful legacy of Boethius, the last of the
+philosophers. Had a translation of Aristotle's _Historia animalium_ or
+_De generatione animalium_ survived, had a Latin version of the
+Hippocratic work _On generation_ or of the treatises of Theophrastus _On
+plants_ reached the earlier Middle Ages, the whole mental history of
+Europe might have been different and the rediscovery of nature might
+have been antedated by centuries. But this was a change of heart for
+which the world had long to wait; something much less was the earliest
+biological gift of Greece. The gift, when it came, came in two forms,
+one of which has not been adequately recognized, but both are equally
+her legacy. These two forms are, firstly, the well-known work of the
+early translators and, secondly, the tardily recognized work of certain
+schools of minor art.
+
+The earliest biological treatises to become accessible in the west were
+rendered not from Greek but from Arabic.[44] The first of them was
+perhaps the treatise περι μυων κινησεως {peri myôn kinêseôs}, _On
+movement of muscles_ of Galen, a work which contains more than its title
+suggests and indeed sets forth much of the Galenic physiological system.
+It was rendered into Latin from the Arabic of Joannitius (Hunain ibn
+Ishaq, 809-73), probably about the year 1200, by one Mark of Toledo. It
+attracted little attention, but very soon after biological works of
+Aristotle began to become accessible. The first was probably the
+fragment _On plants_. The Greek original of this is lost, and besides
+the Latin, only an Arabic version of a former Arabic translation of a
+Syriac rendering of a Greek commentary is now known! Such a work
+appeared from the hand of a translator known as Alfred the Englishman
+about 1220 or a little later. Neither it nor another work from the same
+translator, _On the motion of the heart_, which sought to establish the
+primacy of that organ on Aristotelian grounds, can be said to contain
+any of the spirit of the master.[45]
+
+    [44] The early European translations from the Arabic are tabulated
+    with unparalleled learning by M. Steinschneider, 'Die Europäischen
+    Uebersetzungen aus dem Arabischen bis Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts',
+    in the _Sitzungsberichte der kais. Akad. der Wissenschaften in
+    Wien_, cxlix and cli, Vienna, 1904 and 1905.
+
+    [45] C. H. Haskins, 'The reception of Arabic science in England,'
+    _English Historical Review_, London, 1915, p. 56.
+
+A little better than these is the work of the wizard Michael the Scot
+(1175?-1234?). Roger Bacon tells us that Michael in 1230 'appeared [at
+Oxford], bringing with him the works of Aristotle in natural history and
+mathematics, with wise expositors, so that the philosophy of Aristotle
+was magnified among the Latins'.[46] Scott produced his work _De
+animalibus_ about this date and he included in it the three great
+biological works of Aristotle, all rendered from an inferior Arabic
+version.[47] Albertus Magnus (1206-80) had not as yet a translation
+direct from the Greek to go upon for his great commentary on the
+_History of animals_, but he depended on Scott. The biological works of
+Aristotle were rendered into Latin direct from the Greek in the year
+1260 probably by William of Moerbeke.[48] Such translations, appearing
+in the full scholastic age when everything was against direct
+observation, cannot be said to have fallen on a fertile ground. They
+presented an ordered account of nature and a good method of
+investigation, but those were gifts to a society that knew little of
+their real value.[49]
+
+    [46] Roger Bacon, _Opus majus_, edited by J. H. Bridges, 3 vols.,
+    London, 1897-1900. Vol. iii, p. 66.
+
+    [47] On the Aristotelian translations of Scott see A. H. Querfeld,
+    _Michael Scottus und seine Schrift, De secretis naturae_, Leipzig,
+    1919; and C. H. Haskins, 'Michael Scot and Frederick II' in _Isis_,
+    ii. 250, Brussels, 1922.
+
+    [48] J. G. Schneider, _Aristotelis de animalibus historiae_,
+    Leipzig, 1811, p. cxxvi. L. Dittmeyer, _Guilelmi Moerbekensis
+    translatio commentationis Aristotelicae de generatione animalium_,
+    Dillingen, 1915. L. Dittmeyer, _De animalibus historia_, Leipzig,
+    1907.
+
+    [49] The subject of the Latin translations of Aristotle is traversed
+    by A. and C. Jourdain, _Recherches critiques sur l'âge des
+    traductions latines d'Aristote_, 2nd ed., Paris, 1843; M. Grabmann,
+    _Forschungen uber die lateinischen Aristoteles Ubersetzungen des
+    XIII. Jahrhunderts_, Münster i/W., 1916; and F. Wüstenfeld, _Die
+    Ubersetzungen arabischer Werke in das Lateinische seit dem XI.
+    Jahrhundert_, Göttingen, 1877.
+
+Yet the advent of these texts was coincident with a returning desire to
+observe nature. Albert, with all his scholasticism, was no contemptible
+naturalist. He may be said to have begun first-hand plant study in
+modern times so far as literary records are concerned. His book _De
+vegetabilibus_ contains excellent observations, and he is worthy of
+inclusion among the fathers of botany. In his vast treatise _De
+animalibus_, hampered as he is by his learning and verbosity, he shows
+himself a true observer and one who has absorbed something of the spirit
+of the great naturalist to whose works he had devoted a lifetime of
+study and on which he professes to be commenting. We see clearly the
+leaven of the Aristotelian spirit working, though Albert is still a
+schoolman. We may select for quotation a passage on the generation of
+fish, a subject on which some of Aristotle's most remarkable
+descriptions remained unconfirmed till modern times. These descriptions
+impressed Albert in the same way as they do the modern naturalist. To
+those who know nothing of the stimulating power of the Aristotelian
+biological works, Albert's description of the embryos of fish and his
+accurate distinction of their mode of development from that of birds, by
+the absence of an allantoic membrane in the one and its presence in the
+other, must surely be startling. Albert depends on Aristotle--a
+third-hand version of Aristotle--but does not slavishly follow him.
+
+'Between the mode of development (_anathomiam generationis_) of birds'
+and fishes' eggs there is this difference: during the development of the
+fish the second of the two veins which extend from the heart [as
+described by Aristotle in birds] does not exist. For we do not find the
+vein which extends to the outer covering in the eggs of birds which some
+wrongly call the navel because it carries the blood to the exterior
+parts; but we do find the vein that corresponds to the yolk vein of
+birds, for this vein imbibes the nourishment by which the limbs
+increase.... In fishes as in birds, channels extend from the heart first
+to the head and the eyes, and first in them appear the great upper
+parts. As the growth of the young fish increases the albumen decreases,
+being incorporated into the members of the young fish, and it disappears
+entirely when development and formation are complete. The beating of
+the heart ... is conveyed to the lower part of the belly, carrying pulse
+and life to the inferior members.
+
+'While the young [fish] are small and not yet fully developed they have
+veins of great length which take the place of the navel-string, but as
+they grow and develop, these shorten and contract into the body towards
+the heart, as we have said about birds. The young fish and the eggs are
+enclosed and in a covering, as are the eggs and young of birds. This
+covering resembles the dura mater [of the brain], and beneath it is
+another [corresponding therefore to the pia mater of the brain] which
+contains the young animal and nothing else.'[50]
+
+    [50] The enormous _De Animalibus_ of Albert of Cologne is now
+    available in an edition by H. Stadler, _Albertus Magnus De
+    Animalibus Libri XXVI nach der cölner Urschrift_, 2 vols., Münster
+    i/W., 1916-21. The quotation is translated from vol. i, pp. 465-6.
+
+In the next century Conrad von Megenberg (1309-98) produced his _Book of
+Nature_, a complete work on natural history, the first of the kind in
+the vernacular, founded on Latin versions, now rendered direct from the
+Greek, of the Aristotelian and Galenic biological works. It is well
+ordered and opens with a systematic account of the structure and
+physiology of man as a type of the animal creation, which is then
+systematically described and followed by an account of plants. Conrad,
+though guided by Aristotle, uses his own eyes and ears, and with him and
+Albert the era of direct observation has begun.[51]
+
+    [51] Conrad's work is conveniently edited by H. Schultz, _Das Buch
+    der Natur von Conrad von Megenberg, die erste Naturgeschichte in
+    deutscher Sprache, in Neu-Hochdeutsche Sprache bearbeitet_,
+    Greifswald, 1897. Conrad's work is based on that of Thomas of
+    Cantimpré (1201-70).
+
+But there was another department in which the legacy of Greece found an
+even earlier appreciation. For centuries the illustrations to herbals
+and bestiaries had been copied from hand to hand, continuing a tradition
+that had its rise with Greek artists of the first century B. C. But
+their work, copied at each stage without reference to the object, moved
+constantly farther from resemblance to the original. At last the
+illustrations became little but formal patterns, a state in which they
+remained in some late copies prepared as recently as the sixteenth
+century. But at a certain period a change set in, and the artist, no
+longer content to rely on tradition, appeals at last to nature. This new
+stirring in art corresponds with the new stirring in letters, the
+Arabian revival--itself a legacy of Greece, though sadly deteriorated in
+transit--that gave rise to scholasticism. In much of the beautiful
+carved and sculptured work of the French cathedrals the new movement
+appears in the earlier part of the thirteenth century. At such a place
+as Chartres we see the attempt to render plants and animals faithfully
+in stone as early as 1240 or before. In the easier medium of parchment
+the same tendency appears even earlier. When once it begins the process
+progresses slowly until the great recovery of the Greek texts in the
+fifteenth century, when it is again accelerated.
+
+During the sixteenth century the energy of botanists and zoologists was
+largely absorbed in producing most carefully annotated and illustrated
+editions of Dioscorides and Theophrastus and accounts of animals,
+habits, and structure that were intended to illustrate the writings of
+Aristotle, while the anatomists explored the bodies of man and beast to
+confirm or refute Galen. The great monographs on birds, fishes, and
+plants of this period, ostensibly little but commentaries on Pliny,
+Aristotle, and Dioscorides, represent really the first important efforts
+of modern times at a natural history. They pass naturally into the
+encyclopaedias of the later sixteenth century, and these into the
+physiological works of the seventeenth. Aristotle was never a dead hand
+in Biology as he was in Physics, and this for the reason that he was a
+great biologist but was not a great physicist.
+
+With the advance of the sixteenth century the works of Aristotle, and to
+a less extent those of Dioscorides and Galen, became the great stimulus
+to the foundation of a new biological science. Matthioli (1520-77), in
+his commentary on Dioscorides (first edition 1544), which was one of the
+first works of its type to appear in the vernacular, made a number of
+first-hand observations on the habits and structure of plants that is
+startling even to a modern botanist. About the same time Galenic
+physiology, expressed also in numerous works in the vulgar tongue and
+rousing the curiosity of the physicians, became the clear parent of
+modern physiology and comparative anatomy. But, above all, the
+Aristotelian biological works were fertilizers of the mind. It is very
+interesting to watch a fine observer such as Fabricius ab Acquapendente
+(1537-1619) laying the foundations of modern embryology in a splendid
+series of first-hand observations, treating his own great researches
+almost as a commentary on Aristotle. What an impressive contrast to the
+arid physics of the time based also on Aristotle! 'My purpose', says
+Fabricius, 'is to treat of the formation of the foetus in every animal,
+setting out from that which proceeds from the egg: for this ought to
+take precedence of all other discussion of the subject, both because it
+is not difficult to make out Aristotle's view of the matter, and because
+his treatise on the Formation of the Foetus from the egg is by far the
+fullest, and the subject is by much the most extensive and
+difficult.'[52]
+
+    [52] Hieronimo Fabrizio of Acquapendente, _De formato foetu_, Padua,
+    1604.
+
+The industrious and careful Fabricius, with a wonderful talent for
+observation lit not by his own lamp but by that of Aristotle, bears a
+relation to the master much like that held by Aristotle's pupil in the
+flesh, Theophrastus. The works of the two men, Fabricius and
+Theophrastus, bear indeed a resemblance to each other. Both rely on the
+same group of general ideas, both progress in much the same ordered calm
+from observation to observation, both have an inspiration which is
+efficient and stimulating but below the greatest, both are enthusiastic
+and effective as investigators of fact, but timid and ineffective in
+drawing conclusions.
+
+But Fabricius was more happy in his pupils than Theophrastus, for we may
+watch the same Aristotelian ideas fermenting in the mind of Fabricius's
+successor, the greatest biologist since Aristotle himself, William
+Harvey (1578-1657).[53] This writer's work _On generation_ is a careful
+commentary on Aristotle's work on the same topic, but it is a commentary
+not in the old sense but in the spirit of Aristotle himself. Each
+statement is weighed and tested in the light of experience, and the
+younger naturalist, with all his reverence for Aristotle, does not
+hesitate to criticize his conclusions. He exhibits an independence of
+thought, an ingenuity in experiment, and a power of deduction that
+places his treatise as the middle term of the three great works on
+embryology of which the other members are those of Aristotle and Karl
+Ernst von Baer (1796-1876).[54]
+
+    [53] William Harvey, _Exercitationes de generatione animalium_,
+    London, 1651.
+
+    [54] Karl Ernst von Baer, _Ueber die Entwickelungsgeschichte der
+    Thiere_, Königsberg, 1828-37.
+
+With the second half of the seventeenth century and during a large part
+of the eighteenth the biological works of Aristotle attracted less
+attention. The battle against the Aristotelian physics had been fought
+and won, but with them the biological works of Aristotle unjustly passed
+into the shadow that overhung all the idols of the Middle Ages.
+
+The rediscovery of the Aristotelian biology is a modern thing. The
+collection of the vast wealth of living forms absorbed the energies of
+the generations of naturalists from Ray (1627-1705) and Willoughby
+(1635-72) to Réaumur (1683-1757) and Linnaeus (1707-1778) and beyond to
+the nineteenth century. The magnitude and fascination of the work seems
+almost to have excluded general ideas. With the end of this period and
+the advent of a more philosophical type of naturalist, such as Cuvier
+(1769-1832) and members of the Saint-Hilaire family, Aristotle came
+again to his own. Since the dawn of the nineteenth century, and since
+naturalists have been in a position to verify the work of Aristotle, his
+reputation as a naturalist has continuously risen. Johannes Müller
+(1801-58), Richard Owen (1804-92), George Henry Lewes (1817-78), William
+Ogle (1827-1912) are a few of the long line of those who have derived
+direct inspiration from his biological work. With improved modern
+methods of investigation the problems of generation have absorbed a
+large amount of biological attention, and interest has become specially
+concentrated on Aristotle's work on that topic which is perhaps, at the
+moment, more widely read than any biological treatise, ancient or
+modern, except the works of Darwin. That great naturalist wrote to Ogle
+in 1882: 'From quotations I had seen I had a high notion of Aristotle's
+merits, but I had not the most remote notion what a wonderful man he
+was. Linnaeus and Cuvier have been my two gods, though in very different
+ways, but they were mere schoolboys to old Aristotle.'
+
+CHARLES SINGER.
+
+
+
+
+MEDICINE
+
+     Ἡροφιλος δε εν τω Διαιτητικω και σοφιαν φησιν ανεπιδεικτον και
+     τεχνην αδηλον και ισχυν αναγωνιστον και πλουτον αχρειον και λογον
+     αδυνατον, ὑγιειας απουσης.
+
+    {Hêrophilos de en tô Diaitêtikô kai sophian phêsin anepideikton kai
+    technên adêlon kai ischyn anagôniston kai plouton achreion kai logon
+    adynaton, hygieias apousês.}
+
+
+Herophilos, a Greek philosopher and physician (_c._ 300 B. C.), has
+truly written 'that Science and Art have equally nothing to show, that
+Strength is incapable of effort, Wealth useless, and Eloquence powerless
+if Health be wanting'.[55] All peoples therefore have had their methods
+of treating those departures from health that we call disease, and among
+peoples of higher culture such methods have been reduced in most cases
+to something resembling a system. In antiquity, as now, a variety of
+such systems were in vogue, and those nations who practised the art of
+writing from an early date have left considerable records of their
+medical methods and doctrines. We may thus form a fairly good idea of
+the medical principles of the Mesopotamian, the Egyptian, the Iranian,
+the Indian, and the Chinese civilizations. Much in these systems, as in
+the medical procedure of more primitive tribes, was based upon some
+theory of disease which fitted in with a larger theory of the nature of
+evil. Of these theories the commonest was and is the demonic, the view
+that regards deviation from the normal state of health as due either to
+the attacks of supernatural beings or to their actual entry into the
+body of the sufferer. A medical system based on such a view is
+susceptible of great elaboration in a higher civilization, but not being
+founded on observation is hardly capable of indefinite development, for
+a point must ultimately be reached at which the mind recoils from
+complex conclusions far remote from observed phenomena. The medicine of
+the ancient and settled civilization of such a people as the
+Assyro-Babylonians, for instance, of which substantial traces have been
+recovered, is hardly, if at all, more effective, though far more
+systematized, than that of many a wild and unlettered tribe that may be
+observed to-day. Of such medicine as this we may give an account, but we
+can hardly write a _history_. We cannot establish those elements of
+continuity and of development from which alone history can be
+constructed.
+
+    [55] The works of Herophilus are lost. This fine passage has been
+    preserved for us by Sextus Empiricus, a third-century physician, in
+    his προς τοις μαθηματικους αιτιρρητικοι {pros tois mathêmatikous
+    aitirrêtikoi}, which is in essence an attack on all positive
+    philosophy. It is an entertaining fact that we should have to go to
+    such a work for remains of the greatest anatomist of antiquity. The
+    passage is in the section directed against ethical writers, xi. 50.
+
+It is the distinction of the Greeks alone among the nations of antiquity
+that they practised a system of medicine based not on theory but on
+observation accumulated systematically as time went on. The claim can be
+made for the Greeks that some at least among them were deflected by no
+theory, were deceived by no theurgy, were hampered by no tradition in
+their search for the facts of disease and in their attempts at
+interpreting its phenomena. Only the Greeks among the ancients could
+look on their healers as _physicians_ (= naturalists, φυσις {physis} =
+nature), and that word itself stands as a lasting reminder of their
+achievement.[56]
+
+    [56] The word φυσικος {physikos}, though it passed over into Latin
+    (Cicero) with the meaning _naturalist_, acquired the connotation of
+    _sorcerer_ among the later Greek writers. Perhaps the word
+    _physicianus_ was introduced to make a distinction from the
+    charm-mongering _physicus_. In later Latin _physicus_ and _medicus_
+    are almost always interchangeable.
+
+At a certain stage in the history of the Western world--the exact point
+in time may be disputed but the event is admitted by all--men turned to
+explore the treasures of the ancient wisdom and the whole mass of Greek
+medical learning was gradually laid before the student. That mass
+contained much dross, material that survived from early as from late
+Greek times which was hardly, if at all, superior to the debased
+compositions that circulated in the name of medicine in the middle
+centuries. But the recovered Greek medical writings also contained some
+material of the purest and most scientific type, and that material and
+the spirit in which it was written, form the debt of modern medicine to
+antiquity.
+
+It is a debt the value of which cannot be exaggerated. The physicians of
+the revival of learning, and for long after, doubtless pinned their
+faith too much to the written word of their Greek forbears and sought to
+imprison the free spirit of Hippocrates and Galen in the rigid wall of
+their own rediscovered texts. The great medical pioneers of a somewhat
+later age, enraged by this attempt, the real nature of which was largely
+hidden from them, not infrequently revolted and rightly revolted against
+the bondage to the Greeks in which they had been brought up. Yet it is
+sure that these modern discoverers were the true inheritors of the
+Greeks. Without Herophilus we should have had no Harvey and the rise of
+physiology might have been delayed for centuries; had Galen's works not
+survived, Vesalius would never have reconstructed Anatomy, and Surgery
+too might have stayed behind with her laggard sister, Medicine; the
+Hippocratic collection was the necessary and acknowledged basis for the
+work of the greatest of modern clinical observers, Thomas Sydenham, and
+the teaching of Hippocrates and of his school is the substantial basis
+of instruction in the wards of a modern hospital. In the pages which
+follow we propose therefore to review the general character of medical
+knowledge in the best Greek period and to consider briefly how much of
+that great heritage remained accessible to the earlier modern
+physicians. The reader will thus be able to form some estimate of the
+degree to which the legacy has been passed on to our own times.
+
+It is evident that among such a group of peoples as the Greeks, varying
+in state of civilization, in mental power, in geographical and economic
+position and in general outlook, the practice of medicine can have been
+by no means uniform. Without any method of centralizing medical
+education and standardizing teaching there was a great variety of
+doctrines and of practice in vogue among them, and much of this was on a
+low level of folk custom. Such lower grade material of Greek origin has
+come down to us in abundance, though much of it, curiously enough, from
+a later time. But the overwhelming mass of earlier Greek medical
+literature sets forth for us a pure scientific effort to observe and to
+classify disease, to make generalizations from carefully collected data,
+to explain the origin of disease on rational grounds, and to apply
+remedies, when possible, on a reasoned basis. We may thus rest fairly
+well assured that, despite serious and irreparable losses, we are still
+in possession of some of the very finest products of the Greek medical
+intellect.
+
+There is ample evidence that the Greeks inherited, in common with many
+other peoples of Mediterranean and Asiatic origin, a whole system of
+magical or at least non-rational pharmacy and medicine from a remoter
+ancestry. Striking parallels can be drawn between these folk elements
+among the Greeks and the medical systems of the early Romans, as well as
+with the medicine of the Indian Vedas, of the ancient Egyptians, and of
+the earliest European barbarian writings. It is thus reasonable to
+suppose that these elements, when they appear in later Greek writings,
+represent more primitive folk elements working up, under the influence
+of social disintegration and consequent mental deterioration, through
+the upper strata of the literate Greek world. But with these elements,
+intensely interesting to the anthropologist, the psychologist, the
+ethnologist, and to the historian of religion, we are not here greatly
+concerned. Important as they are, they constitute no part of the special
+claim of the Greek people to distinction, but rather aid us in uniting
+the Greek mentality with that of other kindred peoples. Here we shall
+rather discuss the course of Greek scientific medicine proper, the type
+of medical doctrine and practice, capable of development in the proper
+sense of the word, that forms the basis of our modern system. We are
+concerned, in fact, with the earliest evolutionary medicine.
+
+We need hardly discuss the first origins of Greek Medicine. The material
+is scanty and the conclusions somewhat doubtful and perhaps premature,
+for the discovery of a considerable fragment of the historical work of
+Menon, a pupil of Aristotle, containing a description of the views of
+some of the precursors of the Hippocratic school, renews a hope that
+more extended investigation may yield further information as to the
+sources and nature of the earliest Greek medical writings.[57] The study
+of Mesopotamian star-lore has linked it up with early Greek astronomical
+science. The efforts of cuneiform scholars have not, however, been
+equally successful for medicine, and on the whole the general tendency
+of modern research is to give less weight to Mesopotamian and more to
+Egyptian sources than had previously been admitted; thus very recently
+an Egyptian medical papyrus of about 1700 B. C. has been described which
+bears a distinct resemblance to some of the Hippocratic treatises.[58] A
+number of drugs, too, habitually used by the Greeks, such as
+_Andropogon_, _Cardamoms_, and _Sesame orientalis_, are of Indian
+origin. There are also the Minoan cultures to be considered, and though
+our knowledge is not yet sufficient to speak of the heritage that Greek
+medicine may or may not have derived from that source, it seems not
+improbable that Greek hygiene may here owe a debt.[59] Omitting,
+therefore, this early epoch, we pass direct to the later period,
+between the sixth and fourth centuries, from which documents have
+actually come down to us.
+
+    [57] This fragment has been published in vol. iii, part 1, of the
+    _Supplementum Aristotelicum_ by H. Diels as _Anonymi Londinensis ex
+    Aristotelis Iatricis Menonis et Aliis Medicis Eclogae_, Berlin,
+    1893. See also H. Bekh and F. Spät, _Anonymus Londinensis, Auszuge
+    eines Unbekannten aus Aristoteles-Menons Handbuch der Medizin_,
+    Berlin, 1896.
+
+    [58] As we go to press there appears a preliminary account of the
+    very remarkable Edwin Smith papyrus, see J. H. Breasted in _Recueil
+    d'études egyptologiques dédiées à la mémoire de Champollion_, Paris
+    1922, and _New York Historical Society Bulletin_, 1922.
+
+    [59] It is tempting, also, to connect the Asclepian snake cult with
+    the prominence of the serpent in Minoan religion.
+
+The earliest medical school of which we have definite information is
+that of Cnidus, a Lacedaemonian colony in Asiatic Doris. Its origin may
+perhaps reach back to the seventh century B. C. We have actual records
+that the teachers of Cnidus were accustomed to collect systematically
+the phenomena of disease, of which they had produced a very complex
+classification, and we probably possess also several of their actual
+works. The physicians of Cos, their only contemporary critics whose
+writings have survived, considered that the Cnidian physicians paid too
+much attention to the actual sensations of the patient and to the
+physical signs of the disease. The most important of the Cnidian
+doctrines were drawn up in a series of _Sentences_ or Aphorisms, and
+these, it appears, inculcated a treatment along Egyptian lines of the
+symptom or at most the disease, rather than the patient, a statement
+borne out by the contents of the gynaecological works of probable
+Cnidian origin included in the so-called 'Hippocratic Collection'. A few
+names of Cnidian physicians have, moreover, come down to us with titles
+of their works, and a later statement that they practised anatomy. There
+can be little doubt too that the Cnidian school drew also on Persian and
+Indian Medicine.
+
+The origin of the school of the neighbouring island of Cos was a little
+later than that of Cnidus and probably dates from the sixth century B.
+C. Of the Coan school, or at least of the general tendencies that it
+represented, we have a magnificent and copious literary monument in the
+Corpus Hippocraticum, a collection which was probably put together in
+the early part of the third century B. C. by a commission of Alexandrian
+scholars at the order of the book-loving Ptolemy Soter (reigned 323-285
+B. C.). The elements of which this collection is composed are of varying
+dates from the sixth to the fourth century B. C., and of varying value
+and origin, but they mainly represent the point of view of physicians
+of the eastern part of the Greek world in the fifth and fourth
+centuries.
+
+The most obvious feature, the outstanding element that at once strikes
+the modern observer in these 'Coan' writings, is the enormous emphasis
+laid on the actual course of disease. 'It appears to me a most excellent
+thing', so opens one of the greatest of the Hippocratic works, 'for a
+physician to cultivate _pronoia_.[60] Foreknowing and foretelling in the
+presence of the sick the past, present, and future (of their symptoms)
+and explaining all that the patients are neglecting, he would be
+believed to understand their condition, so that men would have
+confidence to entrust themselves to his care.... Thus he would win just
+respect and be a good physician. By an earlier forecast in each case he
+would be more able to tend those aright who have a chance of surviving,
+and by foreseeing and stating who will die, and who will survive, he
+will escape blame....'[61]
+
+    [60] This word _pronoia_, as Galen explains (εις το Ἱπποκρατους
+    προγνωστικον {eis to Hippokratous prognôstikon}, K. xviii, B. p.
+    10), is not used in the philosophic sense, as when we ask whether
+    the universe was made by chance or by _pronoia_, nor is it used
+    quite in the modern sense of _prognosis_, though it includes that
+    too. _Pronoia_ in Hippocrates means knowing things about a patient
+    before you are told them. See E. T. Withington, 'Some Greek medical
+    terms with reference to Luke and Liddell and Scott,' _Proceedings of
+    the Royal Society of Medicine_ (_Section of the History of
+    Medicine_), xiii, p. 124, London, 1920.
+
+    [61] _Prognostics_ 1.
+
+Just as the Cnidians by dividing up diseases according to symptoms
+over-emphasized diagnosis and over-elaborated treatment, so the Coans
+laid very great force on prognosis and adopted therefore a largely
+expectant attitude towards diseases. Both Cnidian and Coan physicians
+were held together by a common bond which was, historically if not
+actually, related to temple worship. Physicians leagued together in the
+name of a god, as were the Asclepiadae, might escape, and did escape,
+the baser theurgic elements of temple medicine. Of these they were as
+devoid as a modern Catholic physician might be expected to be free from
+the absurdities of Lourdes. But the extreme cult of prognosis among the
+Coans may not improbably be traced back to the medical lore of the
+temple soothsayers whose divine omens were replaced by indications of a
+physical nature in the patient himself.[62] We are tempted too to link
+it with that process of astronomical and astrological prognosis
+practised in the Mesopotamian civilizations from which Ionia imitated
+and derived so much. Religion had thus the same relation to medicine
+that it would have with a modern 'religious' medical man as suggesting
+the motive and determining the general direction of his practice though
+without influence on the details and method.
+
+    [62] There is a discussion of the relation of the Asclepiadae to
+    temple practice in an article by E. T. Withington, 'The Asclepiadae
+    and the Priest of Asclepius,' in _Studies in the History and Method
+    of Science_, edited by Charles Singer, vol. ii, Oxford, 1921.
+
+During the development of the Coan medical school along these lines in
+the sixth and fifth centuries, there was going on a most remarkable
+movement at the very other extreme of the Greek world. Into the course
+and general importance of Sicilian philosophy it is not our place to
+enter, but that extraordinary movement was not without its repercussion
+on medical theory and practice. Very important in this direction was
+Empedocles of Agrigentum (_c._ 500-_c._ 430 B. C.). His view that the
+blood is the seat of the 'innate heat', εμφυτον θερμον {emphyton
+thermon}, he took from folk belief--'the blood is the life'--and this
+innate heat he closely identified with soul. More profitable was his
+doctrine that breathing takes place not only through what are now known
+as the respiratory passages but also through the pores of the skin. His
+teaching led to a belief in the heart as the centre of the vascular
+system and the chief organ of the 'pneuma' which was distributed by the
+blood vessels. This pneuma was equivalent to both soul and life, but it
+was something more. It was identified with air and breath, and the
+pneuma could be seen to rise as shimmering steam from the shed blood of
+the sacrificial victim--for was not the blood its natural home? There
+was a pneuma, too, that interpenetrated the universe around us and gave
+it those qualities of life that it was felt to possess. Anaximenes (_c._
+610-_c._ 545 B. C.), an Ionian predecessor of Empedocles, may be said to
+have defined for us these functions of the pneuma; ὁιον ἡ ψυχη ἡ ἡμετερα
+αηρ ουσα συγκρατει ἡμας, ὁλον τον κοσμον πνευμα και αηρ περιεχει {hoion
+hê psychê hê hêmetera aêr ousa synkratei hêmas, holon ton kosmon pneuma
+kai aêr periechei}, 'As our soul, being air, sustains us, so pneuma and
+air pervade the whole universe';[63] but it is the speculation of
+Empedocles himself that came to be regarded as the basis of the
+Pneumatic School in Medicine which had later very important
+developments.
+
+    [63] The works of Anaximenes are lost. This phrase of his, however,
+    is preserved by the later writer Aetios.
+
+Another early member of the Western school who made important
+contributions to medical doctrine--in which relation alone we need
+consider him--was Pythagoras of Samos (_c._ 580-_c._490 B. C.). For him
+number, as the purest conception, formed the basis of philosophy. Unity
+was the symbol of perfection and corresponded to God Himself. The
+material universe was represented by 2, and was divided by the number
+12, whence we have 3 worlds and 4 spheres. These in turn, according at
+least to the later Pythagoreans, give rise to the four elements, earth,
+air, fire, and water--a primary doctrine of medicine and of science
+derived perhaps from ancient Egypt and surviving for more than two
+millennia. The Pythagoreans taught, too, of the existence of an animal
+soul, an emanation of the soul of the universe. In all this we may
+distinguish the germ of that doctrine of the relation of man and
+universe, microcosm and macrocosm, which, suppressed as irrelevant in
+the Hippocratic works, reappears in the Platonic and especially in the
+Neoplatonic writings, and forms a very important dogma in later
+medicine.
+
+A pupil of Pythagoras and an older contemporary of Empedocles was
+Alcmaeon of Croton (_c._ 500 B. C.), who began to construct a positive
+basis for medical science by the practice of dissection of animals, and
+discovered the optic nerves and the Eustachian tubes. He even extended
+his researches to Embryology, describing the head of the foetus as the
+first part to be developed--a justifiable deduction from appearances.
+Alcmaeon introduced also the doctrine that health depends on harmony,
+disease on discord of the elements within the body. Curiosity as to the
+distribution of the vessels was excited by Empedocles and Alcmaeon and
+led to further dissection, and Alcmaeon's pupils Acron (_c._ 480 B. C.)
+and Pausanias (_c._ 480 B. C.), and the later Philistion of Lokri,[64]
+the contemporary of Plato, all made anatomical investigations.
+
+    [64] For the work of these physicians see especially M. Wellmann,
+    _Fragmentsammlung der griechischen Aerzte_, Bd. I, Berlin, 1901.
+
+The views of Empedocles, and especially his doctrine that regarded the
+heart as the main site of the pneuma, though rejected by the Coan school
+as a whole, were not without influence on Ionia. Diogenes of Apollonia,
+the philosopher of pneumatism, a late fifth-century writer who must have
+been contemporary with Hippocrates the Great, himself made an
+investigation of the blood vessels; and the influence of the same school
+may be traced in a little work περι καρδιης {peri kardiês}, _On the
+heart_, which is the best anatomical treatise of the Hippocratic
+Collection. This work describes the aorta and the pulmonary artery as
+well as the three valves at the root of each of the great vessels, and
+it speaks of experiments to test their validity. It treats of the
+pericardium and of the pericardial fluid and perhaps of the musculi
+papillares, and contrasts the thickness of the walls of right and left
+ventricles. The author considers that the left ventricle is empty of
+blood--as indeed it is after death--and is the source of the innate heat
+and of the absolute intelligence. These views fit in with the doctrines
+of Empedocles, so that we may perhaps even venture to regard this work
+as a surviving document of the Sicilian school. It is interesting to
+observe that we have here the first hint of human dissection, for the
+author tells us that the hearts of animals may be compared to that of
+man. The distinction of having been the first to write on human anatomy,
+as such, belongs however, probably to a later writer, Diocles, son of
+Archidamus of Carystus, who lived in the fourth century B. C.[65]
+
+    [65] Galen, περι ανατομικων εγχειρησεων {peri anatomikôn
+    encheirêseôn}, _On anatomical preparations_, § 1, K. II, p. 282.
+
+We may now turn to the Hippocratic Corpus as a whole. This collection
+consists of about 60 or 70 separate works, written at various periods
+and in various states of preservation. At best only a very small
+proportion of them can be attributed to Hippocrates, but the discussion
+of the general question of the 'genuineness' of the works is now
+admitted to be futile, for it is certain that we have no criteria
+whatever to determine whether or no a particular work be from the pen of
+the Father of Medicine, and the most we can ever say of such a treatise
+is that it appears to be of his school and in his spirit. Yet among the
+great gifts of this collection to our time and to all time are two which
+stand out above all others, the picture of a man, and the picture of a
+method.
+
+The man is Hippocrates himself. Of the actual details of his life we
+know next to nothing. His period of greatest activity falls about 400 B.
+C. He seems to have led a wandering life. Born of a long line of
+physicians in the island of Cos, he exerted his activities in Thrace,
+Abdera, Delos, the Propontis (Cyzicus), Thasos, Thessaly (notably at
+Larissa and Meliboea), Athens, and elsewhere, dying at Larissa in
+extreme old age about the year 377 B. C. He had many pupils, among whom
+were his two sons Thessalus and Dracon, who also undertook journeys, his
+son-in-law Polybus, of whose works a fragment has been preserved for us
+by Aristotle,[66] together with three other Coans bearing the names
+Apollonius, Dexippus, and Praxagoras. This is practically all we know
+of him with certainty. But though this glimpse is very dim and distant,
+yet we cannot exaggerate the influence on the course of medicine and the
+value for physicians of all time of the traditional picture that was
+early formed of him and that may indeed well be drawn again from the
+works bearing his name. In beauty and dignity that figure is beyond
+praise. Perhaps gaining in stateliness what he loses in clearness,
+Hippocrates will ever remain the type of the perfect physician. Learned,
+observant, humane, with a profound reverence for the claims of his
+patients, but an overmastering desire that his experience shall benefit
+others, orderly and calm, disturbed only by anxiety to record his
+knowledge for the use of his brother physicians and for the relief of
+suffering, grave, thoughtful and reticent, pure of mind and master of
+his passions, this is no overdrawn picture of the Father of Medicine as
+he appeared to his contemporaries and successors. It is a figure of
+character and virtue which has had an ethical value to medical men of
+all ages comparable only to the influence exerted on their followers by
+the founders of the great religions. If one needed a maxim to place upon
+the statue of Hippocrates, none could be found better than that from the
+book Παραγγελιαι {Parangeliai}, _Precepts_:
+
+  ην γαρ παρη φιλανθρωπιη παρεστι και φιλοτεχνιη
+
+  {ên gar parê philanthrôpiê paresti kai philotechniê}
+
+  'Where the love of man is, there also is love of the Art.'[67]
+
+    [66] _Historia animalium_, iii. 3, where it is ascribed to Polybus.
+    The same passage is, however, repeated twice in the Hippocratic
+    writings, viz. in the περι φυσιος ανθρωπου {peri physios anthrôpou},
+    _On the nature of man_, Littré, vi. 58, and in the περι οστεων
+    φυσιος {peri osteôn physios}, _On the nature of bones_, Littré, ix.
+    174.
+
+    [67] Παραγγελιαι {Parangeliai}, § 6.
+
+The numerous busts of him which have reached our time are no portraits.
+But the best of them are something much better and more helpful to us
+than any portrait. They are idealized representations of the kind of man
+a physician should be and was in the eyes of the best and wisest of the
+Greeks.[68]
+
+    [68] See Fig. 1.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 1. HIPPOCRATES
+British Museum, second or third century B. C.]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 2. ASCLEPIUS
+British Museum, fourth century B. C.]
+
+The method of the Hippocratic writers is that known to-day as the
+'inductive'. Without the vast scientific heritage that is in our own
+hands, with only a comparatively small number of observations drawn from
+the Coan and neighbouring schools, surrounded by all manner of bizarre
+oriental religions in which no adequate relation of cause and effect was
+recognized, and above all constantly urged by the exuberant genius
+for speculation of that Greek people in the midst of whom they lived and
+whose intellectual temptations they shared, they remain nevertheless,
+for the most part, patient observers of fact, sceptical of the
+marvellous and the unverifiable, hesitating to theorize beyond the data,
+yet eager always to generalize from actual experience; calm, faithful,
+effective servants of the sick. There is almost no type of mental
+activity known to us that was not exhibited by the Greeks and cannot be
+paralleled from their writings; but careful and constant return to
+verification from experience, expressed in a record of actual
+observations--the habitual method adopted in modern scientific
+departments--is rare among them except in these early medical authors.
+
+The spirit of their practice cannot be better illustrated than by the
+words of the so-called 'Hippocratic oath'. That document, though of late
+date in its present form, throws a flood of light on the ethics of Greek
+medicine.
+
+     'I swear by Apollo the physician and Asclepius and Hygieia and
+     Panacea, invoking all the gods and goddesses to be my witnesses,
+     that I will fulfil this Oath and this written covenant to the best
+     of my power and of my judgment.
+
+     'I will look upon him who shall have taught me this art even as on
+     mine own parents; I will share with him my substance, and supply
+     his necessities if he be in need; I will regard his offspring even
+     as my own brethren, and will teach them this art, if they desire to
+     learn it, without fee or covenant. I will impart it by precept, by
+     lecture and by all other manner of teaching, not only to my own
+     sons but also to the sons of him who has taught me, and to
+     disciples bound by covenant and oath according to the law of the
+     physicians, but to none other.
+
+     'The regimen I adopt shall be for the benefit of the patients to
+     the best of my power and judgment, not for their injury or for any
+     wrongful purpose. I will not give a deadly drug to any one, though
+     it be asked of me, nor will I lead the way in such counsel; and
+     likewise I will not give a woman a pessary to procure abortion. But
+     I will keep my life and my art in purity and holiness. Whatsoever
+     house I enter, I will enter for the benefit of the sick, refraining
+     from all voluntary wrongdoing and corruption, especially seduction
+     of male or female, bond or free. Whatsoever things I see or hear
+     concerning the life of men, in my attendance on the sick or even
+     apart from my attendance, which ought not to be blabbed abroad, I
+     will keep silence on them, counting such things to be as religious
+     secrets.
+
+     'If I fulfil this oath and confound it not, be it mine to enjoy
+     life and art alike, with good repute among all men for all time to
+     come; but may the contrary befall me if I transgress and violate my
+     oath.'[69]
+
+    [69] Translation by Professor Arthur Platt.
+
+Respected equally throughout the ages by Arab, Jew, and Christian, the
+oath remains the watchword of the profession of medicine.[70] The
+ethical value of such a declaration could not escape the attention even
+of a Byzantine formalist, and it is interesting to observe that in our
+oldest Greek manuscript of the Hippocratic text, dating from the tenth
+century, this magnificent passage is headed by the words 'from the oath
+of Hippocrates according as it may be sworn by a Christian.'[71]
+
+    [70] It must, however, be admitted that in the Hippocratic
+    collection are breaches of the oath, e. g. in the induction of
+    abortion related in περι φυσιος παιδιου {peri physios paidiou}.
+    There is evidence, however, that the author of this work was not a
+    medical practitioner.
+
+    [71] Rome Urbinas 64, fo. 116.
+
+When we examine the Hippocratic corpus more closely, we discern that not
+only are the treatises by many hands, but there is not even a uniform
+opinion and doctrine running through them. This is well brought out by
+some of the more famous of the phrases of this remarkable collection.
+Thus a well-known passage from the _Airs, Waters, and Places_ tells us
+that the Scythians attribute a certain physical disability to a god,
+'but it appears to me', says the author, 'that these affections are just
+as much divine as are all others and that no disease is either more
+divine or more human than another, but that all are equally divine, for
+each of them has its own nature, and none of them arise without a
+natural cause.' But, on the other hand, the author of the great work on
+_Prognostics_ advises us that when the physician is called in he must
+seek to ascertain the nature of the affections that he is treating, and
+especially 'if there be anything divine in the disease, and to learn a
+foreknowledge of this also.'[72] We may note too that this sentence
+almost immediately precedes what is perhaps the most famous of all the
+Hippocratic sentences, the description of what has since been termed the
+_Hippocratic facies_. This wonderful description of the signs of death
+may be given as an illustration of the habitual attitude of the
+Hippocratic school towards prognosis and of the very careful way in
+which they noted details:
+
+     'He [the physician] should observe thus in acute diseases: first,
+     the countenance of the patient, if it be like to those who are in
+     health, _and especially if it be like itself, for this would be the
+     best_; but the more unlike to this, the worse it is; such would be
+     these: _sharp nose, hollow eyes, collapsed temples; ears cold,
+     contracted, and their lobes turned out; skin about the forehead
+     rough, distended, and parched; the colour of the whole face
+     greenish or dusky_. If the countenance be so at the beginning of
+     the disease, and if this cannot be accounted for from the other
+     symptoms, inquiry must be made whether he has passed a sleepless
+     night; whether his bowels have been very loose; or whether he is
+     suffering from hunger; and if any of these be admitted the danger
+     may be reckoned as less; and it may be judged in the course of a
+     day and night if the appearance of the countenance proceed from
+     these. But if none of these be said to exist, and the symptoms do
+     not subside in that time, be it known for certain that death is at
+     hand.'[73]
+
+    [72] Kühlewein, i. 79, regards this as an interpolated passage.
+
+    [73] Littré, ii. 112; Kühlewein, i. 79. The texts vary: Kühlewein is
+    followed except in the last sentence.
+
+Again, in the work _On the Art_ [_of Medicine_] we read: 'I hold it to
+be physicianly to abstain from treating those who are overwhelmed by
+disease',[74] a prudent if inhumane procedure among a people who might
+regard the doctor's powers as partaking of the nature of magic, and
+perhaps a wise course to follow at this day in some places not very far
+from Cos. Yet in the book _On Diseases_ we are advised even in the
+presence of an incurable disease 'to give relief with such treatment as
+is possible'.[75]
+
+    [74] Περι τεχνης {Peri technês}, § 3.
+
+    [75] Περι νουσων α' {Peri nousôn a'}, § 6.
+
+Furthermore, works by authors of the Hippocratic school stand sometimes
+in a position of direct controversy with each other. Thus in the
+treatise _On the Heart_ an experiment is set forth which is held to
+prove that a part at least of imbibed fluid passes into the cavity of
+the lung and thence to the parts of the body, a popular error in
+antiquity which recurs in Plato's _Timaeus_. This view, however, is
+specifically held to be fallacious by the author of the work _On
+Diseases_, who is supported by a polemical section in the surviving
+Menon fragment.
+
+Passages like these have convinced all students that we have to deal in
+this collection with a variety of works written at different dates by
+different authors and under different conditions, a state that may be
+well understood when we reflect that among the Greeks medicine was a
+progressive study for a far longer period of time than has yet been the
+case in the Western world. An account of such a collection can therefore
+only be given in the most general fashion. The system or systems of
+medicine that we shall thus attempt to describe was in vogue up to the
+Alexandrian period, that is, to the beginning of the third century B. C.
+
+Anatomy and physiology, the basis of our modern system, was still a very
+weak point in the knowledge of the pre-Alexandrians. The surface form of
+the body was intimately studied in connexion especially with fractures,
+but there is no evidence in the literature of the period of any closer
+acquaintance with human anatomical structure.[76] The same fact is well
+borne out by Greek Art, for in its noblest period the artist betrays no
+evidence of assistance derived from anatomization. Such evidence is not
+found until we come to sculpture of Alexandrian date, when the somewhat
+strained attitudes and exaggerated musculature of certain works of the
+school of Pergamon suggest that the artist derived hints, if not direct
+information, from anatomists who, we know, were active at that time. It
+is not improbable, however, that separate bones, if not complete
+skeletons, were commonly studied earlier, for the surgical works of the
+Hippocratic collection, and especially those on fractures and
+dislocations, give evidence of a knowledge of the relations of bones to
+each other and of their natural position in the body which could not be
+obtained, or only obtained with greatest difficulty, without this aid.
+
+    [76] A reference to dissection in the περι αρθρων {peri arthrôn},
+    _On the joints_, § 1, appears to the present writer to be of
+    Alexandrian date.
+
+There are in the Hippocratic works a certain number of comparisons
+between human and animal structures that would have been made possible
+by surgical operations and occasional accidents. The view has been put
+forward that some anatomical knowledge was derived through the practice
+of augury from the entrails of sacrificial animals. It appears, however,
+improbable that a system so scientific and so little related to temple
+practice would have had much to learn from these sources, and, moreover,
+since we know that animals were actually dissected as early as the time
+of Alcmaeon it would be unnecessary to invoke the aid of the priests.
+The unknown author of the περι τοπων των κατα ανθρωπον {peri topôn tôn
+kata anthrôpon}, _On the sites of_ [_diseases_] _in man_, a work written
+about 400 B. C., declares indeed that 'physical structure is the basis
+of medicine', but the formal treatises on anatomy that we possess from
+Hippocratic times give the general anatomical standard of the corpus,
+and it is a very disappointing one. The tract _On Anatomy_, though
+probably of much later date (perhaps _c._ 330 B. C.), is inferior even
+to the treatise _On the Heart_ (perhaps of about 400 B. C.).
+
+Physiology and Pathology are almost as much in the background as anatomy
+in the Hippocratic collection. As a formal discipline and part of
+medical education we find no trace of these studies among the
+pre-Alexandrian physicians. But the meagreness of the number of
+ascertained facts did not prevent much speculation among a people eager
+to seek the causes of things. Of that speculation we learn much from the
+fragments of contemporary medical writers and philosophers, from the
+medical works of the Alexandrian period, and to some extent from the
+Hippocratic writings themselves. But the wiser and more sober among the
+writers of the Hippocratic corpus were bent on something other than the
+causes of things. Their pre-occupation was primarily with the suffering
+patient, and the best of them therefore excluded--and we may assume
+consciously--all but the rarest references to such speculation.
+
+The general state of health of the body was considered by the
+Hippocratists to depend on the distribution of the four elements, earth,
+air, fire, and water, whose mixture (_crasis_) and cardinal properties,
+dryness, warmth, coldness, and moistness, form the body and its
+constituents. To these correspond the cardinal fluids, blood, phlegm,
+yellow bile and black bile. The fundamental condition of life is the
+_innate heat_, the abdication of which is death. This innate heat is
+greatest in youth when most fuel is therefore required, but gradually
+declines with age. Another necessity for the support of life is the
+_pneuma_ which circulates in the vessels. All this may seem fanciful
+enough, but we may remember that the first half of the nineteenth
+century had waned before the doctrine of the humours which had then
+lasted for at least twenty-two centuries became obsolete, and perhaps it
+still survives in certain modern scientific developments. Moreover, the
+finest and most characteristic of the Hippocratic works either do not
+mention or but casually refer to these theories which are not essential
+to their main pre-occupation. Their task of observation of symptoms, of
+the separation of the essentials from the accidents of disease, and of
+generalization from experience could go on unaffected by any view of the
+nature of man and of the world. Even treatment, which must almost of
+necessity be based on _some_ theory of causation, was little deflected
+by a view of elements and humours on which it was impossible to act
+directly, while therapeutics was further safeguarded from such influence
+by the doctrine of _Nature as the healer of diseases_, νουσων φυσεις
+ιητροι {nousôn physeis iêtroi}, the _vis medicatrix naturae_ of the
+later Latin writers and of the present day.
+
+Diseases are to be cured, in the Hippocratic view, by restoring the
+disturbed harmony in the relation of the elements and humours. These, in
+fact, tend naturally to an equilibrium and in most cases if left to
+themselves will be brought to this state by the natural tendency to
+recovery. The process is known as _pepsis_ or, to give it the Latin
+form, _coctio_, and the turning-point at which the effects of this
+process exhibit themselves is the _crisis_, a term which, together with
+some of its original content, has still a place in medicine. Such a
+turning-point does in fact occur in many diseases, especially those of a
+zymotic character, on certain special days, though undue emphasis was
+laid by the Greek physicians upon the exact numerical character of the
+event. It was no unimportant duty of the physician to assist nature by
+bringing his remedies to bear at the critical times. If the crisis is
+wanting, or if the remedies are applied at the wrong moment, the disease
+may become incurable. But diseases were only immediately or proximately
+caused by disturbances in the balance or harmony of the humours. This
+was a mere hypothesis, as the Hippocratists themselves well knew. There
+were other more remote causes which came into the actual purview of the
+physician, conditions which he could and did study. Such conditions
+were, for instance, injudicious modes of life, exposure to climatic
+changes, advancing age, and the like. Many of these could be directly
+corrected. But for those that could not there were various therapeutic
+measures at hand.
+
+That human bodies are and normally remain in a state of health, and that
+on the whole they tend to recover from disease, is an attitude so
+familiar to us to-day that we scarcely need to be reminded of it. We
+live some twenty-three centuries later than Hippocrates; for some
+sixteen of those centuries the civilized world thought that to retain
+health periodical bleedings and potions were necessary; for the last
+century or two we have been gradually returning on the Hippocratic
+position!
+
+The chief glory of the Hippocratic collection regarded from the clinical
+point of view is perhaps the actual description of cases. A number of
+these--forty-two in all--have survived.[77] They are not only unique as
+a collection for nearly 2,000 years, but they are still to this day
+models of what succinct clinical records should be, clear and short,
+without a superfluous word, yet with all that is most essential, and
+exhibiting merely a desire to record the most important facts without
+the least attempt to prejudge the case. They illustrate to the full the
+Greek genius for seizing on the essential. The writer shows not the
+least wish to exalt his own skill. He seeks merely to put the data
+before the reader for his guidance under like circumstances. It is a
+reflex of the spirit of full honesty in which these men lived and worked
+that the great majority of the cases are recorded to have died. Two of
+this remarkable little collection may be given:
+
+     'The woman with quinsy, who lodged with Aristion: her complaint
+     began in the tongue; voice inarticulate; tongue red and parched.
+     _First day_, shivered, then became heated. _Third day_, rigor,
+     acute fever; reddish and hard swelling on both sides of neck and
+     chest; extremities cold and livid; respiration elevated; drink
+     returned by the nose; she could not swallow; alvine and urinary
+     discharges suppressed. _Fourth day_, all symptoms exacerbated.
+     _Fifth day_, she died.'
+
+    [77] They are to be found as an Appendix to Books I and III of the
+    _Epidemics_ and embedded in Book III.
+
+We probably have here to do with a case of diphtheria. The quinsy, the
+paralysis of the palate leading to return of the food through the nose,
+and the difficulty with speech and swallowing are typical results of
+this affection which was here complicated by a spread of the septic
+processes into the neck and chest, a not uncommon sequela of the
+disease. The rapid onset of the conditions is rather unusual, but may be
+explained if we regard the case as a mild and unnoticed diphtheria,
+subsequently complicated by paralysis and by secondary septic infection,
+for which reasons she came under observation.
+
+     'In Thasos, the wife of Delearces who lodged on the plain, through
+     sorrow was seized with an acute and shivering fever. From first to
+     last she always wrapped herself up in her bedclothes; kept silent,
+     fumbled, picked, bored and gathered hairs [from the clothes];
+     tears, and again laughter; no sleep; bowels irritable, but passed
+     nothing; when urged drank a little; urine thin and scanty; to the
+     touch the fever was slight; coldness of the extremities. _Ninth
+     day_, talked much incoherently, and again sank into silence.
+     _Fourteenth day_, breathing rare, large, and spaced, and again
+     hurried. _Seventeenth day_, after stimulation of the bowels she
+     passed even drinks, nor could retain anything; totally insensible;
+     skin parched and tense. _Twentieth day_, much talk, and again
+     became composed, then voiceless; respiration hurried. _Twenty-first
+     day_, died. Her respiration throughout was rare and large; she was
+     totally insensible; always wrapped up in her bedclothes; throughout
+     either much talk, or complete silence.'
+
+This second case is in part a description of low muttering delirium, a
+common end of continued fevers such as, for instance, typhoid. The
+description closely resembles the condition known now in medicine as the
+'typhoid state'. Incidentally the case contains a reference to a type of
+breathing common among the dying. The respiration becomes deep and slow,
+as it sinks gradually into quietude and becomes rarer and rarer until it
+seems to cease altogether, and then it gradually becomes more rapid and
+so on alternately. This type of breathing is known to physicians as
+'Cheyne-Stokes' respiration in commemoration of two distinguished Irish
+physicians of the last century who brought it to the attention of
+medical men.[78] Recently it has been partially explained on a
+physiological basis. We may note that there is another and even better
+pen-picture of Cheyne-Stokes respiration in the Hippocratic collection.
+It is in the famous case of 'Philescos who lived by the wall and who
+took to his bed on the first day of acute fever'. About the middle of
+the sixth day he died and the physician notes that 'the respiration
+throughout was _like that of a person recollecting himself_ and was
+large and rare'. Cheyne-Stokes breathing is admirably described as 'that
+of a person recollecting himself'.
+
+    [78] John Cheyne (1777-1836) described this type of respiration in
+    the _Dublin Hospital Reports_, 1818, ii, p. 216. An extreme case of
+    this condition had been described by Cheyne's namesake George Cheyne
+    (1671-1743) as the famous 'Case of the Hon. Col. Townshend' in his
+    _English Malady_, London, 1733. William Stokes (1804-78) published
+    his account of Cheyne-Stokes breathing in the _Dublin Quarterly
+    Journal of the Medical Sciences_, 1846, ii, p. 73.
+
+Such records as these may be contrasted with certain others that have
+come down from Greek antiquity. We may instance two steles discovered at
+Epidaurus in 1885, bearing accounts of forty-four temple cures. The
+following two are fair samples of the cures there described:
+
+     '_Aristagora of Troizen._ She had tape-worm, and while she slept in
+     the Temple of Asclepius at Troizen, she saw a vision. She thought
+     that, as the god was not present, but was away in Epidaurus, his
+     sons cut off her head, but were unable to put it back again. Then
+     they sent a messenger to Asclepius asking him to come to Troizen.
+     Meanwhile day came, and the priest actually saw her head cut off
+     from the body. The next night Aristagora had a dream. She thought
+     the god came from Epidaurus and fastened her head on to her neck.
+     Then he cut open her belly, and stitched it up again. So she was
+     cured.'
+
+     'A man had an abdominal abscess. He saw a vision, and thought that
+     the god ordered the slaves who accompanied him to lift him up and
+     hold him, so that his abdomen could be cut open. The man tried to
+     get away, but his slaves caught him and bound him. So Asclepius cut
+     him open, rid him of the abscess, and then stitched him up again,
+     releasing him from his bonds. Straightway he departed cured, and
+     the floor of the Abaton was covered with blood.'[79]
+
+    [79] The Epidaurian inscriptions are given by M. Fraenkel in the
+    _Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum_ IV, 951-6, and are discussed by
+    Mary Hamilton (Mrs. Guy Dickins), _Incubation_, St. Andrews, 1906,
+    from whose translation I have quoted. Further inscriptions are given
+    by Cavvadias in the _Archaiologike Ephemeris_, 1918, p. 155 (issued
+    1921).
+
+In the records of almost all temple cures, a great number of which have
+survived in a wide variety of documents, an essential element is the
+process of εγκοιμησις {enkoimêsis}, _incubation_ or temple sleep,
+usually in a special sleeping-place or Abaton. The process has a close
+parallel in certain modern Greek churches and in places of worship much
+further West; there are even traces of it in these islands, and it is
+more than probable that the Christian practice is descended by direct
+continuity from the pagan.[80] The whole character of the temple
+treatment was--and is--of a kind to suggest to the patient that he
+should dream of the god, an event which therefore usually takes place.
+Such treatment by suggestion is applicable only to certain classes of
+disease and is always liable to fall into the hands of fanatics and
+impostors. The difficulty that the honest practitioner encounters is
+that the sufferer, in the nature of the case, can hardly be brought to
+believe that his ailment is what in fact it is, a lesion of the mind. It
+is this which gives the miracle-monger his chance.
+
+    [80] We are almost told as much in the apocryphal _Gospel of
+    Nicodemus_, § 1, a work probably composed about the end of the
+    fourth century.
+
+Examine for a moment the two cases from Epidaurus, which are quite
+typical of the series. We observe that the first is described simply as
+a case of 'tape-worm' without any justification for the diagnosis. It is
+not unfrequent nowadays for thin and anxious patients to state,
+similarly without justification, that they suffer from this condition.
+They attribute certain common gastric experiences to this cause of which
+perhaps they have learned from sensational advertisements, and then they
+ask cure for a condition which they themselves have diagnosed, but which
+has no existence in fact. Such a case is often appropriately treated by
+suggestion. Though the elaborateness of the suggestion in the temple
+cure is a little startling, yet it can easily be paralleled from the
+legends of the Christian saints. Moreover, we must remember that we are
+not here dealing with an account set down by the patient herself, but
+with an edificatory inscription put up by the temple officials.
+
+In the second inscription, the man with an abdominal abscess, we have a
+much simpler state of affairs. It is evident that an operation was
+actually performed by the priest masquerading as Asclepius, while the
+patient was held down by the slaves. He is assured that all is a dream
+and departs cured with the tell-tale comment 'and the floor of the
+Abaton was covered with blood'.
+
+These cases might be multiplied indefinitely without great profit for
+our particular theme, for in such matters there is no development, no
+evolution, no history. There can be no doubt that a very large part of
+Greek practice was on this level, as is a small part of modern medicine,
+but it is not a level with which we are here dealing and we shall
+therefore pass it by. But a word of caution must be added. Such temple
+worship has been compared with modern psycho-analysis. That method, like
+all methods, has doubtless been abused at times; but it is in essence,
+unlike the temple system, a purely scientific process by which the
+ultimate basis of the patient's delusions are laid bare and demonstrated
+to him.
+
+There is indeed another side to these Asclepian temples. They gradually
+developed along the lines of our health resorts and developed many of
+the qualities--lovely and unlovely--that we associate with certain
+continental watering places. On the bad side they became gossiping
+centres or even something little better than brothels, as we may gather
+from the _Mimes_ of Herondas. On the good side they formed a quiet
+refuge among beautiful and interesting surroundings where the sick,
+exhausted, and convalescent might gain the benefits that accrue from
+pure air, fine scenery, and a regular and regulated mode of life. It is
+more than probable too that the open air and manner of living benefited
+many cases of incipient phthisis.
+
+Returning to the Hippocratic collection, the purely surgical treatises
+will be found no less remarkable than those of clinical observation. A
+very able surgeon, Francis Adams (1796-1861), who was eminent as a Greek
+scholar, gave it as his opinion in the middle of the nineteenth century
+that no systematic writer on surgery up to his time had given so good
+and so complete an account of certain dislocations, notably of the
+hip-joint, as that to be found in the Hippocratic collection. Some types
+of injury to the hip, as described in the Hippocratic writings, were
+certainly otherwise quite inadequately known until described by Sir
+Astley Cooper (1768-1841), himself a peculiarly Hippocratic
+character.[81] The verdict of Adams was probably just, though since his
+time the surgery of dislocations, aided especially by X-rays, has been
+enabled to pass very definitely beyond the Hippocratic position.
+Admirable, too, is the Hippocratic description of dislocation of the
+shoulder and of the jaw. In dislocation of hip, shoulder, or jaw, as in
+most similar lesions, there is considerable deformity produced. The
+nature and meaning of this deformity is described with remarkable
+exactness by the Hippocratic writer, who also sets forth the resulting
+disability. The principles and indeed the very details of treatment in
+these cases are, save for the use of an anaesthetic, practically
+identical with those of the present day. The processes are unfortunately
+not suitable for detailed quotation and description here, but they are
+of special interest since a graphic record of them has come down to us.
+There exists in the Laurentian Library at Florence a ninth-century Greek
+surgical manuscript which contains figures of surgeons reducing the
+dislocations in question. There is good reason to suppose that these
+miniatures are copied from figures first prepared in pre-Christian times
+many centuries earlier, and we may here see the actual processes of
+reduction of such fractures, as conducted by a surgeon of the direct
+Hippocratic tradition[82] (see Figs. 3, 4).
+
+    [81] Astley Paston Cooper, _Treatise on Dislocations and Fractures
+    of the Joints_, London, 1822, and _Observations on Fractures of the
+    Neck and the Thighbone_, &c., London, 1823.
+
+    [82] This famous manuscript is known as Laurentian, Plutarch 74, 7,
+    and its figures have been reproduced by H. Schöne, _Apollonius von
+    Kitium_, Leipzig, 1896.
+
+[Illustration: From MS. of APOLLONIUS OF KITIUM, of Ninth Century
+Copied from pre-christian original
+
+Fig. 3 REDUCING DISLOCATED SHOULDER
+
+Fig. 4 REDUCING DISLOCATED JAW]
+
+In keeping with all this is most of the surgical work of the collection.
+We are almost startled by the modern sound of the whole procedure as we
+run through the rough note-book κατ' ιητρειον {kat' iêtreion},
+_Concerning the Surgery_, or the more elaborate treatise περι ιητρου
+{peri iêtrou}, _On the Physician_, where we may read minute directions
+for the preparation of the operating-room, and on such points as the
+management of light both artificial and natural, scrupulous cleanliness
+of the hands, the care and use of the instruments, with the special
+precautions needed when they are of iron, the decencies to be observed
+during the operation, the general method of bandaging, the placing of
+the patient, the use and abuse of splints, and the need for tidiness,
+order, and cleanliness. Many of these directions are enlarged upon in
+other surgical works of the collection, among which we find especially
+full instructions for bandaging and for the diagnosis and treatment of
+fractures and dislocations. A very fair representation of such a surgery
+as these works describe is to be found on a vase-painting of Attic
+origin of the earlier part of the fifth century, and, therefore, a
+generation before Hippocrates (see fig. 5). There are also several
+beautiful representations on vases of the actual processes of bandaging
+(fig. 6).
+
+[Illustration: FIG. 5.
+A GREEK CLINIC OF ABOUT 480-470 B. C. From a vase-painting.
+
+In the centre sits a physician holding a lancet and bleeding a patient
+from the median vein at the bend of the right elbow into a large open
+basin. Above and behind the physician are suspended three cupping
+vessels. To the right sits another patient awaiting his turn; his left
+arm is bandaged in the region of the biceps. The figure beyond him
+smells a flower, perhaps as a preservative against infection. Behind the
+physician stands a man leaning on a staff; he is wounded in the left
+leg, which is bandaged. By his side stands a dwarfish figure with
+disproportionately large head, whose body exhibits deformities typical
+of the developmental disease now known as _Achondroplasia_; in addition
+to these deformities we note that his body is hairy and the bridge of
+his nose sunken; on his back he carries a hare which is almost as tall
+as himself. Talking to the dwarf is a man leaning on a long staff, who
+has the remains of a bandage round his chest.
+
+See E. Pottier, 'Une Clinique grecque au V^{e} siècle (vase antique du
+collection Peztel)', _Fondation Eugène Piot, Monuments et Mémoires_,
+xiii. 149, Paris, 1906. (Some of our interpretations differ from those
+of M. Pottier.)]
+
+[Illustration: FIG. 6. A kylix from the Berlin Museum of about 490 B. C.
+It bears the inscription ΣΟΣΙΑΣ ΕΠΟΙΗΣΕΝ {SOSIAS EPOIÊSEN}, _Sosias
+made_ (_me_), and represents Achilles bandaging Patroclus, the names of
+the two heroes being written round the margin. The painter is
+Euphronios, and the work is regarded as the masterpiece of that great
+artist. The left upper arm of Patroclus is injured, and Achilles is
+bandaging it with a two-rolled bandage, which he is trying to bring down
+to extend over the elbow. The treatment of the hands, a department in
+which Euphronios excelled, is particularly fine. Achilles was not a
+trained surgeon, and it will be observed, from the position of the two
+tails of the bandage, that he will have some difficulty when it comes to
+its final fastening!]
+
+Among the surgical procedures of which descriptions are to be found in
+the Hippocratic writings are the opening of the chest for the condition
+known as _empyema_ (accumulation of pus within the pleura frequently
+following pneumonia), and trephining the skull in cases of fracture of
+that part--two fundamental operations of modern surgery. Surgical art
+has advanced enormously in our own times, yet a text-book containing
+much that is useful to this day might be prepared from these surgical
+contents of the collection alone.
+
+When we pass to the works on Medicine, in the restricted sense, we enter
+into a region more difficult and perhaps even more fascinating. We are
+no longer dealing with simple lesions of known origin, but with the
+effects of disease and degeneration, of the essential character of which
+the Hippocratic writers could in the nature of the case know very
+little. Rigidly guarding themselves from any attempt to explain disease
+by more immediate and hypothetical causes and thus diverting the
+reader's energies in the medically useless direction of vague
+speculation--the prevalent mental vice of the Greeks--the best of these
+physicians are content if they can put forward generalized conclusions
+from actually observed cases. Many of their thoughts have now become
+household words, and they have become so, largely as a direct heritage
+from these ancient physicians. But it must be remembered that ideas so
+familiar to us were with them the result of long and carefully recorded
+experience and are like nothing that we encounter in the medicine of
+other ancient nations. Such conclusions are best set forth perhaps in
+the wonderful book of the _Aphorisms_ from which we may permit ourselves
+a few quotations:
+
+     'Life is short, and the Art long; the opportunity fleeting;
+     experiment dangerous, and judgement difficult. Yet we must be
+     prepared not only to do our duty ourselves, but also patient,
+     attendants, and external circumstances must co-operate.'[83]
+
+    [83] The first lines are the source of the famous lines in Goethe's
+    _Faust_:
+
+      'Ach Gott! die Kunst ist lang
+      Und kurz ist unser Leben,
+      Mir wird bei meinem kritischen Bestreben
+      Doch oft um Kopf und Busen bang.'
+
+In this one memorable paragraph, so condensed in the original as to be
+almost untranslatable, he who 'first separated medicine from philosophy'
+puts aside at once all speculative interest while in the actual presence
+of the sick. His whole energy is concentrated on the case in hand with
+that peculiar attitude, at once impersonal and intensely personal, that
+has since been the mark of the physician, and that has made of Medicine
+both a science and an art.
+
+     'For extreme diseases, extreme methods of cure.'[84]
+
+     'The aged endure fasting most easily; next adults; next young
+     persons, and least of all children, and especially such as are the
+     most lively.'
+
+     'Growing bodies have the most innate heat; they therefore require
+     the most nourishment, and if they have it not they waste. In the
+     aged there is little heat, and therefore they require little fuel,
+     for it would be extinguished by much. Similarly fevers in the aged
+     are not so acute, because their bodies are cold.'
+
+     'In disease sleep that is laborious is a deadly symptom; but if
+     sleep relieves it is not deadly.'
+
+     'Sleep that puts an end to delirium is a good symptom.'
+
+     'If a convalescent eats well, but does not put on flesh, it is a
+     bad symptom.'
+
+     'Food or drink which is a little less good but more palatable is to
+     be preferred to such that is better but less palatable.'
+
+     'The old have generally fewer complaints than young; but those
+     chronic diseases which do befall them generally never leave them.'
+
+    [84] The extreme of treatment refers in the original to the extreme
+    restriction of diet, ες ακριβειην {es akribeiên}, but the meaning of
+    the Aphorism has always been taken as more generalized.
+
+Here we have a group of observations, some of which have become
+literally household words, nor is it difficult to understand how such
+sayings have passed from professional into lay keeping. This magnificent
+book of _Aphorisms_ was very early translated into Latin, probably
+before and certainly not later than the sixth century of the Christian
+era, and thus became accessible throughout the West. Manuscripts of this
+Latin version, dating from the ninth and tenth centuries of our era,
+have survived in the actual places in which they were written, at Monte
+Cassino in Southern Italy and at Einsiedeln in Switzerland, and in 991
+the book of _Aphorisms_ was well known and closely studied at the
+Cathedral school of Chartres. From France the _Aphorisms_ reached
+England, and they are mentioned in documents of the tenth or eleventh
+century. By now, too, the book had been translated into Syriac and later
+into Arabic and Hebrew, so that in the true mediaeval period it was
+known both East and West, and in the vernacular as well as the classical
+tongues. From the oriental dialects several further translations were
+again made into Latin. An enormous number of manuscripts of the work
+have survived in almost every Western dialect, and these show on the
+whole that the text has been surprisingly little tampered with. In the
+middle of the thirteenth century some of the better-known Aphorisms were
+absorbed into a very popular Latin poem that went forth in the name of
+the medical school of Salerno, though with a false ascription to a yet
+earlier date. The Salernitan poem, being itself translated into every
+European vernacular, further helped to bring Hippocrates into every
+home.
+
+But by no means all the Aphorisms are of a kind that could well become
+absorbed into folk medicine. It is only those concerning frequently
+recurring states to which this fate could befall. The book contains also
+a number of notes on rare conditions seldom seen or noted save by
+medical men. Such are the following very acute observations:
+
+     'Spasm supervening on a wound is fatal.'
+
+     'Those seized with tetanus die within four days, or if they survive
+     so long they recover.'
+
+     'A convulsion, or hiccup, supervening on a copious discharge of
+     blood is bad.'
+
+     'If after severe and grave wounds no swelling appears, it is very
+     serious.'
+
+These four sentences all concern wounds. The first two refer to the
+disease _tetanus_, which is very liable to supervene on wounds fouled
+with earth, especially in hot and moist localities. The disease is
+characterized by a series of painful muscular contractions which in the
+more severe and fatal form may become a continuous spasm, a type that is
+referred to in the first sentence. It is true of tetanus that the later
+the onset after the wound is sustained the better the chance of
+recovery. This is brought out by the second sentence. The third and
+fourth sentences record untoward symptoms following a severe wound, now
+well recognized and watched for by every surgeon. There were, of course,
+innumerable illustrations of the truth of these Aphorisms in extensive
+wounds, especially those involving crushed limbs, in the late war.
+
+     'Phthisis occurs most commonly between the ages of eighteen and
+     thirty-five.'
+
+     'Diarrhœa supervening on phthisis is mortal.'
+
+The period given by the _Aphorisms_ for the maximum frequency of onset
+of the disease is closely borne out by modern observations. The second
+Aphorism is equally valid; continued diarrhœa is a very frequent
+antecedent of the fatal event in chronic phthisis, and post-mortem
+examination has shown that secondary involvement of the bowel is an
+exceedingly common condition in this disease.
+
+No less remarkable is the following saying: 'In jaundice it is a grave
+matter if the liver becomes indurated.' Jaundice is a common and
+comparatively trivial symptom following or accompanying a large variety
+of diseases. In and by itself it is of little importance and almost
+always disappears spontaneously. There is a small group of pathological
+conditions, however, in which this is not the case. The commonest and
+most important of these are the fatal affections of cirrhosis and cancer
+of the liver in which that organ may be felt to be enlarged and
+hardened. If therefore the liver can be so felt in a case of jaundice,
+it is, as the Aphorism says, of gravest import. Representations of such
+cases have actually come down to us from Greek times. Thus on a monument
+erected at Athens to the memory of a physician who died in the second
+century of the Christian era we may see the process of clinical
+examination (fig. 7). The physician is palpating the liver of a dwarfish
+figure whose swollen belly, wasted limbs, and anxious look tell of some
+such condition as that described in the Aphorism. The ridge caused by
+the enlarged liver can even be detected on the statue.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 7. ATHENIAN FUNERARY MONUMENT
+Second century A. D. British Museum
+
+Inscription reads: 'Jason, also called Dekmos, the Acharnian, a
+physician', followed by his genealogy. By side of patient stands a
+cupping vessel.]
+
+'We must attend to the appearances of the eyes in sleep as presented
+from below; for if a portion of the white be seen between the closing
+eyelids, and if this be not connected with diarrhœa or severe purging,
+it is a very bad and mortal symptom.' In this, the last Aphorism which
+we shall quote, we see the Hippocratic physician actually making his
+observations. Now during sleep the eyeball is turned upward, so that if
+the eye be then opened and examined only the white is seen. In the later
+stages of all wasting and chronic diseases the eyelids tend not to be
+closed during sleep. Such patients, as is well known, often die with the
+eyes open and sometimes exhibiting only the whites.
+
+But the Hippocratic physician was not content to make only passive
+observation; he also took active measures to elicit the 'physical
+signs'. In modern times a large, perhaps the chief, task of the student
+of medicine is to acquire a knowledge of these so-called physical signs
+of disease, the tradition of which has been gradually rebuilt during the
+last three centuries. Among the most important measures in which he
+learns to acquire facility is that of auscultation. This useful process
+has come specially into vogue since the invention of the stethoscope in
+1819 by Laennec, who derived valuable hints for it from the Hippocratic
+writings. Auscultation is several times mentioned and described by the
+Hippocratic physicians, who used the direct method of listening and not
+the mediate method devised by Laennec. There are, however, certain cases
+in which the modern physician still finds the older non-instrumental
+Hippocratic method superior. In the Hippocratic work περι νουσων {peri
+nousôn}, _On diseases_, we read of a case with fluid in the pleura that
+'you will place the patient on a seat which does not move, an assistant
+will hold him by the shoulders, and you will shake him, applying the ear
+to the chest, so as to recognize on which side the sign occurs'. This
+sign is still used by physicians and is known as _Hippocratic
+succussion_. In another passage in the same work the symptoms of
+pleurisy are described and 'a creak like that of leather may be heard'.
+This is the well known _pleuritic rub_ which the physician is accustomed
+to seek in such cases, and of which the creak of leather is an excellent
+representation.
+
+Such quotations give an insight into the general method and attitude of
+the Hippocratics. Of an art such as medicine, which even in those times
+had a long and rational tradition behind it, it is impossible to give
+more than the merest glimpse in such a review as this. The actual
+practice is far too complex to set down briefly. This is especially the
+case with the ancient teaching as regards epidemic disease at which we
+must cursorily glance. The Hippocratic physicians and indeed all
+antiquity were as yet ignorant of the nature, and were but dimly aware
+of the existence, of infection.[85] For them acute disease was something
+imposed on the patient from outside, but how it reached him from outside
+and what it was that thus reached him they were still admittedly
+ignorant. In this dilemma they turned to prolonged observation and noted
+as a result of repeated experience that epidemic diseases in their world
+had characteristic seasonal and regional distributions. One country was
+not quite like another, nor was one season like another nor even one
+year like another. By a series of carefully collated observations as to
+how regions, seasons, and years differed from each other, they succeeded
+in laying the basis of a rational study of epidemiology which gave rise
+to the notion of an 'epidemic constitution' of the different years, a
+conception which was very fertile and stimulating to the great
+clinicians of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and is by no
+means without value even for the modern epidemiologist. The work of the
+modern fathers of epidemiology was consciously based on Hippocrates.
+
+    [85] The ancients knew almost nothing of infection _as applied
+    specifically_ to disease. All early peoples--including Greeks and
+    Romans--believed in the transmission of qualities from object to
+    object. Thus purity and impurity and good and bad luck were
+    infections, and diseases were held to be infections in that sense.
+    But there is little evidence in the belief of the special
+    infectivity of _disease as such_ in antiquity. Some few diseases
+    are, however, unequivocally referred to as infectious in a limited
+    number of passages, e. g. ophthalmia, scabies, and phthisis in the
+    περι διαφορας πυρετων {peri diaphoras pyretôn}, _On the differentiae
+    of fevers_, K. vii, p. 279. The references to infection in antiquity
+    are detailed by C. and D. Singer, 'The scientific position of
+    Girolamo Fracastoro', _Annals of Medical History_, vol. i, New York,
+    1917.
+
+Before parting with the Hippocratic physician a word must be said as to
+his therapeutic means. His general armoury may be described as
+resembling that of the modern physician of about two generations ago.
+During those two generations we have, it is true, added to our list of
+effective remedies but, on the other hand, there has been by common
+consent a return to the Hippocratic simplicity of treatment. After rest
+and quiet the central factor in treatment was Dietetics. This science
+regarded the age--'Old persons use less nutriment than young'; the
+season--'In winter abundant nourishment is wholesome, in summer a more
+frugal diet'; the bodily condition--'Lean persons should take little
+food, but this little should be fat, fat persons on the other hand
+should take much food, but it should be lean'. Respect was also paid to
+the digestibility of different foods--'white meat is more easily
+digestible than dark'--and to their preparation. Water, barley water,
+and lime water were recommended as drinks. The dietetic principles of
+the Hippocratics, especially in connexion with fevers, are substantially
+those of the present day, and it may be said that the general medical
+tendency of the last generation in these matters has been an even closer
+approximation to the Hippocratic. 'The more we nourish unhealthy bodies
+the more we injure them'; 'The sick upon whom fever seizes with the
+greatest severity from the very outset, must at once subject themselves
+to a rigid diet'; 'Complete abstinence often acts well, if the strength
+of the patient can in any way sustain it'; yet 'We should examine the
+strength of the sick, to see whether they be in condition to maintain
+this spare diet to the crisis of the disease'. 'In the application of
+these rules we must always be mindful of the strength of the patient and
+of the course of each particular disease, as well as of the constitution
+and ordinary mode of life in each disease.'
+
+Besides diet the Hippocratic physician had at his disposal a
+considerable variety of other remedies. Baths, inunctions, clysters,
+warm and cold suffusions, massage and gymnastic, as well as gentler
+exercise are among them. He probably employed cupping and bleeding
+rather too freely, and we have several representations of the
+instruments used for these operations (fig. 8). He was no great user of
+drugs and seldom names them except, we may note, in the works on the
+treatment of women, which are probably of Cnidian origin and whence the
+greater part of the 300 constituents of the Hippocratic pharmacopœia are
+derived. Thus his list of drugs is small but several known to him are
+still used by us.
+
+The work of these men may be summed up by saying that without
+dissection, without any experimental physiology or pathology, and
+without any instrumental aid they pushed the knowledge of the course and
+origin of disease as far as it is conceivable that men in such
+circumstances could push it. This was done as a process of pure
+scientific induction. Their surgery, though hardly based on anatomy, was
+grounded on the most carefully recorded experience. In therapeutics they
+allowed themselves neither to be deceived by false hopes nor led aside
+by vain traditions. Yet in diagnosis, prognosis, surgery and
+therapeutics alike they were in many departments unsurpassed until the
+nineteenth century, and to some of their methods we have reverted in the
+twentieth. Persisting throughout the ages as a more or less definite
+tradition, which attained clearer form during and after the sixteenth
+century, Hippocratic methods have formed the basis of all departments of
+modern advance.
+
+But the history of Greek medicine did not end with the Hippocratic
+collection; in many respects it may indeed be held only to begin there;
+yet we never get again a glimpse of so high an ethical and professional
+standard as that which these works convey. From Alexandrian times
+onwards, too, the history of Greek medicine becomes largely a history of
+various schools of medical thought, each of which has only a partial
+view of the course and nature of medical knowledge. The unravelling of
+the course and teachings of these sects has long been a pre-occupation
+of professed medical historians, but the general reader can hardly take
+an interest in differences between the Dogmatists, Empirics, and
+Methodists whose doctrines are as dead as themselves. In this later
+Alexandrian and Hellenistic age the Greek intellect is no less active
+than before, but there is a change in the taste of the material. A
+general decay of the spirit is reflected in the medical as in the
+literary products of the time, and we never again feel that elevation of
+a beautiful and calmly righteous presence that breathes through the
+Hippocratic collection and gives it a peculiar aroma.
+
+We shall pass over the general course of later Greek medicine with great
+rapidity. A definite medical school was established at Alexandria and
+others perhaps at Pergamon and elsewhere. Athens, after the death of
+Aristotle and his pupils, passes entirely into the background and is of
+no importance so far as medicine is concerned. At Alexandria, where a
+great medical library was collected, anatomy began to be studied and two
+men whose discoveries were of primary importance for the history of that
+subject, Erasistratus and Herophilus, early practised there. With
+anatomy as a basis medical education could become much more systematic.
+It is a very great misfortune that the works of these two eminent men
+have disappeared. Of Herophilus fragments have survived embedded in the
+works of Galen (A. D. 130-201), Caelius Aurelianus (fifth century), and
+others. These fragments have been the subject of one of the earliest,
+most laborious, and most successful attempts made in modern times to
+reconstruct the lost work of an ancient author.[86] For Erasistratus our
+chief source of information are two polemical treatises directed against
+him by Galen. Recently, too, a little more information concerning the
+works of both men has become available from the Menon papyrus.
+
+    [86] K. F. H. Marx, _Herophilus, ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der
+    Medizin_, Karlsruhe, 1838.
+
+It has been found possible to reconstruct especially a treatise on
+anatomy by Herophilus with a considerable show of probability. He opened
+by giving general directions for the process of dissection and followed
+with detailed descriptions of the various systems, nervous, vascular,
+glandular, digestive, generative, and osseous. There was a separate
+section on the liver, a small part of which has survived. It is of his
+account of the nervous system that we have perhaps the best record, and
+it is evident that he has advanced far beyond the Hippocratic position.
+In the braincase he saw the membranes that cover the brain and
+distinguished between the cerebrum and cerebellum. He attained to some
+knowledge of the ventricles of the brain, the cranial and spinal nerves,
+the nerves of the heart, and the coats of the eye. He distinguished the
+blood sinuses of the skull, and the _torcular Herophili_ (winepress of
+Herophilus), a sinus described by him, has preserved his name in modern
+anatomical nomenclature. He even made out more minute structures, such
+as the little depression in the fourth ventricle of the brain, known to
+modern anatomists as the _calamus scriptorius_, which still bears the
+name which he gave it (καλαμος ὡ γραφομεν {kalamos hô graphomen}),
+because it seemed to him, as Galen tells us, to resemble the pens then
+in use in Alexandria.[87] We still use, too, his term _duodenum_
+(δωδεκαδακτυλος εκφυσις {dôdekadaktylos ekphysis} = twelve-finger
+extension), for as Galen assures us, Herophilus 'so named the first part
+of the intestine before it is rolled into folds'.[88] The duodenum is a
+U-shaped section of the intestine following immediately on the stomach.
+Being fixed down behind the abdominal cavity it cannot be further
+convoluted, and this accounts for Galen's description of it. It is about
+twelve fingers' breadth long in the animals dissected by Herophilus.
+
+    [87] Galen, περι ανατομικων εγχειρησεων {peri anatomikôn
+    encheirêseôn}, _On anatomical preparations_, ix. 5 (last sentence).
+
+    [88] Galen, περι φλεβων και αρτηριων ανατομης {peri phlebôn kai
+    artêriôn anatomês}, _On the anatomy of veins and arteries_, i.
+
+Erasistratus, the slightly younger Alexandrian contemporary of
+Herophilus, has the credit of further anatomical discoveries. He
+described correctly the action of the epiglottis in preventing the
+entrance of food and drink into the windpipe during the act of
+swallowing, he saw the lacteal vessels in the mesentery, and pursued
+further the anatomy of the brain. He improved on the anatomy of the
+heart, and described the auriculo-ventricular valves and their mode of
+closure. He distinguished clearly the motor and sensory nerves. He seems
+to have adopted a definitely experimental attitude--a very rare thing
+among ancient physicians--and a description of an experiment made by him
+has recently been recovered. 'If', he says, 'you take an animal, a bird,
+for example, and keep it for a time in a jar without giving it food and
+then weigh it together with its excreta you will find that there is a
+considerable loss of weight.'[89] The experiment is a simple one, but it
+was about nineteen hundred years before a modern professor, Sanctorio
+Santorio (1561-1636), thought of repeating it.[90]
+
+    [89] The quotation is from chapter xxxiii, line 44 of the _Anonymus
+    Londinensis_. H. Diels, _Anonymus Londinensis_ in the _Supplementum
+    Aristotelicum_, vol. iii, pars 1, Berlin, 1893.
+
+    [90] Sanctorio Santorio, _Oratio in archilyceo patavino anno 1612
+    habita; de medicina statica aphorismi_. Venice, 1614.
+
+The anatomical advances made by the Alexandrian school naturally reacted
+on surgical efficiency. The improvement so effected may be gathered, for
+instance, from an account of the anatomical relationships in certain
+cases of dislocation of the hip given by the Alexandrian surgeon
+Hegetor, who lived about 100 B. C. In his book περι αιτιων {peri
+aitiôn}, _On causes_ [_of disease_], he asks 'why (certain surgeons) do
+not seek another way of reducing a luxation of the hip.... If the joints
+of the jaw, shoulder, elbow, knee, finger, &c., can be replaced, the
+same, they think, must be true of all parts, nor can they give an
+account of why the femur cannot be put back into its place.... They
+might have known, however, that from the head of the femur arises a
+ligament which is inserted into the socket of the hip bone ... and if
+this ligament is once ruptured the thigh bone cannot be retained in
+place'.[91] This passage contains the first description of the structure
+known to modern anatomists as the _ligamentum teres_, a strong fibrous
+band which unites the head of the femur with the socket into which it
+fits in the hip bone, like the string that binds the cup and ball of a
+child's toy. This ligament is ruptured in certain severe cases of
+dislocation of the hip.
+
+    [91] This is the only passage of Hegetor's writing that has
+    survived. It has been preserved in the work of Apollonius of Citium.
+
+After the establishment of the school at Alexandria, medical teaching
+rapidly became organized, but throughout the whole course of antiquity
+it suffered from the absence of anything in the nature of a state
+diploma. Any one could practise, with the result that many quacks,
+cranks, and fanatics were to be found among the ranks of the
+practitioners who often were or had been slaves. The great Alexandrian
+school, however, did much to preserve some sort of professional
+standard, and above all its anatomical discipline helped to this end.
+
+Between the founding of the Alexandrian school and Galen we are not rich
+in medical writings. Apart from fragments and minor productions, the
+works of only five authors have survived from this period of over four
+hundred years, namely, Celsus, Dioscorides, Aretaeus of Cappadocia, and
+two Ephesian authors bearing the names of Rufus and Soranus.
+
+The work of Celsus of the end of the first century B. C. is a Latin
+treatise, probably translated from Greek, and is the surviving medical
+volume of a complete cyclopaedia of knowledge. In spite of its
+unpromising origin it is an excellent compendium of its subject and
+shows a good deal of advance in many respects beyond the Hippocratic
+position. The moral tone too is very high, though without the lofty and
+detached beauty of Hippocrates. Anatomy has greatly improved, and with
+it surgical procedure, and the work is probably representative of the
+best Alexandrian practice. The pharmacopœia is more copious, but has not
+yet become burdensome. The general line of treatment is sensible and
+humane and the language concise and clear. Among other items he
+describes dental practice, with the indications for and methods of tooth
+extraction, the wiring of teeth, and perhaps a dental mirror. There is
+an excellent account of what might be thought to be the modern operation
+for removal of the tonsils. Celsus is still commemorated in modern
+medicine by the _area Celsi_, a not uncommon disease of the skin. The
+_De re medica_ is in fact one of the very best medical text-books that
+have come down to us from antiquity. It has had a romantic history.
+Forgotten during the Middle Ages, it was brought to light by the
+classical scholar Guarino of Verona (1374-1460) in 1426, and a better
+copy was discovered by his friend Lamola in 1427. Another copy was found
+by Thomas Parentucelli (1397-1455), afterwards Pope Nicholas V in 1443,
+and the text was later studied by Politian (1454-94). Though one of the
+latest of the great classical medical texts to be discovered, it was one
+of the first to be printed (Florence, 1478), and it ran through very
+many early editions and had great influence on the medical renaissance.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 8. VOTIVE TABLET representing cupping and bleeding
+instruments from Temple of Asclepius at Athens. In centre is represented
+a folding case containing scalpels of various forms. On either side are
+cupping vessels.]
+
+After Celsus comes Dioscorides in the first century A. D. He was a Greek
+military surgeon of Cilician origin who served under Nero, and in him
+the Greek intellect is obviously beginning to flag. His work is
+prodigiously important for the history of botany, yet so far as rational
+medicine is concerned he is almost negligible. He begins at the wrong
+end, either giving lists of drugs with the symptoms that they are said
+to cure or to relieve, or lists of symptoms with a series of named
+drugs. Clinical observation and record are wholly absent, and the spirit
+of Hippocrates has departed from this elaborate pharmacopœia.
+
+With the second century of the Christian era we terminate the creative
+period of Greek medicine. We are provided with the works of four
+important writers of this century, of whom three, Rufus of Ephesus,
+Soranus of Ephesus, and Aretaeus of Cappadocia, though valuable for
+forming a picture of the state of medicine in their day, were without
+substantial influence on the course of medicine in later ages.
+
+Rufus of Ephesus, a little junior to Dioscorides, has left us the first
+formal work on human anatomy and is of some importance in the history of
+comparative anatomy. In medicine he is memorable as the first to have
+described bubonic plague, and in surgery for his description of the
+methods of arresting haemorrhage and his knowledge of the anatomy of
+the eye. A work by him _On gout_ was translated into Latin in the sixth
+century, but remained unknown till modern times.
+
+Soranus of Ephesus (A. D. _c._ 90-_c._ 150), an acute writer on
+gynaecology, has left a book which illustrates well the anatomy of his
+day. It exercised an influence for many centuries to come, and a Latin
+abstract of it prepared about the sixth century by one Moschion has come
+down to us in an almost contemporary manuscript.[92] It is interesting
+as opposing the Hippocratic theory that the male embryo is originated in
+the right and the female in the left half of the womb, a fallacy derived
+originally from Empedocles and Parmenides, but perpetuated by Latin
+translations of the Hippocratic treatises until the seventeenth century.
+His work was adorned by figures, and some of these, naturally greatly
+altered by copyists, but still not infinitely removed from the facts,
+have survived in a manuscript of the ninth century, and give us a
+distant idea of the appearance of ancient anatomical drawings.[93] We
+may assist our imagination a little further, in forming an idea of what
+such diagrams were like, with the help of certain other mediaeval
+figures representing the form and distribution of the various anatomical
+'systems', veins, arteries, nerves, bones, and muscles which are
+probably traceable to an Alexandrian origin.[94]
+
+    [92] Leyden Voss 4° 9^{*} of the sixth century is a fragment of this
+    work.
+
+    [93] V. Rose, _Sorani Ephesii vetus translatio Latina cum additis
+    Graeci textus reliquiis_, Leipzig, 1882; F. Weindler, _Geschichte
+    der gynäkologisch-anatomischen Abbildung_, Dresden, 1908.
+
+    [94] The discovery and attribution of these figures is the work of
+    K. Sudhoff. A bibliography of his writings on the subject will be
+    found in a 'Study in Early Renaissance Anatomy' in C. Singer's
+    _Studies in the History and Method of Science_, vol. i, Oxford,
+    1917.
+
+Aretaeus of Cappadocia was probably a contemporary of Galen (second half
+of the second century A. D.). As a clinical author his reputation stands
+high, perhaps too high, his descriptions of pneumonia, empyema,
+diabetes, and elephantiasis having especially drawn attention. In
+treatment he uses simple remedies, is not affected by polypharmacy, and
+suggests many ingenious mechanical devices. It would appear that
+Aretaeus is not an independent writer, but mainly a compiler. He relies
+largely on Archigenes, a distinguished physician contemporary with
+Juvenal, whose works have perished save the fragments preserved in this
+manner by Aretaeus and Aetius. Aretaeus was a very popular writer among
+the Greeks in all ages, but he was not translated into Latin, and was
+unknown in the West until the middle of the sixteenth century.[95] He is
+philologically interesting as still using the Ionic dialect.
+
+    [95] First Latin edition Venice, 1552; first Greek edition Paris,
+    1554.
+
+There remains the huge overshadowing figure of Galen. The enormous mass
+of the surviving work of this man, the dictator of medicine until the
+revival of learning and beyond, tends to throw out of perspective the
+whole of Greek medical records. The works of Galen alone form about half
+of the mass of surviving Greek medical writings, and occupy, in the
+standard edition, twenty-two thick, closely-printed volumes. These cover
+every department of medicine, anatomy, physiology, pathology, medical
+theory, therapeutics, as well as clinical medicine and surgery. In style
+they are verbose and heavy and very frequently polemical. They are
+saturated with a teleology which, at times, becomes excessively tedious.
+In the anatomical works, masses of teleological explanation dilute the
+account of often imperfectly described structures. Yet to this element
+we owe the preservation of the mass of Galen's works, for his intensely
+teleological point of view appealed to the theological bias both of
+Western Christianity and of Eastern Islam. Intolerable as literature,
+his works are a valuable treasure house of medical knowledge and
+experience, custom, tradition, and history.
+
+As in the case of the Hippocratic corpus, so in the case of the Galenic
+corpus we are dealing to some extent with material from various
+sources. In the case of Galen, however, we have a good standard of
+genuineness, for he has left us a list of his books which can be checked
+off against those which we actually possess. The general standpoint of
+the Galenic is not unlike that of the Hippocratic writings, but the
+noble vision of the lofty-minded, pure-souled physician has utterly
+passed away. In his place we have an acute, honest, very contentious
+fellow, bristling with energy and of prodigious industry, not unkindly,
+but loving strife, a thoroughly 'aggressive' character. He loves truth,
+but he loves argument quite as much. The value of his philosophical
+writings, of which some have survived, cannot be discussed here, but it
+is evident that he is frequently satisfied with purely verbal
+explanations. An ingenious physiologist, a born experimenter, an
+excellent anatomist and eager to improve, possessing a good knowledge of
+the human skeleton and an accurate acquaintance with the internal parts
+so far as this can be derived from a most industrious devotion to
+dissection of animals, equipped with all the learning of the schools of
+Pergamon, Smyrna, and Alexandria, and rich with the experience of a vast
+practice at Rome, Galen is essentially an 'efficient' man. He has the
+grace to acknowledge constantly and repeatedly his indebtedness to the
+Hippocratic writings. Such was the man whose remains, along with the
+Hippocratic collection, formed the main medical legacy of Greece to the
+Western world.
+
+Some of Galen's works are mere drug lists, little superior to those of
+Dioscorides;[96] with the depression of the intelligence that
+corresponded with the break up of the Roman Empire, it was these that
+were chiefly seized on and distributed in the West. Attractive too to
+the debased intellect of the late Roman world were certain spurious,
+superstitious, and astrological works that circulated in the name of
+Galen and Hippocrates.[97] The Greek medical writers after Galen were
+but his imitators and abstractors, but through some of them Galen's
+works reached the West at a very early period in the Middle Ages. Such
+abstractors who were early translated into Latin were Oribasius
+(325-403), Paul of Aegina (625-690), and Alexander of Tralles (525-605).
+Of the best and most scientific of Galen's works the Middle Ages knew
+little or nothing.
+
+    [96] e. g. περι κρασεως και δυναμεως των ἁπαντων φαρμακων {peri
+    kraseôs kai dynameôs tôn hapantôn pharmakôn} and the φαρμακα
+    {pharmaka}.
+
+    [97] e. g. _De dinamidiis Galeni_, _Secreta Hippocratis_ and many
+    astrological tracts.
+
+Later Galen and Hippocrates became a little more accessible, not by
+translation from the Greek, but by translation from the Arabic of a
+Syriac version. The first work to be so rendered was a version of
+_Aphorisms_ of Hippocrates which, however, as we have seen, were already
+available in Latin dress, together with the Hippocratic _Regimen in
+acute diseases_, and certain works of Galen as corruptly interpreted by
+Isaac Judaeus. These were rendered from Arabic into Latin by
+Constantine, an African adventurer who became a monk at Monte Cassino
+and died there in 1087. Constantine was a wretched craftsman with an
+imperfect knowledge of both Arabic and Latin. More effective was the
+great twelfth-century translator from the Arabic, Gerard of Cremona
+(died 1185), who turned many medical works into Latin from Arabic, and
+who was followed by a whole host of imitators. Yet more important for
+the advance of medicine, however, was the learned revival of the
+thirteenth century. In the main that revival was based on translations
+from Arabic, but a certain number of works were also rendered direct
+from the Greek. During the thirteenth century Aristotle's scientific
+works began to be treated in this way, but more important for the course
+of medicine were those of Galen, and they had to wait till the following
+century. The long treatise of Galen, περι χρειας των εν ανθρωπου σωματι
+μοριων {peri chreias tôn en anthrôpou sômati moriôn}, _On the uses of
+the bodily parts in man_, was translated from the Greek into Latin by
+Nicholas of Reggio in the earlier part of the fourteenth century. This
+work, with all its defects, was by far the best account of the human
+body then available. Many manuscripts of the Latin version have
+survived, and it was translated into several vernaculars, including
+English, and profoundly influenced surgery. The rendering into Latin of
+this treatise, and its wide distribution, may be regarded as the
+starting-point of modern scientific medicine. Its appearance is moreover
+a part of the phenomenon of the revived interest in dissection which had
+begun to be practised in the Universities in the thirteenth century,[98]
+and was a generally accepted discipline in the fourteenth and
+fifteenth.[99]
+
+    [98] Dissection of animals was practised at Salerno as early as the
+    eleventh century.
+
+    [99] The sources of the anatomical knowledge of the Middle Ages are
+    discussed in detail in the following works: R. R. von Töply,
+    _Studien zur Geschichte der Anatomie im Mittelalter_, Vienna, 1898;
+    K. Sudhoff, _Tradition und Naturbeobachtung_, Leipzig, 1907; and
+    also numerous articles in the _Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin und
+    Naturwissenschaften_; Charles Singer, 'A Study in Early Renaissance
+    Anatomy', in _Studies in the History and Method of Science_, vol. i,
+    Oxford, 1917.
+
+Until the end of the fifteenth century progress in anatomy was almost
+imperceptible. During the fifteenth century more Galenic and Hippocratic
+texts were recovered and gradually turned into Latin, but still without
+vitally affecting the course of Anatomy. The actual printing of
+collected editions of Hippocrates and Galen came rather late, for the
+debased taste of the Renaissance physicians continued to prefer
+Dioscorides and the Arabs, of whom numerous editions appeared, so that
+medicine made no advance corresponding to the progress of scholarship.
+The Hippocratic works were first printed in 1525, and an isolated
+edition of the inferior Galen in 1490, but the real advance in Medicine
+was not made by direct study of these works. So long as they were
+treated in the old scholastic spirit such works were of no more value
+than those of the Arabists or others inherited from the Middle Ages.
+Even Hippocrates can be spoilt by a commentary, and it was not until the
+investigator began actually to compare his own observations with those
+of Hippocrates and Galen that the real value of these works became
+apparent. The department in which this happened first was Anatomy, and
+such revolutionaries as Leonardo da Vinci (1452-1518), who never
+published, and Vesalius (1514-1564), whose great work appeared in 1543,
+were really basing their work on Galen, though they were much occupied
+in proving Galen's errors. Antonio Benivieni (died 1502), an eager
+prophet of the new spirit, revived the Hippocratic tradition by actually
+collecting notes of a few cases with accompanying records of deaths and
+post-mortem findings, among which it is interesting to observe a case of
+appendicitis.[100] His example was occasionally followed during the
+sixteenth century, as for instance, by the Portuguese Jewish physician
+Amatus Lusitanus (1511-_c._ 1562), who printed no fewer than seven
+hundred cases; but the real revival of the Hippocratic tradition came in
+the next century with Sydenham (1624-1689) and Boerhaave (1668-1738),
+who were consciously working on the Hippocratic basis and endeavouring
+to extend the Hippocratic experience.
+
+    [100] Benivieni's notes were published posthumously. Some of the
+    spurious Greek works of the Hippocratic collection have also case
+    notes.
+
+Lastly surgery came to profit by the revival. The greatest of the
+sixteenth-century surgeons, the lovable and loving Ambroise Paré
+(1510-1590), though he was, as he himself humbly confessed, an ignorant
+man knowing neither Latin nor Greek, can be shown to have derived much
+from the works of antiquity, which were circulating in translation in
+his day and were thus filtering down to the unlearned.
+
+Texts of Hippocrates and of Galen had formed an integral part in the
+medical instruction of the universities from their commencement in the
+thirteenth century. The first Greek text of the _Aphorisms_ of
+Hippocrates appeared in 1532, edited by no less a hand than that of
+François Rabelais. With the further recovery of the Greek texts and
+preparation of better translations, these became almost the sole mode of
+instruction during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The
+translators became legion and their competence varied. One highly
+skilled translator, however, is of special interest to English readers.
+Thomas Linacre (1460?-1524), Physician to Henry VIII, Tutor to the
+Princess Mary, founder and first president of the College of
+Physicians, a benefactor of both the ancient Universities and one of the
+earliest, ablest, most typical, and most exasperating of the English
+humanists, spent much energy on this work of translation for which his
+abilities peculiarly fitted him. He was responsible for no less than six
+important works of Galen, of which one, the _De temperamentis et de
+inaequali intemperie_, printed at Cambridge in 1521, was among the
+earliest books impressed in that town and is said to be the first
+printed in England for which Greek types were used. It has been honoured
+by reproduction in facsimile in modern times. Such works as these,
+purely literary efforts, had great vogue for a century and more, and
+were much in use in the Universities. These humanistic products
+sometimes produced, among the advocates of the new scientific method, a
+degree of fury which was only rivalled by that of some of the humanists
+themselves towards the translators from the Arabic. But these are now
+dead fires. As the clinical and scientific methods of teaching gained
+ground, textual studies receded in medical education, as Hippocrates and
+Galen themselves would have wished them to recede.
+
+The texts of Hippocrates and Galen have now ceased to occupy a place in
+any medical curriculum. Yet all who know these writings, know too, not
+only that their spirit is still with us, but that the works themselves
+form the background of modern practice, and that their very phraseology
+is still in use at the bedside. Modern medicine may be truly described
+as in essence a creation of the Greeks. To realize the nature of our
+medical system, some knowledge of its Greek sources is essential. It
+would indeed be a bad day for medicine if ever this debt to the Greeks
+were forgotten, and the loss would be at least as much ethical as
+intellectual. But there is happily no fear of this, for the figure and
+spirit of Hippocrates are more real and living to-day than they have
+been since the great collapse of the Greek scientific intellect in the
+third and fourth centuries of the Christian era.
+
+CHARLES SINGER.
+
+     The author has to thank Mr. R. W. Livingstone, Dr. E. T.
+     Withington, Prof. A. Platt, and Mr. J. D. Beazley for corrections
+     and suggestions.
+
+
+
+
+LITERATURE
+
+
+A man walking down Shaftesbury Avenue from Piccadilly to Charing Cross
+Road passes the _Lyric Theatre_. If it is the evening, a _dramatic_
+performance is probably taking place inside. It may be a _tragedy_, or
+some form of _comedy_. If it is a _musical comedy_ and he enters, he
+will see elaborate _scenery_ and a play which may open with a _prologue_
+and which is partly composed of _dialogue_ between the various
+_characters_, partly of songs in various _metres_ sung by a _chorus_ to
+the accompaniment of an _orchestra_. As the words in italics indicate,
+our imaginary passer-by will have seen, though he may not have suspected
+it, a symbol of the indelible mark which the Greeks have set on the
+aesthetic and intellectual life of Europe, and of the living presence of
+Greece in the twentieth century. An ancient Athenian might be startled
+at the sight of a musical comedy and its chorus, but he would be looking
+at his own child, a descendant, however distant, degenerate, and hard to
+recognize, of that chorus which with dance and song moved round the
+altar of Dionysus in the theatre of his home.
+
+The same imprint, clear or faint, is on all our literary forms, except
+perhaps one. Epic, lyric, elegiac, dramatic, didactic, poetry, history,
+biography, rhetoric and oratory, the epigram, the essay, the sermon, the
+novel, letter writing and literary criticism are all Greek by origin,
+and in nearly every case their name betrays their source. Rome raises a
+doubtful claim to satire, but the substance of satire is present in the
+Old Comedy, and the form seems to have existed in writings now lost.
+There are even one or two _genres_, such as the imaginary speech, which
+Greece invented and which are not, fortunately, found in modern
+literature. When the curtain rose on Homer, European literature did not
+exist: long before it falls on the late Byzantines, the lines were laid
+on which it has moved up to our own day. This is the entire work of a
+single people, politically weak, numerically small, materially
+poor--according to the economy of nature which in things of the mind and
+the spirit gives a germinating power to few. The Greeks are justly
+admired for individual poems, plays, and pieces of writing; but it was
+something even greater to have explored the possibilities of literature
+so far that posterity, while it has developed Greek _genres_, has not
+hitherto been able to add to them. This is one part of the Greek Legacy
+to literature.
+
+Another part are the works themselves. Literature can only be judged by
+reading it, and certainly it cannot be characterized in a few pages. But
+a man ignorant of Greek and anxious to estimate its value might form
+some idea by inquiring the opinions of qualified judges. He would find
+them unanimous: I suppose it is true that no man of eminence qualified
+to speak has ever spoken of Greek literature in any tone but one. The
+first testimony is that of the Romans. It is borne by their literature,
+starting in translations from Greek, adopting one after another of their
+_genres_, permeated through and through (and most of all in the greatest
+writers) by imitations, reminiscences, influences of Greek, confessing
+and glorying in the debt. 'In learning,' says Cicero, 'and in every
+branch of literature, the Greeks are our masters.'[101] A Roman boy
+should begin his studies with Greek, Quintilian thought, 'because Latin
+learning is derived from Greek.'[102] The same note is repeated in the
+literature of the Renaissance, and re-echoed by the most various voices
+of our own century.
+
+    [101] _Tusc._ 1. 1. 2.
+
+    [102] _Inst. Or._ I. 1. 12.
+
+'Though one of the Greek tragedians may seem rather greater and more
+complete than another, their work as a whole has a single pervading
+quality. It is marked by grandeur, excellence, sanity, complete
+humanity, a high philosophy of life, a lofty way of thinking, a powerful
+intuition (_Anschauung_). We find these qualities in their surviving
+lyric and epic poetry as well as in their drama: we find them in their
+philosophers, orators, and historians and, to an equally high degree, in
+their surviving sculpture.'[103]
+
+    [103] Goethe, _Gespräche_, 3. 387.
+
+'Beside the great Attic poets, like Aeschylus and Sophocles, I am
+absolutely nothing.'[104]
+
+    [104] Ibid., 3. 443.
+
+'He spoke with great animation of the advantage of classical study,
+Greek especially. "Where," he said, "would one look for a greater orator
+than Demosthenes; or finer dramatic poetry, next to Shakspere, than that
+of Aeschylus or Sophocles, not to speak of Euripides." Herodotus he
+thought "the most interesting and instructive book, next to the Bible,
+which had ever been written".'[105]
+
+    [105] Wordsworth, _Table-talk_.
+
+'The period which intervened between the birth of Pericles and the death
+of Aristotle is undoubtedly, whether considered in itself or with
+reference to the effects which it has produced upon the subsequent
+destinies of civilized man, the most memorable in the history of the
+world.... The wrecks and fragments of these subtle and profound minds,
+like the ruins of a fine statue, obscurely suggest to us the grandeur
+and perfection of the whole. Their very language ... in variety, in
+simplicity, in flexibility, and in copiousness, excels every other
+language of the western world.' Then, after some words on their
+sculpture, he adds: 'their poetry seems to maintain a very high, though
+not so disproportionate a rank, in the comparison' (with other
+literatures).[106]
+
+    [106] Shelley, _On the Manners of the Ancients_.
+
+'The Greeks are the most remarkable people who have yet existed.... They
+were the beginners of nearly everything, Christianity excepted, of which
+the modern world makes its boast.... They were the first people who had
+a historical literature; as perfect of its kind (though not the highest
+kind) as their oratory, their sculpture, and their architecture. They
+were the founders of mathematics, of physics, of the inductive study of
+politics, of the philosophy of human nature and life. In each they made
+the indispensable first steps, which are the foundation of all the
+rest.'[107]
+
+    [107] Mill, _Dissertations_, ii. 283 f.
+
+'I have gone back to Greek literature with a passion quite astonishing
+to myself.... I felt as if I had never known before what intellectual
+enjoyment was. Oh that wonderful people! There is not one art, not one
+science, about which we may not use the same expression which Lucretius
+has employed about the victory over superstition "_Primum Graius homo_".
+I think myself very fortunate in having been able to return to these
+great masters while still in the full vigour of life and when my taste
+and judgement are mature. Most people read all the Greek that they ever
+read before they are five-and-twenty.... A young man, whatever his
+genius may be, is no judge of such a writer as Thucydides. I had no high
+opinion of him ten years ago. I have now been reading him with a mind
+accustomed to historical researches and to political affairs; and I am
+astonished at my own former blindness, and at his greatness. I could not
+bear Euripides at college. I now read my recantation. He has faults
+undoubtedly. But what a poet!'[108]
+
+    [108] Macaulay, _Life and Letters_, i. 43.
+
+These men--and there is no difficulty in adding to their number--are not
+only qualified but unprejudiced witnesses. They have no _parti pris_.
+They cannot be accused, as schoolmasters and dons are sometimes accused,
+of holding shares in a great Trading Bank of Greece and Rome Unlimited,
+and having a personal motive for their enthusiasm. Nor can it be said
+that they admired Greece because they knew nothing better. All--Goethe
+no less than the others--had English literature in their hands, knew it
+well and appreciated its greatness. Yet this, given in their own words,
+is the impression which Greek made on them. _Securus iudicat orbis
+terrarum_; and the verdict here is plain. It is clear that we have in
+Greek a surviving body of poetry and prose which is of unique interest
+to any one who cares for literature.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+I have tried to give a summary answer to the question, What did the
+Greeks achieve? They invented every literary _genre_ which we know, they
+laid the lines which European literature has followed, they created a
+body of prose and poetry which has won the homage of the world. The
+further question, What can the world still learn from them, is less easy
+to answer. The answer lies in Greek literature, and the essence of a
+literature cannot be extracted and bottled in a number of abstract
+formulae. No literature is great in virtue of its qualities, which are
+always something less than the literature itself, but only in so far as
+it expands to the breadth of the universe and climbs to its height. This
+is the final test which must be applied. How far Greek literature
+satisfies it, can be judged from the testimonies which have been quoted
+above.
+
+Remembering this let us deliberately narrow our view and talk of
+qualities: and here, narrowing it again, let us confine the discussion
+to certain qualities, which are found indeed in all literatures, but are
+elsewhere neither so universal nor carried to so high a power. No one
+can think of Greek literature without thinking of them; they live on the
+lips of its admirers, and in them the inspiration of Greek literature is
+chiefly enshrined. These essential qualities are Simplicity, Perfection
+of Form, Truth and Beauty. Greek literature is much more than these
+qualities. The _Agamemnon_, the _Oedipus_, the _Bacchae_ are not to be
+explained wholly by them. The greatness of these plays is partly
+something individual, and partly it is what makes _King Lear_ or
+_Faust_ or _Brand_ great: and that is neither entirely nor mainly
+simplicity or beauty or truth or form. But my object is to emphasize
+qualities for which Greek is exceptional, and though some critics may
+have talked of the beauty of Greek literature till beauty was absurdly
+supposed to be its chief or only quality, they were right to recognize
+the prominence of beauty there, and though truth is a mark of the
+greatest writing in all languages, it is more universal in Greek than in
+any other literature.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+If a reader turned from Milton to Homer, from Shakespeare to Sophocles,
+from Plato or Aristotle to some modern work on ethics, politics, or
+literary criticism, he would find one point of difference between the
+earlier and the later writers in the greater simplicity of the former.
+They are briefer: the _Oedipus Tyrannus_ has 1530 lines while the first
+two acts of _Hamlet_ alone have more than 1600, and Greek histories and
+philosophical writings are correspondingly shorter than their modern
+counterparts. The whole of Thucydides could be printed in a twenty-four
+page issue of _The Times_, and leave room to spare; the essay of
+Aristotle on Poetry, which for generations dictated the principles of
+dramatic writing, has forty-five short pages; the _Republic_ of Plato,
+which has influenced thought more than any other philosophic work, has a
+little over three hundred. Brevity indeed is not always simplicity, and
+it is possible to be at once simple and lengthy. But any one who
+examines these Greek writers will find that they are brief, because,
+avoiding bypaths and by-plots, elaboration or minute detail, they strike
+out the central features of their picture with an effortless economy of
+line. Their writing has a double quality. It shows a firm hold on the
+central and fundamental things: and it presents them unmixed with and
+unconfused by minor issues, so that they stand out like forest trees
+which no undergrowth of brushwood masks. It is important to make this
+distinction, for all great literature has the first of these qualities;
+the second is largely an accident of time. As civilization moves further
+from its origin, it cannot but receive a thousand tributaries that
+continually augment its volume, and colour and confuse its streams: at
+the sources it flows clear and untroubled. The interests of an early age
+are the primal and essential interests of human nature and the
+literature of such an age presents them unalloyed and uncomplicated by
+lesser issues. In the thinkers the main and fundamental problems stand
+clearly out, and Plato and Thucydides take us straight to them. The
+poets make their poetry from emotions and interests that are as old as
+man, and have none of the refinements and complications which education
+and a long inheritance of culture superadd to the essential stuff of
+human nature. 'You Greeks are always children,' said the Egyptian priest
+to Solon; and he spoke the truth in a sense which he did not mean. The
+Greeks' feelings were not dulled or sophisticated by the _damnosa
+hereditas_ of the past. Neither their life nor their mental atmosphere
+was complicated. They had not 'thought themselves into weariness'. They
+were the children of the world, and they united the startling acuteness,
+directness, and simplicity of children to the intellects of men.
+
+Pater took _La Gioconda_ of Leonardo da Vinci to symbolize the
+difference of modern and ancient art, and to illustrate the intricacy
+and complication of the former, as compared with the simplicity of the
+latter. 'Hers is the head,' he writes of the Monna Lisa, 'upon which all
+"the ends of the world are come", and the eyelids are a little weary. It
+is a beauty wrought out from within upon the flesh, the deposit, little
+cell by cell, of strange thoughts and fantastic reveries and exquisite
+passions. Set it for a moment beside one of those white goddesses or
+beautiful women of antiquity, and how would they be troubled by this
+beauty, into which the soul with all its maladies has passed! All the
+thoughts and experience of the world have etched and moulded there, in
+that which they have of power to refine and make expressive the outward
+form.... She is older than the rocks among which she sits; like the
+vampire, she has been dead many times and learned the secrets of the
+grave; and has been a diver in deep seas, and keeps their fallen day
+about her ...; and all this lives only in the delicacy with which it has
+moulded the changing lineaments, and tinged the eyelids and the hands.
+The fancy of a perpetual life, sweeping together ten thousand
+experiences, is an old one; and modern thought has conceived the idea of
+humanity as wrought upon by, and summing up in itself, all modes of
+thought and life. Certainly Lady Lisa might stand as the embodiment of
+the old fancy, the symbol of the modern idea.' Slightly fanciful and
+Pateresque as these words are, they are substantially true, as any one
+who sets Monna Lisa by a piece of fifth-century sculpture can easily
+see. There is the same contrast between Greek literature and our own.
+How 'troubled' would Homer or Sophocles be by the writings of Browning
+or Meredith, of Henry James or Conrad, in whom so many eddies and
+cross-currents of thought and experience unite.
+
+Compare the story of Hector and Andromache with some famous passage from
+any of these writers. 'So spake glorious Hector and stretched out his
+arm to his boy. But the child shrunk crying to the bosom of his
+fair-girdled nurse, dismayed at the look of his dear father and in fear
+of the bronze and the horsehair crest that nodded fiercely from his
+helmet's top. Then his dear father and his lady mother laughed aloud:
+forthwith glorious Hector took the helmet from his head and laid it, all
+gleaming, on the earth; then kissed he his dear son and danced him in
+his arms, and spoke in prayer to Zeus and all the gods, "O Zeus and all
+ye gods, grant that this my son may be as I am, pre-eminent among the
+Trojans, and as valiant in might, and may he be a great king of Troy."
+So he spoke and laid his son in his dear wife's arms; and she took him
+to her fragrant bosom, smiling through tears. And her husband had pity
+to see her and caressed her with his hand, and spoke and called her by
+her name: "Dear one, I pray thee be not of oversorrowful heart; no man
+against my fate shall send me to my death; but destiny, I ween, no man
+hath escaped." So spake glorious Hector and took up his
+horsehair-crested helmet; and his dear wife departed to her home, often
+looking back and letting fall great tears. And she came to the
+well-built house of man-slaying Hector, and found therein her many
+handmaidens, and stirred lamentation in them all. So they wept for
+Hector, while he yet lived, in his house; for they thought that he would
+no more come back to them from battle.'[109] These are emotions shared
+by mankind twenty centuries before Christ and twenty centuries after
+him, common equally to Shakespeare or Napoleon and to the stupidest and
+least educated of mankind; and these emotions are expressed with a
+simplicity as elemental as themselves. Subjects as simple may be found
+in our literature; expression as direct would be hard to find. Even a
+primitive like Chaucer is the heir of dimly apprehended inheritances
+from Greece and Rome, and is haunted by fancies from lost and living
+fairylands of literature. It is in our Bible that we find the elemental
+feelings of Homer and an expression even more direct. 'And she departed
+and wandered in the wilderness of Beersheba. And the water was spent in
+the bottle, and she cast the child under one of the shrubs. And she went
+and sat her down over against him a good way off, as it were a bowshot:
+for she said, Let me not see the death of the child. And she sat down
+over against him, and lift up her voice, and wept.'[110]
+
+    [109] Homer, _Iliad_, vi. 466 ff. (with omissions: chiefly from the
+    translation of Lang, Leaf, and Myers). It should be remembered that,
+    of the three figures in this scene, the husband will be dead in a
+    few days, while within a year the wife will be a slave and the child
+    thrown from the city wall.
+
+    [110] Genesis xxi. 14 f.
+
+Like the writer of the Pentateuch, Homer lived in a world whose
+emotions were elemental, and writing of this kind came naturally to him.
+The weight of tradition began to weigh on succeeding ages, but it never
+became heavy, because the accumulations were small and the world was
+still comparatively simple. Also its poets and prose writers moved in
+the fields of action as soldiers and politicians, continually
+confronting the realities of life, and knowing them as they are, not as
+they appear in a study. Thus their topics are central, the writing is
+simple. The subjects of the _Oedipus Tyrannus_ or the _Hercules Furens_
+might be called morbid; but not the handling of them by Sophocles and
+Euripides. The unnatural element is in the background and almost
+unnoticed; the interest lies in the spectacle of great men in
+overwhelming disaster--an elemental theme and belonging to the general
+life of man. The treatment is as simple as in Homer, the figures few,
+subordinate interests out of sight, the light thrown full on the central
+tragedy. Hence comes a rare intensity, an immediacy of impression, a
+sense of nearness to the thing described, which will strike anyone who
+reads the messenger's speech in the _Hercules Furens_, or the scene
+where the identity of Oedipus is discovered, or indeed any great passage
+in Greek Drama. This simplicity of treatment persists, when with
+Menander and the Alexandrians we pass into a world more like our own and
+find literature, still simple in form, but more artistic, more
+intellectual, more literary, less centrally and fundamentally human.
+
+It would be foolish to demand that modern writers should have the
+simplicity of Homer or the age of Pericles, or to pretend that they
+cannot be great without it. Every age must and will have its own
+literature, reflecting the minds and circumstances of those who write
+it. Nor is the advantage entirely on the side of the Greeks. A drama of
+Shakespeare or a novel of Tolstoi, with their long roll of _dramatis
+personae_, are more like life than a Greek tragedy with its absence of
+byplot and its few, central, characters. A modern historian would have
+recorded and discussed aspects of the history of fifth-century Greece
+which Thucydides ignores. Modern literature may claim that, with less
+intensity, it has greater amplitude and a more faithful presentation of
+the complexity of life. On the other hand the Greeks are free from that
+dominance of the abnormal which is one danger of modern literature; they
+do not explore sexual and other aberrations or encourage their readers
+to explore them. They are also free from that dominance of the
+unessential, which, in life as in literature, is a more innocent but
+more subtle and perhaps equally ruinous vice. That is why their
+simplicity is refreshing and salutary. _Porro unum necessarium._ In life
+human beings return from a distracting variety of interests to a few
+simple things; or, if they do not return, run the risk of losing their
+souls. In literature, which is the shadow of life, they need to do the
+same.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The simplicity of Greek literature is accompanied by the highest
+literary art. Nothing could be more surprising. The primitive conditions
+that preserve simplicity are apparently incompatible with technical
+perfection, which is a late-born child of literature and the creation of
+matured taste, long experiment, and patient work. But in Greek, and
+perhaps only in Greek, _naïveté_ and art go hand in hand. There is
+something almost uncanny in Homer's union of the two: it is a paradox
+that the character of Achilles, the death of Hector, the primitive
+cunning of Odysseus, should be portrayed in such a metre and such a
+vocabulary; it seems unnatural that so highly wrought and refined a
+medium should be used to depict the life and ideas of a society which is
+nearer to savagery than to civilization. But unnatural or not, so it is.
+
+The most obvious quality of Greek literature is its form, the high level
+of its technique. There are exceptions: the earlier plays of Aeschylus
+are crude in conception, the prose of Gorgias is as fantastic as that
+of Lyly, the sentences of Thucydides are often awkward and
+ungrammatical; Aeschylus stands at the origin of drama, Gorgias and
+Thucydides are the creators of periodic prose, and they have the
+weaknesses of pioneers. But in general, Greek work in poetry and prose
+is highly wrought and finely finished; and so rapidly did their art find
+itself, that within the lifetime of Aeschylus Sophocles reached the
+highest level of dramatic and literary technique, and within a
+generation from Thucydides Plato evolved his unequalled style. An
+artistic instinct was in the blood of the Greeks, and betrays itself
+throughout their literature, in the choric odes with their complicated
+respondencies and subtle variations; in Plato arranging and rearranging
+the first eight words of his _Republic_; in the interest which the
+Greeks took in the theory of literary art, seeking here as elsewhere
+λογον διδοναι {logon didonai}, to give an account of their practice. How
+much more they reflected on it than we do, the _Rhetoric_ of Aristotle,
+the _De Compositione_ of Dionysius and the endless writings of the
+rhetoricians show.
+
+This is universally admitted, but justice is more rarely done to even
+clearer evidence of the Greek gift for technique. Other nations have
+understood the art of writing, and left those monuments in words which
+are as unsubstantial and fleeting as air, yet more imperishable than
+brass or stone; but no nation has created literary art in the sense in
+which the Greeks created it, or developed, as they did, the various
+literary _genres_ out of nothing. They had no models or guides or
+external help. Rome had Greek literature to follow and herself gave
+patterns to her successors; but the Greeks made what they made out of
+nothing, and are thus creators in the true sense of the word, and as no
+other people have been. Two instances, Homer and the Greek Drama, will
+serve to show this.
+
+In the dawn of a literature at least, we expect roughness and crudity,
+an uncertain judgement and a faltering hand; but the first known Greek
+poem, like Athena in the myth, is born full grown and mature. Yet its
+makers made the story and the rich language and the elaborate and
+unrivalled metre for themselves. It does not lessen this achievement
+that the Homeric poems may have been the fine flower of a period of
+poetic growth; the work that went to form them was done by Greeks. But
+it needs imagination to appreciate the difficulty of the task which they
+undertook unconsciously and performed without theory or deliberate
+purpose by the mere light of nature.
+
+It is hard to create even a primitive poetic vocabulary, where one does
+not exist, and there is nothing primitive about
+
+    ὁι δ' ὡς τ' αιγυπιοι γαμψωνυχες αγκυλοχειλαι
+    πετρη εφ' ὑψηλη μεγαλα κλαζοντε μαχωνται,
+
+    {hoi d' hôs t' aigypioi gampsônyches ankylocheilai
+    petrê eph' hypsêlê megala klazonte machôntai,}
+
+or
+
+    ὁσσον δ' ηεροειδες ανηρ ιδεν οφθαλμοισιν
+    ἡμενος εν σκοπιη, λευσσων επι οινοπα ποντον,
+    τοσσον επιθρωσκουσι θεων ὑψηχεες ἱπποι.[111]
+
+    {hosson d' êeroeides anêr iden ophthalmoisin
+    hêmenos en skopiê, leussôn epi oinopa ponton,
+    tosson epithrôskousi theôn hypsêchees hippoi.}
+
+    [111] _Iliad_, xvi. 428 f.: 'As vultures with crooked talons and
+    curved beaks that upon some high crag fight, screaming loudly.'
+    _Ibid._ v. 770 f.: 'As far as a man's view ranges in the haze, as he
+    sits on a point of outlook and gazes over the wine-dark sea, so far
+    at a spring leap the loud-neighing horses of the gods.'
+
+It is hard, as the beginnings of Roman poetry show, to devise a metre
+which is not rough, unmusical, or even grotesque: yet for richness and
+strength this first metre of Europe has never been rivalled by the
+Greeks or by any one else. The same natural technical skill appears in
+more subtle things even than metre or language. Homer is born knowing by
+some instinct the profound secret of literary art which Aristotle
+formulated centuries later as the principle of unity of Action. The plot
+of a play, he writes in the _Poetics_, 'should have for its subject a
+single action, whole and complete, with a beginning, a middle, and an
+end.... It will differ in structure from historical compositions, which
+of necessity present not a single action, but a single period, and all
+that happened within that period to one person or to many, little
+connected together as the events may be.... Such is the practice, we may
+say, of most poets. Here again the transcendant excellence of Homer
+appears. He never attempts to make the whole war of Troy the subject of
+his poem. It would have been too vast a theme, and not easily embraced
+in a single view: while if he had kept it in moderate limits it would
+have been over-complicated by the variety of incidents. As it is, he
+detaches a single portion.'[112] Once stated, the principle of unity of
+action becomes a commonplace of literary art. But, as the _Annals_ of
+Ennius or the _Faerie Queen_ show, it is not obvious until stated, and
+the poets from whose practice Aristotle made his induction, must have
+had a rare technical instinct unconsciously to preserve unity of
+interest through the complications of a long epic or drama. Such
+achievements were only possible to a people with a natural genius for
+literary art. In the hands of the Greeks the various elements of
+literature found their τελος {telos} and achieved their natural form,
+almost with the same instinctive evolution by which a seed unfolds to
+its predestined shape.
+
+    [112] _Poetics_, c. 23 (tr. Butcher).
+
+This can be illustrated even better from Greek drama. A modern author
+who wishes to write a play may not find the task easy, but he knows the
+general form which a drama has to take and the general principles to be
+followed in writing it. The right length is given him, the division into
+scenes and acts, the methods of exposition and dialogue, the conception
+of a _dénouement_, the law of unity of action, and the rest. The fathers
+of Greek tragedy had no such help. They had no drama in our sense of the
+word, but simply a band of fifty persons dressed like satyrs, and
+dancing round an altar and singing a song. Out of this anything or
+nothing might have been made. The Greeks, with the instinctive and
+unerring motions of genius, developed from it the highest and most
+elaborate of literary forms, and within a hundred years are writing
+plays which Shelley classes with _King Lear_, and which Swinburne can
+call, 'probably, on the whole, the greatest spiritual work of man'.
+
+In divining the principles of literary art and evolving the various
+kinds of literature no people can be compared to the Greeks, and
+probably none can show a mass of work executed with so uniformly high a
+finish. But when we compare writer with writer we shall find individual
+artists to rival them. Though the strength of English literature does
+not lie in technical perfection, Milton, Pope, and Tennyson--to name no
+others--have in their different ways as firm a grasp of it as any Greek,
+and it can be learned from French writers, with whom it is the rule
+rather than the exception, as well as from the Greeks. This is hardly
+true of another quality of Greek writing, which may be classed with
+technical finish, though it is in fact something more. It is one of the
+most characteristic features of Greek; yet on first acquaintance, it is
+often disconcerting and even distasteful. If a reader new to the
+classics opened Thucydides, his first impression would probably be one
+of jejuneness, of baldness. If, fresh from Shelley or Tennyson, he came
+across the epigram of Simonides on the Spartan dead at Thermopylae,
+
+    ω ξειν', αγγελλειν Αακεδαιμονιοις ὁτι τηδε
+      κειμεθα, τοις κεινων ῥημασι πειθομενοι,[113]
+
+    {ô xein', angellein Aakedaimoniois hoti têde
+      keimetha, tois keinôn rhêmasi peithomenoi,}
+
+he might see little in it but a prosaic want of colour. This exceeding
+simplicity or economy is a stumbling-block to those who are accustomed
+to the expansive modern manner. Yet such a reader would have been making
+the acquaintance of some of the finest things in Greek literature, which
+is always at its greatest when most simple, and he would have been face
+to face with a characteristic quality of it.
+
+    [113] 'Stranger, tell the Spartans that we lie here, obeying their
+    words.'
+
+The contrast with the usual English manner may be illustrated by
+quoting a famous epigram--Ben Jonson's epitaph on a boy actor:
+
+    Weep with me, all you that read
+      This little story;
+    And know, for whom a tear you shed,
+      Death's self is sorry.
+
+    'Twas a child that so did thrive
+      In grace and feature,
+    As heaven and nature seemed to strive
+      Which owned the creature.
+
+    Years he numbered scarce thirteen
+      When Fates turned cruel,
+    Yet three filled zodiacs had he been
+      The stage's jewel;
+
+    And did act (what now we moan)
+      Old men so duly,
+    As sooth the Parcae thought him one,
+      He played so truly.
+
+    So, by error, to his fate
+      They all consented;
+    But, viewing him since, alas, too late!
+      They have repented.
+
+These lines--and they are not the whole of the poem--are enough to
+illustrate the difference between the Greek method and the English, the
+latter rich and profuse, following the flow of an opulent fancy, the
+former reticent and restrained, leaving the reader's imagination room
+and need to play its part. There are materials for half-a-dozen epigrams
+in Ben Jonson's poem. Had he been Simonides or Plato, he would have
+stopped after the fourth line and, in the opinion of some critics, by
+saving his paper he would have improved his poem.
+
+In their theory and in their practice the Greek writers were true to
+this principle of Economy. Their proverbs proclaim it 'the half is
+greater than the whole': 'sow with the hand and not with the whole
+sack.' The great passages of their literature illustrate it. It is to be
+found no less in Thucydides' account of the siege of Syracuse and in the
+close of the _Phaedo_ or the _Republic_ than in the death of Hector or
+the meeting of Priam and Achilles. The Greek writers may have emotions
+that would seem to demand vehement and extended expression, topics to
+inspire a poet and tempt him to amplify them; but resisting the
+temptation they set the facts down quietly and pass on practically
+without comment. The close of the _Phaedo_ exemplifies this restraint.
+Plato has just related with severe economy of detail the death of his
+master. His comment on the event which saddened and confounded his whole
+life is but this: 'Such, Echecrates, was the death of our friend, the
+best man, I think, that I have ever known, the wisest too and the most
+just.'[114]
+
+    [114] _Phaedo_, 118 B.
+
+There are noble examples of reticence and economy in English literature,
+some of the most conspicuous of which can be traced to classical
+influence; but no one would contend that these qualities are the rule in
+our great writers. The English genius is rich and lavish rather than
+restrained. It is less in its nature to write like Sappho,
+
+    Ἑσπερε, παντα φερων οσα φαινολις εσκεδας' αυως,
+    φερεις οιν, φερες αιγα, φερεις απυ ματερι παιδα,[115]
+
+    {Hespere, panta pherôn osa phainolis eskedas' auôs,
+    phereis oin, pheres aiga, phereis apy materi paida,}
+
+    [115] fr. 95: 'Star of evening, bringing all things that bright dawn
+    has scattered, you bring the sheep, you bring the goat, you bring
+    the child back to its mother.'
+
+than like Byron,
+
+    O Hesperus, thou bringest all good things--
+      Home to the weary, to the hungry cheer,
+    To the young bird the parent's brooding wings,
+      The welcome stall to the o'er-laboured steer;
+    Whate'er of peace about our hearthstone clings,
+      Whate'er our household gods protect of dear,
+    Are gathered round us by thy look of rest;
+    Thou bring'st the child too to its mother's breast.
+
+Something may be said in favour of both methods. Amplitude of treatment
+and fullness of detail enrich the imagination while economy stimulates
+it. The latter may become jejune, and is safe only in the hands of great
+writers: the former is apt to provide too rich a feast and to leave the
+full-fed mind inert. Everything is done for it and nothing left it to
+do. Economy on the other hand throws the reader on his own resources. It
+sets the imagination wandering in the fields of infinity. Some readers
+find this one of the essential delights of literature, though others
+prefer that the author should take them by the hand and indicate every
+detail with the precision of the sign-posts at a German _Kurort_.
+
+Economy is the reflection in literature of that σωφροσυνη {sôphrosynê},
+which is the most deeply-rooted of Greek ideals, the most untranslatable
+of Greek words. But it was helped by an accident. If the art of printing
+were lost, modern works would contract within narrower limits, and the
+Greek economy was encouraged by the fact that Fust was not yet born. We,
+who do not rely on hand-copying for the propagation of our books,
+naturally write at greater length: and while it loses in conciseness,
+literature has a compensating gain in amplitude. But the habit of
+writing for money, which encourages abundant production, and the
+existence of the printing-press, which makes it easy, expose us to
+dangers from which the ancients were free. The newspapers are the worst
+offenders, saying many things which need not be said at all, and saying
+everything in a superfluous and excessive way. But literature suffers
+hardly less. The greatest figures of the last fifty years, such as
+Browning, Meredith, Hardy and Conrad, dilute their pages with
+unessential, if not inferior, stuff, and produce writing which has not
+received the _summa manus_. Had their work been less by a half--a
+modest reduction--it would have been more perfect because more time
+could have been devoted to it, more powerful because each stroke would
+have been precise and strong, more telling because these strokes would
+not have been combined with ineffective blows. This is even truer of
+lesser men and other forms of literature. It is because the _Agricola_
+of Tacitus extends to but thirty pages, that the biography of a Roman
+civil servant of no great genius will outlive those of far greater men.
+The art of omission is the art which English writers most need to learn;
+the literary _lima_ is their least-handled tool. Both art and tool were
+perfectly understood and constantly used by the Greeks.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The third mark of Greek Literature, with which I have to deal, is
+perhaps its most important, certainly its most universal quality. It is
+truthfulness. The Greeks told no fewer lies than other races, but they
+had the desire and the power to see the world as it is. By this
+essential quality they gave Europe the conception of philosophy and
+science. These we inherit from them alone; Palestine and our German
+ancestors neither created them, nor show any signs of the temper that
+creates them, and Rome received her share from Greece.
+
+The word 'Truthfulness' may seem to suggest the realism of some modern
+writers. But the Greek truthfulness was different. It should be
+distinguished from the laboured detachment and painful impartiality of
+such a writer as Flaubert, whose realism conceals him in the same sense
+as the walls of the engine-room conceal the panting machines within. The
+Greek Truthfulness is spontaneous, natural, and effortless--the native
+quality of the artist, who sees, and forgets himself in the vision. Nor
+has it anything to do with photographic realism. It has not the
+impersonality of that method or its flat and lifeless effect. A man, and
+no machine, makes the picture, feeling intensely what he sees, and
+though this intensity does not distort his vision, we are conscious, as
+we read, of a human personality, and we feel the electric thrill of
+life.
+
+Nor is it akin to that type of modern realism, which, like a noxious
+drug, lays hold on the spirits and depresses the heart--the realism
+which paints so black a picture of human life, that it affects us
+physically like days of continued fog, and gives us no more complete and
+truthful a picture of the world. There is hardly any Greek writer,
+perhaps none at all, of whom this can be said. Many moderns can
+faithfully describe what is disagreeable, but their effects are often
+brutal and always depressing. The gift of portraying suffering and evil
+with unflinching truth, yet of conveying other feelings than those of
+mere horror, is reserved for few. Its rarity perhaps explains the rarity
+of great tragedy, of which it seems to be a condition that it shall
+truthfully show what is darkest in life, without leaving a final and
+dominant sense of gloom. The great Greek writers possessed this secret.
+They are as sensitive to evil and suffering as any writer and fully as
+faithful in recording them. But whereas other men are simply depressed
+or disgusted or appalled, lose their vital forces, and gaze in paralysed
+fascination, these writers, in virtue of a sense which is more aesthetic
+than moral, are aware of tremendous issues, see in sordid suffering the
+agonies of a labouring universe, and feel awe and wonder, not mere
+disgust and distress, at what human beings suffer and endure. That is
+why Homer leaves us with another feeling than depression, when he tells
+how Priam begged his son's body from the man who killed him. 'So Priam
+entered unseen of them and stood near and clasped with his hands the
+knees of Achilles and kissed the terrible murderous hands that had slain
+so many of his sons. But Achilles was amazed at the sight of Priam, and
+amazed were the rest, and they looked at each other. And Priam entreated
+and addressed him. "Remember your own father, godlike Achilles: he is of
+like years with me, and stands on the hateful road of old age. Perhaps
+the neighbours round about harry him and there is none to keep misery
+and ruin from him. Yet when he hears that you are alive, he rejoices and
+hopes, day in, day out, to see his dear son returning from Troy. But I
+am utterly wretched, for I begat the best of sons in Troy, and none of
+them is left. The one I had, who was the stay of Troy and its people,
+you killed but now as he fought for his country--even Hector. Respect
+the gods, Achilles, and pity me, and remember your own father. I am more
+unhappy than he. I have faced what no other mortal man ever yet
+faced--to stretch my hand to the face of my sons' slayer."'[116] There
+is suffering and evil enough here, and there is no attempt to disguise
+or lessen them. Yet most readers, I think, would read this passage with
+different feelings from those provoked by the close of _Madame Bovary_
+or of _Jude the Obscure_. Its truthfulness is neither ugly nor
+depressing.
+
+    [116] _Iliad_, xxiv. 277 f. (with omissions).
+
+Nor again is the Greek truthfulness identical with objectivity. An
+objective writer tells his story and conveys his impressions, as far as
+possible, by relating facts without commenting upon them. Dramatists and
+novelists are compelled by the nature of their art to be objective in
+this sense of the word (though Fielding and Thackeray in the one field,
+and Ibsen and Shaw in the other, manage to make their comments with
+their own lips, not those of their characters). But such a writer would
+not of necessity be more truthful or impartial than any one else. He can
+distort truth as thoroughly by selecting certain facts and ignoring
+others as by making misleading comments. He may be violently one-sided
+and present only the facts that support his view, thus indirectly
+putting himself into what he writes quite as fully as a confessed
+partizan, though less openly. Such a writer is objective, but his
+objectivity with him is no more than a literary method. Now it is true
+that the Greeks use this method, telling a story without personal
+comments, not only in their epics and plays where this method is
+natural, but also in their histories and elsewhere. Thucydides for
+instance tells the story of a great war, yet his comments on it are few,
+and are mainly given in the dramatic and would-be objective form of
+speeches by leading men of the day. But the Greeks have objectivity in a
+far more important sense than this. Their objectivity is no literary
+device but a quality of mind. They have the power of standing aloof from
+matters in which they are personally interested, and surveying them from
+outside like impartial spectators, with the keenest interest, but
+without bias. As the Delphic priestess in the act of prophecy lost her
+individuality and became the mouthpiece of the god, so the Greek allowed
+facts to speak for themselves, became their mouthpiece and banished the
+intrusive ego. If therefore we call the Greeks objective, all this must
+be included in our definition of the word.
+
+We shall understand Greek 'truthfulness' best, if, dropping
+philosophical terms, and forgetting modern meanings, we remember a
+saying of Anaxagoras, who, when asked for what purpose he was born,
+replied: 'To contemplate the works of nature.' The disinterested passion
+for contemplating things, which gathered inquiring groups round Socrates
+to discuss what justice and friendship mean, or whether goodness is
+knowledge and can be learnt, has its counterpart in literature. The
+Greeks were fascinated by the spectacle of man and the world, and their
+fascination is seen not only in their formal philosophy. Of their poets
+too it may be said that they were born to see the world and human
+life--not to moralize or to indulge in sentiment or rhetoric or
+mysticism about it, but to see it. Keats's description of the poetic
+temperament fits them closely: 'It has no self, it is everything and
+nothing.... It enjoys light and shade.... A poet is the most unpoetical
+of anything in existence, he is continually in, for, and filling some
+other body.' In such a mood men will write literature that may justly be
+called truthful. Avoiding the didactic, they will not distort truth to
+suit personal bias; avoiding rhetoric, they will not sacrifice it to
+fine phrases; avoiding sentiment and fancy, they will not gratify their
+own or their hearer's feelings at the expense of truth; avoiding
+mysticism, they will not move away from facts into a world of emotions.
+Their care will be to see things, and their delight will be in the mere
+vision. They will echo the words of Keats, 'If a sparrow comes before my
+windows, I take part in its existence and pick about the gravel'[117]:
+they will not treat it as Shelley treats the skylark, or even as Keats
+and Wordsworth treat the nightingale. Herein is one of the secrets of
+Greek poetry, for the Greek poets, more than any others, bring us in a
+manner entirely simple and natural into immediate contact with what they
+describe, and thus escape the thousand distortions for which epigram,
+rhetoric, sentiment, fancy, mysticism and romanticism are responsible.
+This secret may be called 'directness'. It is the habit of looking
+straight and steadily at things, and describing them as they are, the
+very contrary of the habit of didactic comment and of rhetorical or
+emotional inflation. The 'direct' writer, in the fullest extent that is
+possible, keeps himself and his feelings in the background. He does not
+allow the mists which rise from a man's personality to come between him
+and his subject.
+
+    [117] I have taken these quotations of Keats from Bradley, _Oxford
+    Lecture on Poetry_, p. 238.
+
+A few instances of directness will give a better idea of it than many
+definitions. The epigram quoted a few pages back shows how the Greek
+writer lets his subject speak instead of expressing his own feelings
+about it. So does the following epitaph, placed by a father on his son's
+grave.
+
+    Δωδεκετη τον παιδα πατηρ απεθηκε Φιλιππος
+      ενθαδε την πολλην ελπιδα Νικοτελην.[118]
+
+    {Dôdeketê ton paida patêr apethêke Philippos
+      enthade tên pollên elpida Nikotelên.}
+
+    [118] Callimachus, _Epigr._ 20: 'His father Philip laid here to rest
+    his twelve-year old son, his high hope, Nicoteles.'
+
+The bereaved father says nothing of his sorrow, or the greatness of his
+loss, but records his son's name and age and says that he was his
+father's 'high hope', and so doing gives us everything. Simonides does
+not express his own feelings about the heroism of the Spartan dead;
+their grave speaks for them to the passer-by. Nor is this a mere
+literary method, a way of writing which states facts and leaves them to
+make an impression by their own weight, unaided by comment or
+explanation. A comparison of Ben Jonson's epigram with the Greek
+epitaph, will show that directness is much more than this. The fancies
+with which Jonson closes are pretty; but they are false, for they are
+really incompatible with deep feeling: the Greek directness never loses
+from sight the dead child; it sees only that and the father's sorrow.
+
+The following extract deals with a very different subject, but
+illustrates directness equally well. The scene is the Athenian colony of
+Amphipolis on the Struma; the dramatis personae are the Spartan general
+Brasidas who wishes to capture it, and the Athenian Thucydides who was
+then at Thasos, distant half a day's sail from Amphipolis. 'As soon as
+Thucydides heard the news about Brasidas, he sailed quickly to
+Amphipolis ... in order to garrison it if possible before it could
+capitulate, or at any rate to occupy Eion (its seaport). Meanwhile
+Brasidas, fearing the arrival of the Athenian fleet at Thasos and
+hearing that Thucydides ... was one of the leading men of the country,
+did his utmost to get possession of the city before he arrived.... He
+therefore offered moderate terms.... These terms were accepted, and the
+city was surrendered to him. On the evening of the same day Thucydides
+and his ships sailed into Eion, but not until Brasidas had taken
+possession of Amphipolis: another night, and he would have seized
+Eion.'[119] The gist of the story contained in this extract is plain.
+The Spartan general Brasidas seized the important town of Amphipolis,
+and the Athenian general came too late to save it. But who would guess
+that the Athenian general Thucydides was the historian Thucydides who
+wrote these words, and that the episode which he here describes with
+such detachment and neutrality earned him perpetual exile under pain of
+death, from the country which he passionately loved? Thucydides has told
+the bare facts, objectively, as if they related to some one else,
+without a comment, without a word of protest, excuse, explanation or
+regret on the crowning disaster of his life. He writes of himself in the
+third person. This is not the way in which modern generals write of
+their mishaps, but it is the Greek way. Thucydides has forgotten himself
+and his feelings; he sees only the disastrous day when he sailed up the
+Struma with his ships and found the gates of Amphipolis closed against
+him. He ignores himself so far that he does not call it disastrous,
+though disastrous it was for himself and his country. With the same
+detachment he speaks of the enslavement of Melos and the tragedy of
+Syracuse, though he thinks, and makes us feel, that the one was the
+crowning crime, the other the crowning disaster of his country. He
+narrates the plain facts and leaves the reader to draw his inferences.
+If we did not know that he was an Athenian, we could hardly tell from
+his history whether he took the side of Athens or Sparta in the war; so
+entirely are he and his feelings kept in the background. Yet he was an
+ardent patriot, and he is describing the war in which his country lost
+supremacy and empire. No historian of the war of 1914-18, whether on the
+Allied or the German side, is likely to write of it in this way.
+
+    [119] _Thuc._ iv. 104, 105, 106 (tr. Jowett, mainly).
+
+The art of Homer has the same quality of detachment. He is a Greek,
+writing of a ten years' war between Greeks and Asiatics, yet most of his
+readers sympathize with Hector rather than with Achilles. He himself
+preferred neither, but saw and felt equally with both; with the hero who
+fought the losing battle for Troy, and with him who lost his friend,
+and, intoxicated with sorrow, could see and feel nothing but a passion
+of revenge. It would seem hardly possible to write the close of the 22nd
+Book of the _Iliad_, where the heroes meet, without taking sides; we, no
+doubt, should take Hector's side. But Homer stands apart from the
+quarrel, and sees both men and the feelings of both, writing with the
+pen of the Recording Angel, not of the Judge. What he or Thucydides
+thought in each case can only be guessed at. They have presented the
+facts without comment, and the facts tell their own tale, explain
+themselves, carry with them the feelings they should evoke, and shine by
+their own light, like the phosphorescence of the sea.
+
+Little thinking is needed to see that the direct, detached, objective
+temper is the generative principle of the Greek achievement, for it is
+the parent of science and philosophy, which are the children of a desire
+to see things in themselves as they are, and not as the seer might wish
+them to be. The effects of this temper in poetry can be appreciated by a
+comparison of certain phenomena of our own literature which are absent
+from Greek. The comparison will indicate, too, what modern writers can
+learn from the Greeks, and enable us to judge whether the lessons are
+needed.
+
+The habit of keeping the eye on the subject, which is the essence of
+directness, discourages, and indeed excludes, conventionality,
+sentimentalism, fancifulness, which prevent a writer from seeing and
+recording life as it is. These failings are always with us, and as I
+have given one instance of their working in Ben Jonson's epigram and
+have discussed the matter elsewhere,[120] I shall pass to diseases which
+are more particularly modern, and with which directness is equally at
+war.
+
+    [120] _The Greek Genius and its Meaning to us_, pp. 74 ff.
+
+The richness of the English language is in itself a danger. English,
+like Latin, lends itself superbly to ranting, a capacity discovered by
+the Elizabethans. Modern writers tend to more delicate excess, and have
+exploited the musical quality of English. This is clear from such a
+collection as the _Oxford Book of Victorian Verse_, which faithfully
+represents the output of the age, and contains some fine poetry, but
+also a very large percentage of what Horace called, _Versus inopes rerum
+nugaeque canorae_. There is an intolerable deal of sack to a very little
+bread among the imitators of Tennyson. To such rhetorical or musical
+trifles no better antidote can be found than Greek literature, for there
+is no rhetoric in it, and what melodious nothings it contained, were
+parodied in its own age and have scantily survived to ours. In general
+it avoided both by its directness. The rhetoric of Lucan or Byron, the
+predominance of sound over sense in some of Shelley and much of
+Swinburne arise because those poets shut their eyes to the real world
+and become lost in the music of words. The Greek, starting with facts,
+not with sounds or with feelings about facts, could not easily become
+the victim of words. The temptation did not arise for him, or if it did,
+his sin was easily detected. Herein he is a good model, especially for
+poets who are apt to lose sight of the earth and pass into an unearthly
+paradise of vague feelings. For the greatest poetry is the poetry of
+things, not of words, and to whatever regions the Muse may take her
+flight, she can only be safe if she starts from Earth, and keeps her
+communication with it open.
+
+Directness is also a protection against that literature of egotism which
+is the excess into which subjective poetry easily falls. Legitimate when
+kept within bounds, the habit of putting oneself into what one writes
+can become an offence, and from this offence English literature is not
+free. No one can complain because Milton and Wordsworth are less
+detached than Shakespeare or Sophocles; but the subjectivity of Byron or
+Carlyle is very different. Their subject is continually darkened by the
+shadow of their personality; it suffers a partial, at times a total,
+eclipse. Childe Harold sees himself in all that he sees, projects
+himself into Belgium, Athens and Rome, and colours the bluest skies with
+the jaundiced hues of his temperament. This is almost equally true of
+Carlyle's pupils, Ruskin and Froude, and, among the moderns, of a swarm
+of minor poets and novelists, who display before the public the pageant
+of their indignant or bleeding hearts. Egotism is a fault of manners as
+much as of morals, and has its peculiar effect and its appropriate
+penalty. Its effect is to distract a man's attention from major to minor
+issues, from the large world to the small self; its penalty is that it
+wearies its audience, and the next generation, if not its own, dislikes
+the continual obtrusion of an element in which it has no interest. Hence
+oblivion, often unjust, is the punishment which the egotist suffers.
+Even our age, interested as it is in personalities, has little time to
+spare for those of Byron or Carlyle; it is too busy with the characters
+of its own contemporaries to trouble about those of its predecessors.
+But no Greek writer is forgotten for this cause. Whatever their other
+offences, the Greeks are free from literary egotism. Directness turned
+their eyes to the external world, and taught them to see even themselves
+from without.
+
+Egotism is a minor defect in English literature. To some it may even
+seem to be a virtue. A more serious weakness, which our literature
+shares with other modern literatures, is one-sidedness or incompleteness
+of view, which reveals itself by a series of reactions, and in England
+has taken the form of an oscillation between sentimentalism and a rather
+cruel realism, the latter being dominant at the present time. These two
+schools represent excesses of temperament, the one of generosity and
+kindliness, the other of truth; and among our writers of genius Dickens
+and Hardy typify them well. The one school desire in fiction to reward
+their good characters and punish the bad, just as they would wish that
+life should do; and truth is not allowed to thwart their benevolence or
+their indignation. In defiance of all probability Micawber and Mr. Mell
+make a success of life in Australia, though truth cries out that they
+were born to be failures; while the foot of punishment moves more
+swiftly and visibly in the pages of Dickens than it does in fact. Then
+comes the veracious person, who, growing indignant at a travesty of life
+that misleads the reader and insults truth, gives us the opposite
+extreme in an imagined world where the shadows are deepened and the high
+lights carefully blocked out. Scott and Dickens picture a world in which
+at the end vice finds itself in the gutter while virtue marries the
+heroine. Later, Thomas Hardy has given us _Jude the Obscure_ and _Tess
+of the D'Urbervilles_.[121] Here is a protest, a redressing of the
+balance, by an advocate who rises to supply a side of the case which has
+been ignored. Yet once again Truth is violated, and by her sworn
+servant; for the world that Hardy portrays is not the world as it is.
+When Dickens makes Mr. Micawber the District Magistrate of Port
+Middlebay, he is not representing life, but saying what he and his
+audience would like to believe in order to feel comfortable when they
+close the book. As a protest therefore against him in the next
+generation comes Thomas Hardy, who after recording the miserable end of
+Tess, writes 'The President of the immortals had ended his sport with
+Tess'. In so writing he is no true recorder any more than was Dickens,
+but the self-appointed Judge of a universe which he conceives to be
+cruel.
+
+    [121] In these novels and in _The Dynasts_ Mr. Hardy allows his
+    personal views to depress one side of the scales: in his lesser
+    novels he has often shown that he can hold the balance even. This
+    distinction should be borne in mind in all the criticisms of his
+    work, which I have ventured to make.
+
+Neither Dickens nor Hardy can be called unveracious writers; both give a
+picture of life that is true up to a point. Hardy, in particular, errs
+less by distortion than by omission; he sees one side of life, but at
+the expense of another side; he fails to hold the balance fairly, and
+lacks the large charity of the universe. Both writers are incomplete. No
+one could say of them, what is completely true of most Greek writers and
+largely true of all, that they see life steadily and see it whole. Still
+less can this be said of their followers, who, after the fashion of
+disciples, imitate and develop their defects, and oscillate between
+sentimental falsity, and the starkness and brutality which have been
+familiar in English literature during the last twenty years and in
+French literature for a much longer period. None of these writers, not
+even the best, is direct. Like Dickens, they consult their generous
+hearts, or, worse, ask: 'Can truth be told without making the public
+angry?' Or, like Hardy, they veil a didactic purpose under the name of
+realism, and register a bitter personal protest against the cruelty of
+life. In either case they narrow their view, and see the world through a
+mist of temperament.
+
+This point may be illustrated by examining a famous passage from Homer,
+and then asking how a sentimental and a realistic writer might have
+treated it. Imagine the death of Hector in the hands of Dickens or
+Hardy. The first most probably would not have permitted it to occur, or,
+if he had, would have made Achilles the villain of the piece and
+emphasized and developed the tragedy in the manner of his death scenes,
+till he had wearied the reader with pathos. Confronted with such a
+tragedy he would have given the rein to emotion. Mr. Hardy, we may
+guess, would be impressed less by the pathos of the scene, than by the
+savagery of Achilles and the misgovernment of a universe in which such
+things were possible, and he would not have let these morals escape his
+readers. By small touches, by stressing suitable incidents, he would
+have made the tragedy more tragic, and the brutality more brutal. It is
+thus that he has treated the death of Jude. By so doing, both Dickens
+and Hardy in their different ways, would have been allowing their own
+personalities rather than the facts to speak, and, seeing only one side
+of the story, would have made it less complicated than life and less
+complete. But in the _Iliad_ we see nothing of Homer's personality and
+hear no voice but that of the facts. The story tells itself without the
+heightening of artifice. The two men are brought before our
+eyes--Hector, the last hope of Troy, with his wife and child waiting for
+him at home--Achilles, mad with the memory of his dead friend. There is
+no judgement and no comment, but only the thing as it was.
+
+To those who would maintain that Dickens or Hardy give an accurate
+picture of the world, there are two answers. First, their world is not
+the world as Shakespeare or Meredith sees it; this for many persons will
+be a sufficient disproof of its reality. Second, the history of English
+and French literatures has been for the last 150 years a history of
+successive reactions. The classical school was followed by the
+romantics, the romantics by the realists; each was a protest and a
+reaction against its predecessor. These swerving movements must have a
+cause. Now there are no reactions in literature unless there is some
+excess to provoke them. The existence of a reaction is a symptom of
+disease, and not only would it never take place apart from disease, but
+there is always a chance that it may go too far; for as in the body, so
+in the world of letters, a balance once disturbed is difficult to
+restore. But Greek literature, unlike our own and unlike French, at no
+stage developed by reaction. Its epic poets are followed by the lyrists
+and these by the tragedians: tragedy passes into the New Comedy, which
+is followed by the learned and artistic poetry of Alexandria. In prose
+the unperiodic style of Herodotus is succeeded by the style of
+Thucydides; while Plato and the various orators develop different types
+of writing. None of these styles, however, and none of these writers,
+are in reaction against one another. Some traces of reaction against
+the Homeric outlook of Sophocles may perhaps be found in Euripides. But
+this contrast lies between two individual writers and not between two
+literary schools, and has no analogy with the relation of the romantic
+to the classical or to the realist movements. It is far less marked, for
+instance, than the contrast between Voltaire and Victor Hugo or that
+between Victor Hugo and Flaubert. There is no reaction in the
+development of Greek literature, because at no stage is there any excess
+to react from; and there is no excess, because the Greek writers are
+direct and objective, because they are mirrors that reflect life, not
+imperfect lenses that distort it each according to its own imperfection.
+
+The literature of the Elizabethans here resembles Greek. It is indeed
+more wayward, more fanciful, more personal, more luxuriant than the
+Greek; but it is on the whole more disinterested, freer from any
+didactic bent, more inclined to contemplate life for its own sake than
+the literature of any succeeding epoch in England. Since the Puritans a
+didactic strain has continually appeared in our writers. We have had
+revolts and protests, and then, by reaction, more protests and revolts.
+However admirable in morals, this Protestantism is injurious in
+literature, for, like all rebellions, it ends in excess and destroys the
+even-balanced temper which is essential to the creation of the greatest
+literature. This didactic temper, often disguised as realism, has never
+been stronger than in our own age, when many who might have found their
+profession in the Churches are diverted to other paths and seek in
+literature an outlet that in the past would have been found in the
+pulpit. Messrs. Wells, Shaw, Galsworthy--to mention no others--are
+parsons _manqués_, who were designed by nature to write not plays or
+novels but sermons. Or rather they are dual personalities: clergyman and
+creative writer have been combined in them and the clergyman has
+corrupted the poet. The unsatisfied appetite for preaching which a
+hundred years ago would have been quieted by writing an evangelical
+tract, to-day issues in a novel or a play. The moral differs, the form
+changes, the intention and temper are the same.
+
+It is ungrateful to cavil at this moralizing and didactic temper, which
+animates a large part of the nation and is responsible for much of the
+British achievement. But its place is in the world of action not in that
+of letters, and it does not produce the greatest literature or the
+truest thought. The Greeks might have gained by a greater infusion of
+it: we, on the other hand, can learn something from their intellectual
+disinterestedness which in political and social controversies would make
+opposing views more intelligible and the path to truth easier and
+plainer, in literature would free us from excesses that are followed by
+reaction to a contrary excess, and in national life would guard us from
+the materialism which besets an industrial and commercial age. It is not
+confined to the Greeks; but by no people is the ideal of intellectual
+truth more clearly and universally exhibited than by those who first
+brought it into an indifferent world, and who built upon it their
+literature and art no less than their science and philosophy.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The last quality of Greek literature of which I wish to speak is not one
+which we should expect to find in combination with truthfulness; it is
+certainly very rare in modern realists. Yet the Greek instinct for
+beauty is beyond question. There is the evidence of Winckelmann, who,
+living in a world that had forgotten Greek, rediscovered it; or of
+Keats, who was not brought up to the familiarity with Greek that breeds
+obtuseness and indifference, but made acquaintance with it when he was
+of an age to judge. The impression made both on Keats and Winckelmann is
+that of a new and surpassing beauty. There is the evidence of 'the
+beautiful mythology of Greece',[122] the offspring of an untaught
+folk-imagination, and so far richer in the quality of beauty than the
+mythology of the North. Even in the sawdust of a mythological dictionary
+the stories of Atalanta, Narcissus, Pygmalion, Orpheus and Eurydice,
+Phaethon, Medusa keep their magic.
+
+    [122] Keats, _Preface to Endymion_.
+
+The following extract from the hymn of Demeter may illustrate this
+beauty, though it is not one of the greatest passages of Greek
+literature and its writer is unknown. It is the story of the Earth
+Mother and her daughter Persephone:
+
+                         ἡν Αιδωνευς
+    ἡρπαξεν, δωκεν δε βαρυκτυπος ευρυοπα Ζευς,
+    παιζουσαν κουρησι συν Ωκεανου βαθυκολποις
+    ανθεα τ' αινυμενην, ῥοδα και κροκον ηδ' ια καλα
+    λειμων' αμ μαλακον και αγαλλιδας ηδ' ὑακινθον
+    ναρκισσον θ', ὁν φυσε δολον καλυκωπιδι κουρη
+    Γαια Διος βουλησι χαριζομενη Πολυδεκτη,
+    θαυμαστον γανοωντα· σεβας το γε πασιν ιδεσθαι
+    αθανατοις τε θεοις ηδε θνητοις ανθρωποις·
+    του και απο ῥιζης ἑκατον καρα εξεπεφυκει,
+    κωζ' ἡδιστ' οδμη, πας δ' ουρανος ευρυς ὑπερθε
+    γαια τε πας' εγελασσε και ἁλμυρον οιδμα θαλασσης.
+    ἡ δ' αρα θαμβησας' ωρεξατο χερσιν ἁμ' αμφω
+    καλον αθυρμα λαβειν· χανε δε χθων ευρυαγυια
+    Νυσιον αμ πεδιον, τη ορουσεν αναξ Πολυδεγμων
+    ἱπποις αθανατοισι[123]
+
+                          {hên Aidôneus
+    hêrpaxen, dôken de baryktypos euryopa Zeus,
+    paizousan kourêsi syn Ôkeanou bathykolpois
+    anthea t' ainymenên, rhoda kai krokon êd' ia kala
+    leimôn' am malakon kai agallidas êd' hyakinthon
+    narkisson th', hon physe dolon kalukôpidi kourê
+    Gaia Dios boulêsi charizomenê Polydektê,
+    thaumaston ganoônta; sebas to ge pasin idesthai
+    athanatois te theois êde thnêtois anthrôpois;
+    tou kai apo rhizês hekaton kara exepephykei,
+    kôz' hêdist' odmê, pas d' ouranos eurys hyperthe
+    gaia te pas' egelasse kai halmyron oidma thalassês.
+    hê d' ara thambêsas' ôrexato chersin ham' amphô
+    kalon athyrma labein; chane de chthôn euryagyia
+    Nysion am pedion, tê orousen anax Polydegmôn
+    hippois athanatoisi}.
+
+    [123] _Hymn to Demeter_, l. 2 ff. The translation is mainly from
+    Pater, _Greek Studies_. 'Whom, by the consent of far-seeing,
+    deep-thundering Zeus, Aidoneus carried away, as she played with the
+    deep-bosomed daughters of Ocean, gathering flowers in a meadow of
+    soft grass and roses and crocus and fair violets and iris and
+    hyacinths and the strange glory of the narcissus which the Earth,
+    favouring the desire of Aidoneus, brought forth to snare the
+    flower-like girl. A wonder it was to all, immortal gods and mortal
+    men. A hundred blossoms grew up from the roots of it, and very sweet
+    was its scent, and the broad sky above, and all the earth and the
+    salt wave of the sea laughed to see it. She in wonder stretched out
+    her two hands to take the lovely plaything: thereupon the wide-wayed
+    earth opened in the Nysian plain and the king of the great nation of
+    the dead sprang out with his immortal horses.'
+
+Turn from this to some parallel poem in English literature, such as
+_Oenone_ or _Tithonus_. Beautiful as Tennyson is, the Greek has a better
+beauty, a beauty not of words or metaphors or highly-wrought art, but
+simpler, more spontaneous and more instinctive, as though not man but
+nature herself was speaking. Two writers, who are qualified to judge by
+being themselves among the great poets of the world, and who knew and
+appreciated other literatures, but speak in this way about Greek alone,
+have testified to the uniqueness of this beauty. Goethe says stiffly but
+precisely: 'in the presence of antiquity the mind feels itself placed in
+the most ideal state of nature; and even to this day the Homeric hymns
+have the power of freeing us, at any rate, for moments, from the
+terrible burden which the tradition of many hundreds of years has rolled
+upon us.' In these words Goethe has touched on the simplicity and the
+naturalness of Greek beauty, in contrast to the more exotic and
+elaborate beauty of which mediaeval and modern art and literature are
+full. Keats writing about the Grecian urn also had in his mind the
+liberating power of Greek beauty:
+
+    Thou, silent form, dost tease us out of thought
+    As doth eternity; Cold Pastoral!
+    When old age shall this generation waste
+      Thou shalt remain, in midst of other woe
+    Than ours, a friend to man, to whom thou sayst,
+    'Beauty is truth, truth beauty'--that is all
+      Ye know on earth and all ye need to know.
+
+These words point to another trait of Greek beauty, which any one who
+has seen Greek statues must have felt: it does not provoke speculation
+just as it does not excite desire, because no elements are mingled with
+it that might stir such feelings. It has no admixture, but is mere
+beauty, sought for itself.
+
+Not only is Greek beauty different in quality from our own, but it is
+more abundant. This surely would be the verdict of an impartial critic
+who compared Homer, the lyrists, the tragedians, Plato, Theocritus, the
+epigrammatists, with the corresponding names in modern literatures. It
+amounts to a different way of viewing the world; the Greeks were more
+sensitive to beauty than we are, just as some people are more sensitive
+than others to colours or sounds, to moral or intellectual issues. This
+is curiously illustrated in their treatment of tragic themes. There is
+no want of tragedy in Homer or the dramatists--their view of life is
+probably darker than our own--and they have been praised for a pessimism
+that faced and admitted the black truth. Yet the cloud of evil is
+continually broken by rays of beauty. Thus Homer lights up the tragic
+parting of Hector and Andromache by the story of the child and the
+nodding plumes, yet does not use the incident, as many writers would
+have used it, to heighten the tragedy, which indeed it neither
+emphasizes nor diminishes: it is merely a gratuitous touch of delight in
+children, as accidental and natural as the brighter moments which, in
+life if not in realistic novels, diversify the darkest hours. Thus too
+Aeschylus preludes the bloody slaughter of Salamis with the white horses
+of the dawn, the echoes in the cliffs, the foam whitening beneath the
+oars, and when he speaks of the island where the Persians are butchered,
+does not forget the dances in which Pan rejoiced there of old. Thus,
+again, one of the most tragic moments in the _Hippolytus_ is followed by
+the song,
+
+    Could I take me to some cavern for mine hiding,
+      In the hill-tops where the Sun scarce hath trod;
+    Or a cloud make the home of mine abiding,
+      As a bird among the bird-droves of God!
+        Could I wing me to my rest amid the roar
+        Of the deep Adriatic on the shore,
+    Where the water of Eridanus is clear,
+      And Phaëthon's sad sisters by his grave
+    Weep into the river, and each tear
+      Gleams, a drop of amber, in the wave.[124]
+
+    [124] ll. 732 f. (tr. Murray).
+
+The union of beauty and tragedy may be a paradox, but no reader can miss
+its power. The mere story of Hector's death as told by Homer is
+poignant, even when read in an English translation: the magic of the
+original language and metre doubles the effect. The combination of these
+two apparently inconsistent things, which is one of the marks of Greek
+poetry, is, of course, found in other literatures; the description of
+Ophelia's death in _Hamlet_ is an instance of it. But no drama except
+Greek has that regular interweaving of tragedy with exquisite lyrics by
+which some of its most powerful effects are secured.
+
+Effect is the wrong word to use, for we have here no literary trick, but
+a view of life, which is naturally complete and clearsighted, which is
+sensitive to the beauty that no evil can destroy, which sees the
+splendour in tragedy itself, and remembers that though the days of
+darkness are many it is a pleasant thing for the eyes to behold the sun.
+This philosophy, implied throughout Greek literature, commends it to
+many people. Those who disagree with the philosophy will not quarrel
+with the beauty itself. Hellenism is one of the forces which are
+continually being buried and re-found, and which, like talismans, have a
+disturbing power when they fall afresh into human hands. Those who read
+the literature of the age which rediscovered Greek will see that it
+brought above all a sense of liberation and expansion. At the
+Renaissance as in the eighteenth century, Greece found the world in
+chains, and broke them and threw down the prison walls. The fetters of
+the two epochs were different, but freedom was brought, at the
+Renaissance partly, and in the age of Winckelmann entirely, by the
+vision of beauty which Greece exhibited. Our own age has many chains and
+knows well the burden of which Goethe spoke. It has multiplied ugliness
+far faster than beauty, and its writers, prolific, interesting, and
+thoughtful as they are, do not help it here. It may well find, as other
+ages have found, in this quality of Greek literature a healing and
+liberating power.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+English literature is surpassed by none, but its defects or dangers are
+at points where Greek is strong. Greek simplicity recalls us to the
+central interests of the human heart. Greek truthfulness is a challenge
+to see the world as it is and shun the emptiness of mere music, the
+falsities of rhetoric or sentiment, the incompleteness of writers who,
+instead of seeing life as a whole, ignore or emphasize a part of it as
+their own sympathies dictate. Greek beauty is a memorial of an aspect of
+the universe to which ages of thought are often blind. Greek technique
+is a lesson in 'form' and a reminder of its place in literature.
+
+Nor is the study of Greek a danger to our national genius. Contact with
+highly developed foreign models may warp or cramp a literature in its
+infancy, but cannot harm it when full grown and robust. The native
+character is then too firmly established to be corrupted, and it is pure
+gain to have another standard for comparison, for detection of
+weaknesses and their cure. A reference to English literature will
+support this view and show that though the influence of Greek there has
+often been great, it has not been distorting. Consider the English poets
+who owe most to Greece--Milton, Gray, Shelley, Keats, Landor, Tennyson,
+Matthew Arnold, Swinburne, Bridges. It would puzzle any critic to find a
+common denominator between these men, or to trace back to Greece any
+universal feature in their poetry, except perhaps perfection of form.
+Technical perfection is not so serious or frequent a vice in English
+writers, that it can be complained of, and even this common element
+vanishes, if we add to the poets already quoted the Brownings, who
+prized and understood Greek and the Greek spirit as well as any of them.
+
+At first sight it may seem strange that Shelley and Keats, Arnold and
+Swinburne, who were not merely passionate admirers of Greece but drew
+their chief inspiration from her, should be so different in style and
+matter. The explanation is simple. Some influences are tyrannous; they
+impose themselves, they dominate, they enslave. But there is a better
+and rarer type of influence, which stimulates and inspires yet leaves
+the poet free to develop his own genius with enlarged horizons and
+quickened sensibilities. Greek influence on our writers has been of this
+kind; perhaps because its literature is singularly free from the
+artifice and mannerism which lend themselves to mimicry and seems like
+Nature with her many voices speaking.
+
+R. W. LIVINGSTONE.
+
+
+
+
+HISTORY
+
+
+I
+
+_The Relationship between Ancient Greek and Modern Western Civilization_
+
+Ancient Greek society perished at least as long ago as the seventh
+century A. D. Many historians would date its death a good many centuries
+earlier, and all would agree that even if there are symptoms that life
+still lingered in the body down to this time, its mental and physical
+energies had long failed, and that the change from lethargy to death was
+hardly perceptible when it came. Thus even on the most cautious
+reckoning, there is an interval of thirteen centuries between the close
+of Greek history and our own times, and the great age of Greek
+history--the time when Ancient Greek society was in its prime, when it
+was shaping its own destiny and deflecting the destiny of its
+neighbours--is separated from our generation by more than two thousand
+years. What legacy has come down, through these great periods of time,
+from Ancient Greek society to the contemporary world? Before trying to
+answer this big question, let us consider a smaller one: What is the
+legacy of Ancient Greek History to our own society? That portion of
+contemporary humanity which inhabits Western Europe and America
+constitutes a specific society, for which the most convenient name is
+'Western Civilization', and this society has a relationship with Ancient
+Greek society which other contemporary societies--for instance, those of
+Islam, India, and China--have not. It is its child.
+
+This description of the relationship between Ancient Greece and the
+modern Western world may be something more than a metaphor, for
+societies like individuals are living creatures, and may therefore be
+expected to exhibit the same phenomena. At any rate the metaphor
+illustrates the facts. To begin with, the histories of the two societies
+overlap. The origins of modern Western society may be traced back a
+century or two before the Christian era, when the lands and races of
+Western Europe came into contact with the Levant, where Greek society
+had grown up and was then in its maturity. The germ of Western society
+first developed in the body of Greek society, like a child in the womb.
+The Roman Empire was the period of pregnancy during which the new life
+was sheltered and nurtured by the old. The 'Dark Age' was the crisis of
+birth, in which the child broke away from its parent and emerged as a
+separate, though naked and helpless, individual. The Middle Ages were
+the period of childhood, in which the new creature, though immature,
+found itself able to live and grow independently. The fourteenth and
+fifteenth centuries, with their marked characteristics of transition,
+may stand for puberty, and the centuries since the year 1500 for our
+prime. The metaphor works out sufficiently well to throw light on our
+particular problem: the legacy bequeathed to the Modern West by Ancient
+Greece.
+
+Children 'inherit' from their parents in several senses of the word.
+There are features and instincts physically transmitted from the one to
+the other. There are imitations in early childhood of the parent's
+speech and gesture which are not perhaps strictly predetermined by the
+relationship, but which are yet performed subconsciously and are in fact
+so inevitable that the child is never aware that it is exercising choice
+in the matter. And there is deliberate and conscious imitation at a
+later stage when the child is sufficiently mature to appreciate its
+parent's character. These several forms of 'legacy' from parent to child
+differ primarily in the extent to which the acceptance and use of them
+depends upon the child's own will, and it will probably be admitted that
+the legacies which are the less certain to be transmitted are also the
+more important if the transmission happens to take place. For example, a
+child's life and character are more affected by deliberate imitation of
+its parent at a relatively advanced age than by the unchosen inheritance
+of some particular colour of hair and eye or shape of chin or pitch of
+temperament. On the other hand, while the inheritance of these latter
+characteristics from one among a limited number of ancestral strains is
+inevitable, the voluntary legacy may never be transmitted at all. The
+child will not claim it unless he knows his parent and admires or
+respects him. The parent's premature death or removal or the lack of
+sufficient sympathy between the parent and the child can in this case
+inhibit the transmission, and the potential legacy, with its momentous
+possibilities of influence upon the child's career, will never in fact
+be bequeathed.
+
+These considerations may guide us in an analysis of the legacy which we
+have received from our parent society--the civilization of Ancient
+Greece. First, has Ancient Greece transmitted to us anything comparable
+to the physical and psychological legacy of an individual human parent
+to her child? This is a difficult question for us to answer, just as it
+is difficult for members of the same family to appreciate the 'family
+likeness' between them. A Moslem or Hindu or Chinaman could judge better
+than we. But it is certainly possible that the comparative similarity of
+climatic conditions and the comparative unity of racial stock has
+created a closer relationship between these two societies than between
+either one of them and any other. The poetry and philosophy and social
+life and political institutions of Ancient Greece and the Modern West
+may conceivably constitute a single species when contrasted with the
+institutions of other civilizations. A modern West European or American
+may have a greater innate appreciation for Homer than for the Old
+Testament or for Sokrates than for Buddha or Confucius. The parallel
+which historians so often draw, or imply, between the conflict of
+Ancient Greece with the Ancient East and that of the Modern West with
+the Modern East may rest on a real kinship between the two Occidental
+civilizations as contrasted with their respective Oriental neighbours.
+But this is uncertain and on the whole unprofitable ground. When we come
+to the 'subconsciously chosen' type of legacy, the analogy with the
+relationship between parent and child becomes more evident.
+
+Legacies of this type from Ancient Greek society are prominent in the
+Middle Ages--the childhood of modern Western civilization which followed
+the 'Dark Age' crisis of birth. One of the first needs of our young
+Western society as it struggled to its feet was a symbol of its
+unity--something corresponding to the attainment of self-consciousness
+by the individual human being--and for this it borrowed the last
+constructive idea of the Ancient Greek world. The mediaeval 'Holy Roman
+Empire' had quite a different purpose and function, in the childhood of
+modern Western civilization, from the purpose and function of the Roman
+Empire in the old age of Ancient Greece. But the young civilization did
+not think of inventing a new institution for its individual needs. In
+its subconscious pursuit of its own development it conceived itself to
+be reviving one of the customs of its venerable parent. The political
+thinkers of Charlemagne's day never imagined that the idea of world
+unity could be embodied in any other form.
+
+Again, a century or so later, certain portions of Western society,
+especially the populations of North and Central Italy and the Low
+Countries, had outdistanced the rest in economic development and needed
+institutions of local self-government to give their economic vitality
+free play. In this case, again, Western civilization reverted to an
+Ancient Greek institution and revived the 'city-state'. A little later
+still, the rapidly growing and differentiating body of Western
+civilization was impelled towards territorial expansion, and sought it,
+like Ancient Greece in a similar period, round the shores of the
+Mediterranean. This mediaeval movement of expansion, which is commonly
+called the Crusades, but which made itself felt in Spain and Sicily and
+the Aegean as well as in the 'Holy Land', is a remarkable parallel to
+the propagation of Ancient Greek city-states round the same shores
+between about 750 and 600 B. C. In drifting back upon the Mediterranean,
+the mediaeval West was searching for new realms to conquer, but it was
+really captured by the romance of its ancestral home.
+
+Here, then, are three prominent features in mediaeval Western
+history--the Holy Roman Empire, the Flemish and Italian communes, and
+the Crusades--which were legacies from Ancient Greek history in the
+sense of being subconscious reversions to the habits of the parent
+society. But have these mediaeval legacies from Ancient Greece been
+really important constituents in our history viewed as a whole? Have
+they not rather been false growths which led to little or nothing? The
+Holy Roman Empire was never more than a mirage. The sense of unity in
+the modern Western world is derived not from this but from a really
+original institution, the early Papal Church, in which any legacy from
+Ancient Greece would be hard to discern. The national states of modern
+Europe and America are derived not from mediaeval Ghent or Bruges or
+Florence or Venice but from the new, though clumsy, feudal communities
+of mediaeval England and France. And the expansion of Western society
+has not followed the direction indicated by the Crusades. The false
+trail of the Mediterranean was practically abandoned after less than
+three centuries' trial. The true domain of modern Western civilization
+has been found in regions which Ancient Greece hardly explored: Northern
+Germany and Scandinavia and the British Isles, the North Sea and the
+Baltic, the Atlantic and the continent of America. Thus our mediaeval
+legacies from Ancient Greece--the subconscious reversions of
+childhood--are historical curiosities rather than vital links between
+the two civilizations. Our really important legacy from Ancient Greece
+was adopted with full consciousness and deliberation when we stood on
+the threshold of our own maturity.
+
+The legacy of this third type which we have received from Ancient Greece
+has been given the general name of the Renaissance. It was a determined
+and successful attempt, on the part of our society, to learn everything
+that the literary and artistic remains of our great predecessor could
+teach us. It lay within our choice to study these remains or to pass
+them by, and the fact that we chose to study them has been one of the
+greatest and the most fortunate decisions in the career of our
+civilization. The several aspects of this acceptance of what Ancient
+Greece had to offer have been treated already in the other chapters in
+this volume. Here it is merely necessary to point out that the
+Renaissance was a study and assimilation not only of Ancient Greek
+literature and art, but of architecture, natural science, mathematics,
+philosophy, political ideas, and all the other higher expressions of a
+great society. The absorption of this vast current of life largely
+accounts for the wonderful impetus which has revealed itself in Western
+civilization during the last four centuries.
+
+Has the current now spent its force? Has the legacy adopted four
+centuries ago been used up and exhausted? Under the inspiration of
+Ancient Greece, has the modern West now created a literature, art,
+architecture, science, mathematics, philosophy, and political thought
+which equal or surpass the Ancient patterns and turn them from an
+inspiration into an encumbrance? That seems to be the fundamental
+question behind the controversy about the study of Ancient Greek life in
+England to-day. Perhaps the answer may be found--if we may go back to
+our metaphor--in the uniqueness of the individual personality.
+
+If one considers the relations of a parent and child, or indeed of any
+two human beings, it is evident that the one could never exhaust all
+that could be learnt from the personality of the other. The one might
+acquire every physical, mental, and moral attainment that the other
+could display, and yet the other's unique individuality would remain--an
+inexhaustible subject of study, throwing perpetual new light upon the
+life of the observer himself and of his fellow human beings. This is
+true of any two human beings, but if the two happen to be people of
+commanding character and genius it becomes a truism which it would be
+almost ludicrous to question. Let us apply this to the study not of one
+individual but of one society by another, and let us take the case in
+point, in which the two societies happen to be great civilizations. The
+study of a great civilization has a unique value, not merely for members
+of another civilization which stands to it in the relation of child to
+parent, but for every seeker after knowledge who has a civilization of
+his own. This ultimate and most precious legacy of Ancient Greece is at
+the disposal of Moslems, Hindus, and Chinese, as well as Westerners. For
+receiving it there are two qualifications: a good understanding and an
+open mind.
+
+
+II
+
+_Ancient Greek Civilization as a Work of Art_
+
+Civilizations are the greatest and the rarest achievements of human
+society. Innumerable societies have been coming into being and perishing
+during many hundreds of thousands of years, and hardly any of them have
+created civilizations. One can count the civilizations on one's fingers.
+We have had perhaps three in Europe: the Minoan in the Aegean Islands
+(the dates 4000-1100 B. C. roughly cover its history); the Greek or
+Graeco-Roman round the coasts of the Mediterranean (its history extends
+between the eleventh century B. C. and the seventh century A. D.); and
+our modern Western civilization round the coasts of the Atlantic, which
+began to emerge from twilight in the eighth century A. D. and is still
+in existence. Then there are the ancient civilizations of Egypt and
+Lower Mesopotamia, which were first dominated by Ancient Greece and then
+amalgamated into the single Middle Eastern civilization of Islam; and
+there are the civilizations of India and China. Even if we count as
+civilizations the societies existing in Mexico and Peru before the
+Spanish Conquest, the total number of known independent civilizations,
+compared with the total number of known human societies, is very small.
+And it is so because the achievement is astonishingly difficult. There
+are two constant factors in social life--the spirit of man and its
+environment. Social life is the relation between them, and life only
+rises to the height of civilization when the spirit of man is the
+dominant partner in the relationship--when instead of being moulded by
+the environment (as it is in the tropical forests of Central Africa and
+Brazil), or simply holding its own against the environment in a kind of
+equilibrium (as it does on the steppes of Central Asia or Arabia, among
+the nomads), it moulds the environment to its own purpose, or
+'expresses' itself by 'impressing' itself upon the world. The study of a
+civilization is not different in kind from the study of a literature. In
+both cases one is studying a creation of the spirit of man, or, in more
+familiar terms, a work of art.
+
+Civilization is a work of art--in the literal meaning of the phrase and
+not merely by a metaphor. It is true that works of art are made by
+individuals, civilization by a society. But what work of art is there in
+which the individual artist owes nothing to others? And a civilization,
+the work of countless individuals and many generations, differs in this
+respect from a poem or a statue not in kind but only in degree. It is a
+social work of art, expressed in social action, like a ritual or a
+play. One cannot describe it better than by calling it a tragedy with a
+plot, and history is the plot of the tragedy of civilization.
+
+Students of the drama, from Aristotle onwards, seem to agree that nearly
+all the great tragedies in literature are expositions of quite a few
+fundamental plots. And it is possible that the great tragedies of
+history--that is, the great civilizations that have been created by the
+spirit of man--may all reveal the same plot, if we analyse them rightly.
+Each civilization--for instance, the civilization of Mediaeval and
+Modern Europe and again that of Ancient Greece--is probably a variant of
+a single theme. And to study the plot of civilization in a great
+exposition of it--like the Hellenic exposition or our own Western
+exposition--is surely the right goal of a humane education.
+
+But of course one asks: Why study Ancient Hellenic civilization rather
+than ours? The study of any one civilization is so complex, it demands
+so many preliminary and subordinate studies--linguistic, institutional,
+economic, psychological--that it is likely to absorb all one's energies.
+The greatest historians have generally confined themselves to the study
+of a single civilization, and the great Greek historians--Herodotus,
+Thucydides, and Polybius--concentrated on their own, and only studied
+others in so far as their own came into contact with them. Clearly,
+people who are going to be historians, not for life, but as an education
+for life, must make their choice. They must practically confine
+themselves to studying one civilization if they are to reap the fruits
+of study at all, and in this case it is natural to ask: Why study
+Hellenism rather than our own history? There are two obvious arguments
+in favour of studying modern history. It seems more familiar and it
+seems more useful. And it would be a mistake to misrepresent these
+arguments by stating them only in their cruder forms. 'Familiar' does
+not mean 'easy', and to say that modern history seems more useful than
+ancient does not mean that the study of it is a closer approximation to
+a Pelman course. There is an exceedingly crude view of education among
+some people just now--perhaps it is largely due to the war, and may
+disappear like other ugly effects of the war--which inclines to
+concentrate education on applied chemistry, say, or engineering, with a
+vague idea that people whose education has been devoted to these
+subjects will be more capable of competing with foreigners in the dye
+industry or of working in munition factories in the next emergency. In
+the same way, conceivably, concentration on modern history might be
+supposed to equip a student for securing concessions abroad for a firm,
+or for winning a parliamentary election. Of course, this attitude,
+though it is rather widespread just now, is absurd. The fallacy lies in
+confusing the general theoretical knowledge of a subject acquired
+through being educated in it with the technical knowledge and personal
+experience which one must have to turn the same subject to practical
+account in after life. There is no difference of opinion on this point
+between 'humanists' and 'scientists'. The issue is between people who do
+not appreciate the value of the pursuit of knowledge as an end in
+itself, and those who do appreciate it and who therefore understand what
+education means. True lovers of knowledge and true believers in
+education will be found on the same side in this controversy, whether
+the subject of their study happens to be the spirit of man or the laws
+of its environment. But apart from that crude utilitarianism, which is
+as unscientific as it is un-humane, a serious argument for studying
+modern rather than ancient history can also be stated from the humane
+and the scientific point of view. It may be argued that the direct
+experience we have of our own civilization makes it possible for us to
+have a deeper, and therefore a more humane and scientific, understanding
+of it than we can ever have of Ancient Greece. And one might go on to
+argue, on grounds of humanism alone, that such a comprehension of the
+character and origins of our civilization would have a more profound
+humanizing influence upon its development than a less intimate study of
+a different civilization could produce. This argument is bound to appeal
+to the generation which has experienced the war. The war is obviously
+one of the great crises of our civilization. It is like a conflagration
+lighting up the dim past and throwing it into perspective. The war makes
+it impossible for us to take our own history for granted. We are bound
+to inquire into the causes of such an astonishing catastrophe, and as
+soon as we do that we find ourselves inquiring into the evolution of
+Western Civilization since it emerged from the Dark Age. The shock of
+the Peloponnesian War gave just the same intellectual stimulus to
+Thucydides, and made him preface his history of that war with a critical
+analysis, brief but unsurpassed, of the origins of Hellenic
+civilization--the famous introductory chapters of Book I. May not these
+chapters point the road for us and counsel us to concentrate upon the
+study of our own history?
+
+This question deserves very serious consideration, not merely from the
+utilitarian, but from the scientific and humane point of view. But the
+answer is not a foregone conclusion. There is a case for studying the
+civilization of Ancient Greece which can be summed up in four points, as
+follows:
+
+(i) In Greek history the plot of civilization has been worked out to its
+conclusion. We can sit as spectators through the whole play; we can say:
+'This or that is the crisis; from this point onwards the end is
+inevitable; or if this actor had acted otherwise in those circumstances
+the issue would not nave been the same.' We can grasp the structure of
+the tragedy and divide it into acts. But in our own history we are like
+players in the middle of the piece, and though we may be able to say
+'This is the third act or the fourth act', we cannot say 'This is the
+last act or the last but one'. We cannot foretell the future; the work
+of art we are studying is incomplete, and therefore we cannot possibly
+apprehend it as an artistic whole, however vivid may be our experience
+of isolated scenes and situations. The first point in favour of Greek
+history is its completeness and its true perspective from our point of
+view.
+
+(ii) The second is that the historical experience of the Greeks has been
+more finely expressed than ours. Its expression is in all Greek art and
+literature--for it is a great mistake to suppose that historical
+experience is expressed in so-called historical records alone. The great
+poets of Greece are of as much assistance in understanding the mental
+history of Greece (which is after all the essential element in any
+history) as the philosophers and historians. And Greek historical
+experience or mental history is better expressed in Greek literature
+than ours is in the literature of modern Europe. Without attempting to
+compare the two literatures as literatures it can be said with some
+confidence that the surviving masterpieces of Greek literature give a
+better insight into the subjective side of Greek history--into the
+emotions and speculations which arose out of the vicissitudes of Greek
+society and were its most splendid creations--than any insight into the
+subjective side of modern history which we can obtain by studying it
+through modern literature.
+
+(iii) The third point is expressed in the concluding phrase of
+Aristotle's definition of tragedy (_Poetics_, vi. 2). 'Tragedy', he
+says, 'is an imitation of an action that is serious, complete, and of a
+certain magnitude ... through pity and fear effecting the proper
+καθαρσις {katharsis} or purgation, of these emotions.' (Butcher's
+translation.) This word καθαρσις {katharsis}--purgation, purification,
+cleansing, discharge--has been the subject of interminable controversy
+among scholars, but any one acquainted with Ancient Greek literature who
+has lived through the war will understand what it means. Certainly the
+writer found, in the worst moments of the war, that passages from the
+classics--some line of Aeschylus or Lucretius or Virgil, or the sense of
+some speech in Thucydides, or the impression of some mood of bitterness
+or serenity in a dialogue of Plato--would come into his mind and give
+him relief. These men had travelled along the road on which our feet
+were set; they had travelled it farther than we, travelled it to the
+end; and the wisdom of greater experience and the poignancy of greater
+suffering than ours was expressed in the beauty of their words. In the
+writer's personal experience that relief was obtained from acquaintance
+with Greek civilization as expressed in Greek literature. It put one in
+communication with a different civilization from our own--with people
+who had experienced all and more than we had experienced, and who were
+now at peace beyond the world of time and change. Καθαρσις {Katharsis},
+then, is the emotional value which is peculiar to the study of a
+different civilization, and which one cannot get, at any rate with the
+same intensity, by the study of his own.
+
+(iv) This emotional value has its intellectual counterpart in the
+comparative method of study, which one gets by studying, not his own
+circumstances, but circumstances comparable to, without being identical
+with, his own. This is a commonplace in the field of language. The study
+of Ancient Greek is generally admitted to have more educative value for
+an Englishman than the study of modern French or German, because Greek
+and English embody the fundamental principles of human language in
+entirely independent forms of expression, while French and English, in
+addition to the elements common to all language, share the special
+background of the Bible and the Classics, which have given them an
+extensive common stock of phraseology and imagery. This applies equally
+to the study of civilization. One learns more by studying Ancient Greek
+religion and comparing it with Christianity than by studying
+Christianity in ignorance of other religious phenomena; and one learns
+more about institutions by studying the Greek city-state and comparing
+it with the modern national state than by merely studying the evolution
+of the national state in modern Europe. If we take utility to mean
+intellectual and not practical utility--and as humanists and scientists
+we do--we may claim without paradox that the study of Greek civilization
+is valuable just because it is not our own.
+
+These, then, are four points in favour of Greek history: we possess the
+whole tragedy, it is a magnificent expression of the plot, and it has a
+peculiar emotional value and a peculiar intellectual value which the
+drama in which we ourselves are actors cannot have for us.
+
+At this point it is necessary to give a sketch of the plot of Greek
+history--every one must make his own sketch; the writer offers his to
+provoke the reader to make his own--and then to illustrate the second
+point, the beauty of the expression, by quoting half a dozen passages
+from ancient authors. The other two points--the cathartic and the
+comparative value of Greek history--are matters of personal experience.
+I have little doubt that the reader will experience them himself if he
+takes up this study seriously and from a broad point of view.
+
+
+III
+
+_The Plot of Ancient Greek Civilization_
+
+The genesis of Ancient Greek civilization is certainly later than the
+twelfth century B. C., when Minoan civilization, its predecessor, was
+still in process of dissolution; and the termination of Ancient Greek
+civilization must certainly be placed before the eighth century A. D.,
+when modern Western civilization, its successor, had already come into
+being. Between these extreme points we cannot exactly date its beginning
+and end, but we can see that it covers a period of seventeen or eighteen
+centuries.
+
+It is easier to divide the tragedy into acts. We can at once discern two
+dramatic crises--the outbreak of the Peloponnesian War and the
+foundation of the Roman Empire. We can for convenience take precise
+dates--431 B. C. and 31 B. C.--and group the action into three acts or
+phases, one before, one between, and one after these critical moments.
+
+It is best to give the analysis in tabular form:
+
+_Act I_ (11th cent.-431 B. C.).
+
+    1. Synoikismos (formation of the city-state, the cell of Greek
+       society), 11th cent.-750 B. C.
+
+    2. Colonization (propagation of the city-state round the
+       Mediterranean), 750-600 B. C.
+
+    3. Economic revolution (change from extensive to intensive growth),
+       600-500 B. C.
+
+    4. Confederation (repulse of Oriental universal empire and creation
+       of an inter-state federation, the Delian League), 500-431 B. C.
+
+
+_Act II_ (431 B. C.-31 B. C.).
+
+    1. The Greek wars (failure of inter-state federation), 431-355 B.
+       C.
+
+    2. The Oriental wars (the superman, conquest of the East, struggle
+       for the spoils, barbarian invasion), 355-272 B. C.
+
+    3. The first rally (change of scale and fresh experiments in
+       federation--Seleucid Asia, Roman Italy, Aetolian and Achaean
+       'United States'), 272-218 B. C.
+
+    4. The Roman wars (destruction of four great powers by one;
+       devastation of the Mediterranean world), 218-146 B. C.
+
+    5. The class wars (capitalism, bolshevism, Napoleonism), 146-31 B.
+       C.
+
+
+_Act III_ (31 B. C.-7th cent. A. D.).
+
+    1. The second rally (final experiment in federation--compromise
+       between city-state autonomy and capitalistic centralization), 31
+       B. C.-A. D. 180.
+
+    2. The first dissolution (external front broken by tribesmen,
+       internal by Christianity), A. D. 180-284.
+
+    3. The final rally (Constantine τον δημον προσεταιριζεται {ton dêmon
+       prosetairizetai}--tribesmen on to the land, bishops into the
+       bureaucracy), A. D. 284-378.
+
+    4. The final dissolution (break of tradition), A. D. 378-7th cent.
+
+This analysis is and must be subjective. Every one has to make his own,
+just as every one has to apprehend for himself the form of a work of
+art. But however the historian may analyse the plot and group it into
+acts, it must be borne in mind that the action is continuous, and that
+the first emergence of the Greek city-state in the Aegean and the last
+traces of municipal self-government in the Roman Empire are phases in
+the history of a single civilization. It may seem a paradox to call this
+civilization a unity. But the study of Greek and Latin literature leaves
+no doubt in one's mind that the difference of language there is less
+significant than the unity of form, and that one is really dealing with
+a single literature, the Hellenic, which in many of its branches was
+imitated and propagated in the Latin language, just as it was to a
+lesser extent in Hebrew, or later on in Syriac and Arabic. The unity is
+even more apparent when, instead of confining our attention to
+literature, we regard the whole field of civilization. It is not really
+possible to draw a distinction between Greek history and Roman history.
+At most one can say that at some point Greek history enters on a phase
+which it may be convenient to distinguish verbally by connecting it with
+the name of Rome. To take the case of the Roman Empire--the reader may
+possibly have been surprised to find the Roman Empire treated as the
+third act in the tragedy of Greece; yet when one studies the Empire one
+finds that it was essentially a Greek institution. Institutionally it
+was at bottom a federation of city-states, a solution of the political
+problem with which Greek society had been wrestling since the fifth
+century B. C. And even the non-municipal element, the centralized
+bureaucratic organization which Augustus spread like a fine, almost
+impalpable net to hold his federation of municipalities together, was
+largely a fruit of Greek administrative experience. As papyrology
+reveals the administrative system of the Ptolemaic Dynasty--the Greek
+successors of Alexander who preceded the Caesars in the government of
+Egypt--we are learning that even those institutions of the Empire which
+have been regarded as most un-Greek may have been borrowed through a
+Greek intermediary. Imperial jurisprudence, again, interpreted Roman
+municipal law into the law of a civilization by reading into it the
+principles of Greek moral philosophy. And Greek, not Latin, was still
+the language in which most of the greatest literature of the Imperial
+period was written. One need only mention works which are still widely
+read and which have influenced our own civilization--Plutarch's _Lives_,
+Marcus Aurelius' _Meditations_, and the New Testament. They are all
+written in Greek, and who will venture to assert that the age in which
+they were written falls outside Greek history, or that the social
+experience which produced them was not an act in the tragedy of Hellenic
+civilization? Even statistically the Empire was more Greek than anything
+else. Probably a considerable majority of its inhabitants spoke Greek as
+a lingua franca, if not as their mother-tongue. Nearly all the great
+industrial and commercial centres were in the Greek or Hellenized
+provinces. Possibly, during the first two centuries of the Empire, more
+Greek was spoken than Latin by the proletariat of Rome itself. The Greek
+core of the Roman Empire played the part of Western Europe in the modern
+world. The Latinized provinces were thinly populated, backward, and only
+superficially initiated into the fraternity of civilization. Latinized
+Spain and Africa were the South America, Latinized Gaul and Britain the
+Russia of the Ancient Greek world. The pulse of the Empire was driven
+by a Greek heart, and it beat comparatively feebly in the non-Greek
+extremities.
+
+
+IV
+
+_The Literary Expression of the Plot_
+
+And now, after having suggested a reading of the plot, it is time to let
+the actors speak for themselves. There is only space to quote half a
+dozen passages, but they have been chosen to illustrate the critical
+scenes and situations in the drama as it has been sketched out, and they
+may persuade the reader that there is something to be said for the
+present interpretation.
+
+We shall not dwell on the period I have called the first act--that is,
+the period before 431 B. C. But the reader is recommended, again, not to
+lay aside the Greek poets when he takes up the Greek historians. Homer
+will reveal more of the opening scenes than Herodotus; and the
+exaltation of spirit produced by the repulse of the Persians, and
+expressed institutionally in the foundation of the Delian League, can
+hardly be realized emotionally without the poetry of Aeschylus. But the
+philosophers and scientists are indispensable too. Professor Burnet's
+_Early Greek Philosophy_, or his _Greek Philosophy from Thales to
+Plato_, throws light on history and not merely on the Greek theory of
+knowledge. And the reader should make acquaintance with the little work
+on 'Atmospheres, Waters, and Localities' emanating from the Hippokratean
+school of medicine. It is only thirty-eight pages in the Teubner text
+(Hippocratis _Opera_, vol. i), and it gives clearer expression than
+Herodotus to the fifth-century scientific point of view. Here is one
+passage which might have been written in Victorian England. The writer
+is describing a peculiar disease prevalent among the nomads of southern
+Russia. 'The natives', he remarks, 'believe that this disease is sent by
+God, and they reverence and worship its victims, in fear of being
+stricken by it themselves. I too am quite ready to admit that these
+phenomena are caused by God, but I take the same view about all
+phenomena and hold that no single phenomenon is more or less divine in
+origin than any other. All are uniform and all may be divine, but each
+phenomenon obeys a law, and natural law knows no exceptions.'
+
+It is hard to leave this first act of the tragedy. It is a triumph of
+youth, and the phrase in which Herodotus sums up the early history of
+Sparta expresses the prevailing spirit of early Hellenic civilization.
+Ανα τε εδραμον και ευθενηθησαν {Ana te edramon kai euthenêthêsan}: 'They
+shot up and throve.' But there is another phrase in Herodotus which
+announces the second act--an ominous phrase which came so natural to him
+that one may notice about a dozen instances of it in his history. Εδει
+γαρ τω δεινι γενεσθαι κακως {Edei gar tô deini genesthai kakôs}: 'Evil
+had to befall so-and-so, and therefore'--the story of a catastrophe
+follows in each case. The thought behind the phrase is expressed in
+Solon's words to Croesus (Herodotus, Bk. I, ch. 32): 'Croesus, I know
+that God is ever envious and disordering' (ταραχωδες {tarachôdes}), 'and
+you ask me about the destiny of man!'
+
+Note the epithet translated 'disordering'; we shall meet the word ταραχη
+{tarachê} again. It is the bitter phrase of a man who lived on from the
+great age into the war, but not so bitter as the truth which the writer
+could not bring himself wholly to express. 'No single phenomenon', as
+contemporary Greek science realized, 'is more or less divine than any
+other', and the 'envious and disordering' power, which wrecked Greek
+civilization, was not an external force, but the very spirit of man by
+which that civilization had been created. There is a puzzling line in
+Homer which is applied once or twice to features in a landscape--for
+instance, to a river: 'The gods call it Xanthos, mankind Skamandros.' So
+we might say of the downfall of Greece: the Greeks attributed it to the
+malignity of God, but the divine oracles gave a different answer.
+
+Why did the Confederacy of Delos break down and Greece lose her youth in
+a ruinous war? Because of the evil in the hearts of men--the envy
+aroused by the political and commercial greatness of Athens in the
+governing classes of Sparta and Corinth; and the covetousness aroused by
+sudden greatness in the Athenians, tempting their statesmen to degrade
+the presidency of a free confederacy into a dominion of Athens over
+Greece, and tempting the Athenian proletariat, and the proletariat in
+the confederate states, to misuse democracy for the exploitation of the
+rich by the poor. Envy and covetousness begat injustice, and injustice
+disloyalty. The city-states, in their rivalry for dominion or their
+resentment against the domineering of one state over another, forgot
+their loyalty to the common weal of Greece and fought each other for
+empire or liberty. And the wealthy and well-born citizens forgot their
+loyalty to the city in their blind, rancorous feud against the
+proletariat that was stripping them of property and power, and betrayed
+their community to foreign enemies.
+
+'Strange how mortals blame the gods. They say that evil is our
+handiwork, when in truth they bring their sufferings on themselves. By
+their own folly they force the hand of fate. See, now, how Aigisthos
+forced it in taking the wedded wife of Atreides and slaying her lord
+when he returned, yet he had sheer destruction before his eyes, for we
+ourselves had forewarned him not to slay the king nor wed his wife, or
+vengeance would come by Atreides' son Orestes, whene'er he should grow
+to manhood and long for his home. So spake our messenger, but with all
+his wisdom he did not soften the heart of Aigisthos, and now he has paid
+in full' (_Odyssey_, _a_ 32-43).
+
+These lines from the first canto of the _Odyssey_ were imagined by a
+generation which could still afford to err, but as Greece approached her
+hour of destiny, her prophetic inspiration grew clearer. The poets of
+the sixth century were haunted more insistently than the Homeridai by
+the possibilities of disaster inherent in success of every kind--in
+personal prosperity, in military victory, and in the social triumph of
+civilization. They traced the mischief to an aberration of the human
+spirit under the shock of sudden, unexpected attainment, and they
+realized that both the accumulated achievement of generations and the
+greater promise of the future might be lost irretrievably by failure at
+this critical moment. 'Surfeit (κορος {koros}) breeds sin ὑβρις {hubris}
+when prosperity visits unbalanced minds.' In slightly different words,
+the proverb recurs in the collections of verses attributed to Theognis
+and to Solon. Its maker refrained from adding what was in his and his
+hearers' thoughts, that ὑβρις {hubris}, once engendered, breeds αιη
+{aiê}--the complete and certain destruction into which the sinner walks
+with unseeing eyes. But the whole moral mystery, to its remorseless end,
+was uttered again and again in passionate words by Aeschylus, who
+consciously discarded the primitive magical determinism in which
+Herodotus afterwards vainly sought relief.
+
+    Φιλει δε τικτειν ὑβρις
+    μεν παλαια νεα--
+    ζουσαν εν κακοις βροτων
+    ὑβρις τοτ' η τóθ', ὁτε το κυριον μολη
+    φαος τοκου,
+    δαιμονα τ' εταν, αμαχον, απολεμον,
+    ανιερον θρασος, μελαι--
+    νας μελαθροισιν Ατας,
+    ειδομενας τοκευσιν.
+
+    {Philei de tiktein hubris
+    men palaia nea--
+    zousan en kakois brotôn
+    hubris tot' ê tóth', hote to kyrion molê
+    phaos tokou,
+    daimona t' etan, amachon, apolemon,
+    anieron thrasos, melai--
+    nas melathroisin Atas,
+    eidomenas tokeusin.}
+
+    But Old Sin loves, when comes the hour again,
+      To bring forth New,
+    Which laugheth lusty amid the tears of men;
+    Yea, and Unruth, his comrade, wherewith none
+    May plead nor strive, which dareth on and on,
+      Knowing not fear nor any holy thing;
+    Two fires of darkness in a house, born true,
+      Like to their ancient spring.
+
+    (_Agamemnon_, vv. 763-71, Murray's transl.)
+
+The poet of the crowning victory over Persia was filled with awe, as
+well as exultation, at the possibilities for good or evil which his
+triumphant generation held in their hands. Were they true metal or base?
+The times would test them, but he had no doubt about the inexorable law.
+
+    Ου γαρ εστιν επαλξις
+      πλουτου προς κορον ανδρι
+    λακτισαντι μεγαν δικης
+      βωμον εις αφανειαν.
+
+    {Ou gar estin epalxis
+      ploutou pros koron andri
+    laktisanti megan dikês
+      bômon eis aphaneian.}
+
+    Never shall state nor gold
+      Shelter his heart from aching
+    Whoso the Altar of Justice old
+      Spurneth to night unwaking.
+
+    (_Agamemnon_, vv. 381-4, Murray's transl.)
+
+The _Agamemnon_ was written when Athens stood at the height of her glory
+and her power, and before her sons, following the devices of their
+hearts, 'like a boy chasing a wingèd bird', had set a fatal
+stumbling-block in the way of their city, or smirched her with an
+intolerable stain. The generation of Marathon foreboded the catastrophe
+of the Peloponnesian War, yet the shock, when it came, was beyond their
+powers of imagination, and the effect of it on the mind of Greece was
+first expressed by the generation which was smitten by the war in early
+manhood. This is how it was felt by Thucydides (iii. 82):
+
+'So the class-war at Korkyra grew more and more savage, and it made a
+particular impression because it was the first outbreak of an upheaval
+that spread in time through almost the whole of Greek society. In every
+state there were conflicts of class, and the leaders of the respective
+parties now procured the intervention of the Athenians or the
+Lakedaimonians on their side. In peace-time they would have had neither
+the opportunity nor the inclination to call in the foreigner, but now
+there was the war, and it was easy for any party of violence to get
+their opponents crushed and themselves into power by an alliance with
+one of the belligerents. This recrudescence of class-war brought one
+calamity after another upon the states of Greece--calamities that occur
+and will continue to occur as long as human nature remains what it is,
+however they may be modified or occasionally mitigated by changes of
+circumstance. Under the favourable conditions of peace-time, communities
+and individuals do not have their hands forced by the logic of events,
+and can therefore act up to a higher standard. But war strips away all
+the margins of ordinary life and breaks in character to circumstance by
+its brutal training. So the states were torn by the class-war, and the
+sensation made by each outbreak had a sinister effect on the next--in
+fact, there was something like a competition in perfecting the fine art
+of conspiracies and atrocities....
+
+(iii. 83) 'Thus the class-war plunged Greek society into every kind of
+moral evil, and honesty, which is the chief constituent of idealism, was
+laughed out of existence in the prevailing atmosphere of hostility and
+suspicion. No argument was cogent enough and no pledge solemn enough to
+reconcile opponents. The only argument that appealed to the party
+momentarily in power was the unlikelihood of their remaining there long
+and the consequent advisability of taking no risks with their enemies.
+And the stupider the combatants, the greater their chances of survival,
+just because they were terrified at their deficiencies, expected to be
+outwitted and outmanœuvred, and therefore plunged recklessly into
+action, while their superiors in intellect, who trusted to their wits to
+protect them and disdained practical precautions, were often caught
+defenceless and brought to destruction.'
+
+There is the effect of the great Greek war upon the first generation.
+Thucydides, of course, had a sensitive and emotional temperament. He is
+always controlling himself and reining himself in. But one is struck by
+an outburst of the same feeling in a younger man, Xenophon, who was
+ordinarily in harmony with his age and was probably rather unimaginative
+and self-complacent by nature. The war had given Xenophon his
+opportunity as a soldier and a writer. He was not inclined to quarrel
+with the 'envious and disordering' powers that had ruined Greek
+civilization. But in the last paragraph of the History of his Own Times
+he is carried away, for he has just been describing the battle of
+Mantinea (362 B. C.), in which he had lost his son.
+
+'The result of the battle', he writes, 'disappointed every one's
+expectations. Almost the whole of Greece had mobilized on one side or
+the other, and it was taken for granted that if it came to an action,
+the victors would be able to do what they liked and the vanquished would
+be at their mercy. But Providence so disposed it that both sides ...
+claimed the victory and yet neither had gained a foot of territory, a
+single city or a particle of power beyond what they had possessed before
+the battle. On the contrary, there was more unsettlement and disorder
+(ταραχη {tarachê}) in Greece after the battle than before it. But I do
+not propose to carry my narrative further and will leave the sequel to
+any other historian who cares to record it.' (_Hellenica_, vii. 5 fin.)
+
+Space forbids quotation from Plato, but the reader is recommended, while
+studying his metaphysics for his philosophy, to note his moods and
+emotions for the light they throw upon the history of his lifetime.
+Plato's long life--427 to 347 B. C.--practically coincided with the
+first phase of the second act of the tragedy--the series of wars that
+began in 431 B. C., and that had reduced the Greek city-states to
+complete disunion and exhaustion by 355. Plato belonged to the cultured
+governing class which was hit hardest by these first disasters. At the
+age of twenty-nine, after witnessing the downfall of Athens, he had to
+witness the judicial murder of Sokrates--the greatest man of the older
+generation, who had been appreciated and loved by Plato and his
+friends. Plato's own most promising pupil, whom he had marked out for
+his successor, was killed in action in a particularly aimless
+recrudescence of the war. Plato's political disillusionment and
+perversity are easy to understand. But it is curious and interesting to
+watch the clash between his political bitterness and his intellectual
+serenity. In the intellectual and artistic sphere--as a writer,
+musician, mathematician, metaphysician--he stood consciously at the
+zenith of Greek history; but whenever he turned to politics he seems to
+have felt that the spring had gone out of the year. He instinctively
+antedated the setting of his dialogues. The characters nearly all belong
+to the generation of Sokrates, which had grown to manhood before the war
+and whose memories conjured up the glory that the war had extinguished.
+Note, also, his 'other-worldliness', for it is a feature that comes into
+Greek civilization with him and gradually permeates it. He turns from
+science to theology, from the world of time and change to the world of
+archetypes or ideas. He turns from the social religion of the city-state
+to a personal religion for which he takes symbols from primitive
+mythology. He turns from politics to utopias. But Plato only lived to
+see the first phase of the catastrophe. As we watch the remainder of
+this second act--those four terrible centuries that followed the year
+431 B. C.--there come tidings of calamity after calamity, like the
+messages of disaster in the Book of Job, and as the world crumbles,
+people tend more and more to lay up their treasure elsewhere. In the
+_Laws_, Plato places his utopia no farther away than Crete. Two
+centuries later the followers of Aristonikos the Bolshevik, outlawed by
+the cities of Greece and Asia, proclaim themselves citizens of the City
+of the Sun. Two centuries later still, the followers of Jesus of
+Nazareth, despairing of this world, pray for its destruction by fire to
+make way for the Kingdom of Heaven.
+
+Plato's state of mind gives the atmosphere of the first phase after the
+catastrophe. For the second phase--the conquest of the East and the
+struggle for the spoils--the reader may be referred to Mr. Edwyn Bevan's
+_Lectures on the Stoics and Sceptics_ and to Professor Gilbert Murray's
+Conway Memorial lecture on _The Stoic Philosophy_. They will show him a
+system of philosophy which is no longer a pure product of speculation
+but is primarily a moral shelter erected hastily to meet the storms of
+life. The third phase--the rally of civilization in the middle of the
+third century B. C.--is mirrored in Plutarch's lives of the Spartan
+kings Agis and Kleomenes. Any one who reads them will feel the gallantry
+of this rally and the pathos of its failure. And then comes the fourth
+phase--the Roman wars against the other great powers of the
+Mediterranean world. The Hannibalic war in Italy was, very probably, the
+most terrible war that there has ever been, not excepting the recent war
+in Europe. The horror of that war haunted later generations, and its
+mere memory made oblivion seem a desirable release from an intolerable
+world.
+
+    Nil igitur mors est ad nos neque pertinet hilum,
+    quandoquidem natura animi mortalis habetur.
+    et velut anteacto nil tempore sensimus aegri,
+    ad confligendum venientibus undique Poenis,
+    omnia cum belli trepido concussa tumultu
+    horrida contremuere sub altis aetheris oris,
+    in dubioque fuere utrorum ad regna cadendum
+    omnibus humanis esset terraque marique,
+    sic, ubi non erimus, cum corporis atque animai
+    discidium fuerit quibus e sumus uniter apti,
+    scilicet haud nobis quicquam, qui non erimus tum,
+    accidere omnino poterit sensumque movere,
+    non si terra mari miscebitur et mare caelo.
+
+That is a passage of Lucretius (iii. 830-842) which follows upon an
+elaborate argument to prove that death destroys personality and that the
+soul is not immortal. Here is an attempt at a translation:
+
+'So death is nothing to us and matters nothing to us, since we have
+proved that the soul is not immortal. And as in time past we felt no
+ill, when the Phoenicians were pouring in to battle on every front, when
+the world rocked with the shock and tumult of war and shivered from
+centre to firmament, when all mankind on sea and land must fall under
+the victor's empire and victory was in doubt--so, when we have ceased to
+be, when body and soul, whose union is our being, have been parted, then
+nothing can touch us--we shall not be--and nothing can make us feel, no,
+not if earth is confounded with sea and sea with heaven.'
+
+Lucretius wrote that about a hundred and fifty years after Hannibal
+evacuated Italy, but the horror is still vivid in his mind, and his
+poetry arouses it in our minds as we listen. The writer will never
+forget how those lines kept running in his head during the spring of
+1918.
+
+But the victors suffered with the vanquished in the common ruin of
+civilization. The whole Mediterranean world, and the devastated area in
+Italy most of all, was shaken by the economic and social revolutions
+which the Roman wars brought in their train. The proletariat was
+oppressed to such a degree that the unity of society was permanently
+destroyed and Greek civilization, after being threatened with a violent
+extinction by Bolshevik outbreaks--the slave wars in Sicily, the
+insurrection of Aristonikos and the massacres of Mithradates in
+Anatolia, the outbreaks of Spartakos and Catilina in Italy--was
+eventually supplanted by a rival civilization of the proletariat--the
+Christian Church. The revolutionary last phase in the second act--the
+final phase before the foundation of the Empire--has left its expression
+in the cry of the Son of Man: 'The foxes have holes and the birds of the
+air have nests, but the Son of Man hath not where to lay his head.' It
+was one of those anonymous phrases that are in all men's mouths because
+they express what is in all men's hearts. Tiberius Gracchus used it in
+his public speeches at Rome; two centuries later it reappears in the
+discourses of Jesus of Nazareth.
+
+    Ergo inter sese paribus concurrere telis
+    Romanas acies iterum videre Philippi,
+    nec fuit indignum superis bis sanguine nostro
+    Emathiam et latos Haemi pinguescere campos....
+    Di patrii, Indigetes, et Romule, Vestaque mater
+    quae Tuscum Tiberim et Romana Palatia servas,
+    hunc saltem everso iuvenem succurrere saeclo
+    ne prohibete. satis iam pridem sanguine nostro
+    Laomedonteae luimus periuria Troiae....
+    vicinae ruptis inter se legibus urbes
+    arma ferunt; saevit toto Mars impius orbe;
+    ut cum carceribus sese effudere quadrigae,
+    addunt in spatio, et frustra retinacula tendens
+    fertur equis auriga neque audit currus habenas.
+
+    (_Georgics_, i. 489 seqq.)
+
+'Therefore Philippi saw Roman armies turn their swords against each
+other a second time in battle, and the gods felt no pity that Emathia
+and the broad plains of Haemus should twice be fattened with our
+blood....
+
+'Gods of our fathers, gods of our country, god of our city, goddess of
+our hearths who watchest over Tuscan Tiber and Roman Palatine, forbid
+not this last saviour to succour our fallen generation. Our blood has
+flowed too long. We have paid in full for the sins of our
+forefathers--the broken faith of ancient Troy....
+
+'The bonds are broken between neighbour cities and they meet in arms.
+Ungodly war rages the world over. The chariots launched on the race
+gather speed as they go; vainly dragging on the reins the driver is
+swept away by his steeds and the team heeds not the bridle.'
+
+It is a prayer for the lifting of the curse, and this time the 'envious
+and disordering' powers gave ear. The charioteer regained control, and
+we are carried on to the third act of the tragedy, in which no small
+part of its beauty and a very great part of its significance is to be
+found. The imperial peace could not save the body of Greek
+civilization--the four centuries of war had inflicted mortal wounds; but
+possibly it saved its soul. Although Augustus had not the abilities of
+Caesar, he felt and pitied the sorrows of the world, and he succeeded in
+expressing the pity and repentance, the ruthfulness for and piety
+towards the past, which were astir in the spirits of his generation. But
+what phrase is adequate to characterize the Empire? The words 'Decline
+and Fall' suggest themselves, but how should they be applied? Gibbon
+took the second century of the Empire, the age of the Antonines, as the
+Golden Age of the Ancient World, and traced the decline and fall of the
+Empire from the death of Marcus Aurelius. On the other hand, if the
+present reading of the plot is right, the fatal catastrophe occurred six
+centuries earlier, in the year 431 B. C., and the Empire itself was the
+decline and fall of Greek civilization. But was it only that? One is apt
+to think so when one reads the diary of Marcus Aurelius, and pictures
+him in his quarters at Carnuntum, fighting finely but hopelessly on two
+fronts--against the barbarians on the Danube and the sadness in his own
+soul.
+
+'Human life! Its duration is momentary, its substance in perpetual flux,
+its senses dim, its physical organism perishable, its consciousness a
+vortex, its destiny dark, its repute uncertain--in fact, the material
+element is a rolling stream, the spiritual element dreams and vapour,
+life a war and a sojourning in a far country, fame oblivion. What can
+see us through? One thing and one only--philosophy, and that means
+keeping the spirit within us unspoiled and undishonoured, not giving way
+to pleasure or pain, never acting unthinkingly or deceitfully or
+insincerely, and never being dependent on the moral support of others.
+It also means taking what comes contentedly as all part of the process
+to which we owe our own being; and, above all, it means facing death
+calmly--taking it simply as a dissolution of the atoms of which every
+living organism is composed. Their perpetual transformation does not
+hurt the atoms, so why should one mind the whole organism being
+transformed and dissolved? It is a law of nature, and natural law can
+never be wrong.' (Μáρκος Αντωνινος εις εαυτóν {Márkos Antôninos eis
+eautón}, ii fin.)
+
+But after quoting Marcus Aurelius, the first citizen of the Empire, it
+is necessary to add a quotation from Paul of Tarsos, a citizen who has
+as good a claim as any other to be heard:
+
+'"How are the dead raised up? With what body do they come?" Thou fool,
+that which thou sowest is not quickened, except it die.... It is sown in
+corruption, it is raised in incorruption; it is sown in dishonour, it is
+raised in glory; it is sown in weakness, it is raised in power.' ...
+
+It startles us to be reminded that these two actors appeared on the
+stage in the same act of the drama, and that Paul actually played his
+part a century before Marcus played his. Paul's voice suggests not only
+a younger generation but quite a different play. His thought in the
+lines just quoted is inspired by a predecessor whom Marcus regarded as
+one of the innumerable prophets of the proletariat. 'Except a corn of
+wheat fall into the ground and die, it abideth alone, but if it die, it
+bringeth forth much fruit.' The saying was included in the miscellaneous
+traditions about Jesus of Nazareth which were passing from mouth to
+mouth among the illiterate masses, but which had not begun to excite the
+curiosity of the educated classes in Marcus's day. What would the
+scholar have made of it if a collection of these traditions had fallen
+under his eye, scrawled on bad paper in barbarous Greek? Little enough,
+for he would have missed the whole background of his own sentiment and
+thought, which was nothing less than the background of Greek
+civilization. Great literary memories crowd the brief passage of his
+diary quoted above--Epiktetos and Lucretius and the Stoa, Plato and
+Sokrates, Demokritos and the Hippokratean school of medicine from which
+we took our first quotation, and simpler minds and more primitive
+artists in the dim generations behind. We are carried right back through
+the tragedy at which we have been looking on. The two men are worlds
+apart, in spite of the fact that their propositions, when we strip them
+naked, are much the same. 'The organism is transformed and
+dissolved.'--'That which thou sowest is not quickened except it die.'
+They are both representing death as a phase in the process of nature,
+but it is not till we grasp the similarity of the thought that we fully
+realize the difference in the outlook and the emotion.
+
+Under the smooth surface of the Empire there was a great gulf fixed
+between the 'bourgeois' society of the city-states and the descendants
+of the slaves imported during the Roman Wars; but the Empire, by
+gradually alleviating the material condition of the proletariat,
+insensibly affected their point of view. The development of their
+religion--the one inalienable possession carried by the slaves from
+their Oriental homes--is an index of the psychological change. In the
+last phase of the Second Act, the 'Red Guards' of Sicily and Anatolia
+had been led by prophets and preachers of their Oriental gods. Their
+religion had lent itself to their revolutionary state of mind. But under
+the Empire, as descendants of the plantation-slaves succeeded in
+purchasing their freedom and forming a new class of shopkeepers and
+clerks, their religion correspondingly reflected their rise in the
+world. They remained indifferent, if not hostile, to the Imperial
+Hellenic tradition, but they began to aspire to a kingdom of their own
+in this world as well as in the next. The force which had broken out
+desperately in the crazy wonder-working of Eunous of Enna and had then
+inspired the 'other-worldly' exaltation of Paul of Tarsos, was soon
+conducted into the walls of chapels, and the local associations of
+Christian chapel-goers were steadily linked up into a federation so
+powerfully organized that the Imperial federation of city-states had
+eventually to choose between going into partnership with it or being
+supplanted. Thus the empire of which Marcus and Paul were citizens was
+more than the third act in the tragedy of Ancient Greece. While it
+retarded the inevitable dissolution of one civilization it conceived its
+successor, and when, after Marcus's death, imperial statesmanship
+failed, and the ancient organism long preserved by its skill at last
+broke down, the shock did not extinguish new and old together, but
+brought the new life to birth. By the seventh century after Christ, when
+Ancient Greek civilization may be said finally to have dissolved, our
+own civilization was ready to 'shoot up and thrive' and repeat the
+tragedy of mankind.
+
+The writer can best express his personal feeling about the Empire in a
+parable. It was like the sea round whose shores its network of
+city-states was strung. The Mediterranean seems at first sight a poor
+substitute for the rivers that have given their waters to make it. Those
+were living waters, whether they ran muddy or clear; the sea seems just
+salt and still and dead. But as soon as we study the sea, we find
+movement and life there also. There are silent currents circulating
+perpetually from one part to another, and the surface-water that seems
+to be lost by evaporation is not really lost, but will descend in
+distant places and seasons, with its bitterness all distilled away, as
+life-giving rain. And as these surface-waters are drawn off into the
+clouds, their place is taken by lower layers continually rising from the
+depths. The sea itself is in constant and creative motion, but the
+influence of this great body of water extends far beyond its shores. One
+finds it softening the extremes of temperature, quickening the
+vegetation, and prospering the life of animals and men, in the distant
+heart of continents and among peoples that have never heard its name.
+
+ARNOLD TOYNBEE.
+
+
+
+
+POLITICAL THOUGHT
+
+
+In a survey of the legacy of Ancient Greece to our modern civilization
+and its problems, it might well seem at first sight as though the
+political contribution of Greece could be ignored. Greek art, Greek
+literature, Greek philosophy are among the world's abiding possessions,
+for the human passions and questionings which gave them birth and the
+human needs to which they minister will last as long as human life
+itself. But Greek political thinking is so much bound up with the
+peculiar and evanescent external conditions of fifth and fourth century
+Greece, centres indeed so exclusively round the special problems of its
+intellectual metropolis, Athens, that its interest might appear to have
+passed away with the régime to which it owes its existence. The
+_Agamemnon_ and the _Antigone_, with their teachings of destiny and
+duty, the Hermes of Olympia and the Parthenon frieze, with their
+ever-irresistible charm of youthfulness, the _Phaedo_ with its
+discussion of immortality, the _Metaphysics_ of Aristotle with their
+still subtler and more abstruse speculations, source of so much of our
+Christian doctrine and apologetic--all these require little defence
+against the Philistine of to-day, if only he can be induced to gaze at
+his intended victim before he delivers his blow. But Thucydides with his
+long and detailed account of an inter-tribal or inter-municipal war,
+decked out with sham speeches which were never delivered: Plato with his
+imaginary Utopia, half a small Greek provincial town, half an impossible
+and unendurably regimented socialist model community, based on a
+fine-drawn and fallacious comparison between the qualities of the human
+soul and the class-divisions which happened to prevail in the Greek
+society of the time: Aristotle with his laborious investigations into
+the municipal pathology of his day and his detailed prescriptions for
+the betterment of his fellow-provincials and their institutions--what
+have we to do with all this in an age of world problems and conflicts
+and of not merely continent-wide but international ideas and projects of
+organization? The first duty of any one who seeks to interest the modern
+reader in Greek political discussion is to be perfectly frank and lucid
+about its limitations. He need have no cause to be afraid that, when
+these have been written off from his prospectus, there will be too
+little of value remaining.
+
+These limitations can be summarized under two main heads. They arise,
+firstly, from a _difference of scale_, and secondly, from a _difference
+of outlook_, between ancient and modern political thought.
+
+The difference of scale leaps to the eye at once, although its
+consequences are not all of them so obvious. Ancient Greece was, for
+political purposes, a congeries of sovereign states, generally centring
+round the urban metropolis of a rural district smaller than that of an
+average English county. The material upon which Greek political thought
+worked was, therefore, from our modern point of view not only
+small-scale but almost Lilliputian. This can best be appreciated when we
+consider how many gradations of scale are interposed in the modern world
+between the government of a town or district of the size of
+fifth-century Athens and the government of our own sovereign state, the
+British Commonwealth. Athens was far smaller than Leeds, Johannesburg,
+or Chicago: yet to be Mayor of any of these is not to fill a position of
+commanding responsibility, as political responsibility is understood in
+the large-scale world of to-day. The American State, the South African
+province and Dominion and (for certain purposes) the English County
+stand between the giant municipality and the sovereign parliament. To a
+British Premier passing from a coal strike which reacts upon the trade
+of the entire world to an Imperial Conference engaged in tracing out an
+agreed line of policy on the Pacific Question, the problems of a
+Pericles, or even of an Alexander, would seem but child's play.
+
+Let us see what results from this difference of scale. In the first
+place, Greek political thought although (as we shall see) it aimed at
+_universality_, at arriving at certain definite laws or conclusions
+about politics, never succeeded in divesting itself of a certain element
+of local or national individuality. When Plato and Thucydides think and
+write of 'the State' they are also thinking of the City--the same word,
+_polis_, serves indeed for the two--and not merely of the City, i. e.,
+of any municipality, but of a particular city. There are elements in
+Greek political thought which, just because they owe their inspiration
+to Athens, can never be universalized. A treatise on education in which
+general psychological conclusions were intermingled with conclusions
+based on experience at some English school with a very unique tradition,
+would require to be carefully examined and applied with caution to the
+problems of adolescent life in Japan or Nigeria. Similarly, in so far as
+Greek political thought is Athenian or (to use a much disputed term in
+what I hold to be its proper sense) _national_, it is not truly
+political.
+
+The distinction that I am trying to draw is a difficult one and cannot
+be understood without a short digression about the nature of the study
+of politics. Politics is the study or activity of government, of the
+management of the public or common affairs of men. We need
+'politicians', men who will devote themselves to meeting the demand for
+the management of our common affairs--we need them not because we are
+Englishmen, Irishmen, or Americans, but because we are human beings
+living together in society, and because our co-operative relations and
+activities require to be guided and controlled. Whether the 'politician'
+is a tyrant or a Minister of the people is not here to the point; the
+point is that he is the manager of what the Romans called _res publica_,
+the Latin for the good old English word 'Commonwealth'. Politics is
+therefore primarily concerned with the practical problems arising out of
+the fact that a number of different human beings are living together,
+and the more different they are and the smaller their greatest common
+measure, the more truly political do such problems become. The first
+business, of the politician or governor is, as Aristotle said, to see
+that men shall live (the twin problems of supply and defence), his
+second to see that they shall live well (in the first instance the
+problems of health and physical development and well-being). In the last
+analysis _pure politics_, as our great grandchildren may discover if
+ever the World-State becomes a reality, is mainly concerned with
+_administration_, administration of the affairs common to all in the
+interests of all.
+
+Now ancient Greek politics were entangled, and modern politics also are
+still too largely entangled, with the discussion of matters which are
+not _common_ at all, and do not constitute the material of politics in
+the true sense of the word--with questions arising, not out of the
+common need for a common law, but out of the inner ultimate and
+ineradicable differences between the various nations and other groupings
+of mankind. When the League of Nations or the Dublin City Council is
+discussing an epidemic of small-pox or the improvement of some dock or
+wharf, or schools for mothers, or the problem of juvenile employment it
+is dealing with common interests which affect human beings as human
+beings: it is on the plane of politics proper. But when the Dublin City
+Council, following in the wake of the nineteenth century democratic
+movement throughout Europe, puts forward some proposal in order to give
+satisfaction to the sentiment that Ireland being the home of a nation
+ought to be a sovereign state, and when the League of Nations is asked
+to deal with the political situation created by the clash of contending
+nationalisms in the British Isles or elsewhere, both bodies, as
+governing bodies, are out of their depth: for they are faced with an
+impossible task. Established to deal with politics proper, with the
+common affairs of men as men, they are bound to flounder helplessly when
+they are cajoled into the thorny intimate and (let it be added) far more
+fascinating region of national and individual personality--to a region
+where, the deeper you penetrate, the less common, uniform, standardized
+or standardizable are the interests involved, and the less susceptible
+of being 'settled', or even understood, by the rough and ready
+politician accustomed to deal with matters in the bulk and to measure up
+the results on a quantitative reckoning in the cold and cosmopolitan
+language of statistics.
+
+In reading the Greek political writers then, we must be careful to
+distinguish the universal from the local and ephemeral element. The
+latter is indeed of great interest and value; but we shall tend to miss
+the really precious and permanent elements in their thought if we do not
+take pains to disentangle Thucydides the disillusioned Athenian patriot
+from Thucydides the scientific historian and psychologist, and Plato the
+aristocrat born out of due season from Plato the unrivalled student of
+human nature and of the permanent needs of human society.
+
+The failure to recognize this distinction has led to much
+misunderstanding and shallow thinking in attempts to apply Greek ideas
+and maxims too literally to modern life. It is only too common to hear
+Englishmen, whose knowledge of politics and history, outside the
+newspapers, is confined to stray reminiscences from a not very ardent
+pursuit of the classics in their school and college days, basing
+confident predictions of the failure of modern democracy on some _obiter
+dictum_ of Thucydides or Plato and assessing the fate of the British
+Commonwealth in terms borrowed from some judgement of Sallust or Tacitus
+on its wholly different Roman prototype. It is flippancy or pedantry
+like this which gives rise to the onslaughts of a Cobden or Herbert
+Spencer or an H. G. Wells and to the practical man's suspicion of a
+classical education. One might as well go to last year's market reports
+for guidance in a business deal of to-day as have recourse to Plato, or,
+for that matter, to Macchiavelli, in an existing political emergency. If
+a classical education, designed as it is in England to promote
+'character' rather than 'intellect' (a vicious distinction which leaves
+no room for such a quality as intellectual integrity) often leaves
+behind it but a meagre residuum of knowledge and ideas, it should at
+least cause the public school man of yesterday and the London clubman of
+to-day to realize the limitations of his field of study and to abstain
+from confident political generalization. The Labour M.P. who once
+remarked to the writer, _à propos_ of an Indian debate, that he had been
+in the House just long enough to know that all he knew about India was
+that he knew nothing about it, had been brought up, if not in a better
+at least in a cannier school. There is no sounder training for the
+student of politics and history, or indeed of any serious subject, than
+to know everything about something, whether it be the chronological
+order of Plato's dialogues or the problem of humidity in weaving-sheds,
+or about placing a field or keeping a wicket. That is why the Duke of
+Wellington who, if he lacked the intellectuality of a Foch, at least
+knew both his England and his own job of military science, selected the
+playing fields rather than the classical classrooms of Eton as the home
+and training-ground of that concentrated and disinterested endeavour of
+mind and spirit which had carried his army through patient years of
+effort to victory. It is all to the good that our classical devotees,
+faced with criticism and competition from many quarters, should be
+acquiring both a greater humility and a greater seriousness.
+
+Our first caution then, is that Greek political thought is both national
+and universal, and that we must learn to distinguish what pertains to
+nationality from what pertains to government.
+
+A second result which flows from the small-scale character of Greek
+politics is that we nowhere find an adequate treatment of the problem
+of _foreign relations_. Foreign policy is one of the weak spots of
+modern democracy; it is, perhaps, the element in our political technique
+which is most in need of thoroughgoing revision. We have yet to induce
+the modern citizen to pay continuous attention to issues which, although
+they are seemingly remote from his purview, may at any moment shake the
+whole fabric of his everyday existence; and, when we have done this, we
+have to persuade him to approach these world-problems not in the spirit
+of a competitive aggrandizement but with a view to discovering what is
+the best line of policy in the interests of the world as a whole. So
+long as the peoples remain self-absorbed, the governments will continue
+to conduct their mutual relations on a basis of individual
+self-interest, and the meetings of the Assembly of the League of Nations
+will remain what they are at present, not gatherings of statesmen solely
+bent, each from his own angle and upbringing, on the welfare of
+humanity, but barterings of politicians who (with rare exceptions) have
+come to the fair to do the best business they can for their own clients.
+Now Thucydides and Plato give us no help for the League of Nations. Such
+a phrase as 'the interests of humanity as a whole' would have been
+politically meaningless to them. They did not think of humanity as a
+whole; they thought of it as divided sharply into two sections, Greeks
+and Barbarians, and of the Greek world as a small oasis of intelligence
+and culture ringed round by a wide and indefinite expanse of barbarism.
+We also, it is true, speak of 'advanced' and 'backward' peoples: but the
+latter are not, as they were to the Greeks, a formidable mass, tribe
+upon tribe, of military power extending up to and beyond the known or
+legendary confines of the world; they are child-races under our watchful
+care and control. We have explored and surveyed the whole earth, and
+where we find weakness or inferiority, we establish a trusteeship. To
+the Greeks, ever on their guard against barbarian inroads from north,
+south, east and west, from Scythians and Libyans, Persians and
+Carthaginians, the mandate clause of the Covenant would have seemed both
+theoretically undesirable and practically impossible. No Greek writer
+ever dreamed of a system of international co-operation between the
+governments of the world as men then knew it. All of them thought in
+terms of competition and ever-recurrent warfare or, at best, of a
+precarious balance of power. Even Plato's Utopia had its soldier class;
+and they were real soldiers, not merely police. In this respect, at any
+rate, vanquished Germany, with practically the whole of her population
+relieved from military duty and available for productive tasks, has the
+advantage over the most ideal construction of ancient Greece.
+
+There is a further point to be noted under this head. If Greek thought
+gives us no guidance in foreign policy, it is no more helpful, except
+very indirectly, in another difficult region, that of _industrial
+policy_. The problem of industrial policy, or what is sometimes roughly
+described as the Labour problem, may perhaps be thus stated: how to
+secure or maintain for civilized mankind (or for our own particular
+section of it) the goods and services it needs, whilst at the same time
+providing justice and freedom for those who produce them. To put it more
+shortly, how to secure that a good life for the consumer shall be
+compatible with a good life for the producer. It is a problem which goes
+to the root of democracy: for the world has never yet known a time when
+the increase of wealth and the consequent growth of refinement and
+civilization in the upper section of the community did not lead to
+degradation and injustice in the lower. Here too the Greeks can give us
+no help. They did not even face the problem but fail to solve it, like
+the Romans. Their material civilization was so simple that the problem
+hardly arose for them at all--except in certain cases, such as that of
+the mine-slaves. But the fact that they acquiesced, without a twinge of
+conscience or a trace of repining, in the institution of slavery
+indicates how they would probably have faced it had it arisen. Confront
+Plato with the complexity of modern industry, prove to him, as any
+modern lecturer could, that, for Northern man at any rate, life can only
+be maintained without degradation on a basis of widespread industrialism
+and with our familiar equipment of railways, steamships, telephones, _et
+hoc genus omne_, and it is safe to predict that he would fail to give
+the reply which the modern reformer would expect from him. Instead of
+embracing one of the many current varieties of socialism which
+masquerade as his bastard progeny, he would either accept his
+interlocutor's premisses and tell him to build up his precious northern
+civilization on a basis of slavery; or he would reject them and advise
+him, with Samuel Butler, to make a bonfire of the machines. The latter
+is, indeed, the more probable alternative; for it is that to which the
+more thoughtful and prophetic (perhaps one can add also, the more
+Hellenic) of our modern guides are turning. When men so diverse as
+Tagore the Indian sage and Rathenau the German Trust magnate tell us
+that the disease from which we are suffering is 'mechanization', and
+that our crying need is for greater simplicity, it seems safe to predict
+that Plato would not reject the possibility of providing a 'good life'
+for the modern man in a world divested of most of the rattling and
+tinkling paraphernalia of which the nineteenth century so plumed itself
+as the inventor.
+
+Let us pass now to our second limitation, that arising not from the
+difference of scale but from the difference of outlook between Greek and
+modern speculation. We can best sum this up by saying that whereas
+modern political thought, like modern thought generally, works from the
+inner to the outer, from the individual to the state and society, the
+ancient thinkers habitually work in the opposite direction, setting the
+interests of the community or state above those of the individual. This
+is what Fustel de Coulanges intended to convey when he declared that
+ancient man had no conception of the meaning of liberty. Liberty is no
+doubt a somewhat confusing and ambiguous term; it is hard to cut it
+loose from its political associations, from national independence and
+democratic self-government. We can perhaps therefore improve upon the
+French writer by saying that the Greek political thinkers do not
+recognize, or do not make proper allowance for, the rights and
+responsibilities of the individual soul. Just as they failed to
+distinguish between Nationality and Government, so they failed also to
+distinguish between Conscience and Public duty. Socrates, indeed,
+meeting his death in obedience both to Conscience and Law, had a glimpse
+of the higher truth; but his followers did not take up this side of his
+message or, in so far as they did so in their study of individual
+morality, they did not relate it to their theories of politics. It was a
+greater than Socrates who summed up and put the problem with his
+incomparable directness and irony: _Render unto Caesar the things which
+are Caesar's and unto God the things which are God's_. If this had been
+said in the presence of Thucydides, the keenest practical brain that
+applied itself to Greek political thinking, he simply would not have
+known what it meant. To him Caesar and God, or, to translate them into
+his own language, Athens and Athena, were not opposing but practically
+identical terms. When the Athenian, as he described him, 'spent his
+body, as a mere external tool, in the city's service and counted his
+mind as most truly his own when employed on her behalf,' he was,
+according to the universal Greek belief, serving both his God and his
+neighbour, both his own highest good and the noblest of the world's
+causes. His life was a unity: for he had not yet learned to disentangle
+his soul from the soul of the City or the herd, or his God from the god
+of Israel or of Athens. The Greek thinkers, as we shall see, sincerely
+endeavoured to distinguish between the 'good citizen' and 'the good man'
+and to base the State on foundations of the spirit; but their work was
+vitiated by their failure to realize the extent and urgency of the claim
+of the individual soul. Men must be spiritually free before they can
+co-operate politically on the highest terms. In the last analysis the
+weakness of Greek political speculation can be traced back to the
+weakness of Greek religion. Even Plato played with Pagan orthodoxy and
+gave the Delphic Apollo a titular place in his Utopia, proving himself
+as timid in touching Greek superstitions as English thinkers to-day are
+in touching the Monarchy. It is this basis of insincerity which reveals
+itself throughout the superstructure. Greek political thought contains
+already the germs of the disease which, centuries later, led men,
+plebeians first, later patricians also, to turn away from the outworn
+symbols that stood for the union of Church and State and to seek comfort
+in a religion which, if it undermined and eventually overturned the last
+and greatest of the ancient Empires, established the City of the Soul
+upon a firm and enduring basis. Julian's _Vicisti Galilaee_ marked the
+end of one strain or tradition in ancient political thought which,
+originating in the local worships of the City-State, had lasted on, with
+gathering momentum, until, all over the known world, men bowed the knee
+before the altar of Caesar, the God-Emperor. From this there was no way
+forward except through revolution; and mankind paid, in the night of the
+Dark Ages, for sins of compromise and insincerity committed during long
+centuries of enlightenment.
+
+The liabilities thus frankly stated, let us turn to the assets.
+
+The first valuable contribution the Greeks made to political study was
+that they invented it. It is not too much to say that, before
+fifth-century Greece, politics did not exist. There were powers and
+principalities, governments and subjects, but politics no more existed
+than chemistry existed in the age of alchemy. An imitation of an idea,
+as Plato has taught us, is not the same as an idea; nor is the imitation
+of a science the same as a science. Rameses and Nebuchadnezzar, Croesus
+the Lydian and Cyrus the Persian, ruled over great empires; but within
+their dominions there were no politics because there were no public
+affairs. There were only the private affairs of the sovereign and his
+ruling class. Government and all that pertained to it, from military
+service and taxation to the supply of women for the royal harem, was
+simply the expression of the power and desire of the ruler. The great
+advance made by Greece was to have recognized that public or common
+interests exist and to have provided, first for their management, and
+secondly for their study. In other words, the Greeks were the first to
+rescue the body politic from charlatans and to hand it over to
+physicians.
+
+How great an achievement this was we can best recognize when we consider
+how large a place the true study of politics, and the terms and ideas to
+which it has given rise, fills in the life of the modern man--especially
+of the modern Englishman. Justice and liberty, law and democracy,
+parliament and public opinion--all these and many more we owe to the
+peasants and craftsmen of the small Greek republics who, having felt the
+need for a better management of their humble concerns, set to work to
+provide it, with the same inventiveness, the same adaptation of means to
+end, which led them, in other fields, to the invention of the classic
+temple or of the drama. If it is going too far to say that every modern
+politician owes his stock-in-trade of general ideas to the Greeks, there
+are certainly few who do not owe them their perorations.
+
+This is not the place to enlarge on the features of Greek political
+organization or to point out the various elements in Greek political
+theory or practice which have proved of permanent value. Only a very
+summary appreciation can be attempted. But certain points can be picked
+out as being of special interest to the citizen of to-day.
+
+In the first place, the Greeks, having made clear to themselves that
+public or common affairs existed, sat down resolutely to study them.
+Convinced believers in reason, they did not fall into the convenient
+English fallacy of believing that institutions are not made but 'grow',
+or that difficulties which seem too thorny for timid fingers to touch
+will settle themselves by being left alone. Political problems, they
+felt, were caused by men, by the interaction of human wills and desires,
+and by men, by the conscious and deliberate application of human
+intelligence, they could and must be solved. In spite of their belief in
+mysterious powers which control the destinies of men and nations, they
+did not think it decent to abandon public affairs to Providence; nor did
+they avert their gaze from them as too mundane for the squeamish
+intellectual to handle and turn them over to the tender mercies of the
+ignorant and less scrupulous demagogue or doctrinaire. Their public
+affairs were no more interesting than ours: they were indeed
+considerably less interesting--unless we are prepared to argue that the
+election of generals to command an army far smaller than the Swiss is a
+more arresting issue than the choice of a government to bear rule over
+400 millions of men on five continents, or that the question of peace or
+war between two small neighbouring mountain territories outweighs in
+interest the discussion of the relations between the white and yellow
+races of mankind. And, if Greek politics were not interesting in
+themselves, they suffered still further by comparison with the other
+topics which lay ready to claim the Greek citizen's attention. The
+modern voter who is too idle to cast his ballot, will give up to
+business or to pleasure, to motor-car and music-hall, the time and the
+trouble that he owes to humanity. When the Athenian spent a hot and
+exhausting day (for why should we think their nerves less susceptible to
+glare than ours?) listening to a parliamentary debate or to a lawsuit on
+a hard stone seat in the open air, he was postponing till to-morrow, or
+till his crops and fruit-trees permitted him the leisure, the discussion
+of some masterpiece of drama or some new issue of human thought which
+had leapt during the last few days or months from the brain of a fellow
+citizen into immortality. If it is hard for the citizen of New York to
+spare the time to dethrone Tammany, or for the electors of Great Britain
+to uproot its more outwardly respectable analogue on this side of the
+Atlantic, when his life, and his newspapers, are full of vulgar and
+ephemeral distractions, how much harder must it have been for a
+Euripidean enthusiast, or a student of Socrates or Protagoras, to
+descend for long days to solid earth in order to strike a bargain with a
+Thracian chieftain or to assess some poor devil's damages in drachmae!
+Let us honour, not pity or despise them, for having thought it right to
+do so, for having deliberately determined to infuse into public affairs,
+in themselves so drab and dull, so deficient in the fineness and
+subtlety which characterize men's more intimate concerns, the interest
+derived from the very fact that honest, sincere, and able minds devoted
+themselves to their study. As Huxley could make the geological
+procession of the ages revolve round a piece of chalk, and Sir Richard
+Owen reconstruct primitive man from the bone of his great toe, so the
+citizen of Athens, as we see him depicted for us in the pages of
+Thucydides, could raise the great permanent issues of politics, and
+cause them to remain living for us two thousand years later, in debates
+which were ostensibly concerned with mere provincial trivialities. When
+such was the atmosphere created, no wonder that those who stayed away
+were held up to obloquy in an expression (ιδιωτης {idiôtês}) of which
+our English 'idiot' is the exact transcription.
+
+Let us dwell for a moment on the attitude of mind in which the Greek
+citizen approached political problems. He was both a Conservative and a
+Radical; or rather, he brought to politics the best of Conservatism
+together with the best of Radicalism. He was a Conservative because he
+reverenced tradition and recognized the power and value of custom. None
+of our modern Conservative writers and defenders of the existing order,
+not Burke himself or Bismarck or Chateaubriand, had a deeper sense than
+the Athenian for 'those unwritten ordinances whose transgression brings
+admitted shame'. Athens was a Conservative democracy. Most democracies,
+despite the labels of their politicians, are in reality Conservative;
+for the common man whose régime they represent is Conservative from the
+very nature of his life and occupation; it takes leisure and travel, or
+a wider education than any democracy has as yet bestowed on its young
+people, to lift the minds of the mass of men out of the rut of habit.
+But Athens was far more Conservative than the modern democracies with
+whom we are acquainted. Where the British public rebukes an awkward
+writer by conspiring to boycott his books, so that, unless he has
+private means, he is eventually silenced, where the United States, going
+a step farther, deny his works the privilege of the mails, Athens does
+not scruple to administer hemlock, and, if an _élite_ is indignant or
+sorrowful, the democracy applauds. Even at the height of the recent Red
+Terror the United States never went so Conservative as this. This should
+help us to realize the rock-firm basis of tradition, of use and wont, of
+patriarchal sanctities, which underlay the working of fifth-century
+Athenian democracy as we watch its apparent vicissitudes. The citizen
+could use his mind as freely as he would on the material presented to
+him for his consideration; but there was a point at which the State, and
+his own instincts, cried 'Halt'; and, except in rare cases, he obeyed.
+It is only fair to add that the most enlightened modern opinion would
+entirely support the Athenian view against the discussion of 'unwritten
+laws' in Parliament. The difference between the Conservative Athenian
+democrat and the modern Liberal in such matters is, not that the one
+refuses, while the other demands, the discussion of life's sanctities in
+Parliament and law-court, but that the one appeals to custom and the
+other to conscience as the sanction of the unwritten law itself. Whether
+it be the gods or man, the law of the hearth or of the heart, that is at
+issue, both agree that what is private and holy has no place in the
+forum of common debate.
+
+But, within these well-recognized limits, the Greek citizen was a
+Radical; that is to say, he was ready to apply his reason to public
+affairs without fear or prejudice. He loved straight and sincere
+thinking; he tried hard to face the real situation before him and not to
+be clouded or led astray by side-issues or inhibitions. There is many a
+lesson in common honesty to be learnt by our politicians and public in
+the speeches of Thucydides. Shallow critics have been known to dub them
+cynical, an adjective which the English, adepts in self-deception, are
+fond of applying to nations sincerer in self-analysis than themselves.
+When we refuse formally to reopen an issue on which action is in fact
+being taken daily, because it is a party question and a Coalition
+government is in power, when we leave to the healing mercies of time a
+problem with regard to which inaction itself constitutes a policy, when
+we deliberately invent party labels or election cries designed to
+confuse the mind of the voter and to distract him from the real issue,
+when our politicians have become professionals in the art of what
+Thucydides described as 'the use of fair phrases to arrive at guilty
+ends' and a British Premier, more euphemistically, as 'political
+strategy', we might do worse than sit down to read, mark, learn, digest,
+and apply to our modern situations, the immortal speeches or essays in
+which Thucydides lays bare for us the heart of the political life of his
+day, and to let them act as a purge of some of our own too sugary diet.
+The bitter-sweet of truth is not always popular on the hustings; but it
+is good feeding for the plain citizen, whether ancient or modern.
+
+This leads on to a further reflection. The Greeks, in their political
+thinking, were essentially realists, rather than idealists. This is true
+of all the Greek writers, even those who, like Plato, starting from the
+market-place of Athens, lead us up to a Utopia in the clouds. They were
+realists in that they based their political studies on the world as it
+is and human nature as it is, rather than on some personal and fanciful
+conception of what man and the world ought to be. To put it in other
+words, they are realists because they are psychologists, because they
+applied the psychological method to political problems. That they were
+the first to do so goes without saying: for no one before them had
+applied any method at all, except in the most rough-and-ready manner.
+But they did it so perfectly, with such utter and artistic simplicity,
+that those who followed them accepted or criticized their results
+without observing the basis of human study on which they were built up,
+and it is only in quite recent years, through the work of patient
+inquirers who, like Graham Wallas, have laboured systematically in both
+fields, that politics and psychology have once more been drawn together.
+
+It may perhaps seem strange to a modern reader to be told that, in this
+very important respect, Thucydides, Plato, and Aristotle are sounder in
+their method than the whole long line of political thinkers and
+statesmen up to our own day. Let the reader who doubts it turn to the
+texts. He will find that all the three writers whom I have named toiled
+at the study of human nature before they set pen to paper. The
+_Republic_ opens with several books of psychological analysis, no doubt
+at times a little fantastic in its attempts at premature classification,
+but full of life and reality, and not only Greek reality but human
+reality. Aristotle precedes his work on _Politics_, in which he embodied
+the results of a study of all the available political and constitutional
+material of his day--for a Greek could work like a modern German or
+American thesis-grubber when he tried--with a book on _Ethics_ which is
+still regarded, quite rightly, as a standard work for the modern
+student. As for Thucydides, his knowledge of men, the fruit of patient
+experience deepened by disappointment, is felt behind every line of his
+book, as one descries it in the features of his undegenerate descendant
+Venizelos. Turn now to the moderns. Where in Hobbes or in Bentham, in
+Locke or Burke or Rousseau, in the individualists or the Socialists, the
+Hegelians or the anarchists, do we find, until quite recently, a really
+wide and open-minded attempt to see man as he is? Our ears are assailed
+by a chorus of catchwords, based on some arbitrary and ephemeral
+estimate of men's reactions to outward events and institutions. Men
+argue backwards and forwards as to whether 'human nature can be
+changed', whether man is guided solely by self-interest, or is only
+waiting to be set free from sordid cares to be guided solely by his love
+for his fellows, whether fear or hope, custom or the sense of adventure,
+form his natural and most compelling spur to action. Meanwhile in the
+great debate, in Burke's _Reflections_ as in Marx's _Capital_, in Maine
+and Mill and Mazzini, as among the hacks who vulgarize their results in
+text-books and election literature, man as he is has vanished behind a
+cloud of doctrine or verbiage. We need the simplicity, or cynicism, of
+the Greeks to recall us to realities.
+
+Let us for a moment imagine Thucydides face to face with the problems of
+our post-war world of to-day. We have only to read his immortal analysis
+of the war-mood of Greece, and of the nervous and emotional phenomena
+which accompanied it, to realize that his first effort would have been
+to explain us to ourselves. He would not allow us to acquiesce idly in
+our vague disillusionment, our impatience of foreigners, our suspicion
+of the idealisms of the Wilson brand. He would trace our discontent
+ruthlessly to its sources and hold up to our eyes the strange compound
+of sorrow and fatigue, impatience and disappointment, aspiration and
+helplessness which makes us what we are. 'The war-mood brought with it
+many and terrible symptoms such as have occurred and will always
+continue to occur, so long as human nature remains what it is; though in
+a severer or milder form, according to the variety of the particular
+cases.' Thucydides would have had eyes for it in all its forms, mild or
+severe, simple or complex, pitiful or repulsive. He would show us the
+English upper and middle class, shaken out of its comfort and
+complacency, its easy and patronizing security, by the shock of war and
+bereavement, facing a future of unknown and terrifying ideas and forces,
+with the brutal tax-gatherer administering the _coup de grâce_ to its
+equanimity: the working class, called to fight for a cause which it but
+dimly understood, in the hope of a new world which victory was to call
+into being, exhorted by the nation's leaders to be as daring in its home
+policies as in the trenches, and then confronted with a world of failing
+markets and impoverished customers and with the full rigour of the
+merciless laws of supply and demand which, just because it had wished
+them out of existence, it had grown accustomed to believe could be
+ignored, oscillating, according to age, temperament or experience,
+between resignation and impotent fury, between old-fashioned
+trade-unionism and the latest fashion in extremism: France, emerging
+nerve-racked from a fifty years' obsession and a five years' nightmare,
+half-dead with sorrow and suspense, yet too proud in victory to own her
+weakness, looking round, half-defiant, half-wistful, among her allies
+for one who can understand her unspoken need, and longing, with all the
+intensity of her sensitive nature, to be able to resume, in security and
+quietness of mind, the arts and activities of normal life in which she
+has been, and will be again, the Athens of the modern world: Germany,
+tougher in fibre than her western neighbour yet equally shaken and
+exhausted: a land of sheep without a shepherd, rushing hither and
+thither seeking for a direction and a _Weltanschauung_, her amazing
+powers of industry and concentration and her rich and turbid life of
+feeling running to waste for lack of channelled guidance: Belgium,
+self-confident, industrious and rejuvenated: Italy, made one at last and
+measuring her strength to face the tasks of a new epoch in her history:
+and, behind, the great new surging world of the Slav, from the
+disciplined enthusiasm of Prague, under her philosopher-president, to
+the birth-agonies of a new Russia in the grip of the rough
+tyrant-physicians of the Kremlin. All this a modern Thucydides would
+attempt to set before us, not forgetting the conservative forces and the
+gods of the older generation, the great Catholic and Protestant, Moslem
+and Socialist traditions, the power of the bankers and the merchants,
+the universities and the press, and all the various types of humanity
+produced and hall-marked by their activity. And then, and not till then,
+having shown us what we are, each of us in his niche and all of us
+together in our little corner in the vast Temple of mankind, having made
+us see our pettyisms and orthodoxies against a universal background of
+time and space, he would have broken silence and allowed himself to
+speak to us of remedies. _Know yourself_ is the first, perhaps the only,
+message of the scientific historian to our bewildered age.
+
+But by what right, it will be asked, in this age of _Wissenschaft_ and
+_Fachmenschen_, of specialism and research-institutes and organized
+intellectual production, do you speak of Thucydides as a scientific
+historian? Here is a man who, without a university degree or any
+university training at all, after a brief military career for which he
+took no staff college course (as witness his generalship), sits down to
+write a chronicle of the war in which he played a part, basing his
+account simply on his own experience and on the testimony of such
+eye-witnesses as he was able to meet. Any tiro on the history staff at a
+modern college or university could predict the result--one of those
+bulky volumes, full of detail and post-prandial reminiscence, in which
+splenetic elderly gentlemen have so often sought to justify their own
+existence, and to call down damnation on the War Office, before an
+indifferent public. How can anything better be expected from a mere
+soldier, a rough practical man, untrained in the arts of research, in
+collecting facts on slips of paper and arranging and re-arranging them
+till an induction emerges, in looking up reference books in libraries
+and 'listing' them in a neat alphabetical bibliography, totally ignorant
+of the _Hilfswissenschaften_, the laborious subsidiary studies on the
+basis of which scientific history is built up, ignorant even of foreign
+languages, who has read no sociology, and is not even aware of its
+existence, whose geographical studies are limited to his own journeys
+and the tales of his friends, who, finally, has the impertinence to
+intersperse his narrative with fictitious speeches, thus destroying any
+pretence at a scientific character for his treatise, and revealing it in
+its true nature as a mere work of art or imagination? It may indeed be
+doubted whether a modern trained librarian, working according to the
+classification laid down by the standard Congress library at Washington,
+would, when his attention was drawn to it, admit so offending a writer
+on to his history shelves at all. His place, he would probably say, is
+with the prose-poets, or with the writers of historical fiction next
+door to them.
+
+Yet turn to the opening chapters of Thucydides' book. You will find most
+of the sciences on which long modern treatises are written: but you will
+find something more: you will find them blended into a unity. Let those
+who deny that Thucydides was a sociologist, who continue to claim that
+Herbert Spencer, inventor of the horrid word, invented also the science,
+re-read Thucydides' account of the evolution (for it was as an evolution
+that he saw and depicted it) of Greek society from the earliest times to
+his own day. Let those who cry up anthropology examine into his
+treatment of legend and custom and his power, untrained in Seminar or
+institute, to use it as sociological evidence. Let the geographers, too
+forgetful sometimes that man is not the creature of environment alone,
+refresh their minds by recalling those brilliant sallies in geographical
+thinking in which he explains some of the features of early Greek
+settlement and city-building. It is not only orthodox history, of the
+school of Ranke, of which Thucydides is the father and inspirer: there
+is not one of the many movements which have sought to broaden out
+historical study in recent years, from Buckle and Leplay and Vidal de la
+Blache down to the psycho-analysts of our own day and of to-morrow who
+will not find in Thucydides some gleaming anticipation along the path of
+their own thought.
+
+Here we touch upon what is perhaps the cardinal merit of the Greek
+political thinkers, as it is of the Greek contribution as a whole. They
+saw all the problems: but saw each in its place within the larger whole.
+They 'saw life steadily and saw it whole'. Matthew Arnold's line is
+hackneyed enough; but it cannot be bettered. To put the same thought in
+another way, the Greeks were natural Catholics, while we of to-day,
+especially on the political field, are constantly relapsing into an
+unhelpful Protestantism. By Catholicism I mean nothing doctrinal, or
+indeed religious at all, but simply the habit of mind which insists on
+looking at the whole before the parts, at setting the common before the
+sectional interest, and in sweetening and harmonizing the inevitable
+contrarieties and antagonisms of life by remaining steadily conscious of
+its major and reconciling interests. A Catholic is one whose intellect,
+to use the words of Newman, himself, despite his religious label, one of
+the greatest of the tribe, 'cannot be partial, cannot be exclusive,
+cannot be impetuous, cannot be at a loss, cannot but be patient,
+collected and majestically calm, because it discerns the end in every
+beginning, the origin in each end, the law in every interruption, the
+limit in each delay, because it ever knows where it stands and how its
+path lies from one point to another'. Protestantism, on the other hand,
+is the attitude of protest, of revolt, of indignation: the spirit which
+is conscious only of what it is _against_, and is too ignorant, or too
+angry, to survey the whole field of problems involved in its protest or
+to think out an alternative scheme. If the Greeks can render us no other
+service in our discontents they can at least lift us, by the example of
+their wide and fearless vision, out of our petty Protestant
+rebelliousness and recrimination and plant our feet solidly on the rock
+of steady Catholic thinking.
+
+Take a few instances, drawn from Plato, of what I call the Catholic
+spirit. Perhaps the most difficult and unsettling of all our modern
+problems is that of the relations between men and women in a society
+which has granted or is about to grant to women complete equality of
+rights and opportunities without having effected the corresponding inner
+revolution of thought and sentiment. Masculine society, in other words,
+despite a multitude of professions, has not yet admitted, still less
+assimilated, the educated woman into its ranks. Here is a problem with
+far reaching and most difficult implications which Plato discussed more
+than two thousand years ago, but in how different a spirit from so many
+of the 'feminists' of to-day. Not that he was less 'advanced' in his
+speculations: he was ready to face all that there was to face and to go
+a good deal farther in his suggestions of policy than would be regarded
+as printable in a modern English or American review. But his spirit is
+throughout perfectly serene and, in the best sense of the word,
+scientific, so that he can work out his argument to the end without a
+trace of squeamishness or false modesty. Where shall we find in our
+modern discussions of women's employment, equal work for equal pay, and
+the like, the central point so simply and clearly stated as in the
+following sentence: 'Then, if we find either the male or the female sex
+excelling the other in any art or other pursuit, we shall say that this
+particular pursuit must be assigned to one and not to the other; but if
+we find that the difference simply consists in this, that the female
+conceives and the male begets, we shall not allow that that goes any way
+to prove that a woman differs from a man with reference to the subject
+of which we are speaking, and we shall still consider that our guardians
+and their wives should follow the same pursuits.' If all our modern
+discussion were as clean and direct as this, we should have made greater
+progress in this subject by now. Greek intellectual integrity, and
+clarity of thought and expression, were not hampered by a festering and
+obstructive legacy of what it is a libel on a great movement to describe
+as Puritanism.
+
+Take a second example--the influence of occupation on character. This is
+a subject which goes to the root of many of our social problems for,
+till we have studied the reactions of different classes of employment,
+not only on the body but on the mind, and perfected our methods of
+vocational guidance, we shall still have left open one of the greatest
+avenues to unhappiness. The modern inquirer will find a very interesting
+adumbration of this line of thought in the _Republic_; and if here, as
+in the problem of the relations between men and women, he finds Plato's
+remedies somewhat drastic, and is inclined to dissent from his veto on
+actors and acrobats, let him consider the appalling extent to which,
+during recent generations, the consumer has been pampered at the expense
+of the producer, and ask himself how often, when he attends a music-hall
+as a narcotic after a distracting day, or when he rings up on the
+telephone or books a ticket at a railway office, he considers the kind
+of life to which he is an accomplice in condemning those who minister to
+his needs and desires. Plato believed in the value of beauty and, being
+more than a mere modern aesthete, held no skindeep creed. He knew and
+understood the vital significance of rhythm and harmony, of grace and
+freedom, in the outward order of life as in the soul; and if he found
+himself plunged down in the centre of one of our modern hives of
+progress he would have some searching questions to ask. For 'absence of
+grace' he tells us 'and bad rhythm and bad harmony are sisters to bad
+words and bad nature' and 'we would not have our guardians reared among
+images of evil as in a foul pasture and there day by day, and little by
+little, gather impressions from all that surrounds them, until at last a
+great mass of evil gathers in their inmost souls and they know it not'.
+Has the most widespread malady of our time ever been better diagnosed;
+and do not our capitalist and socialist physicians, with their merely
+material remedies, look very small by the side of this commanding and
+convincing simplicity of statement?
+
+We have dwelt upon some of the special directions in which Thucydides
+and Plato can be of help to us. Let us now turn briefly to the third of
+the great triad. Aristotle is, of course, the most systematic thinker of
+the three: and it is just for that very reason that the two elements
+already noted in Greek political thought, the local and ephemeral and
+the universal, are most closely interwoven and most baffling to
+disentangle. Tutor of Alexander though he was, his mind is incapable of
+stepping outside the city-state framework. His _Ethics_ is half a
+treatise on human nature, half a book, akin to the _Characters_ of
+Theophrastus, on deportment for a Greek citizen. No wonder that
+successive generations of English undergraduates have failed to respond
+to the human excellence or social charm, of his hero or paragon,
+described as 'the big-souled' or 'magnificent man'. Similarly the
+_Politics_ is a book in which it needs a trained reader, already
+familiar with Greek life, to pick out the universal from the particular
+and draw his own modern conclusions. But when you have read, say, the
+first book of the _Politics_ in this spirit, when you have ruled out
+from what is said of the State all that pertains solely to the City,
+when you have made allowance for the hazardous biological,
+psychological, and sociological generalizations ('man is more of a
+political animal than bees or other gregarious animals', 'he who is by
+nature not his own but another's and not a man is by nature a slave',
+'the state is by nature clearly prior to the family and to the
+individual, since the whole is of necessity prior to the part'), based,
+as the examples show, on the embryonic condition of those sciences at
+the time, you have a large residuum of practical wisdom that is and will
+remain of value to the modern world.
+
+Let us look for a moment at one element in this legacy, for it has
+recently become a subject of much controversy--Aristotle's conception of
+the State, and of its relation to other social and political groupings.
+As has already been said, Greek political thought is open to criticism
+for unduly neglecting the claim of the individual. Aristotle is less
+open to this indictment than either of his great compeers: he does
+indeed allow, for certain favoured individuals, an inner or
+'theoretical' life, as he calls it, remote from the concerns of the
+City-State and almost, except for its excessive intellectuality,
+recalling the monastic ideal of the Middle Age. But this is only for the
+fewest. Nevertheless it involved the admission that behind the citizen
+remained the man, who might conceivably on occasion have his rights,
+that 'political science', as he says, 'does not make men', as Thucydides
+regarded Athens as making Athenians, 'but receives them from nature and
+uses them'. And the justification for this taking over of human nature
+by the state, this subjection of man over the whole or part of his
+nature, is clearly set forth. It is that 'man when perfected [i. e.
+taken over and educated by the State] is the best of animals, but, when
+separated from law and justice, he is the worst of all', or, as he puts
+it in another place, the man who does not participate in State or city
+life is 'either a beast or a god'--more likely (as the order of the
+words indicates) the former. In other words, it is law and justice, not,
+as Thucydides would have it, an exaltation of the spirit to its highest
+power, nor, as Plato preaches, some organic identification between the
+inner life of the soul and the outward order of society, which is the
+basis and justification of politics. 'It is justice', he says, using the
+word in a strict, not a platonic or metaphysical sense, 'which is the
+bond of men in states, and the administration of justice, i. e. the
+determination of what is just, which is the principle of order in
+political society.'
+
+Now, with this principle clearly laid down, and with the claim of the
+individual thus partially or at least implicitly recognized, it is
+easier to understand Aristotle's _intransigeant_ attitude towards the
+claims of associations other than the state, a point on which much
+recent controversy has turned. 'Every state', so his _Politics_ open,
+'is an association of some kind, and every association is established
+with a view to some good.... But if all associations aim at some good,
+the state, or political association, _which is the highest of all and
+which embraces all the rest_, aims, and in a greater degree than any
+other, at the highest good.' In other words, in cases of conflict of
+allegiance between the state or political association and some other
+form of grouping, whether Church or Trade Union or professional or
+humanitarian organization, the claim of the state must take precedence.
+
+This doctrine has been much attacked as involving an indefensible 'State
+absolutism', a denial of 'personality' to lesser groups, even as a
+negation of the right to lesser loyalties. Mr. Figgis, in a number of
+suggestive, if unconvincing, writings, has recalled the theories of the
+Jesuits and other anti-state minorities and protestants on this subject,
+reinforcing them from the Nonconformist and Trade Union theories or
+inclinations of our own day: and a whole school of younger 'progressive'
+intellectuals made bold to follow him. The assault on state-sovereignty
+has, however, already been brought to a standstill by the impact of
+fact. Strange as it may appear in an age of sectarianism and rebel
+theorizing, the war revealed the truth that the mass of mankind, now as
+in ancient Greece, respond at need to the call of citizenship: that when
+the cry goes up summoning each and all to the tents, it is not this or
+that little tabernacle but the protecting shelter of the larger and more
+truly representative state organizations to which men flock; that the
+sects and conventicles which have fed the enthusiasm and provided the
+activity of leisure hours cannot maintain their appeal when the whole
+fabric of our society is in danger. Exclusive of those who refused
+allegiance on true grounds of conscience, and the despicable remnant who
+shammed a similar conviction, the number of Englishmen who definitely
+set allegiance to some other political or social grouping before
+allegiance to the state was surprisingly small. So little are
+fundamental loyalties, or the dictates of an unanalysed common sense,
+affected, in this country, by fine-spun theories and arguments.
+
+But what we called commonsense views, after all, can be analysed and
+ought to be analysed. And there is a very sound and practical reason, as
+Aristotle knew, why men prefer the state to lesser associations. It is
+because the state leaves them more free. Those who talk of
+state-absolutism are ignoring the simple truth that there is no tyranny
+like the tyranny of near neighbours. The smaller the group the tighter
+its stranglehold over your life and activities. Groups and lesser
+loyalties are highly necessary, and indeed desirable, in our modern
+large-scale society; but they involve men, and especially weak-willed
+and thoughtless men, in far greater dangers than their larger
+citizenship. What the confessional at its worst may be to a woman,
+professional or business or other loyalty may be to a man. The modern
+world is full of men who have bartered away their integrity of soul to
+preserve the unity of the party or the unbroken tradition of the
+organization or the interests of the trade or even the existence of the
+business. If the secrets of all hearts could be revealed, how many high
+officials and dignitaries in Church and Party, in Trade Union and
+employers' federation, would be discovered to be thinking and even
+saying in private what their lesser loyalties forbid them to proclaim in
+public to their fellow-guildsmen. The state, in its larger field, may
+sometimes commit terrible blunders and even crimes; but at least, in
+these days of large-scale government, it does not expose its citizens to
+the daily falsehoods and hypocrisies, to the insidious clogging of the
+wheels of progress with the grit of petty personal considerations, which
+seem inevitable in the life of the smaller groupings of men and women.
+Seen in this light, the state stands out as the guardian not only of
+justice but of freedom, of an inner freedom of soul and spirit with
+which the professional and syndicalist attitude of mind is so often in
+flagrant, if unavowed, contradiction. If all this was not visible to
+Aristotle when he penned his immortal opening paragraph of the
+_Politics_, he is at least entitled to the credit of having laid his
+doctrine of state-sovereignty on a foundation so sure that over twenty
+centuries of discussion from the Stoics and Cynics, through Augustine
+and Dante, down to Rousseau and Lenin, have not been able to shake it.
+Against Church and Soviet, as against sage and hermit and anarchist, the
+territorial state still holds its own over the whole civilized world;
+and the latest construction of idealism at Geneva, misnamed though it
+is, is but an association of such states, far larger indeed in average
+size, but of the same kind and composition as those upon which the Greek
+philosopher fixed as the true object of political study and the most
+effective and enduring agency for securing a good life for civilized
+mankind.
+
+What are the chief and most enduring thoughts which contact with the
+Greek political thinkers leaves with us? They are surely twofold, the
+first concerning the material of politics, the second concerning the men
+and women of to-day who are called to be citizens. Public affairs, we
+feel, so far from being a tiresome preoccupation or 'a dirty business'
+are one of the great permanent interests of the race: if they were not
+too trivial or too debasing for great artists like Thucydides and Plato,
+we need not fear lest they be too trivial or debasing for ourselves. And
+if they are not beneath our study, neither should they elude it by being
+enwrapped in clouds of rhetoric or in the cotton-wool of sentimentality.
+The Greeks should teach us, once and for all, that the common affairs of
+mankind are matter to think about as well as to feel about. What
+distinguishes what we call a 'good' statesman and a 'public-spirited'
+citizen from their less truly political colleagues is not that they have
+warmer feelings--there are as many affectionate sons and loving husbands
+among the tools of politics as among the elect--but the fact that by a
+resolute use of the related powers of intellect and imagination they
+have been able to raise their feelings on to a higher plane and to face
+great issues with a mind attuned, not to the familiar appeal of hearth
+and home, but to the grander and more difficult music of humanity. The
+psychologists are teaching us, in the individual life, how we can
+'sublimate' our emotions, when life denies them an outlet on the level
+of our desire, by raising them to a higher and more rarified range of
+feeling and action. As we can sublimate our love of individuals, so we
+can sublimate our love of country, not quenching or denying our
+patriotism, but consciously dividing and apportioning it. We must learn
+to preserve for our blood and nation that precious part of our gift of
+service which, just because it is intimate and of the family, cannot be
+offered directly to humanity; but we must learn also the more difficult
+lesson of transferring to the international stage, the arena where men,
+because they are men, labour at common tasks and seek a greatest common
+measure of co-operation, all these interests and loyalties which safely
+and rightly belong there. This is the claim and call of the modern
+Caesar, whether his separate capitals remain, as they are to-day, in
+London, Paris, Washington, and the other centres of state-sovereignty,
+or whether mankind can rise, if not in our own day, to the level of a
+single allegiance. We shall neglect that call at our peril. For, unless
+we render unto Caesar that which is properly his, unless we discard our
+unthinking and divisive nationalisms, our noble sentiments will avail us
+nothing and, in the civil war of the angels, patriotism against
+patriotism, Mammon and Beelzebub will come into their own. In these days
+of large-scale organization and mammoth syndicates, it takes a Caesar, a
+multi-national government, to keep a giant trust at bay. Had the land of
+Washington and Lincoln been broken up into separate governments instead
+of drawn together into a single territory of United States, private
+interests would have taken and defeated each government in detail, and
+freedom would have vanished from the land--unless indeed, in some
+conflict of devil with devil, of bank and railroad against oil and
+lumber, the angels crept once more into their own. The same reasoning
+applies to the smaller governments in other continents to-day. Local
+patriotism is but a stripling David in face of the Goliaths of modern
+commercialism. More and more men will be driven, if not by reason, then
+by exploitation and suffering, to learn the lesson of what is still
+mistakenly thought of as imperialism until they find themselves crying
+out, with the apostle of the Gentiles, who fought his own battle against
+nationalism, 'I appeal unto Caesar.'
+
+But the Greeks have a message for us not only as regards the material of
+our politics but as regards ourselves. What can we do to help humanity
+forward in these problems of its common affairs? The age of
+Utopia-dreams is over. We know now that modern science has made the
+world one place and that social salvation is not to be found, as the
+early socialists imagined, by fleeing from the haunts of men and
+founding some model city in a wilderness. We must make our contribution
+here and now, in the drab world in which fate has set us. If we cannot
+hope to turn it into Utopia, let us at least make it as much like Utopia
+as we can. This, after all, is Plato's message, even in the most
+idealistic and visionary of his books. The famous passage is worth
+quoting in detail:
+
+     'Then do you think any less of our argument because we cannot prove
+     that it is possible to found a state of the kind we have
+     described?'
+
+     'Surely not,' he said....
+
+     'Then do not compel me to show that what we have decided in our
+     argument could in all respects be reproduced in experience. If we
+     manage to discover how a state could be organized in any close
+     correspondence to our description, then you must allow that we have
+     discovered that your commands could be realized. Will you not be
+     content with that? I certainly should be.'
+
+     'Yes, I will,' he said.
+
+     'Then next apparently we must try to discover ... what is the
+     smallest change by which a state might arrive at this manner of
+     constitution....'
+
+     'Most certainly,' he said.
+
+     'Well, there is one change,' I said, 'which I think we could
+     certainly prove would bring about the revolution. It is certainly
+     neither a small nor an easy change, but it is possible.'
+
+     'What is it?' he said.
+
+     'Now,' I said, 'I am at the very topic which we likened to the
+     greatest wave. Spoken, however, it shall be, even though it is
+     likely to deluge me with laughter and ridicule.... Consider then
+     what I am about to say.'
+
+     'Say on,' he said.
+
+     'Unless,' I said, 'lovers of wisdom bear sovereign rule in states,
+     or those who are now called sovereigns and governors become sincere
+     and capable lovers of wisdom, and government and love of wisdom be
+     brought together, and unless the numerous natures who at present
+     pursue either government or wisdom, the one to the exclusion of the
+     other, be forcibly debarred from this behaviour, there will be no
+     respite from evil, my dear Glaucon, for states, nor, I fancy, for
+     humanity; nor will this constitution, which we have just described
+     in our argument, come to that realization which is possible for it
+     and see the light of day. It is this which has for so long made me
+     hesitate to speak. I saw how paradoxical it would sound. For it is
+     given to few to perceive that no other constitution could ever
+     bring happiness either to states or individuals.'
+
+Thus far the philosopher of antiquity. His words are sometimes
+interpreted as a cry for some philosopher-genius to take the task of
+government out of our too feeble grasp. But that is not his message for
+us. The age in which philosopher-emperors were possible has passed
+beyond recall. To us Plato's words are an appeal to become, each and all
+of us, in our own sphere, lovers of wisdom according to the measure of
+our ability. If we would amend the world around us--and it is in sore
+need of amendment--our first duty is to eschew falsehood and to follow
+truth in our own lives, in our thoughts and actions. Revolutions spring
+not from without inwards but from within outwards; and it is often when
+the external world seems most sick and sorrowful, when selfishness and
+irresponsibility sit enthroned in the world's seats of government, that
+the power of truth is most active in the silent region of the soul,
+strengthening it in order that it may issue forth once again to impress
+man's unconquerable purpose of order, justice and freedom upon the
+recalcitrant material which forms the stuff of men's common problems on
+this small globe of ours.
+
+A. E. ZIMMERN.
+
+
+
+
+THE LAMPS OF GREEK ART
+
+
+Amid the superficialities and struggles of the world around us, it is
+refreshing to turn back for a moment to the mellow wisdom of Matthew
+Arnold; and I will start with a quotation from _Literature and Dogma_:
+'As well imagine a man with a sense for sculpture not cultivating it by
+the help of the remains of Greek art, or a man with a sense for poetry
+not cultivating it by the help of Homer and Shakespeare, as a man with a
+sense for conduct not cultivating it by the help of the Bible.' To
+Arnold the Bible, Homer, Shakespeare, Greek art, are the great and
+eternal classics, which for all time must be the stimulus and the models
+for the greatest of human achievements. Beyond doubt in the fifty years
+since Arnold wrote there has been a marked drift away from classics of
+every kind. To acknowledge classics at all seems a survival of the
+spirit of aristocracy. We are convinced that we are better than our
+fathers, and must break away from their tutelage. In some degree this
+arises out of the unrest and nervous strain produced by the great war.
+But it does not come only from nervous tension. It is a definite
+tendency of society, which has to be considered on its merits by all who
+feel called on to take a share in the world movement. We cannot ignore
+those who are drifting away from the settled anchorages, or we run the
+risk of being ignored ourselves.
+
+The task has fallen to me to try to give reasons why Greek art has still
+a claim on our attention. Among Englishmen the appreciation of art never
+has been and never can be as keen as the appreciation of poetry and
+philosophy. But on the other hand I think it can be shown that in the
+field of art our debt to Greece is even greater than in the field of
+philosophy and poetry. For in these latter we have a certain national
+genius, and have produced classics recognized through Europe. But in art
+our achievements have been but moderate; and at the present time a
+living sense of art is probably rarer among us than in any highly
+civilized country except America.
+
+I will begin with a bold assertion, which I hope to justify as we
+proceed. But for ancient Greece, the art of Europe would to-day be on
+much the same level as the fantastic and degraded art of India. And but
+for the continued influence of Greek art, that of Europe would
+continually be in danger of drifting into chaotic extravagance.
+
+In the century before the Persian wars of 500-480 B. C., Greece, both
+Ionian and Dorian, was throwing out fresh shoots of life in every
+direction, breaking through the crust of archaic convention, producing a
+new standard of excellence, in poetry, in philosophy, in history, and in
+art. In every province, morals, intellect, imagination, Greece was
+striking out, to the right and the left. And in the century after the
+Persian wars, she reaped the full harvest of her splendid sowing, and
+produced the masterpieces which have remained ever since memorable, to
+the study of which each generation recurs, and whence it learns of what
+human nature is capable.
+
+After 400 B. C. there was not, as many suppose, a sudden decline in the
+quality of artistic production. Many of the works of the later centuries
+were in their way almost unsurpassable. The philosophy of Aristotle, the
+poetry of Theocritus, such statues as the Aphrodite of Melos and the
+Victory of Samothrace, are great lights for all time. But the works of
+maturity have seldom the charm which marks those which are full of the
+optimism and promise of youth.
+
+Ruskin has written an admirable work on the Seven Lamps of Architecture,
+a work which, though it sometimes passes into extravagance, is full of
+suggestion and even inspiration. It seems to me strange that while the
+economic views of Ruskin, full of generosity, but also wanting in
+measure and any basis of fact, should still be current among us, his
+writings on art, in which his genius had full course, should be
+comparatively neglected. However that may be, as one who has been
+greatly stimulated by those writings, I propose to try to produce a
+faint echo of one of them by speaking successively of the lamps of Greek
+art, lamps which give us light and serve to show our way. I find in
+Greek art eight notable features: (1) Humanism, (2) Simplicity, (3)
+Balance and Measure, (4) Naturalism, (5) Idealism, (6) Patience, (7)
+Joy, (8) Fellowship.
+
+As my space is closely limited I cannot attempt to develop the subject
+of Greek art in all its provinces and in all its bearings. I must limit
+myself to the art of sculpture, the most characteristic branch, and the
+only branch which has left us sufficient materials for the formation of
+a satisfactory notion. And I must limit myself further to such of the
+sculpture as represents the human form. In the representation of some
+animals, such as the horse, the later Greeks produced some wonderful
+examples, but in the depiction of animals other peoples have rivalled
+them, whereas in the depiction of men and women they stand alone.
+
+
+I
+
+_Humanism._ Three great discoveries lay open to the awakened spirit of
+man, when he began to realize and reflect upon his surroundings. The
+first was the discovery of God, which was mainly the work of the
+Prophets of Israel, though no doubt Greece added much on the
+intellectual side; and the religions both of Judaea and Greece were
+carried to a higher point by Christianity. The second was the discovery
+of man himself, which was in all essentials the great work of Greek
+thinkers and writers. The third, begun in Greece, has been carried very
+much farther in modern times, the discovery of nature and her laws. I
+think that reflection will show that of the three discoveries the last
+is the least important, for though it has vastly changed the habits and
+the surroundings of mankind, and has offered him long vistas of material
+progress, yet it has not changed his nature much, nor added greatly to
+his happiness. We know how the delights of thought, of art, of poetry
+and music have overcome barbarism and given to multitudes a new pleasure
+in existence. But the results of scientific progress have not as yet
+done all that we might have hoped for mankind. Every great discovery in
+physical science has been turned, primarily, not to the welfare but to
+the destruction of mankind. The ocean-going ship is tracked by the
+submarine; air-ships are used to drop bombs on defenceless cities, some
+of the most notable achievements of chemistry are poison-gases. We may
+of course hope that this is but a passing phase, and that brighter times
+are before us. But I venture to suggest that the true road to progress
+cannot be found unless we preserve the Jewish and the Greek points of
+view. We must not lose sight of the ethical and religious bearing of
+science, and not be content with merely regarding it as a means of
+exploiting the material world. Instead of harnessing the forces of
+nature to true human ends, to happiness, we have allowed them to be used
+for any purpose, moral or immoral, by any one who by cunning or pushing
+has gained control of them. We have dehumanized the world, and allowed
+it to ride rough shod over human life.
+
+The discovery of man and his capacities, then, is the great gift of
+Greece to the world. There were epics before the _Iliad_, but no epic
+full of charm, of tragedy, of tears and laughter. There were
+philosophers before Socrates; but they were busied in trying to find the
+physical constituents of the world. Socrates took up the motto of Delphi
+'Know thyself', and became the progenitor of all who study the nature of
+duty and of happiness. In the same way there was much art in the world
+before the rise of Greece, in Egypt, in Mesopotamia, in Crete. But it
+was not a humanist art. It represented the worship of the Gods, battles,
+and sieges, the life of the fields. But the human figures in these
+scenes were conventional: there was nothing in them to stir the finer
+feelings, to produce a love of beauty, to raise man above the ordinary
+daily level. The Greeks knew of earlier works of art; but they declined
+to be seduced, as the Phoenicians and Etruscans were seduced, into a
+facile imitation of them. They realized, no doubt subconsciously rather
+than consciously, that they were called to set forth a new and human
+art, and had in them powers which could produce it. They began a process
+which developed with astonishing rapidity, and which cannot cease,
+unless, as seems now not impossible, barbarism reinvades a weary world.
+
+'Man is the measure of all things' is the doctrine ascribed to
+Protagoras of Abdera, which shocked the people of Athens and is attacked
+by Plato in his more constructive mood. It is a doctrine lending itself
+to abuse, and still more to caricature; but it is really the teaching of
+Socrates no less than of Protagoras; and it has held its own from his
+times to those of the Utilitarians and Pragmatists. Certainly it is at
+the basis of the Greek view of life, in which man with his feelings, his
+faculties, and his endeavours, stands in the foreground, and all else
+appears as a vague background.
+
+It was quite natural that as the Greek thinkers interpreted all
+experience in relation to human powers and faculties, so the artists of
+Greece thought of all nature in terms of the human body. Thus while the
+stern monotheism of later Israel absolutely prohibited the
+representation in art of any living thing, and especially of man, Greek
+artists entirely devoted themselves to such representation.
+
+The great result of the working of the spirit of humanism in Greek art
+was the representation of the Gods in human form. There is still
+prevalent among us a survival of the Jewish hatred of the representation
+of the divine element in the world by the mimetic art of sculpture. We
+still repeat, day by day, the Jewish commandment, 'Thou shalt not make
+to thyself any graven image'. Now I am not going to find any fault with
+the intense feeling of iconoclasm, which was one of the mainsprings of
+Jewish religion. I have no doubt that in the development of that
+religion, hatred and contempt for the idols of the surrounding nations
+was of inestimable value to the race. The struggle, ever renewed,
+against the invasion of idolatry was necessary to the development of
+that pure prophetic religion which it was the highest mission of the
+Jewish race to set forth and propagate in the world. I would not even
+speak against the echoes of it in the modern world. To the Moslems of
+our days, as to the ancient Jews, it appears to be a necessary corollary
+of any lofty and spiritual conception of the divine. And when we read of
+the destruction of religious images by our Puritan ancestors we cannot
+withhold from them an inner sympathy. The hatred of images was one side
+of the pure and passionate belief in spiritual religion which it was the
+mission of the great Reformers to revive and propagate in Europe.
+
+But it is possible to appreciate this side of religion without being
+blind to other aspects of it. Our religion comes not only from Judaea,
+but also from Greece. The Jewish passion for the divine righteousness
+lies at its roots. But that passion is consistent with narrowness,
+bigotry, inhumanity. For the modifications of it which come from the
+working of the spirit of humanism we have to turn to the Hellenes, for
+the feeling of the likeness in nature between God and man, the love of
+the beauty of the created works of God, the joy in whatever is sweet,
+whatever is comely, whatever is charming. The beauty and majesty of God
+appealed to the Greek, as the unapproachable transcendence of God
+inspired the Jew.
+
+So it fell to the Greek artists to try to set forth in marble and in
+bronze the gentler and more social side of the divine nature. There is a
+sweet reasonableness in the words of Maximus of Tyre: 'The Greek custom
+is to represent the Gods by the most beautiful things on earth--pure
+material, the human form, consummate art. The idea of those who make
+divine images in human shape is quite reasonable, since the spirit of
+man is nearest of all things to God and most godlike.'
+
+The whole history of Greek sculpture, from its rise in the sixth century
+to its decline in the third, is inspired by this desire to represent the
+divine by the most beautiful things on earth. The sculpture of the great
+nations of the East, Egypt and Assyria, is full of figures of the Gods,
+and of scenes of worship. But these figures do not rise above the human.
+The gods appear as conventional figures, mere ordinary men and women.
+And to distinguish them from mortal beings, the artists of the East
+proceed in the manner of symbolism: they make additions to the human
+types which are to signify the divine attributes, but do not really
+embody them. They add wings to represent the swiftness of the deity,
+wings not meant for actual flight, but only symbols of rapid motion.
+They represent them as victoriously overthrowing wild beasts and
+monsters, which stand for the powers of evil, ever bent on thwarting
+their action. In some of their most archaic works, the Greeks fall into
+the imitation of this way. They represent Apollo flanked by two
+vanquished griffins, Artemis with wings, and holding in her hands
+captive lions. But their artistic sense soon revolted against such crude
+and clumsy ways of representation. They began to try to represent the
+divine character of their deities, not by arbitrary and external
+symbols, but by modifying the human types in the direction of the ideal.
+Sometimes, indeed, in later art we find survivals of early symbolism in
+the form of an attribute. Hermes is still winged, but the wings are
+transferred to his cap or his boots. Zeus may still carry the
+thunderbolt, the symbol of his rule over the storm. Apollo may be still
+radiate, combining human form with the rays which proceed from the
+visible sun.
+
+But these are only survivals, and do not affect the process, carried on
+by artist after artist and school after school, by which the gods
+absorbed ever more fully the qualities of the most perfect manhood.
+Zeus, as father of gods and men, is an idealization of the human father,
+combining justice and dignity with benevolence and kindness; Athena
+becomes the embodiment of the divine reason and wisdom, perhaps the most
+fully idealized of all the forms of the gods, since this armed and
+victorious virgin with wisdom seated on her brow had little in common
+with the secluded and domestic women of her city of Athens. Apollo has
+not the muscles of the trained athlete, but in his nobleness of
+countenance and perfect symmetry of shape, he stands for all that a
+young man might grow towards by self-restraint and aspiration. At a
+somewhat lower level Herakles bears the form of the wrestler, admirably
+proportioned but more powerful than even the greatest of athletes;
+Hermes is the ideal runner, every muscle adapted to swift and lithe
+movements.
+
+Thus in the types of the gods which were produced when Greek art was at
+its best we have a series of supermen and superwomen who represent the
+highest and best to which mortals can hope to attain, types embodying
+the highest perfection of body and mind. The influence of those types
+has gone on from century to century, never in the darkest ages wholly
+forgotten, and serving at all times to redeem human nature from foulness
+and degradation. All through the history of art they have been acting as
+a raising and purifying element.
+
+It was not until the decay of the Olympic religion in the fourth century
+that these types fell to a lower level. The sense of beauty in the
+artist remained as keen as ever, the technique of art even improved, but
+the religion of humanism was debased by less noble tendencies, and the
+gods took on too much not the nature of man as he might become, but the
+form of man as he actually is in the world.
+
+Not the forms only of the gods, but the history of their appearances on
+earth and their dealings with mankind found expression in painting and
+relief. Plato, as we know, condemned the myths of the gods as unworthy
+from the ethical point of view. But we shall misjudge myths if we
+suppose that they were actually believed in, or served to regulate
+conduct. What they did was greatly to further the picturesqueness and
+joy of life. And when they became less important in cultus they survived
+in poetry, and served greatly to temper the harsh prose of actual life.
+We must remember that some of the Jewish tales which have so much
+interested and charmed our forefathers are hardly to be defended on
+strict ethical principles, yet they have been a leavening and widening
+influence. Who would wish to expel from churches the stories of Adam and
+Eve, of Joseph and David, on grounds of ethical purism? The life of the
+many is not so highly decorated that we should wish to expel from it
+elements so pleasing.
+
+As the Gods tend more and more to take forms beautiful but entirely
+human, so do the notable features of the landscape, rivers and
+mountains, sky and sea, take on themselves human shape. Sun and moon,
+wind and storm, are completely humanized. The society of Olympus, the
+powers manifested in nature, appear in sculpture as a human society, but
+of more than human beauty and dignity. And such rendering of the gods
+leads, as we shall presently see, to an ideal rendering of men. As the
+gods come down in the likeness of men, so men are raised to the level of
+the gods. Hence the intrinsic and inexhaustible idealism of Greek
+sculpture, to which I will presently return.
+
+Few works of art more fully and more attractively show the
+anthropomorphic tendency of Greek art than the sunrise vase of the
+British Museum. It shows us the whole morning pageant of nature
+humanized. On the right appears the sun-god driving a chariot of winged
+horses, who rise out of the sea. Before him the stars, represented as
+youths, plunge into the water. To the left is the moon-goddess on
+horseback, setting behind the hills, on one of which is a mountain-god
+in an attitude of surprise. Before the sun hurries Eos, the winged dawn,
+who by a bold citation of mythology is represented as pursuing Cephalus
+the hunter, of whom she was enamoured. We have the features of the
+daybreak; but they are all represented not as facts of nature, but in
+their influence on Gods and men.
+
+I do not figure this vase, as I have already done so in my _Principles
+of Greek Art_; but instead I give an almost equally beautiful
+representation from the lid of a toilet vase in the Sabouroff Collection
+at Berlin. We have here the same three figures of the sun-god, the
+moon-goddess, and the winged dawn, who, however, in this case is driving
+a chariot. The form of the whole group and the radiate symbol in the
+midst stands admirably for the vault of heaven (Fig. 1).
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 1. VASE REPRESENTING SUNRISE]
+
+Another extreme example of anthropomorphism is the embodiment of the
+sustaining power of the pillar in the so-called Caryatids of the
+Erechtheum (Fig. 2). Really they are Corae, maidens dedicated to Athena,
+and willingly in her service bearing up the weight of the architrave of
+her temple. Possibly the notion is not wholly satisfactory; but if it be
+tolerated, could it have been more nobly carried out? The square and
+stalwart form of the women, the mass of hair which strengthens their
+necks, the easy pose, all make us feel that the task is not beyond their
+strength or oppressive.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 2. CARYATID of Erechtheum]
+
+Beside the Greek Caryatid I must be allowed to place a modern version,
+by Rodin. For the power and the technique of Rodin I have great
+admiration; but when his works are placed beside those of Greece, we
+feel at once their inferiority in dignity, in simplicity, in ideality
+(Fig. 3).
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 3. CARYATID by Rodin]
+
+
+II
+
+The second lamp of Greek art is _Simplicity_. The artist sees quite
+clearly what he desires to produce, and sets about producing it without
+hesitation, without self-consciousness, with no beating about the bush.
+Of course the more primitive and less conventional a society is, the
+easier it is for artists to be simple. In a complicated society
+simplicity and directness are apt to be confused with what is
+commonplace or even with the foolish. The simplicity of Wordsworth and
+of Tennyson does sometimes cross the line. The Greeks had the great
+advantage of coming before other cultivated peoples, so that there was
+no commonplace to avoid. They could be simple, as the wild rose and the
+primrose are simple. What could be more simple than the _Iliad_? The
+same simplicity marks Greek sculpture. It requires no great exercise of
+the intellect to understand it. It presents every figure in a clear and
+unsophisticated way.
+
+As there is no more sure sign of a fine nature than the absence of
+self-consciousness, so there is no more sure sign of greatness in art
+than simplicity. The Greeks did not strive to be original, to make
+people stare, to do the unusual. One of the most usual subjects in Greek
+relief is a battle between male warriors and Amazons. Such battles adorn
+many temples. And in every case they are distinctive in style. One could
+not mistake a group from the temple at Phigaleia for a group from the
+Mausoleum. And there is no sameness: almost every group has some point
+or touch of its own, which makes it a variety on the usual theme. One
+Amazon is falling from her horse, one is asking for quarter, one is
+following up a retreating foe. But no group is insistent that the
+passer-by should look at it. The relief was the decoration of a temple;
+and if its originality drew men's attention from the temple itself, or
+from the Deity seated enthroned within, it might justly be accused of
+impertinence, of exceeding due measure. The sculptor did his best; but
+he was careful to do nothing which was out of harmony with its
+surroundings. He sank himself in his work. And even when he was engaged
+on a more serious substantive work, what he most avoided was the
+incongruous and unbecoming. He so worked that the attention of the
+spectator was concentrated not on the character of the workmanship, but
+on the person or the subject portrayed. The idea which he tried to
+incorporate in marble or bronze was not his own thought about the
+subject, but the character which really belonged to it in the mind of
+the people.
+
+This singleness of purpose is well illustrated by a story about the
+painter Protogenes. He painted the figure of a Satyr, and beside it, as
+a trifle, he inserted a partridge. But when he found that admiration for
+the lifelikeness of the partridge tended to distract the attention of
+visitors from the main figure, he painted it out.
+
+No doubt simplicity implies limitation. It is not easy in any age to
+strike the deepest note without some surrender of simplicity. The higher
+phases of the mental and spiritual life, mysticism, symbolism, and the
+like are not to be expressed with complete simplicity in any form of
+art. One cannot deny that the Greek view of life was limited; that the
+Greeks did not attempt to represent in art the highest aspirations of
+the soul. It was an entirely perverted ingenuity which sought a
+generation ago to find mystic meaning in the representations on Greek
+vases. Attempts to portray the Deities of the Mysteries scarcely count
+as works of art. Such figures as Sabazius, Isis, Mithras, only come into
+ancient art in its decadence. I would not maintain that the modern
+world, with its infinitely varied emotions, or the higher aspirations of
+religions like the Christian or the Buddhist, could be satisfied with
+such simple schemes as those of Greek sculpture, which appeal to human
+instinct and human intelligence rather than to the more recondite
+emotions. Such emotions, however, in my opinion, do not find any
+appropriate embodiment in the arts of which I am treating--the graphic
+and plastic arts. In poetry they have at all times found a noble
+expression; and in modern days a perhaps still completer expression in
+music, which was in pre-Christian days in a very rudimentary condition.
+But painting is but ill suited to the rendering of these vague
+aspirations. And still more unsuited is sculpture, the most imitative
+and objective of all the arts. The attempts which have been made in
+recent years by some sculptors to give a mystic turn to their art seems
+to me doomed to failure by the essential nature of sculpture. A Western
+mind can have little sympathy with the art which has moved most on
+mystic lines, the art of India, which in such efforts has abandoned the
+search for beauty, and so given up the really artistic point of view.
+Mere prettiness no doubt is an unsatisfying ideal: but a loftier beauty,
+in harmony with the world around us and the soul within us, is another
+thing.
+
+In order that simplicity may be in the highest degree admirable, it must
+be combined with two other qualities--intense love of beauty, and the
+utmost patience in execution. It must not lead on the one side to a mere
+unideal copy of nature, nor on the other to a hasty and slovenly kind of
+work.
+
+The figure already mentioned, the Caryatid of the Erechtheum, is a model
+of perfect simplicity. For further illustration of the quality I have
+chosen the bronze charioteer from Delphi, and the Artemis from Gabii,
+now in the Louvre. The former (Fig. 4) is a youth of noble family, clad
+in the long dress necessary to protect from the wind a man driving a
+chariot. The latter (Fig. 5), a work of the school of Praxiteles,
+represents a young girl fastening her dress on her shoulder. Both are as
+free as they can be from any attempt at novelty or originality: yet no
+one with any taste could for a moment hesitate to pronounce them
+admirable. The object of the artist was to make works as perfect as
+possible. And to that end he goes straight, without any complication,
+and without the least care that others may have done similar works,
+against which he must assert originality.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 4
+CHARIOTEER of Delphi]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 5
+ARTEMIS of Gabii]
+
+Beside the two figures I have cited I place a more modern group (Fig.
+6), also by a man of genius, Peter Vischer. It has the same simplicity
+and the same care in execution as the Greek works, but in beauty it will
+not compare with them; and one feels regret that so great an artist
+should have spent his powers on so unsuitable a subject as the rivets
+and plates of a suit of armour. The lady, though not without charm,
+seems artificial and affected beside the exquisite freshness of the girl
+of Praxiteles.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 6. KNIGHT AND LADY
+By Peter Vischer]
+
+
+III
+
+The third lamp of Greek art is _Balance and Measure_, the recognition of
+limit and law. This is most obvious in architecture, and especially in
+its most characteristic production, the temple. The form of the temple,
+when once established, remained fixed, within certain limits of
+variation, for all time. A most accomplished writer, M. Boutmy, has
+admirably shown how all the constituent parts of the temple are related
+one to the other, how a plan, a consistent rhythm, runs throughout it.
+Each part has a definite function, which it accomplishes in the simplest
+and clearest way. The pillars are made simply to support, and their
+shape and slight decoration is in accordance with that purpose. Their
+form ensures a maximum of stability. The channeling or fluting carries
+the eye of the spectator upwards to the capital which swells outwards to
+support the heavy straight line of the cornice. Above the cornice, the
+grooves of the triglyphs carry on the lines of fluting from the columns
+towards the roof. The walls of the temple are not primarily intended to
+support, but to enclose the sacred cella, and are adorned only at their
+upper edge, as a curtain might be, with a decorative frieze. The whole
+building is thought out as a home for the statue of the deity which it
+encloses; and no part is allowed to adorn itself except in subordination
+to this general purpose. Like the shells of molluscs or the hives of
+bees, it is the direct embodiment of an idea, a purpose, only a
+conscious and reflective, not a merely instinctive purpose.
+
+The sculptural decoration, which is so striking a feature of the temple,
+is also carefully subordinated to purpose and idea. No part of the
+structure which bears a strain, if we except one or two early and
+unsatisfactory experiments, was decorated. The business of column and
+architrave was to bear weight; and if they were ornate they would seem
+less well adapted to that purpose. Only in parts of the building which
+were from the point of view of construction otiose, such as pediment and
+metope, was the art of the sculptor allowed to play; and even then it
+was bound to play appropriately to the nature of the deity within and
+the festivals of which the temple was to be the focus. There was no room
+for cross-purposes or disturbing thoughts.
+
+This rigidity of form and subordination to reason is as characteristic
+of Attic tragedies as of temples. It would indeed be possible to work
+out a close parallel between the two forms of art. But we must return to
+our immediate subject, sculpture. Temple sculpture exhibits the
+qualities of balance and measure in the highest degree. In case of the
+pediment there is a central point, just under the apex, where the
+dominant figures of the scene portrayed are placed; and on either side
+of this central figure or group, figure balances figure, until we come
+to the corners, which are occupied by reclining forms, dying warriors,
+or river-gods or spectators. In case of the metope, the square field is
+filled with two or three figures balanced about a central line, a scheme
+self-contained and harmonious, which may be compared to a geometrical
+diagram, and carries simplicity to the farthest point.
+
+Rhythm, balance, symmetry are the translation into sculpture of the
+spirit of discipline and self-control, which the Greeks learned by hard
+necessity. The civilization of the Ionians in Asia is a brilliant
+sunrise, an overflowing of the delight in life, in beauty, in the
+exercise of all the faculties, which for a time dominated Greece itself.
+And their art was joyous and free. The artists of Ionia invaded Athens
+in the sixth century, visiting the luxurious court of Peisistratus, and
+inspiring Peloponnesus, even Sparta, as the excavations of the British
+School in Athens have abundantly shown. But the Ionians were trodden
+down under the heavy foot of Persia: excess of freedom and want of
+cohesion and discipline was their ruin. The Great King of Persia was
+determined to trample in a like manner on Greece Proper; and he would
+have succeeded but for the discipline and devotion of the Dorians. It
+was the Spartans, aided by the brilliant military talent of Miltiades
+and Themistocles, who saved Greece from slavery. A military caste, like
+the Templars and Hospitallers of mediaeval Europe, they furnished the
+backbone of the Greek army and dispersed the hordes of Asia as easily as
+did the hardy Macedonians of Alexander the Great a century and a half
+later.
+
+The Athenians, with their quick wits, understood whence came their
+salvation, and in the early part of the fifth century the tide of Ionian
+influence was turned back, and Dorian manners, Dorian dress, Dorian art,
+became dominant from Thessaly to Laconia. It is precisely the Dorian
+ideas of discipline, of measure, of self-control, which entering into
+the art of Greece made it a noble and continuous development, instead of
+a mere brilliant flash. Plato was well aware of the dangers which beset
+the Athenians from their extreme versatility and want of reverence, and
+he foresaw how these qualities would in the end destroy the civilization
+which they had adorned. He so clearly saw this that he was inclined to
+prefer the conventional and monotonous art of Egypt to the brilliant
+Greek art of his own time. This is, of course, to carry ethical
+prejudice to the length of fanaticism, and to transgress the very law of
+moderation which inspired him. But it was only in his old age that he
+went thus far.
+
+This careful balance and proportion may be observed, as has often been
+pointed out, in the designs of Greek vases, where the painted subject
+not only is in itself a balanced scheme, but is also planned in relation
+to the shape of the vases themselves. A group suitable to an amphora
+would look out of place on a drinking cup. And in the cup itself the
+outside requires a different treatment from the inside. The whole is
+planned not merely to give free scope to the artist, but to be
+appropriate, fitting, harmonious. Our first figure well illustrates this
+thesis.
+
+Even in the case of substantive sculpture, figures or groups made to
+stand by themselves in market-place or portico, the Greek love of
+harmony, or as they would have put it, of rhythm and symmetry prevails:
+ancient critics in those accounts of Greek sculpture, of which fragments
+have come down to us in the writings of Pliny and Quintilian, lay great
+stress on these features. They show us that whereas in early art a
+merely external and mechanical balance had prevailed, in the course of
+the fifth century this love of order and measure was taken into the very
+being of art. Pythagoras of Rhegium, whose works are unfortunately lost
+to us, made great progress in rhythm and symmetry. His contemporaries,
+Myron and Polycleitus, who carried the athletic art of Peloponnesus
+almost to its highest point, were celebrated, Myron for the rhythm in
+motion which he infused into his sculpture, Polycleitus for the careful
+balance of his athletes and the system of proportion which he embodied
+in their figures. Pheidias was more essentially ideal than either of
+these, as we shall presently see, but he also most diligently preserved
+in the Parthenon and other works a spirit of measure and reasonableness.
+
+Measure and balance in art differ widely from mere convention. 'Order is
+Heaven's first law.' All fine character is formed, not by following
+random impulses as they arise, but by making them conform to reason and
+duty, disciplining them as wild horses are disciplined and taught to
+serve mankind. Horses indeed may be over-disciplined, and by cruelty all
+spirit may be taken out of them. And men may be over-disciplined, so
+that their impulses die away from inanition. The Spartans were
+over-disciplined; and through constant repression of natural tendencies
+they became mere machines, and before long died out. But reasonable
+restraint imposed on strong natural tendencies produces noble results in
+all spheres of activity.
+
+The same thing is true in art. Measure and discipline do not of course
+make it easier to produce works of art; for in the nature of the case
+discipline is at first grievous and is felt as a barrier. But for the
+production of good and lasting works of art, discipline and law are
+necessary. Take as an example the art which is simplest, poetry. It is
+easier to write blank verse than to write sonnets. But it is far easier
+to write _good_ sonnets than good blank verse, simply because the
+constant restraint of the form stimulates thought and invention,
+prevents too great haste, exercises the ingenuity. In the same way the
+somewhat rigid laws of composition of pediment metope and frieze
+compelled the Greek artist to think out schemes suitable to those forms.
+
+It would not be possible to find a better example of order and balance
+in reliefs than is furnished by the magnificent sarcophagus from Sidon
+(Fig. 7), on one side of which is represented one of the victories of
+Alexander the Great. At first sight it may seem a confused mêlée. But
+when we look closer we see careful arrangement underlying the apparent
+disorder. Alexander, charging from the left, is balanced by Parmenio
+charging from the right: the horseman in the middle between the leaders
+seems to come out of the background; and on either side of him is a
+fighting group, to the left a Macedonian foot soldier fighting a Persian
+on foot, to the right a light-armed Greek resisting a Persian horseman.
+Two Persian archers balance one another. There are in the scene five
+Greeks to eight Persians, indicating the numerical superiority of the
+latter. And if we knew more about the battle we should probably find its
+principal phases hinted at in the groups. The relief tells us far more
+about the battle than would a naturalistic representation of one corner
+of the field. The Greek artist could not work without using his reason
+and his sense of order as well as his skilled hand.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 7. SARCOPHAGUS FROM SIDON]
+
+
+IV
+
+The fourth notable quality of Greek art is _Naturalism_. Painting and
+sculpture, being representative or mimetic arts, are dependent for their
+effects on the careful observation and loving study of nature. Probably
+this is not the feature in works of Greek sculpture which would be most
+conspicuous to a modern eye. And it cannot be doubted that the habit of
+exact observation produced by modern nature studies, our familiarity
+with such helps to sight as telescopes and magnifying glasses, our
+constant use of photography, have made most of us better acquainted with
+the phenomena of the world about us than were the Greeks. But compared
+with the works of preceding ages, Greek sculpture must have seemed
+amazingly naturalist. Even works of the archaic period, like the
+pediments from Aegina, show a knowledge of the human form infinitely
+more accurate than any to be found in Assyrian palaces or Egyptian
+temples. There is probably always a good deal of illusion in the minds
+of the schools which are constantly springing up, which profess to break
+away from all conventions and to go back to nature herself. To reach
+nature except through human senses and human combinations is quite
+impossible. And any artist who determines to give us nature merely as
+the photographic plate or the mechanical cast gives it to us simply
+wastes his powers, and produces a result of no interest whatever to any
+one. According to Pliny Lysippus professed to take nature alone for his
+teacher; but in fact the works of Lysippus, so far as we can recover or
+trace them, are full of most definite style. An artist has to look at
+nature through his own eyes, and those eyes give to what he sees a
+character based in part on his own personality. Everything he sees is
+refracted in the waters of his subjectivity, from which he cannot
+escape.
+
+Nevertheless, the whole historic course of Greek sculpture is steeped in
+the study of nature; and we see as it proceeds more and more clearly the
+results of careful observation. The artist had in fact opportunities for
+the study of what he considered the one important group of phenomena,
+human bodies, such as a modern artist cannot hope to compass. In the
+baths and gymnasia where all young men of free birth spent part of their
+mornings in running, leaping, wrestling, or swimming, he could daily
+watch the beautiful bodies of athletes in every variety of pose and
+action. He knew them as a trainer knows horses, or a fancier knows dogs.
+He would have little need of a special model; but would daily observe
+some fresh detail of muscles, some notable pose which he could add from
+memory to his conception of the human body.
+
+But in the greatest periods of art naturalism is not predominant. Its
+constantly working tendency is kept in check by noble ideas and noble
+style. There is in the development of sculpture a constant approach to
+nature, but nothing of the nihilism which looks on all aspects of nature
+as equally fit subjects for art. The artists of the pediments of Aegina
+could not bring themselves to conceal the beautiful bodies of the
+fighting warriors by rigid armour like that copied in Vischer's group.
+Thus we find the paradox of armed men in battle, but without armour. The
+utmost pains are taken with the nude limbs. In the wonderful bronze
+charioteer found at Delphi (Fig. 4), which dates from about 470 B. C.,
+the garment necessary to protect the man from the rush of air is very
+simply treated; but the arms and feet, which the garment does not
+conceal, are wrought with marvellous accuracy and truth to nature. It
+seems almost as if the artist were compensating himself for the
+extremely simple work on the drapery by an almost excessively close
+study of nature where it was possible. The head, on the other hand, is
+typical and not individual; for in fact individual portraits were
+scarcely possible at the time.
+
+This would be the place to speak of Greek portraits, if space allowed
+it. I will only point out the erroneousness of the popular view, that
+Greek portraits were conventional and uninteresting; and that it was the
+Romans who introduced individuality into portraiture. It is strange that
+a view which is utterly false should have gained such currency. It is
+true that Greek portraits of the fifth and even the fourth century have
+in them much of the type, and individual traits are softened in accord
+with the strongly idealizing tendencies of the age. But from the third
+and second centuries we have a great number of portraits which are in
+the highest degree characteristic and individual, a wonderful gallery of
+philosophers and poets and statesmen which for lifelikeness cannot be
+surpassed. All the finest of the portraits of Romans were by Greek
+artists. I can give but one example of really fine Greek portraiture, a
+statue of Demosthenes of the third century B. C. (Fig. 8). It is a
+portrait indeed. The long lean arms and the pose are quite as individual
+and characteristic as the face with its melancholy expression and deep
+lines of anxiety. We have the man from head to foot; not as is so often
+the case in modern statues, a portrait head set on a conventional body.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 8. DEMOSTHENES
+By Polyeuctus]
+
+For comparison with Demosthenes I set a statue of a great modern
+statesman, Abraham Lincoln, by Barnard (Fig. 9), not the best statue of
+him, but one which is approved by many. It aims at truth, but only
+attains caricature, by exaggerating Lincoln's awkwardness and
+angularity, the size of his hands and feet, and the anxiety in his face.
+This exaggeration has been proved by a comparison with many photographs
+of Lincoln, which show that he was careful in dress and by no means
+wanting in dignity. The statue of Demosthenes is marvellous for truth;
+but it adds a touch of pathos; the statue of Lincoln misses the truth,
+through exaggerating the least pleasing features of the subject.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 9. ABRAHAM LINCOLN
+By Barnard]
+
+When we want to ascertain how close Greek sculpture could come to actual
+fact, we turn from the great ideal age to the Hellenistic period.
+Lysistratus, the brother of Lysippus, began to take moulds in plaster
+from individual faces. At the great medical school of Alexandria the
+anatomy of the human frame, from which earlier ages in a spirit of piety
+had shrunk, became usual: some of the great physicians, such as
+Herophilus and Erasistratus, being noted for the completeness of their
+study of anatomy. In the art of the third century B. C. we see the
+inevitable result of such studies in a more precise and learned
+rendering of the muscles and the skin. And artists no longer hesitated
+to represent bodies wasted with toil and exposure to the weather, or
+emaciated with fasting. There are many such figures in our museums,
+showing a marvellously close study of the forms of peasants and old
+women and children. I figure one of these, preserved in the museum of
+the Conservatori of the Capitol at Rome, an aged shepherdess carrying a
+lamb (Fig. 10). But it will be observed that close as this form is to
+the facts of common life, there is yet in it nothing repulsive. It is in
+a sense a type rather than an individual, a poem of nature rather
+than a portrait. It is parallel to the pastorals of Theocritus. It
+strongly contrasts with such loathsome figures as some modern sculptors
+in their exaggerated love of fact, even if repulsive, have inflicted
+upon us, such as the Vieille Héaulmière of Rodin (Fig. 11), a figure of
+an aged and decayed prostitute. I know, of course, that some critics
+would defend the last-mentioned work on ethical grounds, as showing how
+hideous the decay of sensual beauty may become; but I venture to doubt
+whether sculpture is an appropriate vehicle for a moral lesson of that
+kind, because it can only represent and cannot explain.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 10
+AGED SHEPHERDESS
+Alexandrian]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 11
+LA VIEILLE HÉAULMIÈRE
+By Rodin]
+
+
+V
+
+So we come to the fifth lamp of Greek art, _Ideality_. It is in the
+idealism of their rendering of the body of man that the Greeks have
+surpassed all other peoples and left an imperishable record. The history
+of Greek art is the history of a search for beauty, for poetry, for
+whatever can charm and delight.
+
+In the earliest sculptural works of Greece, as Lange the Dane was the
+first to point out, we find not a direct imitation of the facts of the
+visible world, but impressions taken from that world, stored in the
+memory, and put together in accordance with subjective purpose rather
+than objective law. It is indeed thus that clever children work, when in
+the picture-writing of their sketch books they violate the laws of
+perspective by combining separate aspects and memories of an object into
+an inconsistent whole. They will not omit any peculiarity of a person
+which happens to have struck them, even when in the profile which they
+sketch it would be invisible. They think of a face as turned towards
+them, of legs as walking past them. Every face must have two eyes, every
+body two arms, whether they would be visible under the natural
+conditions or not. In early Greek reliefs it is common to find the body
+down to the waist full-face, the body below the waist in profile, with
+no transition between the two. The well-known metopes from Selinus in
+Sicily are good examples. It is a kind of procedure common to the early
+art of all peoples. But the Greeks differ from other nations in this;
+that when they improved away these early crudities they retained the
+predominance of thought over things, of man over nature, in a word of
+the ideal element in art. They regarded the body of man not, as the
+materialists do, as man himself, but as a shell produced by the inner
+working of the spirit, to be seen by the eyes of thought and
+imagination, as well as by the bodily eyes. Hence they were always
+aspiring from that which exists in appearance to that which lies behind
+the mere phenomenon. They realized that nature, when she produces an
+individual, never wholly succeeds, she falls short of the idea. And the
+artist by a loving sympathy with the creative Spirit, may venture to
+improve what she has made, to carry out her intentions more fully, to
+incorporate more completely the idea. The Greek artist, appreciating and
+venerating the body, tries to raise it to a higher and more perfect
+level. A simple kind of idealism may be found in athletic art. In their
+practice of athletics the Greeks did not, like the moderns, think only
+of the number of feet an athlete could leap, or the space of time he
+would take to run a distance. They thought also of his _form_, of the
+rhythmic and harmonious character of his action. If an athlete showed
+ugly form, they would hiss him, as they would an incompetent actor. Most
+of their exercises were done to the accompaniment of the flute. In all
+the statues of athletes which have come down to us, not one shows an
+inharmonious development, powerful chest and weak legs, or muscular legs
+and poor arms. It is more than probable that as the features of
+Alexander the Great influenced the portraits of his officers and
+followers, so the specially beautiful forms of some of the athletes who
+were most admired, tended to create a type, something of which appears
+in all the athlete figures of the time.
+
+No doubt any one who is well acquainted with Greek types and with the
+forms of modern athletes will observe that the Greek physical build is
+not identical with that of our days. The equable climate and the
+unstrained life of the young men produced something more rounded and
+fleshy than we see in the north. Our athletes are less harmoniously
+built, with more prominent sinews, more harsh and wiry in type. An
+American trainer who is also a sculptor, Dr. Tait McKenzie, working as
+some of the Greek sculptors worked, from the average measurements of a
+number of young men, has produced types of strength and beauty, by no
+means exactly like the statues of Greece, but in their way almost
+equally beautiful. I instance the beautiful fifth-century figures of
+Greek boxers, softened by idealism, but admirable for strength and
+symmetry; and the Apoxyomenos, a man scraping himself with a strigil, as
+was the custom in the baths (Fig. 12). This is a work of the third
+century, after the artists had imported their knowledge of anatomy into
+their works, which had effects both good and bad. And beside the
+Apoxyomenos I place an athlete by Tait McKenzie, produced from the
+careful comparison and measurements of hundreds of young athletes of
+Harvard and Philadelphia (Fig. 13). This is a work of modern idealism
+produced by similar processes to those to which we owe the excellence of
+Greek athletic sculpture.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 12
+ATHLETE WITH STRIGIL]
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 13
+ATHLETE, by Tait McKenzie]
+
+The types of female beauty come into Greek sculpture later than the
+types of male beauty. In Ionian and early Attic sculpture women appear
+closely wrapped up in drapery. Pheidias and his contemporaries did not
+venture to represent undraped women. They showed the beauties of the
+female form not apart from, but by the help of, drapery. It was reserved
+for the age of Praxiteles and Scopas to represent the Goddess of Love in
+the guise of a nude woman; and Praxiteles made an apology for the
+innovation by introducing the motive of bathing as an explanation and a
+palliation. And even the Aphrodite of Praxiteles is remarkably free
+from all attempt at sensuous attraction, or self-consciousness. Solid,
+noble, and stately in form, she is a type or model rather than an
+individual. Later sculptors, it is true, departed from this line of
+simple harmoniousness, and tried to make the figure more attractive to
+the average man. But it does not become weak, and it does not become
+vulgar. The noble Aphrodites of the fourth century have fixed the type
+of female beauty in school after school of artists down to our own time.
+
+This ideal is perhaps for us best incorporated in the Aphrodite of Melos
+in the Louvre, a work of the Hellenistic age, combining with the great
+fourth-century tradition a perfection of detail and an informing life
+which belong to a later time. But while most people of taste profess a
+devotion to her, that devotion is usually untinged by knowledge or real
+appreciation; for there could hardly be a greater contrast than that
+between the bodily forms of the Goddess of Melos and those of the women
+who are most admired in our days. I was almost disposed to figure side
+by side the Goddess and the bodily forms which figure in our fashion
+plates. The fashion plates do not represent women as they are, but as
+they would like to be; they represent not the actual, but the modern
+ideal. And what an ideal!
+
+Some readers may smile at the notion of taking seriously these ephemeral
+productions. But no one would take them lightly who was familiar with
+the facts of psychology. We well know that when certain types of women
+are set constantly before the rising generation as beautiful and to be
+imitated they will necessarily exercise a great influence on the future
+of the race. Young men will look out for such types to admire and to
+court: young women will try to resemble them. The hideous mistake in
+aesthetics will exercise a constant dragging power, pulling the young
+away from the light and the air of heaven towards the caves of evil
+spirits.
+
+Few more charming representations of young womanhood in Greece exist
+than the Artemis from Gabii already cited (Fig. 5). One must confess
+that the divine element in it is but slight. But what could be fresher,
+simpler, more exquisitely natural?
+
+No doubt as in the case of men, so in the case of women, we must make
+allowance for race and climate. A full and rotund development of
+physique is far rarer in northern than in southern Europe. The English
+race is taller, less solidly built, slighter than the ancient Greek.
+Among us hard tendons usually take the place of solid muscles. And the
+practise of athletic games by women undoubtedly tends to make them in
+some respects conform more to the male type. In moderation physical
+exercises may improve health and strength without tending to deprive the
+vital organs of nourishment. But the overtrained woman is farther from
+the healthy life of nature than the overtrained man. And whether the
+overexertion be of the body or of the intelligence, it tends to destroy
+true womanliness.
+
+It is a pity that some sculptor does not do for the ideal of womanhood
+what Dr. Tait McKenzie has done for the ideal of athletic manhood. Of
+course the process would not be the same. No one wants an ideal type of
+the female athlete, unless we wish to restore the race of Amazons, but
+we do sorely need to have before our eyes types which embody the
+physical ideal of efficient womanhood. At present while nude womanhood
+in art conforms in a great measure to the Greek tradition, clothed
+womanhood follows the types of the street, modified by the baseless
+caprices of fashion. The two stand in unreconciled contrast. The Greeks
+when painting women on a vase often drew their figures in outline before
+they added clothes. But any one who tries to draw the outline of the
+female figure beneath the clothes on a fashion-plate will stand aghast
+at what he has produced.
+
+Cicero repeats an instructive story in regard to the painter Zeuxis, who
+lived about 400 B. C. He was commissioned to make for the people of
+Croton a painting of Helen of Troy. He first inquired, what seems to
+have been a matter of common knowledge, who were the most beautifully
+made young men in that city, which was noted for its athletes. He next
+asked that he should be allowed to study the forms of the sisters of
+these men, judging that the sisters must partake of the beauty of the
+brothers. Out of these he selected five girls for more continued study,
+and by such aid produced his picture. We cannot suppose that he would be
+so clumsy as to select at random beautiful details from each of the
+five; in that way he would produce only an eclectic monstrosity. But,
+working in the presence of beautiful examples, his sense of beauty would
+rise in tone to the highest of which he was capable.
+
+In this story several points are noteworthy. It shows that the type of
+beauty in men was more advanced and more generally recognized than the
+type of beauty in women. And it shows the Greek artistic mind ever on
+the watch to catch some new note of beauty to add to the traditional
+stock. Professor Brücke, in his excellent work on the beauties of the
+human form, observes that in the ideal statues of Greece many features
+may be discovered which in the actual world of men and women are very
+rare, but the charm of which can scarcely be disputed. There went on
+from school to school, and from period to period, a sort of accumulation
+of beauty which was ever increasing. Every beautiful model which was
+studied added something to what Brücke calls the stock of beauty at the
+disposal of artists.
+
+
+VI
+
+The sixth lamp of Greek art is _Patience_ in striving after perfection.
+In the finer work of Greek sculptors one finds an utterly ungrudging
+expenditure of time and care which reminds one of the working of
+Nature herself, Nature who is never in a hurry, who is never contented
+with a hasty sketch, but works regardless of time. We are told of
+Protogenes that he spent seven years on a single figure, and I think he
+would have spent seven more if he had thought that he could thereby have
+improved his painting. Nothing strikes one more strongly in such works
+as the charioteer of Delphi and the Hermes of Praxiteles than the pains
+taken with every detail. It is by careful work, continued through
+successive generations, that sculpture attained such mastery in the
+representation of the muscles of the body as we find in the Borghese
+fighting figure of the Louvre, and such delicacy in the rendering of
+drapery as we find in the Victories of the Balustrade at Athens, or the
+Victory of Samothrace.
+
+But the delicacy and minuteness of Greek work is of course most obvious
+in the reliefs of coins and in gems. The coins were not primarily meant
+to please the eye, but to circulate in the fish-market; yet a multitude
+of the dies are so exquisitely finished that they lose little when
+magnified to many diameters, and will bear the most critical
+examination. The intaglio gems were meant for the sealing of documents,
+the seal taking the place of the modern signature; but the figures upon
+seals are in their way as finished as great works of sculpture. Seals
+even more usually than coins gain rather than lose if they are enlarged.
+Yet they were executed without the help of magnifying glasses. Their
+subjects are taken from the widest field, the figures of deities, tales
+from mythology, portraits, animal forms; like the coins they introduced
+as an undercurrent to the prosaic life of every day an element of poetry
+and imagination.
+
+
+VII
+
+The seventh lamp, which goes as naturally with idealism as care and
+patience go with naturalism, is joy, _joie de vivre_. Keats has
+expressed the Greek sense of art in an immortal line, 'A thing of beauty
+is a joy for ever'. It was the overflowing gladness which lies at the
+root of creation and evolution which took eternal form in the painting
+and sculpture of the Greeks and inspired all their works. The same
+irrepressible joy which gives colour to the flowers, sweetness to the
+fruit, song to the birds, and sexual desire to mankind reached here one
+of its most perfect manifestations. The life of the Greeks was by no
+means one of unmixed happiness. Each city was not unfrequently at war
+with its neighbours; and the penalty of complete defeat was sometimes
+the razing of its walls, the slaughter of its men, and the enslavement
+of its women. Disease, even plague, constantly ravaged the land; and the
+resources of modern surgery and modern anaesthetics were not present to
+curb their ravages. The life of the majority in country huts, and still
+more in the slums of the cities, most of all in the mines, was rougher
+and more sordid than is the case in the modern world, in countries in
+their normal state. And the people had not even that hope of a blessed
+hereafter which sustained the people of the Middle Ages. Yet under all
+these clouds, their spirit was hopeful and aspiring. And their art
+reflects ever the brighter side of things. Surely they were wise and
+right. We seek out works of art not to foster pessimism but to inspire
+optimism, not to show us the world of nature on its repulsive side, but
+to reveal to us how much underlying beauty is to be found in it. ''Tis
+life not death for which we pant, More life and fuller that we want.'
+
+At the same time, Greek art in some forms was extremely serious and
+keenly alive to the darker side of existence. The Greeks invented
+tragedy, the poetical reflection of the severity of fate. Would any
+modern audience be found, which would be prepared to sit for a whole
+summer day listening eagerly to the grand expression by such poets as
+Aeschylus and Sophocles of the power of Nemesis, the instability of all
+prosperity, the misfortunes which hunt those who have the ill luck to
+displease the gods? Surely not. And not in Greek tragedy only, but in
+elegiac poetry and in epigram, we find perfect reflections of our most
+gloomy moods. But for such expressions of sorrow and despair the Greeks
+felt that sculpture, and even painting, were not suitable vehicles. They
+belong to moods, and are not suitable for illustration in the market
+place and the temple. The roads which led to Greek cities were
+frequently bordered with monumental tombs. If in the reliefs and
+inscriptions of these tombs there had been any telling echo of the
+sorrow and regret of bereaved survivors, every one would have entered
+the cities in a black mood. As it is, as every one who has been in the
+museums of Athens knows, the sepulchral artists carefully avoided
+anything which might harrow the feelings. They represented the dead at
+their best, engaged in victorious warfare, or in athletic sports or in
+the happy family circle. A gentle air of melancholy could not be
+avoided; but there was nothing to shock, nothing to oppress the spirits.
+The deceased represented seemed still to share the occupations and
+pleasures of the living, not to be shut off from the world of happiness.
+
+Milton has expressed, in his magnificent prose, the profound joy of the
+world of the Renaissance at the recovery of the Bible, and free liberty
+of reading it, after it had been shut away from the laity by the
+organized Church. Equally intense, and more exuberant, was the delight
+of scholars and artists, when the asceticism and pessimism of the Middle
+Ages, which had given birth to such bodies as the Carmelite monks and
+the mendicant friars, gave way before the revival of Greek literature
+and art. The world seemed suddenly to have renewed its youth. No doubt
+the sudden expansion led to foul excesses; but it was yet a great
+landmark in human progress.
+
+
+VIII
+
+The eighth light of Greek art is _Fellowship_. Perhaps there is no
+quality in it which is more instructive for our days than this. The
+extreme individualism which is the most remarkable characteristic of
+modern times lays the utmost stress on the right or the duty of an
+artist to express _himself_ in his work, to work out his own vein of
+originality, to give to the world a rendering of his own qualities and
+individuality. And no doubt no great artist can help doing this in a
+measure. When he works he must be himself; he can only see the world
+through the medium of his character and talents. And as every man is a
+microcosm, a reflection in miniature of the great world of human beings,
+what is really good and original in an artist must appeal to something
+in the human world; must have a meaning for people of a certain class or
+a certain training, or a certain country. But whether an artist is the
+better for a conscious attempt thus to externalize his personality;
+whether he is improved by being self-conscious and reflective in his art
+is a different question.
+
+Scarcely any feature of Greek art is more impressive to a student than
+its continuous and uninterrupted course. When once it has started it
+does not turn back, but goes forward steadily, for a time rising
+superior to difficulty after difficulty, attaining a higher and higher
+level, then in the fifth century branching out in various directions
+into styles and groups, then going on with great technical skill, but
+with a loss of inspiration. It is a course of evolution as steady as
+that of any kind of plant or animal. This shows that it did not depend
+upon the rise of successive men of talent or genius, each of whom was
+intent on expressing himself; but upon the rise and influence of
+successive artistic schools, each of which did not merely follow the
+personality of a founder or teacher, but stood for a phase in the
+development of the common life of the Greek people. The schools were
+Ionian or Dorian, Attic or Argive, and harmonized with the whole
+civilization of such fractions of the race. Ionian art went with the gay
+and pleasure-loving ways of the Asiatic coast. Dorian art reflected the
+restraint, the balance, the self-control of the people of Peloponnesus.
+Attic art not only conformed to the refined taste of the people of
+Athens, but suited also the strong mental bias of the most intellectual
+city which ever existed. Of course these schools did not flourish in
+complete isolation one from the other; city influenced city and artist
+artist; but in a far less degree than would be the case now. A school of
+sculpture was a species; and all the individuals of the species were
+more like one another than they were like any of their contemporaries
+outside.
+
+Thus when we examine any work of Greek sculpture, before the eclectic
+schools came into being, we find it easy to determine its period, often
+within narrow limits, and we are usually able to assign it with
+confidence to a particular school, imperfect as is our knowledge of the
+history of Greek art. But we can scarcely ever say that it is the work
+of an individual artist, unless it stands on a basis bearing the
+author's name, or unless ancient critics and historians have left us
+detailed descriptions of a work which survives. I am speaking of Greek
+originals; the copies of earlier works made by Greek artists of a late
+period for Roman galleries are often so confused in style and so
+careless in execution that they serve only to mislead, even if they have
+escaped the Italian restorer of recent date.
+
+Great and connected series of statues and reliefs, such as constitute
+the sculptural adornment of such temples as that of Zeus at Olympia or
+the Parthenon or the Mausoleum, are the joint productions of a number of
+sculptors who worked together, no doubt under the general supervision of
+some architect or chief mason, but probably under very little control.
+Such works combine considerable variety in execution with a general
+similarity so great that a superficial observer does not see their
+differences. Public opinion in London seems to hold that Pheidias made
+the whole of the pediments and the frieze of the Parthenon; though in
+some cases contiguous figures are so markedly various amid the general
+likeness as to prove separate hands. In the case of the Erechtheum at
+Athens there is extant a long list of payments to a number of artists
+for the several figures of the frieze. There was no general contractor,
+no artist who hired his masons by the day, but every man who produced
+one of the figures in relief was paid for it sixty drachmas, without
+regard to its difficulty or its simplicity.
+
+It is comparatively easy to get a set of skilled stone-masons to carry
+out with exactness a plan of which all the details are worked out for
+them, and which requires only faithful copying. And it must have been
+easy for a set of Egyptian sculptors who made their figures according to
+a rigid conventional pattern to produce a uniform result. But for a
+number of skilled workers who were allowed great liberty in detail to
+produce an harmonious whole was infinitely harder. And that the Greek
+masons regularly accomplished this result shows how strong upon them was
+the influence of the school. Nor did they merely work from nature; but
+their production was of an idealizing kind. It is clear that they must
+have had not merely similar tools and similar mechanical processes, but
+the same purposes and ideals. They must have had what we should call a
+collective personality. It is more than probable that among the workers
+on the Parthenon were Alcamenes and Agoracritus, two sculptors who rose
+to great fame. It is certain that among the workers on the Erechtheum
+was Praxias, a pupil of Calamis, and probably a relative of Praxiteles.
+The distinction between artist and mason, so marked in our day, scarcely
+existed in Greece. The mason who had talent became a noted sculptor; and
+the sculptor, instead of making a model in wax or plaster, set to work,
+like Michelangelo, on the block of marble himself. Probably sometimes,
+like Benvenuto Cellini, he cast his own bronze statues.
+
+Generally in all great periods of art there is such fellowship. And in
+sculpture in particular the design and the execution are so closely
+connected that it is an abuse to assign the two functions to different
+men, and even to different classes of men. Greece was pre-eminently the
+land of productive guilds, of families of artists, of groups of workers
+who were of one heart and one spirit, and who therefore worked in one
+style. One of the closest parallels to a Greek school of sculpture is to
+be found in the group of Pre-Raphaelite artists of the middle of the
+last century, Morris, Burne-Jones, Rossetti, Millais, Collins, and their
+companions. This group had a religious or ideal starting-point in the
+revived Anglo-Catholicism which arose in Oxford at the time, and they
+had principles of art in common which they embodied in their work. Their
+paintings, before they diverged one from another, form a distinct
+species, and have an interest for the historian of civilization greater
+than that of any other English school.
+
+
+IX
+
+In order that we may estimate the influence of Greek art on the
+civilization of Europe, it is necessary briefly to trace its
+reappearances through the ages. Its first conquest was Rome. The
+victorious Roman Generals, Marcellus, Scipio, Flamininus, Mummius, and
+others, brought to the imperial city, to adorn their triumphs, an
+immense quantity of Greek sculpture and paintings, of which they robbed
+the great storehouses of works of art in the temples and stoae of
+Hellas, Sicily, and Asia Minor. The earlier Emperors, especially Nero,
+followed their example, so that in the time of Pliny the naturalist all
+the public places of Rome were crowded with sculptures of bronze and
+marble and with the painted masterpieces of great artists. It became
+fashionable for wealthy Romans, such as Hortensius and Cicero, to stock
+their country-houses with such works. Even so, the demand was not
+satisfied; and Greek artists were imported into Rome, where they set up
+great workshops, and poured out an incessant stream of fresh works of
+art. Of such our modern museums are full. Generally speaking they are of
+little artistic merit, copies of various degrees of excellence of the
+great works of earlier generations. For the Roman plutocrats had little
+taste. Because certain figures or groups had a great reputation, and
+especially because they had been purchased at a high price by Greek
+cities and kings, the Roman collector liked to have copies of them in
+his villa; and the artists who produced these copies were mere workers
+for hire, without originality and without aspirations. Sometimes when
+employed on such works as the Arch of Titus, or the Column of Trajan,
+the novelty of the theme stimulated the artist to attempt something of a
+more original kind. And occasionally the fire within took course and
+produced a finer work than ordinary. Under the art-loving Emperor
+Hadrian there was a sort of St. Martin's summer of sculpture; but its
+productions were smooth, elegant and refined rather than original or
+interesting. The charm of art was not appreciated by the Roman people;
+only the few who professed cultivation really cared whether a figure was
+good or bad, and even the few were a little ashamed of their
+preferences.
+
+Into the Roman Empire, in the first three centuries of our era,
+Christianity gradually ate its way. It originated among the Jews, to
+whom all representation of living things was hateful. And it developed
+under the influence of Greek oriental mysticism, which had no kinship
+with sculpture and painting; and so far as it had any expression in
+those arts worked in the direction of that symbolism against which Greek
+art was a protest. Thus we could not expect any fresh inspiration for
+art from early Christianity; on the contrary, Christianity would work
+upon it as a blighting influence. If we examine the remains of Christian
+art in those early centuries, in sarcophagus and mural painting, we find
+that it merely copied the contemporary pagan art, only changing the
+subjects portrayed, and introducing a further development in the
+symbolic interpretation of ordinary scenes.
+
+Christianity offered almost no field for the exercise of Greek
+anthropomorphism. The latter was closely bound up with polytheism and
+hero-worship. The Christian Apostles and Saints, who took the place of
+the pagan Deities, were men who had lived on the earth and whose deeds
+belonged not to mythology but to history, although at the time the line
+between history and mythology was not clearly drawn, and history was
+largely diluted with myth. A few impersonations of nature, such as
+river-gods, lingered on in the paintings of the Roman catacombs. And
+winged genii were common there, whether cupids or cherubs it would be
+hard to say. But there was no realm into which artistic fancy could
+stray, filling it with super-men and super-women. Angels might be
+portrayed; but they all came from the Jewish angelology; and there was
+no artistic tradition as to their types: it was only later that the
+types of Michael, Raphael, Gabriel, and others were distinguished.
+
+The second principle of Greek art, balance and symmetry, had almost
+disappeared in pagan art in the Antonine age. The reliefs of triumphal
+arches and of sarcophagi are crowded with figures inserted without order
+or method. Even the mural paintings of Pompeii have escaped from
+control; and show no purposeful arrangement. Law and order have given
+place to individual fancy, unless in cases where earlier schemes are
+adopted. And with artistic arrangement has disappeared all attempt to
+idealize, to produce forms nobler and more beautiful than those seen
+every day. The figure of Antinous is the latest in which we find any
+attempt to produce a type of ideal beauty. Even the Virgin Mary and her
+Son are depicted without any attempt to render them beautiful. Nor
+indeed does naturalism fare better than idealism. The representation of
+the human body is no longer studied. The figures are clothed: and the
+clothing is purely conventional, while the features of the landscape are
+far less carefully introduced than in Hellenistic Greek art.
+
+In fact one feels that the artist had little interest in his art. Scenes
+from the Old and the New Testament are the usual subjects. But the
+depiction is little more than picture-writing, mere copies of
+traditional groups. The only thing regarded as of any interest is the
+meaning. The ethical and spiritual point of view overlies and smothers
+any interest in the representation.
+
+And this predominance of the didactic element over the sense of
+proportion, the love of beauty, the appreciation of nature prevails more
+and more as Europe slowly moves towards the dark ages. The lamps of
+Greek art burn more and more dimly. They are never wholly extinguished;
+for in all ages there are born artists to whom they are the light of
+life; and in mediaeval carvings one finds here and there a touch of
+humanism, most often in grotesque or satyric figures. We must never
+forget that some of the later masterpieces of Greek work, such as the
+Column of Trajan and the Arch of Beneventum, were always to be seen. And
+little as they were appreciated by ordinary people, an artist here and
+there derived from them some appreciation of the beauty of humanity.
+
+Then in the thirteenth century the dry bones began to come together. The
+breath of fresh life stirred Europe, or at least parts of Europe, such
+as North Italy, Southern Germany, Eastern France. The magnificent Gothic
+Cathedrals rising in the north called forth the talent of the painter
+and the sculptor for their adornment. A great Christian art arose, and
+in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries flourished widely. Certain
+qualities of high art it certainly had. It was lighted by the lamp of
+fellowship. The sculpture was the work not of individuals, but of
+guilds, groups of workers of the same style, and inspired by the same
+motives. It attained to great beauty in decoration, in the adaptation to
+architectural purpose of the forms of plants and flowers. Where it was
+most defective was in the rendering of the human form, whether nude or
+draped, for in such matters the artists had no schooling to be compared
+with that of the Greeks.
+
+When the full Renaissance came with the dispersion of the educated
+Greeks through Europe, there was a conscious reawakening of the artistic
+influence of Greece, contemporaneously with the revived interest in
+Greek literature and philosophy. A few great works of ancient sculpture,
+the Laocoon, the Dying Gaul of the Capitol, the Apollo Belvedere were
+discovered; and collections of ancient gems and coins were formed by
+many of the wealthy. We can judge from the life of Benvenuto Cellini how
+profound was the effect produced by such discoveries. The great Italians
+of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries felt as if they had climbed out
+of darkness into light. To rival works of Greek art was looked upon as
+the highest ambition which an artist could cherish. Sculptors so great
+as Donatello and Michelangelo took the scanty remains of Greek
+masterpieces as their models, and measured their attainments by the
+degree of success which they reached in copying them. The lamps of Greek
+balance and symmetry, Greek idealism, and Greek naturalism were
+rekindled, and the crowd of artists vied one with another in walking by
+their light.
+
+We may mark four stages in the rediscovery of Greek sculpture. The first
+is the Italian Renaissance already mentioned. The second originated in
+the visit of Winckelmann to Italy in 1755, and the application by Goethe
+and Lessing of his discoveries to the judgement of contemporary art. It
+tended greatly to the raising and purifying of the artistic taste of
+Europe. The splendid promise of the Renaissance had degenerated into the
+mannerism and extravagance of Bernini and his contemporaries.
+Winckelmann called it back to simplicity, to self-restraint, to
+ideality. But before long this teaching also was perverted; and such
+sculptors as Thorwaldsen and Canova were misled by the defects of the
+inferior examples of Greek sculpture, which were the only ones
+accessible to Winckelmann, into a slavish copy of the antique or works
+of an artificial grand style. Then came the third wave of revived Greek
+influence, when the sculptures of the Parthenon found a home in London,
+and critics were able to observe how infinitely superior the
+masterpieces of a really great age were to the copies of Roman times and
+the adaptations of the Hellenistic age. When Haydon the painter first
+saw the Parthenon marbles he was immensely impressed; but that which
+struck him most strongly was not the ideality, for which they have since
+become proverbial, but the wonderful naturalism of much of their detail
+in contrast to the grandiose conventions of his contemporaries. The
+fourth stage in our knowledge of Greek sculpture comes from the very
+fruitful excavations on Greek soil, especially at Athens, Olympia, and
+Delphi, which have shown us how widely varied is the range of the
+ancient sculptors, how many their styles, how admirable their technique.
+This extension of our knowledge has not, it is true, as yet much
+affected contemporary art, as art was affected by the teachings of
+Winckelmann and the publishing of the marbles of the Parthenon. Until
+last year there was no book in English setting forth the results of the
+excavations of Delphi; and there is even now no book in English
+performing the same service for the excavations at Olympia. Sculptors
+are so little educated in the history of their craft, that they do not
+easily learn from new sources of knowledge. But by degrees, beyond
+doubt, the new views of Greek art will filter down to them. A few
+recently discovered sculptures, such as the Charioteer of Delphi, the
+Hermes of Praxiteles, the bronze head from Beneventum in the Louvre, the
+Demeter of Cnidus, have by their overpowering charm affected artists and
+art. And most sculptors profess a great admiration for Greek works,
+notably Rodin, who, although the tendency of his works is not in a
+classical direction, yet uses the strongest language in praising the
+Greek masterpieces. But in general the tendency of art towards extreme
+individualism and the search after novelty have more than counteracted
+the somewhat shallow admiration of sculptors for what is antique.
+
+
+X
+
+At present religion and culture alike are struggling against the waves
+of barbarism reinvading. It is not my business to speak here of the
+forces which are trying to crush religion among us. But I may fitly
+conclude by sketching some of the tendencies against which culture based
+upon that of Greece is our best antidote. If I have rightly set forth
+the principles of Greek literature and art in past pages, the nature of
+their influence under present conditions will be clear.
+
+I must venture on a parallel which seems to me very suggestive, though
+some readers may regard it as risky. There are two great standards set
+up in the past, to control the wayward fanaticisms of men, and to keep
+them within the bounds of reason and good sense. The standard in
+religion is set by the New Testament: the standard in art is set by
+Greece. As at the Renaissance the peoples of Europe went back for their
+inspiration and their models to the literature and the art of Hellas, so
+at the Reformation they, or at all events the Teutonic races, went back
+to the early records of Christianity, appealing to them against the
+venality and corruption of the dominant Church. And ever since, at
+intervals, there has arisen, alike in the field of culture and in that
+of religion, an echo of the appeal to the classical past. It is to the
+New Testament that Apostles like John Wesley and George Fox made their
+appeal, setting up in opposition to the conventions and worldliness of
+the Church in their times the spirituality and simplicity of the
+apostolic age, just as Goethe and Lessing turned men's minds from what
+was contrary to reason and good taste in their surroundings to Greek
+beauty and simplicity. And however some of the followers of Wesley and
+Fox may have gone beyond due bounds towards fanaticism, yet in every
+branch of the Christian Society the influence of those modern prophets
+has been renovating and purifying, just as the schools of critics which
+followed Goethe tended greatly to increase among us sweetness and light.
+
+In our schools and colleges, until quite lately, the religion of the New
+Testament and the tradition of the Greek and Roman Classics have gone
+together, the one preserving us from superstition and materialism in
+religion, the other making war upon the inherited barbarisms and
+brutalities which we have from our not very distant ancestors. The
+spirit of anarchy in religion would persuade us that there is no divine
+sanction for goodness and no eternal stamp on vice, that morality is a
+matter of convention which every society and every nation has a right to
+invert if it judges such inversion in the line of its interests. The
+spirit of anarchy in art proclaims that all the works of nature are
+equally beautiful or equally ugly, that nothing which exists is unfit to
+be represented in our galleries and public places, that so long as a
+picture or a statue arouses a sentiment it does not matter whether the
+sentiment be one of delight and aspiration or one of horror. If once the
+idea of beauty as the end to be aimed at be expelled from art, art sinks
+like a stone to the bottom of the sea. Some people are ready to tolerate
+any monstrosity in art, however remote from nature, however offensive
+to decency, however repugnant to humanity. The whole artistic
+inheritance of the race from the day when men began to climb out of
+barbarism is liable to be thrown away by an age which has unbounded
+confidence in its own wisdom.
+
+I should, however, be sorry to stop at this point, for I might leave on
+readers the impression that I am in favour of the mere imitation of
+works of Greek art. That is by no means my view. In the last century
+several sculptors, overpowered by the charm of the antique, produced
+statues which closely followed ancient patterns, such as the Hope and
+the Hebe of Thorwaldsen, some of the statues of Rauch and Schadow, and
+the tinted Venus of Gibson. Such works were necessarily stillborn; they
+had not in them any breath of the life of a new age, any attempt to
+conform to changed conditions. Very different was the following of the
+antique by Michelangelo. He admired with enthusiasm such works of the
+Greek chisel as he knew; but he produced not dull and academic
+reflections of them, but works of the most splendid originality and the
+greatest charm. He imbibed not the letter but the spirit of Greek art;
+and even succeeded better than most artists in combining that spirit
+with a breath of Christianity.
+
+The parallel which I have drawn may be carried farther. A reversion to
+the letter of the New Testament writers has been often attempted by
+considerable religious leaders of our time, especially Tolstoi and the
+Quakers. They have gone back to the injunctions of the Sermon on the
+Mount, and tried literally to abide by them. But it has become apparent
+to all but fanatics that such procedure would be fatal to civil
+government and civilized life. It is the spirit not the letter of the
+teaching of Jesus which is life-giving. In just the same way an
+acceptance of the mere externals of Greek art would not help us at all;
+but a revival of its spirit would be a great inspiration to modern
+artists. The lamps of Greek art will give light in any age. Greek
+idealism, Greek balance and measure, Greek love of what is natural and
+healthful, Greek simplicity and moderation are of the very essence of
+good art in all ages. We can no more revive the exact conditions under
+which art arose than we can import into England the clear air, the
+bright sun, the clear-cut shadows of the Greek landscape. But we can
+still look up to the philosophy, the poetry, and the art of Greece as
+classical, as a revelation of what is most pleasing and most enduring in
+human nature. And if we neglect them and reject them from the education
+of our children, we shall destroy what has been ever since the
+Renaissance the source of pure joy and refined feeling in the majority
+of cultured men; we shall make a great gap which material prosperity, a
+deeper knowledge of the secrets of nature, the invention of fresh modes
+of amusement, can never fill. And if we trust merely to the reflections
+of the Greek spirit in modern literature and art, we shall be acting as
+the Roman Church in its darker ages has acted, in shutting away from the
+people recourse to the primary documents of religion, and obliging them
+to be content with such interpretations of those documents as the ruling
+hierarchy judged to be useful. We must retain the right of appeal to our
+classical examples, whether in religion, in literature, or in art.
+Arnold was right. The Bible, Homer, Shakespeare, Greek art remain the
+stars by which we may direct our course over stormy seas.
+
+P. GARDNER.
+
+
+
+
+ARCHITECTURE
+
+
+Nobody has ever disputed the beauty of Greek Architecture. We recognize
+the justice of a description of the Parthenon as 'le suprême effort du
+génie à la poursuite du beau'; but the layman must sometimes ask himself
+what does it mean? Where did it come from, where did it go to, why is it
+thought so beautiful, how was it that this people relatively
+insignificant in power, in territory, and in numbers, was able to attain
+to this astonishing supremacy in art? These are questions not easily
+answered. The evidence is fragmentary and not always conclusive, the
+ruins of a few temples and buildings, a technical treatise by a
+garrulous third-rate writer in the first century A. D.,[125] the
+anecdotes of an indefatigable collector[126] a little later, the notes
+of a traveller in the second century,[127] and the materials collected
+by the patient research of scholars and archaeologists, pieced together
+on more or less ingenious hypotheses. Indeed, a great part of what is
+written on Greek Architecture is simply hypothesis. There is not much to
+go on, yet Greek Architecture (and by this I mean the architecture of
+the sixth and fifth centuries B. C.) remains one of the great
+outstanding facts in the history of the Architecture of the Western
+world, and the Art of the age of Pericles is the fountain-head to which
+artists still return.
+
+    [125] Vitruvius, _De Architectura_.
+
+    [126] Pliny the Elder, _Historia Naturalis_, xxxvi.
+
+    [127] Pausanias, Ἑλλαδος Περιηγησις {Hellados Periêgêsis}.
+
+Where that art sprang from, and how it grew, is largely a matter of
+speculation. There have been legends of civilizations wiped out in
+tremendous cataclysms that left no trace behind them. Vague suggestions
+are made that the cradle of the race was in Asia. All we know for
+certain is that the earliest civilizations of which actual historical
+evidence remains are those of Chaldea and Egypt, and that the art of
+these countries reached a high degree of attainment long before we come
+upon the earliest traces of art of any sort in Greece. That both these
+countries contributed in varying degrees to the art of Greece is
+certain, but that is not the whole of the story. As we shall see,
+another element comes into play, which made of that art almost a new
+creation, differing in outlook and ideal from any art that preceded it,
+stamped by the genius of a vigorous northern race with a character all
+its own. The art of the East and the art of the West never really fused.
+There is a difference in kind between the joyous vitality of pure Greek
+art, and the gloomy vision of Asia, with its craving for the vast and
+terrible, its sombre imagination, its lack of humanity and indifference
+to the individual.
+
+It is not, however, till far down in the progress of history that this
+differentiation asserts itself. Greek art is relatively a late
+development. The Great Pyramid at Ghizeh was built some 2,000 years
+before a stone was laid of the masonry of Mycenae. The Hall of Columns
+of Karnak, with its columns sixty feet high, was probably coeval with
+the Treasury of Atreus: in other words, when the art of Greece and of
+the islands was scarcely out of the barbaric stage, a wonderful art had
+been in existence across the Mediterranean from time immemorial. Both
+Egypt and Chaldea attained a high degree of civilization long before the
+Dorians were ever heard of. At some remote period the Egyptian influence
+penetrated to Crete and Cyprus, the islands of the Aegean, and the
+mainland of Greece; and the intermediaries were the Phoenicians, that
+enterprising race of merchant adventurers, whose home was in Syria, and
+whose fleets traversed the Mediterranean from East to West. The
+Phoenicians were traders and not artists. In Egypt they came into
+contact with a highly developed art, beyond their comprehension in its
+essential features, yet including details which could easily be
+apprehended by their quick commercial intelligence. Wherever they
+touched on their voyages, Cyprus, Crete, the southern islands of the
+Aegean, the mainland of Greece, the south of Italy, Sicily, Carthage,
+the Balearic islands, Spain in the far west, they probably carried with
+them, for trading purposes, minor articles of Egyptian workmanship which
+may have supplied hints to the indigenous peoples. Where they
+established settlements, they reproduced what they could recollect of
+the methods of Egyptian architecture, possessing at second-hand a
+knowledge of technical methods in advance of anything within the
+knowledge of the people among whom they settled. Rudimentary
+anticipations of the Ionic volute are found in Phoenician capitals,
+vague reminiscences of what the traders had seen in Egypt and elsewhere.
+Moreover, the Phoenicians, who possessed the skill of sailors in the use
+of tackle, would have had little difficulty in handling large stones set
+dry in more or less regular courses, which was a characteristic feature
+of Cretan and Mycenaean building. It is too soon to describe the work as
+architecture. It is doubtful if the Phoenicians possessed any aptitude
+for the arts. Their rôle was that of intermediaries only.
+
+Obscure as was the part played by the Phoenicians in the early origins
+of art in Greece and the islands, there was another channel through
+which Eastern influences came to bear on its development, which is even
+more uncertain. To the west of Chaldea and north of Syria, dwelt a race
+of which little is known, the Hittites. Carchemish, their capital, was
+on the upper Euphrates, north-east of Antioch, and their power appears
+to have extended westward through Asia Minor to the shores of the
+Aegean. Dr. Sayce says that in the thirteenth century B. C. it extended
+from 'the banks of the Euphrates to the shores of the Aegean, including
+both the cultured Semites of Syria and the rude barbarians of the Greek
+Seas', he even says that the Hittites 'brought the civilization of the
+East to the barbarous tribes of the distant West'. What actually remains
+of Hittite art hardly bears out this statement. When the Hittite power
+was at its height, Minoan 'art' had long been practised in Crete, and
+according to the most popular chronology, had already passed its prime
+and given way to the art of Mycenae and Tiryns. The scanty evidence of
+Hittite art consists of bas-reliefs of figures and animals cut on the
+face of rocks along the natural caravan routes through Asia Minor from
+East to West. This and the evidence of seals and engraved gems show that
+Hittite art was derived first from Chaldea, later from Egypt. It
+undoubtedly exercised some influence on the art of the early Greek
+settlers on the eastern side of the Aegean, and gave it an Asiatic cast,
+which it never lost throughout all its later developments. For the
+Greeks of Asia Minor never really understood the austere ideal of Doric
+art. Ionian art crossed westward to Greece, but the Dorian never went
+east. It was the art of a strong northern race, that found no place for
+itself among the softer peoples of Asia Minor.
+
+At this point we can take up the first rudimentary beginnings of Greek
+art. The discoveries of the last forty years have proved the existence
+in Crete and Cyprus, Southern Greece, and the islands of the Aegean, of
+an archaic art of obscure origin, of very great interest, and of
+remarkable attainment in certain directions, long before the earliest
+beginnings of what we mean when we speak of Greek architecture. So far
+as architecture is concerned, this archaic art is of relatively minor
+importance. It plays a small part, if any, in subsequent developments,
+and though enthusiastic explorers claim to find in it anticipations of
+the details of modern domestic architecture, the evidence produced is
+unconvincing. Great movements in the arts always owe some debt to the
+periods that have preceded them, but Minoan and Mycenaean art, at any
+rate in regard to architecture, was rather the last word of a decaying
+civilization than the first herald of the glorious art of Greece in the
+sixth and fifth centuries B. C. We are still far back in remote ages,
+remote that is so far as Greek art is concerned, anywhere between 2000
+and 1000 B. C. or even earlier,[128] back in the Minoan age of Crete
+with its rudimentary architecture, and its relatively high excellence in
+the crafts, and in the age of Mycenae and Tiryns, the age that produced
+the Lion Gate at Mycenae, and that strange half-barbaric work, if I may
+be pardoned the term, the Treasury of Atreus. It is worth pausing to
+consider these archaic buildings, not so much to show a relationship to
+later work (which scarcely existed), as to call attention to the fact
+that the Minoan and Mycenaean builders were moving unconsciously in a
+direction that would never have led to the column and lintel
+architecture of the seventh and sixth centuries B. C. It might have led
+to some form of dome construction, it could never have led to the Doric
+of the Sicilian temples. No stronger evidence of the genius of the
+Dorian invaders could be produced than that, with this unpromising art
+in possession, they were yet able in the course of three or four
+centuries to create Greek architecture. The design of the Lion Gate is a
+strange jumble of ill-adjusted motives. It is set in a wall of great
+stones roughly squared and laid dry. Two monolith jambs support a huge
+lintel, cambered in the middle like the tie-beams of our
+sixteenth-century roofs. Above the lintel the courses are gathered over,
+leaving between their lower faces and the top of the lintel a
+triangular space of a steep pitch (about 60°), in which was inserted a
+frontispiece carved on a single stone representing two lions standing up
+on either side of an archaic column supporting a fragment of a
+rudimentary architrave.[129] The heraldic pose of the lions and the
+technique of their sculpture, so suggestive of Assyrian reliefs with
+their splendid sense of muscular form and energy, are far ahead of an
+architecture that is still barbaric, scarcely architecture at all. There
+is here nothing to suggest the Doric of Paestum and Selinus, much to
+recall the megalithic buildings of Syria, and the sculpture of the
+farther East.
+
+    [128] Sir Arthur Evans has drawn up an ingenious chronology of Early
+    Minoan (2800-2200 B. C.), Middle Minoan (2200-1700 B. C.), and Late
+    Minoan (1700-1200 B. C.). The evidence is almost entirely that of
+    pottery discovered on the site. The whole question of the relations
+    of Minoan to Mycenaean art, and of this archaic art to the earlier
+    civilizations of Egypt and Chaldea, is very obscure and uncertain.
+
+    [129] The heraldic treatment of the lions is of Eastern origin. The
+    Greeks had a tradition that the chieftains of Mycenae came from
+    Lydia.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 1. LION GATE, MYCENAE]
+
+The Treasury of Atreus is still more remarkable, not only because it
+shows more skill in building, but because its design is based on a
+structural motive which seems to have been wholly abandoned by the
+successors of the Mycenaean builders. The Treasury of Atreus (or Tomb of
+Agamemnon) was excavated in a hill, and consists of a long passage about
+120 ft. by 21 ft. wide, with retaining walls of megalithic masonry on
+either side, terminating in a great entrance doorway. This doorway is
+flanked on either side by columns tapering downwards, and decorated with
+chevrons in a manner very similar to Norman work of the eleventh
+century, and apparently intended solely for ornament.[130] The entrance
+opened into a circular domed chamber about 48 ft. 6 in. in diameter, 45
+ft. 4 in. high, out of which opened another smaller chamber. The dome,
+in section, is built on the curve of a parabola, formed with courses
+projecting over one another, and not set out radial to the curve of the
+dome--in other words it is not a true dome or arch, but a succession of
+corbels. The internal face of the dome is dressed down, and was covered
+with ornament of some sort, whether metal rosettes, or enamelled
+terra-cotta, or wholly in metal, possibly the famous gold of Mycenae, is
+not known. The whole of this chamber was covered in with a mound of
+earth, in accordance with the primitive custom of concealing the
+chieftain's grave. It is impossible to find, in this extremely
+interesting monument or in the domed chamber of Orchomenos in Boeotia,
+any trace of future developments in Greek architecture. Both in
+intention and in its psychological background it seems almost as remote
+from the Doric Temple as the Great Pyramid itself. In point of fact
+architecture was still in a rudimentary stage. It has been proved
+abundantly that Architecture comes late in the sequence of the Arts.
+People could draw well, long before they could design. Among the
+cavemen, for example, there were admirable draughtsmen, but they had to
+make their drawings on the sides of caves. That there existed in the
+Minoan and Mycenaean ages skilful potters and metal-workers, is shown by
+the vases of Knossos and the gold cups found at Vaphio near Sparta; that
+they built habitable buildings and decorated them to the best of their
+ability is also proved, as, for example, the palace of Tiryns, but it
+has not yet been shown that their builders reached the degree of skilled
+design, at which building becomes architecture. Architecture had not yet
+found itself in Greece.
+
+    [130] Portions of these columns are now in the British Museum.
+
+Then somewhere about 1000 B. C. came the Dorian invasions, and the art
+of Crete and Mycenae vanished into space--possibly the legend was right
+which said that the conquered people of the mainland carried it away
+with them to Asia. Anyhow, the three or four centuries following the
+Dorian invasions are a blank which future research may fill out for us,
+and so far as art is concerned, there appears to have been a _détente_,
+during which the new race was settling down to its conquest, finding
+itself, and assimilating something at any rate of the older
+civilization. The survival of such buildings as the Treasury of Atreus
+show that the Dorians were not simple barbarians, destroying all that
+came in their way. Even Sparta in its earlier days was not a mere
+military machine. Discoveries made in 1906-9 suggest that from the ninth
+to the seventh centuries B. C. Sparta had some sort of an art of its own
+showing traces of Asiatic influence in its pottery--a little later
+Sparta concluded an alliance with Croesus, King of Lydia, and Bathycles,
+an artist of Magnesia in Ionia, was treated with honour in Sparta. The
+Dorians were something more than fighters, they seem to have possessed
+some sort of civilization, and to have been endowed with a natural
+capacity for the arts, which after two or three centuries of experiment
+will find its own splendid expression within very definite and original
+lines. The legend of the return of the Heracleidae was to be justified
+by their later history. No merely imitative race could have evolved the
+perfect manner of the great Doric temples from the scraps of Egypt and
+the East, and the rudimentary buildings of Crete and Mycenae.
+
+Greek architecture for the purpose of this study is Dorian architecture,
+and its elements are simple. It was evolved in the design of their
+temples, and with the exception of their theatres it was summed up in
+these temples. From the period during which Greek architecture was being
+built up to its maturity, say from the seventh century B. C. to the
+completion of the Parthenon in the fifth century B. C., the whole life
+of the Greek was coloured and dominated by his religion and its
+observances; and his religion was not the sinister mystery of Egypt, but
+on the whole a cheerful open-air Pantheism that gloried in the life and
+beauty of the visible world in which he lived. He himself was content to
+live in a poor house, so long as he had his market-place, his ceremonial
+theatre, and the glorious temples of his Gods. Moreover, to whatever
+depths the Athenians may have sunk in the time of St. Paul, in the
+heroic days of Pericles they were remarkable for constancy of purpose
+and the steadfastness of their ideals. They stood on the ancient ways,
+and it never occurred to them to abandon the tradition of their fathers,
+their business was to carry it forward to perfection. The result was
+that the architecture of their temples proceeded on lines that long use
+had made sacrosanct; and its technique is summed up in the history of
+two orders, the Doric and the Ionic.[131]
+
+    [131] The order, I may say for the uninitiated, means the complete
+    ordonnance of the column, the architrave resting immediately on its
+    capital, the frieze and the cornice. It is the final expression of
+    the simple device of the post and lintel, of the beam resting on the
+    heads of two or more posts; and there is little doubt that in its
+    ultimate origin, the Order is the translation into stone of the
+    details of a rudimentary wooden construction.
+
+Now, the order, its character, dimensions and disposition, with the wall
+of the Cella (or enclosed shrine) within the colonnade, summed up the
+elements, the vocabulary, if one may so put it, of Greek architecture;
+and we come here at the outset on a curious quality of the Greek genius,
+and one that differentiates it from the Roman. The properties of wood
+and stone as materials are clearly different, things can be done with
+the one which are impossible with the other; but the Greeks either did
+not realize this or did not trouble their heads about it. They found
+that the post and lintel was a simple means of building, and they
+adopted it as their permanent method of construction. If the span became
+too wide, they thickened the posts (the columns of Paestum are 7 ft. in
+diameter) and increased the strength of the beam (the architrave). Hence
+the vast solidity of the Doric order of the temples of Sicily and Magna
+Graecia. The Greek was incurious about construction _qua_ construction.
+He found, in the column and the lintel, means perfectly adequate to
+realize his ideal of high unalterable beauty, and he was content. The
+Romans, who for a time were satisfied with these simple methods, became
+impatient of the constructive limitation of the post and lintel. They
+wanted to cover in great spaces, and to leave the floor unencumbered;
+and concentrating on this they arrived at the arch, the vault, and the
+dome, and so became the greatest builders of the world. To them, the
+orders were a mere appanage of decoration, which they never properly
+appreciated, of which they mistook the intention, adopted the worst
+elements, and often enough made a gross misuse. The Greeks took another
+line. They adopted the column and lintel once for all as the only
+possible method of construction, and devoted all their labours to the
+incessant refinement of this type, eliminating the unessential, arriving
+by constant selection at the most perfect expression of their purpose,
+and their purpose was not that of the Roman and the modern architect,
+mainly utilitarian, it was directed entirely to the aesthetic appeal,
+the appeal to the emotions through beauty of line, of form, and in a
+less degree of colour. 'The whole fabric of Greek art goes to pieces
+when it is brought into contact with a purely utilitarian nation like
+Rome.'[132]
+
+    [132] _Hellenistic Sculpture_, by Guy Dickins, p. 85. The author,
+    who wrote with something of the insight of the artist as well as the
+    accurate knowledge of the scholar, died of wounds, on the Somme, in
+    1916.
+
+Of the two orders, the Doric and the Ionic, the Doric seems to me the
+purest embodiment of the true Greek spirit, in its faultless form, and
+its austere restraint and rejection of the unessential. It was,
+moreover, the order _par excellence_ of the Greek temple of the
+mainland. The Erechtheum was the only Ionic temple of first-rate
+importance in Greece, and the employment of the Ionic order in Greece
+was confined to interiors and minor buildings. As for the Corinthian
+order, the favourite order of the Romans, it was scarcely recognized by
+the Greeks. In all their great temples, in Greece, in Sicily, and Magna
+Graecia, they used the Doric order.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 2. TEMPLE OF NEPTUNE AT PAESTUM]
+
+How this order was arrived at we do not really know. Ingenious
+conjectures have been made as to its origin in wooden construction,
+and though some of these conjectures are more probable than others they
+leave us pretty well where we were in regard to the stages by which it
+reached its final form. It has been suggested that the Doric column
+originated in the wooden post of the earliest temples, such as are
+supposed to have existed in the Heraion at Olympia. The square post
+would have its angles taken off, and become an octagon, and the further
+elimination of the angles would gradually produce a form nearly circular
+in plan, in which the arrises of the chamfered angles would remain, and
+this might easily suggest to artists so sensitive as the Greeks, their
+further refinement and definition by a slight hollow between the arrises
+which would constitute the flutings of the Doric column. Its derivations
+from the Minoan and Mycenaean columns seems most improbable. There are
+two essential parts in the Doric column, the shaft and the capital (the
+Greeks did not use any base for this order). The Minoan columns taper
+downwards instead of upwards, an utterly unconstructional form, and
+though in the palace of Knossos and at Tiryns columns of this shape
+appear to have been used to carry lintels, the stone columns on either
+side of the entrance to the Treasury of Atreus at Mycenae were used for
+decorative and not for structural purposes. On the other hand columns of
+great massiveness tapering upwards had been used long before in Egypt;
+and though there is evidence against it, it still seems probable that
+the suggestion of the shaft of the Doric column may have come from
+Egypt. We first find it in Greece in the seventh century B. C. at the
+period when Psammetichus I (671-617 B. C.) opened Egypt to Greek trade
+and settlement. The Greek colony of Naukratis on the west side of the
+Nile delta was founded by Milesians about 650 B. C. and by the middle of
+the sixth century B. C. definite trade relations were established
+between Naukratis and the mainland of Greece. The Greek settlement at
+Daphnae on the eastern arm of the Nile appears to have been founded at
+about the same time as Naukratis, in both cases with the sanction and
+encouragement of the Egyptian king. The earliest Doric temples in
+Greece, Sicily, and Magna Graecia date from the end of the seventh
+century and early part of the sixth century. The nearness of date makes
+it probable that the shaft of the Doric order had its origin in the
+Egyptian column seen by some quick-witted Greek when trading in Egypt.
+When we come to the capital of the column, the rôles seem to be
+reversed, for we find nothing in Egyptian architecture to suggest the
+echinus moulding under the square abacus of the Doric column; whereas
+the Mycenaean column had a rudimentary capital which may have suggested
+the idea of the Doric capital. But the notable thing about it is that
+when we first come across the Doric capital in Sicily and Greece, it is
+already far in advance of anything that had gone before it in Greece,
+and it is quite different from the columns of Egypt. In the Doric temple
+of Corinth (650-600 B. C.) the columns have already reached the type
+form, the tapered shaft with its entasis or slight convex curvature in
+outline, its massive solidity (the ratio is one of diameter to four and
+a quarter of height), and the bold parabolic curve of the echinus
+moulding under the abacus of its cap. In this form, the Doric column was
+an absolutely fresh note in architecture. Archaic though they were,
+these columns at Corinth show that the Greeks were already on the track
+of those refinements of form, those optical corrections and
+compensations, which differentiate Greek architecture from that of any
+other race. The exaggeration in the entasis of the archaic column
+disappears, its tapering was diminished, its height increased, and the
+overhang of the capitals reduced, till in the Theseion (465 B. C.) and
+the Parthenon (450-438 B. C.) we reach the final inimitable type. The
+column, which at Paestum was not much over four times the height of its
+correct diameter, is now over five times, the great overhanging
+capitals are reduced to reasonable dimensions, the depth of the
+entablature is diminished, the axis of the column is slightly inclined
+inwards to give the impression of stability, the shafts have the slight
+curve or 'entasis' just sufficiently marked to prevent the outline of
+the column looking incurved; the lines of the stylobate, or continuous
+base, on which the columns stand, and the entablature which they carry,
+have a slight rise toward the centre in order to correct the impression
+of the lines sinking in the middle; the columns at the angles are
+thickened, because standing free with the light all round them they
+would otherwise appear smaller than the columns standing against the
+background of the building. Nothing was left to chance; every aspect of
+the building, the relation of every part to the whole, and of the whole
+to its part, was studied profoundly, so that there should be no failure
+in its perfect harmony. Except in Egyptian architecture, and there to a
+much smaller extent, nothing like this had been done before. What the
+Greeks did, was to formulate a rhythmical architecture, in which each
+part stood in a definite and considered relation to the whole, so that
+even in their ruined state these Doric temples give an irresistible
+impression of a great idea, a great architectural epic, in which each
+detail, however beautiful, was subordinated to the unity of the
+conception as a whole. It is this abstract quality which lifts Greek
+Doric so far above the ambitious art of later ages, and indeed above all
+but the very finest work of any period of architecture.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 3. DORIC TEMPLE, CORINTH]
+
+Many attempts have been made to discover the secret of this wonderful
+perfection of proportion. That the Greeks had a system of their own,
+that they worked to definite ratios of dimension and number, and
+employed graphic methods of determining their proportions, such as the
+use of triangles and the like to determine the limits of their designs,
+seems certain. But no contemporary account of any such system remains;
+and all the explanations that are given are _ex post facto_, made by
+theorists analysing existing buildings, not by architects designing new
+ones. Some four or five hundred years later Vitruvius compiled a
+treatise on architecture, in which, following the doctrines of the
+school of Alexandria, he expounded a Greek theory of proportion on the
+basis of the human figure. Vitruvius is obscure, and does not seem to
+have been certain himself whether the proportion of the parts of a
+design were to bear a relation to the whole, analogous to that of
+members of a human body to the body as a whole, or whether the
+proportions of the order were to be taken from the actual proportions of
+the human body; and he complicates the position by reference to the
+'perfect numbers' of the Greeks. But here again he was uncertain whether
+the 'perfect number' was ten or six. After which, and having, in his
+reference to the human figure as the canon of proportion, unwittingly
+set a trap for the scholars and artists of the Renaissance, he drops the
+subject and digresses into a general classification of temples, with
+formal rules for the placing and dimensions of columns, which have
+formed the staple of treatises on classical architecture ever since. One
+should speak with gratitude of the labours of Vitruvius, because, after
+all, his is the only technical treatise left us on the subject; but he
+applied to the pure Greek temples a system evolved centuries later by
+critics and theorists; he was thinking chiefly of Roman versions of
+Greek architecture, and he was more interested in technical rules and
+precepts for the use of architects than in that abstract beauty which
+was all the Greek cared for. No classification, however laborious, will
+reach the mystery of Greek architecture. Its beauty is too subtle to be
+reduced to any formula.
+
+The Doric order reigned supreme throughout the great period from the
+sixth till the end of the fifth century B. C. It failed with the failure
+of the high ideals of Athens. Other forces came into play to which it no
+longer responded, and later Greek critics even found fault with the
+Doric order for certain 'mendosae et inconvenientes symmetriae';[133]
+but that order, the true symbol of the sons of Heracles, was one of the
+most momentous contributions ever made to the art of architecture. It
+was the keynote of Greek architecture throughout its finest period.
+Later it was superseded by the Ionic order, and when Rome became
+paramount in the western world, that, in its turn, yielded its place of
+pride to the Corinthian order, opulent, luxurious, a little vulgar, a
+true register of the lowering of the sense and standard of beauty that
+followed the downfall of Athens.
+
+    [133] _Vitruvius_, iii. 1. The difficulty was, that if the triglyph
+    was placed on the angle of the building (the practice of the Greeks)
+    and the next triglyph was placed over the axis of the column, the
+    metope (or panel) between these two triglyphs would be larger than
+    the metopes between the triglyphs axial over the other columns. The
+    Greeks solved it by reducing the width of the end intercolumniation,
+    but later critics disliked this, and solved it by removing the end
+    triglyph from the angle and placing it axial over the end column.
+
+Meanwhile, on the other side of the Aegean, the Ionic order was reaching
+its perfect form through a similar process of systematic thought on a
+type definitely adopted. The Greek colonies in Asia Minor were of very
+early origin. Legend attributed their foundation to the earlier
+inhabitants of Greece, driven out by the Dorians. By the sixth century
+B. C. the Greek colonies were well established on the west and
+south-west coasts of Asia Minor, and had evolved their own
+characteristic architectural idiom in the Ionic order and its column,
+more slender than the Doric, with its moulded base and its strange
+characteristic capital, unsuitable from the constructional point of view
+in stone or marble, yet ultimately attaining the exquisite beauty of
+line and modelling of the capitals of the Erechtheion at Athens. Two
+things seem fairly certain as to the origin of this capital; first, that
+it was derived from the wooden horizontal head-pieces fixed on posts to
+reduce the bearing of the primitive wooden lintels; and, secondly, that
+the first suggestion of the volute reached the Ionian Greeks from the
+East. A crude anticipation of the volute is found in Phoenician work,
+and it also appears on a Hittite relief at Boghaz Keui in the middle of
+Asia Minor. Its origin in either case was oriental, and we have here the
+other motive in Greek architecture, Eastern, at any rate exotic, and, as
+compared with Doric, almost alien to the true Greek genius. Yet this
+astonishing people gave it a form as far removed from its barbarous
+originals, as the Doric capitals of the Parthenon from the capitals of
+the columns of Mycenae, and when the Greeks of both sides of the Aegean
+drew together after the defeat of the Persians, the Ionic order crossed
+the sea, and assumed a place of honour in the temples of Greece, still,
+however, with rare exceptions, in subordination to the Doric order. In
+the colonies in Asia Minor, the supremacy of the Ionic order had long
+been recognized. The Ionic temple of Hera at Samos, 368 ft. long by 178
+ft. wide, is supposed to have been built at the end of the sixth or
+early in the fifth century B. C., and this was the forerunner of the
+great fourth-century temples of Ionia, built when Architecture had
+changed its direction and Hellenistic Art was beginning its adventurous
+career.
+
+With these two orders as the terms and idioms of expression the Greeks
+built up the architecture of their temples. Their plans were the
+simplest possible. The rudimentary type was a simple chamber or cella,
+with a loggia open to the air except for two columns standing between
+the two extremities of the side walls, which terminated in pilasters
+known as 'antae'.[134] The next stage was to bring the colonnade
+forward,[135] stage number three repeated the column at the other end of
+the building,[136] stage number four continued the colonnade along the
+sides,[137] stage number five doubled the colonnade on all four
+sides,[138] and stage number six retained the outer rows of columns but
+omitted the inner row along the sides, leaving a wide passage-way all
+round the main building.[139] Vitruvius gives a further classification
+by the spacing of columns which will be found in all the handbooks of
+classic architecture. With minor variations in detail, these types
+remained constant for the temples of Greece and Rome. The principal
+alterations occurred in the extension of the temple proper, at the
+expense of the surrounding colonnade. In the Archaic temples, such as
+the older temples of Selinus in Sicily (sixth century B. C.), the
+portico and colonnade occupy three-quarters of the site. In the temple
+of Hephaestus (Theseion) at Athens (fifth century B. C.) the cella
+occupies only a little more than half the total area, and in the
+Parthenon, built some twenty years later, the size of the cella is still
+further increased. Most of these temples were covered in. Hypaethral
+temples, in which the cella was open to the sky, are mentioned by
+Vitruvius, and it is probable that some of the larger ones at any rate
+were partly open to the sky. But how the openings were arranged is
+almost entirely a matter of conjecture. The roof used was of a very flat
+pitch, one of height to four of base, later it was even flatter, and
+this dictated the slope of the pediments. This roof covered the whole of
+the building, that is, both the cella and the colonnades on either side
+of it, and as the Greeks were ignorant of the principle of the
+triangulated truss built up of beams in compression and tension, they
+were at a loss to know how to carry their roof without pushing out their
+walls. Hence the great solidity of their buildings, and the rather
+clumsy expedient of the colonnades in the interiors of temples which
+appear to have been the only means they could think of to carry the
+roof. One has to bear it in mind in thinking of Greek architecture, that
+the Greeks were not constructors in the sense that the Romans were; they
+built well, and the best of their masonry was extraordinarily
+skilful--only by unusual skill in the cutting and setting of stone could
+they have carried out the delicate curves in the columns and other parts
+of their buildings--but construction, in the sense of the invention of
+new methods to meet difficult conditions, did not interest the Greek,
+and one cannot help thinking that the Greeks may have been more
+successful with the outside of their buildings than with the inside. It
+seems clear that they devoted most of their attention to the external
+elevations. It is not really known for certain how they lit their
+temples, though of course all sorts of suggestions of top-lighting have
+been made. It is possible that in some cases they were lit only from the
+principal entrance, and it is certain that the Greek did not want for
+the interior of his temple any such floods of light as are necessary
+under our northern skies. In the first place, he enjoyed a most
+brilliant and penetrating light, so that within his colonnades reflected
+light was amply sufficient to show the friezes and other ornaments, and
+he did not hesitate to use strong primary colours to heighten and
+explain their effect, wherever he found it necessary. In the second
+place, within the shrine itself, other considerations came into play. A
+certain luminous atmosphere, rather than positive light was what was
+aimed at, and the deep shadows of these internal colonnades might have
+helped this effect, adding to the mystery of the figure of the God.
+
+    [134] Vitruvius gives this as the 'aedes in antis'.
+
+    [135] Pro-style (colonnade in front).
+
+    [136] Amphipro-style (colonnade at both ends).
+
+    [137] Peripteral (single colonnade all round).
+
+    [138] Dipteral (double colonnade all round).
+
+    [139] Pseudo-dipteral (inner row of columns omitted).
+
+This, too, may be the explanation of what must strike an architect as an
+anomaly of design, the Greek habit of placing enormous figures in the
+interior of their temples. The Greek, in his own way, was a very
+religious man. In his temple, he was doing his utmost to set forth the
+majesty of his God, and if it was necessary for this purpose he was even
+prepared to sacrifice his principles as an artist, to ignore the scale
+of his interior and the rhythmic harmony of his design, by the
+introduction of gigantic figures. The eye judges by what it knows, and
+the readiest way of arriving at some idea of the size of a building or a
+monument is by relating it to the normal size of the human figure.
+Vitruvius, in his confused way, suggested that the human figure was the
+canon and standard of architectural design, but how is it possible to
+determine the scale of a building which contained a figure at least six
+times the size of a man, reaching from the floor to the roof? The
+chryselephantine figure of Zeus at Olympia, made by Pheidias, is
+supposed to have been some thirty-five feet high, and to have reached
+nearly to the roof, passing the double tier of columns and the gallery
+above the aisles of the cella. Moreover, this god was represented as
+seated on his throne, so that by no possibility could it have been in
+scale with the building so far as the architecture was concerned. Even
+the gigantic temple of Zeus at Agrigentum with its external columns 61
+ft. 9 in. in height, and large enough for a man to stand within one of
+the flutings of the columns, could hardly have stood up to figures on
+such a scale as this. Such a violent contrast in scale broke the
+principle of συμμετρια {symmetria}, that strict relation of the part to
+the whole which the Greek artists maintained elsewhere with scrupulous
+care. Artists with such a consummate sense of proportion as the Greeks
+possessed would hardly have made a mistake here, and the conclusion one
+comes to is that where their religion was in question, everything had to
+give way. Indeed, one can imagine the tremendous effect of this colossal
+figure seen dimly in the half-light of the cella, filling the whole
+temple with its presence. The same anomaly in scale occurred in the
+Akropolis at Athens, where the vast figure of Athene Promachos must have
+reduced the beautiful Caryatides of the Erechtheum to insignificance. M.
+Choisy makes a gallant effort to show that this want of relationship in
+scale, and also in the siting of the temples, was deliberate and
+considered. As a fact, the general rule that seems to have been observed
+in the time of Pericles was that new temples should always be built on
+the site of the older ones,[140] but axis lines were neglected, and even
+the masses of the Propylaea, beautiful building as it must have been,
+did not balance. The Akropolis was just a collection of unrelated
+buildings, and in the great Temenos of Delphi the various monuments were
+all anyhow.[141] The Sacred Way meandered about like an S, and the only
+method it observed was to clear the various treasuries and shrines which
+appear to have been scattered about within the enclosure, with a
+disregard of each other little less than brutal--a rather suggestive
+symbol of the internecine rivalry of the small Greek states. At Delphi,
+also, there was a huge figure of Apollo Sitalkas said to have been
+seventeen metres high, which must have been hopelessly out of scale. The
+fact was that Greek architects of the fifth century had not yet arrived
+at the conception of the city as a whole. They had an admirable eye for
+a site, for example, the position of the Parthenon itself, and the
+temple of Hera Lacinia at Agrigentum placed high above the sea, but it
+is unhistorical to invest even the architects of the Parthenon and the
+Propylaea with a knowledge and outlook which was not thought of till a
+hundred years later. Even the Greek architects and sculptors of the
+fifth century B. C. were not omniscient, yet within their limits, in
+their mastery of what they set themselves to do, the artists of the age
+of Pericles remain unapproachable, and theirs was the Golden Age of
+Architecture. They had fixed for all time essential elements of the art,
+and had set up a standard of attainment in pure form which no subsequent
+architecture has ever been able to reach.
+
+    [140] The Erechtheum was an exception.
+
+    [141] See _Delphi_, by Dr. Frederick Poulsen, p. 52. It is suggested
+    that the Sacred Way was in existence before the shrines were built,
+    and that its wanderings were necessitated by the gradients of the
+    hillside. No sort of attempt, however, seems to have been made to
+    correct this, or to treat it as an element of design.
+
+The fall of Athens closed this splendid chapter, but Greek
+architecture was by no means done with. The Silver Age, the Hellenistic
+art that followed, is of intense interest. With the rise of the
+Macedonian monarchy the stage of history shifted from the mainland to
+the Ionian colonies on the coast of Asia Minor. Cities such as Ephesus
+and Miletus became immensely prosperous, Mausolus of Halicarnassus, the
+Attalids of Pergamon, possessed wealth that would have been unimaginable
+to the Greeks of Marathon. The City State, fighting desperately for its
+existence, inspired by high ideals of patriotism and religion, was a
+thing of the past. These Greeks of Ionia were well content to enjoy the
+comfort and prosperity of a settled civilization without having to fight
+for it; and the whole atmosphere of their existence must have been
+different from the strenuous life of Greece in the fifth century.
+Moreover, the Ionian Greek, influenced, even if subconsciously, by the
+spirit of Asia, was by temperament unable to maintain the intellectual
+level of the Doric architecture of the mainland; and a difference
+appears in the whole orientation of art, in sculpture perhaps even more
+than in architecture. The history of Hellenistic art has yet to be
+written. It has been described as decadent, and it was undoubtedly
+responsible for some very poor stuff, but it also produced the 'Victory'
+of Samothrace, one of the finest things ever done in sculpture, and some
+very remarkable developments in architecture. It is not to be judged by
+the standards of the art that preceded it. The Ionian Greek of the
+fourth and third centuries B. C. broke away from the tradition of the
+mainland, a tradition always rather alien to his instincts. His interest
+lay less in a somewhat impersonal religion than in the assertion of his
+own individuality. He did not understand the lofty patriotism, and the
+high ideal of abstract beauty that had inspired Pericles and his artists
+in the Akropolis; indeed, there is a curiously modern feeling about much
+of his work, which became more marked as he came under the dominance of
+Rome. The individualism, the realism, the revivalism, and the
+commercialism of modern art, were all anticipated by the Hellenistic
+artists of Ionia, of Rhodes, of Alexandria, and of Athens itself in the
+Roman period. Civilization was becoming more complex, and one finds this
+reflected in Hellenistic art, at once more florid than the Doric of the
+fourth century, yet also more skilful in its handling of complicated
+problems of planning and design. No one wanted archaic simplicity when
+the wealth of Asia was flowing into the treasuries of the Ionian states,
+and the expression of this opulent ease is found in their magnificent
+temples, such as the third temple of Artemis at Ephesus, of which the
+outer colonnade measured 342 ft. 6 in. by 163 ft. 9 in., or the vast
+temple of Apollo Didymaeus at Miletus, 165 ft. wide by 360 ft. long out
+to out of the colonnades; or the amazing monument of Mausolus of Caria
+at Halicarnassus, or the great altar of Pergamon. Fragments of the
+columns of the Temple of Artemis, now in the British Museum, tell of its
+size and richness, they also give the first hint of the downfall of art
+and civilization which was to follow centuries later. The Greeks of the
+great period had kept the structural parts of their building free of
+ornament. It would never have occurred to them to interfere with the
+lines of the column in any way that would contradict its purpose; but
+the Greek architects of Ephesus not only placed their columns on
+pedestals (making them so far less stable in appearance), but they
+adorned the lower part of their Ionic columns with figures, of admirable
+execution, but perfectly inappropriate in the position they occupy. One
+cannot imagine Pheidias making a mistake such as this. Splendid in
+execution as Hellenistic sculpture often was, it won its place at the
+expense of architecture; one looks in vain for that selection and
+restraint which give its undying distinction to the earlier work.
+
+[Illustration: Fig. 4. TEMPLE OF THESEUS, ATHENS]
+
+The Greeks of the fifth century realized that architecture is an art
+with a definite purpose other than that of a mere vehicle for sculpture,
+and that it makes its aesthetic appeal by its own inherent qualities of
+rhythm, and proportion, spacing, mass, and outline. Though they used
+sculpture and colour to heighten and intensify the effect of their
+architecture, they saw very clearly the function of the arts in relation
+to each other, and kept their sculpture and their colour in strict
+relation to the aesthetic purpose of their architecture. It is a point
+on which later architects went lamentably astray. A great deal of early
+Renaissance work is mere ornamentation of buildings, indeed in buildings
+such as the Certosa of Pavia the architecture has almost ceased to
+exist; and most of the bad architecture of the last fifty years is due
+to the deplorable fallacy that ornament is architecture. The columns of
+Ephesus, the sculpture of the altar of Pergamon, brilliant as they were
+in technical accomplishment, were the first hint of that decline which
+was in time to undermine the whole fabric of the Arts. Architecture was
+deposed from its high intellectual dominance. It tended more and more to
+become a conventional affair, and it was an easy transition from the
+exuberance of Hellenistic art to the point-blank vulgarity of Roman
+ornamental architecture.
+
+It was, however, inevitable that the fine simplicity of Periclean art
+should vanish with its ideals, and one finds a certain compensation in
+the extension of the range and outlook of architecture, which we owe to
+the Hellenistic architects of the fourth and succeeding centuries B. C.
+So far as perfection of form was concerned, it was impossible to carry
+the art beyond the stage to which Ictinus and Callicrates had brought
+it; but there still remained something, and something very important, to
+be done. Axial planning, the consideration of the relation of building
+to building, seem to have been outside the consciousness of Greeks of
+the fifth century, and each building was treated as an unrelated unit.
+But the inconvenience of this, its loss of opportunity, and the
+necessity of order and method, must have become apparent, as
+civilization became more complex and more exacting. By the end of the
+fourth century B. C. the tradition of architectural technique was
+firmly established, and architects were able to turn their attention to
+problems of large planning, and these they seem to have handled with
+extraordinary skill. So far, what had been done in this direction had
+been due to religious inspiration, as in the processional ways leading
+to the Egyptian temples or the avenue of figures at Branchidae. What the
+Hellenistic architects did was to think out consecutive schemes of city
+planning, in which the dominant motive of arrangement was artistic. They
+had learnt to treat the temples, the public buildings, the open spaces
+and approaches, as the elements of one harmonious composition, in which
+the utmost use was made of the natural opportunities of the site. At
+Ephesus, for example, there is supposed to have existed a consecutive
+scheme, larger than anything of the kind carried out even in France in
+the eighteenth century, though the evidence, it should be noted, is
+largely conjectural. As presented by sanguine and enthusiastic restorers
+the scheme was magnificent. Next the port, and facing it on one side,
+was the Arsenal, a regular building opening on to a court surrounded by
+a colonnade, which again opened on to the great 'Place', a square
+enclosure some 850 ft. wide north and south, by 650 ft. east and
+west,[142] surrounded by a colonnade on all four sides, with exhedrae,
+or semicircular recesses. In the centre of this Place was an oblong
+water-piece, about 300 ft. by 200 ft., and on the farther side, opposite
+the Arsenal buildings, were the Senate House and other public buildings;
+and behind these and to the right and left of them the Theatre and the
+Stadium, partly excavated in Mount Coressus. The Arsenal, the great
+Place with its water-piece, and the public buildings, were laid out on
+an axis line, and on a regular rectangulated plan.
+
+    [142] The Place Vendôme measures 450 ft. × 420 ft.; Grosvenor Square
+    about 650 × 530; and Lincoln's Inn Fields about 800 × 630, measured
+    from wall to wall of buildings.
+
+A scheme such as this (if it is possible to accept a conjectural
+restoration), thought out in all its bearings, meant a real advance in
+the range of architecture. It is useless to look for the faultless
+beauty of the fifth century, but the resourcefulness and skill of the
+Hellenistic architects gave a new meaning to the art; and indeed they
+might almost be said to have established the first stage in the
+development of its modern practice. It was from these able Hellenistic
+architects that the Romans learnt the monumental planning of their
+cities, and for centuries the architects most frequently employed were
+Greeks of Asia Minor. At this point, Hellenistic architecture merges
+into Roman, and loses its distinctive character. Through Roman it passes
+on to modern architecture, and so in a sense the chain is complete; but
+between this later art and pure Greek architecture there is a great gulf
+fixed, differences not only of technique but of outlook, of ideal, and
+of temperament. The mighty Doric of Paestum, Selinus, and Segesta, the
+Theseion and the Parthenon, remains for all time the perfect expression
+of the soul of ancient Greece.
+
+It is one of the ironies of history that when in the fifteenth and
+sixteenth centuries scholars and artists awoke to the fact that there
+had been a great architecture in the past they should have known of no
+other version of it but the Roman. What splendid developments might have
+followed if the finer spirits of the Renaissance, Alberti, Bramante, or
+Peruzzi, had founded their theories of architecture on the temples of
+Sicily and Magna Graecia, instead of on the debased examples of Imperial
+Rome! They, at least, would have caught a glimpse of the beauty of
+abstract form and perfect harmony, the secret of which seems to have
+been revealed to the Greeks alone among the peoples of the world--and to
+them for only a transient period of their history. Unfortunately, when
+Greek architecture was discovered in the second half of the eighteenth
+century, it became the shibboleth of the 'virtuosi'. The national
+traditions, both of France and England, were lost, Greek architecture
+became the fashion, and the misguided enthusiasm of pedants and
+amateurs insisted on literal reproductions which completed the
+extinction of architecture as a vernacular art, and replaced it by the
+series of revivalisms from which it has suffered for the last one
+hundred and fifty years. Conscious and deliberate tinkering with the art
+of architecture ended by destroying it.
+
+We can never hope to revive Greek architecture, nor should we attempt to
+do so. There was once a well-known Scotch architect who held that the
+column and the lintel was the only permissible form of construction, and
+with this limitation and ill-selected Greek details he produced some
+fantastically ugly buildings. Following a similar line of thought a
+famous critic of the last century condemned methods of construction not
+sanctioned by the Old Testament. Both were wide of the mark; because,
+above and beyond all technical details of architecture is the spirit in
+which it is approached, the intellectual outlook of the artist on his
+art, and this may express itself in widely differing forms. In Greek
+architecture of the Golden period, that outlook was definite and
+distinctive, and it was one that has a very urgent lesson for us to-day.
+The aim and ideal of the Greek was beauty of form, and this beauty,
+which he sought in the first instance as the expression of his religion,
+ultimately became almost a religion in itself. To the realization of
+this ideal he devoted all his powers, sparing himself no pains in
+chastening his work till it had attained the utmost perfection possible.
+He merged himself in this work, without thought of the expression of
+himself in his vision of a divine and immutable beauty. It hardly
+occurred to him that his individual emotions were worth preserving. (In
+the sculpture of the great period the expression of the face is usually
+one of unruffled calm.) Although religious emotion was the source and
+inspiration of his work, his work was impersonal. He was aloof from that
+feverish anxiety for self-revelation which has made much modern art so
+interesting pathologically, and so detestable otherwise. Nor again had
+he anything of the virtuoso about him. To him technique was not an end
+in itself. In Hellenistic art it became so, but not in the Golden Age.
+Indeed, he was sometimes almost careless of exact modelling, and in
+architecture he did not use the order as a mere exhibition of
+scholarship. In his search for beautiful form, he stood upon the ancient
+ways, patient and serene, moving steadily to his appointed end. 'Ainsi
+procède le génie grec, moins soucieux du nouveau que du mieux, il
+reporte vers l'épuration des formes l'activité que d'autres dépensent en
+innovations souvent stériles, jusqu'à ce qu'enfin il atteigne l'exquise
+mesure dans les efforts, et dans les expressions l'absolue
+justesse.'[143] There have been rare periods since, when Architecture
+has moved with the same calm unhesitating purpose, Gothic architecture,
+for example, in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and certain phases
+of eighteenth-century architecture in France and England, when tradition
+was still active and vital, and artists were content to let well alone.
+
+    [143] Choisy, _History of Architecture_, vol. i, p. 298.
+
+Modern conditions seem to be wholly against the Greek standpoint in art.
+The Arts are in the melting-pot, the old standards of attainment are
+trampled under foot, and the prophets prophesy falsely. Quite lately we
+were asked to find our inspiration in the fetishes of the Gold Coast,
+and if the aim of the artist is to outstrip his brethren in brutality,
+the advice is sound. A recent critic justified the antics of certain
+artists by the necessity they were under of advertising themselves.
+That, no doubt, is the readiest way to immediate success. But the
+question for the critic is, not the personal advancement of the artist
+but the value of his work; and one would ask if any good work at any
+period in the history of art has been inspired by this ambition to shout
+louder than one's neighbours. Certainly, the standpoint of the Greek was
+the exact opposite. He did not seek advertisement and notoriety. He was
+happy with his inner vision of beauty, and intent only on its
+realization. He had not the smallest desire to shock or startle any
+one. There are occasions when shock tactics are necessary, but they are
+not necessary every day in the week, nor is it necessary to make a clean
+sweep of the past before one sets to work in one's own little corner of
+art.
+
+What is wanted in modern art is some consciousness of this old Greek
+spirit, some recognition of its value. The Greeks of the age of Pericles
+wanted neither revivalism nor revolution; they moved forward, without
+haste or anxiety, on traditional lines, and they were able to do so
+because their art was so interwoven with their life that, in the plastic
+arts, they could no more have changed their methods of expression than
+they could have changed their manner of speech. That high outlook on
+life is lost and hardly to be recovered under modern conditions of
+social life and political government. It was perhaps only possible under
+the true democracy of the small Greek city state, when every citizen
+took his share in the ordered life of the community. Yet the Greek ideal
+remains. In our fitful fever of honest intention and wrong judgement,
+high endeavour and point-blank commercialism, Greek art, the art of
+Pheidias and Ictinus, is still the wise mother to whom we must return.
+The lesson of the Parthenon is the lesson of a steadfast vision of
+beauty, held high above individual effort and failure, realizing itself
+not in complex detail or calculated eccentricity, but in a serene and
+exquisite simplicity of form. It teaches us that in the arts there are
+no short cuts, and that anarchy, the destruction of what has been won
+for us in the past, is not advance but the straight road to the
+bottomless pit of barbarism. Instead of repudiating the work of his
+fathers, the Greek carried it on to its perfection, and built his palace
+of art on a sure foundation because he turned neither to the right hand
+nor to the left, but steadily set his face towards the light.
+
+REGINALD BLOMFIELD.
+
+  +--------------------------------------------------------------+
+  | Transcriber's Notes and Errata                               |
+  |                                                              |
+  | Greek text is followed by the transliterated version in      |
+  | braces.                                                      |
+  |                                                              |
+  | The following typographical errors have been corrected.      |
+  |                                                              |
+  |     Error      Correction                                    |
+  |     back       black                                         |
+  |     stedfast   steadfast                                     |
+  |                                                              |
+  | The following words are found in hyphenated and unhyphenated |
+  | forms in the text. The numbers of instances are given in     |
+  | parentheses.                                                 |
+  |                                                              |
+  |     cuttle-fish (2)      cuttlefish (1)                      |
+  |     fresh-water (1)      freshwater (1)                      |
+  |     pre-occupation (4)   preoccupation (1)                   |
+  |                          preoccupations (1)                  |
+  |     re-arranging (1)     rearranging (1)                     |
+  |     re-discovery (2)     rediscovery (3)                     |
+  |     super-men (1)        supermen (1)                        |
+  |     super-women (1)      superwomen (1)                      |
+  |     text-book (5)        textbook (2)                        |
+  |     text-books (2)       textbooks (3)                       |
+  +--------------------------------------------------------------+
+
+
+
+
+
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+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Legacy of Greece, by Various
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Legacy of Greece
+       Essays By: Gilbert Murray, W. R. Inge, J. Burnet, Sir T.
+              L. Heath, D'arcy W. Thompson, Charles Singer, R. W.
+              Livingston, A. Toynbee, A. E. Zimmern, Percy Gardner, Sir
+              Reginald Blomfield
+
+Author: Various
+
+Editor: R.W. Livingstone
+
+Release Date: August 6, 2007 [EBook #22259]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: UTF-8
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LEGACY OF GREECE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by L.N. Yaddanapudi and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
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+</pre>
+
+
+<h1>The Legacy of GREECE<br /><br /><br />
+
+<span class='sf50'><i>Essays by</i> <span class='sc'>Gilbert Murray, W. R. Inge, J. Burnet, Sir T. L. Heath,
+D&rsquo;Arcy W. Thompson, Charles Singer, R. W. Livingston, A. Toynbee,
+A. E. Zimmern, Percy Gardner, Sir Reginald Blomfield</span><br /><br /><br />
+
+<i>Edited by</i></span><br />
+
+<span class='sf75'>R. W. LIVINGSTONE</span></h1>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 250px;">
+<img src="images/illus-decoration.png" width="250" height="70" alt="" title="" />
+</div>
+
+<p class='c noin' style='font-size:150%;'><span class='g'>OXFORD</span><br />
+AT THE CLARENDON PRESS</p>
+
+<hr />
+<p class='c noin sf75'>PRINTED IN ENGLAND AT THE<br />
+UNIVERSITY PRESS, OXFORD<br />
+BY JOHN JOHNSON<br />
+PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY</p>
+<hr />
+
+<div class='blurb'>
+<h3>Transcriber&rsquo;s Note</h3>
+<p>Short fragments of Greek text have a thin dotted blue underline.
+The transliterated version appears in a transient pop-up box when
+the mouse hovers over the words.</p>
+<p>Longer Greek phrases and poems are followed by the transliterated
+version in braces.</p></div>
+
+<hr />
+<p>In spite of many differences, no age has had closer affinities with
+Ancient Greece than our own; none has based its deeper life so largely
+on ideals which the Greeks brought into the world. History does not
+repeat itself. Yet, if the twentieth century searched through the past
+for its nearest spiritual kin, it is in the fifth and following
+centuries before Christ that they would be found. Again and again, as we
+study Greek thought and literature, behind the veil woven by time and
+distance, the face that meets us is our own, younger, with fewer lines
+and wrinkles on its features and with more definite and deliberate
+purpose in its eyes. For these reasons we are to-day in a position, as
+no other age has been, to understand Ancient Greece, to learn the
+lessons it teaches, and, in studying the ideals and fortunes of men with
+whom we have so much in common, to gain a fuller power of understanding
+and estimating our own. This book&mdash;the first of its kind in
+English&mdash;aims at giving some idea of what the world owes to Greece in
+various realms of the spirit and the intellect, and of what it can still
+learn from her.</p>
+
+<p class='sig sc'>The Editor.</p>
+
+<p><i>October 1921.</i></p>
+
+<hr /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[ix]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="CONTENTS" id="CONTENTS"></a>CONTENTS</h2>
+
+<ul class='off'><li class='lc sc'><span class='ralign'>PAGE</span><br /></li>
+
+<li><a href='#VALUE'>THE VALUE OF GREECE TO THE FUTURE OF THE WORLD.</a> By <span class='sc'>Gilbert Murray</span>,
+F.B.A., Regius Professor of Greek in the University of Oxford <span class='ralign'><a href="#Page_1">1</a></span></li>
+
+<li><a href="#RELIGION">RELIGION.</a> By <span class='sc'>W. R. Inge</span>, D.D., Dean of St. Paul&rsquo;s <span class='ralign'><a href="#Page_25">25</a></span></li>
+
+<li><a href="#PHILOSOPHY">PHILOSOPHY.</a> By <span class='sc'>J. Burnett</span>, F.B.A., Professor of Greek in the University
+of St. Andrews <span class='ralign'><a href="#Page_57">57</a></span></li>
+
+<li><a href="#MATHEMATICS">MATHEMATICS AND ASTRONOMY.</a> By Sir <span class='sc'>T. L. Heath</span>, K.C.B., K.C.V.O., F.R.S.
+<span class='ralign'><a href="#Page_97">97</a></span></li>
+
+<li><a href="#SCIENCE">NATURAL SCIENCE.</a> By <span class='sc'>D&rsquo;Arcy W. Thompson</span>, F.R.S., Professor of
+Natural History in the University of St. Andrews <span class='ralign'><a href="#Page_137">137</a></span></li>
+
+<li><a href="#BIOLOGY">BIOLOGY.</a> By <span class='sc'>Charles Singer</span>, Lecturer in the History of Medicine in
+University College, London <span class='ralign'><a href="#Page_163">163</a></span></li>
+
+<li><a href="#MEDICINE">MEDICINE.</a> By <span class='sc'>Charles Singer</span> <span class='ralign'><a href="#Page_201">201</a></span></li>
+
+<li><a href="#LITERATURE">LITERATURE.</a> By <span class='sc'>R. W. Livingstone</span>, Fellow of Corpus Christi College,
+Oxford <span class='ralign'><a href="#Page_249">249</a></span></li>
+
+<li><a href="#HISTORY">HISTORY.</a> By <span class='sc'>Arnold Toynbee</span>, Kora&eacute;s Professor of Byzantine and
+Modern Greek Language, Literature, and History in the University of
+London <span class='ralign'><a href="#Page_289">289</a></span><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[x]</a></span></li>
+
+<li><a href="#POLITICAL">POLITICAL THOUGHT.</a> By <span class='sc'>A. E. Zimmern</span>, late Wilson Professor of
+International Politics, University College of Wales, Aberystwyth <span class='ralign'><a href="#Page_321">321</a></span></li>
+
+<li><a href="#ART">THE LAMPS OF GREEK ART.</a> By <span class='sc'>Percy Gardner</span>, F.B.A., Merton Professor of
+Classical Archaeology in the University of Oxford <span class='ralign'><a href="#Page_353">353</a></span></li>
+
+<li><a href="#ARCHITECTURE">ARCHITECTURE.</a> By Sir <span class='sc'>Reginald Blomfield</span>, F.S.A., R.A. <span class='ralign'><a href="#Page_397">397</a></span></li>
+</ul>
+
+<hr /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[1]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="VALUE" id="VALUE"></a>THE VALUE OF GREECE TO THE FUTURE OF THE WORLD</h2>
+
+<p>If the value of man&rsquo;s life on earth is to be measured in dollars
+and miles and horse-power, ancient Greece must count as a
+poverty-stricken and a minute territory; its engines and implements were
+nearer to the spear and bow of the savage than to our own telegraph and
+aeroplane. Even if we neglect merely material things and take as our
+standard the actual achievements of the race in conduct and in
+knowledge, the average clerk who goes to town daily, idly glancing at
+his morning newspaper, is probably a better behaved and infinitely
+better informed person than the average Athenian who sat spellbound at
+the tragedies of Aeschylus. It is only by the standard of the spirit, to
+which the thing achieved is little and the quality of mind that achieved
+it much, which cares less for the sum of knowledge attained than for the
+love of knowledge, less for much good policing than for one free act of
+heroism, that the great age of Greece can be judged as something
+extraordinary and unique in value.</p>
+
+<p>By this standard, if it is a legitimate and reasonable one to apply, we
+shall be able to understand why classical Greek literature was the basis
+of education throughout all later antiquity; why its re-discovery,
+however fragmentary and however imperfectly understood, was able to
+intoxicate the keenest minds of Europe and constitute a kind of
+spiritual &lsquo;Re-birth&rsquo;, and how its further and further
+exploration may be still a task worth men&rsquo;s spending their lives
+upon and capable of giving mankind guidance as well as inspiration.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[2]</a></span>
+But is such a standard legitimate and reasonable? We shall gain
+nothing by unanalysed phrases. But I think surely it is merely the
+natural standard of any philosophical historian. Suppose it is argued
+that an average optician at the present day knows more optics than Roger
+Bacon, the inventor of spectacles; suppose it is argued that therefore
+he is, as far as optics go, a greater man, and that Roger Bacon has
+nothing to teach us; what is the answer? It is, I suppose, that Roger
+Bacon, receiving a certain amount of knowledge from his teachers, had
+that in him which turned it to unsuspected directions and made it
+immensely greater and more fruitful. The average optician has probably
+added a little to what he was taught, but not much, and has doubtless
+forgotten or confused a good deal. So that, if by studying Roger
+Bacon&rsquo;s life or his books we could get into touch with his mind
+and acquire some of that special moving and inspiring quality of his, it
+would help us far more than would the mere knowledge of the optician.</p>
+
+<p>This truth is no doubt hard to see in the case of purely technical
+science; in books of wider range, such as Darwin&rsquo;s for instance,
+it is easy for any reader to feel the presence of a really great mind,
+producing inspiration of a different sort from that of the most
+excellent up-to-date examination text-book. In philosophy, religion,
+poetry, and the highest kinds of art, the greatness of the
+author&rsquo;s mind seems as a rule to be all that matters; one almost
+ignores the date at which he worked. This is because in technical
+sciences the element of mere fact, or mere knowledge, is so enormous,
+the elements of imagination, character, and the like so very small.
+Hence, books on science, in a progressive age, very quickly become
+&lsquo;out of date&rsquo;, and each new edition usually supersedes the
+last. It is the rarest thing for a work of science to survive as a
+text-book more than ten years or so. Newton&rsquo;s <i>Principia</i> is
+almost an isolated instance among modern writings.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[3]</a></span>
+Yet there are some few such books. Up till about the year 1900 the
+elements of geometry were regularly taught, throughout Europe, in a
+text-book written by a Greek called Eucleides in the fourth or third
+century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span><a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>
+That text-book lasted over two thousand years. Now, of
+course, people have discovered a number of faults in Euclid, but it has
+taken them all that time to do it.</p>
+
+<p>Again, I knew an old gentleman who told me that, at a good English
+school in the early nineteenth century, he had been taught the
+principles of grammar out of a writer called Dionysius Thrax, or Denis
+of Thrace. Denis was a Greek of the first century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>, who made or
+carried out the remarkable discovery that there was such a thing as a
+science of grammar, i. e. that men in their daily speech were
+unconsciously obeying an extraordinarily subtle and intricate body of
+laws, which were capable of being studied and reduced to order. Denis
+did not make the whole discovery himself; he was led to it by his master
+Aristarchus and others. And his book had been re-edited several times in
+the nineteen-hundred odd years before this old gentleman was taught it.</p>
+
+<p>To take a third case: all through later antiquity and the middle ages
+the science of medicine was based on the writings of two ancient
+doctors, Hippocrates and Galen. Galen was a Greek who lived at Rome in
+the early Empire, Hippocrates a Greek who lived at the island of Cos in
+the fifth century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> A great part of the history of modern medicine
+is a story of emancipation from the dead hand of these great ancients.
+But one little treatise attributed to Hippocrates was in active use in
+the training of medical students in my own day in Scotland and is still
+in use in some American Universities. It was the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[4]</a></span> Oath taken by
+medical students in the classic age of Greece when they solemnly faced
+the duties of their profession. The disciple swore to honour and obey
+his teacher and care for his children if ever they were in need; always
+to help his patients to the best of his power; never to use or profess
+to use magic or charms or any supernatural means; never to supply poison
+or perform illegal operations; never to abuse the special position of
+intimacy which a doctor naturally obtains in a sick house, but always on
+entering to remember that he goes as a friend and helper to every
+individual in it.</p>
+
+<p>We have given up that oath now: I suppose we do not believe so much in
+the value of oaths. But the man who first drew up that oath did a great
+deed. He realized and defined the meaning of his high calling in words
+which doctors of unknown tongues and undiscovered countries accepted
+from him and felt to express their aims for well over two thousand
+years.</p>
+
+<p>Now what do I want to illustrate by these three instances? The rapidity
+with which we are now at last throwing off the last vestiges of the yoke
+of Greece? No, not that. I want to point out that even in the realm of
+science, where progress is so swift and books so short-lived, the Greeks
+of the great age had such genius and vitality that their books lived in
+a way that no others have lived. Let us get away from the thought of
+Euclid as an inky and imperfect English school-book, to that ancient
+Eucleides who, with exceedingly few books but a large table of sand let
+into the floor, planned and discovered and put together and re-shaped
+the first laws of geometry, till at last he had written one of the great
+simple books of the world, a book which should stand a pillar and beacon
+to mankind long after all the political world that Eucleides knew had
+been swept away and the kings he served were conquered by the Romans,
+and the Romans in course of time conquered by the barbarians,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[5]</a></span> and the
+barbarians themselves, with much labour and reluctance, partly by means
+of Eucleides&rsquo; book, eventually educated; so that at last, in our
+own day, they can manage to learn their geometry without it. The time
+has come for Euclid to be superseded; let him go. He has surely held the
+torch for mankind long enough; and books of science are born to be
+superseded. What I want to suggest is that the same extraordinary
+vitality of mind which made Hippocrates and Euclid and even Denis of
+Thrace last their two thousand years, was also put by the Greeks of the
+great age into those activities which are, for the most part at any
+rate, not perishable or progressive but eternal.</p>
+
+<p>This is a simple point, but it is so important that we must dwell on it
+for a moment. If we read an old treatise on medicine or mechanics, we
+may admire it and feel it a work of genius, but we also feel that it is
+obsolete: its work is over; we have got beyond it. But when we read
+Homer or Aeschylus, if once we have the power to admire and understand
+their writing, we do not for the most part have any feeling of having
+got beyond them. We have done so no doubt in all kinds of minor things,
+in general knowledge, in details of technique, in civilization and the
+like; but hardly any sensible person ever imagines that he has got
+beyond their essential quality, the quality that has made them great.</p>
+
+<p>Doubtless there is in every art an element of mere knowledge or science,
+and that element is progressive. But there is another element, too,
+which does not depend on knowledge and which does not progress but has a
+kind of stationary and eternal value, like the beauty of the dawn, or
+the love of a mother for her child, or the joy of a young animal in
+being alive, or the courage of a martyr facing torment. We cannot for
+all our progress get beyond these things; there they stand, like light
+upon the mountains. The only question is whether we<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[6]</a></span> can rise to them.
+And it is the same with all the greatest births of human imagination. As
+far as we can speculate, there is not the faintest probability of any
+poet ever setting to work on, let us say, the essential effect aimed at
+by Aeschylus in the Cassandra-scene of the <i>Agamemnon</i>, and doing it
+better than Aeschylus. The only thing which the human race has to do
+with that scene is to understand it and get out of it all the joy and
+emotion and wonder that it contains.</p>
+
+<p>This eternal quality is perhaps clearest in poetry: in poetry the
+mixture of knowledge matters less. In art there is a constant
+development of tools and media and technical processes. The modern
+artist can feel that, though he cannot, perhaps, make as good a statue
+as Pheidias, he could here and there have taught Pheidias something: and
+at any rate he can try his art on subjects far more varied and more
+stimulating to his imagination. In philosophy the mixture is more subtle
+and more profound. Philosophy always depends in some sense upon science,
+yet the best philosophy seems generally to have in it some eternal
+quality of creative imagination. Plato wrote a dialogue about the
+constitution of the world, the <i>Timaeus</i>, which was highly influential
+in later Greece, but seems to us, with our vastly superior scientific
+knowledge, almost nonsensical. Yet when Plato writes about the theory of
+knowledge or the ultimate meaning of Justice or of Love, no good
+philosopher can afford to leave him aside: the chief question is whether
+we can rise to the height and subtlety of his thought.</p>
+
+<p>And here another point emerges, equally simple and equally important if
+we are to understand our relation to the past. Suppose a man says:
+&lsquo;I quite understand that Plato or Aeschylus may have had fine
+ideas, but surely anything of value which they said must long before
+this have become common property. There is no need to go back to the
+Greeks for it. We do not go back and read Copernicus to learn that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[7]</a></span> the
+earth goes round the sun.&rsquo; What is the answer? It is that such a
+view ignores exactly this difference between the progressive and the
+eternal, between knowledge and imagination. If Harvey discovers that the
+blood is not stationary but circulates, if Copernicus discovers that the
+earth goes round the sun and not the sun round the earth, those
+discoveries can easily be communicated in the most abbreviated form. If
+a mechanic invents an improvement on the telephone, or a social reformer
+puts some good usage in the place of a bad one, in a few years we shall
+probably all be using the improvement without even knowing what it is or
+saying Thank you. We may be as stupid as we like, we have in a sense got
+the good of it.</p>
+
+<p>But can one apply the same process to <i>Macbeth</i> or <i>Romeo and Juliet</i>?
+Can any one tell us in a few words what they come to? Or can a person
+get the good of them in any way except one&mdash;the way of vivid and loving
+study, following and feeling the author&rsquo;s meaning all through? To
+suppose, as I believe some people do, that you can get the value of a
+great poem by studying an abstract of it in an encyclopaedia or by
+reading cursorily an average translation of it, argues really a kind of
+mental deficiency, like deafness or colour-blindness. The things that we
+have called eternal, the things of the spirit and the imagination,
+always seem to lie more in a process than in a result, and can only be
+reached and enjoyed by somehow going through the process again. If the
+value of a particular walk lies in the scenery, you do not get that
+value by taking a short cut or using a fast motor-car.</p>
+
+<p>In looking back, then, upon any vital and significant age of the past we
+shall find objects of two kinds. First, there will be things like the
+Venus of Milo or the Book of Job or Plato&rsquo;s <i>Republic</i>, which are
+interesting or precious in themselves, because of their own inherent
+qualities; secondly, there will<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span> be things like the Roman code of the
+Twelve Tables or the invention of the printing-press or the record of
+certain great battles, which are interesting chiefly because they are
+causes of other and greater things or form knots in the great web of
+history&mdash;the first having artistic interest, the second only historical
+interest, though, of course, it is obvious that in any concrete case
+there is generally a mixture of both.</p>
+
+<p>Now Ancient Greece is important in both ways. For the artist or poet it
+has in a quite extraordinary degree the quality of beauty. For instance,
+to take a contrast with Rome: if you dig about the Roman Wall in
+Cumberland you will find quantities of objects, altars, inscriptions,
+figurines, weapons, boots and shoes, which are full of historic interest
+but are not much more beautiful than the contents of a modern rubbish
+heap. And the same is true of most excavations all over the world. But
+if you dig at any classical or sub-classical site in the Greek world,
+however unimportant historically, practically every object you find will
+be beautiful. The wall itself will be beautiful; the inscriptions will
+be beautifully cut; the figurines, however cheap and simple, may have
+some intentional grotesques among them, but the rest will have a special
+truthfulness and grace; the vases will be of good shapes and the
+patterns will be beautiful patterns. If you happen to dig in a
+burying-place and come across some epitaphs on the dead, they will
+practically all&mdash;even when the verses do not quite scan and the words
+are wrongly spelt&mdash;have about them this inexplicable touch of beauty.</p>
+
+<p>I am anxious not to write nonsense about this. One could prove the point
+in detail by taking any collection of Greek epitaphs, and that is the
+only way in which it can be proved. The beauty is a fact, and if we try
+to analyse the sources of it we shall perhaps in part understand how it
+has come to pass.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[9]</a></span>
+In the first place, it is not a beauty of ornament; it is a beauty of
+structure, a beauty of rightness and simplicity. Compare an athlete in
+flannels playing tennis and a stout dignitary smothered in gold robes.
+Or compare a good modern yacht, swift, lithe, and plain, with a
+lumbering heavily gilded sixteenth-century galleon, or even with a
+Chinese state junk: the yacht is far the more beautiful though she has
+not a hundredth part of the ornament. It is she herself that is
+beautiful, because her lines and structure are right. The others are
+essentially clumsy and, therefore, ugly things, dabbed over with gold
+and paint. Now ancient Greek things for the most part have the beauty of
+the yacht. The Greeks used paint a good deal, but apart from that a
+Greek temple is almost as plain as a shed: people accustomed to
+arabesques and stained glass and gargoyles can very often see nothing in
+it. A Greek statue has as a rule no ornament at all: a young man racing
+or praying, an old man thinking, there it stands expressed in a stately
+and simple convention, true or false, the anatomy and the surfaces right
+or wrong, aiming at no beauty except the truest. It would probably seem
+quite dull to the maker of a mediaeval wooden figure of a king which I
+remember seeing in a town in the east of Europe: a crown blazing with
+many-coloured glass, a long crimson robe covered with ornaments and
+beneath them an idiot face, no bones, no muscles, no attitude. That is
+not what a Greek meant by beauty. The same quality holds to a great
+extent of Greek poetry. Not, of course, that the artistic convention was
+the same, or at all similar, for treating stone and for treating
+language. Greek poetry is statuesque in the sense that it depends
+greatly on its organic structure; it is not in the least so in the sense
+of being cold or colourless or stiff. But Greek poetry on the whole has
+a bareness and severity which disappoints a modern reader, accustomed as
+he is to lavish ornament and exaggeration at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[10]</a></span> every turn. It has the
+same simplicity and straightforwardness as Greek sculpture. The poet has
+something to say and he says it as well and truly as he can in the
+suitable style, and if you are not interested you are not. With some
+exceptions which explain themselves he does not play a thousand pretty
+tricks and antics on the way, so that you may forget the dullness of
+what he says in amusement at the draperies in which he wraps it.</p>
+
+<p>But here comes an apparent difficulty. Greek poetry, we say, is very
+direct, very simple, very free from irrelevant ornament. And yet when we
+translate it into English and look at our translation, our main feeling,
+I think, is that somehow the glory has gone: a thing that was high and
+lordly has become poor and mean. Any decent Greek scholar when he opens
+one of his ancient poets feels at once the presence of something lofty
+and rare&mdash;something like the atmosphere of <i>Paradise Lost</i>. But the
+language of <i>Paradise Lost</i> is elaborately twisted and embellished into
+loftiness and rarity; the language of the Greek poem is simple and
+direct. What does this mean?</p>
+
+<p>I can only suppose that the normal language of Greek poetry is in itself
+in some sense sublime. Most critics accept this as an obvious fact, yet,
+if true, it is a very strange fact and worth thinking about. It depends
+partly on mere euphony: <i>Khaireis hor&ocirc;n f&ocirc;s</i> is probably more beautiful
+in sound than &lsquo;You rejoice to see the light&rsquo;, but euphony
+cannot be everything. The sound of a great deal of Greek poetry, either
+as we pronounce it, or as the ancients pronounced it, is to modern ears
+almost ugly. It depends partly, perhaps, on the actual structure of the
+Greek language: philologists tell us that, viewed as a specimen, it is
+in structure and growth and in power of expressing things, the most
+perfect language they know. And certainly one often finds that a thought
+can be expressed with ease and grace in Greek which becomes clumsy and
+involved in Latin,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[11]</a></span>
+English, French or German. But neither of these
+causes goes, I think, to the root of the matter.</p>
+
+<p>What is it that gives words their character and makes a style high or
+low? Obviously, their associations; the company they habitually keep in
+the minds of those who use them. A word which belongs to the language of
+bars and billiard saloons will become permeated by the normal standard
+of mind prevalent in such places; a word which suggests Milton or
+Carlyle will have the flavour of those men&rsquo;s minds about it. I
+therefore cannot resist the conclusion that, if the language of Greek
+poetry has, to those who know it intimately, this special quality of
+keen austere beauty, it is because the minds of the poets who used that
+language were habitually toned to a higher level both of intensity and
+of nobility than ours. It is a finer language because it expresses the
+minds of finer men. By &lsquo;finer men&rsquo; I do not necessarily mean
+men who behaved better, either by our standards or by their own; I mean
+men to whom the fine things of the world, sunrise and sea and stars and
+the love of man for man, and strife and the facing of evil for the sake
+of good, and even common things like meat and drink, and evil things
+like hate and terror, had, as it were, a keener edge than they have for
+us and roused a swifter and a nobler reaction.</p>
+
+<p>Let us resume this argument before going further. We start from the
+indisputable fact that the Greeks of about the fifth century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> did
+for some reason or other produce various works of art, buildings and
+statues and books, especially books, which instead of decently dying or
+falling out of fashion in the lifetime of the men who made them, lasted
+on and can still cause high thoughts and intense emotions. In trying to
+explain this strange fact we notice that the Greeks had a great and
+pervading instinct for beauty, and for beauty of a particular kind. It
+is a beauty which never lies in irrelevant ornament,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[12]</a></span> but always in the
+very essence and structure of the object made. In literature we found
+that the special beauty which we call Greek depends partly on the
+directness, truthfulness, and simplicity with which the Greeks say what
+they want to say, and partly on a special keenness and nobility in the
+language, which seems to be the natural expression of keen and noble
+minds. Can we in any way put all these things together so as to explain
+them&mdash;or at any rate to hold them together more clearly?</p>
+
+<p>An extremely old and often misleading metaphor will help us. People have
+said: &lsquo;The world was young then.&rsquo; Of course, strictly
+speaking, it was not. In the total age of the world or of man the two
+thousand odd years between us and Pericles do not count for much. Nor
+can we imagine that a man of sixty felt any more juvenile in the fifth
+century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> than he does now. It was just the other way, because at
+that time there were no spectacles or false teeth. Yet in a sense the
+world <i>was</i> young then, at any rate our western world, the world of
+progress and humanity. For the beginnings of nearly all the great things
+that progressive minds now care for were then being laid in Greece.</p>
+
+<p>Youth, perhaps, is not exactly the right word. There are certain
+plants&mdash;some kinds of aloe, for instance&mdash;which continue for an
+indefinite number of years in a slow routine of ordinary life close to
+the ground, and then suddenly, when they have stored enough vital force,
+grow ten feet high and burst into flower, after which, no doubt, they
+die or show signs of exhaustion. Apart from the dying, it seems as if
+something like that happened from time to time to the human race, or to
+such parts of it as really bear flowers at all. For most races and
+nations during the most of their life are not progressive but simply
+stagnant, sometimes just managing to preserve their standard customs,
+sometimes slipping back to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[13]</a></span>
+the slough. That is why history has nothing
+to say about them. The history of the world consists mostly in the
+memory of those ages, quite few in number, in which some part of the
+world has risen above itself and burst into flower or fruit.</p>
+
+<p>We ourselves happen to live in the midst or possibly in the close of one
+such period. More change has probably taken place in daily life, in
+ideas, and in the general aspect of the earth during the last century
+than during any four other centuries since the Christian era: and this
+fact has tended to make us look on rapid progress as a normal condition
+of the human race, which it never has been. And another such period of
+bloom, a bloom comparatively short in time and narrow in area, but
+amazingly swift and intense, occurred in the lower parts of the Balkan
+peninsula from about the sixth to the fourth centuries before Christ.</p>
+
+<p>Now it is this kind of bloom which fills the world with hope and
+therefore makes it young. Take a man who has just made a discovery or an
+invention, a man happily in love, a man who is starting some great and
+successful social movement, a man who is writing a book or painting a
+picture which he knows to be good; take men who have been fighting in
+some great cause which before they fought seemed to be hopeless and now
+is triumphant; think of England when the Armada was just defeated,
+France at the first dawn of the Revolution, America after Yorktown: such
+men and nations will be above themselves. Their powers will be stronger
+and keener; there will be exhilaration in the air, a sense of walking in
+new paths, of dawning hopes and untried possibilities, a confidence that
+all things can be won if only we try hard enough. In that sense the
+world will be young. In that sense I think it was young in the time of
+Themistocles and Aeschylus. And it is that youth which is half the
+secret of the Greek spirit.</p>
+
+<p>And here I may meet an objection that has perhaps been
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[14]</a></span> lurking in the
+minds of many readers. &lsquo;All this,&rsquo; they may say,
+&lsquo;professes to be a simple analysis of known facts, but in reality
+is sheer idealization. These Greeks whom you call so &ldquo;noble&rdquo;
+have been long since exposed. Anthropology has turned its searchlights
+upon them. It is not only their ploughs, their weapons, their musical
+instruments, and their painted idols that resemble those of the savages;
+it is everything else about them. Many of them were sunk in the most
+degrading superstitions: many practised unnatural vices: in times of
+great fear some were apt to think that the best &ldquo;medicine&rdquo;
+was a human sacrifice. After that, it is hardly worth mentioning that
+their social structure was largely based on slavery; that they lived in
+petty little towns, like so many wasps&rsquo; nests, each at war with
+its next-door neighbour, and half of them at war with themselves!&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>If our anti-Greek went further he would probably cease to speak the
+truth. We will stop him while we can still agree with him. These charges
+are on the whole true, and, if we are to understand what Greece means,
+we must realize and digest them. We must keep hold of two facts: first,
+that the Greeks of the fifth century produced some of the noblest poetry
+and art, the finest political thinking, the most vital philosophy, known
+to the world; second, that the people who heard and saw, nay perhaps,
+even the people who produced these wonders, were separated by a thin and
+precarious interval from the savage. Scratch a civilized Russian, they
+say, and you find a wild Tartar. Scratch an ancient Greek, and you hit,
+no doubt, on a very primitive and formidable being, somewhere between a
+Viking and a Polynesian.</p>
+
+<p>That is just the magic and the wonder of it. The spiritual effort
+implied is so tremendous. We have read stories of savage chiefs
+converted by Christian or Buddhist missionaries, who within a year or so
+have turned from drunken corroborees and
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[15]</a></span> bloody witch-smellings to a
+life that is not only godly but even philanthropic and statesmanlike. We
+have seen the Japanese lately go through some centuries of normal growth
+in the space of a generation. But in all such examples men have only
+been following the teaching of a superior civilization, and after all,
+they have not ended by producing works of extraordinary and original
+genius. It seems quite clear that the Greeks owed exceedingly little to
+foreign influence. Even in their decay they were a race, as Professor
+Bury observes, accustomed &lsquo;to take little and to give much&rsquo;.
+They built up their civilization for themselves. We must listen with due
+attention to the critics who have pointed out all the remnants of
+savagery and superstition that they find in Greece: the slave-driver,
+the fetish-worshipper and the medicine-man, the trampler on women, the
+bloodthirsty hater of all outside his own town and party. But it is not
+those people that constitute Greece; those people can be found all over
+the historical world, commoner than blackberries. It is not anything
+fixed and stationary that constitutes Greece: what constitutes Greece is
+the movement which leads from all these to the Stoic or fifth-century
+&lsquo;sophist&rsquo; who condemns and denies slavery, who has abolished
+all cruel superstitions and preaches some religion based on philosophy
+and humanity, who claims for women the same spiritual rights as for man,
+who looks on all human creatures as his brethren, and the world as
+&lsquo;one great City of gods and men&rsquo;. It is that movement which
+you will not find elsewhere, any more than the statues of Pheidias or
+the dialogues of Plato or the poems of Aeschylus and Euripides.</p>
+
+<p>From all this two or three results follow. For one thing, being built up
+so swiftly, by such keen effort, and from so low a starting-point, Greek
+civilization was, amid all its glory, curiously unstable and full of
+flaws. Such flaws made it, of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span> course, much worse for those who lived in
+it, but they hardly make it less interesting or instructive to those who
+study it. Rather the contrary. Again, the near neighbourhood of the
+savage gives to the Greek mind certain qualities which we of the safer
+and solider civilizations would give a great deal to possess. It springs
+swift and straight. It is never jaded. Its wonder and interest about the
+world are fresh. And lastly there is one curious and very important
+quality which, unless I am mistaken, belongs to Greek civilization more
+than to any other. To an extraordinary degree it starts clean from
+nature, with almost no entanglements of elaborate creeds and customs and
+traditions.</p>
+
+<p>I am not, of course, forgetting the prehistoric Minoan civilization, nor
+yet the peculiar forms&mdash;mostly simple enough&mdash;into which the traditional
+Greek religion fell. It is possible that I may be a little misled by my
+own habit of living much among Greek things and so forgetting through
+long familiarity how odd some of them once seemed. But when all
+allowances are made, I think that this clean start from nature is, on
+the whole, a true claim. If a thoughtful European or American wants to
+study Chinese or Indian things, he has not only to learn certain data of
+history and mythology, he has to work his mind into a particular
+attitude; to put on, as it were, spectacles of a particular sort. If he
+wants to study mediaeval things, if he takes even so universal a poet as
+Dante, it is something the same. Curious views about the Pope and the
+emperor, a crabbed scholastic philosophy, a strange and to the modern
+mind rather horrible theology, floating upon the flames of Hell: all
+these have somehow to be taken into his imagination before he can
+understand his Dante. With Greek things this is very much less so. The
+historical and imaginative background of the various great poets and
+philosophers is, no doubt, highly important. A great part of the work of
+modern scholarship<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[17]</a></span>
+is now devoted to getting it clearer. But on the
+whole, putting aside for the moment the possible inadequacies of
+translation, Greek philosophy speaks straight to any human being who is
+willing to think simply, Greek art and poetry to any one who can use his
+imagination and enjoy beauty. He has not to put on the fetters or the
+blinkers of any new system in order to understand them; he has only to
+get rid of his own&mdash;a much more profitable and less troublesome task.</p>
+
+<p>This particular conclusion will scarcely, I think, be disputed, but the
+point presents difficulties and must be dwelt upon.</p>
+
+<p>In the first place, it does not mean that Greek art is what we call
+&lsquo;naturalist&rsquo; or &lsquo;realist&rsquo;. It is markedly the
+reverse. Art to the Greek is always a form of <i>Sophia</i>, or Wisdom, a
+<i>Techn&ecirc;</i> with rules that have to be learnt. Its air of utter simplicity
+is deceptive. The pillar that looks merely straight is really a thing of
+subtle curves. The funeral bas-relief that seems to represent in the
+simplest possible manner a woman saying good-bye to her child is
+arranged, plane behind plane, with the most delicate skill and sometimes
+with deliberate falsification of perspective. There is always some
+convention, some idealization, some touch of the light that never was on
+sea or land. Yet all the time, I think, Greek art remains in a
+remarkable degree close to nature. The artist&rsquo;s eye is always on
+the object, and, though he represents it in his own style, that style is
+always normal and temperate, free from affectation, free from
+exaggeration or morbidity and, in the earlier periods, free from
+conventionality. It is art without doubt; but it is natural and normal
+art, such as grew spontaneously when mankind first tried in freedom to
+express beauty. For example, the language of Greek poetry is markedly
+different from that of prose, and there are even clear differences of
+language between different styles of poetry. And further, the poetry is
+very seldom about the present. It is about the past,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[18]</a></span> and that an ideal
+past. What we have to notice there is that this kind of rule, which has
+been usual in all great ages of poetry, is apparently not an artificial
+or arbitrary thing but a tendency that grew up naturally with the first
+great expressions of poetical feeling.</p>
+
+<p>Furthermore, this closeness to nature, this absence of a unifying or
+hide-bound system of thought, acting together with other causes, has led
+to the extraordinary variety and many-sidedness which is one of the most
+puzzling charms of Ancient Greece as contrasted, say, with Israel or
+Assyria or early Rome. Geographically it is a small country with a
+highly indented coast-line and an interior cut into a great number of
+almost isolated valleys. Politically it was a confused unity made up of
+numerous independent states, one walled city of a few thousand
+inhabitants being quite enough to form a state. And the citizens of
+these states were, each of them, rather excessively capable of forming
+opinions of their own and fighting for them. Hence came in practice much
+isolation and faction and general weakness, to the detriment of the
+Greeks themselves; but the same cause led in thought and literature to
+immense variety and vitality, to the great gain of us who study the
+Greeks afterwards. There is hardly any type of thought or style of
+writing which cannot be paralleled in ancient Greece, only they will
+there be seen, as it were, in their earlier and simpler forms. Traces of
+all the things that seem most un-Greek can be found somewhere in Greek
+literature: voluptuousness, asceticism, the worship of knowledge, the
+contempt for knowledge, atheism, pietism, the religion of serving the
+world and the religion of turning away from the world: all these and
+almost all other points of view one can think of are represented
+somewhere in the records of that one small people. And there is hardly
+any single generalization in this chapter which the author himself could
+not controvert by examples to the contrary.
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[19]</a></span> You feel in general a great
+absence of all fetters: the human mind free, rather inexperienced,
+intensely interested in life and full of hope, trying in every direction
+for that excellence which the Greeks called <i>aret&ecirc;</i>, and guided by some
+peculiar instinct toward Temperance and Beauty.</p>
+
+<p>The variety is there and must not be forgotten; yet amid the variety
+there are certain general or central characteristics, mostly due to this
+same quality of freshness and closeness to nature.</p>
+
+<p>If you look at a Greek statue or bas-relief, or if you read an average
+piece of Aristotle, you will very likely at first feel bored. Why?
+Because it is all so normal and truthful; so singularly free from
+exaggeration, paradox, violent emphasis; so destitute of those
+fascinating by-forms of insanity which appeal to some similar faint
+element of insanity in ourselves. &lsquo;We are sick&rsquo;, we may
+exclaim, &lsquo;of the sight of these handsome, perfectly healthy men
+with grave faces and normal bones and muscles! We are sick of being told
+that Virtue is a mean between two extremes and tends to make men happy!
+We shall not be interested unless some one tells us that Virtue is the
+utter abnegation of self, or, it may be, the extreme and ruthless
+assertion of self; or again, that Virtue is all an infamous mistake! And
+for statues, give us a haggard man with starved body and cavernous eyes,
+cursing God&mdash;or give us something rolling in fat and colour....&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>What is at the back of this sort of feeling? which I admit often takes
+more reasonable forms than these I have suggested. It is the same
+psychological cause that brings about the changes of fashion in art or
+dress: which loves &lsquo;stunts&rsquo; and makes the fortunes of yellow
+newspapers. It is boredom or <i>ennui</i>. We have had too much of A; we are
+sick of it, we know how it is done and despise it; give us some B, or
+better still some Z. And after a strong dose of Z we shall crave for the
+beginning<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[20]</a></span>
+of the alphabet again. But now think of a person who is not
+bored at all; who is, on the contrary, immensely interested in the
+world, keen to choose good things and reject bad ones; full of the
+desire for knowledge and the excitement of discovery. The joy to him is
+to see things as they are and to judge them normally. He is not bored by
+the sight of normal, healthy muscles in a healthy, well-shaped body; he
+is delighted. If you distort the muscles for emotional effect, he would
+say with disappointment: &lsquo;But that is ugly!&rsquo; or &lsquo;But a
+man&rsquo;s muscles do <i>not</i> go like that!&rsquo; He will have noted
+that tears are salt and rather warm; but if you say like a modern poet
+that your heroine&rsquo;s tears are &lsquo;more hot than fire, more salt
+than the salt sea&rsquo;, he will probably think your statement <span class='t' title='apithanon'>απιθανον</span>
+&lsquo;unpersuasive&rsquo;, and therefore <span class='t' title='psychron'>ψυχρον</span>
+&lsquo;chilling&rsquo;.</p>
+
+<p>It is perhaps especially in the religious and moral sphere that we are
+accustomed to the habitual use of ecstatic language: expressions that
+are only true of exalted moments are used by us as the commonplaces of
+ordinary life. &lsquo;It is a thousand times worse to see another suffer
+than to suffer oneself.&rsquo; &lsquo;True love only desires the
+happiness of the beloved object.&rsquo; This kind of &lsquo;high
+falutin&rsquo;&rsquo; has become part of our regular mental habit, just
+as dead metaphors by the bushel are a part of our daily language.
+Consequently we are a little chilled and disappointed by a language in
+which people hardly ever use a metaphor except when they vividly realize
+it, and never utter heroic sentiments except when they are wrought up to
+the pitch of feeling them true. Does this mean that the Greek always
+remains, so to speak, at a normal temperature, that he never has intense
+or blinding emotions? Not in the least. It shows a lack of faith in the
+value of life to imagine such a conclusion. It implies that you can only
+reach great emotion by pretence, or by habitually exaggerating small
+emotions, whereas probably the exact reverse is the case. When<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span> the
+great thing comes, then the Greek will have the great word and the great
+thought ready. It is the habitual exaggerator who will perhaps be
+bankrupt. And after all&mdash;the great things are sure to come!</p>
+
+<p>The power of seeing things straight and knowing what is beautiful or
+noble, quite undisturbed by momentary boredoms or changes of taste, is a
+very rare gift and never perhaps possessed in full by any one. But there
+is a profound rule of art, bidding a man in the midst of all his study
+of various styles or his pursuit of his own peculiar imaginations, from
+time to time <i>se retremper dans la nature</i>&mdash;&lsquo;to steep himself
+again in nature&rsquo;. And in something the same way it seems as if the
+world ought from time to time to steep itself again in Hellenism: that
+is, it ought, amid all the varying affectations and extravagances and
+changes of convention in art and letters, to have some careful regard
+for those which arose when man first awoke to the meaning of truth and
+beauty and saw the world freely as a new thing.</p>
+
+<p>Is this exaggeration? I think not. But no full defence of it can be
+attempted here. In this essay we have been concerned almost entirely
+with the artistic interest of Greece. It would be equally possible to
+dwell on the historical interest. Then we should find that, for that
+branch of mankind which is responsible for western civilization, the
+seeds of almost all that we count best in human progress were sown in
+Greece. The conception of beauty as a joy in itself and as a guide in
+life was first and most vividly expressed in Greece, and the very laws
+by which things are beautiful or ugly were to a great extent discovered
+there and laid down. The conception of Freedom and Justice, freedom in
+body, in speech and in mind, justice between the strong and the weak,
+the rich and the poor, penetrates the whole of Greek political thought,
+and was, amid obvious flaws, actually realized to a remarkable degree
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span>
+in the best Greek communities. The conception of Truth as an end to
+pursue for its own sake, a thing to discover and puzzle out by
+experiment and imagination and especially by Reason, a conception
+essentially allied with that of Freedom and opposed both to anarchy and
+to blind obedience, has perhaps never in the world been more clearly
+grasped than by the early Greek writers on science and philosophy. One
+stands amazed sometimes at the perfect freedom of their thought. Another
+conception came rather later, when the small City States with exclusive
+rights of citizenship had been merged in a larger whole: the conception
+of the universal fellowship between man and man. Greece realized soon
+after the Persian war that she had a mission to the world, that
+Hellenism stood for the higher life of man as against barbarism, for
+Aret&ecirc;, or Excellence, as against the mere effortless average. First came
+the crude patriotism which regarded every Greek as superior to every
+barbarian; then came reflection, showing that not all Greeks were true
+bearers of the light, nor all barbarians its enemies; that Hellenism was
+a thing of the spirit and not dependent on the race to which a man
+belonged or the place where he was born: then came the new word and
+conception <span class='t' title='anthrôpotês'>ανθρωποτης</span>, <i>humanitas</i>, which to the Stoics made
+the world as one brotherhood. No people known to history clearly
+formulated these ideals before the Greeks, and those who have spoken the
+words afterwards seem for the most part to be merely echoing the
+thoughts of old Greek men.</p>
+
+<p>These ideas, the pursuit of Truth, Freedom, Beauty, Excellence are not
+everything. They have been a leaven of unrest in the world; they have
+held up a light which was not always comforting to the eyes to see.
+There is another ideal which is generally stronger and may, for all we
+know, in the end stamp them out as evil things. There is Submission
+instead<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span>
+of Freedom, the deadening or brutalizing of the senses instead
+of Beauty, the acceptance of tradition instead of the pursuit of Truth,
+the belief in hallucination or passion instead of Reason and Temperate
+Thought, the obscuring of distinctions between good and bad and the
+acceptance of all human beings and all states of mind as equal in value.
+If something of this kind should prove in the end to be right for man,
+then Greece will have played the part of the great wrecker in human
+history. She will have held up false lights which have lured our ship to
+dangerous places. But at any rate, through calm and storm, she does hold
+her lights; she lit them first of the nations and held them during her
+short reign the clearest; and whether we believe in an individual life
+founded on Freedom, Reason, Beauty, Excellence and the pursuit of Truth,
+and an international life aiming at the fellowship between man and man,
+or whether we think these ideals the great snares of human politics,
+there is good cause for some of us in each generation at the cost of
+some time and trouble to study such important forces where they first
+appear consciously in the minds of our spiritual ancestors. In the
+thought and art of ancient Greece, more than any other, we shall find
+these forces, and also to some extent their great opposites, fresh,
+clean and comparatively uncomplicated, with every vast issue wrought out
+on a small material scale and every problem stated in its lowest terms.</p>
+
+<p class='sig sc'>Gilbert Murray.</p>
+
+<hr /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="RELIGION" id="RELIGION"></a>RELIGION</h2>
+
+<p>Those who write about the Greeks must beware of a heresy which is very
+rife just now&mdash;the theory of <i>racialism</i>. Political ethnology, which is
+no genuine science, excused the ambition of the Germans to themselves,
+and helped them to wage war; it has suggested to the Allies a method of
+waging peace. The false and mischievous doctrine of superior and
+inferior races is used to justify oppression in Europe, and murder by
+torture in America. It will not help us to understand the Greeks. The
+Greeks were a nation of splendid mongrels, made up of the same elements,
+differently mixed, as ourselves. Their famous beauty, which had almost
+disappeared when Cicero visited Athens, was mainly the result of a
+healthy outdoor life and physical training, combined with a very
+becoming costume. They were probably not handsomer than Oxford rowing
+crews or Eton boys. Their flowering time of genius was due to the same
+causes which produced similar results in the Italian Renaissance. The
+city-state is a forcing-house of brilliant achievement, though it
+quickly uses up its human material. We cannot even regard the Greeks as
+a homogeneous mixed race. The Spartiates were almost pure Nordics; the
+Athenians almost pure Mediterraneans. The early colonists, from whom
+sprang so many of the greatest names in the Hellenic roll of honour, are
+not likely to have kept their blood pure. Nor was there ever a Greek
+culture shared by all the Greeks. The Spartan system, that of a small
+fighting tribe encamped in a subject country, recalls that of
+Chaka&rsquo;s Zulus; Arcadia was bucolic, Aetolia barbarous, Boeotia
+stolid, Macedonia half outside the pale. The consciousness of race
+among<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span>
+the Greeks counted practically for about as much as the
+consciousness of being white men, or Christians, does in modern
+civilization.</p>
+
+<p>Greece for our purposes means not a race, but a culture, a language and
+literature, and still more an attitude towards life, which for us begins
+with Homer, and persists, with many changes but no breaks, till the
+closing of the Athenian lecture-rooms by Justinian. The changes no doubt
+were great, when politically Greece was living Greece no more, and when
+the bearers of the tradition were no longer the lineal descendants of
+those who established it. But the tradition, enshrined in literature, in
+monuments, and in social customs, survived. The civilization of the
+Roman Empire was not Italian but Greek. After the sixth century,
+Hellenism&mdash;the language, the literature, and the attitude towards
+life&mdash;was practically lost to the West for nearly a thousand years. It
+was recovered at the Renaissance, and from that time to this has been a
+potent element in western civilization. The Dark Ages, and the early
+Middle Ages, are the period during which the West was cut off from
+Hellenism. Yet even then the severance was not complete. For these were
+the ages of the Catholic theocracy; and if we had to choose one man as
+the founder of Catholicism as a theocratic system, we should have to
+name neither Augustine nor St. Paul, still less Jesus Christ, but Plato,
+who in the <i>Laws</i> sketches out with wonderful prescience the conditions
+for such a polity, and the form which it would be compelled to take.
+Even in speculative thought we know that Augustine owed much to the
+Platonists, the Schoolmen to Aristotle, the mystics to the pupil of
+Proclus whom they called Dionysius. Only Greek science, and the
+scientific spirit, were almost completely lost, and a beginning <i>de
+novo</i> had to be made when the West shook off its fetters.</p>
+
+<p>Hellenism then is not the mind of a particular ethnic type, nor of a
+particular period. It was not destroyed, though it
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span> was emasculated, by
+the loss of political freedom; it was neither killed nor died a natural
+death. Its philosophy was continuous from Thales to Proclus, and again
+from Ficino and Pico to Lotze and Bradley, after a long sleep which was
+not death. Its religion passes into Christian theology and cultus
+without any real break. The early Church spoke in Greek and thought in
+Greek. In the days of Greek freedom to be a Greek had meant to be a
+citizen of a Greek canton; after Alexander it meant to have Greek
+culture. None of the great Stoics were natives of Greece proper; Zeno
+himself was a Semite. Of the later Greek writers, Marcus Aurelius was a
+Romanized Spaniard, Plotinus possibly a Copt, Porphyry and Lucian
+Syrians, Philo, St. Paul, and probably the Fourth Evangelist were Jews.
+These men all belong to the history of Greek culture. And if these were
+Greeks how shall we deny the name to Raphael and Michael Angelo, to
+Spenser and Sidney, to Keats and Shelley? When Blake wrote&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">The sun&rsquo;s light when he unfolds it,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Depends on the organ that beholds it,<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p class="noin">he was summing up, not only the philosophy of the Lake Poets but the
+fundamental dogma of the maturest Greek thought. Would not Plato have
+rejoiced in Michael Angelo&rsquo;s confession of faith, which Wordsworth
+has translated for us?</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Heaven-born, the soul a heavenward course must hold;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Beyond the visible world she soars to seek<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">(For what delights the sense is false and weak)<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Ideal Form, the universal mould.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">The wise man, I affirm, can find no rest<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">In that which perishes; nor will he lend<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">His heart to aught that doth on time depend.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>Has the highest aspect of Greek religion ever been better expressed than
+by Wordsworth himself, to whom, as to Blake, it came by inspiration and
+not from books?</p><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span></p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">While yet a child, and long before his time<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Had he perceived the presence and the power<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Of greatness; and deep feelings had impressed<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">So vividly great objects that <i>they lay</i><br /></span>
+<span class="i0"><i>Upon his mind like substances</i>, whose presence<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Perplexed the bodily sense.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>The spirit of man does not live only on tradition; it can draw direct
+from the fountain-head. We are dealing with a permanent type of human
+culture, which is rightly named after the Greeks, since it attained its
+chief glory in the literature and art of the Hellenic cities, but which
+cannot be separated from western civilization as an alien importation.
+Without what we call our debt to Greece we should have neither our
+religion nor our philosophy nor our science nor our literature nor our
+education nor our politics. We should be mere barbarians. We need not
+speculate how much we might ultimately have discovered for ourselves.
+Our civilization is a tree which has its roots in Greece, or, to borrow
+a more appropriate metaphor from Clement of Alexandria, it is a river
+which has received affluents from every side; but its head waters are
+Greek. The continuity of Greek thought and practice in religion and
+religious philosophy is especially important, and it is necessary to
+emphasize it because the accident of our educational curriculum leaves
+in the minds of most students a broad chasm between the Stoics and the
+Christians, ignores the later Greek philosophy of religion altogether,
+and traces Christian dogma back to Palestine, with which it has very
+little connexion.</p>
+
+<p>Our sense of continuity is dulled in another way. There is a tendency to
+isolate certain aspects of Hellenic life and thought as characteristic,
+and to stamp others, which are equally found among the ancient Greeks,
+as untypical and exceptional. In the sphere of religion, with which we
+are concerned in this essay, we are bidden to regard Plato and Euripides
+as rebels<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span>
+against the national tradition, and not as normal products of
+their age and country. I do not feel at liberty to pick and choose in
+this fashion. A national character may be best exemplified in its
+rebels, a religion in its heretics. If Nietzsche was right in calling
+Plato a Christian before Christ, I do not therefore regard him as an
+unhellenic Greek. Rather, I trace back to him, and so to Greece, the
+religion and the political philosophy of the Christian Church, and the
+Christian type of mysticism. If Euripides anticipated to an
+extraordinary degree the devout agnosticism, the vague pantheism, the
+humanitarian sentiment of the nineteenth (rather than of the twentieth)
+century, I do not consider that he was a freak in fifth-century Athens,
+but that Greece showed us the way even in paths where we have not been
+used to look to her for guidance. I am equally reluctant to assume,
+without evidence, that the later Platonism, whether we call it religion
+or philosophy, is unhellenic. It is quite unnecessary to look for
+Asiatic influences in a school which clung close to the Attic tradition.
+It is more to the purpose to show how a religious philosophy of mystical
+revelation and introspection grew naturally out of the older
+nature-philosophies, just as in our own day metaphysics and science have
+both been driven back upon the theory of knowledge and psychology. It
+should not be necessary to remind Hellenists that &lsquo;Know
+thyself&rsquo; passed for the supreme word of wisdom in the classical
+period, or that Heracleitus revealed his method in the words &lsquo;I
+searched myself&rsquo;.</p>
+
+<p>We shall come presently to certain parts of our modern heritage which
+are not Greek either by origin or by affinity. These will not be found
+in Euripides or Plato any more than in Herodotus or Sophocles. But some
+developments of religion which our Hellenists particularly dislike, and
+are therefore anxious to disclaim as alien to Greek thought and
+practice, such as asceticism, sacramental magic, religious persecution,
+and timid reliance on authority, are maladies of the Greek
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span> spirit, and
+came into the Church from Hellenistic and not from Jewish sources. It
+was Cleanthes who wished to treat Aristarchus as the Church treated
+Galileo, for anticipating Galileo&rsquo;s discovery. It was Plutarch, or
+rather his revered father, who said, &lsquo;You seem to me to be
+handling a very great and dangerous subject, or rather to be raising
+questions which ought not to be raised at all, when you question the
+opinion we hold about the gods, and ask reasons and proofs for
+everything. The ancient and ancestral faith is enough; and if on one
+point its fixed and traditional character be disturbed, it will be
+undermined and no one will trust it&rsquo;. It is true that Celsus
+accused the Christians of saying, &lsquo;Do not inquire; only
+believe.&rsquo; But this was not the attitude of Clement and Origen,
+still less of that most courageous pioneer St. Paul; it was rather the
+attitude of the average devout pagan. At this time the defence of
+popular superstition was no longer a matter of mere policy but of
+heartfelt need. Marcus Aurelius was a great immolator of white cows. The
+Christians were disliked, not as superstitious, but as impious.
+Alexander of Abunoteichos expelled &lsquo;Christians and
+Epicureans&rsquo; by name from his <i>s&eacute;ances</i>. Lucian is the Voltaire of
+a credulous age. As for sacerdotal magic, Ovid explicitly ascribed the
+<i>ex opere operato</i> doctrine to the Greeks.</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Graecia principium moris fuit; illa nocentes<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">impia lustratos ponere facta putat,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">a nimium faciles, qui tristia crimina caedis<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">fluminea tolli posse putatis aqua.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>The Christian Church was the last great creative achievement of the
+classical culture. It is neither Asiatic nor mediaeval in its essential
+character. It is not Asiatic; Christianity is the least Oriental of all
+the great religions. The Semites either shook it off and reverted to a
+Judaism purged of its Hellenic elements, or enrolled themselves with
+fervour under the banner of Islam, which Westcott called &lsquo;a
+petrified Judaism&rsquo;.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span>
+Christian missions have had no success in any
+Asiatic country. Nor is there anything specifically mediaeval about
+Catholicism. It preserved the idea of Roman imperialism, after the
+secular empire of the West had disappeared, and even kept the tradition
+of the secular empire alive. It modelled all its machinery on the Roman
+Empire, and consecrated the Roman claim to universal dominion, with the
+Roman law of <i>maiestas</i> against all who disputed its authority. Even its
+favourite penalty of the &lsquo;avenging flames&rsquo; is borrowed from
+the later Roman codes. It maintained the official language of antiquity,
+and the imperial title of the autocrat who reigned on the Seven Hills.
+Nor were the early Christians so anxious as is often supposed to
+disclaim this continuity. At first, it is true, their apologetic was
+directed to proving their continuity with Judaism; but Judaism ceased to
+count for much after the destruction of the Holy City in <span class='lc sc'>A. D.</span> 70, and
+the second-century apologists appeal for toleration on the ground that
+the best Greek philosophers taught very much the same as what Christians
+believe. &lsquo;We teach the same as the Greeks&rsquo;, says Justin
+Martyr, &lsquo;though we alone are hated for what we teach.&rsquo;
+&lsquo;Some among us&rsquo;, says Tertullian, &lsquo;who are versed in
+ancient literature, have written books to prove that we have embraced no
+tenets for which we have not the support of common and public
+literature.&rsquo; &lsquo;The teachings of Plato&rsquo;, says Justin
+again, &lsquo;are not alien to those of Christ; and the same is true of
+the Stoics.&rsquo; &lsquo;Heracleitus and Socrates lived in accordance
+with the divine Logos&rsquo;, and should be reckoned as Christians.
+Clement says that Plato wrote &lsquo;by inspiration of God&rsquo;.
+Augustine, much later, finds that &lsquo;only a few words and
+phrases&rsquo; need be changed to bring Platonism into complete accord
+with Christianity. The ethics of contemporary paganism, as Harnack
+shows, with special reference to Porphyry, are almost identical with
+those of the Christians of his day. They differ in many points from the
+standards of 500 years<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span>
+earlier and from those of 1,500 years later, but
+the divergences are neither racial nor credal. Catholic Christianity is
+historically continuous with the old civilization, which indeed
+continued to live in this region after its other traditions and customs
+had been shattered. There are few other examples in history of so great
+a difference between appearance and reality. Outwardly, the continuity
+with Judaism seems to be unbroken, that with paganism to be broken. In
+reality, the opposite is the fact.</p>
+
+<p>This most important truth has been obscured from many causes. The gap in
+history made by our educational tradition has been already mentioned.
+And our histories of the early Church are too often warped by an
+unfortunate bias. Christianity has been judged at its best, paganism at
+its worst. The rhetorical denunciations of writers like Seneca, Juvenal,
+and Tacitus are taken at their face value, and few have remembered the
+convention which obliged a satirist to be scathing, or the political
+prejudice of the Stoics against the monarchy, or the non-representative
+character of fashionable life in the capital. The modern Church
+historian, as Mr. Benn says, has gathered his experience in a college
+quadrangle or a cathedral close, and knows little enough about his own
+country, next to nothing about what morality was in the Middle Ages, and
+nothing at all about what it still is in many parts of Europe. In the
+most recent books, however, there is a real desire to hold the scales
+fairly, and Christianity has nothing to fear from an impartial
+judgement.</p>
+
+<p>There is also an assumption, which we find even in such learned writers
+as Harnack and Hatch, that the Hellenic element in Christianity is an
+accretion which transformed the new religion from its original purity
+and half-paganized Europe again. They would like to prove that
+underneath Catholicism was a primitive Protestantism, which owed nothing
+to Greece. The truth is that the Church was half Greek from the first,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span>
+though, as I shall say presently, the original Gospel was not. St. Paul
+was a Jew of the Dispersion, not of Palestine, and the Christianity to
+which he was converted was the Christianity of Stephen, not of James the
+Lord&rsquo;s brother. His later epistles are steeped in the phraseology
+of the Greek mysteries. The Epistle to the Hebrews and the Fourth Gospel
+are unintelligible without some knowledge of Philo, whose theology is
+more Greek than Jewish. In the conflict about the nature of the future
+life, it was the Greek eschatology which prevailed over the Jewish. St.
+Paul&rsquo;s famous declaration, &lsquo;We look not at the things which
+are seen, but at the things which are not seen; for the things which are
+seen are temporal, but the things which are not seen are eternal&rsquo;,
+is pure Platonism and quite alien to Jewish thought. Judaic Christianity
+was a local affair, and had a very short life.</p>
+
+<p>Further, too much is made of the conflict between the official cults of
+paganism and Christian public worship. It is forgotten how completely,
+in Hellenistic times, religion and philosophy were fused. Without
+under-estimating the simple piety which, especially in country
+districts, still attached itself to the temples and their ritual, we may
+say confidently that the vital religion of the empire was associated
+with the mystery-religions and with the discipline of the
+&lsquo;philosophic life&rsquo;. It is in this region that the continuity
+of Catholicism with Hellenism is mainly to be found. The philosophers at
+this time were preachers, confessors, chaplains, and missionaries. The
+clerical profession, in nearly all its activities, is directly descended
+from the Hellenistic philosophers.</p>
+
+<p>This claim of continuity may seem paradoxical when we remember the
+savage persecutions of the Christians by the imperial government. Of
+these persecutions there were several causes. The empire, like all
+empires of the same type, rested partly on religious support. Augustus
+encouraged his court poets to advocate a revival of piety and sound
+morals. A government<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span>
+cannot inquire into religious conviction, but it
+can enforce conformity and outward respect for the forms of worship as
+&lsquo;by law established&rsquo;. The Christians and Epicureans were
+held guilty of the same political offence&mdash;&lsquo;atheism&rsquo;. The
+State had no quarrel with the mystery-religions, which were a private
+matter, but open disrespect to the national deities was flat disloyalty.
+The pagans could not understand why the Church would make no terms with
+the fusion of religions (<span class='t' title='theokrasia'>θεοκρασια</span>) which seemed to them the
+natural result of the fusion of nationalities. Apuleius makes Isis say,
+when she reveals herself to Lucius, &lsquo;cuius numen unicum multiformi
+specie, ritu vario, nomine multiiugo totus veneratur orbis&rsquo;; and
+she then recounts her various names. This more than tolerant hospitality
+of the spirit seemed to the mixed population of the empire the logical
+recognition of the actual political situation, and those who
+deliberately stood outside it were at least potentially enemies of
+society. This was the real quarrel between the Church and the empire. It
+is the old State religion which Augustine attacks, ridiculing the
+innumerable Roman godlings whose names he perhaps found in Varro. It is
+true that Plato, Euripides, and Xenophanes had attacked the official
+mythology with hardly less asperity; but they did not escape censure,
+and the Christian alienation from the Olympians was far more
+fundamental.</p>
+
+<p>The pagan revival under the empire was rather like Neo-Catholicism in
+France. It was patriotic, nationalistic, and conservative, rather than
+strictly religious. Celsus, in his lost book against the Christians,
+seems to have appealed to their patriotism, urging them to support their
+country and its government in dangerous times. As the Church grew in
+numbers and power, and the old traditions crumbled away, largely from
+the fall in the birth-rate among the upper and middle classes, the
+conservatives became more anxiously attached to their own culture, and
+saw in Christianity a &lsquo;shapeless darkness&rsquo;
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span> which threatened
+to extinguish &lsquo;all the beautiful things in the world&rsquo;. We
+can partly sympathize with this alarm, though not with the foolish
+policy which it inspired. The early persecutions were like Russian
+&lsquo;pogroms&rsquo;, instigated or connived at by the government as a
+safety valve for popular discontent. For at this time the common people
+hated the Christians, and half believed the monstrous stories about
+them. The attacks were not continuous, and were half-hearted, very
+unlike the systematic extermination of Jews and Protestants in Spain. At
+Alexandria Hadrian found a money-loving population worshipping Christ
+and Sarapis almost indifferently. A wrong impression is formed if we
+picture to ourselves two sections of society engaged in constant war.
+The first real war was the last, under Diocletian; it was to decide
+whether paganism or Christianity was to be the state religion. However,
+there is no doubt that the persecutions helped to seal the fate of the
+old culture.</p>
+
+<p>Harnack traces three stages in the Hellenization of Christianity.
+&lsquo;In the earliest Christian writings, apart from Paul, Luke, and
+John&rsquo;, he cannot find any considerable traces of Greek influence.
+&lsquo;The real influx of Greek thought and life&rsquo; began about 130.
+The exception is so important as to make this statement of little or no
+value. After 130, he says, &lsquo;the philosophy of Greece went straight
+to the core of the new religion&rsquo;. A century or so later,
+&lsquo;Greek mysteries and Greek civilization in the whole range of its
+development exercise their influence on the Church, but as yet not its
+mythology and polytheism; these were still to come&rsquo;.
+&lsquo;Another century had to elapse before Hellenism as a whole and in
+every phase of its development was established in the Church.&rsquo; The
+process which he describes began, in fact, as soon as Christian
+preachers used the Greek language, and was never so complete as he says.
+The Logos-Christology, to which he justly attributes the greatest
+importance, is already present in St. Paul&rsquo;s epistles;
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span> the name
+only is wanting; and the sharp contradiction which he finds between the
+Christian idea of a revelation made through a person at a certain date,
+and the Greek idea of an apprehension of timeless and changeless truth,
+always open to individuals after the appropriate discipline, was faced
+and in part overcome by the Greek Fathers. Harnack also regards
+Gnosticism as an embodiment of the genuinely Greek view of revelation,
+forgetting that orthodox Platonism was as hostile to Gnosticism as the
+Church itself. In rejecting Gnosticism, the Church in fact decided for
+genuine Hellenism against a corrupted and barbarized development of it.
+On the other hand, there is no period at which we can speak of a
+complete conquest of Christianity by Greek ideas. There was a large part
+of the old tradition which perished with its defenders, who, obeying the
+melancholy law which directs human survival, died out to make way for
+immigrants and for the formerly submerged classes, the people with few
+wants, who were indifferent to a culture which they had never been
+allowed to share.</p>
+
+<p>One more cause of misunderstanding may be illustrated from the writings
+of Matthew Arnold. He divides the human race into Hebraizers and
+Hellenizers, and classifies the modern English and Americans as
+Hebraizers. The fundamental maxim of Hebrew ethics, according to him, is
+&lsquo;Walk by the light you have&rsquo;; of Greek ethics, &lsquo;Take
+heed that the light which is in thee is not darkness&rsquo;. The
+Hebraizer is conscientious but unenlightened; the Hellenizer is
+clear-headed but unscrupulous. Professor Santayana has lately noted the
+same difference between the type of character developed by the Latin
+nations and by the Anglo-Saxons. The Mediterranean civilization, older
+and more sophisticated, is careful to get its values right; the northern
+man is bent on doing something big, no matter what, and follows
+Clough&rsquo;s advice:</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span></p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Go! say not in thine heart, And what then, were it accomplished,<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">Were the wild impulse allayed, what is the use and the good?<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>But Santayana does not make the mistake of regarding the Reformation as
+a return to Palestinian Christianity. This was, indeed, the opinion of
+the Reformers themselves; but all religious innovation seeks to base
+itself on some old tradition. Christianity at first sought for its
+credentials in Judaism, though the Jews saw very quickly that it
+&lsquo;destroyed the Law&rsquo;. The belief of the Reformers was
+plausible; for they rejected just those parts of Catholicism which had
+nothing to do with Palestine, but were taken over from the old Hellenic
+or Hellenistic culture. But the residuum was less Jewish than Teutonic.
+On one side, indeed, the Reformation was a return to Hellenism from
+Romanism. Early Christian philosophy was mainly Platonic; early
+Christian ethics (as exemplified especially in writers like Ambrose)
+were mainly Stoical. There had been a considerable fusion of Plato and
+the Stoa among the Neoplatonists, so that it was easy for the two to
+flourish together. Augustine banished Stoical ethics from the Church,
+and they were revived only at the Reformation. Calvinism is simply
+baptized Stoicism; it is logically pantheistic, since it acknowledges
+only one effective will in the universe. The creed of nineteenth-century
+science is very similar. Puritanism was not at all like Judaism, in
+spite of its fondness for the Old Testament; it was very like Stoicism.
+The Reformation was a revolt against Latin theocracy and the hereditary
+paganism of the Mediterranean peoples; it was not really a return to
+pre-Hellenic Christianity. It sheltered the humanism of Erasmus and the
+late-flowering English Renaissance, and Christian Platonism has nowhere
+had a more flourishing record than in Protestant Britain.</p>
+
+<p>At the present time a more drastic revolt is in progress among the
+<i>plebs urbana</i>, which does in truth threaten with
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span> destruction
+&lsquo;what we owe to Greece&rsquo;. The industrial revolution has
+generated a new type of barbarism, with no roots in the past. For the
+second time in the history of Western Europe, continuity is in danger of
+being lost. A generation is growing up, not uneducated, but educated in
+a system which has little connexion with European culture in its
+historical development. The Classics are not taught; the Bible is not
+taught; history is not taught to any effect. What is even more serious,
+there are no social traditions. The modern townsman is <i>d&eacute;racin&eacute;</i>: he
+has forgotten the habits and sentiments of the village from which his
+forefathers came. An unnatural and unhealthy mode of life, cut off from
+the sweet and humanizing influences of nature, has produced an unnatural
+and unhealthy mentality, to which we shall find no parallels in the
+past. Its chief characteristic is profound secularity or materialism.
+The typical town artisan has no religion and no superstitions; he has no
+ideals beyond the visible and tangible world of the senses. This of
+course opens an impassable gulf between him and Greek religion, and a
+still wider gulf between him and Christianity. The attempts which are
+occasionally made, especially in this country, to dress up the Labour
+movement as a return to the Palestinian Gospel, are little short of
+grotesque. The contrast is well summed up by Belfort Bax, in a passage
+quoted by Professor Gardner. &lsquo;According to Christianity,
+regeneration must come from within. The ethics and religion of modern
+socialism on the contrary look for regeneration from without, from
+material conditions and a higher social life.&rsquo; Here the gauntlet
+is thrown down to Christ and Plato alike.</p>
+
+<p>Quite logically the new spirit is in revolt against what it calls
+intellectualism, which means the application of the dry light of reason
+to the problems of human life. It wishes to substitute for reason what
+some of its philosophers call instinct, but which should rather be
+called sentiment and emotion.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span>
+There is no reconciliation between this
+view of life and Hellenism. For science is the eldest and dearest child
+of the Greek spirit. One of the great battles of the future will be
+between science and its enemies. The misologists have numbers on their
+side; but &lsquo;Nature&rsquo;, whom all the Greeks honoured and
+trusted, will be justified in her children.</p>
+
+<p>The new spirit is especially bitter against the Stoical ethics, which as
+we have seen were taken over, with the Platonic metaphysics, by
+Christianity. Stoicism teaches men to venerate and obey natural law; to
+accept with proud equanimity the misfortunes of life; to be beneficent,
+but to inhibit the emotion of pity; to be self-reliant and
+self-contained; to practise self-denial for the sake of self-conquest;
+and to regard this life as a stern school of moral discipline. All this
+is simply detestable to the new spirit, which is sentimental,
+undisciplined, and hedonistic. It remembers the hardness of Puritanism,
+and has no admiration for its virtues.</p>
+
+<p>It is often said that the modern man has entirely lost the Greek love of
+beauty. This is, I think, untrue, and unjust to our present
+civilization, unlovely as it undoubtedly is in many ways. It is curious
+that modern critics of the Greeks have not called attention to the
+<i>aesthetic</i> obtuseness which showed itself in the defective reaction of
+the ancients against cruelty. It was not that they excluded beautiful
+actions from the sphere of aesthetics; they never thought of separating
+the beautiful from the good in this way. But they were not disgusted at
+the torture of slaves, the exposure of new-born children, or the
+massacre of the population of a revolted city. The same callousness
+appears in the Italian cities at the Renaissance; Ezzelino was a
+contemporary of the great architects and painters. I cannot avoid the
+conclusion that it is connected in some obscure way with the artistic
+creativeness of these two closely similar epochs. The extreme
+sensibility to physical suffering which characterizes modern
+civilization arose<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span>
+together with industrialism, and is most marked in
+the most highly industrialized countries. It has synchronized with the
+complete eclipse of spontaneous and unconscious artistic production,
+which we deplore in our time. Evelyn, in the seventeenth century, was
+still able to visit a prison in Paris to gratify his curiosity by seeing
+a prisoner tortured, and though he did not stay to the end of the
+exhibition he shows that his stomach was not easily turned. It is
+certain that our repugnance to such sights is aesthetic rather than
+moral, and probable that it is strongest in the lower social strata.
+Several years ago I went to the first night of a rather foolish play
+about ancient Rome, in which an early Christian is brought in to be very
+mildly tortured on the stage. At the first crack of the whip my
+neighbours sprang from their seats, crying, &lsquo;Shame! Stop
+that!&rsquo;; and the scene had to be removed in subsequent
+performances. The operatives in a certain factory stopped the engines
+for an hour because they heard a cat mewing among the machinery. Having
+with difficulty rescued the animal from being crushed they strangled it.
+The explanation of this extreme susceptibleness must be left to
+psychologists; but I am convinced that we have here a case of
+transferred aesthetic sensibility. We can walk unmoved down the streets
+of Plaistow, but we cannot bear to see a horse beaten. The Athenians set
+up no Albert Memorials, but they tortured slave-girls in their
+law-courts and sent their prisoners to work in the horrible galleries of
+the Laureion silver-mines.</p>
+
+<p>This emergence of a new spirit, which seems to be almost independent of
+all traditions, makes it difficult to estimate our present indebtedness
+to Greece in matters of religion. It would be difficult even if the
+industrial revolution had not taken place. The northern Europeans have
+hardly yet attained to self-expression. Their religion is a mixture of
+Greek, Latin, and Hebrew elements which refuse to be harmonized, and
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span>
+which in this country sometimes clash with the ideal of a gentleman,
+that lay religion of the English-speaking peoples, which has no longer
+any connexion with heraldry or property in land. The English gentleman
+is not a Greek any more than he is a Jew. His code makes Odysseus an
+amusing rascal; Achilles a violent and sulky savage; and
+Aristotle&rsquo;s <span class='t' title='megalopsychos'>μεγαλοψυχος</span> (as has been said) is rather
+like a nobleman in a novel by Disraeli, but not like any other sort of
+gentleman. The Englishman is by nature religious; but Christianity in
+its developed form is a Mediterranean religion; in all external features
+it might have been very different if it had been first planted north of
+the Alps. There is, therefore, a chronic confusion in Protestantism
+which makes its conflicts with the Latin Church like the battles of
+undisciplined barbarians against well-drilled troops.</p>
+
+<p>Nevertheless, though it is so difficult to separate out the various
+threads which make up the tangled skein of our modern religion, it may
+be worth while to make the attempt to distinguish, first, those parts of
+current Christianity which are not Greek, in the wide sense which I have
+chosen for the word, and then those which, in the same sense, are Greek
+by origin or affinity.</p>
+
+<p>Among those elements which are not Greek, the first place must be given
+to the original Gospel, of which I have said nothing yet. Our records of
+the Galilean ministry, contained in the three synoptic Gospels, were not
+compiled till long after the events which they describe, and must not be
+used uncritically. But in my opinion, at any rate, the substance of the
+teaching of Christ comes out very clearly in these books. No Hellenic
+influence can be traced in it; there is not even any sign of the
+Hellenized Judaism which for us is represented by his contemporary
+Philo. But neither is it possible to call the Gospel Jewish, except with
+many qualifications. Christ came before his countrymen as a prophet; he
+deliberately placed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span>
+himself in the line of the prophetic tradition.
+Like other prophets of his nation, he did not altogether eschew the
+framework of apocalyptic which was at that time the natural mould for
+prophecy. But he preached neither the popular nationalism, nor the
+popular ecclesiasticism, nor the popular ethics. His countrymen rejected
+him as soon as they understood him. The Gospel was, as St. Paul said, a
+new creation. It is most significant that it at once introduced a new
+ethical terminology. The Greek words which we translate love (or
+charity), joy, peace, hope, humility, are no part of the stock-in-trade
+of Greek moralists before Christ. Men do not coin new words for old
+ideas. Taken as a whole the Gospel is profoundly original; and a
+Christian can find strong evidence for his belief that in Christ a
+revelation was made to humanity at large, in which the religion of the
+Spirit, in its purest and most universal form, was for the first time
+presented to mankind. This revelation has to a considerable extent
+passed into the common consciousness of the civilized world; but its
+implications in matters of conduct, individual, social, and
+international, are still imperfectly understood and have never been
+acted upon, except feebly and sporadically. It is a reproach to us that
+the teaching of Christ must be regarded as only one of many elements
+which make up what we call Christianity. The Quakers, as a body, seem to
+me to come nearest to what a genuinely Christian society would be.</p>
+
+<p>Secondly, the Greeks escaped the evils of priestly government. The
+Oriental type of theocracy, with which they were familiar in the Egypt
+of the Pharaohs, was alien to their civilization. Their sacrifices were
+for the most part of the genial type, a communion-meal with the god. But
+even in Greece we must remember the gloomy chthonian rites, and the
+degradations of Orphism mentioned by Plato in the <i>Republic</i>.
+&lsquo;They persuade not only individuals but whole cities that
+expiations and atonements for sin may be made
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span> by sacrifices and
+amusements which fill a vacant hour, and are equally at the service of
+the living and of the dead; the latter sort they call mysteries, and
+they redeem us from the pains of hell, but if we neglect them no one
+knows what awaits us.&rsquo; This exploitation of sacramentalism was
+common enough in Greece; but the characteristic Caesaro-Papism of
+Byzantium and modern imperialism was wholly foreign to Hellenism. It was
+introduced by Constantine as part of the Orientalizing of the empire
+begun by Diocletian. As Seeley says, &lsquo;Constantine purchased an
+indefeasible title by a charter. He gave certain liberties and received
+in return passive obedience. He gained a sanction for the Oriental
+theory of government; in return he accepted the law of the Church. He
+became irresponsible to his subjects on condition of becoming
+responsible to Christ.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>The Greeks never had a book-religion, in the sense in which Judaism
+became, and Islam always was, a book-religion. But they were in some
+danger of treating Homer and Hesiod as inspired scriptures. To us it is
+plain that a long religious history lies behind Homer, and that the
+treatment of the gods in Epic poetry proves that they had almost ceased
+to be the objects of religious feeling. Some of them are even comic
+characters, like the devil in Scottish folklore. To turn these poems
+into sacred literature was to court the ridicule of the Christians. But
+Homer was never supposed to contain &lsquo;the faith once delivered to
+the saints&rsquo;; no religion of authority could be built upon him, and
+Greek speculation remained far more unfettered than the thought of
+Christendom has been until our own day.</p>
+
+<p>Those who have observed the actual state of Christianity in
+Mediterranean countries cannot lay much stress on the difference between
+Christian monotheism and pagan polytheism. The early Church fought
+against the tendency to interpose objects of worship between God and
+man; but Mariolatry<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span>
+came in through a loophole, and the worship of the
+masses in Roman Catholic countries is far more pagan than the
+service-books. In the imagination of many simple Catholics, Jesus, Mary,
+and Joseph are the chief potentates in their Olympus.</p>
+
+<p>The doctrine of the creation of the world in time, which was denied by
+most pagan thinkers and affirmed by most Christian divines, belongs to
+philosophy rather than to religion. The disbelief in the pre-existence
+of the soul, a doctrine which for Greek thought stands or falls with the
+belief in survival after death, is more important, and may be partly
+attributable to Jewish influence. But pre-existence does not seem to
+have been believed by the majority of Greeks, and in fact almost
+disappears from Greek thought between Plato and the Neoplatonists. It is
+possible that the Pythagorean and Platonic doctrine may still have a
+future.</p>
+
+<p>There are some who will insist that these differences are insignificant
+by the side of the fact that Christianity was the idealistic side of a
+revolt of the proletariat against the whole social order of the time.
+This notion, which made Christ &lsquo;le bon sans-culotte&rsquo;, has
+again become popular lately; some have even compared the early
+Christians with Bolsheviks. It is a fair question to ask at what period
+this was even approximately true. Christ and his apostles belonged to
+the prosperous peasantry of Galilee, a well-educated and comfortable
+middle class. The domestic slaves of wealthy Romans, who embraced the
+new faith in large numbers, were legally defenceless, but by no means
+miserable or degraded. After the second century the comparison of the
+Christians to modern revolutionists becomes too absurd for discussion.
+There is a good deal of rhetorical declamation about riches and poverty
+in the Christian Fathers; but unfortunately the Church seems to have
+done very little to protest against the crying economic injustices of
+the fourth and fifth centuries. From first to last there was nothing of
+the &lsquo;Spartacus&rsquo; movement about the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span> Catholic Church. As soon
+as the persecutions ceased, the bishops took their place naturally among
+the nobility.</p>
+
+<p>When we turn to the obligations of modern religion to Greece, it is
+difficult to know where to begin.</p>
+
+<p>The conception of philosophy as an <i>ars vivendi</i> is characteristically
+Greek. Nothing can be further from the truth than to call the Greeks
+&lsquo;intellectualists&rsquo; in the disparaging sense in which the
+word is now often used. The object of philosophy was to teach a man to
+live well, and with that object to think rightly about God, the world,
+and himself. This close union between metaphysics, morals, and religion
+has remained as a permanent possession of the modern world. Every
+philosopher is now expected to show the bearing of his system on
+morality and religion, and the criticism is often justified that however
+bold the speculations of the thinker, he is careful, when he comes to
+conduct, to be conventional enough. The Hellenistic combination of
+Platonic metaphysics with Stoic ethics is still the dominant type of
+Christian religious philosophy. It is curious to observe how competing
+tendencies in these systems&mdash;the praise of isolated detachment and of
+active social sympathy&mdash;have continued to struggle against each other
+within the Christian Church.</p>
+
+<p>The place of asceticism in religion is so important, and so much has
+been written rather unintelligently about the contrast between Hellenism
+and Christianity in this matter, that I propose to deal with it, briefly
+indeed, but with a little more detail than a strict attention to
+proportion would justify. It has often been assumed that a nation of
+athletes, who made heroes of Heracles and Theseus, Achilles and Hector,
+could have had nothing but contempt for the ascetic ideal. But in truth
+asceticism has a continuous history within Hellenism. Even Homer knows
+of the priests of chilly Dodona, the Selli, whose bare feet are
+unwashed, and who sleep on the ground. This is probably not, as
+Wilamowitz-Moellendorff thinks,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span>
+a description of savage life, but of an
+ascetic school of prophets. For the fastdays which introduced the
+Thesmophoria were observed by the Athenian matrons in the same way; they
+went unshod and sat on the bare earth; and we may compare the
+Nudipedalia, ordered by the Romans in time of dearth and mentioned by
+Petronius and Tertullian. Prophets and prophetesses fasted at Miletus,
+Colophon, and other places. National fasts were ordered in times of
+calamity or danger, and Tarentum kept a yearly fast of thankfulness for
+deliverance from a siege. The flagellation of boys at Sparta hardly
+comes into account, being probably a substitute for human sacrifice; but
+the continuance of the cruel rite till nearly the end of antiquity
+causes surprise. The worship of Dionysus Zagreus in Thrace was
+accompanied by ascetic practices before Pythagoras. Vegetarianism, which
+has always played an important part in the ascetic life, was obligatory
+on all Pythagoreans; but in this school there was another motive besides
+the desire to mortify the flesh. Those who believe in the transmigration
+of souls into the bodies of animals must regard flesh-eating as little
+better than cannibalism. The Pythagorean and the Orphic rules of life
+were well known throughout antiquity, and were probably obeyed by large
+numbers. The rule of continence was far less strict than in the Catholic
+&lsquo;religious&rsquo; life; but Empedocles, according to Hippolytus,
+advised abstinence from marriage and procreation, and the tendency to
+regard celibacy as part of the &lsquo;philosophic life&rsquo; increased
+steadily. The Cynic Antisthenes is quoted by Clement of Alexandria as
+having expressed a wish to &lsquo;shoot Aphrodite, who has ruined so
+many virtuous women&rsquo;. But the asceticism of the early Cynics and
+of some Stoics was based not on self-devotion and spirituality but on
+the desire for independence, and often took repulsive forms. Of some
+among them it may be said that they did not object to sensual pleasure,
+they only objected to having to pay for it. Desire for self-sufficiency
+is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span>
+always part of asceticism, but in the Christian saints it has been a
+small part. The Greeks who practised it were from first to last too
+anxious to be invulnerable; this was the main attraction of the
+philosophic life from the time of Antisthenes, and it remained the main
+attraction to the end. But Cynicism and Stoicism (which tend to run
+together) became gentler, more humane, and more spiritual under the
+Roman empire. Seneca, Epictetus, and Marcus Aurelius often seem to be
+half Christian. Direct influence of Christian ethics at this early
+period is perhaps unlikely; it is enough to suppose that the spirit of
+the age affected in a similar way all creeds and denominations.
+Self-mortification tended to assume more and more violent forms, till it
+culminated in the strange aberrations of Egyptian eremitism. It is
+impossible to regard these as either Greek or Christian; they indicate a
+pathological state of society, which can be partly but not entirely
+accounted for by the conditions of the time. After a few centuries a far
+more wholesome type of monachism supplanted the hermits; the anchorites
+of the Middle Ages retained the solitary life, but were very unlike the
+crazy savages of the Thebaid. In modern times, those who have been most
+under the Greek spirit have generally lived with austere simplicity, but
+without any of the violent self-discipline which is said to be still
+practised by some devout Catholics. The assiduous practice of
+self-mastery and the most sparing indulgence in the pleasures of sense
+are the &lsquo;philosophic life&rsquo; which the Greek spirit recommends
+as the highest. The best Greeks would blame the life of an English
+clergyman, professor, or philosopher as too self-indulgent; we often
+forget how frugally and hardily the Greeks lived at all times. But here
+we have to consider the differences of climate, and the apparent
+necessity of a rather generous diet for the Nordic race.</p>
+
+<p>The influence of the Greek mysteries upon Christianity is a keenly
+debated question, in which passion and prejudice play
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span> too large a part.
+The information necessary for forming a judgement has been much enlarged
+by recent discoveries in Egypt and elsewhere, and, as usually happens,
+the importance of the new facts has been sometimes exaggerated.
+Protestant theology has on the whole minimized the influence of the
+mysteries, and has post-dated it, from an unwillingness to allow that
+there was already a strong Catholic element in the Christianity of the
+first century. Orthodox Catholicism has ignored it from different but
+equally obvious motives. Modernist Catholicism has in my opinion
+antedated the irruption of crude sacramentalism into the Church, and has
+greatly overstated its importance in the religion of the first-century
+Christians. This school practically denies anything more than a
+half-accidental continuity between the preaching of the historical
+Christ, whom they strangely suppose to have been a mere apocalyptist,
+one of the many Messiahs or Mahdis who arose at this period in
+Palestine, and the Catholic Church, which according to them belonged to
+the same type of religion as the worship of Isis and Mithra. Another
+bone of contention is the value of the mystery-religions of Greece. The
+very able German scholars who have written on the subject, such as
+Reitzenstein and still more Rohde, seem to me much too unsympathetic in
+their treatment of the mystery-cults. Lastly, some competent critics
+have lately urged that this side of Christianity owed more to
+Judaism&mdash;Hellenized Judaism, of course&mdash;than has been hitherto supposed.</p>
+
+<p>Plato in the <i>Phaedo</i> says that &lsquo;those who established our
+mysteries declare that all who come to Hades uninitiated will lie in the
+mud; while he who has been purified and initiated will dwell with the
+gods&rsquo;. For, as they say in the mysteries, &lsquo;Many are the
+thyrsus-bearers, but few are the inspired&rsquo;. This sacramentalism
+was not unchallenged, as we have already seen from Plato himself.
+Diogenes is said to have asked whether the robber Pataecion was better
+off in the other world than the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span>
+hero Epaminondas, because the former
+had been initiated, and the latter had not. But Orphism, though liable
+to degradation, purified and elevated the old Bacchic rites. As Miss
+Harrison says, the Bacchanals hoped to attain unity with God by
+intoxication, the Orphics by abstinence. The way to salvation was now
+through &lsquo;holiness&rsquo; (<span class='t' title='hosiotês'>ὁσιοτης</span>). To the initiated the
+assurance was given, &lsquo;Happy and blessed one! Thou shalt be a god
+instead of a mortal.&rsquo; To be a god meant for a Greek simply to be
+immortal; the Orphic saint was delivered from the painful cycle of
+recurring births and deaths. And Orphic purity was mainly, though not
+entirely, the result of moral discipline. Cumont says that the
+mystery-cults brought with them two new things&mdash;mysterious means of
+purification by which they proposed to cleanse away the defilements of
+the soul, and the assurance that an immortality of bliss would be the
+reward of piety. The truth, says Mr. H. A. Kennedy, was presented to
+them in the guise of divine revelations, esoteric doctrines to be
+carefully concealed from the gaze of the profane, doctrines which placed
+in their hands a powerful apparatus for gaining deliverance from the
+assaults of malicious demonic influences, and above all for overcoming
+the relentless tyranny of fate. This demonology was believed everywhere
+under the Roman empire, the period of which Mr. Kennedy is thinking in
+this sentence, and it has unfortunately left more traces in St.
+Paul&rsquo;s epistles than we like to allow. The formation of
+brotherhoods for mystic worship was also an important step in the
+development of Greek religion. These brotherhoods were cosmopolitan, and
+seem to have flourished especially at great seaports. They were
+thoroughly popular, drawing most of their support from the lower
+classes, and within them national and social distinctions were ignored.
+Their ultimate aim cannot be summed up better than in Mr.
+Kennedy&rsquo;s words&mdash;&lsquo;to raise the soul above the transiency of
+perishable matter through actual union with the Divine&rsquo;. It has
+been<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span>
+usual to distinguish between the dignified and officially
+recognized mysteries, like those of Eleusis, and the independent
+voluntary associations, some of which became important. But there was
+probably no essential difference between them. In neither case was there
+much definite teaching; the aim, as Aristotle says, was to produce a
+certain emotional state (<span class='t' title='ou mathein ti dein alla pathein'>ου μαθειν τι δειν αλλα παθειν</span>). A
+passion-play was enacted amid the most impressive surroundings, and we
+need not doubt that the moral effect was beneficial and sometimes
+profound. When the Egyptian mysteries of Isis and Osiris were fused with
+the Hellenic, a type of worship was evolved which was startlingly like
+Christianity. A famous Egyptian text contains the promise: &lsquo;As
+truly as Osiris lives, shall he [the worshipper] live; as truly as
+Osiris is not dead, shall he not die.&rsquo; The thanksgiving to Isis at
+the end of the <i>Metamorphoses</i> of Apuleius is very beautiful in itself,
+though it is an odd termination of a licentious novel. The Hermetic
+literature also contains doctrine of a markedly Johannine type, as
+notably in a prayer to Isis: &lsquo;Glorify me, as I have glorified the
+name of thy son Horus.&rsquo; I agree with those critics (Cumont,
+Zielinski, and others) who attach the &lsquo;higher&rsquo; Hermetic
+teaching to genuinely Hellenic sources. But it is not necessary to
+ascribe all the higher teaching to Greece and the lower to Egypt.</p>
+
+<p>Much of St. Paul&rsquo;s theology belongs to the same circle of ideas as
+these mysteries. Especially important is the psychology which divides
+human nature into spirit, soul, and body, spirit being the divine
+element into which those who are saved are transformed by the
+&lsquo;knowledge of God&rsquo;. This knowledge is a supernatural gift,
+which (in the <i>Poimandres</i>) confers &lsquo;deification&rsquo;. St. Paul
+usually prefers &lsquo;Pneuma&rsquo; as the name of this highest part of
+human nature; in the Hermetic literature it is not easy to distinguish
+between Pneuma and Nous, which holds exactly the same place in
+Neoplatonism. The notion of salvation as consisting in the knowledge of
+God<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span>
+is not infrequent in St. Paul; compare, for example, 1 Cor. xiii.
+12 and a still more important passage, Phil. ii. 8-10. This knowledge
+was partly communicated by visions and revelations, to which St. Paul
+attributed some importance; but on the whole he is consistent in
+treating knowledge as the crown and consummation of faith. The pneumatic
+transformation of the personality is the centre of St. Paul&rsquo;s
+eschatology. &lsquo;Though our outward man perish, our inward man is
+renewed day by day.&rsquo; The &lsquo;spiritual body&rsquo; is the
+vehicle of the transformed personality; for &lsquo;flesh and blood
+cannot inherit the kingdom of God&rsquo;. The expression &lsquo;to be
+born again&rsquo; is common in the mystery literature.</p>
+
+<p>It would be easy to find many other parallels in St. Paul&rsquo;s
+epistles, in the Johannine books which are the best commentary upon
+them, and in the theology of the Greek Fathers, which prove the close
+connexion of early Christianity with the mystery-religions of the
+empire. Twenty years ago it might have been worth while to draw out
+these resemblances in greater detail, even in so summary a survey as
+this. But at present the tendency is, if not to over-estimate the debt
+of the Christian religion to Hellenistic thought and worship, at any
+rate to ignore the great difference between the higher elements in the
+mystery-religions, which the new faith could gladly and readily
+assimilate, and the lower type, the theosophy, magic, and theurgy, which
+was not in the line of Hellenic development, and is not to be found in
+the New Testament. Wendland, always a judicious critic, has said very
+truly that St. Paul stands to the mystery-religions as Plato to Orphism;
+they are not the centre of his religious life, but they gave him
+effective forms of expression for his religious experience. Or, as
+Weinel says, &lsquo;St. Paul&rsquo;s doctrine of the Spirit and of
+Christ is not an imitation of mystery-doctrine, but inmost personal
+experience metaphysically interpreted after the manner of his
+time.&rsquo; Writers like Loisy, who say that for St. Paul Jesus
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span> was
+&lsquo;a Saviour God, after the manner of Osiris, Attis, or
+Mithra&rsquo;, and who proceed to draw out obvious parallels between the
+sufferings, death, and resurrection of these mythological personages and
+the gospels of the Christian Church, surely forget that St. Paul was a
+Jew, and that there are some transformations of which the religious mind
+is incapable. He never speaks of Christ as a &lsquo;Saviour God&rsquo;.
+Even more perverse are the arguments which are used to prove that the
+centre of St. Paul&rsquo;s religion was a gross and materialistic
+sacramental magic. The apostle, whose antipathy to ritual in every shape
+is stamped upon all his writings, who thanks God that he baptized very
+few of the Corinthians, who declares that &lsquo;Christ sent him not to
+baptize but to preach the Gospel&rsquo;, is accused of regarding baptism
+as &lsquo;an <i>opus operatum</i> which secures a man&rsquo;s admission into
+the kingdom apart from the character of his future conduct&rsquo;. And
+yet in the Epistle to the Romans, as Weinel says, &lsquo;baptism only
+once enters his mind, and the Lord&rsquo;s Supper not even once&rsquo;.
+Baptism for him is no <i>opus operatum</i>, but a ceremony of social
+significance, a symbol conditioning a deeper experience of divine grace,
+already embraced by faith. These same critics proceed to illustrate St.
+Paul&rsquo;s doctrine of the Lord&rsquo;s Supper by references to the
+religion of the Aztecs and other barbarians. But it is hardly worth
+while to argue with those who suppose that a man with St. Paul&rsquo;s
+upbringing and culture could have dallied with the notion of
+&lsquo;eating a god&rsquo;. The &lsquo;table of the Lord&rsquo; is the
+table at which the Lord is the spiritual host, not the table on which
+his flesh is placed. Does any one suppose that &lsquo;the table of
+demons&rsquo; which is contrasted with the &lsquo;table of the
+Lord&rsquo; is the table at which demons are eaten? Demons had no
+bodies, as we learn from the <span class='t' title='ouk eimi daimonion asômaton'>ουκ ειμι δαιμονιον ασωματον</span> of a
+well-known passage in a New Testament manuscript.</p>
+
+<p>Crude sacramentalism certainly came in later. Its parentage
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span> may be
+traced, if we will, to those mystery-mongers whom Plato mentions with
+disapproval. If Hellenism is the name of a way of thinking, this form of
+religion is not healthy Hellenism; that it was held by many Hellenes
+cannot be denied.</p>
+
+<p>The biblical doctrine of the Fall of Man, which the Hebrews would never
+have evolved for themselves, remained an otiose dogma in Jewish
+religion. It was revivified in Christianity under Greek influence. Man,
+as Empedocles and others had taught, was &lsquo;an exile and vagabond
+from God&rsquo;; his body was his tomb; he is clothed in &lsquo;an alien
+garment of flesh&rsquo;. He is in a fallen state and needs redemption.
+Hellenism had become a religion of redemption; the empire was quite
+ready to accept this part of Christian doctrine. The sin of Adam became
+the first scene in the great drama of humanity, which led up to the
+Atonement. At the same time the whole process was never mere history;
+its deepest meaning was enacted in the life-story of each individual.
+Greek thought gave this turn to dogmas which for a Jew would have been a
+flat historical recital. In modern times the earlier scenes in the
+story, at any rate, are looked upon as little more than the
+dramatization of the normal experience of a human soul. But Greek
+thought, while it remained true to type, never took sin so tragically as
+Christianity has done. The struggle against evil has become sterner than
+it ever was for the Greeks. It must, however, be remembered that the
+large majority of professing Christians do not trouble themselves much
+about their sins, and that the best of the Greeks were thoroughly in
+earnest in seeking to amend their lives.</p>
+
+<p>Redemption was brought to earth by a Redeemer who was both God and Man.
+This again was in accordance with Greek ideas. The Mediator between God
+and Man must be fully divine, since an intermediate Being would be in
+touch with neither side. The victory of Athanasius was in no sense a
+defeat for Hellenism. The only difficulty for a Greek thinker was
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span> that
+an Incarnate God ought to be impassible. This was a puzzle only for
+philosophers; popular religion saw no difficulty in a <i>Christus
+patiens</i>. The doctrine of the Logos brought Christianity into direct
+affinity with both Platonism and Stoicism, and the Second Person of the
+Trinity was invested with the same attributes as the Nous of the
+Neoplatonists. But the attempts to equate the Trinity with the three
+divine hypostases of Plotinus was no more successful than the later
+attempt of Hegel to set the Trinity in the framework of his philosophy.</p>
+
+<p>The subject of eschatology is so vast that it is hopeless to deal with
+it, even in the most summary fashion, in one paragraph. It is usually
+said that the resurrection of the body is a Jewish doctrine, the
+immortality of the soul a Greek doctrine. But the Jews were very slow to
+bring the idea of a future life into their living faith; to this day it
+does not seem to be of much importance in Judaism. Some form of
+Millenarianism&mdash;a reign of the saints on earth&mdash;would seem to be the
+natural form for Jewish hopes to take. This belief, which was the
+earliest mould into which the treasure of the new revelation was poured,
+has never quite disappeared from the Church, and in times of excitement
+and upheaval it tends to reassert itself. The maturest Greek philosophy
+regards eternity as the divine mode of existence, while mortals are
+born, live, and die in time. Man is a microcosm, in touch with every
+rung of the ladder of existence; and he is potentially a
+&lsquo;participator&rsquo; in the divine mode of existence, which he can
+make his own by living, so far as may be, in detachment from the vain
+shadows and perishable goods of earth. That this conception of
+immortality has had a great influence upon Christian thought and
+practice needs no demonstration. It is and always has been the religion
+of the mystic. But the Orphic tradition, with its pictures of purgatory
+and of eternal bliss and torment, has on the whole dominated the other
+two in popular Christian belief. It has been stripped of its
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span>
+accessories&mdash;the belief in reincarnation and the transmigration of
+souls, doctrines which maintain a somewhat uneasy existence within the
+scheme of the Neoplatonists. The picture of future retribution is even
+more terrifying without them. Both the philosophical and the popular
+beliefs about the other world are far more Greek than Jewish; but the
+attempt to hold these very discrepant beliefs together has reduced
+Christian eschatology to extreme confusion, and many Christians have
+given up the attempt to formulate any theories about what are called the
+four last things. On such a mysterious subject, definiteness is neither
+to be expected nor desired. The original Gospel does not encourage the
+natural curiosity of man to know his future fate; and the three types of
+eschatology which we have described have all their value as representing
+different aspects of religious faith and hope. We must after all confess
+the truth of St. Paul&rsquo;s words, that &lsquo;eye hath not seen, nor
+ear heard, neither hath it entered into the heart of man to conceive,
+the things that God hath prepared for them that love him&rsquo;. The
+same apostle reminds us that &lsquo;now we see through a mirror, in
+riddles, and know only in part&rsquo;; the face to face vision, and the
+knowledge which unites the knower and the known, may be ours when we
+have finished our course. In these words, which recall Plato&rsquo;s
+famous myth of the Cave, St. Paul is fundamentally at one with the
+Platonists; and it may well be that it is by this path that our
+contemporaries may recover that belief in eternal life which is at
+present burning very dimly among us.</p>
+
+<p>In conclusion, what has the religion of the Greeks to teach us that we
+are most in danger of forgetting? In a word, it is the faith that Truth
+is our friend, and that the knowledge of Truth is not beyond our reach.
+Faith in honest seeking (<span class='t' title='zêtêsis'>ζητησις</span>) is at the heart of the Greek
+view of life. &lsquo;Those who would rightly judge of truth&rsquo;, says
+Aristotle, &lsquo;must be arbitrators, not litigants&rsquo;.
+&lsquo;Happy is he who has learnt the value of research&rsquo;
+(<span class='t' title='historia'>ἱστορια</span>), says Euripides in a fragment. Curiosity,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span> as the Greeks knew
+and the Middle Ages knew not, is a virtue, not a vice. Nature, for
+Plato, is God&rsquo;s vicegerent and revealer, the Soul of the universe.
+Human nature is the same nature as the divine; no one has proclaimed
+this more strongly. Nature is for us; chaos and &lsquo;necessity&rsquo;
+are the enemy. The divorce between religion and humanism began, it must
+be admitted, under Plato&rsquo;s successors, who unhappily were
+indifferent to natural science, and did not even follow the best light
+that was to be had in physical knowledge. In the Dark Ages, when the
+link with Greece was broken, the separation became absolute. The
+luxuriant mythology of the early Greeks was not unscientific. In the
+absence of knowledge gaps were filled up by the imagination, and the
+&lsquo;method of trial and error&rsquo;. The dramatic fancy which
+creates myths is the raw material of both poetry and science. Of course
+religious myths may come to be a bar to progress in science; they do so
+when, in a rationalizing age, the question comes to be one of fact or
+fiction. It is a mistake to suppose that the faith of a
+&lsquo;post-rational&rsquo; age, to use a phrase of Santayana, can be
+the same as that of an unscientific age, even when it uses the same
+formulas. The Greek spirit itself is now calling us away from some of
+the vestments of Greek tradition. The choice before us is between a
+&lsquo;post-rational&rsquo; traditionalism, fundamentally sceptical,
+pragmatistic, and intellectually dishonest, and a trust in reason which
+rests really on faith in the divine Logos, the self-revealing soul of
+the universe. It is the belief of the present writer that the
+unflinching eye and the open mind will bring us again to the feet of
+Christ, to whom Greece, with her long tradition of free and fearless
+inquiry, became a speedy and willing captive, bringing her manifold
+treasures to Him, in the well-grounded confidence that He was not come
+to destroy but to fulfil.</p>
+
+<p class='sig sc'>W. R. Inge.</p>
+
+<hr /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="PHILOSOPHY" id="PHILOSOPHY"></a>PHILOSOPHY</h2>
+
+<p>If we consider the philosophical tendencies of the day, we shall
+probably observe first of all that the artificial wall of partition
+between philosophy and science&mdash;and especially mathematical science&mdash;is
+beginning to wear very thin. On the other hand, we cannot fail to notice
+a reaction against what is called intellectualism. This reaction takes
+many forms, the most characteristic perhaps of which is a renewed
+interest in Mysticism. It leads also to a strong insistence on the
+practical aspect of philosophic thought, and to a view of its bearing on
+what had been regarded as primarily theoretical issues, which is known
+by the rather unfortunate name of Pragmatism. Now it is just on these
+points that we have most to learn from the Greeks, and Greek philosophy
+is therefore of special importance for us at the present time. At its
+best, it was never divorced from science, while it found a way of
+reconciling itself both with the interests of the practical life and
+with mysticism without in any way abating the claims of the intellect.
+It is solely from these points of view that it is proposed to regard
+Greek philosophy here. It would be futile to attempt a summary of the
+whole subject in the space available, and such a summary would have no
+value. Many things will therefore be passed over in silence which are
+important in themselves and would have to be fully treated in a complete
+account. All that can be done now is to indicate the points at which
+Greek philosophy seems to touch our actual problems. It will be seen
+that here, as elsewhere, &lsquo;all history is contemporary
+history&rsquo;, and that the present can only be understood in the light
+of the past.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span>
+The word &lsquo;philosophy&rsquo; is Greek and so is the thing it
+denotes. Unless we are to use the term in so wide a sense as to empty it
+of all special meaning, there is no evidence that philosophy has ever
+come into existence anywhere except under Greek influences. In
+particular, mystical speculation based on religious experience is not
+itself philosophy, though it has often influenced philosophy profoundly,
+and for this reason the pantheism of the <i>Upanishads</i> cannot be called
+philosophical. It is true that there is an Indian philosophy, and indeed
+the Hindus are the only ancient people besides the Greeks who ever had
+one, but Indian science was demonstrably borrowed from Greece after the
+conquest of Alexander, and there is every reason to believe that those
+Indian systems which can be regarded as genuinely philosophical are a
+good deal more recent still. On the other hand, the earliest
+authenticated instance of a Greek thinker coming under Indian influence
+is that of Pyrrho (326 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>), and what he brought back from the East
+was rather the ideal of quietism than any definite philosophical
+doctrine. The barrier of language was sufficient to prevent any
+intercourse on important subjects, for neither the Greeks nor the
+Indians cared to learn any language but their own. Of course philosophy
+may culminate in theology, and the best Greek philosophy certainly does
+so, but it begins with science and not with religion.</p>
+
+<p>By philosophy the Greeks meant a serious endeavour to understand the
+world and man, having for its chief aim the discovery of the right way
+of life and the conversion of people to it. It would not, however, be
+true to say that the word had always borne this special sense. At any
+rate the corresponding verb (<span class='t' title='philosophein'>φιλοσοφειν</span>) had at first a far
+wider range. For instance, Herodotus (i. 30) makes Croesus say that
+Solon had travelled far and wide &lsquo;as a philosopher&rsquo;
+(<span class='t' title='philosopheôn'>φιλοσοφεων</span>),
+and it is clear from the context that this refers to
+that love of travel for the sake of the &lsquo;wonders&rsquo; to be seen
+in strange lands which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span>
+was so characteristic of the Ionian Greeks in
+the fifth century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> That is made quite plain by the phrase
+&lsquo;for the sake of sightseeing&rsquo; (<span class='t' title='theôriês heineken'>θεωριης ἑινεκεν</span>)
+with which the word is coupled. Again, when Thucydides (ii. 40) makes
+Pericles say of his fellow citizens &lsquo;we follow philosophy without
+loss of manliness&rsquo; (<span class='t' title='philosophoumen aneu malakias'>φιλοσοφουμεν ανευ μαλακιας</span>), it is
+certainly not of philosophy in the special sense he is thinking. He is
+only contrasting the culture of Athens with the somewhat effeminate
+civilization of the Ionians in Asia Minor. Even in the next century,
+Isocrates tried to revert to this wider sense of the word, and he
+regularly uses it of the art of political journalism which he imparted
+to his pupils.</p>
+
+<p>Tradition ascribes the first use of the term &lsquo;philosophy&rsquo; in
+the more restricted sense indicated above to Pythagoras of Samos, an
+Ionian who founded a society for its cultivation in southern Italy in
+the latter half of the sixth century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> It is notoriously difficult
+to make any positive statements about Pythagoras, seeing that he wrote
+nothing; but it is safer on general grounds to ascribe the leading ideas
+of the system to the master rather than to his followers. Moreover, this
+particular tradition is confirmed by the fact, for which there is
+sufficient evidence, that the name &lsquo;philosophers&rsquo; originally
+designated the Pythagoreans in a special way. For instance, we know that
+Zeno of Elea (<i>c.</i> 450 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>) wrote a book &lsquo;Against the
+Philosophers&rsquo;, and in his mouth that can only mean &lsquo;Against
+the Pythagoreans&rsquo;. Now the Pythagorean use of the term depends on
+a certain way of regarding man, which there is good reason for ascribing
+to Pythagoras himself. It has become more or less of a commonplace now,
+but we must try to seize it in its original freshness if we wish to
+understand the associations the word &lsquo;philosophy&rsquo; came to
+have for the Greeks. To state it briefly, it is the view that man is
+something intermediate between God and &lsquo;the other animals&rsquo;
+(<span class='t' title='talla zôa'>ταλλα ζωα</span>). As compared with God, he is &lsquo;mere
+man&rsquo;, liable to error and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span>
+death (both of which are spoken of as specially <i>human</i>,
+<span class='t' title='anthrôpina'>ανθρωπινα</span>); as compared with &lsquo;the
+other animals&rsquo;, he is kindly and capable of civilization. The
+Latin word <i>humanus</i> took over this double meaning, which is somewhat
+arbitrarily marked in English by the spellings <i>human</i> and <i>humane</i>. Now
+it is clear that, for a being subject to error and death, wisdom
+(<span class='t' title='sophia'>σοφια</span>) in the full sense is impossible; that is for God
+alone. On the other hand, man cannot be content, like &lsquo;the other
+animals&rsquo; to remain in ignorance. If he cannot be wise, he can at
+least be &lsquo;a lover of wisdom&rsquo;, and it follows that his chief
+end will be &lsquo;assimilation to God so far as possible&rsquo;
+(<span class='t' title='homoiôsis tô theô kata to dynaton'>ὁμοιωσις τω θεω κατα το δυνατον</span>), as Plato put it in the
+<i>Theaetetus</i>. The mathematical studies of the Pythagoreans soon brought
+them face to face with the idea of a constant approximation which never
+reaches its goal. There is, then, sufficient ground for accepting the
+tradition which makes Pythagoras the author of this special sense of the
+word &lsquo;philosophy&rsquo; and for connecting it with the division of
+living creatures into God, men and &lsquo;the other animals&rsquo;. If
+the later Pythagoreans went a step further and classified rational
+animals into gods, men and &lsquo;such as Pythagoras&rsquo;, that was
+due to the enthusiasm of discipleship, and is really a further
+indication of the genuinely Pythagorean character of this whole range of
+ideas. We may take it, then, that the word &lsquo;philosophy&rsquo; had
+acquired its special sense in southern Italy before the beginning of the
+fifth century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span></p>
+
+<p>It is even more certain that this sense was well known at Athens, at
+least in certain circles, not long after the middle of the fifth
+century. To all appearance, this was the work of Socrates (470-399
+<span class='sc'>B.C</span>.). Whatever view may be taken of the philosophy of Socrates or of
+its relation to that expounded in Plato&rsquo;s earlier dialogues (a
+point which need not be discussed here), it is at least not open to
+question that he was personally intimate with the leading Pythagoreans
+who had taken refuge at Thebes<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span>
+and at Phlius in the Peloponnesus when
+their society came to be regarded as a danger to the state at Croton and
+elsewhere in southern Italy. That happened about the middle of the fifth
+century, and Socrates must have made the acquaintance of these men not
+long after. At that time it would be quite natural for them to visit
+Athens; but, after the beginning of the Peloponnesian War (431 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>),
+all intercourse with them must have ceased. They were resident in enemy
+states, and Socrates was fighting for his country. With the exception of
+the brief interval of the Peace of Nicias (421 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>), he can have seen
+nothing of them for years. Nevertheless it is clear that they did not
+forget him; for we must accept Plato&rsquo;s statement in the <i>Phaedo</i>
+that many of the most distinguished philosophers of the time came to
+Athens to be with Socrates when he was put to death, and that those of
+them who could not come were eager to hear a full account of what
+happened. It is highly significant that, even before this, two young
+disciples of the Pythagorean Philolaus, Simmias and Cebes, had come from
+Thebes and attached themselves to Socrates. For that we have the
+evidence of Xenophon as well as of Plato, and Xenophon&rsquo;s statement
+is of real value here; for it was just during these few years that he
+himself associated with Socrates, though he saw him for the last time a
+year or two before his trial and death. Whatever other inferences may be
+drawn from these facts, they are sufficient to prove that Socrates had
+become acquainted with some of the leading philosophers of the Greek
+world before he was forty, and to make it highly probable that it was he
+who introduced the word &lsquo;philosophy&rsquo; in its Pythagorean
+sense to the Athenians.</p>
+
+<p>So much for the word; we have next to ask how there came to be such a
+thing as philosophy at all. It has been mentioned that Pythagoras was an
+Ionian, and we should naturally expect to find that he brought at least
+the beginnings of what he called philosophy from eastern Hellas. Now it
+has been<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span>
+pointed out that Greek philosophy was based on science, and
+science originated at Miletus on the mainland of Asia Minor nearly
+opposite the island of Samos, which was the original home of Pythagoras.
+The early Milesians were, in fact, men of science rather than
+philosophers in the strict sense. The two things were not differentiated
+yet, however, and the traditional account of the matter, according to
+which Greek philosophy begins with Thales (<i>c.</i> 585 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>), is after all
+quite justified. The rudimentary mathematical science of which, as
+explained elsewhere in this volume, he was the originator in fact led
+him and his successors to ask certain questions about the ultimate
+nature of reality, and these questions were the beginning of philosophy
+on its theoretical side. It is true that the Milesians were unable to
+give any but the crudest answers to these questions, and very likely
+they did not realise their full importance. These early inquirers only
+wanted to know what the world was made of and how it worked, but the
+complete break with mythology and traditional views which they effected
+cleared the way for everything that followed. It was no small thing that
+they were able to discard the old doctrine of what were afterwards known
+as the &lsquo;elements&rsquo;&mdash;Fire, Air, Earth, and Water&mdash;and to
+regard all these as states of a single substance, which presented
+different appearances according as it was more or less rarefied or
+condensed. Moreover, Anaximander at least (<i>c.</i> 546 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>), the
+successor of Thales, shook himself free of the idea that the earth
+required support of some kind to keep in its place. He held that it
+swung free in space and that it remained where it was because there was
+no reason for it to fall in one direction rather than another. In
+general these early cosmologists saw that weight was not an inherent
+quality of bodies and that it could not be used to explain anything. On
+the contrary, weight was itself the thing to be explained. Anaximander
+also noted the importance of rotary or vortex motion in the cosmical
+scheme, and he inferred that there might be
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span> an indefinite number of
+rotating systems in addition to that with which we are immediately
+acquainted. He also made some very important observations of a
+biological character, and he announced that man must be descended from
+an animal of a different species. The young of most animals, he said,
+can find their food at once, while that of the human species requires a
+prolonged period of nursing. If, then, man had been originally such as
+he is now, he could never have survived. All this, no doubt, is
+rudimentary science rather than philosophy, but it was the beginning of
+philosophy in this sense, that it completely transformed the traditional
+view of the world, and made the raising of more ultimate problems
+inevitable.</p>
+
+<p>This transformation was effected in complete independence of religion.
+What we may call secularism was, in fact, characteristic of all eastern
+Ionian science to the end. We must not be misled by the fact that
+Anaximander called his innumerable worlds &lsquo;gods&rsquo; and that
+his successor Anaximenes spoke of Air as a &lsquo;god&rsquo;. These were
+never the gods of any city and were never worshipped by any one, and
+they did not therefore answer at all to what the ordinary Greek meant by
+a god. The use of the term by the Milesians means rather that the place
+once occupied by the gods of religion was now being taken by the great
+fundamental phenomena of nature, and the later Greeks were quite right,
+from their own point of view, in calling that atheism. Aristophanes
+characterizes this way of speaking very accurately indeed in the
+<i>Clouds</i> when he makes Strepsiades sum up the teaching he has received
+in the words &lsquo;Vortex has driven out Zeus and reigns in his
+stead&rsquo;, and when he makes Socrates swear by &lsquo;Chaos,
+Respiration and Air&rsquo;. So too the Milesians spoke of the primary
+substance as &lsquo;ageless and deathless&rsquo;, which is a Homeric
+phrase used to mark the difference between gods and men, but this only
+means that the emotion formerly attached to the divine was now being
+transferred to the natural.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span>
+The Milesians, then, had formed the conception of an eternal matter out
+of which all things are produced and into which all things return, and
+the conception of Matter belongs to philosophy rather than to science.
+But besides this they had laid the foundations of geometry, and that led
+in other hands to the formulation of the correlative conception of Limit
+or Form. It is needless to enumerate here the Milesian and Pythagorean
+contributions to plane geometry; it will be sufficient to remind the
+reader that they covered most of the ground of <i>Euclid</i>, Books I, II,
+IV, and VI, and probably also of Book III. In addition, Pythagoras
+founded Arithmetic, that is, the scientific theory of numbers (<span class='t' title='arithmêtikê'>αριθμητικη</span>),
+as opposed to the practical art of calculation (<span class='t' title='logistikê'>λογιστικη</span>).
+We also know that he discovered the sphericity of the
+earth, and the numerical ratios of the intervals between the concordant
+notes of the octave. It is obvious that he was a scientific genius of
+the first order, and it is also clear that his methods included those of
+observation and experiment. The discovery of the earth&rsquo;s spherical
+shape was due to observation of eclipses, and that of the intervals of
+the octave can only have been based on experiments with a stretched
+string, though the actual experiments attributed by tradition to
+Pythagoras are absurd. It was no doubt this last discovery that led him
+to formulate his doctrine in the striking saying &lsquo;Things are
+numbers&rsquo;, thus definitely giving the priority to the element of
+form or limit instead of to the indeterminate matter of his
+predecessors.</p>
+
+<p>Pythagoras further differed from his predecessors in one respect which
+proved of vital moment. So far was he from ignoring religion, that he
+founded a society in southern Italy which was primarily a religious
+community. It is quite possible that he was influenced by the growth of
+the Orphic societies which had begun to spread everywhere in the course
+of the sixth century, but his religion differed from the Orphic
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[65]</a></span> in many
+ways. In particular, Apollo and not Dionysus was the chief god of the
+Pythagoreans, and all our evidence points to the conclusion that
+Pythagoras brought his religion, as he had brought his science, from
+eastern Hellas, though rather from the islands of the Aegean than from
+mainland Ionia. He was much influenced, we can still see, by certain
+traditions of the temple of Delos, which had become the religious centre
+of the Ionic world. There had, of course, been plenty of religious
+speculation among the Greeks before Pythagoras, and it was of a type not
+unlike that we find in India, though there are insuperable difficulties
+in the way of assuming any Aegean influence on India or any Indian
+influence on the Aegean at this date. It may be that the beginnings of
+such ideas go back to the time when the Greeks and the Hindus were
+living together, though it is still more likely that both the Greeks and
+the Indians were affected by a movement originating in the north, which
+brought to both of them a new view of the soul. The Delian legend of the
+Hyperboreans may be thought to point in this direction. However that may
+be, the main purpose of the religious observances practised by the
+Orphics and Pythagoreans alike was to secure by means of
+&lsquo;purifications&rsquo; (<span class='t' title='katharmoi'>καθαρμοι</span>)
+the ransom (<span class='t' title='lysis'>λυσις</span>)
+of the soul, which was regarded as a fallen god, from the
+punishment of imprisonment in successive bodies. There is no reason to
+suppose that Pythagoras displayed any particular originality in this
+part of his teaching. It all depends on the doctrine of transmigration
+or rebirth (<span class='t' title='palingenesia'>παλιγγενεσια</span>), which is often incorrectly
+designated by the late and inaccurate term &lsquo;metempsychosis&rsquo;.
+There is no doubt that Pythagoras taught this, and also the rule of
+abstinence from animal flesh which is its natural corollary, but such
+ideas had been well known in many parts of Greece before his time. The
+real difficulty is to see the connexion between all this and his
+scientific work. Here we are of course confined to inferences from what
+we are told by later writers;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[66]</a></span> but, if the doctrine which Plato makes
+Socrates expound in the early part of the <i>Phaedo</i> is Pythagorean, as it
+is generally supposed to be, we may say that what Pythagoras did was to
+teach that, while the ordinary methods of purification were well enough
+in their way, the best and truest purification for the soul was just
+scientific study. It is only in some such way as this that we can
+explain the religious note which is characteristic of all the best Greek
+science. It involves the doctrine that the Theoretic Life is the highest
+way of life for man, a belief still held by Plato and Aristotle, and to
+which we shall have to return. We may note at once, however, that it is
+not an &lsquo;intellectualist&rsquo; ideal. There is no question of idle
+contemplation; it is a strenuous way of life, the aim of which is the
+soul&rsquo;s salvation, and it gives rise to an eager desire to convert
+other men. Just for that reason, the Pythagorean philosopher will take
+part in practical life when the opportunity offers, and he will even
+rule the state if called upon to do so. The Pythagorean society was a
+proselytizing body from the first, and it tried to bring in all it could
+reach, without distinction of nationality, social position, or sex (for
+women played a great part in it from the first). It was precisely its
+zeal for the reform of human life, and its attempt to set up a Rule of
+the Saints in the cities of southern Italy that led to its unpopularity.
+If the Pythagoreans had contented themselves with idle speculation, they
+would not have been massacred or forced to take refuge in flight, a fate
+which overtook them before the middle of the fifth century.</p>
+
+<p>It soon proved, however, that the Pythagorean doctrine in its entirety
+was too high a one for its adherents, and a rift between Pythagorean
+religion and Pythagorean science was inevitable. Those who were capable
+of appreciating the scientific side of the movement would tend more and
+more to neglect the religious rule which it prescribed, and we find
+accordingly that before the end of the fifth century the leading<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[67]</a></span>
+Pythagoreans, the men whose names we know, are first of all men of
+science, and more and more inclined to drop what they doubtless regarded
+as the superstitious side of the doctrine. In the end they were absorbed
+in the new philosophical schools which arose at Athens. The mass of the
+faithful, on the other hand, took no interest in arithmetic, geometry,
+music, and astronomy, and with them to follow Pythagoras meant to go
+barefoot and to abstain from animal flesh and beans. These continued the
+tradition even after scientific Pythagoreanism had become extinct as
+such, and they were a favourite subject of ridicule with the comic poets
+of the fourth century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span></p>
+
+<p>It is easy for us to see now that all this indicates a real weakness in
+Pythagoreanism. Science and religion are not to be brought into union by
+a simple process of juxtaposition. We do not know how far Pythagoras
+himself was conscious of the ambiguity of his position; it would not be
+surprising if he came to feel it towards the end of his life, and we
+know for certain that he lived long enough to witness the beginnings of
+the revolt against his society in Croton and elsewhere. It is for this
+reason that he removed to Metapontum where he died, and where Cicero was
+able to visit his tomb long afterwards. We shall see later what the weak
+point in his system was, and we shall have to consider how the discord
+he had left unresolved was ultimately overcome. For the present, it is
+more important to note that he was the real founder both of science, and
+of philosophy as we understand them now. It is specially true of science
+that it is the first steps which are the most difficult, and Pythagoras
+left a sufficient achievement in mathematics behind him for others to
+elaborate. The Greeks took less than three centuries to complete the
+edifice, and that was chiefly due to Pythagoras, who had laid the
+foundations truly and well.</p>
+
+<p>We have now seen how the two great conceptions of Matter
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[68]</a></span> and Form were
+reached; the next problem Greek philosophy had to face was that of
+Motion. At first the fact of movement had simply been taken for granted.
+The Ionian tendency was to see motion everywhere; it was rest that had
+to be explained, or rather the appearance of it. However, when the new
+conception of an eternal matter began to be taken seriously,
+difficulties made themselves felt at once. If reality was regarded as
+continuous, it appeared that there was no room for anything else, not
+even for empty space, which could only be identified with the unreal,
+and it was easy to show that the unreal could not exist. But, if there
+is no empty space, it seems impossible that there should be any motion,
+and the world of which we suppose ourselves to be aware must be an
+illusion. Such, briefly stated, was the position taken up by another
+Ionian of southern Italy, Parmenides of Elea (<i>c.</i> 475 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>), who had
+begun as a Pythagorean, but had been led to apply the rigorous method of
+reasoning introduced into geometry with such success by the Pythagoreans
+to the old question of the nature of the world which had occupied the
+Milesians. The remarkable thing about the earliest geometers is, in
+fact, that they did not formulate the conception of Space, which seems
+to us at the present day fundamental. They were able to avoid it because
+they possessed the conception of Matter, and regarded Air as the normal
+state of the material substratum. The confusion of air with empty space
+is, of course, a natural one, though it may be considered surprising
+that it should not have been detected by the founders of geometrical
+science. Such failures to draw all the consequences from a new discovery
+are common enough, however, in the history of scientific thought.</p>
+
+<p>Parmenides cleared up this ambiguity, not by affirming the existence of
+empty space, but by denying the possibility of such a thing, even before
+it had been asserted by any one. He saw that the Pythagoreans really
+implied it, though they were quite<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[69]</a></span> unconscious of the fact. He is
+interesting to us as the first philosopher who thought of expounding his
+system in verse. It was not a very happy thought, as the arguments in
+which he deals do not readily lend themselves to this mode of
+expression, and we may be thankful that none of his successors except
+Empedocles followed his example. It has the very great inconvenience of
+making it necessary to use different words for the same thing to suit
+the exigencies of metre. And if there ever was an argument that demanded
+precise statement, it was that of Parmenides. As it is, his poem has the
+faults we should look for in a metrical version of Euclid. On the other
+hand, Parmenides is the first philosopher of whom we have sufficient
+remains to enable us to follow a continuous argument; for we have
+nothing of Pythagoras at all, and only detached fragments of the rest.
+We can see that he was ready to follow the argument wherever it might
+lead. He took the conception of matter which had been elaborated by his
+predecessors and he showed that, if it is to be taken seriously, it must
+lead to the conclusion that reality is continuous, finite, and
+spherical, with nothing outside it and no empty space within it. For
+such a reality motion is impossible, and the world of the senses is
+therefore an illusion. Of course that was not a result in which it was
+possible for men to acquiesce for long, and historically speaking, the
+Eleatic doctrine must be regarded as a <i>reductio ad absurdum</i> of earlier
+speculation. There is no reason to believe, however, that Parmenides
+himself meant it to be understood in this way. He believed firmly that
+he had found the truth.</p>
+
+<p>Several attempts were made to escape the conclusions of Parmenides, and
+they all start by abandoning the assumption of the homogeneity and
+continuity of matter which had been implicit in the earlier systems,
+though it was first brought to the light of day by Parmenides. Here
+again the influence of contemporary science on philosophic thought is
+clearly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[70]</a></span>
+marked. Empedocles of Agrigentum (<i>c.</i> 460 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>), the only
+citizen of a Dorian state who finds a place in the early history of
+science and philosophy, was the founder of the Sicilian school of
+medicine, and it was probably his pre-occupation with that science that
+led him to revive the old doctrine of Fire, Air, Earth, and Water, which
+the Milesians had cast aside, but which lent itself readily to the
+physiological theories of the day. He did not use the word afterwards
+translated &lsquo;elements&rsquo; (<span class='t' title='stoicheia'>στοιχεια</span>) for these. It
+means literally &lsquo;letters of the alphabet&rsquo;, and appears to
+have been first employed in this connexion by the Pythagoreans at a
+later date, when they found it necessary to take account of the new
+theory. Empedocles spoke of the &lsquo;four roots&rsquo; of things, and
+by this he meant to imply that these four forms of matter were equally
+original and altogether disparate. That furnished at least a partial
+answer to the arguments of Parmenides, which depended on the assumption
+that matter was homogeneous. He also found it necessary to assume two
+sources of motion or forces, as we might call them, though Empedocles
+thought of them as substances, one of which tended to separate the
+&lsquo;four roots&rsquo; and the other to combine them. These he called
+Love and Strife, and he supposed the life of the world to take the form
+of alternate cycles, in which one or the other prevailed in turn. In all
+this he was plainly influenced by his physiological studies. He thinks
+of the world as an animal organism subject to what are now called
+anabolism and catabolism. The details of the theory make this quite
+clear. A similar doctrine was taught by Anaxagoras (<i>c.</i> 460 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>), who
+came from Clazomenae in Asia Minor to Athens after the Persian Wars, and
+was one of the teachers of Pericles. His doctrine of
+&lsquo;seeds&rsquo;, in which the traditional
+&lsquo;opposites&rsquo;&mdash;wet and dry, cold and hot&mdash;were combined in
+different proportions, is rather more subtle than that of Empedocles,
+and it is possible to see in it a curious anticipation of certain
+features in modern<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[71]</a></span>
+chemistry. Anaxagoras too felt it necessary to
+assume a force or source of motion, but he thought that one would
+suffice to account for the rotation (<span class='t' title='perichôrêsis'>περιχωρησις</span>) to which he
+attributed the formation of the world. He called that force Mind
+(<span class='t' title='nous'>νους</span>), but his own description of it shows that he regarded it
+as corporeal, though he thought it was something more tenuous and
+unmixed than other bodies. There is little doubt that he selected the
+term in order to mark the identity of the source of motion in the world
+with that in the animal organism. That again is in accordance with the
+scientific interests of the time. In his astronomical theories, however,
+Anaxagoras showed himself a true eastern Ionian, and lagged far behind
+the Pythagoreans. For him, as for the Ionians of the Aegean down to and
+including Democritus, the earth was flat, and the eddy or vortex which
+gave rise to the world was still rotation in a plane. A more satisfying
+answer to Parmenides was the doctrine of Atomism, which frankly accepted
+the existence of space, and asserted that it was just as real as body.
+The first hint of such a solution was given by Melissus (<i>c.</i> 444 <span class="lc sc">B.
+C.</span>), who was a Samian but a member of the Eleatic school. He said,
+&lsquo;If things are a many, then each of them must be such as I have
+shown the One to be.&rsquo; That was meant as a <i>reductio ad absurdum</i>;
+but, when Leucippus of Miletus (<i>c.</i> 440 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>), who had also studied in
+the school of Elea, ventured to assert the existence of the Void, there
+was no longer any reason for shirking the conclusion which Melissus had
+stated only to show its impossibility. The atoms are, in fact, just the
+continuous indivisible One of Parmenides multiplied <i>ad infinitum</i> in an
+infinite empty space. On that side at least, the theory of body was now
+complete, and the question asked by Thales was answered, and it is of
+great interest to observe that this was brought about by the renewal of
+intercourse between the Ionians of Italy and those of the Aegean, a
+renewal which was made<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[72]</a></span> possible by the establishment of the Athenian
+Empire. Nothing makes us feel the historical connexion more vividly than
+the re-emergence of the names of Miletus and Samos after all these
+years. There were, however, certain more fundamental problems which
+Atomism could not solve, and which were first attacked at Athens itself.
+So far, it will be noted, Athens has played no part at all in our story,
+and in fact no more than two Athenians ever became philosophers of the
+first rank. It is true that they were called Socrates and Plato, so the
+exception is a considerable one. It was the foundation of the Athenian
+Empire that made Athens the natural meeting-place of the most diverse
+philosophical and scientific views. It was here that the east and west
+of Hellas came together, and that the two streams of tradition became
+one, with the result that a new tradition was started which, though
+often interrupted for a time, continues to the present day.</p>
+
+<p>If we wish to understand the development of Greek philosophy, it is of
+the first importance that we should realize the intellectual ferment
+which existed at Athens in the great days of the Periclean age. It has
+been mentioned already that Anaxagoras of Clazomenae had settled there,
+and it was not long before his example was followed by others. In
+particular, Zeno of Elea (<i>c.</i> 450 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>), the favourite disciple of
+Parmenides, had a considerable following at Athens. He made it his
+business to champion the doctrine of his master by showing that those
+who refused to accept it were obliged to give their assent to views
+which were at least as repugnant to common sense, and in this way he
+incidentally did much for mathematics and philosophy by raising the
+difficulties of infinite divisibility and continuity in an acute form.
+All that is something quite apart from the influence of the
+&lsquo;sophists&rsquo; at a rather later date, though they too came both
+from the east and from the west, and though they had been influenced by
+the more strictly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[73]</a></span>
+philosophical schools of these regions. It was into
+this Athens that Socrates was born (470 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>) about ten years after the
+battle of Salamis, and he was naturally exposed to all these conflicting
+influences, of which Plato has given us a vivid description in the
+<i>Phaedo</i>, from his earliest youth. He cannot, in fact, be understood at
+all unless this historical background is kept constantly in view. There
+can be no reasonable doubt that at a very early age he attached himself
+to Archelaus, an Athenian who had succeeded Anaxagoras, when that
+philosopher had to leave Athens for Lampsacus. Ion of Chios, a
+contemporary witness, said that Socrates had visited Asia Minor with
+Archelaus, and that appears to refer to the siege of Samos, when
+Socrates was under thirty. There is no reason whatever to doubt the
+statement, which Plato makes more than once, that he had met Parmenides
+and Zeno at a still earlier date. At any rate, the influence of Zeno on
+the dialectic of Socrates is unmistakable. We may also take it that he
+was familiar with all sorts of Orphic and Pythagorean sectaries.
+Aeschines of Sphettos wrote a dialogue entitled <i>Telauges</i>, in which he
+represented Socrates as rallying the extreme asceticism of the strict
+followers of Pythagoras. So far, however, as we can form a picture of
+him for ourselves, he was not the sort of man to become the disciple of
+any one. He was a genuine Athenian in respect of what is called his
+&lsquo;irony&rsquo;, which implies a certain humorous reserve which kept
+him from all extravagances, however interested he might be in the
+extravagances of others. Nevertheless, while still quite a young man, he
+had somehow acquired a reputation for &lsquo;wisdom&rsquo;, though he
+himself disclaimed anything of the sort. He had also, it appears,
+gathered round him a circle of &lsquo;associates&rsquo;
+(<span class='t' title='hetairoi'>ἑταιροι</span>).
+The only direct evidence we have for these early days is the
+<i>Clouds</i> of Aristophanes (423 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>), which is of course a comedy and
+must not be taken too literally. On the other hand, a comic poet who
+knew his business (and surely Aristophanes did) could hardly
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[74]</a></span> present a
+well-known man to the Athenian public in a manner which had no relation
+to fact at all. It is fortunate that there is a passage in
+Xenophon&rsquo;s <i>Memorabilia</i> (i. 6) which seems to supply us with the
+very background we need to make the <i>Clouds</i> intelligible. It represents
+Socrates in an entirely different light from that in which he appears in
+the rest of the work, and it can hardly be Xenophon&rsquo;s own
+invention. It seems to refer to a time when Plato and Xenophon were
+babies, if not to a time before they were born, and it is probable that
+it comes from some literary source which we can no longer trace. We are
+told, then, that Antiphon the sophist was trying to detach his
+companions (<span class='t' title='synousiastai'>συνουσιασται</span>) from Socrates, and a conversation
+followed in which he charged him with teaching his followers to be
+miserable rather than happy, and added that he was right not to charge a
+fee for his teaching, since in fact it was of no value. It will be seen
+that this implies a regular relation between Socrates and his followers
+which was sufficiently well known to arouse professional jealousy.
+Socrates does not attempt to deny the fact. He says that what he and his
+companions do is to spend their time together in studying the wisdom of
+the men of old which they have left behind them in books, and that, if
+they come upon anything which they think is good, they extract it for
+their own use, and count it great gain if, in doing this, they become
+friends to one another. It is obvious that this suggests something quite
+different from the current view of Socrates as a talker at street
+corners, something much more like a regular school, and that, so far as
+it goes, it explains the burlesque of Aristophanes.</p>
+
+<p>The Socrates of whom we know most is, however, quite differently
+engaged. He has devoted his life to a mission to his fellow men, and
+especially to his fellow citizens. If we may so far trust Plato&rsquo;s
+<i>Apology</i>, the occasion of that was the answer received from the Delphic
+oracle by Chaerephon, whom we know from Aristophanes as one of the
+leading disciples of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[75]</a></span> Socrates in the earlier part of his life.
+Chaerephon asked the god of Delphi whether there was any one wiser than
+Socrates, and this of course implies that Socrates had a reputation for
+&lsquo;wisdom&rsquo; before his mission began. The oracle declared that
+there was no one wiser, and Plato makes Socrates say in the <i>Apology</i>
+that this was the real beginning of that mission. He set out at first to
+prove that the oracle was wrong, and for that purpose he tried to
+discover some one wiser than himself, a search in which he was
+disappointed, since he could only find people who thought they were
+wise, and no one who really was so. He therefore concluded that what the
+oracle really meant was that Socrates was wiser than other people in one
+respect only. Neither he nor any one else was really &lsquo;wise&rsquo;,
+but Socrates was wiser than the rest because he knew he was not wise and
+they thought they were. It ought to be clear that this is mostly
+&lsquo;irony&rsquo;, and it is not to be supposed that Socrates attached
+undue importance to the oracle, which he speaks of quite lightly, but he
+could hardly have told the story at all unless it was generally known
+that his mission did in fact date roughly from that period of his life.
+Historically it would probably be truer to say that the outbreak of the
+Peloponnesian War, in which Socrates served with great distinction as a
+hoplite, marked the decisive turning-point. It was in the camp at
+Potidaea that he once stood in a trance for twenty-four hours (431 <span class='lc sc'>B.
+C.</span>), and that seems to point to some great psychological change, which
+may very well have been occasioned or accelerated by his experiences in
+the war. At any rate we now find him entirely devoted to the conversion
+of his fellow citizens, and we must try to understand what the message
+he had for them was.</p>
+
+<p>In the <i>Apology</i> Socrates declares that his mission was divinely imposed
+upon him, so that he dare not neglect it, even if it should lead to his
+death, as in fact it did. The tone here is quite different from the
+half-humorous style in which he deals with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[76]</a></span> the Delphic oracle, and even
+the &lsquo;divine sign&rsquo;. That only warned him not to do things,
+mostly quite trivial things, which he was about to do, and never told
+him to do anything; this, on the contrary, was a positive command, laid
+upon him by God, and there can be no doubt that Plato means us to
+understand this to have been the innermost conviction of Socrates. It is
+hard to believe that Plato could have misrepresented his master&rsquo;s
+attitude on such a point. He was present at the trial, and the <i>Apology</i>
+must have been written not very long afterwards, when the memory of it
+was still fresh in people&rsquo;s minds. Now Plato tells us quite
+clearly that what Socrates tried to get the Athenians to understand was
+the duty of &lsquo;caring for their souls&rsquo; (<span class='t' title='psychês epimeleio'>ψυχης επιμελειο</span>).
+That is confirmed from other sources, and indeed it is
+generally admitted. The phrase has, however, become so familiar that it
+does not at once strike us as anything very new or important. To an
+Athenian of the fifth century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>, on the other hand, it must have
+seemed very strange indeed. The word translated &lsquo;soul&rsquo;
+(<span class='t' title='psychê'>ψυχη</span>) occurs often enough, no doubt, in the literature of
+the period, but it is never used of anything for which we could be
+called upon to &lsquo;care&rsquo; in the sense evidently intended by
+Socrates. Its normal use is to denote the breath of life, the
+&lsquo;ghost&rsquo; a man &lsquo;gives up&rsquo; at the moment of death.
+It can therefore be rendered by &lsquo;life&rsquo; in all cases where
+there is a question of risking or losing life or of clinging to it when
+we ought to be prepared to sacrifice it, but it is not used for the seat
+of conscious life at all. It is sometimes employed to signify the seat
+of the dream-consciousness or of what is now called the subconscious or
+subliminal self, but never of the ordinary waking consciousness which is
+the seat of knowledge and ignorance, goodness and badness.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> On the
+other hand, that use of the word is quite common in the fourth century,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[77]</a></span>
+and it may be inferred that this change was due to Socrates. More than
+once Aristophanes ridicules him for holding some strange view of the
+&lsquo;soul&rsquo;, and these jests were made at a time when Plato was
+only a child. We cannot, of course, expect to get any very definite idea
+from them as to the real teaching of Socrates on this subject, but it is
+not impossible to see what it was, if we take into account the views of
+the soul which had been held by the philosophical schools of eastern and
+western Ionia.</p>
+
+<p>The Ionians of Asia Minor had certainly identified the soul with that in
+us which is conscious, and which is the seat of goodness and badness,
+wisdom and folly; but they did not regard it as what we call the self or
+treat it as an individual. Anaximenes and his school held that the soul
+was what they called Air, but that was just because they regarded Air as
+the primary substance of which all things are made. The soul was
+something, in fact, that comes to us from outside (<span class='t' title='thyrathen'>θυραθεν</span>)
+by means of respiration. As Diogenes of Apollonia expresses it, it is
+&lsquo;a small portion of the god&rsquo;, that is, of the primary
+substance, enclosed in a human body for a time, and returning at death
+to the larger mass of the same substance outside. The formula
+&lsquo;Earth to earth and air to air&rsquo; was accepted as an adequate
+description of what takes place at death. The western Ionians, and
+especially the Pythagoreans, held a very different view. For them, the
+soul was something divine. It was, in fact, a fallen god, imprisoned in
+the body as a punishment for antenatal sin, and it deserved our care in
+this sense, that it was our chief business in life to purify it so as to
+secure its release from the necessity of reincarnation in another body.
+But, during this present life, they held that this divine element
+slumbers, except in prophetic dreams. As Pindar puts it, &lsquo;It
+sleeps when the limbs are active.&rsquo; Neither of these views was
+familiar to the ordinary Athenian, but Socrates of course knew both
+well, and felt satisfied with neither. When he spoke of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[78]</a></span> the soul he did
+not mean any mysterious fallen god which was the temporary tenant of the
+body, but the conscious self which it lies with us to try to make wise
+and good. On the other hand, his insistence on our duty to &lsquo;care
+for&rsquo; it is quite inconsistent with the view that it is merely
+something extrinsic, as all the eastern Ionians down to Anaxagoras had
+taught. It is, on the contrary, our very self, the thing in us which is
+of more importance to us than anything else whatever. It was to this
+doctrine of the soul and our duty to it that Socrates felt he must
+convert mankind and especially his fellow-citizens. It was a strange and
+novel doctrine then; and, if it has become a commonplace since, that
+only shows that he was successful, if not in persuading his fellowmen to
+act on this knowledge, at least in making them aware of it. It was in
+this way that Socrates healed the rift between science and religion
+which had proved fatal to the Pythagorean society, and it may be
+suggested that the significance of his teaching is not exhausted yet. As
+has been indicated above it is to be found clearly stated in
+Plato&rsquo;s <i>Apology of Socrates</i>, and it furnishes the only clue to a
+right understanding of the great series of Platonic dialogues down to
+and including the <i>Republic</i> in which Socrates is represented as the
+chief speaker. Whether Plato added much or little of his own to the
+doctrine of his master in these dialogues is an interesting historical
+problem, but it need not concern the ordinary reader, at least in the
+first instance. We know from the allusions of Aristophanes that Socrates
+himself taught a new doctrine of the soul when Plato was a child, and no
+sympathetic reader can fail to see that the passage of the <i>Apology</i> to
+which we have referred is intended to be a faithful account of that
+doctrine. All the rest is simply its legitimate development, and it is
+not of very great importance for us to determine whether that
+development is due to Socrates or to Plato. The inspiration which has
+been derived from these writings by many generations will not be
+lessened by any decision we may come to on this point, so long
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[79]</a></span> as we
+keep clearly in mind that the new doctrine of soul is their principal
+theme, and that this must be understood in the light of the doctrines
+which had prepared the way for it. What Socrates did was really this. He
+deepened the meaning of the Eastern Ionian doctrine by informing it with
+some of the feeling and emotion which had characterized the Pythagorean
+teaching on the subject, while on the other hand he rationalized the
+Pythagorean theory by identifying the soul with our conscious
+personality.</p>
+
+<p>Now if this is a correct account of what Socrates taught, he must be
+regarded as inaugurating an entirely new period in the history of
+philosophy. That is implied in the common term
+&lsquo;Presocratics&rsquo; generally applied to his predecessors, though
+the ordinary textbooks are by no means clear as to the grounds for
+assigning this pre-eminent position to Socrates. We can also see how
+natural it was for him to lay such emphasis on the conversion of souls
+as he certainly did. That purpose continued to dominate Greek philosophy
+to the very end. No doubt successive schools varied in their conception
+of what conversion meant, but that is the link which binds them all
+together. In fact, it gave rise to a new literary form, the
+&lsquo;hortatory discourse&rsquo; (<span class='t' title='protreptikos logos'>προτρεπτικος λογος</span>), which
+was more and more cultivated as time went on, and was at last taken over
+by the fathers of the Christian church along with much else of a more
+fundamental character.</p>
+
+<p>It has been noted already that Socrates had followers among all the
+leading philosophical schools of the time, and the possibility is not to
+be excluded that we may still learn more of him from the discovery of
+new sources. For the present, the recovery of some new and fairly
+extensive fragments of the <i>Alcibiades</i> of Aeschines of Sphettos is the
+chief addition to our sources of information. We know that Aeschines was
+a disciple of Socrates, and the tradition of antiquity was that his
+dialogues gave the most faithful picture of the man as he really was. If
+so,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[80]</a></span>
+that was probably because Aeschines had no philosophy of his own.
+For us the chief importance of the new fragments is that, if we read
+them along with those already known (and it is unfortunate that the old
+and the new have not yet been printed together), they strongly confirm
+the impression we get from Plato of the manner of Socrates and his
+method of argument, and that helps to reassure us as to the essentially
+historical character of the Platonic Socrates. The fragments of
+Aeschines also corroborate Plato by showing that the conversion of
+Alcibiades (whose life he had saved when a young man) was one of the
+things that lay nearest his heart.</p>
+
+<p>But the real successor of Socrates was, of course, Plato himself
+(427-347 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>). It is not possible to give even an outline of
+Plato&rsquo;s philosophy here. Indeed the time has hardly come for that
+yet, though much admirable work is now being done, especially by a
+French professor, M. Robin, which promises more certain conclusions than
+have yet been possible. All that can be attempted here is to indicate
+the attitude of Plato to some of the problems we have been discussing.
+His very great contributions to the theory of knowledge will be passed
+over, as they are beginning to be well understood, and the <i>Theaetetus</i>
+in particular, with its sequel the <i>Sophist</i>, is more and more coming to
+occupy its rightful place as the best introduction to philosophy in
+general. It is necessary, however, just to notice in passing a
+fundamental question of method which the Platonic dialogues themselves
+suggest. It is this. While Socrates is present in every one of them
+except the <i>Laws</i>, he takes practically no part in some of them, and the
+dialogues in which this is the case are known on other grounds to belong
+to the later years of Plato&rsquo;s life. There must be some reason for
+this, and it is obviously prudent to treat these later dialogues in the
+first instance as our primary evidence for Plato&rsquo;s own views.
+Indeed, it is only after his philosophy has been reconstructed from
+these sources and from the sometimes obscure references to it in
+Aristotle, that it will<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[81]</a></span>
+be safe to attempt an answer to the question of
+how much there may be in the dialogues of his early life which is
+properly to be assigned to Plato himself rather than to Socrates. That
+is a historical question of great interest; but, as has been said, the
+solution of it, if that should ever prove possible, would not greatly
+affect the impression that Athenian philosophy leaves upon us as a
+whole.</p>
+
+<p>Now, if we consider Plato&rsquo;s later, and presumably therefore most
+independent writings, we find, just as we should expect from a disciple
+of Socrates, that the doctrine of soul holds the first place, but that
+it has certain features of its own which there is no sufficient ground
+for attributing to Socrates. We are too apt to think of Plato as mainly
+occupied with what is called the &lsquo;theory of Ideas&rsquo;, a theory
+which is discussed once or twice in his earlier dialogues, and which is
+there ascribed to Socrates, but which plays no part at all in his mature
+works. There the chief place is undoubtedly taken by the doctrine of the
+soul, and we can see that it is of the first importance for Plato. Soul
+is regarded as the source of all motion in the world, because it is the
+only thing in the world that moves without being itself moved by
+anything else. It is this and this alone that enables Plato to account
+for the existence of the world and of mankind, and to avoid the theory
+of &lsquo;two worlds&rsquo; into which, as he points out in the
+<i>Sophist</i>, &lsquo;the friends of the Ideas&rsquo;, whoever they may have
+been, were only too apt to fall. In Plato this view of the soul
+culminates in theology of a kind which he nowhere attributes to
+Socrates. He represents him, indeed, as a man of a deeply religious
+nature, but we do not gather that he had felt the need of a formal
+doctrine of God. Plato, on the other hand, has left us the first
+systematic defence of Theism we know of, and it is based entirely on his
+doctrine of soul as the self-moved mover. But the highest soul, or God,
+is not only the ultimate source of motion, but also supremely good. Now,
+since there are many things in the world which are not good,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[82]</a></span> and since
+it would be blasphemy to attribute these to God, there must be other
+souls in the world which are relatively at least independent. God is
+not, directly at least, the cause of all things, but it is not easy to
+discover the relation in which these other souls are thought of as
+standing to God. In the <i>Timaeus</i>, the matter is put in this way. The
+soul of the world, and all other souls human and divine, are the work of
+the Creator, who is identified with God, and they are not inherently
+indestructible, since anything that has been made can be unmade. They
+are, however, practically indestructible, since God made all things
+because He was good and wished them also to be as good as possible. His
+goodness, therefore, will not suffer Him to destroy what He has once
+made. That of course is mythically expressed, and Plato is not committed
+to it as a statement of his own belief, since it is only the account
+which <i>Timaeus</i> puts into the mouth of the Creator. We can see, however,
+what was the problem with which he was occupied, and it is not perhaps
+illegitimate to infer that he approached the question which still
+baffles speculation from the point of view that God&rsquo;s omnipotence,
+as we should call it, is limited by his goodness. This is a much more
+important limitation than that imposed by the existence of matter, to
+which Timaeus also refers. In that, he is simply following the tradition
+of the Pythagorean society to which he belonged, as is shown by his
+identification of matter with space, or rather with &lsquo;room&rsquo;.
+So far as can be seen at present, we are not entitled to ascribe this
+view to Plato without more ado, but that is a point on which the last
+word has not yet been said.</p>
+
+<p>The description of the creation given by Timaeus is of course to be
+regarded as mythical in its details, but it has features from which we
+may learn a good deal as to the direction taken by Plato&rsquo;s
+thoughts about the world. In particular, while the important part played
+by geometry is quite intelligible in the mouth of a Pythagorean, he
+makes use of certain theories which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[83]</a></span> we know to belong to the most
+recent mathematics of the day, in particular the complete doctrine of
+the five regular solids, which was due to Theaetetus, who was one of the
+earliest members of the Academy, and whom Plato represents as having
+made the acquaintance of Socrates just before the master&rsquo;s death.
+Theaetetus died young, but we know enough of him to feel sure that he
+was one of the few great original mathematicians who have appeared in
+history. In the <i>Timaeus</i> the theory of the regular solids is used to
+get rid once more of the doctrine of four ultimate
+&lsquo;elements&rsquo;. These, Timaeus says, are so far from being
+elements or letters of the alphabet, that they are not even syllables.
+The way in which the so-called elements are built up out of molecules
+corresponding in their configuration to the regular solids, and the
+explanations of their transmutation into one another based on the
+geometrical construction of these figures, is apt to strike the average
+reader as fantastic, but one of the most distinguished living
+mathematicians and physicists has stated that he is struck most of all
+by their resemblance to the scientific theories of the twentieth
+century. It will be well, therefore, to avoid hasty judgements on this
+point. It is at any rate easy to understand how the study of mathematics
+came to hold the preponderating place it did in the Platonic Academy.</p>
+
+<p>In accordance with the plan of this paper, something must now be said of
+Plato&rsquo;s attitude to the practical life, a point on which it is
+very easy to make mistakes. No one has insisted more strongly than he
+has on the primacy of the Theoretic Life. The philosopher is the man who
+is in love with the spectacle of all time and all existence and that is
+what delivers him from petty ambitions and low desires. He has made the
+toilsome ascent out of the Cave in which the mass of men dwell, and in
+which they only behold the shadows of reality. But, even in this
+enthusiastic description of the philosophic life, an equal stress is
+laid on the duty of philosopher to descend into the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[84]</a></span> Cave in turn and to
+rescue as many of their former fellow-prisoners as may be, even against
+their will, by turning them to the light and dragging them up into the
+world of truth and reality. It is quite easy to understand, in view of
+this, that Plato devoted some of the best years of his life to practical
+affairs and that he relinquished the studies of the Academy for a time
+in order to direct the education of Dionysius II. The thing appeared
+well worth doing; for Greek civilization in Sicily, and consequently, as
+we can now see, the civilization of western Europe, was seriously
+threatened by the Carthaginians. They had been held at bay by Dionysius
+I, but after his death everything depended on his successor. Now the
+education of Dionysius II had been completely neglected, but he had good
+natural abilities, and his uncle Dion, who was Plato&rsquo;s friend, was
+ready to answer for his good intentions. Plato could not turn a deaf ear
+to such a call. Unfortunately Dionysius was vain and obstinate, and he
+soon became impatient of the serious studies which Plato rightly
+regarded as necessary to prepare him for his task. The result was a
+growing estrangement between Plato and his pupil, which made it
+impossible to hope for a successful issue to the plans of Dion. It is
+unnecessary to tell the whole story here, but it is right to say that
+there was nothing at all impracticable in what Plato undertook, and that
+he was certainly justified in holding that the education of Dionysius
+must be completed before it would be safe to entrust him with the
+championship of the cause of Hellenism in the west.</p>
+
+<p>His failure to make anything of Dionysius did not lead Plato to abandon
+his efforts to heal the wounds of Hellenism. One of the studies most
+ardently pursued in the Academy was Jurisprudence, of which he is the
+real founder. It was not uncommon for Greek states to apply to the
+Academy for legislators to codify existing law or to frame a new code
+for colonies which had just been founded. That is the real explanation
+of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[85]</a></span>
+the remarkable work entitled the <i>Laws</i>, which must have occupied
+Plato for many years, and which was probably begun while he was still
+directing the studies of Dionysius. It appears to have been left
+unfinished; for, while some parts of it are highly elaborated, there are
+others which make upon us the impression of being a first draft. Even
+so, it is a great work if we regard it from the proper point of view. It
+is, in the first place, a codification of Greek, and especially Athenian
+law, of course with those reforms and improvements which suggest
+themselves when the subject is systematically treated, and it formed the
+basis of Hellenistic, and through that of Roman law, to which the world
+owes so much. There is no more useful corrective of the popular notion
+of Plato as an unpractical visionary than the careful study of the
+dullest and most technical parts of the <i>Laws</i> in the light of the
+<i>Institutes</i>.</p>
+
+<p>No attempt has been made here to describe the system of Plato as a
+whole, and indeed the time has not yet come when such an attempt can
+profitably be made. We have no direct knowledge of his teaching in the
+Academy; for we only possess the works which he wrote with a wider
+public in view. In the case of Aristotle (384-322 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>), a similar
+reservation must be made, though for just the opposite reason. We have
+only fragments of his published works and what we possess is mainly the
+groundwork of his lectures in the Lyceum. It will be seen that there is
+still very much to be done here too. From the nature of the case, notes
+for lectures take a great deal for granted that would be more fully
+explained when the lectures were delivered, and some of the most
+important points are hardly developed at all. Nevertheless there are
+certain things which come out clearly enough, and it so happens that
+they are points of great importance from which we can learn something
+with regard to the philosophical problems of the present day.</p>
+
+<p>In the first place, it is desirable to point out that Aristotle was not
+an Athenian, but an Ionian from the northern Aegean,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[86]</a></span> and that he was
+strongly influenced by eastern Ionian science, especially by the system
+of Democritus (which Plato does not appear to have known) and by the
+medical theories of the time. That is why he is so unsympathetic to the
+western schools of philosophy, and especially to the Pythagoreans and
+the Eleatics. Empedocles alone, who was a biologist like himself, and
+the founder of a medical school, finds favour in his eyes. He is not,
+therefore, at home in mathematical matters and his system of Physics can
+only be regarded as retrograde when we compare it with that of the
+Academy. He did indeed accept the doctrine of the earth&rsquo;s
+sphericity, but with that exception his cosmological views must be
+called reactionary. Where he is really great is in biology, a field of
+research which was not entirely neglected by the Academy, but which had
+been treated as secondary in comparison with mathematics and astronomy.
+The contrast between Plato and Aristotle in this respect seems to repeat
+on a higher plane that between Pythagoras and Empedocles, and this
+suggests something like a law of philosophical development which may
+perhaps throw light on the present situation. It seems as if this
+alternation of the mathematical and the biological interest was
+fundamental in the development of scientific thought and that the
+philosophy of different periods takes its colour from it. The philosophy
+of the nineteenth century was dominated in the main by biological
+conceptions, while it seems as if that of the twentieth was to be
+chiefly mathematical in its outlook on the world. We must not, of
+course, make too much of such formulas, but it is instructive to study
+such alternations in the philosophy of the Greeks, where everything is
+simpler and more easily apprehended.</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, Aristotle had been a member of the Academy for twenty
+years, and that could not fail to leave its mark upon him. This no doubt
+explains the fact, which has often been noted, that there are two
+opposite and inconsistent<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[87]</a></span>
+strains in all Aristotle&rsquo;s thinking. On
+the one hand, he is determined to avoid everything
+&lsquo;transcendental&rsquo;, and his dislike of Pythagorean and
+Platonist mathematics is mainly due to that. On the other hand, despite
+his captious and sometimes unfair criticisms of Plato, he evidently
+admired him greatly and had been much influenced by him. It may be
+suggested that the tone of his criticisms is partly due to his annoyance
+at finding that he could not shake off his Platonism, do what he would.
+This is borne out by the fact that, when he has come to the furthest
+point to which his own system will take him, he is apt to take refuge in
+metaphors of a mythical or &lsquo;transcendental&rsquo; character, for
+which we are not prepared in any way and of which no explanation is
+vouchsafed us. That is particularly the case when he is dealing with the
+soul and the first mover. On the whole his account of the soul is simply
+a development of eastern Ionian theories, and we feel that we are far
+removed indeed from the Platonist conception of the soul&rsquo;s
+priority to everything else. But, when he has told us that the highest
+and most developed form of soul is Mind, we are suddenly surprised by
+the statement that Mind in this sense is merely passive, while there is
+another form of it which is separable from matter, and that alone is
+immortal and everlasting. This has given rise to endless controversy
+which does not concern us here, but it seems best to interpret it as an
+involuntary outburst of the Platonism Aristotle could not wholly
+renounce. Very similar is the passage where he tries to explain how the
+first mover, though itself unmoved, communicates motion to the world.
+&lsquo;It moves it like a thing beloved,&rsquo; he tells us, and leaves
+us to make what we can of that. And yet we cannot help feeling that, in
+passages like this, we come far nearer to the beliefs Aristotle really
+cared about than we do anywhere else. At heart he is a Platonist in
+spite of himself.</p>
+
+<p>Aristotle&rsquo;s attitude to the practical life is also dependent on
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[88]</a></span>
+Plato&rsquo;s. In the Tenth Book of the <i>Ethics</i> he puts the claims of
+the Contemplative Life even higher than Plato ever did, so that the
+practical life appears to be only ancillary to it. He does not feel in
+the same degree as Plato the call for the philosopher to descend once
+more into the Cave for the sake of the prisoners there, and altogether
+he seems far more indifferent to the practical interests of life.
+Nevertheless he followed Plato&rsquo;s lead in giving much of his time
+to the study of Politics and that too with the distinctly practical aim
+of training legislators. He has often been criticized for his failure to
+see that the days of the city-state were numbered, and for the way in
+which he ignores the rise of an imperial monarchy in the person of his
+own pupil Alexander the Great. That, however, is not quite fair.
+Aristotle had a healthy dislike of princes and courts, and the
+city-state still appealed to him as the normal form of political
+organization. He could not believe that it would ever be superseded, and
+he wished to contribute to its better administration. He had, in fact, a
+much more conservative outlook than Plato, who was inclined to think
+with Isocrates, that the revival of monarchy was the only thing that
+could preserve Hellenism as things were then. We must remember that
+Aristotle was not himself a citizen of any free state, and that he could
+hardly be expected to have the same political instincts as Plato, who
+belonged by birth to the governing classes of Athens and had inherited
+the liberal traditions of the Periclean Age. This comes out best of all
+perhaps, in the attitude of the two philosophers to the question of
+slavery. In the <i>Laws</i>, which deals with existing conditions, Plato of
+course recognizes the <i>de facto</i> existence of slavery, though he is very
+sensible of its dangers and makes many legislative proposals with a view
+to their mitigation. In the <i>Republic</i>, on the other hand, where there
+is no need to trouble about existing conditions, he makes Socrates
+picture for us a community in which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[89]</a></span> there are apparently no slaves at
+all. Aristotle is also anxious to mitigate the worst abuses of slavery,
+but he justifies the institution as a permanent one by the consideration
+that barbarians are &lsquo;slaves by nature&rsquo; and that it is for
+their own interest to be &lsquo;living tools&rsquo;. This insistence
+upon the fundamental distinction between Greeks and barbarians must have
+seemed an anachronism to many of Aristotle&rsquo;s contemporaries and it
+had been expressly denounced by Plato as unscientific.</p>
+
+<p>The immediate effect of Aristotle&rsquo;s rejection of Platonist
+mathematics was one he certainly neither foresaw nor intended. It was to
+make a breach between philosophy and science. Mathematical science,
+whether Aristotle realized it or not, was still in the vigour of its
+first youth, and mathematicians were stirred by the achievements of the
+last generation to attempt the solution of still higher problems. If the
+Lyceum turned away from them, they were quite prepared to carry on the
+Academic tradition by themselves, and they succeeded for a time beyond
+all expectation. The third century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> was, in fact, the Golden Age of
+Greek mathematics, and it has been suggested that this was due to the
+emancipation of mathematics from philosophy. If that were true, it would
+be very important for us to know it; but it can, I think, be shown that
+it is not true. The great mathematicians of the third century were
+certainly carrying on the tradition of their predecessors who had been
+philosophers as well as mathematicians, and it is not to be wondered at
+that they were able to do so for a time. But the really striking fact is
+surely that Greek mathematics became sterile in a comparatively short
+time, and that no further advance was made till the days of Descartes
+and Leibniz, with whom philosophy and mathematics once more went hand in
+hand.</p>
+
+<p>Nor was the effect of this divorce on philosophy itself less
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[90]</a></span>
+disastrous. Theophrastus continued Aristotle&rsquo;s work on
+Aristotle&rsquo;s lines, and founded the science of Botany as his
+predecessor had founded that of Zoology, but the Peripatetic School
+practically died out with him and had very little influence till the
+study of Aristotle was revived long afterwards by the Neoplatonists.</p>
+
+<p>For the present, the divorce of science and philosophy was complete. The
+Stoics and the Epicureans had both, indeed, a scientific system, but
+their philosophy was in no sense based upon it. The attitude of Epicurus
+to science is particularly well marked. He took no interest in it
+whatever as such, but he used it as an instrument to free men from the
+religious fear to which he attributed human unhappiness. For that
+purpose, the science of the Academy, which had led up to a theology, was
+obviously unsuitable, and, like a true eastern Ionian as he was,
+Epicurus harked back to the atomic theory of Democritus, adding to it,
+however, certain things which really made nonsense of it, such, for
+instance, as the theory of absolute weight and lightness, which
+Aristotle had unfortunately taught. The Stoics too were corporealists,
+and found such science as they required in the system of Heraclitus,
+though they also adopted for polemical purposes much of
+Aristotle&rsquo;s Logic, taking pains, however, to alter his
+terminology. Both these schools, in fact, while remaining faithful to
+the idea of philosophy as conversion, forgot that it had always been
+based on science in its best days. It was this, no doubt, which chiefly
+commended Stoicism and Epicureanism to the Romans, who were never really
+interested in science. Both Stoicism and Epicureanism made a practical
+appeal, though of a different kind, and that served to gain credit for
+them at Rome.</p>
+
+<p>The Academy which Plato had founded still continued to exist, though it
+was diverted from its original purpose not more than a generation after
+Plato&rsquo;s death. Mathematics, we have<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[91]</a></span> seen, had made itself
+independent, and the most pressing necessity of the time was certainly
+the criticism of the new dogmatism which the Stoics had introduced. That
+was really carrying on one side of Platonism and not the least
+important. It is true indeed that the Academy appears to us at this
+distance of time mainly as a school of scepticism, but we must remember
+that its scepticism was directed entirely to the sensible world, as to
+which the attitude of Plato himself was not fundamentally different. The
+real sceptics always refused to admit that the Academics were sceptics
+in the proper sense of the word, and it is possible that the tradition
+of Platonism proper was never wholly broken. At any rate, by the first
+century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>, we begin to notice that Stoicism tends to become more and
+more Platonic. The study of Plato&rsquo;s <i>Timaeus</i> came into favour
+again, and the commentary which Posidonius (<i>c.</i> 100 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>) wrote upon
+it had great influence on the development of philosophy down to the end
+of the Middle Ages. It is this period of eclecticism which is reflected
+for us in the philosophical writings of Cicero. It had great importance
+for the history of civilization, but it is far removed from the spirit
+of genuine Greek philosophy. That was dead for the present, and it did
+not come to life again till the third century of our era, when Platonism
+was revived at Rome by Plotinus.</p>
+
+<p>It is only quite recently that historians of Greek philosophy have begun
+to do justice to &lsquo;Neoplatonism&rsquo;. That is partly due to the
+contemporary philosophical tendencies noted at the beginning of this
+paper, and partly to historical investigations into the philosophy of
+the Middle Ages, which is more and more seen to be dependent mainly on
+Neoplatonism down to and including the system of St. Thomas Aquinas. It
+was in fact the most decisive fact in the history of Western European
+civilization that Plotinus founded his school at Rome rather than at
+Athens or Alexandria; for that is how Western Europe
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[92]</a></span> became the real
+heir to the philosophy of Greece. Every one knows, of course, that
+Plotinus was a &lsquo;mystic&rsquo;, but the term is apt to suggest
+quite wrong ideas about him. He is often spoken of still as a man who
+introduced oriental ideas into Greek philosophy, and he is popularly
+supposed to have been an Egyptian. That is most improbable; and, if it
+were true, it would only make it the more remarkable that, though he
+certainly studied at Alexandria for eleven years, he never even mentions
+the religion of Isis, which was so fashionable at Rome in his day, and
+which had fascinated so genuine a Greek as Plutarch some generations
+before. There is no doubt that what Plotinus believed himself to be
+teaching was genuine Platonism, and that he had prepared himself for the
+task by a careful study of Aristotle and even of Stoicism, so far as
+that served his purpose. No doubt he was too great a man to make himself
+the mere mouthpiece of another&rsquo;s thought; but, for all that, he
+was the legitimate successor of Plato, and it may be added that M.
+Robin, who has taken upon himself the arduous task of extracting
+Plato&rsquo;s real philosophy from the writings of Aristotle, has come
+to the conclusion that there is a great deal more
+&lsquo;Neoplatonism&rsquo; in Plato than is sometimes supposed.</p>
+
+<p>Plotinus is a mystic, then, though not at all in the sense in which the
+term is often misused. He sets before his disciples a &lsquo;way of
+life&rsquo; which leads by stages to the highest life of all, but that
+is just what Pythagoras and Plato had done, and it is only the
+continuation of a tradition which goes back among the Greeks to the
+sixth century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>, nearly a thousand years before the time of
+Plotinus. His aim, like that of his predecessors, is the conversion of
+souls to this way of life, and he differs from such thinkers as the
+Stoics and the Epicureans in holding that the &lsquo;way of life&rsquo;
+to which he calls them must be based once more on a systematic doctrine
+of God, the World and Man. The result was that the divorce which had
+existed for centuries<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[93]</a></span>
+between science and philosophy was once more
+annulled. We cannot say, indeed, that Plotinus himself made any special
+study of Mathematics, but there is no doubt at all that his followers
+did, and it is due to them, and especially to Proclus, that we know as
+much of Greek Mathematics as we do. Proclus was indeed the systematizer
+of the doctrine of Plotinus, though he differs from him on certain
+points, and his influence on later philosophy cannot be overestimated.
+It can be distinctly traced even in Descartes, whom it reached through a
+number of channels, the study of which has recently been undertaken by a
+French scholar, Professor Gilson, of the University of Strasbourg. When
+his researches are complete, the continuity of Greek and modern
+philosophy will be plainly seen, and the part played by Platonism in the
+making of the modern European mind will be made manifest. We shall then
+understand better than ever why Greek philosophy is a subject of
+perennial interest.</p>
+
+<p>The history of Greek philosophy is, in fact, the history of our own
+spiritual past, and it is impossible to understand the present without
+taking it into account. In particular, the Platonist tradition underlies
+the whole of western civilization. It was at Rome, as has been pointed
+out, that Plotinus taught, and it was in certain Latin translations of
+the writings of his school that St. Augustine found the basis for a
+Christian philosophy he was seeking. It was Augustine&rsquo;s great
+authority in the Latin Church that made Platonism its official
+philosophy for centuries. It is a complete mistake to suppose that the
+thinking of the Middle Ages was dominated by the authority of Aristotle.
+It was not till the thirteenth century that Aristotle was known at all,
+and even then he was studied in the light of Platonism, just as he had
+been by Plotinus and his followers. It was only at the very close of the
+Middle Ages that he acquired the predominance which has made so strong
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[94]</a></span>
+an impression on the centuries that followed. It was from the Platonist
+tradition, too, that the science of the earlier Middle Ages came. A
+considerable portion of Plato&rsquo;s <i>Timaeus</i> had been translated into
+Latin in the fourth century by Chalcidius with a very elaborate
+commentary based on ancient sources, while the <i>Consolation of
+Philosophy</i>, written in prison by the Roman Platonist Boethius in <span class='lc sc'>A. D.</span>
+525, was easily the most popular book of the Middle Ages. It was
+translated into English by Alfred the Great and by Chaucer, and into
+many other European languages. It was on these foundations that the
+French Platonism of the twelfth century, and especially that of the
+School of Chartres, was built up, and the influence of that school in
+England was very great indeed. The names of Grosseteste and Roger Bacon
+may just be mentioned in this connexion, and it would not be hard to
+show that the special character of the contribution which English
+writers have been able to make to science and philosophy is in large
+measure attributable to this influence.</p>
+
+<p>But the interest of Greek philosophy is not only historical; it is full
+of instruction for the future too. Since the time of Locke, philosophy
+has been apt to limit itself to discussions about the nature of
+knowledge, and to leave questions about the nature of the world to
+specialists. The history of Greek philosophy shows the danger of this
+unnatural division of the province of thought, and the more we study it,
+the more we shall feel the need of a more comprehensive view. The
+&lsquo;philosophy of things human&rsquo;, as the Greeks called it, is
+only one department among others, and the theory of knowledge is only
+one department of that. If studied in isolation from the whole, it must
+inevitably become one-sided. From Greek philosophy we can also learn
+that it is fatal to divorce speculation from the service of mankind. The
+notion that philosophy could be so isolated would have been wholly
+unintelligible to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[95]</a></span> any of the great Greek thinkers, and most of all
+perhaps to the Platonists who are often charged with this very heresy.
+Above all, we can learn from Greek philosophy the paramount importance
+of what we call the personality and they called the soul. It was just
+because the Greeks realized this that the genuinely Hellenic idea of
+conversion played so great a part in their thinking and in their lives.
+That, above all, is the lesson they have to teach, and that is why the
+writings of their great philosophers have still the power to convert the
+souls of all that will receive their teaching with humility.</p>
+
+<p class='sig sc'>J. Burnet.</p>
+
+<hr /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[97]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="MATHEMATICS" id="MATHEMATICS"></a>MATHEMATICS AND ASTRONOMY</h2>
+
+<p>It has been well said that, if we would study any subject properly, we
+must study it as something that is alive and growing and consider it
+with reference to its growth in the past. As most of the vital forces
+and movements in modern civilization had their origin in Greece, this
+means that, to study them properly, we must get back to Greece. So it is
+with the literature of modern countries, or their philosophy, or their
+art; we cannot study them with the determination to get to the bottom
+and understand them without the way pointing eventually back to Greece.</p>
+
+<p>When we think of the debt which mankind owes to the Greeks, we are apt
+to think too exclusively of the masterpieces in literature and art which
+they have left us. But the Greek genius was many-sided; the Greek, with
+his insatiable love of knowledge, his determination to see things as
+they are and to see them whole, his burning desire to be able to give a
+rational explanation of everything in heaven and earth, was just as
+irresistibly driven to natural science, mathematics, and exact reasoning
+in general, or logic.</p>
+
+<p>To quote from a brilliant review of a well-known work: &lsquo;To be a
+Greek was to seek to know, to know the primordial substance of matter,
+to know the meaning of number, to know the world as a rational whole. In
+no spirit of paradox one may say that Euclid is the most typical Greek:
+he would know to the bottom, and know as a rational system, the laws of
+the measurement of the earth. Plato, too, loved geometry and the wonders
+of numbers; he was essentially Greek because he was essentially
+mathematical.... And if one thus finds the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[98]</a></span> Greek genius in Euclid and
+the <i>Posterior Analytics</i>, one will understand the motto written over
+the Academy, <span class='t' title='mêdeis ageômetrêtos eisitô'>μηδεις αγεωμετρητος εισιτω</span>. To know what the Greek
+genius meant you must (if one may speak <span class='t' title='en ainigmati'>εν αινιγματι</span>) begin
+with geometry.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>Mathematics, indeed, plays an important part in Greek philosophy: there
+are, for example, many passages in Plato and Aristotle for the
+interpretation of which some knowledge of the technique of Greek
+mathematics is the first essential. Hence it should be part of the
+equipment of every classical student that he should have read
+substantial portions of the works of the Greek mathematicians in the
+original, say, some of the early books of Euclid in full and the
+definitions (at least) of the other books, as well as selections from
+other writers. Von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff has included in his
+<i>Griechisches Lesebuch</i> extracts from Euclid, Archimedes and Heron of
+Alexandria; and the example should be followed in this country.</p>
+
+<p>Acquaintance with the original works of the Greek mathematicians is no
+less necessary for any mathematician worthy of the name. Mathematics is
+a Greek science. So far as pure geometry is concerned, the
+mathematician&rsquo;s technical equipment is almost wholly Greek. The
+Greeks laid down the principles, fixed the terminology and invented the
+methods <i>ab initio</i>; moreover, they did this with such certainty that in
+the centuries which have since elapsed there has been no need to
+reconstruct, still less to reject as unsound, any essential part of
+their doctrine.</p>
+
+<p>Consider first the terminology of mathematics. Almost all the standard
+terms are Greek or Latin translations from the Greek, and, although the
+mathematician may be taught their meaning without knowing Greek, he will
+certainly grasp their significance better if he knows them as they arise
+and as part of the living language of the men who invented them. Take
+the word <i>isosceles</i>; a schoolboy can be shown what an isosceles
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[99]</a></span>
+triangle is, but, if he knows nothing of the derivation, he will wonder
+why such an apparently outlandish term should be necessary to express so
+simple an idea. But if the mere appearance of the word shows him that it
+means a thing <i>with equal legs</i>, being compounded of <span class='t' title='isos'>ισος</span>,
+equal, and <span class='t' title='skelos'>σκελος</span>, a leg, he will understand its
+appropriateness and will have no difficulty in remembering it.
+<i>Equilateral</i>, on the other hand, is borrowed from the Latin, but it is
+merely the Latin translation of the Greek <span class='t' title='isopleuros'>ισοπλευρος</span>,
+<i>equal-sided</i>. <i>Parallelogram</i> again can be explained to a Greekless
+person, but it will be far better understood by one who sees in it the
+two words <span class='t' title='parallêlos'>παραλληλος</span> and
+<span class='t' title='grammê'>γραμμη</span> and realizes that it
+is a short way of expressing that the figure in question is contained by
+parallel lines; and we shall best understand the word <i>parallel</i> itself
+if we see in it the statement of the fact that the two straight lines so
+described go <i>alongside one another</i>, <span class='t' title='par&rsquo; allêlas'>παρ&rsquo; αλληλας</span>, all the
+way. Similarly a mathematician should know that a <i>rhombus</i> is so called
+from its resemblance to a form of spinning-top (<span class='t' title='rhombos'>ῥομβος</span> from
+<span class='t' title='rhembô'>ῥεμβω</span>, to spin) and that, just as a parallelogram is a figure
+formed by two pairs of parallel straight lines, so a <i>parallelepiped</i> is
+a solid figure bounded by three pairs of parallel planes (<span class='t' title='parallêlos'>παραλληλος</span>,
+parallel, and <span class='t' title='epipedos'>επιπεδος</span>, plane); incidentally, in
+the latter case, he will be saved from writing
+&lsquo;parallel<i>o</i>piped&rsquo;, a monstrosity which has disfigured not a
+few textbooks of geometry. Another good example is the word
+<i>hypotenuse</i>; it comes from the verb <span class='t' title='hypoteinein'>ὑποτεινειν</span>
+(c. <span class='t' title='hypo'>ὑπο</span>
+and acc. or simple acc.), to <i>stretch under</i>, or, in its Latin
+form, to <i>subtend</i>, which term is used quite generally for &lsquo;to be
+opposite to&rsquo;; in our phraseology the word <i>hypotenuse</i> is
+restricted to that side of a right-angled triangle which is opposite to
+the right angle, being short for the expression used in Eucl. i. 47,
+<span class='t' title='hê tên orthên gônian hypoteinousa pleura'>ἡ την ορθην γωνιαν ὑποτεινουσα πλευρα</span>, &lsquo;the side
+subtending the right angle&rsquo;, which accounts for the feminine
+participial form <span class='t' title='hypoteinousa'>ὑποτεινουσα</span>, <i>hypotenuse</i>. If mathematicians
+had had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[100]</a></span> more Greek, perhaps the misspelt form
+&lsquo;hypot<i>h</i>enuse&rsquo; would not have survived so long.</p>
+
+<p>To take an example outside the Elements, how can a mathematician
+properly understand the term <i>latus rectum</i> used in conic sections
+unless he has seen it in Apollonius as the <i>erect side</i>
+(<span class='t' title='orthia pleura'>ορθια πλευρα</span>)
+of a certain rectangle in the case of each of the three
+conics?<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> The word <i>ordinate</i> can hardly convey anything to one who
+does not know that it is what Apollonius describes as &lsquo;the
+straight line drawn down (from a point on the curve) in the <i>prescribed</i>
+or <i>ordained</i> manner (<span class='t' title='tetagmenôs katêgmenê'>τεταγμενως κατηγμενη</span>)&rsquo;. <i>Asymptote</i>
+again comes from <span class='t' title='asymptôtos'>ασυμπτωτος</span>, <i>non-meeting</i>, <i>non-secant</i>, and
+had with the Greeks a more general signification as well as the narrower
+one which it has for us: it was sometimes used of parallel lines, which
+also &lsquo;do not meet&rsquo;.</p>
+
+<p>Again, if we take up a textbook of geometry written in accordance with
+the most modern Education Board circular or University syllabus, we
+shall find that the phraseology used (except where made more colloquial
+and less scientific) is almost all pure Greek. The Greek tongue was
+extraordinarily well adapted as a vehicle of scientific thought. One of
+the characteristics of Euclid&rsquo;s language which his commentator
+Proclus is most fond of emphasizing is its marvellous <i>exactness</i>
+(<span class='t' title='akribeia'>ακριβεια</span>). The language of the Greek geometers is also
+wonderfully concise, notwithstanding all appearances to the contrary.
+One of the complaints often made against Euclid is that he is
+&lsquo;diffuse&rsquo;. Yet (apart from abbreviations in writing) it will
+be found that the exposition of corresponding
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[101]</a></span> matters in modern
+elementary textbooks generally takes up, not less, but more space. And,
+to say nothing of the perfect finish of Archimedes&rsquo;s treatises, we
+shall find in Heron, Ptolemy and Pappus veritable models of concise
+statement. The purely geometrical proof by Heron of the formula for the
+area of a triangle, <span class='t' title='D'>Δ</span>=√<i>{s(s-a) (s-b) (s-c)}</i>, and the
+geometrical propositions in Book I of Ptolemy&rsquo;s <i>Syntaxis</i>
+(including &lsquo;Ptolemy&rsquo;s Theorem&rsquo;) are cases in point.</p>
+
+<p>The principles of geometry and arithmetic (in the sense of the theory of
+numbers) are stated in the preliminary matter of Books I and VII of
+Euclid. But Euclid was not their discoverer; they were gradually evolved
+from the time of Pythagoras onwards. Aristotle is clear about the nature
+of the principles and their classification. Every demonstrative science,
+he says, has to do with three things, the subject-matter, the things
+proved, and the things from which the proof starts (<span class='t' title='ex hôn'>εξ ὡν</span>). It
+is not everything that can be proved, otherwise the chain of proof would
+be endless; you must begin somewhere, and you must start with things
+admitted but indemonstrable. These are, first, principles common to all
+sciences which are called <i>axioms</i> or <i>common opinions</i>, as that
+&lsquo;of two contradictories one must be true&rsquo;, or &lsquo;if
+equals be subtracted from equals, the remainders are equal&rsquo;;
+secondly, principles peculiar to the subject-matter of the particular
+science, say geometry. First among the latter principles are
+definitions; there must be agreement as to what we mean by certain
+terms. But a definition asserts nothing about the existence or
+non-existence of the thing defined. The existence of the various things
+defined has to be <i>proved</i> except in the case of a few primary things in
+each science the existence of which is indemonstrable and must be
+<i>assumed</i> among the first principles of the science; thus in geometry we
+must assume the existence of points and lines, and in arithmetic of the
+unit. Lastly, we must assume certain other things which are
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[102]</a></span> less
+obvious and cannot be proved but yet have to be accepted; these are
+called <i>postulates</i>, because they make a demand on the faith of the
+learner. Euclid&rsquo;s Postulates are of this kind, especially that
+known as the parallel-postulate.</p>
+
+<p>The methods of solution of problems were no doubt first applied in
+particular cases and then gradually systematized; the technical terms
+for them were probably invented later, after the methods themselves had
+become established.</p>
+
+<p>One method of solution was the <i>reduction</i> of one problem to another.
+This was called <span class='t' title='apagôgê'>απαγωγη</span>, a term which seems to occur first in
+Aristotle. But instances of such reduction occurred long before.
+Hippocrates of Chios reduced the problem of duplicating the cube to that
+of finding two mean proportionals in continued proportion between two
+straight lines, that is, he showed that, if the latter problem could be
+solved, the former was thereby solved also; and it is probable that
+there were still earlier cases in the Pythagorean geometry.</p>
+
+<p>Next there is the method of mathematical <i>analysis</i>. This method is said
+to have been &lsquo;communicated&rsquo; or &lsquo;explained&rsquo; by
+Plato to Leodamas of Thasos; but, like reduction (to which it is closely
+akin), analysis in the mathematical sense must have been in use much
+earlier. <i>Analysis</i> and its correlative <i>synthesis</i> are defined by
+Pappus: &lsquo;in analysis we assume that which is sought as if it were
+already done, and we inquire what it is from which this results, and
+again what is the antecedent cause of the latter, and so on, until by so
+retracing our steps we come upon something already known or belonging to
+the class of principles. But in synthesis, reversing the process, we
+take as already done that which was last arrived at in the analysis,
+and, by arranging in their natural order as consequences what were
+before antecedents and successively connecting them one with another, we
+arrive finally at the construction of that which was sought.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>The method of <i>reductio ad absurdum</i> is a variety of analysis.
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[103]</a></span> Starting
+from a hypothesis, namely the contradictory of what we desire to prove,
+we use the same process of analysis, carrying it back until we arrive at
+something admittedly false or absurd. Aristotle describes this method in
+various ways as <i>reductio ad absurdum</i>, proof <i>per impossibile</i>, or
+proof leading to the impossible. But here again, though the term was
+new, the method was not. The paradoxes of Zeno are classical instances.</p>
+
+<p>Lastly, the Greeks established the form of exposition which still
+governs geometrical work, simply because it is dictated by strict logic.
+It is seen in Euclid&rsquo;s propositions, with their separate formal
+divisions, to which specific names were afterwards assigned, (1) the
+<i>enunciation</i> (<span class='t' title='protasis'>προτασις</span>), (2) the <i>setting-out</i>
+(<span class='t' title='ekthesis'>εκθεσις</span>), (3) the
+<span class='t' title='diorismos'>διορισμος</span>, being a re-statement of what we
+are required to do or prove, not in general terms (as in the
+<i>enunciation</i>), but with reference to the particular data contained in
+the <i>setting-out</i>, (4) the <i>construction</i>
+(<span class='t' title='kataskeuê'>κατασκευη</span>), (5) the
+<i>proof</i> (<span class='t' title='apodeixis'>αποδειξις</span>), (6) the <i>conclusion</i>
+(<span class='t' title='symperasma'>συμπερασμα</span>).
+In the case of a problem it often happens that a solution
+is not possible unless the particular data are such as to satisfy
+certain conditions; in this case there is yet another constituent part
+in the proposition, namely the statement of the conditions or limits of
+possibility, which was called by the same name <span class='t' title='diorismos'>διορισμος</span>,
+definition or delimitation, as that applied to the third constituent
+part of a theorem.</p>
+
+<p>We have so far endeavoured to indicate generally the finality and the
+abiding value of the work done by the creators of mathematical science.
+It remains to summarize, as briefly as possible, the history of Greek
+mathematics according to periods and subjects.</p>
+
+<p>The Greeks of course took what they could in the shape of elementary
+facts in geometry and astronomy from the Egyptians and Babylonians. But
+some of the essential characteristics of the Greek genius assert
+themselves even in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[104]</a></span>
+their borrowings from these or other sources. Here,
+as everywhere else, we see their directness and concentration; they
+always knew what they wanted, and they had an unerring instinct for
+taking only what was worth having and rejecting the rest. This is
+illustrated by the story of Pythagoras&rsquo;s travels. He consorted
+with priests and prophets and was initiated into the religious rites
+practised in different places, not out of religious enthusiasm &lsquo;as
+you might think&rsquo; (says our informant), but in order that he might
+not overlook any fragment of knowledge worth acquiring that might lie
+hidden in the mysteries of divine worship.</p>
+
+<p>This story also illustrates an important advantage which the Greeks had
+over the Egyptians and Babylonians. In those countries science, such as
+it was, was the monopoly of the priests; and, where this is the case,
+the first steps in science are apt to prove the last also, because the
+scientific results attained tend to become involved in religious
+prescriptions and routine observances, and so to end in a collection of
+lifeless formulae. Fortunately for the Greeks, they had no organized
+priesthood; untrammelled by prescription, traditional dogmas or
+superstition, they could give their reasoning faculties free play. Thus
+they were able to create science as a living thing susceptible of
+development without limit.</p>
+
+<p>Greek geometry, as also Greek astronomy, begins with Thales (about
+624-547 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>), who travelled in Egypt and is said to have brought
+geometry from thence. Such geometry as there was in Egypt arose out of
+practical needs. Revenue was raised by the taxation of landed property,
+and its assessment depended on the accurate fixing of the boundaries of
+the various holdings. When these were removed by the periodical flooding
+due to the rising of the Nile, it was necessary to replace them, or to
+determine the taxable area independently of them, by an art of
+land-surveying. We conclude from the Papyrus Rhind (say 1700 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>) and
+other documents that Egyptian geometry<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[105]</a></span> consisted mainly of practical
+rules for measuring, with more or less accuracy, (1) such areas as
+squares, triangles, trapezia, and circles, (2) the solid content of
+measures of corn, &amp;c., of different shapes. The Egyptians also
+constructed pyramids of a certain slope by means of arithmetical
+calculations based on a certain ratio, <i>se-qeṭ</i>, namely the ratio of
+half the side of the base to the height, which is in fact equivalent to
+the co-tangent of the angle of slope. The use of this ratio implies the
+notion of similarity of figures, especially triangles. The Egyptians
+knew, too, that a triangle with its sides in the ratio of the numbers 3,
+4, 5 is right-angled, and used the fact as a means of drawing right
+angles. But there is no sign that they knew the general property of a
+right-angled triangle (= Eucl. I. 47), of which this is a particular
+case, or that they proved any general theorem in geometry.</p>
+
+<p>No doubt Thales, when he was in Egypt, would see diagrams drawn to
+illustrate the rules for the measurement of circles and other plane
+figures, and these diagrams would suggest to him certain similarities
+and congruences which would set him thinking whether there were not some
+elementary general principles underlying the construction and relations
+of different figures and parts of figures. This would be in accord with
+the Greek instinct for generalization and their wish to be able to
+account for everything on rational principles.</p>
+
+<p>The following theorems are attributed to Thales: (1) that a circle is
+bisected by any diameter (Eucl. I, Def. 17), (2) that the angles at the
+base of an isosceles triangle are equal (Eucl. I. 5), (3) that, if two
+straight lines cut one another, the vertically opposite angles are equal
+(Eucl. I. 15), (4) that, if two triangles have two angles and one side
+respectively equal, the triangles are equal in all respects (Eucl. I.
+26). He is said (5) to have been the first to inscribe a right-angled
+triangle in a circle, which must mean that he was the first to discover
+that the angle in a semicircle is a right angle (cf. Eucl. III. 31).</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[106]</a></span>
+Elementary as these things are, they represent a new departure of a
+momentous kind, being the first steps towards a <i>theory</i> of geometry. On
+this point we cannot do better than quote some remarks from Kant&rsquo;s
+preface to the second edition of his <i>Kritik der reinen Vernunft</i>.</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;Mathematics has, from the earliest times to which the history of
+human reason goes back, (that is to say) with that wonderful people the
+Greeks, travelled the safe road of a <i>science</i>. But it must not be
+supposed that it was as easy for mathematics as it was for logic, where
+reason is concerned with itself alone, to find, or rather to build for
+itself, that royal road. I believe on the contrary that with mathematics
+it remained for long a case of groping about&mdash;the Egyptians in
+particular were still at that stage&mdash;and that this transformation must
+be ascribed to a <i>revolution</i> brought about by the happy inspiration of
+one man in trying an experiment, from which point onward the road that
+must be taken could no longer be missed, and the safe way of a science
+was struck and traced out for all time and to distances illimitable....
+A light broke on the first man who demonstrated the property of the
+isosceles triangle (whether his name was Thales or what you
+will)....&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>Thales also solved two problems of a practical kind: (1) he showed how
+to measure the distance of a ship at sea, and (2) he found the heights
+of pyramids by means of the shadows thrown on the ground by the pyramid
+and by a stick of known length at the same moment; one account says that
+he chose the time when the lengths of the stick and of its shadow were
+equal, but in either case he argued by similarity of triangles.</p>
+
+<p>In astronomy Thales predicted a solar eclipse which was probably that of
+the 28th May 585 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> Now the Babylonians, as the result of
+observations continued through centuries, had discovered the period of
+223 lunations after which eclipses<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[107]</a></span>
+recur. It is most likely therefore that Thales had heard of this
+period, and that his prediction was based upon it. He is further said to
+have used the Little Bear for finding the pole, to have discovered the
+inequality of the four astronomical seasons, and to have written works
+<i>On the Equinox</i> and <i>On the Solstice</i>.</p>
+
+<p>After Thales come the Pythagoreans. Of the Pythagoreans Aristotle says
+that they applied themselves to the study of mathematics and were the
+first to advance that science, going so far as to find in the principles
+of mathematics the principles of all existing things. Of Pythagoras
+himself we are told that he attached supreme importance to the study of
+arithmetic, advancing it and taking it out of the region of practical
+utility, and again that he transformed the study of geometry into a
+liberal education, examining the principles of the science from the
+beginning.</p>
+
+<p>The very word <span class='t' title='mathêmata'>μαθηματα</span>, which originally meant &lsquo;subjects
+of instruction&rsquo; generally, is said to have been first appropriated
+to mathematics by the Pythagoreans.</p>
+
+<p>In saying that arithmetic began with Pythagoras we have to distinguish
+between the uses of that word then and now. <span class='t' title='Arithmêtikê'>Αριθμητικη</span> with
+the Greeks was distinguished from <span class='t' title='logistikê'>λογιστικη</span>, the science of
+calculation. It is the latter word which would cover arithmetic in our
+sense, or practical calculation; the term <span class='t' title='arithmêtikê'>αριθμητικη</span> was
+restricted to the science of numbers considered in themselves, or, as we
+should say, the Theory of Numbers. Another way of putting the
+distinction was to say that <span class='t' title='arithmêtikê'>αριθμητικη</span> dealt with absolute
+numbers or numbers in the abstract, and <span class='t' title='logistikê'>λογιστικη</span> with numbered
+<i>things</i> or concrete numbers; thus <span class='t' title='logistikê'>λογιστικη</span> included simple
+problems about numbers of apples, bowls, or objects generally, such as
+are found in the Greek Anthology and sometimes involve simple
+algebraical equations.</p>
+
+<p>The Theory of Numbers then began with Pythagoras (about
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[108]</a></span> 572-497 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>).
+It included definitions of the unit and of number, and the
+classification and definitions of the various classes of numbers, odd,
+even, prime, composite, and sub-divisions of these such as odd-even,
+even-times-even, &amp;c. Again there were figured numbers, namely,
+triangular numbers, squares, oblong numbers, polygonal numbers
+(pentagons, hexagons, &amp;c.) corresponding respectively to plane figures,
+and pyramidal numbers, cubes, parallelepipeds, &amp;c., corresponding to
+solid figures in geometry. The treatment was mostly geometrical, the
+numbers being represented by dots filling up geometrical figures of the
+various kinds. The laws of formation of the various figured numbers were
+established. In this investigation the <i>gnomon</i> played an important
+part. Originally meaning the upright needle of a sun-dial, the term was
+next used for a figure like a carpenter&rsquo;s square, and then was
+applied to a figure of that shape put round two sides of a square and
+making up a larger square. The arithmetical application of the term was
+similar. If we represent a unit by one dot and put round it three dots
+in such a way that the four form the corners of a square, <i>three</i> is the
+first gnomon. <i>Five</i> dots put at equal distances round two sides of the
+square containing four dots make up the next square (3&sup2;), and <i>five</i> is
+the second gnomon. Generally, if we have <i>n&sup2;</i> dots so arranged as to
+fill up a square with <i>n</i> for its side, the gnomon to be put round it to
+make up the next square, <i>(n+1)&sup2;</i>, has <i>2n+1</i> dots. In the formation of
+squares, therefore, the successive gnomons are the series of odd numbers
+following 1 (the first square), namely 3, 5, 7, ... In the formation of
+<i>oblong</i> numbers (numbers of the form <i>n(n+1))</i>, the first of which is
+1. 2, the successive gnomons are the terms after 2 in the series of
+<i>even</i> numbers 2, 4, 6.... Triangular numbers are formed by adding to 1
+(the first triangle) the terms after 1 in the series of natural numbers
+1, 2, 3 ...; these are therefore the gnomons (by analogy) for triangles.
+The gnomons for pentagonal numbers<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[109]</a></span> are the terms after 1 in the
+arithmetical progression 1, 4, 7, 10 ... (with 3, or 5-2, as the common
+difference) and so on; the common difference of the successive gnomons
+for an <i>a</i>-gonal number is <i>a-2</i>.</p>
+
+<p>From the series of gnomons for squares we easily deduce a formula for
+finding square numbers which are the sum of two squares. For, the gnomon
+<i>2n+1</i> being the difference between the successive squares <i>n&sup2;</i> and
+<i>(n+1)&sup2;</i>, we have only to make <i>2n+1</i> a square. Suppose that <i>2n+1=m&sup2;</i>;
+therefore <i>n=&frac12;(m&sup2;-1)</i>, and <i>{&frac12;(m&sup2;-1)}&sup2;+m&sup2;={&frac12;(m&sup2;+1)}&sup2;</i>, where <i>m</i> is any
+odd number. This is the formula actually attributed to Pythagoras.</p>
+
+<p>Pythagoras is said to have discovered the theory of proportionals or
+proportion. This was a numerical theory and therefore was applicable to
+commensurable magnitudes only; it was no doubt somewhat on the lines of
+Euclid, Book VII. Connected with the theory of proportion was that of
+<i>means</i>, and Pythagoras was acquainted with three of these, the
+arithmetic, geometric, and sub-contrary (afterwards called harmonic). In
+particular Pythagoras is said to have introduced from Babylon into
+Greece the &lsquo;most perfect&rsquo; proportion, namely:</p>
+
+<p class='c i'>a:(a+b)/2=2ab/(a+b):b,</p>
+
+<p class="noin">where the second and third terms are respectively the arithmetic and
+harmonic mean between <i>a</i> and <i>b</i>. A particular case is 12:9=8:6.</p>
+
+<p>This bears upon what was probably Pythagoras&rsquo;s greatest discovery,
+namely that the musical intervals correspond to certain arithmetical
+ratios between lengths of string at the same tension, the octave
+corresponding to the ratio 2:1, the fifth to 3:2 and the fourth to 4:3.
+These ratios being the same as those of 12 to 6, 8, 9 respectively, we
+can understand<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[110]</a></span>
+how the third term, 8, in the above proportion came to
+be called the &lsquo;harmonic&rsquo; mean between 12 and 6.</p>
+
+<p>The Pythagorean arithmetic as a whole, with the developments made after
+the time of Pythagoras himself, is mainly known to us through
+Nicomachus&rsquo;s <i>Introductio arithmetica</i>, Iamblichus&rsquo;s
+commentary on the same, and Theon of Smyrna&rsquo;s work <i>Expositio
+rerum mathematicarum ad legendum Platonem utilium</i>. The things in these
+books most deserving of notice are the following.</p>
+
+<p>First, there is the description of a &lsquo;perfect&rsquo; number (a
+number which is equal to the sum of all its parts, i.e. all its integral
+divisors including 1 but excluding the number itself), with a statement
+of the property that all such numbers end in 6 or 8. Four such numbers,
+namely 6, 28, 496, 8128, were known to Nicomachus. The law of formation
+for such numbers is first found in Eucl. IX. 36 proving that, if the sum
+<i>(S<sub>n</sub>)</i> of <i>n</i> terms of the series 1, 2, 2&sup2;, 2&sup3; ... is prime, then
+<i>S<sub>n</sub>.2<sup>n-1</sup></i> is a perfect number.</p>
+
+<p>Secondly, Theon of Smyrna gives the law of formation of the series of
+&lsquo;side-&rsquo; and &lsquo;diameter-&rsquo; numbers which satisfy
+the equations <i>2x&sup2;-y&sup2;=&plusmn;1</i>. The law depends on the proposition proved in
+Eucl. II. 10 to the effect that <i>(2x+y)&sup2;-2(x+y)&sup2;=2x&sup2;-y&sup2;</i>, whence it
+follows that, if <i>x</i>, <i>y</i> satisfy either of the above equations, then
+<i>2x+y</i>, <i>x+y</i> is a solution in higher numbers of the other equation. The
+successive solutions give values for <i>y/x</i>, namely 1/1, 3/2, 7/5, 17/12,
+41/29, ..., which are successive approximations to the value of √2 (the
+ratio of the diagonal of a square to its side). The occasion for this
+method of approximation to √2 (which can be carried as far as we please)
+was the discovery by the Pythagoreans of the incommensurable or
+irrational in this particular case.</p>
+
+<p>Thirdly, Iamblichus mentions a discovery by Thymaridas, a Pythagorean
+not later than Plato&rsquo;s time, called the <span class='t' title='epanthêma'>επανθημα</span>
+(&lsquo;bloom&rsquo;) of Thymaridas, and amounting to the solution<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[111]</a></span> of
+any number of simultaneous equations of the following form:</p>
+
+<p class='c i noin'>x+x<sub>1</sub> + x<sub>2</sub> + ... + x<sub>n-1</sub> = s,<br />
+x + x<sub>1</sub> = a<sub>1</sub>,<br />
+x + x<sub>2</sub> = a<sub>2</sub>,<br />
+....<br />
+x+x<sub>n-1</sub> = a<sub>n-1</sub>,<br /></p>
+
+<p class="noin">the solution being <i>x=((a<sub>1</sub>+a<sub>2</sub>+...+a<sub>n-1</sub>)-s)/(n-2)</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The rule is stated in general terms, but the above representation of its
+effect shows that it is a piece of pure algebra.</p>
+
+<p>The Pythagorean contributions to geometry were even more remarkable. The
+most famous proposition attributed to Pythagoras himself is of course
+the theorem of Eucl. I. 47 that the square on the hypotenuse of any
+right-angled triangle is equal to the sum of the squares on the other
+two sides. But Proclus also attributes to him, besides the theory of
+proportionals, the construction of the &lsquo;cosmic figures&rsquo;, the
+five regular solids.</p>
+
+<p>One of the said solids, the dodecahedron, has twelve regular pentagons
+for faces, and the construction of a regular pentagon involves the
+cutting of a straight line &lsquo;in extreme and mean ratio&rsquo;
+(Eucl. II. 11 and VI. 30), which is a particular case of the method
+known as the <i>application of areas</i>. This method was fully worked out by
+the Pythagoreans and proved one of the most powerful in all Greek
+geometry. The most elementary case appears in Eucl. I. 44, 45, where it
+is shown how to apply to a given straight line as base a parallelogram
+with one angle equal to a given angle and equal in area to any given
+rectilineal figure; this construction is the geometrical equivalent of
+arithmetical <i>division</i>. The general case is that in which the
+parallelogram, though applied to the straight line, overlaps it or falls
+short of it in such a way that the part<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[112]</a></span> of the parallelogram which
+extends beyond or falls short of the parallelogram of the same angle and
+breadth on the given straight line itself (exactly) as base is similar
+to any given parallelogram (Eucl. VI. 28, 29). This is the geometrical
+equivalent of the solution of the most general form of quadratic
+equation <i>ax&plusmn;mx&sup2;=C</i>, so far as it has real roots; the condition that the
+roots may be real was also worked out (=Eucl. VI. 27). It is in the form
+of &lsquo;application of areas&rsquo; that Apollonius obtains the
+fundamental property of each of the conic sections, and, as we shall
+see, it is from the terminology of application of areas that Apollonius
+took the three names <i>parabola</i>, <i>hyperbola</i>, and <i>ellipse</i> which he was
+the first to give to the three curves.</p>
+
+<p>Another problem solved by the Pythagoreans was that of drawing a
+rectilineal figure which shall be equal in area to one given rectilineal
+figure and similar to another. Plutarch mentions a doubt whether it was
+this problem or the theorem of Eucl. I. 47 on the strength of which
+Pythagoras was said to have sacrificed an ox.</p>
+
+<p>The main particular applications of the theorem of the square on the
+hypotenuse, e. g. those in Euclid, Book II, were also Pythagorean; the
+construction of a square equal to a given rectangle (Eucl. II. 14) is
+one of them, and corresponds to the solution of the pure quadratic
+equation <i>x&sup2;=ab</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The Pythagoreans knew the properties of parallels and proved the theorem
+that the sum of the three angles of any triangle is equal to two right
+angles.</p>
+
+<p>As we have seen, the Pythagorean theory of proportion, being numerical,
+was inadequate in that it did not apply to incommensurable magnitudes;
+but, with this qualification, we may say that the Pythagorean geometry
+covered the bulk of the subject-matter of Books I, II, IV and VI of
+Euclid&rsquo;s <i>Elements</i>. The case is less clear with regard to Book
+III of the <i>Elements</i>; but, as the main propositions of that Book were
+known to Hippocrates of Chios in the second half of the fifth
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[113]</a></span> century
+<span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>, we conclude that they, too, were part of the Pythagorean
+geometry.</p>
+
+<p>Lastly, the Pythagoreans discovered the existence of the incommensurable
+or irrational in the particular case of the diagonal of a square in
+relation to its side. Aristotle mentions an ancient proof of the
+incommensurability of the diagonal with the side by a <i>reductio ad
+absurdum</i> showing that, if the diagonal were commensurable with the
+side, it would follow that one and the same number is both odd and even.
+This proof was doubtless Pythagorean.</p>
+
+<p>A word should be added about the Pythagorean astronomy. Pythagoras was
+the first to hold that the earth (and no doubt each of the other
+heavenly bodies also) is spherical in shape, and he was aware that the
+sun, moon and planets have independent movements of their own in a sense
+opposite to that of the daily rotation; but he seems to have kept the
+earth in the centre. His successors in the school (one Hicetas of
+Syracuse and Philolaus are alternatively credited with this innovation)
+actually abandoned the geocentric idea and made the earth, like the sun,
+the moon, and the other planets, revolve in a circle round the
+&lsquo;central fire&rsquo;, in which resided the governing principle
+ordering and directing the movement of the universe.</p>
+
+<p>The geometry of which we have so far spoken belongs to the Elements.
+But, before the body of the Elements was complete, the Greeks had
+advanced beyond the Elements. By the second half of the fifth century <span class='lc sc'>B.
+C.</span> they had investigated three famous problems in higher geometry, (1)
+the squaring of the circle, (2) the trisection of any angle, (3) the
+duplication of the cube. The great names belonging to this period are
+Hippias of Elis, Hippocrates of Chios, and Democritus.</p>
+
+<p>Hippias of Elis invented a certain curve described by combining two
+uniform movements (one angular and the other rectilinear) taking the
+same time to complete. Hippias himself<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[114]</a></span> used his curve for the
+trisection of any angle or the division of it in any ratio; but it was
+afterwards employed by Dinostratus, a brother of Eudoxus&rsquo;s pupil
+Menaechmus, and by Nicomedes for squaring the circle, whence it got the
+name <span class='t' title='tetragônizousa'>τετραγωνιζουσα</span>, <i>quadratrix</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Hippocrates of Chios is mentioned by Aristotle as an instance to prove
+that a man may be a distinguished geometer and, at the same time, a fool
+in the ordinary affairs of life. He occupies an important place both in
+elementary geometry and in relation to two of the higher problems above
+mentioned. He was, so far as is known, the first compiler of a book of
+Elements; and he was the first to prove the important theorem of Eucl.
+XII. 2 that circles are to one another as the squares on their
+diameters, from which he further deduced that similar segments of
+circles are to one another as the squares on their bases. These
+propositions were used by him in his tract on the squaring of <i>lunes</i>,
+which was intended to lead up to the squaring of the circle. The
+essential portions of the tract are preserved in a passage of
+Simplicius&rsquo;s commentary on Aristotle&rsquo;s <i>Physics</i>, which
+contains substantial extracts from Eudemus&rsquo;s lost <i>History of
+Geometry</i>. Hippocrates showed how to square three particular lunes of
+different kinds and then, lastly, he squared the sum of a circle and a
+certain lune. Unfortunately the last-mentioned lune was not one of those
+which can be squared, so that the attempt to square the circle in this
+way failed after all.</p>
+
+<p>Hippocrates also attacked the problem of doubling the cube. There are
+two versions of the origin of this famous problem. According to one
+story an old tragic poet had represented Minos as having been
+dissatisfied with the size of a cubical tomb erected for his son Glaucus
+and having told the architect to make it double the size while retaining
+the cubical form. The other story says that the Delians, suffering from
+a pestilence, consulted the oracle and were told to
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[115]</a></span> double a certain
+altar as a means of staying the plague. Hippocrates did not indeed solve
+the problem of duplication, but reduced it to another, namely that of
+finding two mean proportionals in continued proportion between two given
+straight lines; and the problem was ever afterwards attacked in this
+form. If <i>x</i>, <i>y</i> be the two required mean proportionals between two
+straight lines <i>a</i>, <i>b</i>, then <i>a:x=x:y=y:b</i>, whence <i>b/a=(x/a)&sup3;</i>, and,
+as a particular case, if <i>b=2a</i>, <i>x&sup3;=2a&sup3;</i>, so that, when <i>x</i> is found,
+the cube is doubled.</p>
+
+<p>Democritus wrote a large number of mathematical treatises, the titles
+only of which are preserved. We gather from one of these titles,
+&lsquo;On irrational lines and solids&rsquo;, that he wrote on
+irrationals. Democritus realized as fully as Zeno, and expressed with no
+less piquancy, the difficulty connected with the continuous and the
+infinitesimal. This appears from his dilemma about the circular base of
+a cone and a parallel section; the section which he means is a section
+&lsquo;indefinitely near&rsquo; (as the phrase is) to the base, i. e.
+the <i>very next</i> section, as we might say (if there were one). Is it,
+said Democritus, equal or not equal to the base? If it is equal, so will
+the very next section to it be, and so on, so that the cone will really
+be, not a cone, but a cylinder. If it is unequal to the base and in fact
+less, the surface of the cone will be jagged, like steps, which is very
+absurd. We may be sure that Democritus&rsquo;s work on &lsquo;The
+contact of a circle or a sphere&rsquo; discussed a like difficulty.</p>
+
+<p>Lastly, Archimedes tells us that Democritus was the first to state,
+though he could not give a rigorous proof, that the volume of a cone or
+a pyramid is one-third of that of the cylinder or prism respectively on
+the same base and having equal height, theorems first proved by Eudoxus.</p>
+
+<p>We come now to the time of Plato, and here the great names are Archytas,
+Theodoras of Cyrene, Theaetetus, and Eudoxus.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[116]</a></span>
+Archytas (about 430-360 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>) wrote on music and the numerical ratios
+corresponding to the intervals of the tetrachord. He is said to have
+been the first to write a treatise on mechanics based on mathematical
+principles; on the practical side he invented a mechanical dove which
+would fly. In geometry he gave the first solution of the problem of the
+two mean proportionals, using a wonderful construction in three
+dimensions which determined a certain point as the intersection of three
+surfaces, (1) a certain cone, (2) a half-cylinder, (3) an anchor-ring or
+<i>tore</i> with inner diameter <i>nil</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Theodorus, Plato&rsquo;s teacher in mathematics, extended the theory of
+the irrational by proving incommensurability in certain particular cases
+other than that of the diagonal of a square in relation to its side,
+which was already known. He proved that the side of a square containing
+3 square feet, or 5 square feet, or any non-square number of square feet
+up to 17 is incommensurable with one foot, in other words that √3, √5
+... √17 are all incommensurable with 1. Theodorus&rsquo;s proof was
+evidently not general; and it was reserved for Theaetetus to comprehend
+all these irrationals in one definition, and to prove the property
+generally as it is proved in Eucl. X. 9. Much of the content of the rest
+of Euclid&rsquo;s Book X (dealing with compound irrationals), as also of
+Book XIII on the five regular solids, was due to Theaetetus, who is even
+said to have discovered two of those solids (the octahedron and
+icosahedron).</p>
+
+<p>Plato (427-347 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>) was probably not an original mathematician, but he
+&lsquo;caused mathematics in general and geometry in particular to make
+a great advance by reason of his enthusiasm for them&rsquo;. He
+encouraged the members of his school to specialize in mathematics and
+astronomy; e. g. we are told that in astronomy he set it as a problem to
+all earnest students to find &lsquo;what are the uniform and ordered
+movements by the assumption of which the apparent motions of the
+planets<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[117]</a></span>
+may be accounted for&rsquo;. In Plato&rsquo;s own writings are
+found certain definitions, e. g. that of a straight line as &lsquo;that
+of which the middle covers the ends&rsquo;, and some interesting
+mathematical illustrations, especially that in the second geometrical
+passage in the <i>Meno</i> (86E-87C). To Plato himself are attributed (1) a
+formula <i>(n&sup2;-1)&sup2;+(2n)&sup2;=(n&sup2;+1)&sup2;</i> for finding two square numbers the sum
+of which is a square number, (2) the invention of the method of
+analysis, which he is said to have explained to Leodamas of Thasos
+(<i>mathematical</i> analysis was, however, certainly, in practice, employed
+long before). The solution, attributed to Plato, of the problem of the
+two mean proportionals by means of a frame resembling that which a
+shoemaker uses to measure a foot, can hardly be his.</p>
+
+<p>Eudoxus (408-355 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>), an original genius second to none (unless it be
+Archimedes) in the history of our subject, made two discoveries of
+supreme importance for the further development of Greek geometry.</p>
+
+<p>(1) As we have seen, the discovery of the incommensurable rendered
+inadequate the Pythagorean theory of proportion, which applied to
+commensurable magnitudes only. It would no doubt be possible, in most
+cases, to replace proofs depending on proportions by others; but this
+involved great inconvenience, and a slur was cast on geometry generally.
+The trouble was remedied once for all by Eudoxus&rsquo;s discovery of
+the great theory of proportion, applicable to commensurable and
+incommensurable magnitudes alike, which is expounded in Euclid&rsquo;s
+Book V. Well might Barrow say of this theory that &lsquo;there is
+nothing in the whole body of the elements of a more subtile invention,
+nothing more solidly established&rsquo;. The keystone of the structure
+is the definition of equal ratios (Eucl. V, Def. 5); and twenty-three
+centuries have not abated a jot from its value, as is plain from the
+facts that Weierstrass repeats it word for word as his definition of
+equal<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[118]</a></span>
+numbers, and it corresponds almost to the point of coincidence
+with the modern treatment of irrationals due to Dedekind.</p>
+
+<p>(2) Eudoxus discovered the method of exhaustion for measuring
+curvilinear areas and solids, to which, with the extensions given to it
+by Archimedes, Greek geometry owes its greatest triumphs. Antiphon the
+Sophist, in connexion with attempts to square the circle, had asserted
+that, if we inscribe successive regular polygons in a circle,
+continually doubling the number of sides, we shall sometime arrive at a
+polygon the sides of which will coincide with the circumference of the
+circle. Warned by the unanswerable arguments of Zeno against
+infinitesimals, mathematicians substituted for this the statement that,
+by continuing the construction, we can inscribe a polygon approaching
+equality with the circle <i>as nearly as we please</i>. The method of
+exhaustion used, for the purpose of proof by <i>reductio ad absurdum</i>, the
+lemma proved in Eucl. X. 1 (to the effect that, if from any magnitude we
+subtract not less than half, and then from the remainder not less than
+half, and so on continually, there will sometime be left a magnitude
+less than any assigned magnitude of the same kind, however small): and
+this again depends on an assumption which is practically contained in
+Eucl. V, Def. 4, but is generally known as the Axiom of Archimedes,
+stating that, if we have two unequal magnitudes, their difference
+(however small) can, if continually added to itself, be made to exceed
+any magnitude of the same kind (however great).</p>
+
+<p>The method of exhaustion is seen in operation in Eucl. XII. 1-2, 3-7
+Cor., 10, 16-18. Props. 3-7 Cor. and Prop. 10 prove that the volumes of
+a pyramid and a cone are one-third of the prism and cylinder
+respectively on the same base and of equal height; and Archimedes
+expressly says that these facts were first proved by Eudoxus.</p>
+
+<p>In astronomy Eudoxus is famous for the beautiful theory of concentric
+spheres which he invented to explain the apparent
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[119]</a></span> motions of the
+planets and, particularly, their apparent stationary points and
+retrogradations. The theory applied also to the sun and moon, for each
+of which Eudoxus employed three spheres. He represented the motion of
+each planet as produced by the rotations of four spheres concentric with
+the earth, one within the other, and connected in the following way.
+Each of the inner spheres revolves about a diameter the ends of which
+(poles) are fixed on the next sphere enclosing it. The outermost sphere
+represents the daily rotation, the second a motion along the zodiac
+circle; the poles of the third sphere are fixed on the latter circle;
+the poles of the fourth sphere (carrying the planet fixed on its
+equator) are so fixed on the third sphere, and the speeds and directions
+of rotation so arranged, that the planet describes on the second sphere
+a curve called the <i>hippopede</i> (horse-fetter), or a figure of eight,
+lying along and longitudinally bisected by the zodiac circle. The whole
+arrangement is a marvel of geometrical ingenuity.</p>
+
+<p>Heraclides of Pontus (about 388-315 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>), a pupil of Plato, made a
+great step forward in astronomy by his declaration that the earth
+rotates on its own axis once in 24 hours, and by his discovery that
+Mercury and Venus revolve about the sun like satellites.</p>
+
+<p>Menaechmus, a pupil of Eudoxus, was the discoverer of the conic
+sections, two of which, the parabola and the hyperbola, he used for
+solving the problem of the two mean proportionals. If <i>a:x=x:y=y:b</i>,
+then <i>x&sup2;=ay</i>, <i>y&sup2;=bx</i> and <i>xy=ab</i>. These equations represent, in
+Cartesian co-ordinates, and with rectangular axes, the conics by the
+intersection of which two and two Menaechmus solved the problem; in the
+case of the rectangular hyperbola it was the asymptote-property which he
+used.</p>
+
+<p>We pass to Euclid&rsquo;s times. A little older than Euclid, Autolycus
+of Pitane wrote two books, <i>On the Moving Sphere</i>, a work on Sphaeric
+for use in astronomy, and <i>On Risings and
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[120]</a></span> Settings</i>. The former work is
+the earliest Greek textbook which has reached us intact. It was before
+Euclid when he wrote his <i>Phaenomena</i>, and there are many points of
+contact between the two books.</p>
+
+<p>Euclid flourished about 300 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> or a little earlier. His great work,
+the <i>Elements</i> in thirteen Books, is too well known to need description.
+No work presumably, except the Bible, has had such a reign; and future
+generations will come back to it again and again as they tire of the
+variegated substitutes for it and the confusion resulting from their
+bewildering multiplicity. After what has been said above of the growth
+of the Elements, we can appreciate the remark of Proclus about Euclid,
+&lsquo;who put together the Elements, collecting many of Eudoxus&rsquo;s
+theorems, perfecting many of Theaetetus&rsquo;s and also bringing to
+irrefragable demonstration the things which were only somewhat loosely
+proved by his predecessors&rsquo;. Though a large portion of the
+subject-matter had been investigated by those predecessors, everything
+goes to show that the whole arrangement was Euclid&rsquo;s own; it is
+certain that he made great changes in the order of propositions and in
+the proofs, and that his innovations began at the very beginning of Book
+I.</p>
+
+<p>Euclid wrote other books on both elementary and higher geometry, and on
+the other mathematical subjects known in his day. The elementary
+geometrical works include the <i>Data</i> and <i>On Divisions</i> (<i>of figures</i>),
+the first of which survives in Greek and the second in Arabic only; also
+the <i>Pseudaria</i>, now lost, which was a sort of guide to fallacies in
+geometrical reasoning. The treatises on higher geometry are all lost;
+they include (1) the <i>Conics</i> in four Books, which covered almost the
+same ground as the first three Books of Apollonius&rsquo;s <i>Conics</i>,
+although no doubt, for Euclid, the conics were still, as with his
+predecessors, sections of a right-angled, an obtuse-angled, and an
+acute-angled cone respectively made by a plane perpendiular
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[121]</a></span> to a
+generator in each case; (2) the <i>Porisms</i> in three Books, the importance
+and difficulty of which can be inferred from Pappus&rsquo;s account of
+it and the lemmas which he gives for use with it; (3) the
+<i>Surface-Loci</i>, to which again Pappus furnishes lemmas; one of these
+implies that Euclid assumed as known the focus-directrix property of the
+three conics, which is absent from Apollonius&rsquo;s <i>Conics</i>.</p>
+
+<p>In applied mathematics Euclid wrote (1) the <i>Phaenomena</i>, a work on
+spherical astronomy in which <span class='t' title='ho horizôn'>ὁ ὁριζων</span> (without
+<span class='t' title='kyklos'>κυκλος</span> or any qualifying words) appears for the first time in the sense
+of <i>horizon</i>; (2) the <i>Optics</i>, a kind of elementary treatise on
+perspective: these two treatises are extant in Greek; (3) a work on the
+Elements of Music. The <i>Sectio Canonis</i>, which has come down under the
+name of Euclid, can, however, hardly be his in its present form.</p>
+
+<p>In the period between Euclid and Archimedes comes Aristarchus of Samos
+(about 310-230 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>), famous for having anticipated Copernicus.
+Accepting Heraclides&rsquo;s view that the earth rotates about its own
+axis, Aristarchus went further and put forward the hypothesis that the
+sun itself is at rest, and that the earth, as well as Mercury, Venus,
+and the other planets, revolve in circles about the sun. We have this on
+the unquestionable authority of Archimedes, who was only some
+twenty-five years later, and who must have seen the book containing the
+hypothesis in question. We are told too that Cleanthes the Stoic thought
+that Aristarchus ought to be indicted on the charge of impiety for
+setting the Hearth of the Universe in motion.</p>
+
+<p>One work of Aristarchus, <i>On the sizes and distances of the Sun and
+Moon</i>, which is extant in Greek, is highly interesting in itself, though
+it contains no word of the heliocentric hypothesis. Thoroughly classical
+in form and style, it lays down certain hypotheses and then deduces
+therefrom, by rigorous geometry, the sizes and distances of the sun and
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[122]</a></span>
+moon. If the hypotheses had been exact, the results would have been
+correct too; but Aristarchus in fact assumed a certain angle to be 87&deg;
+which is really 89&deg; 50', and the angle subtended at the centre of the
+earth by the diameter of either the sun or the moon to be 2&deg;, whereas we
+know from Archimedes that Aristarchus himself discovered that the latter
+angle is only &frac12;&deg;. The effect of Aristarchus&rsquo;s geometry is to find
+arithmetical limits to the values of what are really trigonometrical
+ratios of certain small angles, namely</p>
+
+<p class="c noin">1/18 > sin 3&deg; > 1/20, 1/45 > sin 1&deg; > 1/60, 1 > cos 1&deg; > 89/90.</p>
+
+<p class="noin">The main results obtained are (1) that the diameter of the sun is
+between 18 and 20 times the diameter of the moon, (2) that the diameter
+of the moon is between 2/45ths and 1/30th of the distance of the centre
+of the moon from our eye, and (3) that the diameter of the sun is
+between 19/3rds and 43/6ths of the diameter of the earth. The book
+contains a good deal of arithmetical calculation.</p>
+
+<p>Archimedes was born about 287 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> and was killed at the sack of
+Syracuse by Marcellus&rsquo;s army in 212 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> The stories about him
+are well known, how he said &lsquo;Give me a place to stand on, and I
+will move the earth&rsquo; (<span class='t' title='pa bô kai kinô tan gan'>πα βω και κινω ταν γαν</span>; how,
+having thought of the solution of the problem of the crown when in the
+bath, he ran home naked shouting <span class='t' title='heurêka, heurêka'>ἑυρηκα, ἑυρηκα</span>; and how, the
+capture of Syracuse having found him intent on a figure drawn on the
+ground, he said to a Roman soldier who came up, &lsquo;Stand away,
+fellow, from my diagram.&rsquo; Of his work few people know more than
+that he invented a tubular screw which is still used for pumping water,
+and that for a long time he foiled the attacks of the Romans on Syracuse
+by the mechanical devices and engines which he used against them. But he
+thought meanly of these things, and his real interest was in pure
+mathematical speculation; he caused to be engraved on his tomb a
+representation of a cylinder circumscribing
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[123]</a></span> a sphere, with the ratio
+3/2 which the cylinder bears to the sphere: from which we infer that he
+regarded this as his greatest discovery.</p>
+
+<p>Archimedes&rsquo;s works are all original, and are perfect models of
+mathematical exposition; their wide range will be seen from the list of
+those which survive: <i>On the Sphere and Cylinder</i> I, II, <i>Measurement of
+a Circle</i>, <i>On Conoids and Spheroids</i>, <i>On Spirals</i>, <i>On Plane
+Equilibriums</i> I, II, the <i>Sandreckoner</i>, <i>Quadrature of the Parabola</i>,
+<i>On Floating Bodies</i> I, II, and lastly the <i>Method</i> (only discovered in
+1906). The difficult Cattle-Problem is also attributed to him, and a
+<i>Liber Assumptorum</i> which has reached us through the Arabic, but which
+cannot be his in its present form, although some of the propositions in
+it (notably that about the &lsquo;Salinon&rsquo;, salt-cellar, and
+others about circles inscribed in the <span class='t' title='arbêlos'>αρβηλος</span>,
+shoemaker&rsquo;s knife) are quite likely to be of Archimedean origin.
+Among lost works were the <i>Catoptrica</i>, <i>On Sphere-making</i>, and
+investigations into polyhedra, including thirteen semi-regular solids,
+the discovery of which is attributed by Pappus to Archimedes.</p>
+
+<p>Speaking generally, the geometrical works are directed to the
+measurement of curvilinear areas and volumes; and Archimedes employs a
+method which is a development of Eudoxus&rsquo;s method of exhaustion.
+Eudoxus apparently approached the figure to be measured from below only,
+i. e. by means of figures successively inscribed to it. Archimedes
+approaches it from both sides by successively inscribing figures and
+circumscribing others also, thereby compressing them, as it were, until
+they coincide as nearly as we please with the figure to be measured. In
+many cases his procedure is, when the analytical equivalents are set
+down, seen to amount to real <i>integration</i>; this is so with his
+investigation of the areas of a parabolic segment and a spiral, the
+surface and volume of a sphere, and the volume of any segments of the
+conoids and spheroids.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[124]</a></span>
+The newly-discovered <i>Method</i> is especially interesting as showing how
+Archimedes originally obtained his results; this was by a clever
+mechanical method of (theoretically) <i>weighing</i> infinitesimal elements
+of the figure to be measured against elements of another figure the area
+or content of which (as the case may be) is known; it amounts to an
+<i>avoidance</i> of integration. Archimedes, however, would only admit that
+the mechanical method is useful for finding results; he did not consider
+them proved until they were established geometrically.</p>
+
+<p>In the <i>Measurement of a Circle</i>, after proving by exhaustion that the
+area of a circle is equal to a right-angled triangle with the
+perpendicular sides equal respectively to the radius and the
+circumference of the circle, Archimedes finds, by sheer calculation,
+upper and lower limits to the ratio of the circumference of a circle to
+its diameter (what we call <span class='t' title='p'>π</span>). This he does by inscribing and
+circumscribing regular polygons of 96 sides and calculating
+approximately their respective perimeters. He begins by assuming as
+known certain approximate values for √3, namely 1351/780 &gt; √3 &gt; 265/153,
+and his calculations involve approximating to the square roots of
+several large numbers (up to seven digits). The text only gives the
+results, but it is evident that the extraction of square roots presented
+no difficulty, notwithstanding the comparative inconvenience of the
+alphabetic system of numerals. The result obtained is well known, namely
+3-1/7 &gt; <span class='t' title='p'>π</span> &gt; 3-10/71.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>Plane Equilibriums</i> is the first scientific treatise on the first
+principles of mechanics, which are established by pure geometry. The
+most important result established in Book I is the principle of the
+lever. This was known to Plato and Aristotle, but they had no real
+proof. The Aristotelian <i>Mechanics</i> merely &lsquo;refers&rsquo; the
+lever &lsquo;to the circle&rsquo;, asserting that the force which acts
+at the greater distance from the fulcrum moves the system more easily
+because it describes a greater circle. Archimedes also finds the centre
+of gravity<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[125]</a></span>
+of a parallelogram, a triangle, a trapezium and finally (in
+Book II) of a parabolic segment and of a portion of it cut off by a
+straight line parallel to the base.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>Sandreckoner</i> is remarkable for the development in it of a system
+for expressing very large numbers by <i>orders</i> and <i>periods</i> based on
+powers of myriad-myriads (10,000&sup2;). It also contains the important
+reference to the heliocentric theory of the universe put forward by
+Aristarchus of Samos in a book of &lsquo;hypotheses&rsquo;, as well as
+historical details of previous attempts to measure the size of the earth
+and to give the sizes and distances of the sun and moon.</p>
+
+<p>Lastly, Archimedes invented the whole science of hydrostatics. Beginning
+the treatise <i>On Floating Bodies</i> with an assumption about uniform
+pressure in a fluid, he first proves that the surface of a fluid at rest
+is a sphere with its centre at the centre of the earth. Other
+propositions show that, if a solid floats in a fluid, the weight of the
+solid is equal to that of the fluid displaced, and, if a solid heavier
+than a fluid is weighed in it, it will be lighter than its true weight
+by the weight of the fluid displaced. Then, after a second assumption
+that bodies which are forced upwards in a fluid are forced upwards along
+the perpendiculars to the surface which pass through their centres of
+gravity, Archimedes deals with the position of rest and stability of a
+segment of a sphere floating in a fluid with its base entirely above or
+entirely below the surface. Book II is an extraordinary <i>tour de force</i>,
+investigating fully all the positions of rest and stability of a right
+segment of a paraboloid floating in a fluid according (1) to the
+relation between the axis of the solid and the parameter of the
+generating parabola, and (2) to the specific gravity of the solid in
+relation to the fluid; the term &lsquo;specific gravity&rsquo; is not
+used, but the idea is fully expressed in other words.</p>
+
+<p>Almost contemporary with Archimedes was Eratosthenes of Cyrene, to whom
+Archimedes dedicated the <i>Method</i>; the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[126]</a></span> preface to this work shows that
+Archimedes thought highly of his mathematical ability. He was indeed
+recognized by his contemporaries as a man of great distinction in all
+branches, though the names Beta and Pentathlos<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> applied to him
+indicate that he just fell below the first rank in each subject. Ptolemy
+Euergetes appointed him to be tutor to his son (Philopator), and he
+became librarian at Alexandria; he recognized his obligation to Ptolemy
+by erecting a column with a graceful epigram. In this epigram he
+referred to the earlier solutions of the problem of duplicating the cube
+or finding the two mean proportionals, and advocated his own in
+preference, because it would give any number of means; on the column was
+fixed a bronze representation of his appliance, a frame with
+right-angled triangles (or rectangles) movable along two parallel
+grooves and over one another, together with a condensed proof. The
+<i>Platonicus</i> of Eratosthenes evidently dealt with the fundamental
+notions of mathematics in connexion with Plato&rsquo;s philosophy, and
+seems to have begun with the story of the origin of the duplication
+problem.</p>
+
+<p>The most famous achievement of Eratosthenes was his measurement of the
+earth. Archimedes quotes an earlier measurement which made the
+circumference of the earth 300,000 stades. Eratosthenes improved upon
+this. He observed that at the summer solstice at Syene, at noon, the sun
+cast no shadow, while at the same moment the upright gnomon at
+Alexandria cast a shadow corresponding to an angle between the gnomon
+and the sun&rsquo;s rays of 1/50th of four right angles. The distance
+between Syene and Alexandria being known to be 5,000 stades, this gave
+for the circumference of the earth 250,000 stades, which Eratosthenes
+seems later, for some reason, to have changed to 252,000 stades. On the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[127]</a></span>
+most probable assumption as to the length of the stade used, the 252,000
+stades give about 7,850 miles, only 50 miles less than the true polar
+diameter.</p>
+
+<p>In the work <i>On the Measurement of the Earth</i> Eratosthenes is said to
+have discussed other astronomical matters, the distance of the tropic
+and polar circles, the sizes and distances of the sun and moon, total
+and partial eclipses, &amp;c. Besides other works on astronomy and
+chronology, Eratosthenes wrote a <i>Geographica</i> in three books, in which
+he first gave a history of geography up to date and then passed on to
+mathematical geography, the spherical shape of the earth, &amp;c., &amp;c.</p>
+
+<p>Apollonius of Perga was with justice called by his contemporaries the
+&lsquo;Great Geometer&rsquo;, on the strength of his great treatise, the
+<i>Conics</i>. He is mentioned as a famous astronomer of the reign of Ptolemy
+Euergetes (247-222 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>); and he dedicated the fourth and later Books
+of the <i>Conics</i> to King Attalus I of Pergamum (241-197 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>).</p>
+
+<p>The <i>Conics</i>, a colossal work, originally in eight Books, survives as to
+the first four Books in Greek and as to three more in Arabic, the eighth
+being lost. From Apollonius&rsquo;s prefaces we can judge of the
+relation of his work to Euclid&rsquo;s <i>Conics</i>, the content of which
+answered to the first three Books of Apollonius. Although Euclid knew
+that an ellipse could be otherwise produced, e. g. as an oblique section
+of a right cylinder, there is no doubt that he produced all three conics
+from right cones like his predecessors. Apollonius, however, obtains
+them in the most general way by cutting any oblique cone, and his
+original axes of reference, a diameter and the tangent at its extremity,
+are in general oblique; the fundamental properties are found with
+reference to these axes by &lsquo;application of areas&rsquo;, the three
+varieties of which, <i>application</i> (<span class='t' title='parabolê'>παραβολη</span>), application with
+an <i>excess</i> (<span class='t' title='hyperbolê'>ὑπερβολη</span>) and application with a <i>deficiency</i>
+(<span class='t' title='elleipsis'>ελλειψις</span>), give the properties of the three curves
+respectively and account for the names<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[128]</a></span>
+<i>parabola</i>, <i>hyperbola</i>, and <i>ellipse</i>, by which Apollonius called them
+for the first time. The principal axes only appear, as a particular
+case, after it has been shown that the curves have a like property when
+referred to any other diameter and the tangent at its extremity, instead
+of those arising out of the original construction. The first four Books
+constitute what Apollonius calls an elementary introduction; the
+remaining Books are specialized investigations, the most important being
+Book V (on normals) and Book VII (mainly on conjugate diameters).
+Normals are treated, not in connexion with tangents, but as <i>minimum</i> or
+<i>maximum</i> straight lines drawn to the curves from different points or
+classes of points. Apollonius discusses such questions as the number of
+normals that can be drawn from one point (according to its position) and
+the construction of all such normals. Certain propositions of great
+difficulty enable us to deduce quite easily the Cartesian equations to
+the <i>evolutes</i> of the three conics.</p>
+
+<p>Several other works of Apollonius are described by Pappus as forming
+part of the &lsquo;Treasury of Analysis&rsquo;. All are lost except the
+<i>Sectio Rationis</i> in two Books, which survives in Arabic and was
+published in a Latin translation by Halley in 1706. It deals with all
+possible cases of the general problem &lsquo;given two straight lines
+either parallel or intersecting, and a fixed point on each, to draw
+through any given point a straight line which shall cut off intercepts
+from the two lines (measured from the fixed points) bearing a given
+ratio to one another&rsquo;. The lost treatise <i>Sectio Spatii</i> dealt
+similarly with the like problem in which the intercepts cut off have to
+contain a given rectangle.</p>
+
+<p>The other treatises included in Pappus&rsquo;s account are (1) On
+<i>Determinate Section</i>; (2) <i>Contacts</i> or <i>Tangencies</i>, Book II of which
+is entirely devoted to the problem of drawing a circle to touch three
+given circles (Apollonius&rsquo;s solution can, with the aid of
+Pappus&rsquo;s auxiliary propositions, be satisfactorily
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[129]</a></span> restored); (3)
+<i>Plane Loci</i>, i. e. loci which are straight lines or circles; (4)
+<span class='t' title='Neuseis'>Νευσεις</span>, <i>Inclinationes</i> (the general problem called a
+<span class='t' title='neusis'>νευσις</span> being to insert between two lines, straight or curved, a
+straight line of given length <i>verging</i> to a given point, i. e. so that,
+if produced, it passes through the point, Apollonius restricted himself
+to cases which could be solved by &lsquo;plane&rsquo; methods, i. e. by
+the straight line and circle only).</p>
+
+<p>Apollonius is also said to have written (5) a <i>Comparison of the
+dodecahedron with the icosahedron</i> (inscribed in the same sphere), in
+which he proved that their surfaces are in the same ratio as their
+volumes; (6) <i>On the cochlias</i> or cylindrical helix; (7) a
+&lsquo;General Treatise&rsquo;, which apparently dealt with the
+fundamental assumptions, &amp;c., of elementary geometry; (8) a work on
+<i>unordered irrationals</i>, i. e. irrationals of more complicated form than
+those of Eucl. Book X; (9) <i>On the burning-mirror</i>, dealing with
+spherical mirrors and probably with mirrors of parabolic section also;
+(10) <span class='t' title='ôkytokion'>ωκυτοκιον</span> (&lsquo;quick delivery&rsquo;). In the
+last-named work Apollonius found an approximation to <span class='t' title='p'>π</span> closer
+than that in Archimedes&rsquo;s <i>Measurement of a Circle</i>; and possibly
+the book also contained Apollonius&rsquo;s exposition of his notation
+for large numbers according to &lsquo;tetrads&rsquo; (successive powers
+of the myriad).</p>
+
+<p>In astronomy Apollonius is said to have made special researches
+regarding the moon, and to have been called <span class='t' title='e'>ε</span> (Epsilon) because
+the form of that letter is associated with the moon. He was also a
+master of the theory of epicycles and eccentrics.</p>
+
+<p>With Archimedes and Apollonius Greek geometry reached its culminating
+point; indeed, without some more elastic notation and machinery such as
+algebra provides, geometry was practically at the end of its resources.
+For some time, however, there were capable geometers who kept up the
+tradition, filling in details, devising alternative solutions of
+problems, or discovering new curves for use or investigation.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[130]</a></span>
+Nicomedes, probably intermediate in date between Eratosthenes and
+Apollonius, was the inventor of the <i>conchoid</i> or <i>cochloid</i>, of which,
+according to Pappus, there were three varieties. Diocles (about the end
+of the second century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>) is known as the discoverer of the <i>cissoid</i>
+which was used for duplicating the cube. He also wrote a book <span class='t' title='peri pyreiôn'>περι πυρειων</span>,
+<i>On burning-mirrors</i>, which probably discussed, among
+other forms of mirror, surfaces of parabolic or elliptic section, and
+used the focal properties of the two conics; it was in this work that
+Diocles gave an independent and clever solution (by means of an ellipse
+and a rectangular hyperbola) of Archimedes&rsquo;s problem of cutting a
+sphere into two segments in a given ratio. Dionysodorus gave a solution
+by means of conics of the auxiliary cubic equation to which Archimedes
+reduced this problem; he also found the solid content of a <i>tore</i> or
+anchor-ring.</p>
+
+<p>Perseus is known as the discoverer and investigator of the <i>spiric
+sections</i>, i. e. certain sections of the <span class='t' title='speira'>σπειρα</span>, one variety of
+which is the <i>tore</i>. The <i>spire</i> is generated by the revolution of a
+circle about a straight line in its plane, which straight line may
+either be external to the circle (in which case the figure produced is
+the tore), or may cut or touch the circle.</p>
+
+<p>Zenodorus was the author of a treatise on <i>Isometric figures</i>, the
+problem in which was to compare the content of different figures, plane
+or solid, having equal contours or surfaces respectively.</p>
+
+<p>Hypsicles (second half of second century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>) wrote what became known
+as &lsquo;Book XIV&rsquo; of the <i>Elements</i> containing supplementary
+propositions on the regular solids (partly drawn from Aristaeus and
+Apollonius); he seems also to have written on polygonal numbers. A
+mediocre astronomical work (<span class='t' title='Anaphorikos'>Αναφορικος</span>) attributed to him is
+the first Greek book in which we find the division of the zodiac circle
+into 360 parts or degrees.</p>
+
+<p>Posidonius the Stoic (about 135-51 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>) wrote on geography
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[131]</a></span> and
+astronomy under the titles <i>On the Ocean</i> and <span class='t' title='peri meteôrôn'>περι μετεωρων</span>. He
+made a new but faulty calculation of the circumference of the earth
+(240,000 stades). <i>Per contra</i>, in a separate tract on the size of the
+sun (in refutation of the Epicurean view that it is as big as it
+<i>looks</i>), he made assumptions (partly guesswork) which give for the
+diameter of the sun a figure of 3,000,000 stades (39-1/4 times the
+diameter of the earth), a result much nearer the truth than those
+obtained by Aristarchus, Hipparchus, and Ptolemy. In elementary geometry
+Posidonius gave certain definitions (notably of parallels, based on the
+idea of equidistance).</p>
+
+<p>Geminus of Rhodes, a pupil of Posidonius, wrote (about 70 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>) an
+encyclopaedic work on the classification and content of mathematics,
+including the history of each subject, from which Proclus and others
+have preserved notable extracts. An-Nairīzī (an Arabian commentator on
+Euclid) reproduces an attempt by one &lsquo;Aganis&rsquo;, who appears
+to be Geminus, to prove the parallel-postulate.</p>
+
+<p>But from this time onwards the study of higher geometry (except
+sphaeric) seems to have languished, until that admirable mathematician,
+Pappus, arose (towards the end of the third century <span class='lc sc'>A. D.</span>) to revive
+interest in the subject. From the way in which, in his great
+<i>Collection</i>, Pappus thinks it necessary to describe in detail the
+contents of the classical works belonging to the &lsquo;Treasury of
+Analysis&rsquo; we gather that by his time many of them had been lost or
+forgotten, and that he aimed at nothing less than re-establishing
+geometry at its former level. No one could have been better qualified
+for the task. Presumably such interest as Pappus was able to arouse soon
+flickered out; but his <i>Collection</i> remains, after the original works of
+the great mathematicians, the most comprehensive and valuable of all our
+sources, being a handbook or guide to Greek geometry and covering
+practically the whole field. Among the original things in Pappus&rsquo;s
+<i>Collection</i> is an enunciation<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[132]</a></span>
+which amounts to an anticipation of what is known as Guldin&rsquo;s
+Theorem.</p>
+
+<p>It remains to speak of three subjects, trigonometry (represented by
+Hipparchus, Menelaus, and Ptolemy), mensuration (in Heron of
+Alexandria), and algebra (Diophantus).</p>
+
+<p>Although, in a sense, the beginnings of trigonometry go back to
+Archimedes (<i>Measurement of a Circle</i>), Hipparchus was the first person
+who can be proved to have used trigonometry systematically. Hipparchus,
+the greatest astronomer of antiquity, whose observations were made
+between 161 and 126 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>, discovered the precession of the equinoxes,
+calculated the mean lunar month at 29 days, 12 hours, 44 minutes, 2&frac12;
+seconds (which differs by less than a second from the present accepted
+figure!), made more correct estimates of the sizes and distances of the
+sun and moon, introduced great improvements in the instruments used for
+observations, and compiled a catalogue of some 850 stars; he seems to
+have been the first to state the position of these stars in terms of
+latitude and longitude (in relation to the ecliptic). He wrote a
+treatise in twelve Books on Chords in a Circle, equivalent to a table of
+trigonometrical sines. For calculating arcs in astronomy from other arcs
+given by means of tables he used propositions in spherical trigonometry.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>Sphaerica</i> of Theodosius of Bithynia (written, say, 20 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>)
+contains no trigonometry. It is otherwise with the <i>Sphaerica</i> of
+Menelaus (fl. <span class='lc sc'>A. D.</span> 100) extant in Arabic; Book I of this work contains
+propositions about spherical triangles corresponding to the main
+propositions of Euclid about plane triangles (e.g. congruence theorems
+and the proposition that in a spherical triangle the three angles are
+together greater than two right angles), while Book III contains genuine
+spherical trigonometry, consisting of &lsquo;Menelaus&rsquo;s
+Theorem&rsquo; with reference to the sphere and deductions therefrom.</p>
+
+<p>Ptolemy&rsquo;s great work, the <i>Syntaxis</i>, written about
+<span class='lc sc'>A. D.</span> 150<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[133]</a></span> and
+originally called <span class='t' title='Mathêmatikê syntaxis'>Μαθηματικη συνταξις</span>, came to be known as
+<span class='t' title='Megalê syntaxis'>Μεγαλη συνταξις</span>; the Arabs made up from the superlative
+<span class='t' title='megistos'>μεγιστος</span> the word al-Majisti which became <i>Almagest</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Book I, containing the necessary preliminaries to the study of the
+Ptolemaic system, gives a Table of Chords in a circle subtended by
+angles at the centre of &frac12;&deg; increasing by half-degrees to 180&deg;. The
+circle is divided into 360 <span class='t' title='moirai'>μοιραι</span>, parts or degrees, and the
+diameter into 120 parts (<span class='t' title='tmêmata'>τμηματα</span>); the chords are given in
+terms of the latter with sexagesimal fractions (e. g. the chord
+subtended by an angle of 120&deg; is 103<sup>p</sup> 53&prime; 23&Prime;). The Table of Chords
+is equivalent to a table of the <i>sines</i> of the halves of the angles in
+the table, for, if (crd. 2 <span class='t' title='a'>α</span>) represents the chord subtended by
+an angle of 2 <span class='t' title='a'>α</span> (crd. 2 <span class='t' title='a'>α</span>)/120 = sin <span class='t' title='a'>α</span>.
+Ptolemy first gives the minimum number of geometrical propositions
+required for the calculation of the chords. The first of these finds
+(crd. 36&deg;) and (crd. 72&deg;) from the geometry of the inscribed pentagon
+and decagon; the second (&lsquo;Ptolemy&rsquo;s Theorem&rsquo; about a
+quadrilateral in a circle) is equivalent to the formula for
+sin (<span class='t' title='th-ph'>θ-φ</span>), the third to that for sin &frac12; <span class='t' title='th'>θ</span>. From (crd.
+72&deg;) and (crd. 60&deg;) Ptolemy, by using these propositions successively,
+deduces (crd. 1&frac12;&deg;) and (crd. &frac34;&deg;), from which he obtains (crd. 1&deg;) by a
+clever interpolation. To complete the table he only needs his fourth
+proposition, which is equivalent to the formula for cos (<span class='t' title='th+ph'>θ+φ</span>).</p>
+
+<p>Ptolemy wrote other minor astronomical works, most of which survive in
+Greek or Arabic, an <i>Optics</i> in five Books (four Books almost complete
+were translated into Latin in the twelfth century), and an attempted
+proof of the parallel-postulate which is reproduced by Proclus.</p>
+
+<p>Heron of Alexandria (date uncertain; he may have lived as late as the
+third century <span class='lc sc'>A. D.</span>) was an almost encyclopaedic writer on mathematical
+and physical subjects. He aimed at practical utility rather than
+theoretical completeness; hence, apart from the interesting collection
+of <i>Definitions</i> which has<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[134]</a></span>
+come down under his name, and his commentary on Euclid which is
+represented only by extracts in Proclus and an-Nairīzī, his geometry is
+mostly mensuration in the shape of numerical examples worked out. As
+these could be indefinitely multiplied, there was a temptation to add to
+them and to use Heron&rsquo;s name. However much of the separate works
+edited by Hultsch (the <i>Geometrica</i>, <i>Geodaesia</i>, <i>Stereometrica</i>,
+<i>Mensurae</i>, <i>Liber ge&euml;ponicus</i>) is genuine, we must now regard as
+more authoritative the genuine <i>Metrica</i> discovered at Constantinople in
+1896 and edited by H. Sch&ouml;ne in 1903 (Teubner). Book I on the
+measurement of areas is specially interesting for (1) its statement of
+the formula used by Heron for finding approximations to surds, (2) the
+elegant geometrical proof of the formula for the area of a triangle
+<span class='t' title='D'>Δ</span> = √{<i>s</i> (<i>s</i>-<i>a</i>) (<i>s</i>-<i>b</i>) (<i>s</i>-<i>c</i>)},
+a formula now known to be due to Archimedes, (3) an allusion to limits
+to the value of <span class='t' title='p'>π</span> found by Archimedes and more exact than the 3-1/7 and
+3-10/71 obtained in the <i>Measurement of a Circle</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Book I of the <i>Metrica</i> calculates the areas of triangles,
+quadrilaterals, the regular polygons up to the dodecagon (the areas even
+of the heptagon, enneagon, and hendecagon are approximately evaluated),
+the circle and a segment of it, the ellipse, a parabolic segment, and
+the surfaces of a cylinder, a right cone, a sphere and a segment
+thereof. Book II deals with the measurement of solids, the cylinder,
+prisms, pyramids and cones and frusta thereof, the sphere and a segment
+of it, the anchor-ring or tore, the five regular solids, and finally the
+two special solids of Archimedes&rsquo;s <i>Method</i>; full use is made of
+all Archimedes&rsquo;s results. Book III is on the division of figures.
+The plane portion is much on the lines of Euclid&rsquo;s <i>Divisions</i> (of
+figures). The solids divided in given ratios are the sphere, the
+pyramid, the cone and a frustum thereof. Incidentally Heron shows how he
+obtained an approximation to the cube root of a non-cube number (100).
+Quadratic equations are solved by Heron by a regular rule not unlike
+our<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[135]</a></span>
+method, and the <i>Geometrica</i> contains two interesting indeterminate
+problems.</p>
+
+<p>Heron also wrote <i>Pneumatica</i> (where the reader will find such things as
+siphons, Heron&rsquo;s Fountain, penny-in-the-slot machines, a
+fire-engine, a water-organ, and many arrangements employing the force of
+steam), <i>Automaton-making</i>, <i>Belopoe&iuml;ca</i> (on engines of war),
+<i>Catoptrica</i>, and <i>Mechanics</i>. The <i>Mechanics</i> has been edited from the
+Arabic; it is (except for considerable fragments) lost in Greek. It
+deals with the puzzle of &lsquo;Aristotle&rsquo;s Wheel&rsquo;, the
+parallelogram of velocities, definitions of, and problems on, the centre
+of gravity, the distribution of weights between several supports, the
+five mechanical powers, mechanics in daily life (queries and answers).
+Pappus covers much the same ground in Book VIII of his <i>Collection</i>.</p>
+
+<p>We come, lastly, to Algebra. Problems involving simple equations are
+found in the Papyrus Rhind, in the <i>Epanthema</i> of Thymaridas already
+referred to, and in the arithmetical epigrams in the Greek Anthology
+(Plato alludes to this class of problem in the <i>Laws</i>, 819 B, C); the
+Anthology even includes two cases of indeterminate equations of the
+first degree. The Pythagoreans gave general solutions in rational
+numbers of the equations <i>x&sup2;+y&sup2;=z&sup2;</i> and <i>2x&sup2;-y&sup2;=&plusmn;1</i>, which are
+indeterminate equations of the second degree.</p>
+
+<p>The first to make systematic use of symbols in algebraical work was
+Diophantus of Alexandria (fl. about <span class='lc sc'>A. D.</span> 250). He used (1) a sign for
+the unknown quantity, which he calls <span class='t' title='arithmos'>αριθμος</span>, and compendia
+for its powers up to the sixth; (2) a sign (<img src="images/symbol-minus.png" width="2%" alt="symbol-minus.png" title="" />)
+with the effect of our <i>minus</i>. The latter sign
+probably represents <span class='t' title='LI'>ΛΙ</span>, an abbreviation for the root of the
+word <span class='t' title='leipein'>λειπειν</span> (to be wanting); the sign for
+<span class='t' title='arithmos'>αριθμος</span>
+(<img src="images/symbol-arithmos.png" width="2%" alt="symbol-arithmos.png" title="" />) is most likely an abbreviation for
+the letters <span class='t' title='ar'>αρ</span>; the compendia for the powers of the unknown are
+<span class='t' title='D'>Δ</span><sup><span class='t' title='Y'>Υ</span></sup> for
+<span class='t' title='dynamis'>δυναμις</span>, the square,
+<span class='t' title='K'>Κ</span><sup><span class='t' title='Y'>Υ</span></sup>
+for <span class='t' title='kybos'>κυβος</span>, the cube, and so on. Diophantus
+shows that he solved quadratic equations by rule, like Heron. His
+<i>Arithmetica</i>, of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[136]</a></span> which six books only (out of thirteen) survive,
+contains a certain number of problems leading to simple equations, but
+is mostly devoted to indeterminate or semi-determinate analysis, mainly
+of the second degree. The collection is extraordinarily varied, and the
+devices resorted to are highly ingenious. The problems solved are such
+as the following (fractional as well as integral solutions being
+admitted): &lsquo;Given a number, to find three others such that the sum
+of the three, or of any pair of them, together with the given number is
+a square&rsquo;, &lsquo;To find four numbers such that the square of the
+sum <i>plus</i> or <i>minus</i> any one of the numbers is a square&rsquo;,
+&lsquo;To find three numbers such that the product of any two <i>plus</i> or
+<i>minus</i> the sum of the three is a square&rsquo;. Diophantus assumes as
+known certain theorems about numbers which are the sums of two and three
+squares respectively, and other propositions in the Theory of Numbers.
+He also wrote a book <i>On Polygonal Numbers</i> of which only a fragment
+survives.</p>
+
+<p>With Pappus and Diophantus the list of original writers on mathematics
+comes to an end. After them came the commentators whose names only can
+be mentioned here. Theon of Alexandria, the editor of Euclid, lived
+towards the end of the fourth century <span class='lc sc'>A. D.</span> To the fifth and sixth
+centuries belong Proclus, Simplicius, and Eutocius, to whom we can never
+be grateful enough for the precious fragments which they have preserved
+from works now lost, and particularly the <i>History of Geometry</i> and the
+<i>History of Astronomy</i> by Aristotle&rsquo;s pupil Eudemus.</p>
+
+<p>Such is the story of Greek mathematical science. If anything could
+enhance the marvel of it, it would be the consideration of the shortness
+of the time (about 350 years) within which the Greeks, starting from the
+very beginning, brought geometry to the point of performing operations
+equivalent to the integral calculus and, in the realm of astronomy,
+actually anticipated Copernicus.</p>
+
+<p class='sig sc'>T. L. Heath.</p>
+
+<hr /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[137]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="SCIENCE" id="SCIENCE"></a>NATURAL SCIENCE</h2>
+
+<h3><i>Aristotle</i></h3>
+
+<p>There is a little essay of Goethe&rsquo;s called, simply, <i>Die Natur</i>.
+It comes among those tracts on Natural Science in which the poet and
+philosopher turned his restless mind to problems of light and colour, of
+leaf and flower, of bony skull and kindred vertebra; and it sounds like
+a prose-poem, a noble paean, eulogizing the love and glorifying the
+study of Nature. Some twenty-five hundred years before, Anaximander had
+written a book with the same title, <i>Concerning Nature</i>,
+<span class='t' title='peri physeôs'>περι φυσεως</span>:
+but its subject was not the same. It was a variant of the old
+traditional cosmogonies. It told of how in the beginning the earth was
+without form and void. It sought to trace all things back to the
+Infinite, <span class='t' title='to apeiron'>το απειρον</span>&mdash;to
+That which knows no bounds of space or time but is before all worlds,
+and to whose bosom again all things, all worlds, return. For Goethe
+Nature meant the beauty, the all but sensuous beauty of the world; for
+the older philosopher it was the mystery of the Creative Spirit.</p>
+
+<p>Than Nature, in Goethe&rsquo;s sense, no theme is more familiar to us,
+for whom many a poet tells the story and many a lesser poet echoes the
+conceit; but if there be anywhere in Greek such overt praise and worship
+of Nature&rsquo;s beauty, I cannot call it to mind. Yet in Latin the
+<i>divini gloria ruris</i> is praised and <i>Natura daedala rerum</i> worshipped,
+as we are wont to praise and worship them, for their own sweet sakes. It
+is one of the ways, one of the simpler ways, in which the Roman world
+seems nearer to us than the Greek: and not only seems, but is so. For
+compared with the great early civilizations,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[138]</a></span>
+Rome is modern and of the West; while, draw her close as we may
+to our hearts, Greece brings along with her a breath of the East and a
+whisper of remote antiquity. A Tuscan gentleman of to-day, like a Roman
+gentleman of yesterday, is at heart a husbandman, like Cato; he is
+<i>ruris amator</i>, like Horace; he gets him to his little farm or vineyard
+(<i>O rus, quando te aspiciam!</i>), like Atticus or the younger Pliny. As
+Bacon praised his garden, so does Pliny praise his farm, with its
+cornfields and meadowland, vineyard and woodland, orchard and pasture,
+bee-hives and flowers. That God made the country and man made the town
+was (long before Cowper) a saying of Varro&rsquo;s; but in Greek I can
+think of no such apophthegm.</p>
+
+<p>As Schiller puts it, the Greeks looked on Nature with their minds more
+than with their hearts, nor ever clung to her with outspoken admiration
+and affection. And Humboldt, asserting (as I would do) that the
+portrayal of nature, for her own sake and in all her manifold diversity,
+was foreign to the Greek idea, declares that the landscape is always the
+mere background of their picture, while their foreground is filled with
+the affairs and actions and thoughts of men. But all the while, as in
+some old Italian picture&mdash;of Domenichino or Albani or Leonardo
+himself&mdash;the subordinated background is delicately traced and
+exquisitely beautiful; and sometimes we come to value it in the end more
+than all the rest of the composition.</p>
+
+<p>Deep down in the love of Nature, whether it be of the sensual or
+intellectual kind, and in the art of observation which is its outcome
+and first expression, lie the roots of all our Natural Science. All the
+world over these are the heritage of all men, though the inheritance be
+richer or poorer here and there: they are shown forth in the lore and
+wisdom of hunter and fisherman, of shepherd and husbandman, of artist
+and poet. The natural history of the ancients is not enshrined in
+Aristotle and Pliny. It pervades the vast literature of classical
+antiquity.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[139]</a></span>
+For all we may say of the reticence with which, the Greeks
+proclaim it, it greets us nobly in Homer, it sings to us in Anacreon,
+Sicilian shepherds tune their pipes to it in Theocritus: and anon in
+Virgil we dream of it to the coo of doves and the sound of bees&rsquo;
+industrious murmur.</p>
+
+<p>Not only from such great names as these do we reach the letter and the
+spirit of ancient Natural History. We must go a-wandering into the
+by-ways of literature. We must eke out the scientific treatises of
+Aristotle and Pliny by help of the fragments which remain of the works
+of such naturalists as Speusippus or Alexander the Myndian; add to the
+familiar stories of Herodotus the Indian tales of Ctesias and
+Megasthenes; sit with Athenaeus and his friends at the supper table,
+gleaning from cook and epicure, listening to the merry idle troop of
+convivial gentlemen capping verses and spinning yarns; read
+Xenophon&rsquo;s treatise on Hunting, study the didactic poems, the
+Cynegetica and Halieutica, of Oppian and of Ovid. And then again we may
+hark back to the greater world of letters, wherein poet and scholar,
+from petty fabulist to the great dramatists, from Homer&rsquo;s majesty
+to Lucian&rsquo;s wit, share in the love of Nature and enliven the
+delicate background of their story with allusions to beast and bird.</p>
+
+<p>Such allusions, refined at first by art and hallowed at last by familiar
+memory, lie treasured in men&rsquo;s hearts and enshrine themselves in
+our noblest literature. Take, of a thousand crowding instances, that
+great passage in the <i>Iliad</i> where the Greek host, disembarking on the
+plains of the Scamander, is likened to a migrating flock of cranes or
+geese or long-necked swans, as they fly proudly over the Asian meadows
+and alight screaming by Cayster&rsquo;s stream&mdash;and Virgil echoes more
+than once the familiar lines. The crane was a well-known bird. Its lofty
+flight brings it, again in Homer, to the very gates of heaven. Hesiod
+and Pindar speak of its far-off cry, heard from above the clouds: and
+that it &lsquo;observed the time of its
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[140]</a></span> coming&rsquo;,
+&lsquo;intelligent of seasons&rsquo;, was a proverb old in
+Hesiod&rsquo;s day&mdash;when the crane signalled the approach of winter, and
+when it bade the husbandman make ready to plough. It follows the plough,
+in Theocritus, as persistently as the wolf the kid and the peasant-lad
+his sweetheart. The discipline of the migrating cranes, the serried
+wedge of their ranks in flight, the good order of the resting flock, are
+often, and often fancifully, described. Aristotle records how they have
+an appointed leader, who keeps watch by night and in flight keeps
+calling to the laggards; and all this old story Euripides, the most
+naturalistic of the great tragedians, puts into verse:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">The ordered host of Libyan birds avoids<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">The wintry storm, obedient to the call<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Of their old leader, piping to his flock.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p class="noin">Lastly, Milton gathers up the spirit and the letter of these and many
+another ancient allusion to the migrating cranes:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Part loosely wing the region; part more wise,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">In common ranged in figure, wedge their way<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Intelligent of seasons, and set forth<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Their aery caravan, high over seas<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Flying, and over lands; with mutual wing<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Easing their flight; so steers the prudent crane.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>But the natural history of the poets is a story without an end, and in
+our estimation, however brief it be, of ancient knowledge, there are
+other matters to be considered, and other points of view where we must
+take our stand.</p>
+
+<p>When we consider the science of the Greeks, and come quickly to love it
+and slowly to see how great it was, we likewise see that it was
+restricted as compared with our own, curiously partial or particular in
+its limitations. The practical and &lsquo;useful&rsquo; sciences of
+chemistry, mechanics, and engineering, which in our modern world crowd
+the others to the wall, are absent altogether, or so concealed that we
+forget and pass them<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[141]</a></span>
+by. Mathematics is enthroned high over all, as it is meet she should
+be; and of uncontested right she occupies her throne century after
+century, from Pythagoras to Proclus, from the scattered schools of early
+Hellenic civilization to the rise and fall of the great Alexandrine
+University. Near beside her sits, from of old, the daughter-science of
+Astronomy; and these twain were worshipped by the greatest scientific
+intellects of the Greeks. But though we do not hear of them nor read of
+them, we must not suppose for a moment that the practical or technical
+sciences were lacking in so rich and complex a civilization. China, that
+most glorious of all living monuments of Antiquity, tells us nothing of
+her own chemistry, but we know that it is there. Peep into a Chinese
+town, walk through its narrow streets, thronged but quiet, wherein there
+is neither rumbling of coaches nor rattling of wheels, and you shall see
+the nearest thing on earth to what we hear of Sybaris. To the production
+of those glowing silks and delicate porcelains and fine metal-work has
+gone a vast store of chemical knowledge, traditional and empirical. So
+was it, precisely, in ancient Greece; and Plato knew that it was
+so&mdash;that the dyer, the perfumer, and the apothecary had subtle
+arts, a subtle science of their own, a science not to be belittled nor
+despised. We may pass here and there by diligent search from conjecture
+to assurance; analyse a pigment, an alloy or a slag; discover from an
+older record than the Greeks&rsquo;, the chemical prescription wherewith
+an Egyptian princess darkened her eyes, or study the pictured hearth,
+bellows, oven, crucibles with which the followers of Tubal-Cain smelted
+their ore. Once in a way, but seldom, do we meet with ancient chemistry
+even in Greek literature. There is a curious passage (its text is faulty
+and the translation hard) in the story of the Argonauts, where Medea
+concocts a magic brew. She put divers herbs in it, herbs yielding
+coloured juices such as safflower and alkanet, and soapwort and fleawort
+to give consistency or<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[142]</a></span>
+&lsquo;body&rsquo; to the lye; she put in alum and blue vitriol (or
+sulphate of copper), and she put in blood. The magic brew was no more
+and no less than a dye, a red or purple dye, and a prodigious deal of
+chemistry had gone to the making of it. For the copper was there to
+produce a &lsquo;lake&rsquo; or copper-salt of the vegetable alkaloids,
+which copper-lakes are among the most brilliant and most permanent of
+colouring matters; the alum was there as a &lsquo;mordant&rsquo;; and
+even the blood was doubtless there incorporated for better reasons than
+superstitious ones, in all probability for the purpose of clarifying (by
+means of its coagulating albumen) the seething and turbid brew.</p>
+
+<p>The &lsquo;Orphic&rsquo; version of the story, in which this passage
+occurs, is probably an Alexandrine compilation, and whether the
+ingredients of the brew had been part of the ancient legend or were
+merely suggested to the poet by the knowledge of his own day we cannot
+tell; in either case the prescription is old enough, and is at least
+pre-Byzantine by a few centuries. Such as it is, it does not stand
+alone. Other fragments of ancient chemistry, more or less akin to it,
+have been gathered together; in Galen&rsquo;s book on <i>The making of
+Simples</i>, in Pliny, in Paulus Aegineta, and for that matter in certain
+Egyptian papyri (especially a certain very famous one, still extant, of
+which Clement of Alexandria speaks as a secret or &lsquo;hermetic&rsquo;
+book), we can trace the broken and scattered stones of a great edifice
+of ancient chemistry.</p>
+
+<p>Nevertheless, all this weight of chemical learning figures scantily in
+literature, and is conspicuously absent from our conception of the
+natural genius of the Greeks. We have no reason to suppose that ancient
+chemistry, or any part of it, was ever peculiarly Greek, or that this
+science was the especial property of any nation whatsoever; moreover it
+was a trade, or a bundle of trades, whose trade-secrets were too
+precious to be revealed, and so constituted not a science but a
+mystery.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[143]</a></span>
+So has it always been with chemistry, the most cosmopolitan of
+sciences, the most secret of arts. Quietly and stealthily it crept
+through the world; the tinker brought it with his solder and his flux;
+the African tribes who were the first workers in iron passed it on to
+the great metallurgists who forged Damascan and Toledan steel.</p>
+
+<p>This &lsquo;trade&rsquo; of Chemistry was never a science for a
+Gentleman, as philosophy and mathematics were; and Plato, greatest of
+philosophers, was one of the greatest of gentlemen. Long, long
+afterwards, Oxford said the same thing to Robert Boyle&mdash;that Chemistry
+was no proper avocation for a gentleman; but he thought otherwise, and
+the &lsquo;brother of the Earl of Cork&rsquo; became the Father of
+scientific Chemistry.</p>
+
+<p>Now I take it that in regard to biology Aristotle did much the same
+thing as Boyle, breaking through a similar tradition; and herein one of
+the greatest of his great services is to be found. There was a wealth of
+natural history before his time; but it belonged to the farmer, the
+huntsman, and the fisherman&mdash;with something over (doubtless) for the
+schoolboy, the idler, and the poet. But Aristotle made it a science, and
+won a place for it in Philosophy. He did for it just what Pythagoras had
+done (as Proclus tells us) for mathematics in an earlier age, when he
+discerned the philosophy underlying the old empirical art of
+&lsquo;geometry&rsquo;, and made it the basis of &lsquo;a liberal
+education&rsquo;.<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p>
+
+<p>The Mediterranean fisherman, like the Chinese fisherman or the Japanese,
+has still, and always has had, a wide knowledge of all that pertains to
+and accompanies his craft. Our Scottish fishermen have a limited
+vocabulary, which scarce extends beyond the names of the few common
+fishes with which the market is supplied. But at Marseilles or Genoa or
+in the Levant<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[144]</a></span>
+they have names for many hundreds of species, of fish and
+shell-fish and cuttle-fish and worms and corallines, and all manner of
+swimming and creeping things; they know a vast deal about the habits of
+their lives, far more, sometimes, than do we &lsquo;scientific
+men&rsquo;; they are naturalists by tradition and by trade. Neither, by
+the way, must we forget the ancient medical and anatomical learning of
+the great Aesculapian guild, nor the still more recondite knowledge
+possessed by various priesthoods (again like their brethren of to-day in
+China and Japan) of the several creatures, sacred fish, pigeons,
+guinea-fowl, snakes, cuttlefish, and what not, which time out of mind
+they had reared, tended, and venerated.</p>
+
+<p>Of what new facts Aristotle actually discovered it is impossible to be
+sure. Could it ever be proved that he discovered many, or could it even
+be shown that of his own hand he discovered nothing at all, it would
+affect but little our estimate of his greatness and our admiration of
+his learning. He was the first of Greek philosophers and gentlemen to
+see that all these things were good to know and worthy to be told. This
+was his great discovery.</p>
+
+<p>I have sought elsewhere to show that Aristotle spent two years, the
+happiest years perhaps of all his life&mdash;a long honeymoon&mdash;by the
+sea-side in the island of Mytilene, after he had married the little
+Princess, and before he began the hard work of his life: before he
+taught Alexander in Macedon, and long before he spoke <i>urbi et orbi</i> in
+the Lyceum. Here it was that he learned the great bulk of his natural
+history, in which, wide and general as it is, the things of the sea have
+from first to last a notable predominance.</p>
+
+<p>I have tried to illustrate elsewhere (as many another writer has done)
+something of the variety and the depth of Aristotle&rsquo;s knowledge of
+animals&mdash;choosing an example here and there, but only drawing a little
+water from an inexhaustible well.</p>
+
+<p>A famous case is that of the &lsquo;molluscs&rsquo;, where either
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[145]</a></span>
+Aristotle&rsquo;s knowledge was exceptionally minute, or where it has
+come down to us with unusual completeness.</p>
+
+<p>These are the cuttle fish, which have now surrendered their Aristotelian
+name of &lsquo;molluscs&rsquo; to that greater group which is seen to
+include them, together with the shell-fish or &lsquo;ostracoderma&rsquo;
+of Aristotle. These cuttle-fishes are creatures that we seldom see, but
+in the Mediterranean they are an article of food and many kinds are
+known to the fishermen. All or wellnigh all of these many kinds were
+known to Aristotle. He described their form and their anatomy, their
+habits, their development, all with such faithful accuracy that what we
+can add to-day seems of secondary importance. He begins with a
+methodical description of the general form, tells us of the body and
+fins, of the eight arms with their rows of suckers, of the abnormal
+position of the head. He points out the two long arms of Sepia and of
+the calamaries, and their absence in the octopus; and he tells us, what
+was only confirmed of late, that with these two long arms the creature
+clings to the rock and sways about like a ship at anchor. He describes
+the great eyes, the two big teeth forming the beak; and he dissects the
+whole structure of the gut, with its long gullet, its round crop, its
+stomach and the little coiled coecal diverticulum: dissecting not only
+one but several species, and noting differences that were not observed
+again till Cuvier re-dissected them. He describes the funnel and its
+relation to the mantle-sac, and the ink-bag, which he shows to be
+largest in Sepia of all others. And here, by the way, he seems to make
+one of those apparent errors that, as it happens, turn out to be
+justified: for he tells us that in Octopus, unlike the rest, the funnel
+is on the upper side; the fact being that when the creature lies prone
+upon the ground, with all its arms outspread, the funnel-tube (instead
+of being flattened out beneath the creature&rsquo;s prostrate body) is
+long enough to protrude upwards between arms and head, and to appear on
+one<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[146]</a></span>
+side or other thereof, in a position apparently the reverse of its
+natural one. He describes the character of the cuttle-bone in Sepia, and
+of the horny pen which takes its place in the various calamaries, and
+notes the lack of any similar structure in Octopus. He dissects in both
+sexes the reproductive organs, noting without exception all their
+essential and complicated parts; and he had figured these in his lost
+volume of anatomical diagrams. He describes the various kinds of eggs,
+and, with still more surprising knowledge, shows us the little embryo
+cuttle-fish, with its great yolk-sac attached, in apparent contrast to
+the chick&rsquo;s, to the little creature&rsquo;s developing head.</p>
+
+<p>But there is one other remarkable feature that he knew ages before it
+was rediscovered, almost in our own time. In certain male cuttle-fishes,
+in the breeding season, one of the arms develops in a curious fashion
+into a long coiled whip-lash, and in the act of breeding may then be
+transferred to the mantle-cavity of the female. Cuvier himself knew
+nothing of the nature or the function of this separated arm, and indeed,
+if I am not mistaken, it was he who mistook it for a parasitic worm. But
+Aristotle tells us of its use and its temporary development, and of its
+structure in detail, and his description tallies closely with the
+accounts of the most recent writers.</p>
+
+<p>A scarcely less minute account follows of the &lsquo;Malacostraca&rsquo;
+or crustaceans, the lobsters and the crabs, the shrimps and the prawns,
+and others of their kind, a chapter to which Cuvier devoted a celebrated
+essay. There be many kinds of crabs&mdash;the common kind, the big
+&lsquo;granny&rsquo; crabs, the little horsemen-crabs, that scamper over
+the sand and which are for the most part empty, that is to say, whose
+respiratory cavities are exceptionally large; and there are the
+freshwater crabs. There are the little shrimps and the big hump-backed
+fellows, or prawns; there are the &lsquo;crangons&rsquo; or squillae;
+and the big lobsters and the crawfish or &lsquo;langoustes&rsquo;, their
+spiny cousins. We read about their beady eyes, which turn every way;
+about their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[147]</a></span>
+big rough antennae and the smaller, smoother pair between;
+the great teeth, or mandibles; the carapace with its projecting rostrum,
+the jointed abdomen with the tail-fins at the end, and the little flaps
+below on which the female drops her spawn. In more or less detail these
+things are severally described, and the many limbs severally enumerated,
+in one kind after another. The descriptions of the lobster and the
+langouste are particularly minute, and the comparison or contrast
+between the two is drawn with elaborate precision. In the former,
+besides other differences between male and female, the female is said to
+have the &lsquo;first foot&rsquo; (or leg) bifurcate, while in the male
+it is undivided. It seems a trifling matter, but it is true; it is so
+small a point that I searched long before at last I found mention made
+of it in a German monograph. The puzzling thing is that it is (as we
+should say) the last and not the first leg which is so distinguished;
+but after all, it is only a convention of our own to count the limbs
+from before backwards. To inspect a lobster&rsquo;s limbs, we lay it on
+its back (as Aristotle did), and see the legs overlapping, each hinder
+one above the one before; the hindmost is the first we see, and the one
+we must first lift up to inspect the others.</p>
+
+<p>Aristotle&rsquo;s account of fishes is a prodigious history of habits,
+food, migrations, modes of capture, times and ways of spawning, and
+anatomical details; but it is not here that we can elucidate or even
+illustrate this astonishing Ichthyology. It is not always easy to
+understand&mdash;but the obstacle lies often, I take it, in our own
+ignorance. The identification of species is not always plain, for here
+as elsewhere Aristotle did not reckon with a time or place where the
+familiar words of Greek should be unknown or their homely significance
+forgotten. Among the great host of fish-names there are several
+referring, somehow or other, to the Grey Mullet, which puzzle both
+naturalist and lexicographer. A young officer told me the other day how
+he had watched an Arab fisherman emptying out his creel of Grey
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[148]</a></span> Mullet
+on some Syrian beach, and the Arab gave four if not five names to as
+many different kinds, betwixt which my friend could see no difference
+whatsoever. Had my friend been an ichthyologist he would doubtless have
+noticed that one had eyelids and the others none; that one had little
+brushes on its lips, another a small but wide-open slit under the jaw,
+another a yellow spot on its gill-covers, and so on. The Mullets are a
+difficult group, but Aristotle, like the Arab fisherman, evidently
+recognized their fine distinctions and employed the appropriate names.
+Again, Aristotle speaks of a certain nest-building fish, the
+&lsquo;phycis&rsquo;, and regarding this Cuvier fell into error (where
+once upon a time I followed him). In Cuvier&rsquo;s time there was but
+one nest-building fish known such as to suit, apparently, the passage,
+namely the little black goby; but after Cuvier&rsquo;s day the
+nest-building habits of the &lsquo;wrasses&rsquo; became known to
+naturalists, as they had doubtless been known ages before to the
+fishermen&mdash;and to Aristotle.</p>
+
+<p>Like almost every other little point on which we happen to touch, we
+might make this one the starting-point (here comes in the delight and
+fascination of the interpreter&rsquo;s task!) for other stories.</p>
+
+<p>Speusippus, Plato&rsquo;s successor in the Academy, was both philosopher
+and naturalist, and we may take it, if we please, that his leaning
+towards biology, and the biological trend which at this time became more
+and more marked in Athenian philosophy, were not unconnected with the
+great impulse which Aristotle had given. However this may be, Speusippus
+wrote a book <span class='t' title='peri Homoiôn'>περι Ὁμοιων</span> &lsquo;Concerning
+Resemblances&rsquo;; and this, of which we only possess a few
+fragmentary sentences, must have been a very curious and an interesting
+book. He mentions, among other similar cases, that our little fish
+<i>phycis</i> has a close outward semblance to the sea-perch; and this is
+enough to clinch the proof that Aristotle&rsquo;s nest-building fish was
+not a goby but a wrasse. The whole purport of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[149]</a></span>
+Speusippus&rsquo;s book seems to have been to discuss how, or
+why, with all Nature&rsquo;s apparently infinite variety, certain
+animals have a singularly close resemblance to certain others, though
+they be quite distinct in kind. It is a problem which perplexes us
+still, when we are astonished and even deluded by the likeness between a
+wasp and a hover-fly, a merlin and a cuckoo. In certain extreme cases we
+call it &lsquo;mimicry&rsquo;, and invoke hypotheses to account for this
+&lsquo;mimetic&rsquo; resemblance; and those of us who reject these
+hypotheses must fain take refuge in others, as far-reaching in their
+way. This at least we know, that Speusippus seized upon a real problem
+of biology, of lasting interest and even of fundamental importance.</p>
+
+<p>To come back to Aristotle and his fishes, let us glance at one little
+point more. The reproduction of the eel is an ancient puzzle, which has
+found its full solution only in our own day. While the salmon, for
+instance, comes up the river to breed and goes down again to the sea,
+the eel goes down to the ocean to spawn, and the old eels come back no
+more but perish in the great waters. The eel&rsquo;s egg develops into a
+little flattened, transparent fish, altogether different in outward
+appearance from an eel, which turns afterwards into a young eel or
+&lsquo;elver&rsquo;; and Professor Grassi, who had a big share in
+elucidating the whole matter, tells us the curious fact that he found
+the Sicilian fishermen well acquainted with the little transparent larva
+(the <i>Leptocephalus</i> of modern naturalists), that they knew well what it
+was, and that they had a name for it&mdash;<i>Casentula</i>. Now Aristotle, in a
+passage which I think has been much misunderstood (and which we must
+admit to be in part erroneous), tells us that the eel develops from what
+he calls <span class='t' title='gês entera'>γης εντερα</span>, a word which we translate, literally, the
+&lsquo;guts of the earth&rsquo;, and which commentators interpret as
+&lsquo;earthworms&rsquo;! But in Sicilian Doric, <span class='t' title='gês entera'>γης εντερα</span>
+would at once become <span class='t' title='gas entera'>γας εντερα</span>; and between
+&lsquo;Gasentera&rsquo; and the modern Sicilian &lsquo;Casentula&rsquo;
+there is scarce a hairbreadth&rsquo;s<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[150]</a></span>
+difference. So we may be permitted to suppose that here again Aristotle
+was singularly and accurately informed; and that he knew by sight and
+name the little larva of the eel, whose discovery and identification is
+one of the modest triumphs of recent investigation.</p>
+
+<p>Aristotle&rsquo;s many pages on fishes are delightful reading. The
+anatomist may read of such recondite matters as the <i>placenta vitellina</i>
+of the smooth dog-fish, whereby the viviparous embryo is nourished
+within the womb, after a fashion analogous to that of mammalian
+embryology&mdash;a phenomenon brought to light anew by Johannes M&uuml;ller, and
+which excited him to enthusiastic admiration of Aristotle&rsquo;s minute
+and faithful anatomy. Again we may read of the periodic migration of the
+tunnies, of the great net or &lsquo;madrague&rsquo; in which they are
+captured, and of the watchmen, the <span class='t' title='thynnoskopoi'>θυννοσκοποι</span>, the
+&lsquo;hooers&rsquo; of our ancient Cornish fishery, who give warning
+from tower or headland of the approaching shoal. The student may learn
+what manner of fish it was (the great Eagle-ray) with whose barbed
+fin-spine&mdash;most primitive of spear-heads&mdash;Ulysses was slain; and again,
+he may learn not a little about that <span class='t' title='narkê'>ναρκη</span>, or torpedo, to
+which Meno compared his master Socrates, in a somewhat ambiguous
+compliment.</p>
+
+<p>In rambling fashion Aristotle has a deal to tell us about insects, and
+he has left us a sort of treatise on the whole natural history of the
+bee. He knew the several inmates of the hive, though like others of his
+day (save, perhaps, only Xenophon), and like Shakespeare too, he took
+the queen-bee for a king. He describes the building of the comb, the
+laying of the eggs, the provision of the larvae with food. He discusses
+the various qualities of honey and the flowers from which these are
+drawn. He is learned in the diseases and the enemies of bees. He tells
+us many curious things about the economy of the hive and the arts of the
+bee-keeper, some of which things have a very modern and familiar look
+about them: for<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[151]</a></span>
+instance, the use of a net or screen to keep out the drones, a net so
+nicely contrived that these sturdy fellows are just kept out, while the
+leaner, slenderer workers are just let in. But it would be a long, long
+story to tell of Aristotle&rsquo;s knowledge of the bee, and to compare
+it with what is, haply, the still deeper skill and learning of that
+master of bee-craft, Virgil.</p>
+
+<p>Then, having perfect freedom to go whithersoever we chose and to follow
+the bees across the boundless fields of ancient literature, we might
+read of the wild bees and of their honey out of a rock, and of the
+hive-bees too, in Homer; follow them to their first legendary home in
+Crete, where the infant Jupiter was fed on honey&mdash;as a baby&rsquo;s lips
+are touched with it even unto this day; trace their association with
+Proserpine and her mother, or their subtler connexion with Ephesian
+Diana; find in the poets, from Hesiod to the later Anthology, a hundred
+sweet references&mdash;to the bee-tree in the oak-wood, to the flowery hill
+Hymettus. Perhaps, at last, we might even happen on the place where
+Origen seems so strangely to foreshadow Shakespeare&mdash;speaking of the
+king of the bees with his retinue of courtiers (his officers of sorts),
+the relays of workmen (the poor mechanic porters crowding in), the
+punishment of the idle (where some, like magistrates, correct at home),
+the wars, the vanquished, and the plunder (which pillage they with merry
+march bring home To the tent-royal of their Emperor).</p>
+
+<p>Go back to Aristotle, and we may listen to him again while he talks of
+many other kindred insects: of the humble-bee and its kind, of the
+mason-bee with its hard round nest of clay, of the robber-bees, and of
+the various wasps and hornets; or (still more curiously and
+unexpectedly) of the hunter-wasp or &lsquo;ichneumon&rsquo;, and how it
+kills the spider, carries it home to its nest, and lays its eggs in its
+poor body, that the little wasp-grubs may afterwards be fed. Or again of
+the great wasps which he calls Anthrenae, and how they chase the big
+flies, and cut off their heads, and fly away with
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[152]</a></span>
+the rest of the carcass&mdash;all agreeing to the very letter with what
+Henri Fabre tells us of a certain large wasp of Southern Europe, and how
+it captures the big &lsquo;taons&rsquo; or horse-flies: &lsquo;Pour
+donner le coup de gr&acirc;ce &agrave; leurs Taons mal sacrifi&eacute;s,
+et se d&eacute;battants encore entre les pattes du ravisseur, j&rsquo;ai
+vu des Bembex m&acirc;chonner la t&ecirc;te et le thorax des
+victimes.&rsquo; Verily, there is nothing new under the sun.</p>
+
+<p>With the metamorphoses of various insects Aristotle was well acquainted.
+He knew how the house-fly passes its early stages in a dung-hill, and
+how the grubs of the big horse-flies and Tabanids live in decayed wood;
+how certain little flies or gnats are engendered (as he calls it) in the
+slime of vinegar. He relates with great care and accuracy the
+life-history of the common gnat, from its aquatic larva, the little red
+&lsquo;blood-worm&rsquo; of our pools; he describes them wriggling about
+like tiny bits of red weed, in the water of some half-empty well; and he
+explains, finally, the change by which they become stiff and motionless
+and hard, until a husk breaks away and the little gnat is seen sitting
+upon it; and by and by the sun&rsquo;s heat or a puff of wind starts it
+off, and away it flies.</p>
+
+<p>Some of these stories are indeed remarkable, for the events related are
+more or less hidden and obscure; and so, with all this knowledge at
+hand, it is not a little strange that Aristotle has very little indeed
+to tell us about the far more obvious phenomena of the life-history of
+the butterfly, and of the several kinds of butterflies and moths. He
+does tell us briefly that the butterfly comes from a caterpillar, which
+lives on cabbage-leaves and feeds voraciously, then turns into a
+chrysalis and eats no more, nor has it a mouth to eat withal; it is hard
+and, as it were, dead, but yet it moves and wriggles when you touch it,
+and after a while the husk bursts and out comes the butterfly. The
+account is good enough, so far as it goes, but nevertheless Aristotle
+shows no affection for the butterfly, does not linger and dally over it,
+tells no stories about it. This is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[153]</a></span>
+all of a piece with the rest of Greek literature, and poetry in
+particular, where allusions to the butterfly are scanty and rare. I
+think the Greeks found something ominous or uncanny, something not to be
+lightly spoken of, in that all but disembodied spirit which we call a
+butterfly, and they called by the name of <span class='t' title='psychê'>ψυχη</span>, the Soul. They had a
+curious name (<span class='t' title='nekydallos'>νεκυδαλλος</span>) for the pupa. It sounds like a &lsquo;little
+corpse&rsquo; (<span class='t' title='nekys'>νεκυς</span>); and like a little corpse within its shroud or
+coffin the pupa sleeps in its cocoon. A late poet describes the
+butterfly &lsquo;coming back from the grave to the light of day&rsquo;;
+and certain of the Fathers of the Church, St. Basil in particular, point
+the moral accordingly, and draw a doubtless time-honoured allegory of
+the Resurrection and the Life from the grub which is not dead but
+sleepeth, and the butterfly which (as it were) is raised in glory.</p>
+
+<p>Of one large moth, Aristotle gives us an account which has been a puzzle
+to many. This begins as a great grub or caterpillar, with (as it were)
+horns; and, growing by easy stages, it spins at length a cocoon. There
+is a class of women who unwind and reel off the cocoons, and afterwards
+weave a fabric with the thread; and a certain woman of Cos is credited
+with the invention of this fabric. This is, at first sight, a plain and
+straightforward description of the silkworm; but we know that it was not
+till long afterwards, nearly a thousand years after, in
+Justinian&rsquo;s reign, that the silkworm and the mulberry-tree which
+is its food were brought out of the East into Byzantine Greece. We learn
+something of this Coan silkworm from Pliny, who tells us that it lived
+on the ash and oak and cypress tree; and from Clement of Alexandria and
+other of the Fathers we glean a little more&mdash;for instance, that the
+larva was covered with thick-set hairs, and that the cocoon was of a
+loose material something like a spider&rsquo;s web. All this agrees in
+every particular with a certain large moth (<i>Lasiocampa otus</i>), which
+spins a rough cocoon not unlike that of our Emperor moth, and lives in
+south-eastern Europe, feeding on the cypress and the oak.
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[154]</a></span> Many other
+silkworms besides the true or common one are still employed, worms which
+yield the Tussore silks of India and other kindred silks in Japan; and
+so likewise was this rough silky fabric spun and woven in Hellas, until
+in course of time it was surpassed and superseded by the finer produce
+of the &lsquo;Seric worm&rsquo;, and the older industry died out and was
+utterly forgotten.</p>
+
+<p>Ere we leave the subject of insects let us linger a moment over one
+which the Greeks loved, and loved most of all. When as schoolboys we
+first began to read our Thucydides, we met in the very beginning with
+the story of how rich Athenians wore Golden Grasshoppers (as the
+schoolmaster calls them) in their hair. These golden ornaments were, of
+course, no common grasshoppers, but the little Cicadas, whose sharp
+chirrup seemed delightful music to the Greeks. It is unpleasant to our
+ears, as Browning found it; but in a multitude of Greek poets, in
+Alcaeus and Anacreon and all through the whole Anthology, we hear its
+praise. We have it, for instance, in the <i>Birds</i>:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Though the hot sun be shining in the sky<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">In the deep flowery meadow-grass I lie:<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">To listen to the shrill melodious tune<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Of crickets, thrilled to ecstasy at noon.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>Of this familiar and beloved insect Aristotle gives a copious account.
+He describes two separate species, which we still recognize easily; a
+larger one and the better singer, the other smaller and the first to
+come and last to go with the summer season. He recognized the curious
+vocal organ, or vibratory drum, at the cicada&rsquo;s waist, and saw
+that some cicadas possessed it and others not; and he knew, as the poets
+also knew, that it was the males who sang, while their wives listened
+and were silent. He tells how the cicada is absent from treeless
+countries, as, for instance, from Cyrene (and why, I wonder, does he go
+all the way to Cyrene for his illustration?), neither is it heard in
+deep and sunless woods; but in the olive-groves you hear it at its best,
+for an olive-grove is sparse<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[155]</a></span>
+and the sun comes through. Then he tells us briefly, but with
+remarkable accuracy, the story of the creature&rsquo;s life: how the
+female, with her long ovipositor, lays her eggs deep down in dead,
+hollow twigs, such as the canes on which the vines are propped; how the
+brood, when they escape from the egg, burrow underground; how later on
+they emerge, especially in rainy weather, when the rains have softened
+the soil; how then the larva changes into another form, the so-called
+&lsquo;nymph&rsquo;; and how at last, when summer comes, the skin of the
+nymph breaks and the perfect insect issues forth, changes colour, and
+begins to sing. In Aristophanes, in Theocritus, in Lucretius, Virgil,
+Martial, and in the Anthology, we may gather up a host of poetical
+allusions to the natural history thus simply epitomized.</p>
+
+<p>The Book about Animals, the <i>Historia Animalium</i> as we say, from which I
+have quoted these few examples of Aristotle&rsquo;s store of
+information, may be taken to represent the first necessary stage of
+scientific inquiry. There is a kind of <i>manual</i> philosophy (as old Lord
+Monboddo called it) which investigates facts which escape the vulgar,
+and may be called the <i>anecdotes</i> or <i>secret history</i> of nature. In this
+fascinating pursuit Gilbert White excelled, and John Ray and many
+another&mdash;the whole brotherhood of simple naturalists. But such
+accumulated knowledge of facts is but the foundation of a philosophy;
+and &lsquo;nothing deserves the name of philosophy, except what explains
+the causes and principles of things&rsquo;. Aristotle would have done
+much had he merely shown (as Gilbert White showed to the country
+gentlemen of his day) that the minute observation of nature was
+something worth the scholar and the gentleman&rsquo;s while; but, far
+more than this, he made a Science of natural knowledge, and set it once
+for all within the realm of Philosophy. He set it side by side with the
+more ancient science of Astronomy, which for many hundred years in Egypt
+and the East, and for some few centuries in Hellas, had occupied the
+mind of philosophers<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[156]</a></span>
+and the attention of educated men. I have quoted before a great
+sentence in which he explains his purpose, and makes excuse for his
+temerity. &lsquo;The glory, doubtless, of the heavenly bodies fills us
+with more delight than the contemplation of these lowly things; for the
+sun and stars are born not, neither do they decay, but are eternal and
+divine. But the heavens are high and afar off, and of celestial things
+the knowledge that our senses give us is scanty and dim. The living
+creatures, on the other hand, are at our door, and if we so desire it we
+may gain ample and certain knowledge of each and all. We take pleasure
+in the beauty of a statue, shall not then the living fill us with
+delight; and all the more if in the spirit of philosophy we search for
+causes and recognize the evidences of design. Then will nature&rsquo;s
+purpose and her deep-seated laws be everywhere revealed, all tending in
+her multitudinous work to one form or another of the Beautiful.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>Aristotle&rsquo;s voluminous writings have come down to us through many
+grave vicissitudes. The greatest of them all are happily intact, or very
+nearly so; but some are lost and others have suffered disorder and
+corruption. The work known as the &lsquo;Parts of Animals&rsquo; opens
+(as our text has it) with a chapter which seems meant for a general
+exordium to the whole series of biological treatises; and I know no
+chapter in all Aristotle&rsquo;s books which better shows (in plainer
+English or easier Greek) the master-hand of the great Teacher and
+Philosopher. He begins by telling us (it has ever since been a common
+saying) that every science, every branch of knowledge, admits of two
+sorts of proficiency&mdash;that which may properly be termed scientific
+knowledge, and that which is within the reach of ordinary educated men.
+He proceeds to discuss the &lsquo;method&rsquo; of scientific inquiry,
+whether we should begin with the specific and proceed to the general, or
+whether we are to deal first with common or generical characters and
+thereafterward with special peculiarities. Are we entitled to treat of
+animals, as is done in mathematical astronomy, by
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[157]</a></span>
+dealing first with facts or phenomena and then proceeding to
+discover and relate their several causes? At once this leads to a brief
+discussion (elaborated elsewhere) of the two great Causes, or aspects of
+cause&mdash;the final cause and the &lsquo;moving&rsquo; or efficient
+cause&mdash;the <i>reason why</i> or the purpose for which, and the
+antecedent cause which, <i>of necessity</i>, brings a thing to be such as it
+is. Here is one of the great crucial questions of philosophy, and
+Aristotle&rsquo;s leaning to the side of the Final Cause has been a
+dominant influence upon the minds of men throughout the whole history of
+learning. Empedocles had taken another view: he held that the rain comes
+when it listeth, or &lsquo;of necessity&rsquo;; that we have no right to
+suppose it comes to make the corn grow in spring, any more than to spoil
+the autumn sheaves: that the teeth grow by the operation of some natural
+(or physical) law, and that their apparent and undoubted fitness for
+cutting and grinding is not purposeful but coincident; that the backbone
+is divided into vertebrae because of the antecedent forces, or flexions,
+which act upon it in the womb. And Empedocles proceeds to the great
+evolutionary deduction, the clear prevision of Darwin&rsquo;s
+philosophy, that fit and unfit arise alike, but that what is fit to
+survive does survive and what is unfit perishes.</p>
+
+<p>The story is far too long and the theme involved too grave and difficult
+for treatment here. But I would venture to suggest that Aristotle
+inclined to slur over the physical and lean the more to the final cause,
+for this simple reason (whatever other reasons there may be), that he
+was a better biologist than a physicist: that he lacked somewhat the
+mathematical turn of mind which was intrinsic to the older schools of
+philosophy. For better for worse the course he took, the choice he made,
+was of incalculable import, and had power for centuries to guide (dare
+we say, to bias) the teaching of the schools, the progress of learning,
+and the innermost beliefs of men.</p>
+
+<p>In this one short but pregnant chapter of Aristotle&rsquo;s there is far
+more than we can hope even to epitomize. He has much
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[158]</a></span>
+to say in it of &lsquo;classification&rsquo;, an important matter
+indeed, and he discusses it as a great logician should, in all its
+rigour. Many commentators have sought for Aristotle&rsquo;s
+&lsquo;classification of animals&rsquo;; for my part I have never found
+it, and, in our sense of the word, I am certain it is not there. An
+unbending, unchanging classification of animals would have been
+something foreign to all his logic; it is all very well, it becomes
+practically necessary, when we have to arrange our animals on the
+shelves of a museum or in the arid pages of a &lsquo;systematic&rsquo;
+catalogue; and it takes a new complexion when, or if, we can attain to a
+real or historical classification, following lines of actual descent and
+based on proven facts of historical evolution. But Aristotle (as it
+seems to me) neither was bound to a museum catalogue nor indulged in
+visions either of a complete <i>scala naturae</i> or of an hypothetical
+phylogeny. He classified animals as he found them; and, as a logician,
+he had a dichotomy for every difference which presented itself to his
+mind. At one time he divided animals into those with blood and those
+without, at another into the air-breathers and the water-breathers; into
+the wild and the tame, the social and the solitary, and so on in endless
+ways besides. At the same time he had a quick eye for the great natural
+groups, such &lsquo;genera&rsquo; (as he called them) as Fish or Bird,
+Insect or Mollusc. So it comes to pass that, while he fashioned no hard
+and fast scheme of classification, and would undoubtedly (I hold) have
+thought it vain to do so, the threads of his several partial or
+temporary classifications come together after all, though in a somewhat
+hazy pattern, yet in a very beautiful and coherent parti-coloured web.
+And though his order is not always our order, yet a certain exquisite
+orderliness is of the very essence of his thought and style. It is the
+characteristic which Moli&egrave;re hits upon in <i>Les Femmes
+savantes</i>,&mdash;&lsquo;Je m&rsquo;attache <i>pour l&rsquo;ordre</i> au
+p&eacute;ripat&eacute;tisme&rsquo;.</p>
+
+<p>Before he finishes the great chapter of which we have begun to speak he
+indicates that there are more ways than one of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[159]</a></span>
+relating, or classifying, our facts; that, for instance, it may be
+equally proper and necessary to deal now with the animals and their
+several parts or properties, and at another time with the parts or
+properties as such, explaining and illustrating them in turn by the
+several animals which display or possess them. The &lsquo;Parts of
+Animals&rsquo; is, then, a corollary, a necessary corollary, to the more
+anecdotal <i>Historia Animalium</i>. And yet again, there is a third
+alternative&mdash;to discuss the great functions or actions or
+potentialities of the organism, as it were first of all in the abstract,
+and then to correlate them with the parts which in this or that creature
+are provided and are &lsquo;designed&rsquo; to effect them. This
+involves the conception and the writing of separate physiological
+treatises on such themes as Respiration, Locomotion, on Sleeping and
+Waking, and lastly (and in some respects the most ambitious, most
+erudite, and most astonishing of them all) the great account of the
+Generation of Animals.</p>
+
+<p>So the whole range, we might say the whole conceivable range, of
+biological science is sketched out, and the greater part of the great
+canvas is painted in. But to bring it into touch with human life, and to
+make good its claim to the high places of philosophy, we must go yet
+farther and study Life itself, and what men call the Soul. So grows the
+great conception. We begin with trivial anecdote, with the things that
+fisherman, huntsman, peasant know; the sciences of zoology, anatomy,
+physiology take shape before our very eyes; and by evening we sit humbly
+at the feet of the great teacher of Life itself, the historian of the
+Soul. It is not for us to attempt to show that even here the story does
+not end, but the highest chapters of philosophy begin. Then, when we
+remember that this short narrative of ours is but the faintest
+adumbration of one side only of the philosopher&rsquo;s many-sided task
+and enterprise, we begin to rise towards a comprehension of Roger
+Bacon&lsquo;s saying, that &lsquo;although Aristotle did not arrive at
+the end of knowledge, he set in order all parts of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[160]</a></span>
+philosophy&rsquo;. In the same spirit a modern critic declares:
+&lsquo;Il n&rsquo;a seulement d&eacute;fini et constitu&eacute; chacune
+des parties de la science; il en a de plus montr&eacute; le lien et
+l&rsquo;unit&eacute;&rsquo;.</p>
+
+<p>Aristotle, like Shakespeare, is full of old saws, tags of wisdom, jewels
+five words long. Here is such a one, good for teacher and pupil
+alike&mdash;<span class='t' title='Dei pisteuein ton manthanonta'>Δει πιστευειν τον μανθανοντα</span>.
+It tells us that the road to Learning lies through Faith; and it means
+that to be a scholar one should have a heart as well as brains.</p>
+
+<p>By reason partly of extraneous interpolation, but doubtless also through
+a lingering credulity from which even philosophers are not immune, we
+find in Aristotle many a strange story. The goats that breathe through
+their ears, the vulture impregnated by the wind, the eagle that dies of
+hunger, the stag caught by music, the salamander which walks through
+fire, the unicorn, the mantichore, are but a few of the &lsquo;Vulgar
+Errors&rsquo; or &lsquo;Received Tenents&rsquo; (as Sir Thomas Browne
+has it) which are perpetuated, not originated, in the <i>Historia
+Animalium</i>. Some of them come, through Persia, from the farther East:
+and others (we meet with them once more in Horapollo the Egyptian
+priest) are but the exoteric or allegorical expression of the arcana of
+ancient Egyptian religion.</p>
+
+<p>So it comes to pass that for two thousand years and throughout all lands
+men have come to Aristotle, and found in him information and
+instruction&mdash;that which they desired. Arab and Moor and Syrian and Jew
+treasured his books while the western world sat in darkness; the great
+centuries of Scholasticism hung upon his words; the oldest of our
+Universities, Bologna, Paris, Oxford, were based upon his teaching, yea,
+all but established for his study. Where he has been, there, seen or
+unseen, his influence remains; even the Moor and the Arab find in him,
+to this day, a teacher after their own hearts: a teacher of eternal
+verities, telling of sleep and dreams, of youth and age, of life and
+death, of generation and corruption, of growth and of decay: a guide to
+the book of Nature, a revealer of the Spirit, a prophet of the works of
+God.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[161]</a></span>
+The purpose of these little essays, I have been told (though I had half
+forgotten it), is to help though ever so little to defend and justify
+the study of the language and the vast literature of Greece. It is a
+task for which I am unfitted and unprepared. When Oliver Goldsmith
+proposed to teach Greek at Leyden, where he &lsquo;had been told it was
+a desideratum&rsquo;, the Principal of that celebrated University met
+him (as we all know) with weighty objections. &lsquo;I never learned
+Greek&rsquo;, said the Principal, &lsquo;and I don&rsquo;t find that I
+have ever missed it. I have had a Doctor&rsquo;s cap and gown without
+Greek. I have ten thousand florins a year without Greek; and, in
+short&rsquo;, continued he, &lsquo;as I don&rsquo;t know Greek, I do not
+believe there is any good in it.&rsquo;&mdash;I have heard or read the story
+again and again, for is it not written in the <i>Vicar of Wakefield</i>? But
+I never heard that any man, not Goldsmith himself, attempted to confute
+the argument. I agree for the most part with the Principal, and can see
+clearly that all the Greek that Goldsmith knew, and all the Greek in all
+the world, would have meant nothing and done nothing for him. But there
+is and will be many another who finds in Greek wisdom and sweet Hellenic
+speech something which he needs must have, and lacking which he would be
+poor indeed: something which is as a staff in his hand, a light upon his
+path, a lantern to his feet.</p>
+
+<p>In this workaday world we may still easily possess ourselves, as Gibbon
+says the subjects of the Byzantine Throne, even in their lowest
+servitude and depression, were still possessed, &lsquo;of a golden key
+that could unlock the treasures of antiquity, of a musical and prolific
+language that gives a soul to the objects of sense, and a body to the
+abstractions of philosophy&rsquo;.</p>
+
+<p>Our very lives seem prolonged by the recollection of antiquity; for, as
+Cicero says, not to know what has been transacted in former times is to
+continue always a child. I borrow the citation from Dr. Johnson, who
+reminds us also of a saying of Aristotle himself, that as students we
+ought first to examine<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[162]</a></span>
+and understand what has been written by the ancients, and then cast our
+eyes round upon the world. And Johnson prefaces both quotations by
+another:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i4">Tibi res antiquae laudis et artis<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">ingredior, sanctos ausus recludere fontes.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>But now I, who have dared to draw my tiny draft from Aristotle&rsquo;s
+great well, seem after all to be seeking an excuse, seeking it in
+example and precept. Precept, at least, I know to be of no avail. My
+father spent all the many days of his life in the study of Greek; you
+might suppose it was for Wisdom&rsquo;s sake,&mdash;but my father was a
+modest man. The fact is, he did it for a simpler reason still, a very
+curious reason, to be whispered rather than told: he did it <i>for love</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Nigh forty years ago, I first stepped out on the east-windy streets of a
+certain lean and hungry town (lean, I mean, as regards scholarship)
+where it was to be my lot to spend thereafter many and many a year. And
+the very first thing I saw there was an inscription over a very humble
+doorway, &lsquo;<i>Hic mecum habitant Dante, Cervantes, Moli&egrave;re</i>&rsquo;.
+It was the home of a poor schoolmaster, who as a teacher of languages
+eked out the scanty profits of his school. I was not a little comforted
+by the announcement. So the poor scholar, looking on the ragged regiment
+of his few books, is helped, consoled, exalted by the reflection: <i>Hic
+mecum habitant ... Homerus, Plato, Aristoteles</i>. And were one in a
+moment of inadvertence to inquire of him why he occupied himself with
+Greek, he might perchance stammer (like Dominie Sampson) an almost
+inarticulate reply; but more probably he would be stricken speechless by
+the enormous outrage of the request, and the reason of his devotion
+would be hidden from the questioner for ever.</p>
+
+<p class='sig sc'>D&rsquo;Arcy Wentworth Thompson.</p>
+
+<hr /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[163]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="BIOLOGY" id="BIOLOGY"></a>BIOLOGY</h2>
+
+<h3><i>Before Aristotle</i></h3>
+
+<p>What is science? It is a question that cannot be answered easily, nor
+perhaps answered at all. None of the definitions seem to cover the field
+exactly; they are either too wide or too narrow. But we can see science
+in its growth and we can say that being a process it can exist only as
+growth. Where does the science of biology begin? Again we cannot say,
+but we can watch its evolution and its progress. Among the Greeks the
+accurate observation of living forms, which is at least one of the
+essentials of biological science, goes back very far. The word
+<i>Biology</i>, used in our sense, would, it is true, have been an
+impossibility among them, for <i>bios</i> refers to the life of man and could
+not be applied, except in a strained or metaphorical sense, to that of
+other living things.<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>
+But the <i>ideas</i> we associate with the word are clearly developed in
+Greek philosophy and the foundations of biology are of great antiquity.</p>
+
+<p>The Greek people had many roots, racial, cultural, and spiritual, and
+from them all they inherited various powers and qualities and derived
+various ideas and traditions. The most suggestive source for our purpose
+is that of the Minoan race whom they dispossessed and whose lands they
+occupied. That highly gifted people exhibited in all stages of its
+development a marvellous power of graphically representing animal forms,
+of which the famous Cretan friezes, Vaphio cups (Fig. 5), and
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[164]</a></span>
+Mycenean lions provide well-known examples. It is difficult not to
+believe that the Minoan element, entering into the mosaic of peoples
+that we call the Greeks, was in part at least responsible for the like
+graphic power developed in the Hellenic world, though little contact has
+yet been demonstrated between Minoan and archaic Greek Art.</p>
+
+<p>For the earliest biological achievements of Greek peoples we have to
+rely largely on information gleaned from artistic remains. It is true
+that we have a few fragments of the works of both Ionian and
+Italo-Sicilian philosophers, and in them we read of theoretical
+speculation as to the nature of life and of the soul, and we can thus
+form some idea of the first attempts of such workers as Alcmaeon of
+Croton (<i>c.</i> 500 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>) to lay bare the structure of animals by
+dissection.<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a>
+The pharmacopœia also of some of the earliest works of the Hippocratic
+collection betrays considerable knowledge of both native and foreign
+plants.<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>
+Moreover, scattered through the pages of Herodotus and other early
+writers is a good deal of casual information concerning animals and
+plants, though such material is second-hand and gives us little
+information concerning the habit of exact observation that is the
+necessary basis of science.</p>
+
+<p>Something more is, however, revealed by early Greek Art. We are in
+possession of a series of vases of the seventh and sixth centuries
+before the Christian era showing a closeness of observation of animal
+forms that tells of a people awake to the study of nature. We have thus
+portrayed for us a number of animals&mdash;plants seldom or never appear&mdash;and
+among the best rendered are wild creatures: we see antelopes quietly
+feeding or startled at a sound, birds flying or picking worms from the
+ground, fallow<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[165]</a></span>
+deer forcing their way through thickets, browsing peacefully, or
+galloping away, boars facing the hounds and dogs chasing hares, wild
+cattle forming their defensive circle, hawks seizing their prey. Many of
+these exhibit minutely accurate observation. The very direction of the
+hairs on the animals&rsquo; coats has sometimes been closely studied,
+and often the muscles are well rendered. In some cases even the
+dentition has been found<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[166]</a></span>
+accurately portrayed, as in a sixth-century representation on an Ionian
+vase of a lioness&mdash;an animal then very rare on the Eastern
+Mediterranean littoral, but still known in Babylonia, Syria, and Asia
+Minor. The details of the work show that the artist must have examined
+the animal in captivity (Figs. 1 and 2).</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;"> <img src="images/illus-165a.png" width="400" height="288"
+alt="Fig. 1. Lioness and young from an Ionian vase of the sixth century
+B. C. found at Caere in Southern Etruria (Louvre, Salle E, No. 298),
+from Le Dessin des Animaux en Gr&egrave;ce d&rsquo;apr&egrave;s les
+vases peints, by J. Morin, Paris (Renouard), 1911. The animal is drawing
+itself up to attack its hunters. The scanty mane, the form of the paws,
+the udders, and the dentition are all heavily though accurately
+represented." title="" /> <span class="caption"><span class='sc'>Fig. 1.</span>
+Lioness and young from an Ionian vase of the sixth century B. C. found
+at Caere in Southern Etruria (Louvre, Salle E, No. 298), from Le Dessin
+des Animaux en Gr&egrave;ce d&rsquo;apr&egrave;s les vases peints, by J.
+Morin, Paris (Renouard), 1911. The animal is drawing itself up to attack
+its hunters. The scanty mane, the form of the paws, the udders, and the
+dentition are all heavily though accurately represented.</span></div>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;"> <img src="images/illus-165b.png" width="400" height="208"
+alt="Fig. 2. A, Jaw bones of lion; B, head of lioness from Caere vase
+(Fig. 1), after Morin. Note the careful way in which the artist has
+distinguished the molar from the cutting teeth." title="" /> <span class="caption">
+<span class="sc">Fig. 2.</span> A, Jaw bones of lion; B, head of lioness from Caere vase
+(Fig. 1), after Morin. Note the careful way in which the artist has
+distinguished the molar from the cutting teeth.</span></div>
+
+<div class="figleft" style="width: 300px;"> <img src="images/illus-166.png" width="300" height="413"
+alt="Fig. 3. Paintings of fish on plates." title="" /><p class="caption" style='text-align:left;'>
+<span class="sc">Fig. 3.</span> Paintings of fish on plates. Italo-Greek work of the fourth
+century B. C. From Morin.</p>
+<ol class='sf75' style='list-style-type:upper-roman; list-style-position:outside;'>
+<li style='text-align:left;'>Sargus vulgaris.</li>
+<li style='text-align:left;'>Crenilabrus mediterraneus.</li>
+<li style='text-align:left;'>Uranoscopus scaber?</li></ol></div>
+
+<p>Animal paintings of this order are found scattered over the Greek world
+with special centres or schools in such places as Cyprus, Boeotia, or
+Chalcis. The very name for a painter in Greek, <i>zoographos</i>, recalls the
+attention paid to living forms. By the fifth century, in painting them
+as in other departments of Art, the supremacy of Attica had asserted
+itself, and there are many beautiful Attic vase-paintings of animals to
+place by the side of the magnificent horses&rsquo; heads of the
+Parthenon (Fig. 6). In Attica, too, was early developed a characteristic
+and closely accurate type of representation of marine forms, and this
+attained a wider vogue in Southern Italy in the fourth century. From the
+latter period a number of dishes and vases have come down to us bearing
+a large variety of fish forms, portrayed with an exactness that is
+interesting in view of the attention to marine creatures in the
+surviving literature of Aristotelian origin (Fig. 3).</p>
+
+<p>These artistic products are more than a mere reflex of the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[167]</a></span>
+daily life of the people. The habits and positions of animals are
+observed by the hunter, as are the forms and colours of fish by the
+fisherman; but the methods of huntsman and fisher do not account for the
+accurate portrayal of a lion&rsquo;s dentition, the correct numbering of
+a fish&rsquo;s scales or the close study of the lie of the feathers on
+the head, and the pads on the feet, of a bird of prey (Fig. 4). With
+observations such as these we are in the presence of something worthy of
+the name <i>Biology</i>. Though but little literature on that topic earlier
+than the writings of Aristotle has come down to us, yet both the
+character of his writings and such paintings and pictures as these,
+suggest the existence of a strong interest and a wide literature,
+biological in the modern sense, antecedent to the fourth century.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;"><img src="images/illus-167.png" width="400" height="269"
+alt="Fig. 4. Head and talons of the Sea-eagle, Halia&euml;tus albicilla" title="" />
+<p class='c caption'><span class="sc">Fig. 4.</span> Head and talons of the Sea-eagle,
+<i>Halia&euml;tus albicilla:</i></p>
+<ol class='caption' style='list-style-type:upper-alpha; list-style-position:inside;'>
+<li style='text-align:left; text-indent:3em;'>From an Ionic vase of the sixth century B. C.</li>
+<li style='text-align:left; text-indent:3em;'>Drawn from the object.</li></ol>
+<p class='c caption'>From Morin.</p></div>
+
+<p>Greek science, however, exhibits throughout its history a peculiar
+characteristic differentiating it from the modern scientific standpoint.
+Most of the work of the Greek scientist was done in relation to man.
+Nature interested him mainly in relation to himself. The Greek
+scientific and philosophic world was an anthropocentric world, and this
+comes out in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[168]</a></span> the overwhelming mass of medical as distinct from
+biological writings that have come down to us. Such, too, is the
+sentiment expressed by the poets in their descriptions of the animal
+creation:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Many wonders there be, but naught more wondrous than man:<br /></span>
+<span class="i8"><b>&hellip;&hellip;&hellip;&hellip;&hellip;&hellip;&hellip;</b><br /></span>
+<span class="i0">The light-witted birds of the air, the beasts of the weald and the wood<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">He traps with his woven snare, and the brood of the briny flood.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Master of cunning he: the savage bull, and the hart<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Who roams the mountain free, are tamed by his infinite art.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">And the shaggy rough-maned steed is broken to bear the bit.<br /></span>
+<span class="i6">Sophocles, <i>Antigone</i>, verses 342 ff.<br /></span>
+<span class="i12">(Translation of F. Storr.)<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>It is thus not surprising that our first systematic treatment of animals
+is in a practical medical work, the <span class='t' title='peri diaitês'>περι διαιτης</span>, <i>On diet</i>, of
+the Hippocratic Collection. This very peculiar treatise dates from the
+later part of the fifth century. It is strongly under the influence of
+Heracleitus (<i>c.</i> 540-475) and contains many points of view which
+reappear in later philosophy. All animals, according to it, are formed
+of fire and water, nothing is born and nothing dies, but there is a
+perpetual and eternal revolution of things, so that change itself is the
+only reality. Man&rsquo;s nature is but a parallel to that of the
+universal nature, and the arts of man are but an imitation or reflex of
+the natural arts or, again, of the bodily functions. The soul, a mixture
+of water and fire, consumes itself in infancy and old age, and increases
+during adult life. Here, too, we meet with that singular doctrine, not
+without bearing on the course of later biological thought, that in the
+foetus all parts are formed simultaneously. On the proportion of fire
+and water in the body all depends, sex, temper, temperament, intellect.
+Such speculative ideas separate this book from the sober method of the
+more typical Hippocratic medical works with which indeed it has little
+in common.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[169]</a></span>
+After having discussed these theoretical matters the work turns to its
+own practical concerns, and in the course of setting out the natures of
+foods gives in effect a rough classification of animals. These are set
+forth in groups, and from among the larger groups only the reptiles and
+insects are missing. The list has been described, perhaps hardly with
+justification, as the <i>Coan classificatory system</i>. We have here,
+indeed, no <i>system</i> in the sense in which that word is now applied to
+the animal kingdom, but we have yet some sort of definite arrangement of
+animals according to their supposed natures. The passage opens with
+mammals, which are divided into domesticated and wild, the latter being
+mentioned in order according to size, next follow the land-birds, then
+the water-fowl, and then the fishes. These fish are divided into (1) the
+haunters of the shore, (2) the free-swimming forms, (3) the
+cartilaginous fishes or Selachii, which are not so named but are placed
+together, (4) the mud-loving forms, and (5) the fresh-water fish.
+Finally come invertebrates arranged in some sort of order according to
+their structure. The characteristic feature of the
+&lsquo;classification&rsquo; is the separation of the fish from the
+remaining vertebrates and of the invertebrates from both. Of the fifty
+animals named no less than twenty are fish, about a fifth of the number
+studied by Aristotle, but we must remember that here only edible species
+are mentioned. The existence of the work shows at least that in the
+fifth century there was already a close and accurate study of animal
+forms, a study that may justly be called scientific. The predominance of
+fish and their classification in greater detail than the other groups is
+not an unexpected feature. The Mediterranean is especially rich in these
+forms, the Greeks were a maritime people, and Greek literature is full
+of imagery drawn from the fisher&rsquo;s craft. From Minoan to Byzantine
+times the variety, beauty, and colour of fish made a deep impression on
+Greek minds as reflected in their art.</p>
+
+<p>Much more important, however, for subsequent biological
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[170]</a></span>
+development than such observations on the nature and habits of animals,
+is the service that the Hippocratic physicians rendered to Anatomy and
+to Physiology, departments in which the structure of man and of the
+domesticated animals stands apart from that of the rest of the animal
+kingdom. It is with the nature and constitution of man that most of the
+surviving early biological writings are concerned, and in these
+departments are unmistakable tendencies towards systematic arrangement
+of the material. Thus we have division and description of the body in
+sevens from the periphery to the centre and from the vertex to the sole
+of the foot,<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a>
+or a division into four regions or zones.<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a>
+The teaching concerning the four elements and four humours too became of
+great importance and some of it was later adopted by Aristotle. We also
+meet numerous mechanical explanations of bodily structures, comparisons
+between anatomical conditions encountered in related animals,
+experiments on living creatures,<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a>
+systematic incubation of hen&rsquo;s eggs for the study of their
+development, parallels drawn between the development of plants and of
+human and animal embryos, theories of generation, among which is that
+which was afterwards called &lsquo;pangenesis&rsquo;&mdash;discussion of
+the survival of the stronger over the weaker&mdash;almost our survival
+of the fittest&mdash;and a theory of inheritance of acquired
+characters.<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a>
+All these things show not only extensive knowledge but also an attempt
+to apply such knowledge to human needs. When we consider how even in
+later centuries biology was linked with medicine, and how powerful and
+fundamental was the influence of the Hippocratic writings, not only on
+their immediate successors in antiquity, but also on the Middle Ages and
+right into the nineteenth century, we shall recognize the significance
+of these developments.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;"><img src="images/illus-170-1-a.jpg" width="400" height="320" alt="Fig.
+5. MINOAN GOLD CUP. SIXTEENTH CENTURY B. C." title="" /><span class="caption"><span class="sc">Fig. 5.</span> MINOAN
+GOLD CUP. SIXTEENTH CENTURY B. C.</span></div>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;"><img src="images/illus-170-1-b.jpg" width="400" height="328" alt="Fig.
+6. HORSE&rsquo;S HEAD. FROM PARTHENON. 440 B. C." title="" /><span class="caption"><span class="sc">Fig. 6.</span>
+HORSE&rsquo;S HEAD. FROM PARTHENON. 440 B. C.</span></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[171]</a></span>
+Such was the character of biological thought within the fifth century,
+and a generation inspired by this movement produced some noteworthy
+works in the period which immediately followed. In the treatise <span class='t' title='peri trophês'>περι τροφης</span>,
+<i>On nourishment</i>, which may perhaps be dated about 400 <span class='lc sc'>B.
+C.</span>, we learn of the pulse for the first time in Greek medical
+literature, and read of a physiological system which lasted until the
+time of Harvey, with the arteries arising from the heart and the veins
+from the liver. Of about the same date is a work <span class='t' title='peri kardiês'>περι καρδιης</span>,
+<i>On the heart</i>, which describes the ventricles as well as the great
+vessels and their valves, and compares the heart of animals with that of
+man.</p>
+
+<p>A little later, perhaps 390 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>, is the treatise
+<span class='t' title='peri sarkôn'>περι σαρκων</span>,
+<i>On muscles</i>, which contains much more than its title suggests. It has
+the old system of sevens and, inspired perhaps by the philosophy of
+Heracleitus (<i>c.</i> 540-475), describes the heart as sending air, fire,
+and movement to the different parts of the body through the vessels
+which are themselves constantly in movement. The infant in its
+mother&rsquo;s womb is believed to draw in air and fire through its
+mouth and to eat <i>in utero</i>. The action of the air on the blood is
+compared to its action on fire. In contrast to some of the other
+Hippocratic treatises the central nervous system is in the background;
+much attention, however, is given to the special senses. The brain
+resounds during audition. The olfactory nerves are hollow, lead to the
+brain, and, convey volatile substances to it which cause it to secrete
+mucus. The eyes also have been examined, and their coats and humours
+roughly described; an allusion, the first in literature, is perhaps made
+to the crystalline lens, and the eyes of animals are compared with those
+of man. There is evidence not only of dissection but of experiment, and
+in efforts to compare the resistance of various tissues to such
+processes as boiling, we may see the small beginning of chemical
+physiology.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[172]</a></span>
+An abler work than any of these, but exhibiting less power of
+observation is a treatise, <span class='t' title='peri gonês'>περι γονης</span>,
+<i>On generation</i>, that may perhaps be dated about 380
+<span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span><a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a>
+It exhibits a writer of much philosophic power, very anxious for
+physiological explanations, but hampered by ignorance of physics. He
+has, in fact, the weaknesses and in a minor degree the strength of his
+successor Aristotle, of whose great work on generation he gives us a
+fore-taste. He sets forth in considerable detail a doctrine of
+pangenesis, not wholly unlike that of Darwin. In order to explain the
+phenomena of inheritance he supposes that vessels reach the seed,
+carrying with them samples from all parts of the body. He believes that
+channels pass from all the organs to the brain and then to the spinal
+marrow (or to the marrow direct), thence to the kidneys and on to the
+genital organs; he believes, too, that he knows the actual location of
+one such channel, for he observes, wrongly, that incision behind the
+ears, by interrupting the passage, leads to impotence. As an outcome of
+this theory he is prepared to accept inheritance of acquired characters.
+The embryo develops and breathes by material transmitted from the mother
+through the umbilical cord. We encounter here also a very detailed
+description of a specimen of exfoliated <i>membrana mucosa uteri</i> which
+our author mistakes for an embryo, but his remarks at least exhibit the
+most eager curiosity.<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a></p>
+
+<p>The author of this work on generation is thus a &lsquo;biologist&rsquo;
+in the modern sense, and among the passages exhibiting him in this light
+is his comparison of the human embryo with the chick. &lsquo;The embryo
+is in a membrane in the centre of which is the navel through which it
+draws and gives its breath, and the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[173]</a></span>
+membranes arise from the umbilical cord.... The structure of the child
+you will find from first to last as I have already described.... If you
+wish, try this experiment: take twenty or more eggs and let them be
+incubated by two or more hens. Then each day from the second to that of
+hatching remove an egg, break it, and examine it. You will find exactly
+as I say, for the nature of the bird can be likened to that of man. The
+membranes [you will see] proceed from the umbilical cord, and all that I
+have said on the subject of the infant you will find in a bird&rsquo;s
+egg, and one who has made these observations will be surprised to find
+an umbilical cord in a bird&rsquo;s egg.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a></p>
+
+<p>The same interest that he exhibits for the development of man and
+animals he shows also for plants.</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>&lsquo;A seed laid in the ground fills itself with the juices there
+contained, for the soil contains in itself juices of every nature
+for the nourishment of plants. Thus filled with juice the seed is
+distended and swells, and thereby the power (= faculty <span class='t' title='hê dynamis'>ἡ δυναμις</span>)
+diffused in the seed is compressed by pneuma and juice,
+and bursting the seed becomes the first leaves. But a time comes
+when these leaves can no longer get nourished from the juices in
+the seed. Then the seed and the leaves erupt below, for urged by
+the leaves the seed sends down that part of its power which is yet
+concentrated within it and so the roots are produced as an
+extension of the leaves. When at last the plant is well rooted
+below and is drawing its nutriment from the earth, then the whole
+grain disappears, being absorbed, save for the husk, which is the
+most solid part; and even that, decomposing in the earth,
+ultimately becomes invisible. In time some of the leaves put forth
+branches. The plant being thus produced by humidity from the seed
+is still soft and moist. Growing actively both above and below, it
+cannot as yet bear fruit, for it has not the quality of force and
+reserve (<span class='t' title='dynamis ischyrê kai piara'>δυναμις ισχυρη και πιαρα</span>)
+from which a seed can be precipitated. But when, with time, the plant
+becomes firmer and better rooted, it develops veins as passages
+both<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[174]</a></span>
+upwards and downwards, and it draws from the soil not only water but
+more abundantly also substances that are denser and fatter. Warmed, too,
+by the sun, these act as a ferment to the extremities and give rise to
+fruit after its kind. The fruit thus develops much from little, for
+every plant draws from the earth a power more abundant than that with
+which it started, and the fermentation takes place not at one place but
+at many.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a></p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Nor does our author hesitate to draw an analogy between the plant and
+the mammalian embryo. &lsquo;In the same way the infant lives within its
+mother&rsquo;s womb and in a state corresponding to the health of the
+mother ... and you will find a complete similitude between the products
+of the soil and the products of the womb.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>The early Greek literature is so scantily provided with illustrations
+drawn from botanical study, that it is worth considering the remarkable
+comparison of generation of plants from cuttings and from seeds in the
+same work.</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>&lsquo;As regards plants generated from cuttings ...
+that part of a branch where it was cut from a tree is placed in the
+earth and there rootlets are sent out. This is how it happens: The part
+of the plant within the soil draws up juices, swells, and develops a
+pneuma (<span class='t' title='pneuma ischei'>πνευμα ισχει</span>), but
+not so the part without. The pneuma and the juice concentrate the power
+of the plant below so that it becomes denser. Then the lower end erupts
+and gives forth tender roots. Then the plant, taking from below, draws
+juices from the roots and transmits them to the part above the soil
+which thus also swells and develops pneuma; thus the power from being
+diffused in the plant becomes concentrated and budding, gives forth
+leaves.... Cuttings, then, differ from seeds. With a seed the leaves are
+borne first, then the roots are sent down; with a cutting the roots form
+first and then the leaves.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>But with these works of the early part of the fourth century the first
+stage of Greek biology reaches its finest development.
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[175]</a></span>
+Later Hippocratic treatises which deal with physiological topics are on
+a lower plane, and we must seek some external cause for the failure. Nor
+have we far to seek. This period saw the rise of a movement that had the
+most profound influence on every department of thought. We see the
+advent into the Greek world of a great intellectual movement as a result
+of which the department of philosophy that dealt with nature receded
+before Ethics. Of that intellectual revolution&mdash;perhaps the
+greatest the world has seen&mdash;Athens was the site and Socrates
+(470-399) the protagonist. With the movement itself and its
+characteristic fruit we are not concerned. But the great successor and
+pupil of its founder gives us in the <i>Timaeus</i> a picture of the depth to
+which natural science can be degraded in the effort to give a specific
+teleological meaning to all parts of the visible Universe. The book and
+the picture which it draws, dark and repulsive to the mind trained in
+modern scientific method, enthralled the imagination of a large part of
+mankind for wellnigh two thousand years. Organic nature appears in this
+work of Plato (427-347) as the degeneration of man whom the Creator has
+made most perfect. The school that held this view ultimately decayed as
+a result of its failure to advance positive knowledge. As the centuries
+went by its views became further and further divorced from phenomena,
+and the bizarre developments of later Neoplatonism stand to this day as
+a warning against any system which shall neglect the investigation of
+nature. But in its decay Platonism dragged science down and destroyed by
+neglect nearly all earlier biological material. Mathematics, not being a
+phenomenal study, suited better the Neoplatonic mood and continued to
+advance, carrying astronomy with it for a while&mdash;astronomy that
+affected the life of man and that soon became the handmaid of astrology;
+medicine, too, that determined the conditions of man&rsquo;s life was
+also cherished, though often mistakenly, but pure science was
+doomed.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[176]</a></span>
+But though the ethical view of nature overwhelmed science in the end,
+the advent of the mighty figure of Aristotle (384-322) stayed the tide
+for a time. Yet the writer on Greek Biology remains at a disadvantage in
+contrast with the Historian of Greek Mathematics, of Greek Astronomy, or
+of Greek Medicine, in the scantiness of the materials for presenting an
+account of the development of his studies before Aristotle. The huge
+form of that magnificent naturalist completely overshadows Greek as it
+does much of later Biology.</p>
+
+<p class='sig sc'>Charles Singer.</p>
+
+<h3><i>After Aristotle</i></h3>
+
+<p>All Aristotle&rsquo;s surviving biological works refer primarily to the
+animal creation. His work on plants is lost or rather has survived as
+the merest corrupted fragment. We are fortunate, however, in the
+possession of a couple of complete works by his pupil and successor
+Theophrastus (372-287), which may not only be taken to represent the
+Aristotelian attitude towards the plant world, but also give us an
+inkling of the general state of biological science in the generation
+which succeeded the master.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;"> <img src="images/illus-176-7.jpg" width="400" height="507"
+alt="Fig. 7. ARISTOTLE From HERCULANEUM Probably work of fourth century
+B. C." title="" /><span class="caption">Fig. 7. ARISTOTLE<br />
+From HERCULANEUM<br />
+Probably work of fourth century B. C.</span></div>
+
+<p>These treatises of Theophrastus are in many respects the most complete
+and orderly of all ancient biological works that have reached our time.
+They give an idea of the kind of interest that the working scientist of
+that day could develop when inspired rather by the genius of a great
+teacher than by the power of his own thoughts. Theophrastus is a
+pedestrian where Aristotle is a creature of wings, he is in a relation
+to the master of the same order that the morphologists of the second
+half of the nineteenth century were to Darwin. For a couple of
+generations after the appearance of the <i>Origin of Species</i> in 1859 the
+industry and ability of naturalists all over the world were occupied in
+working out in detail the structure<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[177]</a></span>
+and mode of life of living things on the basis of the Evolutionary
+philosophy. Nearly all the work on morphology and much of that on
+physiology since his time might be treated as a commentary on the works
+of Darwin. These volumes of Theophrastus give the same impression. They
+represent the remains&mdash;alas, almost the only biological
+remains&mdash;of a school working under the impulse of a great idea and
+spurred by the memory of a great teacher. As such they afford a parallel
+to much scientific work of our own day, produced by men without genius
+save that provided by a vision and a hope and an ideal. Of such men it
+is impossible to write as of Aristotle. Their lives are summed up by
+their actual achievement, and since Theophrastus is an orderly writer
+whose works have descended to us in good state, he is a very suitable
+instance of the actual standard of achievement of ancient biology.
+&lsquo;Without vision the people perish&rsquo; and the very breath of
+life of science is drawn, and can only be drawn, from that very small
+band of prophets who from time to time, during the ages, have provided
+the great generalizations and the great ideals. In this light let us
+examine the work of Theophrastus.</p>
+
+<p>In the absence of any adequate system of classification, almost all
+botany until the seventeenth century consisted mainly of descriptions of
+species. To describe accurately a leaf or a root in the language in
+ordinary use would often take pages. Modern botanists have invented an
+elaborate terminology which, however hideous to eye and ear, has the
+crowning merit of helping to abbreviate scientific literature. Botanical
+writers previous to the seventeenth century were substantially without
+this special mode of expression. It is partly to this lack that we owe
+the persistent attempts throughout the centuries to represent plants
+pictorially in herbals, manuscript and printed, and thus the possibility
+of an adequate history of plant illustration.</p>
+
+<p>Theophrastus seems to have felt acutely the need of botanical
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[178]</a></span>
+terms, and there are cases in which he seeks to give a special
+technical meaning to words in more or less current use. Among such words
+are <i>carpos</i> = fruit, <i>pericarpion</i> = seed vessel = pericarp, and
+<i>metra</i>, the word used by him for the central core of any stem whether
+formed of wood, pith, or other substance. It is from the usage of
+Theophrastus that the exact definition of fruit and pericarp has come
+down to us.<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a>
+We may easily discern also the purpose for which he introduces into
+botany the term <i>metra</i>, a word meaning primarily the <i>womb</i>, and the
+vacancy in the Greek language which it was made to fill.
+&lsquo;<i>Metra</i>,&rsquo; he says, &lsquo;is that which is in the middle of
+the wood, being third in order from the bark and [thus] like to the
+marrow in bones. Some call it the <i>heart</i> (<span class='t' title='kardian'>καρδιαν</span>),
+others the <i>inside</i> (<span class='t' title='enteriônên'>εντεριωνην</span>),
+yet others call only the innermost part of the metra itself the heart,
+while others again call this <i>marrow</i>.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a>
+He is thus inventing a word to cover all the different kinds of core and
+importing it from another study. This is the method of modern scientific
+nomenclature which hardly existed for botanists even as late as the
+sixteenth century of our era. The real foundations of our modern
+nomenclature were laid in the later sixteenth and in the seventeenth
+century by Cesalpino and Joachim Jung.</p>
+
+<p>Theophrastus understood the value of developmental study, a conception
+derived from his master. &lsquo;A plant&rsquo;, he says, &lsquo;has
+power of germination in all its parts, for it has life in them all,
+wherefore we should regard them not for what they are but for what they
+are becoming.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a>
+The various modes of plant reproduction are correctly distinguished in a
+way that passes beyond the only surviving earlier treatise that deals
+in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[179]</a></span>
+detail with the subject, the Hippocratic work <i>On generation</i>.
+&lsquo;The manner of generation of trees and plants are these:
+spontaneous, from a seed, from a root, from a piece torn off, from a
+branch or twig, from the trunk itself, or from pieces of the wood cut up
+small.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a>
+The marvel of germination must have awakened admiration from a very
+early date. We have already seen it occupying a more ancient author, and
+it had also been one of the chief preoccupations of Aristotle. It is
+thus not remarkable that the process should impress Theophrastus, who
+has left on record his views on the formation of the plant from the
+seed.</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>&lsquo;Some germinate, root and leaves, from the same point, some
+separately from either end of the seed. Thus wheat, barley, spelt,
+and all such cereals [germinate] from either end, corresponding to
+the position [of the seed] in the ear, the root from the stout
+lower part, the shoot from the upper; but the two, root and stem,
+form a single continuous whole. The bean and other leguminous
+plants are not so, but in them root and stem are from the same
+point, namely, their place of attachment to the pod, where, it is
+plain, they have their origin. In some cases there is a process, as
+in beans, chick peas, and especially lupines, from which the root
+grows downward, the leaf and stem upward.... In certain trees the
+bud first germinates within the seed, and, as it increases in size,
+the seeds split&mdash;all such seeds are, as it were, in two halves;
+again, all those of leguminous plants have plainly two lobes and
+are double&mdash;and then the root is immediately thrust out. But in
+cereals, the seeds being in one piece, this does not happen, but
+the root grows a little before [the shoot].</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;Barley and wheat come up monophyllous, but peas, beans, and
+chick peas polyphyllous. All leguminous plants have a single woody
+root, from which grow slender side roots ... but wheat, barley, and
+the other cereals have numerous slender roots by which they are
+matted together.... There is a contrast between these two kinds;
+the leguminous plants have<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[180]</a></span>
+a single root and have many side-growths above from the [single] stem
+... while the cereals have many roots and send up many shoots, but these
+have no side-shoots.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>There can be no doubt that here is a piece of minute observation on the
+behaviour of germinating seeds. The distinction between dicotyledons and
+monocotyledons is accurately set forth, though the stress is laid not so
+much on the cotyledonous character of the seed as on the relation of
+root and shoot. In the dicotyledons root and shoot are represented as
+springing from the same point, and in monocotyledons from opposite poles
+in the seed.</p>
+
+<p>No further effective work was done on the germinating seed until the
+invention of the microscope, and the appearance of the work of Highmore
+(1613-85),<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a>
+and the much more searching investigations of Malpighi
+(1628-94<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a>
+and Grew (1641-1712)<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a>
+after the middle of the seventeenth century. The observations of
+Theophrastus are, however, so accurate, so lucid, and so complete that
+they might well be used as legends for the plates of these writers two
+thousand years after him.</p>
+
+<p>Much has been written as to the knowledge of the sex of plants among the
+ancients. It may be stated that of the sexual elements of the flower no
+ancient writer had any clear idea. Nevertheless, sex is often attributed
+to plants, and the simile of the <i>Loves of Plants</i> enters into works of
+the poets. Plants are frequently described as male and female in ancient
+biological writings also, and Pliny goes so far as to say that some
+students considered that all herbs and trees were
+sexual.<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a>
+Yet when such passages can be tested it will be found that these
+so-called males and females are usually different species.
+In<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[181]</a></span>
+a few cases a sterile variety is described as the male and a fertile as
+the female. In a small residuum of cases diœcious plants or flowers are
+regarded as male and female, but with no real comprehension of the
+sexual nature of the flowers. There remain the palms, in which the
+knowledge of plant sex had advanced a trifle farther. &lsquo;With
+dates&rsquo;, says Theophrastus, &lsquo;the males should be brought to
+the females; for the males make the fruit persist and ripen, and this
+some call by analogy <i>to use the wild fig</i>
+(<span class='t' title='olynthazein'>ολυνθαζειν</span>).<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a>
+The process is thus: when the male is in the flower they at once cut off
+the spathe with the flower and shake the bloom, with its flower and
+dust, over the fruit of the female, and, if it is thus treated, it
+retains the fruit and does not shed it.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a>
+The fertilizing character of the spathe of the male date palm was
+familiar in Babylon from a very early date. It is recorded by
+Herodotus<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a>
+and is represented by a frequent symbol on the Assyrian monuments.</p>
+
+<p>The comparison of the fertilization of the date palm to the use of the
+wild fig refers to the practice of Caprification. Theophrastus tells us
+that there are certain trees, the fig among them, which are apt to shed
+their fruit prematurely. To remedy this &lsquo;the device adopted is
+caprification. Gall insects come out of the wild figs which are hanging
+there, eat the tops of the cultivated figs, and so make them
+swell&rsquo;.<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a>
+These gall-insects &lsquo;are engendered from the seeds&rsquo;.<a
+name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a>
+Theophrastus distinguished between the process as applied to the fig and
+the date, observing that &lsquo;in both [fig and date] the<span class='pagenum'><a
+name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[182]</a></span> male aids the female&mdash;for they
+call the fruit-bearing [palm] <i>female</i>&mdash;but whilst in the one there
+is a union of the two sexes, in the other things are different&rsquo;.<a
+name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a></p>
+
+<p>Theophrastus was not very successful in distinguishing the nature of the
+primary elements of plants, though he was able to separate root, stem,
+leaf, stipule, and flower on morphological as well as to a limited
+extent on physiological grounds. For the root he adopts the familiar
+definition, the only one possible before the rise of chemistry, that it
+&lsquo;is that by which the plant draws up
+nourishment&rsquo;,<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a>
+a description that applies to the account given by the pre-Aristotelian
+author of the work <span class='t' title='peri gonês'>περι γονης</span>,
+<i>On generation</i>. But Theophrastus shows by many examples that he is
+capable of following out morphological homologies. Thus he knows that
+the ivy regularly puts forth roots from the shoots between the leaves,
+by means of which it gets hold of trees and
+walls,<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a>
+that the mistletoe will not sprout except on the bark of living trees
+into which it strikes its roots, and that the very peculiar formation of
+the mangrove tree is to be explained by the fact that &lsquo;this plant
+sends out roots from the shoots till it has hold on the ground and roots
+again: and so there comes to be a continuous circle of roots round the
+tree, not connected with the main stem, but at a distance from
+it&rsquo;.<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a>
+He does not succeed, however, in distinguishing the real nature of such
+structures as bulbs, rhizomes, and tubers, but regards them all as
+roots. Nor is he more successful in his discussion of the nature of
+stems. As to leaves, he is more definite and satisfactory, though wholly
+in the dark as to their function; he is quite clear that the pinnate
+leaf of the rowan tree, for instance, is a leaf and not a branch.</p>
+
+<p>Notwithstanding his lack of insight as to the nature of sex in flowers,
+he attains to an approximately correct idea of
+the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[183]</a></span>
+relation of flower and fruit. Some plants, he says, &lsquo;have [the
+flower] around the fruit itself as vine and olive; [the flowers] of the
+latter, when they drop, look as though they had a hole through them, and
+this is taken for a sign that it has blossomed well; for if [the flower]
+is burnt up or sodden, the fruit falls with it, and so it does not
+become pierced. Most flowers have the fruit case in the middle, or it
+may be the flower is on the top of the pericarp as in pomegranate,
+apple, pear, plum, and myrtle ... for these have their seeds below the
+flower.... In some cases again the flower is on top of the seeds
+themselves as in ... all thistle-like
+plants&rsquo;.<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a>
+Thus Theophrastus has succeeded in distinguishing between the
+hypogynous, perigynous, and epigynous types of flower, and has almost
+come to regard its relation to the fruit as the essential floral
+element.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;"> <img src="images/illus-182-3.jpg" width="400" height="571"
+alt="Fig. 8. THEOPHRASTUS From VILLA ALBANI Copy (second century A. D.?)
+of earlier work" title="" /> <span class="caption">Fig. 8. THEOPHRASTUS<br />
+From VILLA ALBANI<br />
+Copy (second century A. D.?) of earlier work</span></div>
+
+<p>Theophrastus has a perfectly clear idea of plant distribution as
+dependent on soil and climate, and at times seems to be on the point of
+passing from a statement of climatic distribution into one of real
+geographical regions. The general question of plant distribution long
+remained at, if it did not recede from, the position where he left it.
+The usefulness of the manuscript and early printed herbals in the West
+was for centuries marred by the retention of plant descriptions prepared
+for the Greek East and Latin South, and these works were saved from
+complete ineffectiveness only by an occasional appeal to nature.</p>
+
+<p>With the death of Theophrastus about 287 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>
+pure biological science substantially disappears from the Greek world,
+and we get the same type of deterioration that is later encountered in
+other scientific departments. Science ceases to have the motive of the
+desire to know, and becomes an applied study, subservient to the
+practical arts. It is an attitude from which in the end applied science
+itself must suffer also. Yet the centuries that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[184]</a></span>
+follow were not without biological writers of very great ability. In
+the medical school of Alexandria anatomy and physiology became placed on
+a firm basis from about 300 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>, but always in the position
+subordinate to medicine that they have since occupied. Two great names
+of that school, Herophilus and Erasistratus, we must consider
+elsewhere.<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a>
+Their works have disappeared and we have the merest fragments of them.
+In the last pre-Christian and the first two post-Christian centuries,
+however, there were several writers, portions of whose works have
+survived and are of great biological importance. Among them we include
+Crateuas, a botanical writer and illustrator, who greatly developed, if
+he did not actually introduce, the method of representing plants
+systematically by illustration rather than by description. This method,
+important still, was even more important when there was no proper system
+of botanical nomenclature. Crateuas by his paintings of plants, copies
+of which have not improbably descended to our time, began a tradition
+which, fixed about the fifth century, remained almost rigid until the
+re-discovery of nature in the sixteenth. He was physician to Mithridates
+VI Eupator (120-63 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>), but his work was well
+known and appreciated at Rome, which became the place of resort for
+Greek talent.<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a></p>
+
+<p>Celsus, who flourished about 20 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>, wrote
+an excellent work on medicine, but gives all too little glimpse of
+anatomy and physiology. Rufus of Ephesus, however, in the next century
+practised dissection of apes and other animals. He described the
+decussation of the optic nerves and the capsule of the crystalline lens,
+and gave the first clear description that has survived of the structure
+of the eye. He regarded the nerves<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[185]</a></span>
+as originating from the brain, and distinguished between nerves of
+motion and of sensation. He described the oviduct of the sheep and
+rightly held that life was possible without the spleen.</p>
+
+<p>The second Christian century brings us two writers who, while
+scientifically inconsiderable, acted as the main carriers of such
+tradition of Greek biology as reached the Middle Ages, Pliny and
+Dioscorides. Pliny (<span class='lc sc'>A. D.</span> 23-79), though a Latin, owes almost everything
+of value in his encyclopaedia to Greek writings. In his <i>Natural
+History</i> we have a collection of current views on the nature, origin,
+and uses of plants and animals such as we might expect from an
+intelligent, industrious, and honest member of the landed class who was
+devoid of critical or special scientific skill. Scientifically the work
+is contemptible, but it demands mention in any study of the legacy of
+Greece, since it was, for centuries, a main conduit of the ancient
+teaching and observations on natural history. Read throughout the ages,
+alike in the darkest as in the more enlightened periods, copied and
+recopied, translated, commented on, extracted and abridged, a large part
+of Pliny&rsquo;s work has gradually passed into folk-keeping, so that
+through its agency the gipsy fortune-teller of to-day is still reciting
+garbled versions of the formulae of Aristotle and Hippocrates of two and
+a half millennia ago.</p>
+
+<p>The fate of Dioscorides (flourished <span class='lc sc'>A. D.</span> 60) has been not dissimilar.
+His work <i>On Materia Medica</i> consists of a series of short accounts of
+plants, arranged almost without reference to the nature of the plants
+themselves, but quite invaluable for its terse and striking descriptions
+which often include habits and habitats. Its history has shown it to be
+one of the most influential botanical treatises ever penned. It provided
+most of the little botanical knowledge that reached the Middle Ages. It
+furnished the chief stimulus to botanical research at the time of the
+Renaissance. It has decided the general form of every modern
+pharmacopœia. It has practically determined modern plant nomenclature
+both popular and scientific.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[186]</a></span>
+Translated into nearly every language from Anglo-Saxon and Bohemian to
+Arabic and Hebrew, appearing both abstracted and in full in innumerable
+beautifully illuminated manuscripts, some of which are still among the
+fairest treasures of the great national libraries, Dioscorides, the
+drug-monger, appealed to scholasticized minds for centuries. The
+frequency with which fragments of him are encountered in papyri shows
+how popular his work was in Egypt in the third and fourth centuries. One
+of the earliest datable Greek codices in existence is a glorious volume
+of Dioscorides written in capitals,<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a>
+thought worthy to form a wedding gift for a lady who was the daughter of
+one Roman emperor and the betrothed of a second.<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> The illustrations of this
+fifth-century manuscript are a very valuable monument for the history of
+art and the chief adornment of what was once the Royal Library at
+Vienna<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a>
+(figs. 9-10). Illustrated Latin translations of Dioscorides were in use
+in the time of Cassiodorus (490-585). A work based on it, similarly
+illustrated, but bearing the name of Apuleius, is among the most
+frequent of mediaeval botanical documents and the earliest surviving
+specimen is contemporary with Cassiodorus himself.<a
+name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a>
+After the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[187]</a></span>
+revival of learning Dioscorides continued to attract an immense
+amount of philological and botanical ability, and scores of editions of
+his works, many of them nobly illustrated, poured out of the presses of
+the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.</p>
+
+<div class='c'><table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="">
+<tr><th colspan='2'>Fifth-century drawings from JULIANA ANICIA M.S., copied from originals
+of first century B. C. (?)</th></tr>
+<tr><td align='center'><div class="figcenter" style="width: 350px;">
+<img src="images/illus-186-7-a.jpg" width="350" height="448" alt="Fig. 9
+ΣΟΓΚΟΣ ΤΡΥΦΕΡΟΣ = Crepis paludosa, Mœn." title="" /><span class="caption">Fig. 9<br />
+<span class='t' title='SOGKOS TRYPHEROS'>ΣΟΓΚΟΣ ΤΡΥΦΕΡΟΣ</span> = Crepis paludosa, Mœn.</span>
+</div></td><td align='center'><div class="figcenter" style="width: 350px;">
+<img src="images/illus-186-7-b.jpg" width="350" height="432" alt="Fig. 10
+ΓΕΡΑΝΙΟΝ = Geranium pyrenaicum, L." title="" /><span class="caption">Fig. 10<br />
+<span class='t' title='GERANION'>ΓΕΡΑΝΙΟΝ</span> = Geranium pyrenaicum, L.</span></div></td></tr>
+</table></div>
+
+<p>But the greatest biologist of the late Greek period, and indeed one of
+the greatest biologists of all time, was Claudius Galen of Pergamon (<span class='lc sc'>A.
+D.</span> 131-201). Galen devoted himself to medicine from an early age, and in
+his twenty-first year we hear of him studying anatomy at Smyrna under
+Pelops. With the object of extending his knowledge of drugs he early
+made long journeys to Asia Minor. Later he proceeded to Alexandria,
+where he improved his anatomical equipment, and here, he tells us, he
+examined a human skeleton. It is indeed probable that his direct
+practical acquaintance with human anatomy was limited to the skeleton
+and that dissection of the human body was no longer carried on at
+Alexandria in his time. Thus his physiology and anatomy had to be
+derived mainly from animal sources. He is the most voluminous of all
+ancient scientific writers and one of the most voluminous writers of
+antiquity in any department. We are not here concerned with the medical
+material which mainly fills these huge volumes, but only with the
+physiological views which not only prevailed in medicine until Harvey
+and after, but also governed for fifteen hundred years alike the
+scientific and the popular ideas on the nature and workings of the
+animal body, and have for centuries been embedded in our speech. A
+knowledge of these physiological views of Galen is necessary for any
+understanding of the history of biology and illuminates many literary
+allusions of the Middle Ages and Renaissance.</p>
+
+<p>Between the foundation of the Alexandrian school and the time of Galen,
+medicine was divided among a great number of sects. Galen was an
+eclectic and took portions of his teaching from many of these schools,
+but he was also a naturalist of great ability and industry, and knew
+well the value of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[188]</a></span>
+experimental way. Yet he was a somewhat windy
+philosopher and, priding himself on his philosophic powers, did not
+hesitate to draw conclusions from evidence which was by no means always
+adequate. The physiological system that he thus succeeded in building up
+we may now briefly consider (fig. 11).</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[189]</a></span></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 286px;">
+<img src="images/illus-189.png" width="286" height="600" alt="Fig. 11. Illustrating Galen&rsquo;s
+physiological teaching." title="" />
+<span class="caption"><span class="sc">Fig. 11.</span> Illustrating Galen&rsquo;s
+physiological teaching.</span></div>
+
+<p>The basic principle of life, in the Galenic physiology, is a <i>spirit</i>,
+<i>anima</i> or <i>pneuma</i>, drawn from the general world-soul in the act of
+respiration. It enters the body through the <i>rough artery</i>
+(<span class='t' title='tracheia artêria'>τραχεια αρτηρια</span>, <i>arteria aspera</i> of mediaeval notation), the organ
+known to our nomenclature as the trachea. From this trachea the pneuma
+passes to the lung and then, through the <i>vein-like artery</i>
+(<span class='t' title='artêria phlebôdês'>αρτηρια φλεβωδης</span>, <i>arteria venalis</i> of mediaeval writers, the
+pulmonary vein of our nomenclature), to the left ventricle. Here it will
+be best to leave it for a moment and trace the vascular system along a
+different route.</p>
+
+<p>Ingested food, passing down the alimentary tract, was absorbed as chyle
+from the intestine, collected by the portal vessel, and conveyed by it
+to the liver. That organ, the site of the innate heat in Galen&rsquo;s
+view, had the power of elaborating the chyle into venous blood and of
+imbuing it with a spirit or pneuma which is innate in all living
+substance, so long as it remains alive, the <i>natural spirits</i>
+(<span class='t' title='pneuma physikon'>πνευμα φυσικον</span>,
+<i>spiritus naturalis</i> of the mediaevals). Charged with
+this, and also with the nutritive material derived from the food, the
+venous blood is distributed by the liver through the veins which arise
+from it in the same way as the arteries from the heart. These veins
+carry nourishment and <i>natural spirits</i> to all parts of the body. <i>Iecur
+fons venarum</i>, the liver as the source of the veins, remained through
+the centuries the watchword of the Galenic physiology. The blood was
+held to ebb and flow continuously in the veins during life.</p>
+
+<p>Now from the liver arose one great vessel, the hepatic vein, from
+division of which the others were held to come off as
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[190]</a></span>
+branches. Of these branches, one, our <i>common vena cava</i>, entered the
+right side of the heart. For the blood that it conveyed to the heart
+there were two fates possible. The greater part remained awhile in the
+ventricle, parting with its impurities and vapours, exhalations of the
+organs, which were carried off by the <i>artery-like vein</i> (<span
+class='t' title='phleps artêriôdês'>φλεπς αρτηριωδης</span>, the mediaeval
+<i>vena arterialis</i>, our pulmonary artery) to the lung and then exhaled to
+the outer air. These impurities and vapours gave its poisonous and
+suffocating character to the breath. Having parted thus with its
+impurities, the venous blood ebbed back again from the right ventricle
+into the venous system. But for a small fraction of the venous blood
+that entered the right ventricle another fate was reserved. This small
+fraction of venous blood, charged still with the <i>natural spirits</i>
+derived from the liver, passed through minute channels in the septum
+between the ventricles and entered the left chamber. Arrived there, it
+encountered the external pneuma and became thereby elaborated into a
+higher form of spirit, the <i>vital spirits</i> (<span class='t'
+title='pneuma zôtikon'>πνευμα ζωτικον</span>, <i>spiritus vitalis</i>), which is
+distributed together with blood by the arterial system to various parts
+of the body. In the arterial system it also ebbed and flowed, and might
+be seen and felt to pulsate there.</p>
+
+<p>But among the great arterial vessels that sent forth arterial blood thus
+charged with vital spirits were certain vessels which ascended to the
+brain. Before reaching that organ they divided up into minute channels,
+the <i>rete mirabile</i> (<span class='t' title='plegma megiston thauma'>πλεγμα μεγιστον θαυμα</span>),
+and passing into the brain became converted by the action of that organ
+into a yet higher type of spirits, the <i>animal spirits</i> (<span class='t'
+title='pneuma psychikon'>πνευμα ψυχικον</span>, <i>spiritus animalis</i>), an
+ethereal substance distributed to the various parts of the body by the
+structures known to-day as nerves, but believed then to be hollow
+channels. The three fundamental faculties <span class='t' title='dynameis'>δυναμεις</span>),
+the <i>natural</i>, the <i>vital</i>, and the <i>animal</i>, which brought into action
+the corresponding functions of the body, thus originated as an
+expression of the primal force or pneuma.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[191]</a></span>
+This physiology, we may emphasize, is not derived from an investigation
+of human anatomy. In the human brain there is no <i>rete mirabile</i>, though
+such an organ is found in the calf. In the human liver there is no
+<i>hepatic vein</i>, though such an organ is found in the dog. Dogs, calves,
+pigs, bears, and, above all, Barbary apes were freely dissected by Galen
+and were the creatures from which he derived his physiological ideas.
+Many of Galen&rsquo;s anatomical and physiological errors are due to his
+attributing to one creature the structures found in another, a fact that
+only very gradually dawned on the Renaissance anatomists.</p>
+
+<p>The whole knowledge possessed by the world in the department of
+physiology from the third to the seventeenth century, nearly all the
+biological conceptions till the thirteenth, and most of the anatomy and
+much of the botany until the sixteenth century, all the ideas of the
+physical structure of living things throughout the Middle Ages, were
+contained in a small number of these works of Galen. The biological
+works of Aristotle and Theophrastus lingered precariously in a few rare
+manuscripts in the monasteries of the East; the total output of hundreds
+of years of Alexandrian and Pergamenian activities was utterly
+destroyed; the Ionian biological works, of which a sample has by a
+miracle survived, were forgotten; but these vast, windy, ill-arranged
+treatises of Galen lingered on. Translated into Latin, Syriac, Arabic,
+and Hebrew, they saturated the intellectual world of the Middle Ages.
+Commented on by later Greek writers, who were themselves in turn
+translated into the same list of languages, they were yet again served
+up under the names of such Greek writers as Oribasius, Paul of Aegina,
+or Alexander of Tralles.</p>
+
+<p>What is the secret of the vitality of these Galenic biological
+conceptions? The answer can be given in four words. <i>Galen is a
+teleologist</i>; and a teleologist of a kind whose views happened to fit in
+with the prevailing theological attitude of the Middle Ages, whether
+Christian, Moslem, or Jewish. According<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[192]</a></span>
+to him everything which exists and displays activity in the human body
+originates in and is formed by an intelligent being and on an
+intelligent plan, so that the organ in structure and function is the
+result of that plan. &lsquo;It was the Creator&rsquo;s infinite wisdom
+which selected the best means to attain his beneficent ends, and it is a
+proof of His omnipotence that he created every good thing according to
+His design, and thereby fulfilled His will.&rsquo;<a
+name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a></p>
+
+<p>After Galen there is a thousand years of darkness, and biology ceases to
+have a history. The mind of the Dark Ages turned towards theology, and
+such remains of Neoplatonic philosophy as were absorbed into the
+religious system were little likely to be of aid to the scientific
+attitude. One department of positive knowledge must of course persist.
+Men still suffered from the infirmities of the flesh and still sought
+relief from them. But the books from which that advice was sought had
+nothing to do with general principles nor with knowledge as such. They
+were the most wretched of the treatises that still masqueraded under the
+names of Hippocrates and Galen, mostly mere formularies, antidotaries,
+or perhaps at best symptom lists. And, when the depression of the
+western intellect had passed its worst, there was still no biological
+material on which it could be nourished.</p>
+
+<p>The prevailing interest of the barbarian world, at last beginning to
+settle into its heritage of antiquity, was with Logic. Of Aristotle
+there survived in Latin dress only the <i>Categories</i> and the <i>De
+interpretatione</i>, the merciful legacy of Boethius, the last of the
+philosophers. Had a translation of Aristotle&rsquo;s <i>Historia
+animalium</i> or <i>De generatione animalium</i> survived, had a Latin version
+of the Hippocratic work <i>On generation</i> or of the treatises of
+Theophrastus <i>On plants</i> reached the earlier Middle Ages, the whole
+mental history<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[193]</a></span>
+of Europe might have been different and the rediscovery
+of nature might have been antedated by centuries. But this was a change
+of heart for which the world had long to wait; something much less was
+the earliest biological gift of Greece. The gift, when it came, came in
+two forms, one of which has not been adequately recognized, but both are
+equally her legacy. These two forms are, firstly, the well-known work of
+the early translators and, secondly, the tardily recognized work of
+certain schools of minor art.</p>
+
+<p>The earliest biological treatises to become accessible in the west were
+rendered not from Greek but from Arabic.<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a>
+The first of them was perhaps the treatise <span class='t' title='peri
+myôn kinêseôs'>περι μυων κινησεως</span>, <i>On movement of muscles</i> of Galen, a
+work which contains more than its title suggests and indeed sets forth
+much of the Galenic physiological system. It was rendered into Latin
+from the Arabic of Joannitius (Hunain ibn Ishaq, 809-73), probably about
+the year 1200, by one Mark of Toledo. It attracted little attention, but
+very soon after biological works of Aristotle began to become
+accessible. The first was probably the fragment <i>On plants</i>. The Greek
+original of this is lost, and besides the Latin, only an Arabic version
+of a former Arabic translation of a Syriac rendering of a Greek
+commentary is now known! Such a work appeared from the hand of a
+translator known as Alfred the Englishman about 1220 or a little later.
+Neither it nor another work from the same translator, <i>On the motion of
+the heart</i>, which sought to establish the primacy of that organ on
+Aristotelian grounds, can be said to contain any of the spirit of the
+master.<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[194]</a></span>
+A little better than these is the work of the wizard Michael the Scot
+(1175?-1234?). Roger Bacon tells us that Michael in 1230 &lsquo;appeared
+[at Oxford], bringing with him the works of Aristotle in natural history
+and mathematics, with wise expositors, so that the philosophy of
+Aristotle was magnified among the Latins&rsquo;.<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a>
+Scott produced his work <i>De animalibus</i> about this date and he included
+in it the three great biological works of Aristotle, all rendered from
+an inferior Arabic version.<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a>
+Albertus Magnus (1206-80) had not as yet a translation direct from the
+Greek to go upon for his great commentary on the <i>History of animals</i>,
+but he depended on Scott. The biological works of Aristotle were
+rendered into Latin direct from the Greek in the year 1260 probably by
+William of Moerbeke.<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a>
+Such translations, appearing in the full scholastic age when everything
+was against direct observation, cannot be said to have fallen on a
+fertile ground. They presented an ordered account of nature and a good
+method of investigation, but those were gifts to a society that knew
+little of their real value.<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a></p>
+
+<p>Yet the advent of these texts was coincident with a returning desire to
+observe nature. Albert, with all his scholasticism, was no contemptible
+naturalist. He may be said to have begun first-hand plant study in
+modern times so far as literary records are concerned. His book <i>De
+vegetabilibus</i><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[195]</a></span>
+contains excellent observations, and he is worthy of inclusion among
+the fathers of botany. In his vast treatise <i>De animalibus</i>, hampered as
+he is by his learning and verbosity, he shows himself a true observer
+and one who has absorbed something of the spirit of the great naturalist
+to whose works he had devoted a lifetime of study and on which he
+professes to be commenting. We see clearly the leaven of the
+Aristotelian spirit working, though Albert is still a schoolman. We may
+select for quotation a passage on the generation of fish, a subject on
+which some of Aristotle&rsquo;s most remarkable descriptions remained
+unconfirmed till modern times. These descriptions impressed Albert in
+the same way as they do the modern naturalist. To those who know nothing
+of the stimulating power of the Aristotelian biological works,
+Albert&rsquo;s description of the embryos of fish and his accurate
+distinction of their mode of development from that of birds, by the
+absence of an allantoic membrane in the one and its presence in the
+other, must surely be startling. Albert depends on Aristotle&mdash;a
+third-hand version of Aristotle&mdash;but does not slavishly follow him.</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;Between the mode of development (<i>anathomiam generationis</i>) of
+birds&rsquo; and fishes&rsquo; eggs there is this difference: during the
+development of the fish the second of the two veins which extend from
+the heart [as described by Aristotle in birds] does not exist. For we do
+not find the vein which extends to the outer covering in the eggs of
+birds which some wrongly call the navel because it carries the blood to
+the exterior parts; but we do find the vein that corresponds to the yolk
+vein of birds, for this vein imbibes the nourishment by which the limbs
+increase.... In fishes as in birds, channels extend from the heart first
+to the head and the eyes, and first in them appear the great upper
+parts. As the growth of the young fish increases the albumen decreases,
+being incorporated into the members of the young fish, and it disappears
+entirely when development and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[196]</a></span>
+formation are complete. The beating of the heart ... is conveyed to the
+lower part of the belly, carrying pulse and life to the inferior
+members.</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;While the young [fish] are small and not yet fully developed they
+have veins of great length which take the place of the navel-string, but
+as they grow and develop, these shorten and contract into the body
+towards the heart, as we have said about birds. The young fish and the
+eggs are enclosed and in a covering, as are the eggs and young of birds.
+This covering resembles the dura mater [of the brain], and beneath it is
+another [corresponding therefore to the pia mater of the brain] which
+contains the young animal and nothing else.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a></p>
+
+<p>In the next century Conrad von Megenberg (1309-98) produced his <i>Book of
+Nature</i>, a complete work on natural history, the first of the kind in
+the vernacular, founded on Latin versions, now rendered direct from the
+Greek, of the Aristotelian and Galenic biological works. It is well
+ordered and opens with a systematic account of the structure and
+physiology of man as a type of the animal creation, which is then
+systematically described and followed by an account of plants. Conrad,
+though guided by Aristotle, uses his own eyes and ears, and with him and
+Albert the era of direct observation has begun.<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a></p>
+
+<p>But there was another department in which the legacy of Greece found an
+even earlier appreciation. For centuries the illustrations to herbals
+and bestiaries had been copied from hand to hand, continuing a tradition
+that had its rise with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[197]</a></span>
+Greek artists of the first century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> But
+their work, copied at each stage without reference to the object, moved
+constantly farther from resemblance to the original. At last the
+illustrations became little but formal patterns, a state in which they
+remained in some late copies prepared as recently as the sixteenth
+century. But at a certain period a change set in, and the artist, no
+longer content to rely on tradition, appeals at last to nature. This new
+stirring in art corresponds with the new stirring in letters, the
+Arabian revival&mdash;itself a legacy of Greece, though sadly deteriorated in
+transit&mdash;that gave rise to scholasticism. In much of the beautiful
+carved and sculptured work of the French cathedrals the new movement
+appears in the earlier part of the thirteenth century. At such a place
+as Chartres we see the attempt to render plants and animals faithfully
+in stone as early as 1240 or before. In the easier medium of parchment
+the same tendency appears even earlier. When once it begins the process
+progresses slowly until the great recovery of the Greek texts in the
+fifteenth century, when it is again accelerated.</p>
+
+<p>During the sixteenth century the energy of botanists and zoologists was
+largely absorbed in producing most carefully annotated and illustrated
+editions of Dioscorides and Theophrastus and accounts of animals,
+habits, and structure that were intended to illustrate the writings of
+Aristotle, while the anatomists explored the bodies of man and beast to
+confirm or refute Galen. The great monographs on birds, fishes, and
+plants of this period, ostensibly little but commentaries on Pliny,
+Aristotle, and Dioscorides, represent really the first important efforts
+of modern times at a natural history. They pass naturally into the
+encyclopaedias of the later sixteenth century, and these into the
+physiological works of the seventeenth. Aristotle was never a dead hand
+in Biology as he was in Physics, and this for the reason that he was a
+great biologist but was not a great physicist.</p><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[198]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>With the advance of the sixteenth century the works of Aristotle, and to
+a less extent those of Dioscorides and Galen, became the great stimulus
+to the foundation of a new biological science. Matthioli (1520-77), in
+his commentary on Dioscorides (first edition 1544), which was one of the
+first works of its type to appear in the vernacular, made a number of
+first-hand observations on the habits and structure of plants that is
+startling even to a modern botanist. About the same time Galenic
+physiology, expressed also in numerous works in the vulgar tongue and
+rousing the curiosity of the physicians, became the clear parent of
+modern physiology and comparative anatomy. But, above all, the
+Aristotelian biological works were fertilizers of the mind. It is very
+interesting to watch a fine observer such as Fabricius ab Acquapendente
+(1537-1619) laying the foundations of modern embryology in a splendid
+series of first-hand observations, treating his own great researches
+almost as a commentary on Aristotle. What an impressive contrast to the
+arid physics of the time based also on Aristotle! &lsquo;My
+purpose&rsquo;, says Fabricius, &lsquo;is to treat of the formation of
+the foetus in every animal, setting out from that which proceeds from
+the egg: for this ought to take precedence of all other discussion of
+the subject, both because it is not difficult to make out
+Aristotle&rsquo;s view of the matter, and because his treatise on the
+Formation of the Foetus from the egg is by far the fullest, and the
+subject is by much the most extensive and difficult.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a></p>
+
+<p>The industrious and careful Fabricius, with a wonderful talent for
+observation lit not by his own lamp but by that of Aristotle, bears a
+relation to the master much like that held by Aristotle&rsquo;s pupil in
+the flesh, Theophrastus. The works of the two men, Fabricius and
+Theophrastus, bear indeed a resemblance to each other. Both rely on the
+same group of general ideas, both progress in much the same ordered calm
+from observation to observation, both have an inspiration
+which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[199]</a></span>
+is efficient and stimulating but below the greatest, both are
+enthusiastic and effective as investigators of fact, but timid and
+ineffective in drawing conclusions.</p>
+
+<p>But Fabricius was more happy in his pupils than Theophrastus, for we may
+watch the same Aristotelian ideas fermenting in the mind of
+Fabricius&rsquo;s successor, the greatest biologist since Aristotle
+himself, William Harvey (1578-1657).<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a>
+This writer&rsquo;s work <i>On generation</i> is a careful commentary on
+Aristotle&rsquo;s work on the same topic, but it is a commentary not in
+the old sense but in the spirit of Aristotle himself. Each statement is
+weighed and tested in the light of experience, and the younger
+naturalist, with all his reverence for Aristotle, does not hesitate to
+criticize his conclusions. He exhibits an independence of thought, an
+ingenuity in experiment, and a power of deduction that places his
+treatise as the middle term of the three great works on embryology of
+which the other members are those of Aristotle and Karl Ernst von Baer
+(1796-1876).<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a></p>
+
+<p>With the second half of the seventeenth century and during a large part
+of the eighteenth the biological works of Aristotle attracted less
+attention. The battle against the Aristotelian physics had been fought
+and won, but with them the biological works of Aristotle unjustly passed
+into the shadow that overhung all the idols of the Middle Ages.</p>
+
+<p>The rediscovery of the Aristotelian biology is a modern thing. The
+collection of the vast wealth of living forms absorbed the energies of
+the generations of naturalists from Ray (1627-1705) and Willoughby
+(1635-72) to R&eacute;aumur (1683-1757) and Linnaeus (1707-1778) and beyond to
+the nineteenth century. The magnitude and fascination of the work seems
+almost to have excluded general ideas. With the end of this period and
+the advent of a more philosophical type of naturalist,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[200]</a></span>
+such as Cuvier (1769-1832) and members of the Saint-Hilaire family,
+Aristotle came again to his own. Since the dawn of the nineteenth
+century, and since naturalists have been in a position to verify the
+work of Aristotle, his reputation as a naturalist has continuously
+risen. Johannes M&uuml;ller (1801-58), Richard Owen (1804-92), George
+Henry Lewes (1817-78), William Ogle (1827-1912) are a few of the long
+line of those who have derived direct inspiration from his biological
+work. With improved modern methods of investigation the problems of
+generation have absorbed a large amount of biological attention, and
+interest has become specially concentrated on Aristotle&rsquo;s work on
+that topic which is perhaps, at the moment, more widely read than any
+biological treatise, ancient or modern, except the works of Darwin. That
+great naturalist wrote to Ogle in 1882: &lsquo;From quotations I had
+seen I had a high notion of Aristotle&rsquo;s merits, but I had not the
+most remote notion what a wonderful man he was. Linnaeus and Cuvier have
+been my two gods, though in very different ways, but they were mere
+schoolboys to old Aristotle.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p class='sig sc'>Charles Singer.</p>
+
+<hr /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[201]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="MEDICINE" id="MEDICINE"></a>MEDICINE</h2>
+
+<blockquote><p>Ἡροφιλος δε εν τω Διαιτητικω και σοφιαν φησιν ανεπιδεικτον και τεχνην
+αδηλον και ισχυν αναγωνιστον και πλουτον αχρειον και λογον αδυνατον,
+ὑγιειας απουσης.</p>
+
+<p>{Hêrophilos de en tô Diaitêtikô kai sophian phêsin anepideikton kai
+technên adêlon kai ischyn anagôniston kai plouton achreion kai logon
+adynaton, hygieias apousês.}</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Herophilos, a Greek philosopher and physician (<i>c.</i> 300 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>),
+has truly written &lsquo;that Science and Art have equally nothing to
+show, that Strength is incapable of effort, Wealth useless, and
+Eloquence powerless if Health be wanting&rsquo;.<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a>
+All peoples therefore have had their methods of treating those
+departures from health that we call disease, and among peoples of higher
+culture such methods have been reduced in most cases to something
+resembling a system. In antiquity, as now, a variety of such systems
+were in vogue, and those nations who practised the art of writing from
+an early date have left considerable records of their medical methods
+and doctrines. We may thus form a fairly good idea of the medical
+principles of the Mesopotamian, the Egyptian, the Iranian, the Indian,
+and the Chinese civilizations. Much in these systems, as in the medical
+procedure of more primitive tribes, was based upon some theory of
+disease which fitted in with a larger theory of the nature of evil. Of
+these theories the commonest was and is the demonic, the view that
+regards deviation from the normal state of health as due either to the
+attacks of supernatural beings or to their actual entry into the body of
+the sufferer. A medical system based on such a view is susceptible of
+great elaboration in a higher civilization, but not being founded
+on<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[202]</a></span>
+observation is hardly capable of indefinite development, for a point
+must ultimately be reached at which the mind recoils from complex
+conclusions far remote from observed phenomena. The medicine of the
+ancient and settled civilization of such a people as the
+Assyro-Babylonians, for instance, of which substantial traces have been
+recovered, is hardly, if at all, more effective, though far more
+systematized, than that of many a wild and unlettered tribe that may be
+observed to-day. Of such medicine as this we may give an account, but we
+can hardly write a <i>history</i>. We cannot establish those elements of
+continuity and of development from which alone history can be
+constructed.</p>
+
+<p>It is the distinction of the Greeks alone among the nations of antiquity
+that they practised a system of medicine based not on theory but on
+observation accumulated systematically as time went on. The claim can be
+made for the Greeks that some at least among them were deflected by no
+theory, were deceived by no theurgy, were hampered by no tradition in
+their search for the facts of disease and in their attempts at
+interpreting its phenomena. Only the Greeks among the ancients could
+look on their healers as <i>physicians</i> (= naturalists, <span class='t' title='physis'>φυσις</span> =
+nature), and that word itself stands as a lasting reminder of their
+achievement.<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a></p>
+
+<p>At a certain stage in the history of the Western world&mdash;the exact point
+in time may be disputed but the event is admitted by all&mdash;men turned to
+explore the treasures of the ancient wisdom and the whole mass of Greek
+medical learning was gradually laid before the student. That mass
+contained much dross, material that survived from early as
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[203]</a></span>
+from late Greek times which was hardly, if at all, superior to the
+debased compositions that circulated in the name of medicine in the
+middle centuries. But the recovered Greek medical writings also
+contained some material of the purest and most scientific type, and that
+material and the spirit in which it was written, form the debt of modern
+medicine to antiquity.</p>
+
+<p>It is a debt the value of which cannot be exaggerated. The physicians of
+the revival of learning, and for long after, doubtless pinned their
+faith too much to the written word of their Greek forbears and sought to
+imprison the free spirit of Hippocrates and Galen in the rigid wall of
+their own rediscovered texts. The great medical pioneers of a somewhat
+later age, enraged by this attempt, the real nature of which was largely
+hidden from them, not infrequently revolted and rightly revolted against
+the bondage to the Greeks in which they had been brought up. Yet it is
+sure that these modern discoverers were the true inheritors of the
+Greeks. Without Herophilus we should have had no Harvey and the rise of
+physiology might have been delayed for centuries; had Galen&rsquo;s
+works not survived, Vesalius would never have reconstructed Anatomy, and
+Surgery too might have stayed behind with her laggard sister, Medicine;
+the Hippocratic collection was the necessary and acknowledged basis for
+the work of the greatest of modern clinical observers, Thomas Sydenham,
+and the teaching of Hippocrates and of his school is the substantial
+basis of instruction in the wards of a modern hospital. In the pages
+which follow we propose therefore to review the general character of
+medical knowledge in the best Greek period and to consider briefly how
+much of that great heritage remained accessible to the earlier modern
+physicians. The reader will thus be able to form some estimate of the
+degree to which the legacy has been passed on to our own times.</p>
+
+<p>It is evident that among such a group of peoples as the Greeks, varying
+in state of civilization, in mental power, in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[204]</a></span>
+geographical and economic position and in general outlook, the practice
+of medicine can have been by no means uniform. Without any method of
+centralizing medical education and standardizing teaching there was a
+great variety of doctrines and of practice in vogue among them, and much
+of this was on a low level of folk custom. Such lower grade material of
+Greek origin has come down to us in abundance, though much of it,
+curiously enough, from a later time. But the overwhelming mass of
+earlier Greek medical literature sets forth for us a pure scientific
+effort to observe and to classify disease, to make generalizations from
+carefully collected data, to explain the origin of disease on rational
+grounds, and to apply remedies, when possible, on a reasoned basis. We
+may thus rest fairly well assured that, despite serious and irreparable
+losses, we are still in possession of some of the very finest products
+of the Greek medical intellect.</p>
+
+<p>There is ample evidence that the Greeks inherited, in common with many
+other peoples of Mediterranean and Asiatic origin, a whole system of
+magical or at least non-rational pharmacy and medicine from a remoter
+ancestry. Striking parallels can be drawn between these folk elements
+among the Greeks and the medical systems of the early Romans, as well as
+with the medicine of the Indian Vedas, of the ancient Egyptians, and of
+the earliest European barbarian writings. It is thus reasonable to
+suppose that these elements, when they appear in later Greek writings,
+represent more primitive folk elements working up, under the influence
+of social disintegration and consequent mental deterioration, through
+the upper strata of the literate Greek world. But with these elements,
+intensely interesting to the anthropologist, the psychologist, the
+ethnologist, and to the historian of religion, we are not here greatly
+concerned. Important as they are, they constitute no part of the special
+claim of the Greek people to distinction, but rather aid us in uniting
+the Greek mentality with that of other kindred peoples. Here we shall
+rather discuss the course of Greek scientific medicine proper, the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[205]</a></span>
+type of medical doctrine and practice, capable of development in the
+proper sense of the word, that forms the basis of our modern system. We
+are concerned, in fact, with the earliest evolutionary medicine.</p>
+
+<p>We need hardly discuss the first origins of Greek Medicine. The material
+is scanty and the conclusions somewhat doubtful and perhaps premature,
+for the discovery of a considerable fragment of the historical work of
+Menon, a pupil of Aristotle, containing a description of the views of
+some of the precursors of the Hippocratic school, renews a hope that
+more extended investigation may yield further information as to the
+sources and nature of the earliest Greek medical
+writings.<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a>
+The study of Mesopotamian star-lore has linked it up with early Greek
+astronomical science. The efforts of cuneiform scholars have not,
+however, been equally successful for medicine, and on the whole the
+general tendency of modern research is to give less weight to
+Mesopotamian and more to Egyptian sources than had previously been
+admitted; thus very recently an Egyptian medical papyrus of about 1700
+<span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> has been described which bears a distinct resemblance to some of
+the Hippocratic treatises.<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a>
+A number of drugs, too, habitually used by the Greeks, such as
+<i>Andropogon</i>, <i>Cardamoms</i>, and <i>Sesame orientalis</i>, are of Indian
+origin. There are also the Minoan cultures to be considered, and though
+our knowledge is not yet sufficient to speak of the heritage that Greek
+medicine may or may not have derived from that source, it seems not
+improbable that Greek hygiene may here owe a debt.<a
+name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a>
+Omitting, therefore, this early epoch, we pass<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[206]</a></span>
+direct to the later period, between the sixth and fourth centuries,
+from which documents have actually come down to us.</p>
+
+<p>The earliest medical school of which we have definite information is
+that of Cnidus, a Lacedaemonian colony in Asiatic Doris. Its origin may
+perhaps reach back to the seventh century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>
+We have actual records that the teachers of Cnidus were accustomed to
+collect systematically the phenomena of disease, of which they had
+produced a very complex classification, and we probably possess also
+several of their actual works. The physicians of Cos, their only
+contemporary critics whose writings have survived, considered that the
+Cnidian physicians paid too much attention to the actual sensations of
+the patient and to the physical signs of the disease. The most important
+of the Cnidian doctrines were drawn up in a series of <i>Sentences</i> or
+Aphorisms, and these, it appears, inculcated a treatment along Egyptian
+lines of the symptom or at most the disease, rather than the patient, a
+statement borne out by the contents of the gynaecological works of
+probable Cnidian origin included in the so-called &lsquo;Hippocratic
+Collection&rsquo;. A few names of Cnidian physicians have, moreover,
+come down to us with titles of their works, and a later statement that
+they practised anatomy. There can be little doubt too that the Cnidian
+school drew also on Persian and Indian Medicine.</p>
+
+<p>The origin of the school of the neighbouring island of Cos was a little
+later than that of Cnidus and probably dates from the sixth century
+<span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> Of the Coan school, or at least of the general tendencies that it
+represented, we have a magnificent and copious literary monument in the
+Corpus Hippocraticum, a collection which was probably put together in
+the early part of the third century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> by a commission of Alexandrian
+scholars at the order of the book-loving Ptolemy Soter (reigned 323-285
+<span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>). The elements of which this collection is composed are of varying
+dates from the sixth to the fourth century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>, and of varying value
+and origin, but they mainly represent
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[207]</a></span>
+the point of view of physicians of the eastern part of the Greek world
+in the fifth and fourth centuries.</p>
+
+<p>The most obvious feature, the outstanding element that at once strikes
+the modern observer in these &lsquo;Coan&rsquo; writings, is the
+enormous emphasis laid on the actual course of disease. &lsquo;It
+appears to me a most excellent thing&rsquo;, so opens one of the
+greatest of the Hippocratic works, &lsquo;for a physician to cultivate
+<i>pronoia</i>.<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a>
+Foreknowing and foretelling in the presence of the sick
+the past, present, and future (of their symptoms) and explaining all
+that the patients are neglecting, he would be believed to understand
+their condition, so that men would have confidence to entrust themselves
+to his care.... Thus he would win just respect and be a good physician.
+By an earlier forecast in each case he would be more able to tend those
+aright who have a chance of surviving, and by foreseeing and stating who
+will die, and who will survive, he will escape blame....&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a></p>
+
+<p>Just as the Cnidians by dividing up diseases according to symptoms
+over-emphasized diagnosis and over-elaborated treatment, so the Coans
+laid very great force on prognosis and adopted therefore a largely
+expectant attitude towards diseases. Both Cnidian and Coan physicians
+were held together by a common bond which was, historically if not
+actually, related to temple worship. Physicians leagued together in the
+name of a god, as were the Asclepiadae, might escape, and did escape,
+the baser theurgic elements of temple medicine. Of these they were as
+devoid as a modern Catholic physician might be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[208]</a></span>
+expected to be free from the absurdities of Lourdes. But the extreme
+cult of prognosis among the Coans may not improbably be traced back to
+the medical lore of the temple soothsayers whose divine omens were
+replaced by indications of a physical nature in the patient himself.<a
+name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a>
+We are tempted too to link it with that process of astronomical and
+astrological prognosis practised in the Mesopotamian civilizations from
+which Ionia imitated and derived so much. Religion had thus the same
+relation to medicine that it would have with a modern
+&lsquo;religious&rsquo; medical man as suggesting the motive and
+determining the general direction of his practice though without
+influence on the details and method.</p>
+
+<p>During the development of the Coan medical school along these lines in
+the sixth and fifth centuries, there was going on a most remarkable
+movement at the very other extreme of the Greek world. Into the course
+and general importance of Sicilian philosophy it is not our place to
+enter, but that extraordinary movement was not without its repercussion
+on medical theory and practice. Very important in this direction was
+Empedocles of Agrigentum (<i>c.</i> 500-<i>c.</i> 430 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>).
+His view that the blood is the seat of the &lsquo;innate heat&rsquo;,
+<span class='t' title='emphyton thermon'>εμφυτον θερμον</span>, he took from folk belief&mdash;&lsquo;the blood is the
+life&rsquo;&mdash;and this innate heat he closely identified with soul.
+More profitable was his doctrine that breathing takes place not only
+through what are now known as the respiratory passages but also through
+the pores of the skin. His teaching led to a belief in the heart as the
+centre of the vascular system and the chief organ of the
+&lsquo;pneuma&rsquo; which was distributed by the blood vessels. This
+pneuma was equivalent to both soul and life, but it was something more.
+It was identified with air and breath, and the pneuma could be seen to
+rise as shimmering steam from the shed blood of the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[209]</a></span>
+sacrificial victim&mdash;for was not the blood its natural home? There
+was a pneuma, too, that interpenetrated the universe around us and gave
+it those qualities of life that it was felt to possess. Anaximenes (<i>c.</i>
+610-<i>c.</i> 545 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>), an Ionian predecessor of Empedocles, may be said to
+have defined for us these functions of the pneuma; ὁιον ἡ ψυχη ἡ ἡμετερα
+αηρ ουσα συγκρατει ἡμας, ὁλον τον κοσμον πνευμα και αηρ περιεχει {hoion
+hê psychê hê hêmetera aêr ousa synkratei hêmas, holon ton kosmon pneuma
+kai aêr periechei}, &lsquo;As our soul, being air, sustains us, so
+pneuma and air pervade the whole universe&rsquo;;<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a>
+but it is the speculation of Empedocles himself that came to be regarded
+as the basis of the Pneumatic School in Medicine which had later very
+important developments.</p>
+
+<p>Another early member of the Western school who made important
+contributions to medical doctrine&mdash;in which relation alone we need
+consider him&mdash;was Pythagoras of Samos (<i>c.</i> 580-<i>c.</i>490 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>).
+For him number, as the purest conception, formed the basis of
+philosophy. Unity was the symbol of perfection and corresponded to God
+Himself. The material universe was represented by 2, and was divided by
+the number 12, whence we have 3 worlds and 4 spheres. These in turn,
+according at least to the later Pythagoreans, give rise to the four
+elements, earth, air, fire, and water&mdash;a primary doctrine of
+medicine and of science derived perhaps from ancient Egypt and surviving
+for more than two millennia. The Pythagoreans taught, too, of the
+existence of an animal soul, an emanation of the soul of the universe.
+In all this we may distinguish the germ of that doctrine of the relation
+of man and universe, microcosm and macrocosm, which, suppressed as
+irrelevant in the Hippocratic works, reappears in the Platonic and
+especially in the Neoplatonic writings, and forms a very important dogma
+in later medicine.</p>
+
+<p>A pupil of Pythagoras and an older contemporary of Empedocles was
+Alcmaeon of Croton (<i>c.</i> 500 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>),
+who began to construct a positive basis for medical science by the
+practice<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[210]</a></span>
+of dissection of animals, and discovered the optic nerves and the
+Eustachian tubes. He even extended his researches to Embryology,
+describing the head of the foetus as the first part to be
+developed&mdash;a justifiable deduction from appearances. Alcmaeon
+introduced also the doctrine that health depends on harmony, disease on
+discord of the elements within the body. Curiosity as to the
+distribution of the vessels was excited by Empedocles and Alcmaeon and
+led to further dissection, and Alcmaeon&rsquo;s pupils Acron (<i>c.</i> 480
+<span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>) and Pausanias (<i>c.</i> 480 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>),
+and the later Philistion of Lokri,<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a>
+the contemporary of Plato, all made anatomical investigations.</p>
+
+<p>The views of Empedocles, and especially his doctrine that regarded the
+heart as the main site of the pneuma, though rejected by the Coan school
+as a whole, were not without influence on Ionia. Diogenes of Apollonia,
+the philosopher of pneumatism, a late fifth-century writer who must have
+been contemporary with Hippocrates the Great, himself made an
+investigation of the blood vessels; and the influence of the same school
+may be traced in a little work <span class='t' title='peri kardiês'>περι καρδιης</span>,
+<i>On the heart</i>, which is the best anatomical treatise of the Hippocratic
+Collection. This work describes the aorta and the pulmonary artery as
+well as the three valves at the root of each of the great vessels, and
+it speaks of experiments to test their validity. It treats of the
+pericardium and of the pericardial fluid and perhaps of the musculi
+papillares, and contrasts the thickness of the walls of right and left
+ventricles. The author considers that the left ventricle is empty of
+blood&mdash;as indeed it is after death&mdash;and is the source of the
+innate heat and of the absolute intelligence. These views fit in with
+the doctrines of Empedocles, so that we may perhaps even venture to
+regard this work as a surviving document of the Sicilian school. It is
+interesting to observe that we have here the first hint of human
+dissection, for the author tells us that the hearts of animals may
+be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[211]</a></span>
+compared to that of man. The distinction of having been the
+first to write on human anatomy, as such, belongs however, probably to a
+later writer, Diocles, son of Archidamus of Carystus, who lived in the
+fourth century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span><a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a></p>
+
+<p>We may now turn to the Hippocratic Corpus as a whole. This collection
+consists of about 60 or 70 separate works, written at various periods
+and in various states of preservation. At best only a very small
+proportion of them can be attributed to Hippocrates, but the discussion
+of the general question of the &lsquo;genuineness&rsquo; of the works is
+now admitted to be futile, for it is certain that we have no criteria
+whatever to determine whether or no a particular work be from the pen of
+the Father of Medicine, and the most we can ever say of such a treatise
+is that it appears to be of his school and in his spirit. Yet among the
+great gifts of this collection to our time and to all time are two which
+stand out above all others, the picture of a man, and the picture of a
+method.</p>
+
+<p>The man is Hippocrates himself. Of the actual details of his life we
+know next to nothing. His period of greatest activity falls about 400
+<span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> He seems to have led a wandering life.
+Born of a long line of physicians in the island of Cos, he exerted his
+activities in Thrace, Abdera, Delos, the Propontis (Cyzicus), Thasos,
+Thessaly (notably at Larissa and Meliboea), Athens, and elsewhere, dying
+at Larissa in extreme old age about the year 377 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>
+He had many pupils, among whom were his two sons Thessalus and Dracon,
+who also undertook journeys, his son-in-law Polybus, of whose works a
+fragment has been preserved for us by Aristotle,<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a>
+together with three other Coans bearing the names Apollonius, Dexippus,
+and Praxagoras. This<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[212]</a></span>
+is practically all we know of him with certainty. But though this
+glimpse is very dim and distant, yet we cannot exaggerate the influence
+on the course of medicine and the value for physicians of all time of
+the traditional picture that was early formed of him and that may indeed
+well be drawn again from the works bearing his name. In beauty and
+dignity that figure is beyond praise. Perhaps gaining in stateliness
+what he loses in clearness, Hippocrates will ever remain the type of the
+perfect physician. Learned, observant, humane, with a profound reverence
+for the claims of his patients, but an overmastering desire that his
+experience shall benefit others, orderly and calm, disturbed only by
+anxiety to record his knowledge for the use of his brother physicians
+and for the relief of suffering, grave, thoughtful and reticent, pure of
+mind and master of his passions, this is no overdrawn picture of the
+Father of Medicine as he appeared to his contemporaries and successors.
+It is a figure of character and virtue which has had an ethical value to
+medical men of all ages comparable only to the influence exerted on
+their followers by the founders of the great religions. If one needed a
+maxim to place upon the statue of Hippocrates, none could be found
+better than that from the book <span class='t' title='Parangeliai'>Παραγγελιαι</span>,
+<i>Precepts</i>:</p>
+
+<p class='c'><span class='t' title='ên gar parê philanthrôpiê paresti kai philotechniê'>ην γαρ παρη φιλανθρωπιη παρεστι και φιλοτεχνιη</span></p>
+<p class='c'>&lsquo;Where the love of man is, there also is love of the Art.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a></p>
+
+<p>The numerous busts of him which have reached our time are no portraits.
+But the best of them are something much better and more helpful to us
+than any portrait. They are idealized representations of the kind of man
+a physician should be and was in the eyes of the best and wisest of the
+Greeks.<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a></p>
+
+<div class='c'><table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="">
+<tr><td align='center'><div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;">
+<img src="images/illus-212-3-a.jpg" width="400" height="437" alt="Fig. 1. HIPPOCRATES
+British Museum, second or third century B. C." title="" />
+<span class="caption">Fig. 1. HIPPOCRATES<br />
+British Museum, second or third century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span></span></div></td>
+<td align='center'><div class="figcenter" style="width: 300px;">
+<img src="images/illus-212-3-b.jpg" width="300" height="437" alt="Fig. 2. ASCLEPIUS
+British Museum, fourth century B. C." title="" />
+<span class="caption">Fig. 2. ASCLEPIUS<br />
+British Museum, fourth century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span></span></div></td></tr></table></div>
+
+<p>The method of the Hippocratic writers is that known to-day as the
+&lsquo;inductive&rsquo;. Without the vast scientific heritage that is in
+our own hands, with only a comparatively small number of observations
+drawn from the Coan and neighbouring schools, surrounded by all manner
+of bizarre oriental religions in which no adequate relation of cause and
+effect was recognized, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[213]</a></span>
+above all constantly urged by the exuberant genius for speculation of
+that Greek people in the midst of whom they lived and whose intellectual
+temptations they shared, they remain nevertheless, for the most part,
+patient observers of fact, sceptical of the marvellous and the
+unverifiable, hesitating to theorize beyond the data, yet eager always
+to generalize from actual experience; calm, faithful, effective servants
+of the sick. There is almost no type of mental activity known to us that
+was not exhibited by the Greeks and cannot be paralleled from their
+writings; but careful and constant return to verification from
+experience, expressed in a record of actual observations&mdash;the
+habitual method adopted in modern scientific departments&mdash;is rare
+among them except in these early medical authors.</p>
+
+<p>The spirit of their practice cannot be better illustrated than by the
+words of the so-called &lsquo;Hippocratic oath&rsquo;. That document,
+though of late date in its present form, throws a flood of light on the
+ethics of Greek medicine.</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>&lsquo;I swear by Apollo the physician and Asclepius and Hygieia
+and Panacea, invoking all the gods and goddesses to be my
+witnesses, that I will fulfil this Oath and this written covenant
+to the best of my power and of my judgment.</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;I will look upon him who shall have taught me this art even
+as on mine own parents; I will share with him my substance, and
+supply his necessities if he be in need; I will regard his
+offspring even as my own brethren, and will teach them this art, if
+they desire to learn it, without fee or covenant. I will impart it
+by precept, by lecture and by all other manner of teaching, not
+only to my own sons but also to the sons of him who has taught me,
+and to disciples bound by covenant and oath according to the law of
+the physicians, but to none other.</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;The regimen I adopt shall be for the benefit of the patients
+to the best of my power and judgment, not for their injury or for
+any wrongful purpose. I will not give a deadly drug to any one,
+though it be asked of me, nor will I lead the way in such counsel;
+and likewise I will not give a woman a pessary to procure abortion.
+But I will keep my life and my art in purity and holiness.
+Whatsoever house I enter, I will enter for the benefit of the sick,
+refraining from all voluntary wrongdoing and corruption, especially
+seduction of male or female, bond<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[214]</a></span>
+or free. Whatsoever things I see or hear concerning the life of men, in
+my attendance on the sick or even apart from my attendance, which ought
+not to be blabbed abroad, I will keep silence on them, counting such
+things to be as religious secrets.</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;If I fulfil this oath and confound it not, be it mine to
+enjoy life and art alike, with good repute among all men for all
+time to come; but may the contrary befall me if I transgress and
+violate my oath.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a>
+</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Respected equally throughout the ages by Arab, Jew, and Christian, the
+oath remains the watchword of the profession of
+medicine.<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a>
+The ethical value of such a declaration could not escape the attention
+even of a Byzantine formalist, and it is interesting to observe that in
+our oldest Greek manuscript of the Hippocratic text, dating from the
+tenth century, this magnificent passage is headed by the words
+&lsquo;from the oath of Hippocrates according as it may be sworn by a
+Christian.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a></p>
+
+<p>When we examine the Hippocratic corpus more closely, we discern that not
+only are the treatises by many hands, but there is not even a uniform
+opinion and doctrine running through them. This is well brought out by
+some of the more famous of the phrases of this remarkable collection.
+Thus a well-known passage from the <i>Airs, Waters, and Places</i> tells us
+that the Scythians attribute a certain physical disability to a god,
+&lsquo;but it appears to me&rsquo;, says the author, &lsquo;that these
+affections are just as much divine as are all others and that no disease
+is either more divine or more human than another, but that all are
+equally divine, for each of them has its own nature, and none of them
+arise without a natural cause.&rsquo; But, on the other hand, the author
+of the great work on <i>Prognostics</i> advises us that when the physician is
+called in he must seek to ascertain the nature of the affections that he
+is treating, and especially &lsquo;if there be anything divine in the
+disease, and to learn a foreknowledge of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[215]</a></span>
+this also.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a>
+We may note too that this sentence almost immediately precedes what is
+perhaps the most famous of all the Hippocratic sentences, the
+description of what has since been termed the <i>Hippocratic facies</i>. This
+wonderful description of the signs of death may be given as an
+illustration of the habitual attitude of the Hippocratic school towards
+prognosis and of the very careful way in which they noted details:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>&lsquo;He [the physician] should observe thus in acute diseases:
+first, the countenance of the patient, if it be like to those who
+are in health, <i>and especially if it be like itself, for this would
+be the best</i>; but the more unlike to this, the worse it is; such
+would be these: <i>sharp nose, hollow eyes, collapsed temples; ears
+cold, contracted, and their lobes turned out; skin about the
+forehead rough, distended, and parched; the colour of the whole
+face greenish or dusky</i>. If the countenance be so at the beginning
+of the disease, and if this cannot be accounted for from the other
+symptoms, inquiry must be made whether he has passed a sleepless
+night; whether his bowels have been very loose; or whether he is
+suffering from hunger; and if any of these be admitted the danger
+may be reckoned as less; and it may be judged in the course of a
+day and night if the appearance of the countenance proceed from
+these. But if none of these be said to exist, and the symptoms do
+not subside in that time, be it known for certain that death is at
+hand.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a>
+</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Again, in the work <i>On the Art</i> [<i>of Medicine</i>] we read: &lsquo;I hold
+it to be physicianly to abstain from treating those who are overwhelmed
+by disease&rsquo;,<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a>
+a prudent if inhumane procedure among a people who might regard the
+doctor&rsquo;s powers as partaking of the nature of magic, and perhaps a
+wise course to follow at this day in some places not very far from Cos.
+Yet in the book <i>On Diseases</i> we are advised even in the presence of an
+incurable disease &lsquo;to give relief with such treatment as is
+possible&rsquo;.<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a></p>
+
+<p>Furthermore, works by authors of the Hippocratic school
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[216]</a></span>
+stand sometimes in a position of direct controversy with each other.
+Thus in the treatise <i>On the Heart</i> an experiment is set forth which is
+held to prove that a part at least of imbibed fluid passes into the
+cavity of the lung and thence to the parts of the body, a popular error
+in antiquity which recurs in Plato&rsquo;s <i>Timaeus</i>. This view,
+however, is specifically held to be fallacious by the author of the work
+<i>On Diseases</i>, who is supported by a polemical section in the surviving
+Menon fragment.</p>
+
+<p>Passages like these have convinced all students that we have to deal in
+this collection with a variety of works written at different dates by
+different authors and under different conditions, a state that may be
+well understood when we reflect that among the Greeks medicine was a
+progressive study for a far longer period of time than has yet been the
+case in the Western world. An account of such a collection can therefore
+only be given in the most general fashion. The system or systems of
+medicine that we shall thus attempt to describe was in vogue up to the
+Alexandrian period, that is, to the beginning of the third century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span></p>
+
+<p>Anatomy and physiology, the basis of our modern system, was still a very
+weak point in the knowledge of the pre-Alexandrians. The surface form of
+the body was intimately studied in connexion especially with fractures,
+but there is no evidence in the literature of the period of any closer
+acquaintance with human anatomical structure.<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a>
+The same fact is well borne out by Greek Art, for in its noblest period
+the artist betrays no evidence of assistance derived from anatomization.
+Such evidence is not found until we come to sculpture of Alexandrian
+date, when the somewhat strained attitudes and exaggerated musculature
+of certain works of the school of Pergamon suggest that the artist
+derived hints, if not direct information, from anatomists who, we know,
+were active at that time. It is not improbable, however, that separate
+bones, if not complete skeletons, were commonly studied earlier, for
+the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[217]</a></span>
+surgical works of the Hippocratic collection, and especially those on
+fractures and dislocations, give evidence of a knowledge of the
+relations of bones to each other and of their natural position in the
+body which could not be obtained, or only obtained with greatest
+difficulty, without this aid.</p>
+
+<p>There are in the Hippocratic works a certain number of comparisons
+between human and animal structures that would have been made possible
+by surgical operations and occasional accidents. The view has been put
+forward that some anatomical knowledge was derived through the practice
+of augury from the entrails of sacrificial animals. It appears, however,
+improbable that a system so scientific and so little related to temple
+practice would have had much to learn from these sources, and, moreover,
+since we know that animals were actually dissected as early as the time
+of Alcmaeon it would be unnecessary to invoke the aid of the priests.
+The unknown author of the <span class='t' title='peri topôn tôn kata anthrôpon'>περι τοπων των κατα ανθρωπον</span>,
+<i>On the sites of</i> [<i>diseases</i>] <i>in man</i>, a work written about 400
+<span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>, declares indeed that &lsquo;physical
+structure is the basis of medicine&rsquo;, but the formal treatises on
+anatomy that we possess from Hippocratic times give the general
+anatomical standard of the corpus, and it is a very disappointing one.
+The tract <i>On Anatomy</i>, though probably of much later date
+(perhaps <i>c.</i> 330 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>), is inferior
+even to the treatise <i>On the Heart</i> (perhaps of about 400 <span
+class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>).</p>
+
+<p>Physiology and Pathology are almost as much in the background as anatomy
+in the Hippocratic collection. As a formal discipline and part of
+medical education we find no trace of these studies among the
+pre-Alexandrian physicians. But the meagreness of the number of
+ascertained facts did not prevent much speculation among a people eager
+to seek the causes of things. Of that speculation we learn much from the
+fragments of contemporary medical writers and philosophers, from the
+medical works of the Alexandrian period, and to some extent from the
+Hippocratic writings themselves. But the wiser and more sober among the
+writers of the Hippocratic corpus were bent on something other than the
+causes of things. Their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[218]</a></span>
+pre-occupation was primarily with the suffering patient, and the best
+of them therefore excluded&mdash;and we may assume consciously&mdash;all
+but the rarest references to such speculation.</p>
+
+<p>The general state of health of the body was considered by the
+Hippocratists to depend on the distribution of the four elements, earth,
+air, fire, and water, whose mixture (<i>crasis</i>) and cardinal properties,
+dryness, warmth, coldness, and moistness, form the body and its
+constituents. To these correspond the cardinal fluids, blood, phlegm,
+yellow bile and <ins class="corr" title="Transcriber's Note: The original showed 'back'.">black</ins>
+bile. The fundamental condition of life is the <i>innate heat</i>, the
+abdication of which is death. This innate heat is greatest in youth when
+most fuel is therefore required, but gradually declines with age.
+Another necessity for the support of life is the <i>pneuma</i> which
+circulates in the vessels. All this may seem fanciful enough, but we may
+remember that the first half of the nineteenth century had waned before
+the doctrine of the humours which had then lasted for at least
+twenty-two centuries became obsolete, and perhaps it still survives in
+certain modern scientific developments. Moreover, the finest and most
+characteristic of the Hippocratic works either do not mention or but
+casually refer to these theories which are not essential to their main
+pre-occupation. Their task of observation of symptoms, of the separation
+of the essentials from the accidents of disease, and of generalization
+from experience could go on unaffected by any view of the nature of man
+and of the world. Even treatment, which must almost of necessity be
+based on <i>some</i> theory of causation, was little deflected by a view of
+elements and humours on which it was impossible to act directly, while
+therapeutics was further safeguarded from such influence by the doctrine
+of <i>Nature as the healer of diseases</i>, <span class='t' title='nousôn
+physeis iêtroi'>νουσων φυσεις ιητροι</span>, the <i>vis medicatrix naturae</i> of
+the later Latin writers and of the present day.</p>
+
+<p>Diseases are to be cured, in the Hippocratic view, by restoring the
+disturbed harmony in the relation of the elements and humours. These, in
+fact, tend naturally to an equilibrium and in most cases if left to
+themselves will be brought to this state<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[219]</a></span>
+by the natural tendency to recovery. The process is known as <i>pepsis</i>
+or, to give it the Latin form, <i>coctio</i>, and the turning-point at which
+the effects of this process exhibit themselves is the <i>crisis</i>, a term
+which, together with some of its original content, has still a place in
+medicine. Such a turning-point does in fact occur in many diseases,
+especially those of a zymotic character, on certain special days, though
+undue emphasis was laid by the Greek physicians upon the exact numerical
+character of the event. It was no unimportant duty of the physician to
+assist nature by bringing his remedies to bear at the critical times. If
+the crisis is wanting, or if the remedies are applied at the wrong
+moment, the disease may become incurable. But diseases were only
+immediately or proximately caused by disturbances in the balance or
+harmony of the humours. This was a mere hypothesis, as the Hippocratists
+themselves well knew. There were other more remote causes which came
+into the actual purview of the physician, conditions which he could and
+did study. Such conditions were, for instance, injudicious modes of
+life, exposure to climatic changes, advancing age, and the like. Many of
+these could be directly corrected. But for those that could not there
+were various therapeutic measures at hand.</p>
+
+<p>That human bodies are and normally remain in a state of health, and that
+on the whole they tend to recover from disease, is an attitude so
+familiar to us to-day that we scarcely need to be reminded of it. We
+live some twenty-three centuries later than Hippocrates; for some
+sixteen of those centuries the civilized world thought that to retain
+health periodical bleedings and potions were necessary; for the last
+century or two we have been gradually returning on the Hippocratic
+position!</p>
+
+<p>The chief glory of the Hippocratic collection regarded from the clinical
+point of view is perhaps the actual description of cases. A number of
+these&mdash;forty-two in all&mdash;have
+survived.<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a>
+They are not<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[220]</a></span>
+only unique as a collection for nearly 2,000 years, but they are still
+to this day models of what succinct clinical records should be, clear
+and short, without a superfluous word, yet with all that is most
+essential, and exhibiting merely a desire to record the most important
+facts without the least attempt to prejudge the case. They illustrate to
+the full the Greek genius for seizing on the essential. The writer shows
+not the least wish to exalt his own skill. He seeks merely to put the
+data before the reader for his guidance under like circumstances. It is
+a reflex of the spirit of full honesty in which these men lived and
+worked that the great majority of the cases are recorded to have died.
+Two of this remarkable little collection may be given:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>&lsquo;The woman with quinsy, who lodged with Aristion: her
+complaint began in the tongue; voice inarticulate; tongue red and
+parched. <i>First day</i>, shivered, then became heated. <i>Third day</i>,
+rigor, acute fever; reddish and hard swelling on both sides of neck
+and chest; extremities cold and livid; respiration elevated; drink
+returned by the nose; she could not swallow; alvine and urinary
+discharges suppressed. <i>Fourth day</i>, all symptoms exacerbated.
+<i>Fifth day</i>, she died.&rsquo;</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>We probably have here to do with a case of diphtheria. The quinsy, the
+paralysis of the palate leading to return of the food through the nose,
+and the difficulty with speech and swallowing are typical results of
+this affection which was here complicated by a spread of the septic
+processes into the neck and chest, a not uncommon sequela of the
+disease. The rapid onset of the conditions is rather unusual, but may be
+explained if we regard the case as a mild and unnoticed diphtheria,
+subsequently complicated by paralysis and by secondary septic infection,
+for which reasons she came under observation.</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>&lsquo;In Thasos, the wife of Delearces who lodged on the plain,
+through sorrow was seized with an acute and shivering fever. From
+first to last she always wrapped herself up in her bedclothes; kept
+silent, fumbled, picked, bored and gathered hairs [from the
+clothes]; tears, and again laughter; no sleep; bowels
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[221]</a></span>
+irritable, but passed nothing; when urged drank a little; urine thin
+and scanty; to the touch the fever was slight; coldness of the
+extremities. <i>Ninth day</i>, talked much incoherently, and again sank into
+silence. <i>Fourteenth day</i>, breathing rare, large, and spaced, and again
+hurried. <i>Seventeenth day</i>, after stimulation of the bowels she passed
+even drinks, nor could retain anything; totally insensible; skin parched
+and tense. <i>Twentieth day</i>, much talk, and again became composed, then
+voiceless; respiration hurried. <i>Twenty-first day</i>, died. Her
+respiration throughout was rare and large; she was totally insensible;
+always wrapped up in her bedclothes; throughout either much talk, or
+complete silence.&rsquo;</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>This second case is in part a description of low muttering delirium, a
+common end of continued fevers such as, for instance, typhoid. The
+description closely resembles the condition known now in medicine as the
+&lsquo;typhoid state&rsquo;. Incidentally the case contains a reference
+to a type of breathing common among the dying. The respiration becomes
+deep and slow, as it sinks gradually into quietude and becomes rarer and
+rarer until it seems to cease altogether, and then it gradually becomes
+more rapid and so on alternately. This type of breathing is known to
+physicians as &lsquo;Cheyne-Stokes&rsquo; respiration in commemoration
+of two distinguished Irish physicians of the last century who brought it
+to the attention of medical men.<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a>
+Recently it has been partially explained on a physiological basis. We
+may note that there is another and even better pen-picture of
+Cheyne-Stokes respiration in the Hippocratic collection. It is in the
+famous case of &lsquo;Philescos who lived by the wall and who took to
+his bed on the first day of acute fever&rsquo;. About the middle of the
+sixth day he died and the physician notes that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[222]</a></span>
+&lsquo;the respiration throughout was <i>like that of a person
+recollecting himself</i> and was large and rare&rsquo;. Cheyne-Stokes
+breathing is admirably described as &lsquo;that of a person recollecting
+himself&rsquo;.</p>
+
+<p>Such records as these may be contrasted with certain others that have
+come down from Greek antiquity. We may instance two steles discovered at
+Epidaurus in 1885, bearing accounts of forty-four temple cures. The
+following two are fair samples of the cures there described:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>&lsquo;<i>Aristagora of Troizen.</i> She had tape-worm, and while she
+slept in the Temple of Asclepius at Troizen, she saw a vision. She
+thought that, as the god was not present, but was away in
+Epidaurus, his sons cut off her head, but were unable to put it
+back again. Then they sent a messenger to Asclepius asking him to
+come to Troizen. Meanwhile day came, and the priest actually saw
+her head cut off from the body. The next night Aristagora had a
+dream. She thought the god came from Epidaurus and fastened her
+head on to her neck. Then he cut open her belly, and stitched it up
+again. So she was cured.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;A man had an abdominal abscess. He saw a vision, and thought
+that the god ordered the slaves who accompanied him to lift him up
+and hold him, so that his abdomen could be cut open. The man tried
+to get away, but his slaves caught him and bound him. So Asclepius
+cut him open, rid him of the abscess, and then stitched him up
+again, releasing him from his bonds. Straightway he departed cured,
+and the floor of the Abaton was covered with blood.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a></p></blockquote>
+
+<p>In the records of almost all temple cures, a great number of which have
+survived in a wide variety of documents, an essential element is the
+process of <span class='t' title='enkoimêsis'>εγκοιμησις</span>, <i>incubation</i>
+or temple sleep, usually in a special sleeping-place or Abaton. The
+process has a close parallel in certain modern Greek churches and in
+places of worship much further West; there are even traces of it in
+these islands, and it is more than probable that the Christian
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[223]</a></span>
+practice is descended by direct continuity from the pagan.<a
+name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a>
+The whole character of the temple treatment was&mdash;and is&mdash;of a
+kind to suggest to the patient that he should dream of the god, an event
+which therefore usually takes place. Such treatment by suggestion is
+applicable only to certain classes of disease and is always liable to
+fall into the hands of fanatics and impostors. The difficulty that the
+honest practitioner encounters is that the sufferer, in the nature of
+the case, can hardly be brought to believe that his ailment is what in
+fact it is, a lesion of the mind. It is this which gives the
+miracle-monger his chance.</p>
+
+<p>Examine for a moment the two cases from Epidaurus, which are quite
+typical of the series. We observe that the first is described simply as
+a case of &lsquo;tape-worm&rsquo; without any justification for the
+diagnosis. It is not unfrequent nowadays for thin and anxious patients
+to state, similarly without justification, that they suffer from this
+condition. They attribute certain common gastric experiences to this
+cause of which perhaps they have learned from sensational
+advertisements, and then they ask cure for a condition which they
+themselves have diagnosed, but which has no existence in fact. Such a
+case is often appropriately treated by suggestion. Though the
+elaborateness of the suggestion in the temple cure is a little
+startling, yet it can easily be paralleled from the legends of the
+Christian saints. Moreover, we must remember that we are not here
+dealing with an account set down by the patient herself, but with an
+edificatory inscription put up by the temple officials.</p>
+
+<p>In the second inscription, the man with an abdominal abscess, we have a
+much simpler state of affairs. It is evident that an operation was
+actually performed by the priest masquerading as Asclepius, while the
+patient was held down by the slaves. He is assured that all is a dream
+and departs cured with the tell-tale comment &lsquo;and the floor of the
+Abaton was covered with blood&rsquo;.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[224]</a></span>
+These cases might be multiplied indefinitely without great profit for
+our particular theme, for in such matters there is no development, no
+evolution, no history. There can be no doubt that a very large part of
+Greek practice was on this level, as is a small part of modern medicine,
+but it is not a level with which we are here dealing and we shall
+therefore pass it by. But a word of caution must be added. Such temple
+worship has been compared with modern psycho-analysis. That method, like
+all methods, has doubtless been abused at times; but it is in essence,
+unlike the temple system, a purely scientific process by which the
+ultimate basis of the patient&rsquo;s delusions are laid bare and
+demonstrated to him.</p>
+
+<p>There is indeed another side to these Asclepian temples. They gradually
+developed along the lines of our health resorts and developed many of
+the qualities&mdash;lovely and unlovely&mdash;that we associate with certain
+continental watering places. On the bad side they became gossiping
+centres or even something little better than brothels, as we may gather
+from the <i>Mimes</i> of Herondas. On the good side they formed a quiet
+refuge among beautiful and interesting surroundings where the sick,
+exhausted, and convalescent might gain the benefits that accrue from
+pure air, fine scenery, and a regular and regulated mode of life. It is
+more than probable too that the open air and manner of living benefited
+many cases of incipient phthisis.</p>
+
+<p>Returning to the Hippocratic collection, the purely surgical treatises
+will be found no less remarkable than those of clinical observation. A
+very able surgeon, Francis Adams (1796-1861), who was eminent as a Greek
+scholar, gave it as his opinion in the middle of the nineteenth century
+that no systematic writer on surgery up to his time had given so good
+and so complete an account of certain dislocations, notably of the
+hip-joint, as that to be found in the Hippocratic collection. Some types
+of injury to the hip, as described in the Hippocratic writings, were
+certainly otherwise quite inadequately known until described by Sir
+Astley Cooper (1768-1841),<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[225]</a></span>
+himself a peculiarly Hippocratic character.<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a>
+The verdict of Adams was probably just, though since his time the
+surgery of dislocations, aided especially by X-rays, has been enabled to
+pass very definitely beyond the Hippocratic position. Admirable, too, is
+the Hippocratic description of dislocation of the shoulder and of the
+jaw. In dislocation of hip, shoulder, or jaw, as in most similar
+lesions, there is considerable deformity produced. The nature and
+meaning of this deformity is described with remarkable exactness by the
+Hippocratic writer, who also sets forth the resulting disability. The
+principles and indeed the very details of treatment in these cases are,
+save for the use of an anaesthetic, practically identical with those of
+the present day. The processes are unfortunately not suitable for
+detailed quotation and description here, but they are of special
+interest since a graphic record of them has come down to us. There
+exists in the Laurentian Library at Florence a ninth-century Greek
+surgical manuscript which contains figures of surgeons reducing the
+dislocations in question. There is good reason to suppose that these
+miniatures are copied from figures first prepared in pre-Christian times
+many centuries earlier, and we may here see the actual processes of
+reduction of such fractures, as conducted by a surgeon of the direct
+Hippocratic tradition<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a>
+(see Figs. 3, 4).</p>
+
+<div class='c'><table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="">
+<tr><th colspan='2'>From MS. of APOLLONIUS OF KITIUM, of Ninth Century
+Copied from pre-christian original</th></tr>
+<tr><td align='center'><div class="figcenter" style="width: 380px;">
+<img src="images/illus-224-5-a.jpg" width="380" height="600" alt="Fig. 3 REDUCING DISLOCATED SHOULDER" title="" />
+<span class="caption">Fig. 3<br /> REDUCING DISLOCATED SHOULDER</span></div></td>
+<td align='center'><div class="figcenter" style="width: 387px;">
+<img src="images/illus-224-5-b.jpg" width="387" height="600" alt="Fig. 4 REDUCING DISLOCATED JAW" title="" />
+<span class="caption">Fig. 4<br /> REDUCING DISLOCATED JAW</span></div></td></tr></table></div>
+
+<p>In keeping with all this is most of the surgical work of the collection.
+We are almost startled by the modern sound of the whole procedure as we
+run through the rough note-book <span class='t' title='kat&rsquo; iêtreion'>κατ&rsquo; ιητρειον</span>, <i>Concerning the
+Surgery</i>, or the more elaborate treatise <span class='t' title='peri iêtrou'>περι ιητρου</span>, <i>On the
+Physician</i>, where we may read minute directions for the preparation of
+the operating-room,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[226]</a></span> and on such points as the management of light both
+artificial and natural, scrupulous cleanliness of the hands, the care
+and use of the instruments, with the special precautions needed when
+they are of iron, the decencies to be observed during the operation, the
+general method of bandaging, the placing of the patient, the use and
+abuse of splints, and the need for tidiness, order, and cleanliness.
+Many of these directions are enlarged upon in other surgical works of
+the collection, among<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[227]</a></span><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[228]</a></span> which we find especially full instructions for
+bandaging and for the diagnosis and treatment of fractures and
+dislocations. A very fair representation of such a surgery as these
+works describe is to be found on a vase-painting of Attic origin of the
+earlier part of the fifth century, and, therefore, a generation before
+Hippocrates (see fig. 5). There are also several beautiful
+representations on vases of the actual processes of bandaging (fig. 6).</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;">
+<img src="images/illus-226.png" width="500" height="190" alt="Fig. 5.
+A GREEK CLINIC OF ABOUT 480-470 B. C. From a vase-painting." title="" />
+<div class="caption"><p class='c noin'><span class="sc">Fig. 5.</span><br />
+A GREEK CLINIC OF ABOUT 480-470 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> From a vase-painting.</p>
+<p>In the centre sits a physician holding a lancet and bleeding a patient
+from the median vein at the bend of the right elbow into a large open
+basin. Above and behind the physician are suspended three cupping
+vessels. To the right sits another patient awaiting his turn; his left
+arm is bandaged in the region of the biceps. The figure beyond him
+smells a flower, perhaps as a preservative against infection. Behind the
+physician stands a man leaning on a staff; he is wounded in the left
+leg, which is bandaged. By his side stands a dwarfish figure with
+disproportionately large head, whose body exhibits deformities typical
+of the developmental disease now known as <i>Achondroplasia</i>; in addition
+to these deformities we note that his body is hairy and the bridge of
+his nose sunken; on his back he carries a hare which is almost as tall
+as himself. Talking to the dwarf is a man leaning on a long staff, who
+has the remains of a bandage round his chest.</p>
+
+<p>See E. Pottier, &lsquo;Une Clinique grecque au Ve si&egrave;cle (vase
+antique du collection Peztel)&rsquo;, <i>Fondation Eug&egrave;ne Piot, Monuments
+et M&eacute;moires</i>, xiii. 149, Paris, 1906. (Some of our interpretations
+differ from those of M. Pottier.)</p></div></div>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 550px;">
+<img src="images/illus-227.jpg" width="550" height="549"
+alt="Fig. 6. A kylix from the Berlin Museum of about 490 B. C." title="" />
+<div class="caption"><p>Fig. 6. A kylix from the Berlin Museum of
+about 490 <span class="lc sc">B. C.</span> It bears the inscription
+<span class='t' title='SOSIAS EPOIÊSEN'>ΣΟΣΙΑΣ ΕΠΟΙΗΣΕΝ</span>,
+Sosias made (me), and represents Achilles bandaging Patroclus, the
+names of the two heroes being written round the margin. The painter is
+Euphronios, and the work is regarded as the masterpiece of that great
+artist. The left upper arm of Patroclus is injured, and Achilles is
+bandaging it with a two-rolled bandage, which he is trying to bring down
+to extend over the elbow. The treatment of the hands, a department in
+which Euphronios excelled, is particularly fine. Achilles was not a
+trained surgeon, and it will be observed, from the position of the two
+tails of the bandage, that he will have some difficulty when it comes to
+its final fastening!</p></div></div>
+
+<p>Among the surgical procedures of which descriptions are to be found in
+the Hippocratic writings are the opening of the chest for the condition
+known as <i>empyema</i> (accumulation of pus within the pleura frequently
+following pneumonia), and trephining the skull in cases of fracture of
+that part&mdash;two fundamental operations of modern surgery. Surgical art
+has advanced enormously in our own times, yet a text-book containing
+much that is useful to this day might be prepared from these surgical
+contents of the collection alone.</p>
+
+<p>When we pass to the works on Medicine, in the restricted sense, we enter
+into a region more difficult and perhaps even more fascinating. We are
+no longer dealing with simple lesions of known origin, but with the
+effects of disease and degeneration, of the essential character of which
+the Hippocratic writers could in the nature of the case know very
+little. Rigidly guarding themselves from any attempt to explain disease
+by more immediate and hypothetical causes and thus diverting the
+reader&rsquo;s energies in the medically useless direction of vague
+speculation&mdash;the prevalent mental vice of the Greeks&mdash;the best of these
+physicians are content if they can put forward generalized conclusions
+from actually observed cases. Many of their thoughts have now become
+household words, and they have become so, largely as a direct heritage
+from these ancient physicians. But it must be remembered that ideas so
+familiar to us were with them the result of long and carefully recorded
+experience and are like nothing that we encounter in the medicine of
+other ancient nations. Such<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[229]</a></span>
+conclusions are best set forth perhaps in the wonderful book of the
+<i>Aphorisms</i> from which we may permit ourselves a few quotations:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>&lsquo;Life is short, and the Art long; the opportunity fleeting;
+experiment dangerous, and judgement difficult. Yet we must be
+prepared not only to do our duty ourselves, but also patient,
+attendants, and external circumstances must co-operate.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a>
+</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>In this one memorable paragraph, so condensed in the original as to be
+almost untranslatable, he who &lsquo;first separated medicine from
+philosophy&rsquo; puts aside at once all speculative interest while in
+the actual presence of the sick. His whole energy is concentrated on the
+case in hand with that peculiar attitude, at once impersonal and
+intensely personal, that has since been the mark of the physician, and
+that has made of Medicine both a science and an art.</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>&lsquo;For extreme diseases, extreme methods of cure.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a></p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;The aged endure fasting most easily; next adults; next young
+persons, and least of all children, and especially such as are the
+most lively.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;Growing bodies have the most innate heat; they therefore
+require the most nourishment, and if they have it not they waste.
+In the aged there is little heat, and therefore they require little
+fuel, for it would be extinguished by much. Similarly fevers in the
+aged are not so acute, because their bodies are cold.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;In disease sleep that is laborious is a deadly symptom; but
+if sleep relieves it is not deadly.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;Sleep that puts an end to delirium is a good
+symptom.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[230]</a></span>
+&lsquo;If a convalescent eats well, but does not put on flesh, it
+is a bad symptom.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;Food or drink which is a little less good but more palatable
+is to be preferred to such that is better but less
+palatable.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;The old have generally fewer complaints than young; but
+those chronic diseases which do befall them generally never leave
+them.&rsquo;</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Here we have a group of observations, some of which have become
+literally household words, nor is it difficult to understand how such
+sayings have passed from professional into lay keeping. This magnificent
+book of <i>Aphorisms</i> was very early translated into Latin, probably
+before and certainly not later than the sixth century of the Christian
+era, and thus became accessible throughout the West. Manuscripts of this
+Latin version, dating from the ninth and tenth centuries of our era,
+have survived in the actual places in which they were written, at Monte
+Cassino in Southern Italy and at Einsiedeln in Switzerland, and in 991
+the book of <i>Aphorisms</i> was well known and closely studied at the
+Cathedral school of Chartres. From France the <i>Aphorisms</i> reached
+England, and they are mentioned in documents of the tenth or eleventh
+century. By now, too, the book had been translated into Syriac and later
+into Arabic and Hebrew, so that in the true mediaeval period it was
+known both East and West, and in the vernacular as well as the classical
+tongues. From the oriental dialects several further translations were
+again made into Latin. An enormous number of manuscripts of the work
+have survived in almost every Western dialect, and these show on the
+whole that the text has been surprisingly little tampered with. In the
+middle of the thirteenth century some of the better-known Aphorisms were
+absorbed into a very popular Latin poem that went forth in the name of
+the medical school of Salerno, though with a false ascription to a yet
+earlier date. The Salernitan poem, being itself translated into every
+European vernacular, further helped to bring Hippocrates into every
+home.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[231]</a></span>
+But by no means all the Aphorisms are of a kind that could well become
+absorbed into folk medicine. It is only those concerning frequently
+recurring states to which this fate could befall. The book contains also
+a number of notes on rare conditions seldom seen or noted save by
+medical men. Such are the following very acute observations:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>&lsquo;Spasm supervening on a wound is fatal.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;Those seized with tetanus die within four days, or if they
+survive so long they recover.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;A convulsion, or hiccup, supervening on a copious discharge
+of blood is bad.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;If after severe and grave wounds no swelling appears, it is
+very serious.&rsquo;</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>These four sentences all concern wounds. The first two refer to the
+disease <i>tetanus</i>, which is very liable to supervene on wounds fouled
+with earth, especially in hot and moist localities. The disease is
+characterized by a series of painful muscular contractions which in the
+more severe and fatal form may become a continuous spasm, a type that is
+referred to in the first sentence. It is true of tetanus that the later
+the onset after the wound is sustained the better the chance of
+recovery. This is brought out by the second sentence. The third and
+fourth sentences record untoward symptoms following a severe wound, now
+well recognized and watched for by every surgeon. There were, of course,
+innumerable illustrations of the truth of these Aphorisms in extensive
+wounds, especially those involving crushed limbs, in the late war.</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>&lsquo;Phthisis occurs most commonly between the ages of eighteen
+and thirty-five.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;Diarrhœa supervening on phthisis is mortal.&rsquo;</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>The period given by the <i>Aphorisms</i> for the maximum frequency of onset
+of the disease is closely borne out by modern observations. The second
+Aphorism is equally valid; continued diarrhœa is a very frequent
+antecedent of the fatal event in chronic phthisis, and post-mortem
+examination has shown that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[232]</a></span>
+secondary involvement of the bowel is an exceedingly common condition
+in this disease.</p>
+
+<p>No less remarkable is the following saying: &lsquo;In jaundice it is a
+grave matter if the liver becomes indurated.&rsquo; Jaundice is a common
+and comparatively trivial symptom following or accompanying a large
+variety of diseases. In and by itself it is of little importance and
+almost always disappears spontaneously. There is a small group of
+pathological conditions, however, in which this is not the case. The
+commonest and most important of these are the fatal affections of
+cirrhosis and cancer of the liver in which that organ may be felt to be
+enlarged and hardened. If therefore the liver can be so felt in a case
+of jaundice, it is, as the Aphorism says, of gravest import.
+Representations of such cases have actually come down to us from Greek
+times. Thus on a monument erected at Athens to the memory of a physician
+who died in the second century of the Christian era we may see the
+process of clinical examination (fig. 7). The physician is palpating the
+liver of a dwarfish figure whose swollen belly, wasted limbs, and
+anxious look tell of some such condition as that described in the
+Aphorism. The ridge caused by the enlarged liver can even be detected on
+the statue.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;">
+<img src="images/illus-234-5.jpg" width="400" height="560"
+alt="Fig. 7. ATHENIAN FUNERARY MONUMENT" title="" />
+<span class="caption">Fig. 7. ATHENIAN FUNERARY MONUMENT<br />
+Second century A. D. British Museum<br />
+Inscription reads: &lsquo;Jason, also called Dekmos, the Acharnian, a
+physician&rsquo;, followed by his genealogy. By side of patient stands a
+cupping vessel.</span></div>
+
+<p>&lsquo;We must attend to the appearances of the eyes in sleep as
+presented from below; for if a portion of the white be seen between the
+closing eyelids, and if this be not connected with diarrhœa or severe
+purging, it is a very bad and mortal symptom.&rsquo; In this, the last
+Aphorism which we shall quote, we see the Hippocratic physician actually
+making his observations. Now during sleep the eyeball is turned upward,
+so that if the eye be then opened and examined only the white is seen.
+In the later stages of all wasting and chronic diseases the eyelids tend
+not to be closed during sleep. Such patients, as is well known, often
+die with the eyes open and sometimes exhibiting only the whites.</p>
+
+<p>But the Hippocratic physician was not content to make only
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[233]</a></span>
+passive observation; he also took active measures to elicit the
+&lsquo;physical signs&rsquo;. In modern times a large, perhaps the
+chief, task of the student of medicine is to acquire a knowledge of
+these so-called physical signs of disease, the tradition of which has
+been gradually rebuilt during the last three centuries. Among the most
+important measures in which he learns to acquire facility is that of
+auscultation. This useful process has come specially into vogue since
+the invention of the stethoscope in 1819 by Laennec, who derived
+valuable hints for it from the Hippocratic writings. Auscultation is
+several times mentioned and described by the Hippocratic physicians, who
+used the direct method of listening and not the mediate method devised
+by Laennec. There are, however, certain cases in which the modern
+physician still finds the older non-instrumental Hippocratic method
+superior. In the Hippocratic work <span class='t' title='peri nousôn'>περι νουσων</span>,
+<i>On diseases</i>, we read of a case with fluid in the pleura that
+&lsquo;you will place the patient on a seat which does not move, an
+assistant will hold him by the shoulders, and you will shake him,
+applying the ear to the chest, so as to recognize on which side the sign
+occurs&rsquo;. This sign is still used by physicians and is known as
+<i>Hippocratic succussion</i>. In another passage in the same work the
+symptoms of pleurisy are described and &lsquo;a creak like that of
+leather may be heard&rsquo;. This is the well known <i>pleuritic rub</i>
+which the physician is accustomed to seek in such cases, and of which
+the creak of leather is an excellent representation.</p>
+
+<p>Such quotations give an insight into the general method and attitude of
+the Hippocratics. Of an art such as medicine, which even in those times
+had a long and rational tradition behind it, it is impossible to give
+more than the merest glimpse in such a review as this. The actual
+practice is far too complex to set down briefly. This is especially the
+case with the ancient teaching as regards epidemic disease at which we
+must cursorily glance. The Hippocratic physicians and indeed all
+antiquity were as yet ignorant of the nature, and were but
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[234]</a></span>
+dimly aware of the existence, of infection.<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a>
+For them acute disease was something imposed on the patient from
+outside, but how it reached him from outside and what it was that thus
+reached him they were still admittedly ignorant. In this dilemma they
+turned to prolonged observation and noted as a result of repeated
+experience that epidemic diseases in their world had characteristic
+seasonal and regional distributions. One country was not quite like
+another, nor was one season like another nor even one year like another.
+By a series of carefully collated observations as to how regions,
+seasons, and years differed from each other, they succeeded in laying
+the basis of a rational study of epidemiology which gave rise to the
+notion of an &lsquo;epidemic constitution&rsquo; of the different years,
+a conception which was very fertile and stimulating to the great
+clinicians of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and is by no
+means without value even for the modern epidemiologist. The work of the
+modern fathers of epidemiology was consciously based on Hippocrates.</p>
+
+<p>Before parting with the Hippocratic physician a word must be said as to
+his therapeutic means. His general armoury may be described as
+resembling that of the modern physician of about two generations ago.
+During those two generations we have, it is true, added to our list of
+effective remedies but, on the other hand, there has been by common
+consent a return to the Hippocratic simplicity of treatment. After rest
+and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[235]</a></span>
+quiet the central factor in treatment was Dietetics. This science
+regarded the age&mdash;&lsquo;Old persons use less nutriment than
+young&rsquo;; the season&mdash;&lsquo;In winter abundant nourishment is
+wholesome, in summer a more frugal diet&rsquo;; the bodily
+condition&mdash;&lsquo;Lean persons should take little food, but this little
+should be fat, fat persons on the other hand should take much food, but
+it should be lean&rsquo;. Respect was also paid to the digestibility of
+different foods&mdash;&lsquo;white meat is more easily digestible than
+dark&rsquo;&mdash;and to their preparation. Water, barley water, and lime
+water were recommended as drinks. The dietetic principles of the
+Hippocratics, especially in connexion with fevers, are substantially
+those of the present day, and it may be said that the general medical
+tendency of the last generation in these matters has been an even closer
+approximation to the Hippocratic. &lsquo;The more we nourish unhealthy
+bodies the more we injure them&rsquo;; &lsquo;The sick upon whom fever
+seizes with the greatest severity from the very outset, must at once
+subject themselves to a rigid diet&rsquo;; &lsquo;Complete abstinence
+often acts well, if the strength of the patient can in any way sustain
+it&rsquo;; yet &lsquo;We should examine the strength of the sick, to see
+whether they be in condition to maintain this spare diet to the crisis
+of the disease&rsquo;. &lsquo;In the application of these rules we must
+always be mindful of the strength of the patient and of the course of
+each particular disease, as well as of the constitution and ordinary
+mode of life in each disease.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>Besides diet the Hippocratic physician had at his disposal a
+considerable variety of other remedies. Baths, inunctions, clysters,
+warm and cold suffusions, massage and gymnastic, as well as gentler
+exercise are among them. He probably employed cupping and bleeding
+rather too freely, and we have several representations of the
+instruments used for these operations (fig. 8). He was no great user of
+drugs and seldom names them except, we may note, in the works on the
+treatment of women, which are probably of Cnidian origin and whence
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[236]</a></span> the
+greater part of the 300 constituents of the Hippocratic pharmacopœia are
+derived. Thus his list of drugs is small but several known to him are
+still used by us.</p>
+
+<p>The work of these men may be summed up by saying that without
+dissection, without any experimental physiology or pathology, and
+without any instrumental aid they pushed the knowledge of the course and
+origin of disease as far as it is conceivable that men in such
+circumstances could push it. This was done as a process of pure
+scientific induction. Their surgery, though hardly based on anatomy, was
+grounded on the most carefully recorded experience. In therapeutics they
+allowed themselves neither to be deceived by false hopes nor led aside
+by vain traditions. Yet in diagnosis, prognosis, surgery and
+therapeutics alike they were in many departments unsurpassed until the
+nineteenth century, and to some of their methods we have reverted in the
+twentieth. Persisting throughout the ages as a more or less definite
+tradition, which attained clearer form during and after the sixteenth
+century, Hippocratic methods have formed the basis of all departments of
+modern advance.</p>
+
+<p>But the history of Greek medicine did not end with the Hippocratic
+collection; in many respects it may indeed be held only to begin there;
+yet we never get again a glimpse of so high an ethical and professional
+standard as that which these works convey. From Alexandrian times
+onwards, too, the history of Greek medicine becomes largely a history of
+various schools of medical thought, each of which has only a partial
+view of the course and nature of medical knowledge. The unravelling of
+the course and teachings of these sects has long been a pre-occupation
+of professed medical historians, but the general reader can hardly take
+an interest in differences between the Dogmatists, Empirics, and
+Methodists whose doctrines are as dead as themselves. In this later
+Alexandrian and Hellenistic age the Greek intellect is no less active
+than before, but there is a change in the taste of the material. A
+general decay of the spirit is reflected in the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[237]</a></span>
+medical as in the literary products of the time, and we never again
+feel that elevation of a beautiful and calmly righteous presence that
+breathes through the Hippocratic collection and gives it a peculiar
+aroma.</p>
+
+<p>We shall pass over the general course of later Greek medicine with great
+rapidity. A definite medical school was established at Alexandria and
+others perhaps at Pergamon and elsewhere. Athens, after the death of
+Aristotle and his pupils, passes entirely into the background and is of
+no importance so far as medicine is concerned. At Alexandria, where a
+great medical library was collected, anatomy began to be studied and two
+men whose discoveries were of primary importance for the history of that
+subject, Erasistratus and Herophilus, early practised there. With
+anatomy as a basis medical education could become much more systematic.
+It is a very great misfortune that the works of these two eminent men
+have disappeared. Of Herophilus fragments have survived embedded in the
+works of Galen (<span class='lc sc'>A. D.</span> 130-201), Caelius Aurelianus
+(fifth century), and others. These fragments have been the subject of
+one of the earliest, most laborious, and most successful attempts made
+in modern times to reconstruct the lost work of an ancient
+author.<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a>
+For Erasistratus our chief source of information are two polemical
+treatises directed against him by Galen. Recently, too, a little more
+information concerning the works of both men has become available from
+the Menon papyrus.</p>
+
+<p>It has been found possible to reconstruct especially a treatise on
+anatomy by Herophilus with a considerable show of probability. He opened
+by giving general directions for the process of dissection and followed
+with detailed descriptions of the various systems, nervous, vascular,
+glandular, digestive, generative, and osseous. There was a separate
+section on the liver, a small part of which has survived. It is of his
+account of the nervous system that we have perhaps the best record,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[238]</a></span>
+and it is evident that he has advanced far beyond the Hippocratic
+position. In the braincase he saw the membranes that cover the brain and
+distinguished between the cerebrum and cerebellum. He attained to some
+knowledge of the ventricles of the brain, the cranial and spinal nerves,
+the nerves of the heart, and the coats of the eye. He distinguished the
+blood sinuses of the skull, and the <i>torcular Herophili</i> (winepress of
+Herophilus), a sinus described by him, has preserved his name in modern
+anatomical nomenclature. He even made out more minute structures, such
+as the little depression in the fourth ventricle of the brain, known to
+modern anatomists as the <i>calamus scriptorius</i>, which still bears the
+name which he gave it (<span class='t' title='kalamos hô graphomen'>καλαμος ὡ γραφομεν</span>),
+because it seemed to him, as Galen tells us, to resemble the pens then
+in use in Alexandria.<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a>
+We still use, too, his term <i>duodenum</i> (<span class='t'
+title='dôdekadaktylos ekphysis'>δωδεκαδακτυλος εκφυσις</span> = twelve-finger
+extension), for as Galen assures us, Herophilus &lsquo;so named the
+first part of the intestine before it is rolled into folds&rsquo;.<a
+name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> The duodenum is a
+U-shaped section of the intestine following immediately on the stomach.
+Being fixed down behind the abdominal cavity it cannot be further
+convoluted, and this accounts for Galen&rsquo;s description of it. It is
+about twelve fingers&rsquo; breadth long in the animals dissected by
+Herophilus.</p>
+
+<p>Erasistratus, the slightly younger Alexandrian contemporary of
+Herophilus, has the credit of further anatomical discoveries. He
+described correctly the action of the epiglottis in preventing the
+entrance of food and drink into the windpipe during the act of
+swallowing, he saw the lacteal vessels in the mesentery, and pursued
+further the anatomy of the brain. He improved on the anatomy of the
+heart, and described the auriculo-ventricular valves and their mode of
+closure. He distinguished clearly the motor and sensory nerves. He seems
+to have<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[239]</a></span>
+adopted a definitely experimental attitude&mdash;a very rare thing
+among ancient physicians&mdash;and a description of an experiment made by him
+has recently been recovered. &lsquo;If&rsquo;, he says, &lsquo;you take
+an animal, a bird, for example, and keep it for a time in a jar without
+giving it food and then weigh it together with its excreta you will find
+that there is a considerable loss of weight.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a>
+The experiment is a simple one, but it was about nineteen hundred years
+before a modern professor, Sanctorio Santorio (1561-1636), thought of
+repeating it.<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a></p>
+
+<p>The anatomical advances made by the Alexandrian school naturally reacted
+on surgical efficiency. The improvement so effected may be gathered, for
+instance, from an account of the anatomical relationships in certain
+cases of dislocation of the hip given by the Alexandrian surgeon
+Hegetor, who lived about 100 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> In his book
+<span class='t' title='peri aitiôn'>περι αιτιων</span>, <i>On
+causes</i> [<i>of disease</i>], he asks &lsquo;why (certain surgeons) do not
+seek another way of reducing a luxation of the hip.... If the joints of
+the jaw, shoulder, elbow, knee, finger, &amp;c., can be replaced, the same,
+they think, must be true of all parts, nor can they give an account of
+why the femur cannot be put back into its place.... They might have
+known, however, that from the head of the femur arises a ligament which
+is inserted into the socket of the hip bone ... and if this ligament is
+once ruptured the thigh bone cannot be retained in
+place&rsquo;.<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a>
+This passage contains the first description of the structure known to
+modern anatomists as the <i>ligamentum teres</i>, a strong fibrous band which
+unites the head of the femur with the socket into which it fits in the
+hip bone, like the string that binds the cup and
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[240]</a></span>
+ball of a child&rsquo;s toy. This ligament is ruptured in certain
+severe cases of dislocation of the hip.</p>
+
+<p>After the establishment of the school at Alexandria, medical teaching
+rapidly became organized, but throughout the whole course of antiquity
+it suffered from the absence of anything in the nature of a state
+diploma. Any one could practise, with the result that many quacks,
+cranks, and fanatics were to be found among the ranks of the
+practitioners who often were or had been slaves. The great Alexandrian
+school, however, did much to preserve some sort of professional
+standard, and above all its anatomical discipline helped to this end.</p>
+
+<p>Between the founding of the Alexandrian school and Galen we are not rich
+in medical writings. Apart from fragments and minor productions, the
+works of only five authors have survived from this period of over four
+hundred years, namely, Celsus, Dioscorides, Aretaeus of Cappadocia, and
+two Ephesian authors bearing the names of Rufus and Soranus.</p>
+
+<p>The work of Celsus of the end of the first century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>
+is a Latin treatise, probably translated from Greek, and is the
+surviving medical volume of a complete cyclopaedia of knowledge. In
+spite of its unpromising origin it is an excellent compendium of its
+subject and shows a good deal of advance in many respects beyond the
+Hippocratic position. The moral tone too is very high, though without
+the lofty and detached beauty of Hippocrates. Anatomy has greatly
+improved, and with it surgical procedure, and the work is probably
+representative of the best Alexandrian practice. The pharmacopœia is
+more copious, but has not yet become burdensome. The general line of
+treatment is sensible and humane and the language concise and clear.
+Among other items he describes dental practice, with the indications for
+and methods of tooth extraction, the wiring of teeth, and perhaps a
+dental mirror. There is an excellent account of what might be thought to
+be the modern operation for removal of the tonsils. Celsus is still
+commemorated in modern medicine by the <i>area Celsi</i>, a not
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[241]</a></span>
+uncommon disease of the skin. The <i>De re medica</i> is in fact one of
+the very best medical text-books that have come down to us from
+antiquity. It has had a romantic history. Forgotten during the Middle
+Ages, it was brought to light by the classical scholar Guarino of Verona
+(1374-1460) in 1426, and a better copy was discovered by his friend
+Lamola in 1427. Another copy was found by Thomas Parentucelli
+(1397-1455), afterwards Pope Nicholas V in 1443, and the text was later
+studied by Politian (1454-94). Though one of the latest of the great
+classical medical texts to be discovered, it was one of the first to be
+printed (Florence, 1478), and it ran through very many early editions
+and had great influence on the medical renaissance.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;">
+<img src="images/illus-240-1.jpg" width="600" height="458" alt="Fig. 8." title="" />
+<span class="caption">Fig. 8. VOTIVE TABLET representing
+cupping and bleeding instruments from Temple of Asclepius at Athens. In
+centre is represented a folding case containing scalpels of various
+forms. On either side are cupping vessels.</span></div>
+
+<p>After Celsus comes Dioscorides in the first century <span class='lc sc'>A. D.</span> He was a Greek
+military surgeon of Cilician origin who served under Nero, and in him
+the Greek intellect is obviously beginning to flag. His work is
+prodigiously important for the history of botany, yet so far as rational
+medicine is concerned he is almost negligible. He begins at the wrong
+end, either giving lists of drugs with the symptoms that they are said
+to cure or to relieve, or lists of symptoms with a series of named
+drugs. Clinical observation and record are wholly absent, and the spirit
+of Hippocrates has departed from this elaborate pharmacopœia.</p>
+
+<p>With the second century of the Christian era we terminate the creative
+period of Greek medicine. We are provided with the works of four
+important writers of this century, of whom three, Rufus of Ephesus,
+Soranus of Ephesus, and Aretaeus of Cappadocia, though valuable for
+forming a picture of the state of medicine in their day, were without
+substantial influence on the course of medicine in later ages.</p>
+
+<p>Rufus of Ephesus, a little junior to Dioscorides, has left us the first
+formal work on human anatomy and is of some importance in the history of
+comparative anatomy. In medicine he is memorable as the first to have
+described bubonic plague, and in surgery for his description of the
+methods of arresting<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[242]</a></span>
+haemorrhage and his knowledge of the anatomy of the eye. A work by him
+<i>On gout</i> was translated into Latin in the sixth century, but remained
+unknown till modern times.</p>
+
+<p>Soranus of Ephesus (<span class='lc sc'>A. D.</span> <i>c.</i> 90-<i>c.</i> 150),
+an acute writer on gynaecology, has left a book which illustrates well
+the anatomy of his day. It exercised an influence for many centuries to
+come, and a Latin abstract of it prepared about the sixth century by one
+Moschion has come down to us in an almost contemporary manuscript.<a
+name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a>
+It is interesting as opposing the Hippocratic theory that the male
+embryo is originated in the right and the female in the left half of the
+womb, a fallacy derived originally from Empedocles and Parmenides, but
+perpetuated by Latin translations of the Hippocratic treatises until the
+seventeenth century. His work was adorned by figures, and some of these,
+naturally greatly altered by copyists, but still not infinitely removed
+from the facts, have survived in a manuscript of the ninth century, and
+give us a distant idea of the appearance of ancient anatomical
+drawings.<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a>
+We may assist our imagination a little further, in forming an idea of
+what such diagrams were like, with the help of certain other mediaeval
+figures representing the form and distribution of the various anatomical
+&lsquo;systems&rsquo;, veins, arteries, nerves, bones, and muscles which
+are probably traceable to an Alexandrian origin.<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a></p>
+
+<p>Aretaeus of Cappadocia was probably a contemporary of Galen (second half
+of the second century <span class='lc sc'>A. D.</span>). As a clinical author
+his reputation stands high, perhaps too high, his descriptions of
+pneumonia, empyema, diabetes, and elephantiasis<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[243]</a></span>
+having especially drawn attention. In treatment he uses simple
+remedies, is not affected by polypharmacy, and suggests many ingenious
+mechanical devices. It would appear that Aretaeus is not an independent
+writer, but mainly a compiler. He relies largely on Archigenes, a
+distinguished physician contemporary with Juvenal, whose works have
+perished save the fragments preserved in this manner by Aretaeus and
+Aetius. Aretaeus was a very popular writer among the Greeks in all ages,
+but he was not translated into Latin, and was unknown in the West until
+the middle of the sixteenth century.<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a>
+He is philologically interesting as still using the Ionic dialect.</p>
+
+<p>There remains the huge overshadowing figure of Galen. The enormous mass
+of the surviving work of this man, the dictator of medicine until the
+revival of learning and beyond, tends to throw out of perspective the
+whole of Greek medical records. The works of Galen alone form about half
+of the mass of surviving Greek medical writings, and occupy, in the
+standard edition, twenty-two thick, closely-printed volumes. These cover
+every department of medicine, anatomy, physiology, pathology, medical
+theory, therapeutics, as well as clinical medicine and surgery. In style
+they are verbose and heavy and very frequently polemical. They are
+saturated with a teleology which, at times, becomes excessively tedious.
+In the anatomical works, masses of teleological explanation dilute the
+account of often imperfectly described structures. Yet to this element
+we owe the preservation of the mass of Galen&rsquo;s works, for his
+intensely teleological point of view appealed to the theological bias
+both of Western Christianity and of Eastern Islam. Intolerable as
+literature, his works are a valuable treasure house of medical knowledge
+and experience, custom, tradition, and history.</p>
+
+<p>As in the case of the Hippocratic corpus, so in the case of the Galenic
+corpus we are dealing to some extent with material
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[244]</a></span>
+from various sources. In the case of Galen, however, we have a good
+standard of genuineness, for he has left us a list of his books which
+can be checked off against those which we actually possess. The general
+standpoint of the Galenic is not unlike that of the Hippocratic
+writings, but the noble vision of the lofty-minded, pure-souled
+physician has utterly passed away. In his place we have an acute,
+honest, very contentious fellow, bristling with energy and of prodigious
+industry, not unkindly, but loving strife, a thoroughly
+&lsquo;aggressive&rsquo; character. He loves truth, but he loves
+argument quite as much. The value of his philosophical writings, of
+which some have survived, cannot be discussed here, but it is evident
+that he is frequently satisfied with purely verbal explanations. An
+ingenious physiologist, a born experimenter, an excellent anatomist and
+eager to improve, possessing a good knowledge of the human skeleton and
+an accurate acquaintance with the internal parts so far as this can be
+derived from a most industrious devotion to dissection of animals,
+equipped with all the learning of the schools of Pergamon, Smyrna, and
+Alexandria, and rich with the experience of a vast practice at Rome,
+Galen is essentially an &lsquo;efficient&rsquo; man. He has the grace to
+acknowledge constantly and repeatedly his indebtedness to the
+Hippocratic writings. Such was the man whose remains, along with the
+Hippocratic collection, formed the main medical legacy of Greece to the
+Western world.</p>
+
+<p>Some of Galen&rsquo;s works are mere drug lists, little superior to
+those of Dioscorides;<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a>
+with the depression of the intelligence that corresponded with the break
+up of the Roman Empire, it was these that were chiefly seized on and
+distributed in the West. Attractive too to the debased intellect of the
+late Roman world were certain spurious, superstitious, and astrological
+works that circulated in the name of Galen and
+Hippocrates.<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a>
+The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[245]</a></span>
+Greek medical writers after Galen were but his imitators and
+abstractors, but through some of them Galen&rsquo;s works reached the
+West at a very early period in the Middle Ages. Such abstractors who
+were early translated into Latin were Oribasius (325-403), Paul of
+Aegina (625-690), and Alexander of Tralles (525-605). Of the best and
+most scientific of Galen&rsquo;s works the Middle Ages knew little or
+nothing.</p>
+
+<p>Later Galen and Hippocrates became a little more accessible, not by
+translation from the Greek, but by translation from the Arabic of a
+Syriac version. The first work to be so rendered was a version of
+<i>Aphorisms</i> of Hippocrates which, however, as we have seen, were already
+available in Latin dress, together with the Hippocratic <i>Regimen in
+acute diseases</i>, and certain works of Galen as corruptly interpreted by
+Isaac Judaeus. These were rendered from Arabic into Latin by
+Constantine, an African adventurer who became a monk at Monte Cassino
+and died there in 1087. Constantine was a wretched craftsman with an
+imperfect knowledge of both Arabic and Latin. More effective was the
+great twelfth-century translator from the Arabic, Gerard of Cremona
+(died 1185), who turned many medical works into Latin from Arabic, and
+who was followed by a whole host of imitators. Yet more important for
+the advance of medicine, however, was the learned revival of the
+thirteenth century. In the main that revival was based on translations
+from Arabic, but a certain number of works were also rendered direct
+from the Greek. During the thirteenth century Aristotle&rsquo;s
+scientific works began to be treated in this way, but more important for
+the course of medicine were those of Galen, and they had to wait till
+the following century. The long treatise of Galen,
+<span class='t' title='peri chreias tôn en anthrôpou sômati moriôn'>περι χρειας των εν ανθρωπου σωματι μοριων</span>,
+<i>On the uses of the bodily parts in man</i>, was translated from the Greek
+into Latin by Nicholas of Reggio in the earlier part of the fourteenth
+century. This work, with all its defects, was by far the best account of
+the human body then available. Many manuscripts of the Latin version
+have survived, and it was translated into several vernaculars,
+including<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[246]</a></span>
+English, and profoundly influenced surgery. The rendering into Latin of
+this treatise, and its wide distribution, may be regarded as the
+starting-point of modern scientific medicine. Its appearance is moreover
+a part of the phenomenon of the revived interest in dissection which had
+begun to be practised in the Universities in the thirteenth
+century,<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a>
+and was a generally accepted discipline in the fourteenth and
+fifteenth.<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a></p>
+
+<p>Until the end of the fifteenth century progress in anatomy was almost
+imperceptible. During the fifteenth century more Galenic and Hippocratic
+texts were recovered and gradually turned into Latin, but still without
+vitally affecting the course of Anatomy. The actual printing of
+collected editions of Hippocrates and Galen came rather late, for the
+debased taste of the Renaissance physicians continued to prefer
+Dioscorides and the Arabs, of whom numerous editions appeared, so that
+medicine made no advance corresponding to the progress of scholarship.
+The Hippocratic works were first printed in 1525, and an isolated
+edition of the inferior Galen in 1490, but the real advance in Medicine
+was not made by direct study of these works. So long as they were
+treated in the old scholastic spirit such works were of no more value
+than those of the Arabists or others inherited from the Middle Ages.
+Even Hippocrates can be spoilt by a commentary, and it was not until the
+investigator began actually to compare his own observations with those
+of Hippocrates and Galen that the real value of these works became
+apparent. The department in which this happened first was Anatomy, and
+such revolutionaries as Leonardo da Vinci (1452-1518), who never
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[247]</a></span>
+published, and Vesalius (1514-1564), whose great work appeared in 1543,
+were really basing their work on Galen, though they were much occupied
+in proving Galen&rsquo;s errors. Antonio Benivieni (died 1502), an eager
+prophet of the new spirit, revived the Hippocratic tradition by actually
+collecting notes of a few cases with accompanying records of deaths and
+post-mortem findings, among which it is interesting to observe a case of
+appendicitis.<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a>
+His example was occasionally followed during the sixteenth century, as
+for instance, by the Portuguese Jewish physician Amatus Lusitanus
+(1511-<i>c.</i> 1562), who printed no fewer than seven hundred cases; but the
+real revival of the Hippocratic tradition came in the next century with
+Sydenham (1624-1689) and Boerhaave (1668-1738), who were consciously
+working on the Hippocratic basis and endeavouring to extend the
+Hippocratic experience.</p>
+
+<p>Lastly surgery came to profit by the revival. The greatest of the
+sixteenth-century surgeons, the lovable and loving Ambroise Par&eacute;
+(1510-1590), though he was, as he himself humbly confessed, an ignorant
+man knowing neither Latin nor Greek, can be shown to have derived much
+from the works of antiquity, which were circulating in translation in
+his day and were thus filtering down to the unlearned.</p>
+
+<p>Texts of Hippocrates and of Galen had formed an integral part in the
+medical instruction of the universities from their commencement in the
+thirteenth century. The first Greek text of the <i>Aphorisms</i> of
+Hippocrates appeared in 1532, edited by no less a hand than that of
+Fran&ccedil;ois Rabelais. With the further recovery of the Greek texts and
+preparation of better translations, these became almost the sole mode of
+instruction during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The
+translators became legion and their competence varied. One highly
+skilled translator, however, is of special interest to English readers.
+Thomas Linacre (1460?-1524), Physician to Henry VIII, Tutor to the
+Princess Mary, founder and first president of the College
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[248]</a></span>
+of Physicians, a benefactor of both the ancient Universities and one of
+the earliest, ablest, most typical, and most exasperating of the English
+humanists, spent much energy on this work of translation for which his
+abilities peculiarly fitted him. He was responsible for no less than six
+important works of Galen, of which one, the <i>De temperamentis et de
+inaequali intemperie</i>, printed at Cambridge in 1521, was among the
+earliest books impressed in that town and is said to be the first
+printed in England for which Greek types were used. It has been honoured
+by reproduction in facsimile in modern times. Such works as these,
+purely literary efforts, had great vogue for a century and more, and
+were much in use in the Universities. These humanistic products
+sometimes produced, among the advocates of the new scientific method, a
+degree of fury which was only rivalled by that of some of the humanists
+themselves towards the translators from the Arabic. But these are now
+dead fires. As the clinical and scientific methods of teaching gained
+ground, textual studies receded in medical education, as Hippocrates and
+Galen themselves would have wished them to recede.</p>
+
+<p>The texts of Hippocrates and Galen have now ceased to occupy a place in
+any medical curriculum. Yet all who know these writings, know too, not
+only that their spirit is still with us, but that the works themselves
+form the background of modern practice, and that their very phraseology
+is still in use at the bedside. Modern medicine may be truly described
+as in essence a creation of the Greeks. To realize the nature of our
+medical system, some knowledge of its Greek sources is essential. It
+would indeed be a bad day for medicine if ever this debt to the Greeks
+were forgotten, and the loss would be at least as much ethical as
+intellectual. But there is happily no fear of this, for the figure and
+spirit of Hippocrates are more real and living to-day than they have
+been since the great collapse of the Greek scientific intellect in the
+third and fourth centuries of the Christian era.</p>
+
+<p class='sig sc'>Charles Singer.</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>The author has to thank Mr. R. W. Livingstone, Dr. E. T.
+Withington, Prof. A. Platt, and Mr. J. D. Beazley for corrections
+and suggestions.</p></blockquote>
+
+<hr /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[249]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="LITERATURE" id="LITERATURE"></a>LITERATURE</h2>
+
+<p>A man walking down Shaftesbury Avenue from Piccadilly to Charing Cross
+Road passes the <i>Lyric Theatre</i>. If it is the evening, a <i>dramatic</i>
+performance is probably taking place inside. It may be a <i>tragedy</i>, or
+some form of <i>comedy</i>. If it is a <i>musical comedy</i> and he enters, he
+will see elaborate <i>scenery</i> and a play which may open with a <i>prologue</i>
+and which is partly composed of <i>dialogue</i> between the various
+<i>characters</i>, partly of songs in various <i>metres</i> sung by a <i>chorus</i> to
+the accompaniment of an <i>orchestra</i>. As the words in italics indicate,
+our imaginary passer-by will have seen, though he may not have suspected
+it, a symbol of the indelible mark which the Greeks have set on the
+aesthetic and intellectual life of Europe, and of the living presence of
+Greece in the twentieth century. An ancient Athenian might be startled
+at the sight of a musical comedy and its chorus, but he would be looking
+at his own child, a descendant, however distant, degenerate, and hard to
+recognize, of that chorus which with dance and song moved round the
+altar of Dionysus in the theatre of his home.</p>
+
+<p>The same imprint, clear or faint, is on all our literary forms, except
+perhaps one. Epic, lyric, elegiac, dramatic, didactic, poetry, history,
+biography, rhetoric and oratory, the epigram, the essay, the sermon, the
+novel, letter writing and literary criticism are all Greek by origin,
+and in nearly every case their name betrays their source. Rome raises a
+doubtful claim to satire, but the substance of satire is present in the
+Old Comedy, and the form seems to have existed in writings now lost.
+There are even one or two <i>genres</i>, such as the imaginary speech, which
+Greece invented and which are not, fortunately, found in
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[250]</a></span>
+modern literature. When the curtain rose on Homer, European literature
+did not exist: long before it falls on the late Byzantines, the lines
+were laid on which it has moved up to our own day. This is the entire
+work of a single people, politically weak, numerically small, materially
+poor&mdash;according to the economy of nature which in things of the
+mind and the spirit gives a germinating power to few. The Greeks are
+justly admired for individual poems, plays, and pieces of writing; but
+it was something even greater to have explored the possibilities of
+literature so far that posterity, while it has developed Greek <i>genres</i>,
+has not hitherto been able to add to them. This is one part of the Greek
+Legacy to literature.</p>
+
+<p>Another part are the works themselves. Literature can only be judged by
+reading it, and certainly it cannot be characterized in a few pages. But
+a man ignorant of Greek and anxious to estimate its value might form
+some idea by inquiring the opinions of qualified judges. He would find
+them unanimous: I suppose it is true that no man of eminence qualified
+to speak has ever spoken of Greek literature in any tone but one. The
+first testimony is that of the Romans. It is borne by their literature,
+starting in translations from Greek, adopting one after another of their
+<i>genres</i>, permeated through and through (and most of all in the greatest
+writers) by imitations, reminiscences, influences of Greek, confessing
+and glorying in the debt. &lsquo;In learning,&rsquo; says Cicero,
+&lsquo;and in every branch of literature, the Greeks are our
+masters.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a>
+A Roman boy should begin his studies with Greek, Quintilian thought,
+&lsquo;because Latin learning is derived from Greek.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a>
+The same note is repeated in the literature of the Renaissance, and
+re-echoed by the most various voices of our own century.</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;Though one of the Greek tragedians may seem rather greater and
+more complete than another, their work as a whole has a single pervading
+quality. It is marked by grandeur,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[251]</a></span>
+excellence, sanity, complete humanity, a high philosophy of life, a
+lofty way of thinking, a powerful intuition (<i>Anschauung</i>). We find
+these qualities in their surviving lyric and epic poetry as well as in
+their drama: we find them in their philosophers, orators, and historians
+and, to an equally high degree, in their surviving sculpture.&rsquo;<a
+name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a></p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;Beside the great Attic poets, like Aeschylus and Sophocles, I am
+absolutely nothing.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a></p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;He spoke with great animation of the advantage of classical
+study, Greek especially. &ldquo;Where,&rdquo; he said, &ldquo;would one
+look for a greater orator than Demosthenes; or finer dramatic poetry,
+next to Shakspere, than that of Aeschylus or Sophocles, not to speak of
+Euripides.&rdquo; Herodotus he thought &ldquo;the most interesting and
+instructive book, next to the Bible, which had ever been
+written&rdquo;.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a></p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;The period which intervened between the birth of Pericles and the
+death of Aristotle is undoubtedly, whether considered in itself or with
+reference to the effects which it has produced upon the subsequent
+destinies of civilized man, the most memorable in the history of the
+world.... The wrecks and fragments of these subtle and profound minds,
+like the ruins of a fine statue, obscurely suggest to us the grandeur
+and perfection of the whole. Their very language ... in variety, in
+simplicity, in flexibility, and in copiousness, excels every other
+language of the western world.&rsquo; Then, after some words on their
+sculpture, he adds: &lsquo;their poetry seems to maintain a very high,
+though not so disproportionate a rank, in the comparison&rsquo; (with
+other literatures).<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a></p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;The Greeks are the most remarkable people who have yet
+existed.... They were the beginners of nearly everything, Christianity
+excepted, of which the modern world makes its
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[252]</a></span>
+boast.... They were the first people who had a historical literature;
+as perfect of its kind (though not the highest kind) as their oratory,
+their sculpture, and their architecture. They were the founders of
+mathematics, of physics, of the inductive study of politics, of the
+philosophy of human nature and life. In each they made the indispensable
+first steps, which are the foundation of all the rest.&rsquo;<a
+name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a></p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;I have gone back to Greek literature with a passion quite
+astonishing to myself.... I felt as if I had never known before what
+intellectual enjoyment was. Oh that wonderful people! There is not one
+art, not one science, about which we may not use the same expression
+which Lucretius has employed about the victory over superstition
+&ldquo;<i>Primum Graius homo</i>&rdquo;. I think myself very fortunate in
+having been able to return to these great masters while still in the
+full vigour of life and when my taste and judgement are mature. Most
+people read all the Greek that they ever read before they are
+five-and-twenty.... A young man, whatever his genius may be, is no judge
+of such a writer as Thucydides. I had no high opinion of him ten years
+ago. I have now been reading him with a mind accustomed to historical
+researches and to political affairs; and I am astonished at my own
+former blindness, and at his greatness. I could not bear Euripides at
+college. I now read my recantation. He has faults undoubtedly. But what
+a poet!&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a></p>
+
+<p>These men&mdash;and there is no difficulty in adding to their number&mdash;are not
+only qualified but unprejudiced witnesses. They have no <i>parti pris</i>.
+They cannot be accused, as schoolmasters and dons are sometimes accused,
+of holding shares in a great Trading Bank of Greece and Rome Unlimited,
+and having a personal motive for their enthusiasm. Nor can it be said
+that they admired Greece because they knew nothing better. All&mdash;Goethe
+no less than the others&mdash;had English
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[253]</a></span>
+literature in their hands, knew it well and appreciated its greatness.
+Yet this, given in their own words, is the impression which Greek made
+on them. <i>Securus iudicat orbis terrarum</i>; and the verdict here is
+plain. It is clear that we have in Greek a surviving body of poetry and
+prose which is of unique interest to any one who cares for literature.</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>I have tried to give a summary answer to the question, What did the
+Greeks achieve? They invented every literary <i>genre</i> which we know, they
+laid the lines which European literature has followed, they created a
+body of prose and poetry which has won the homage of the world. The
+further question, What can the world still learn from them, is less easy
+to answer. The answer lies in Greek literature, and the essence of a
+literature cannot be extracted and bottled in a number of abstract
+formulae. No literature is great in virtue of its qualities, which are
+always something less than the literature itself, but only in so far as
+it expands to the breadth of the universe and climbs to its height. This
+is the final test which must be applied. How far Greek literature
+satisfies it, can be judged from the testimonies which have been quoted
+above.</p>
+
+<p>Remembering this let us deliberately narrow our view and talk of
+qualities: and here, narrowing it again, let us confine the discussion
+to certain qualities, which are found indeed in all literatures, but are
+elsewhere neither so universal nor carried to so high a power. No one
+can think of Greek literature without thinking of them; they live on the
+lips of its admirers, and in them the inspiration of Greek literature is
+chiefly enshrined. These essential qualities are Simplicity, Perfection
+of Form, Truth and Beauty. Greek literature is much more than these
+qualities. The <i>Agamemnon</i>, the <i>Oedipus</i>, the <i>Bacchae</i> are not to be
+explained wholly by them. The greatness of these plays is partly
+something individual, and partly it is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[254]</a></span>
+what makes <i>King Lear</i> or <i>Faust</i> or <i>Brand</i> great: and that is neither
+entirely nor mainly simplicity or beauty or truth or form. But my object
+is to emphasize qualities for which Greek is exceptional, and though
+some critics may have talked of the beauty of Greek literature till
+beauty was absurdly supposed to be its chief or only quality, they were
+right to recognize the prominence of beauty there, and though truth is a
+mark of the greatest writing in all languages, it is more universal in
+Greek than in any other literature.</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>If a reader turned from Milton to Homer, from Shakespeare to Sophocles,
+from Plato or Aristotle to some modern work on ethics, politics, or
+literary criticism, he would find one point of difference between the
+earlier and the later writers in the greater simplicity of the former.
+They are briefer: the <i>Oedipus Tyrannus</i> has 1530 lines while the first
+two acts of <i>Hamlet</i> alone have more than 1600, and Greek histories and
+philosophical writings are correspondingly shorter than their modern
+counterparts. The whole of Thucydides could be printed in a twenty-four
+page issue of <i>The Times</i>, and leave room to spare; the essay of
+Aristotle on Poetry, which for generations dictated the principles of
+dramatic writing, has forty-five short pages; the <i>Republic</i> of Plato,
+which has influenced thought more than any other philosophic work, has a
+little over three hundred. Brevity indeed is not always simplicity, and
+it is possible to be at once simple and lengthy. But any one who
+examines these Greek writers will find that they are brief, because,
+avoiding bypaths and by-plots, elaboration or minute detail, they strike
+out the central features of their picture with an effortless economy of
+line. Their writing has a double quality. It shows a firm hold on the
+central and fundamental things: and it presents them unmixed with and
+unconfused by minor issues, so that they stand out like forest trees
+which no undergrowth of brushwood masks. It is important
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[255]</a></span>
+to make this distinction, for all great literature has the first of
+these qualities; the second is largely an accident of time. As
+civilization moves further from its origin, it cannot but receive a
+thousand tributaries that continually augment its volume, and colour and
+confuse its streams: at the sources it flows clear and untroubled. The
+interests of an early age are the primal and essential interests of
+human nature and the literature of such an age presents them unalloyed
+and uncomplicated by lesser issues. In the thinkers the main and
+fundamental problems stand clearly out, and Plato and Thucydides take us
+straight to them. The poets make their poetry from emotions and
+interests that are as old as man, and have none of the refinements and
+complications which education and a long inheritance of culture superadd
+to the essential stuff of human nature. &lsquo;You Greeks are always
+children,&rsquo; said the Egyptian priest to Solon; and he spoke the
+truth in a sense which he did not mean. The Greeks&rsquo; feelings were
+not dulled or sophisticated by the <i>damnosa hereditas</i> of the past.
+Neither their life nor their mental atmosphere was complicated. They had
+not &lsquo;thought themselves into weariness&rsquo;. They were the
+children of the world, and they united the startling acuteness,
+directness, and simplicity of children to the intellects of men.</p>
+
+<p>Pater took <i>La Gioconda</i> of Leonardo da Vinci to symbolize the
+difference of modern and ancient art, and to illustrate the intricacy
+and complication of the former, as compared with the simplicity of the
+latter. &lsquo;Hers is the head,&rsquo; he writes of the Monna Lisa,
+&lsquo;upon which all &ldquo;the ends of the world are come&rdquo;, and
+the eyelids are a little weary. It is a beauty wrought out from within
+upon the flesh, the deposit, little cell by cell, of strange thoughts
+and fantastic reveries and exquisite passions. Set it for a moment
+beside one of those white goddesses or beautiful women of antiquity, and
+how would they be troubled by this beauty, into which the soul with all
+its maladies has passed! All the thoughts and experience of the world
+have<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[256]</a></span>
+etched and moulded there, in that which they have of power to
+refine and make expressive the outward form.... She is older than the
+rocks among which she sits; like the vampire, she has been dead many
+times and learned the secrets of the grave; and has been a diver in deep
+seas, and keeps their fallen day about her ...; and all this lives only
+in the delicacy with which it has moulded the changing lineaments, and
+tinged the eyelids and the hands. The fancy of a perpetual life,
+sweeping together ten thousand experiences, is an old one; and modern
+thought has conceived the idea of humanity as wrought upon by, and
+summing up in itself, all modes of thought and life. Certainly Lady Lisa
+might stand as the embodiment of the old fancy, the symbol of the modern
+idea.&rsquo; Slightly fanciful and Pateresque as these words are, they
+are substantially true, as any one who sets Monna Lisa by a piece of
+fifth-century sculpture can easily see. There is the same contrast
+between Greek literature and our own. How &lsquo;troubled&rsquo; would
+Homer or Sophocles be by the writings of Browning or Meredith, of Henry
+James or Conrad, in whom so many eddies and cross-currents of thought
+and experience unite.</p>
+
+<p>Compare the story of Hector and Andromache with some famous passage from
+any of these writers. &lsquo;So spake glorious Hector and stretched out
+his arm to his boy. But the child shrunk crying to the bosom of his
+fair-girdled nurse, dismayed at the look of his dear father and in fear
+of the bronze and the horsehair crest that nodded fiercely from his
+helmet&rsquo;s top. Then his dear father and his lady mother laughed
+aloud: forthwith glorious Hector took the helmet from his head and laid
+it, all gleaming, on the earth; then kissed he his dear son and danced
+him in his arms, and spoke in prayer to Zeus and all the gods, &ldquo;O
+Zeus and all ye gods, grant that this my son may be as I am, pre-eminent
+among the Trojans, and as valiant in might, and may he be a great king
+of Troy.&rdquo; So he spoke and laid his son in his dear wife&rsquo;s
+arms; and she took him to her fragrant<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[257]</a></span>
+bosom, smiling through tears. And her husband had pity to see her and
+caressed her with his hand, and spoke and called her by her name:
+&ldquo;Dear one, I pray thee be not of oversorrowful heart; no man
+against my fate shall send me to my death; but destiny, I ween, no man
+hath escaped.&rdquo; So spake glorious Hector and took up his
+horsehair-crested helmet; and his dear wife departed to her home, often
+looking back and letting fall great tears. And she came to the
+well-built house of man-slaying Hector, and found therein her many
+handmaidens, and stirred lamentation in them all. So they wept for
+Hector, while he yet lived, in his house; for they thought that he would
+no more come back to them from battle.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a>
+These are emotions shared by mankind twenty centuries before Christ and
+twenty centuries after him, common equally to Shakespeare or Napoleon
+and to the stupidest and least educated of mankind; and these emotions
+are expressed with a simplicity as elemental as themselves. Subjects as
+simple may be found in our literature; expression as direct would be
+hard to find. Even a primitive like Chaucer is the heir of dimly
+apprehended inheritances from Greece and Rome, and is haunted by fancies
+from lost and living fairylands of literature. It is in our Bible that
+we find the elemental feelings of Homer and an expression even more
+direct. &lsquo;And she departed and wandered in the wilderness of
+Beersheba. And the water was spent in the bottle, and she cast the child
+under one of the shrubs. And she went and sat her down over against him
+a good way off, as it were a bowshot: for she said, Let me not see the
+death of the child. And she sat down over against him, and lift up her
+voice, and wept.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a></p>
+
+<p>Like the writer of the Pentateuch, Homer lived in a world
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[258]</a></span>
+whose emotions were elemental, and writing of this kind came naturally
+to him. The weight of tradition began to weigh on succeeding ages, but
+it never became heavy, because the accumulations were small and the
+world was still comparatively simple. Also its poets and prose writers
+moved in the fields of action as soldiers and politicians, continually
+confronting the realities of life, and knowing them as they are, not as
+they appear in a study. Thus their topics are central, the writing is
+simple. The subjects of the <i>Oedipus Tyrannus</i> or the <i>Hercules Furens</i>
+might be called morbid; but not the handling of them by Sophocles and
+Euripides. The unnatural element is in the background and almost
+unnoticed; the interest lies in the spectacle of great men in
+overwhelming disaster&mdash;an elemental theme and belonging to the
+general life of man. The treatment is as simple as in Homer, the figures
+few, subordinate interests out of sight, the light thrown full on the
+central tragedy. Hence comes a rare intensity, an immediacy of
+impression, a sense of nearness to the thing described, which will
+strike anyone who reads the messenger&rsquo;s speech in the <i>Hercules
+Furens</i>, or the scene where the identity of Oedipus is discovered, or
+indeed any great passage in Greek Drama. This simplicity of treatment
+persists, when with Menander and the Alexandrians we pass into a world
+more like our own and find literature, still simple in form, but more
+artistic, more intellectual, more literary, less centrally and
+fundamentally human.</p>
+
+<p>It would be foolish to demand that modern writers should have the
+simplicity of Homer or the age of Pericles, or to pretend that they
+cannot be great without it. Every age must and will have its own
+literature, reflecting the minds and circumstances of those who write
+it. Nor is the advantage entirely on the side of the Greeks. A drama of
+Shakespeare or a novel of Tolstoi, with their long roll of <i>dramatis
+personae</i>, are more like life than a Greek tragedy with its absence of
+byplot and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[259]</a></span>
+its few, central, characters. A modern historian would have recorded
+and discussed aspects of the history of fifth-century Greece which
+Thucydides ignores. Modern literature may claim that, with less
+intensity, it has greater amplitude and a more faithful presentation of
+the complexity of life. On the other hand the Greeks are free from that
+dominance of the abnormal which is one danger of modern literature; they
+do not explore sexual and other aberrations or encourage their readers
+to explore them. They are also free from that dominance of the
+unessential, which, in life as in literature, is a more innocent but
+more subtle and perhaps equally ruinous vice. That is why their
+simplicity is refreshing and salutary. <i>Porro unum necessarium.</i> In life
+human beings return from a distracting variety of interests to a few
+simple things; or, if they do not return, run the risk of losing their
+souls. In literature, which is the shadow of life, they need to do the
+same.</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>The simplicity of Greek literature is accompanied by the highest
+literary art. Nothing could be more surprising. The primitive conditions
+that preserve simplicity are apparently incompatible with technical
+perfection, which is a late-born child of literature and the creation of
+matured taste, long experiment, and patient work. But in Greek, and
+perhaps only in Greek, <i>na&iuml;vet&eacute;</i> and art go hand in hand. There is
+something almost uncanny in Homer&rsquo;s union of the two: it is a
+paradox that the character of Achilles, the death of Hector, the
+primitive cunning of Odysseus, should be portrayed in such a metre and
+such a vocabulary; it seems unnatural that so highly wrought and refined
+a medium should be used to depict the life and ideas of a society which
+is nearer to savagery than to civilization. But unnatural or not, so it
+is.</p>
+
+<p>The most obvious quality of Greek literature is its form, the high level
+of its technique. There are exceptions: the earlier plays of Aeschylus
+are crude in conception, the prose of Gorgias<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[260]</a></span>
+is as fantastic as that of Lyly, the sentences of Thucydides are often
+awkward and ungrammatical; Aeschylus stands at the origin of drama,
+Gorgias and Thucydides are the creators of periodic prose, and they have
+the weaknesses of pioneers. But in general, Greek work in poetry and
+prose is highly wrought and finely finished; and so rapidly did their
+art find itself, that within the lifetime of Aeschylus Sophocles reached
+the highest level of dramatic and literary technique, and within a
+generation from Thucydides Plato evolved his unequalled style. An
+artistic instinct was in the blood of the Greeks, and betrays itself
+throughout their literature, in the choric odes with their complicated
+respondencies and subtle variations; in Plato arranging and rearranging
+the first eight words of his <i>Republic</i>; in the interest which the
+Greeks took in the theory of literary art, seeking here as elsewhere
+<span class='t' title='logon didonai'>λογον διδοναι</span>, to give an account
+of their practice. How much more they reflected on it than we do, the
+<i>Rhetoric</i> of Aristotle, the <i>De Compositione</i> of Dionysius and the
+endless writings of the rhetoricians show.</p>
+
+<p>This is universally admitted, but justice is more rarely done to even
+clearer evidence of the Greek gift for technique. Other nations have
+understood the art of writing, and left those monuments in words which
+are as unsubstantial and fleeting as air, yet more imperishable than
+brass or stone; but no nation has created literary art in the sense in
+which the Greeks created it, or developed, as they did, the various
+literary <i>genres</i> out of nothing. They had no models or guides or
+external help. Rome had Greek literature to follow and herself gave
+patterns to her successors; but the Greeks made what they made out of
+nothing, and are thus creators in the true sense of the word, and as no
+other people have been. Two instances, Homer and the Greek Drama, will
+serve to show this.</p>
+
+<p>In the dawn of a literature at least, we expect roughness and crudity,
+an uncertain judgement and a faltering hand; but the first known Greek
+poem, like Athena in the myth, is born full<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[261]</a></span>
+grown and mature. Yet its makers made the story and the rich language
+and the elaborate and unrivalled metre for themselves. It does not
+lessen this achievement that the Homeric poems may have been the fine
+flower of a period of poetic growth; the work that went to form them was
+done by Greeks. But it needs imagination to appreciate the difficulty of
+the task which they undertook unconsciously and performed without theory
+or deliberate purpose by the mere light of nature.</p>
+
+<p>It is hard to create even a primitive poetic vocabulary, where one does
+not exist, and there is nothing primitive about</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">ὁι δ&rsquo; ὡς τ&rsquo; αιγυπιοι γαμψωνυχες αγκυλοχειλαι<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">πετρη εφ&rsquo; ὑψηλη μεγαλα κλαζοντε μαχωνται,<br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">{hoi d&rsquo; hôs t&rsquo; aigypioi gampsônyches ankylocheilai<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">petrê eph&rsquo; hypsêlê megala klazonte machôntai,}<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p class="noin">or</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">ὁσσον δ&rsquo; ηεροειδες ανηρ ιδεν οφθαλμοισιν<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">ἡμενος εν σκοπιη, λευσσων επι οινοπα ποντον,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">τοσσον επιθρωσκουσι θεων ὑψηχεες ἱπποι.<br /><a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">{hosson d&rsquo; êeroeides anêr iden ophthalmoisin<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">hêmenos en skopiê, leussôn epi oinopa ponton,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">tosson epithrôskousi theôn hypsêchees hippoi.}<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>It is hard, as the beginnings of Roman poetry show, to devise a metre
+which is not rough, unmusical, or even grotesque: yet for richness and
+strength this first metre of Europe has never been rivalled by the
+Greeks or by any one else. The same natural technical skill appears in
+more subtle things even than metre or language. Homer is born knowing by
+some instinct the profound secret of literary art which Aristotle
+formulated centuries later as the principle of unity of Action. The plot
+of a play, he writes in the <i>Poetics</i>, &lsquo;should have for its
+subject a single action, whole and complete, with a beginning, a middle,
+and an end.... It will differ in structure from historical compositions,
+which of necessity present not a single action, but
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[262]</a></span>
+a single period, and all that happened within that period to one person
+or to many, little connected together as the events may be.... Such is
+the practice, we may say, of most poets. Here again the transcendant
+excellence of Homer appears. He never attempts to make the whole war of
+Troy the subject of his poem. It would have been too vast a theme, and
+not easily embraced in a single view: while if he had kept it in
+moderate limits it would have been over-complicated by the variety of
+incidents. As it is, he detaches a single portion.&rsquo;<a
+name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> Once stated, the
+principle of unity of action becomes a commonplace of literary art. But,
+as the <i>Annals</i> of Ennius or the <i>Faerie Queen</i> show, it is not obvious
+until stated, and the poets from whose practice Aristotle made his
+induction, must have had a rare technical instinct unconsciously to
+preserve unity of interest through the complications of a long epic or
+drama. Such achievements were only possible to a people with a natural
+genius for literary art. In the hands of the Greeks the various elements
+of literature found their <span class='t' title='telos'>τελος</span>
+and achieved their natural form, almost with the same instinctive
+evolution by which a seed unfolds to its predestined shape.</p>
+
+<p>This can be illustrated even better from Greek drama. A modern author
+who wishes to write a play may not find the task easy, but he knows the
+general form which a drama has to take and the general principles to be
+followed in writing it. The right length is given him, the division into
+scenes and acts, the methods of exposition and dialogue, the conception
+of a <i>d&eacute;nouement</i>, the law of unity of action, and the rest. The fathers
+of Greek tragedy had no such help. They had no drama in our sense of the
+word, but simply a band of fifty persons dressed like satyrs, and
+dancing round an altar and singing a song. Out of this anything or
+nothing might have been made. The Greeks, with the instinctive and
+unerring motions of genius, developed from it the highest and most
+elaborate of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[263]</a></span>
+literary forms, and within a hundred years are writing plays which
+Shelley classes with <i>King Lear</i>, and which Swinburne can call,
+&lsquo;probably, on the whole, the greatest spiritual work of
+man&rsquo;.</p>
+
+<p>In divining the principles of literary art and evolving the various
+kinds of literature no people can be compared to the Greeks, and
+probably none can show a mass of work executed with so uniformly high a
+finish. But when we compare writer with writer we shall find individual
+artists to rival them. Though the strength of English literature does
+not lie in technical perfection, Milton, Pope, and Tennyson&mdash;to name no
+others&mdash;have in their different ways as firm a grasp of it as any Greek,
+and it can be learned from French writers, with whom it is the rule
+rather than the exception, as well as from the Greeks. This is hardly
+true of another quality of Greek writing, which may be classed with
+technical finish, though it is in fact something more. It is one of the
+most characteristic features of Greek; yet on first acquaintance, it is
+often disconcerting and even distasteful. If a reader new to the
+classics opened Thucydides, his first impression would probably be one
+of jejuneness, of baldness. If, fresh from Shelley or Tennyson, he came
+across the epigram of Simonides on the Spartan dead at Thermopylae,</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">ω ξειν&rsquo;, αγγελλειν Αακεδαιμονιοις ὁτι τηδε<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">κειμεθα, τοις κεινων ῥημασι πειθομενοι,<br /><a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">{ô xein&rsquo;, angellein Aakedaimoniois hoti têde<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">keimetha, tois keinôn rhêmasi peithomenoi,}<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>he might see little in it but a prosaic want of colour. This exceeding
+simplicity or economy is a stumbling-block to those who are accustomed
+to the expansive modern manner. Yet such a reader would have been making
+the acquaintance of some of the finest things in Greek literature, which
+is always at its greatest when most simple, and he would have been face
+to face with a characteristic quality of it.</p>
+
+<p>The contrast with the usual English manner may be illustrated
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[264]</a></span>
+by quoting a famous epigram&mdash;Ben Jonson&rsquo;s epitaph on a boy actor:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Weep with me, all you that read<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">This little story;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">And know, for whom a tear you shed,<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">Death&rsquo;s self is sorry.<br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">&rsquo;Twas a child that so did thrive<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">In grace and feature,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">As heaven and nature seemed to strive<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">Which owned the creature.<br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Years he numbered scarce thirteen<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">When Fates turned cruel,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Yet three filled zodiacs had he been<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">The stage&rsquo;s jewel;<br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">And did act (what now we moan)<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">Old men so duly,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">As sooth the Parcae thought him one,<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">He played so truly.<br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">So, by error, to his fate<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">They all consented;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">But, viewing him since, alas, too late!<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">They have repented.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>These lines&mdash;and they are not the whole of the poem&mdash;are enough to
+illustrate the difference between the Greek method and the English, the
+latter rich and profuse, following the flow of an opulent fancy, the
+former reticent and restrained, leaving the reader&rsquo;s imagination
+room and need to play its part. There are materials for half-a-dozen
+epigrams in Ben Jonson&rsquo;s poem. Had he been Simonides or Plato, he
+would have stopped after the fourth line and, in the opinion of some
+critics, by saving his paper he would have improved his poem.</p>
+
+<p>In their theory and in their practice the Greek writers were true to
+this principle of Economy. Their proverbs proclaim it
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[265]</a></span>
+&lsquo;the half is greater than the whole&rsquo;: &lsquo;sow with the
+hand and not with the whole sack.&rsquo; The great passages of their
+literature illustrate it. It is to be found no less in Thucydides&rsquo;
+account of the siege of Syracuse and in the close of the <i>Phaedo</i> or the
+<i>Republic</i> than in the death of Hector or the meeting of Priam and
+Achilles. The Greek writers may have emotions that would seem to demand
+vehement and extended expression, topics to inspire a poet and tempt him
+to amplify them; but resisting the temptation they set the facts down
+quietly and pass on practically without comment. The close of the
+<i>Phaedo</i> exemplifies this restraint. Plato has just related with severe
+economy of detail the death of his master. His comment on the event
+which saddened and confounded his whole life is but this: &lsquo;Such,
+Echecrates, was the death of our friend, the best man, I think, that I
+have ever known, the wisest too and the most just.&rsquo;<a
+name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a><a
+href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a></p>
+
+<p>There are noble examples of reticence and economy in English literature,
+some of the most conspicuous of which can be traced to classical
+influence; but no one would contend that these qualities are the rule in
+our great writers. The English genius is rich and lavish rather than
+restrained. It is less in its nature to write like Sappho,</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Ἑσπερε, παντα φερων οσα φαινολις εσκεδας&rsquo; αυως,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">φερεις οιν, φερες αιγα, φερεις απυ ματερι παιδα,<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a><br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">{Hespere, panta pherôn osa phainolis eskedas&rsquo; auôs,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">phereis oin, pheres aiga, phereis apy materi paida,}<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p class="noin">than like Byron,</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">O Hesperus, thou bringest all good things&mdash;<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">Home to the weary, to the hungry cheer,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">To the young bird the parent&rsquo;s brooding wings,<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">The welcome stall to the o&rsquo;er-laboured steer;<br /></span>
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[266]</a></span>
+<span class="i0">Whate&rsquo;er of peace about our hearthstone clings,<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">Whate&rsquo;er our household gods protect of dear,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Are gathered round us by thy look of rest;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Thou bring&rsquo;st the child too to its mother&rsquo;s breast.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>Something may be said in favour of both methods. Amplitude of treatment
+and fullness of detail enrich the imagination while economy stimulates
+it. The latter may become jejune, and is safe only in the hands of great
+writers: the former is apt to provide too rich a feast and to leave the
+full-fed mind inert. Everything is done for it and nothing left it to
+do. Economy on the other hand throws the reader on his own resources. It
+sets the imagination wandering in the fields of infinity. Some readers
+find this one of the essential delights of literature, though others
+prefer that the author should take them by the hand and indicate every
+detail with the precision of the sign-posts at a German <i>Kurort</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Economy is the reflection in literature of that <span class='t' title='sôphrosynê'>σωφροσυνη</span>,
+which is the most deeply-rooted of Greek ideals, the most untranslatable
+of Greek words. But it was helped by an accident. If the art of printing
+were lost, modern works would contract within narrower limits, and the
+Greek economy was encouraged by the fact that Fust was not yet born. We,
+who do not rely on hand-copying for the propagation of our books,
+naturally write at greater length: and while it loses in conciseness,
+literature has a compensating gain in amplitude. But the habit of
+writing for money, which encourages abundant production, and the
+existence of the printing-press, which makes it easy, expose us to
+dangers from which the ancients were free. The newspapers are the worst
+offenders, saying many things which need not be said at all, and saying
+everything in a superfluous and excessive way. But literature suffers
+hardly less. The greatest figures of the last fifty years, such as
+Browning, Meredith, Hardy and Conrad, dilute their pages with
+unessential, if not inferior, stuff, and produce writing which has not
+received the <i>summa<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[267]</a></span>
+manus</i>. Had their work been less by a half&mdash;a modest
+reduction&mdash;it would have been more perfect because more time could
+have been devoted to it, more powerful because each stroke would have
+been precise and strong, more telling because these strokes would not
+have been combined with ineffective blows. This is even truer of lesser
+men and other forms of literature. It is because the <i>Agricola</i> of
+Tacitus extends to but thirty pages, that the biography of a Roman civil
+servant of no great genius will outlive those of far greater men. The
+art of omission is the art which English writers most need to learn; the
+literary <i>lima</i> is their least-handled tool. Both art and tool were
+perfectly understood and constantly used by the Greeks.</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>The third mark of Greek Literature, with which I have to deal, is
+perhaps its most important, certainly its most universal quality. It is
+truthfulness. The Greeks told no fewer lies than other races, but they
+had the desire and the power to see the world as it is. By this
+essential quality they gave Europe the conception of philosophy and
+science. These we inherit from them alone; Palestine and our German
+ancestors neither created them, nor show any signs of the temper that
+creates them, and Rome received her share from Greece.</p>
+
+<p>The word &lsquo;Truthfulness&rsquo; may seem to suggest the realism of
+some modern writers. But the Greek truthfulness was different. It should
+be distinguished from the laboured detachment and painful impartiality
+of such a writer as Flaubert, whose realism conceals him in the same
+sense as the walls of the engine-room conceal the panting machines
+within. The Greek Truthfulness is spontaneous, natural, and
+effortless&mdash;the native quality of the artist, who sees, and forgets
+himself in the vision. Nor has it anything to do with photographic
+realism. It has not the impersonality of that method or its flat and
+lifeless effect. A man, and no machine, makes the picture, feeling
+intensely what he sees, and though<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[268]</a></span>
+this intensity does not distort his vision, we are conscious, as we
+read, of a human personality, and we feel the electric thrill of life.</p>
+
+<p>Nor is it akin to that type of modern realism, which, like a noxious
+drug, lays hold on the spirits and depresses the heart&mdash;the realism
+which paints so black a picture of human life, that it affects us
+physically like days of continued fog, and gives us no more complete and
+truthful a picture of the world. There is hardly any Greek writer,
+perhaps none at all, of whom this can be said. Many moderns can
+faithfully describe what is disagreeable, but their effects are often
+brutal and always depressing. The gift of portraying suffering and evil
+with unflinching truth, yet of conveying other feelings than those of
+mere horror, is reserved for few. Its rarity perhaps explains the rarity
+of great tragedy, of which it seems to be a condition that it shall
+truthfully show what is darkest in life, without leaving a final and
+dominant sense of gloom. The great Greek writers possessed this secret.
+They are as sensitive to evil and suffering as any writer and fully as
+faithful in recording them. But whereas other men are simply depressed
+or disgusted or appalled, lose their vital forces, and gaze in paralysed
+fascination, these writers, in virtue of a sense which is more aesthetic
+than moral, are aware of tremendous issues, see in sordid suffering the
+agonies of a labouring universe, and feel awe and wonder, not mere
+disgust and distress, at what human beings suffer and endure. That is
+why Homer leaves us with another feeling than depression, when he tells
+how Priam begged his son&rsquo;s body from the man who killed him.
+&lsquo;So Priam entered unseen of them and stood near and clasped with
+his hands the knees of Achilles and kissed the terrible murderous hands
+that had slain so many of his sons. But Achilles was amazed at the sight
+of Priam, and amazed were the rest, and they looked at each other. And
+Priam entreated and addressed him. &ldquo;Remember your own father,
+godlike Achilles: he is of like years with me, and stands on the
+hateful<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[269]</a></span>
+road of old age. Perhaps the neighbours round about harry him and there
+is none to keep misery and ruin from him. Yet when he hears that you are
+alive, he rejoices and hopes, day in, day out, to see his dear son
+returning from Troy. But I am utterly wretched, for I begat the best of
+sons in Troy, and none of them is left. The one I had, who was the stay
+of Troy and its people, you killed but now as he fought for his
+country&mdash;even Hector. Respect the gods, Achilles, and pity me, and
+remember your own father. I am more unhappy than he. I have faced what
+no other mortal man ever yet faced&mdash;to stretch my hand to the face
+of my sons&rsquo; slayer.&rdquo;&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a>
+There is suffering and evil enough here, and there is no attempt to
+disguise or lessen them. Yet most readers, I think, would read this
+passage with different feelings from those provoked by the close of
+<i>Madame Bovary</i> or of <i>Jude the Obscure</i>. Its truthfulness is neither
+ugly nor depressing.</p>
+
+<p>Nor again is the Greek truthfulness identical with objectivity. An
+objective writer tells his story and conveys his impressions, as far as
+possible, by relating facts without commenting upon them. Dramatists and
+novelists are compelled by the nature of their art to be objective in
+this sense of the word (though Fielding and Thackeray in the one field,
+and Ibsen and Shaw in the other, manage to make their comments with
+their own lips, not those of their characters). But such a writer would
+not of necessity be more truthful or impartial than any one else. He can
+distort truth as thoroughly by selecting certain facts and ignoring
+others as by making misleading comments. He may be violently one-sided
+and present only the facts that support his view, thus indirectly
+putting himself into what he writes quite as fully as a confessed
+partizan, though less openly. Such a writer is objective, but his
+objectivity with him is no more than a literary method. Now it is true
+that the Greeks use this method, telling a story without personal
+comments, not only<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[270]</a></span>
+in their epics and plays where this method is natural, but also in
+their histories and elsewhere. Thucydides for instance tells the story
+of a great war, yet his comments on it are few, and are mainly given in
+the dramatic and would-be objective form of speeches by leading men of
+the day. But the Greeks have objectivity in a far more important sense
+than this. Their objectivity is no literary device but a quality of
+mind. They have the power of standing aloof from matters in which they
+are personally interested, and surveying them from outside like
+impartial spectators, with the keenest interest, but without bias. As
+the Delphic priestess in the act of prophecy lost her individuality and
+became the mouthpiece of the god, so the Greek allowed facts to speak
+for themselves, became their mouthpiece and banished the intrusive ego.
+If therefore we call the Greeks objective, all this must be included in
+our definition of the word.</p>
+
+<p>We shall understand Greek &lsquo;truthfulness&rsquo; best, if, dropping
+philosophical terms, and forgetting modern meanings, we remember a
+saying of Anaxagoras, who, when asked for what purpose he was born,
+replied: &lsquo;To contemplate the works of nature.&rsquo; The
+disinterested passion for contemplating things, which gathered inquiring
+groups round Socrates to discuss what justice and friendship mean, or
+whether goodness is knowledge and can be learnt, has its counterpart in
+literature. The Greeks were fascinated by the spectacle of man and the
+world, and their fascination is seen not only in their formal
+philosophy. Of their poets too it may be said that they were born to see
+the world and human life&mdash;not to moralize or to indulge in sentiment or
+rhetoric or mysticism about it, but to see it. Keats&rsquo;s description
+of the poetic temperament fits them closely: &lsquo;It has no self, it
+is everything and nothing.... It enjoys light and shade.... A poet is
+the most unpoetical of anything in existence, he is continually in, for,
+and filling some other body.&rsquo; In such a mood men will write
+literature that may justly be called<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[271]</a></span>
+truthful. Avoiding the didactic, they will not distort truth to suit
+personal bias; avoiding rhetoric, they will not sacrifice it to fine
+phrases; avoiding sentiment and fancy, they will not gratify their own
+or their hearer&rsquo;s feelings at the expense of truth; avoiding
+mysticism, they will not move away from facts into a world of emotions.
+Their care will be to see things, and their delight will be in the mere
+vision. They will echo the words of Keats, &lsquo;If a sparrow comes
+before my windows, I take part in its existence and pick about the
+gravel&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a>:
+they will not treat it as Shelley treats the skylark, or even as Keats
+and Wordsworth treat the nightingale. Herein is one of the secrets of
+Greek poetry, for the Greek poets, more than any others, bring us in a
+manner entirely simple and natural into immediate contact with what they
+describe, and thus escape the thousand distortions for which epigram,
+rhetoric, sentiment, fancy, mysticism and romanticism are responsible.
+This secret may be called &lsquo;directness&rsquo;. It is the habit of
+looking straight and steadily at things, and describing them as they
+are, the very contrary of the habit of didactic comment and of
+rhetorical or emotional inflation. The &lsquo;direct&rsquo; writer, in
+the fullest extent that is possible, keeps himself and his feelings in
+the background. He does not allow the mists which rise from a
+man&rsquo;s personality to come between him and his subject.</p>
+
+<p>A few instances of directness will give a better idea of it than many
+definitions. The epigram quoted a few pages back shows how the Greek
+writer lets his subject speak instead of expressing his own feelings
+about it. So does the following epitaph, placed by a father on his
+son&rsquo;s grave.</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Δωδεκετη τον παιδα πατηρ απεθηκε Φιλιππος<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">ενθαδε την πολλην ελπιδα Νικοτελην.<a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a><br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">{Dôdeketê ton paida patêr apethêke Philippos<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">enthade tên pollên elpida Nikotelên.}<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[272]</a></span>
+The bereaved father says nothing of his sorrow, or the greatness of his
+loss, but records his son&rsquo;s name and age and says that he was his
+father&rsquo;s &lsquo;high hope&rsquo;, and so doing gives us
+everything. Simonides does not express his own feelings about the
+heroism of the Spartan dead; their grave speaks for them to the
+passer-by. Nor is this a mere literary method, a way of writing which
+states facts and leaves them to make an impression by their own weight,
+unaided by comment or explanation. A comparison of Ben Jonson&rsquo;s
+epigram with the Greek epitaph, will show that directness is much more
+than this. The fancies with which Jonson closes are pretty; but they are
+false, for they are really incompatible with deep feeling: the Greek
+directness never loses from sight the dead child; it sees only that and
+the father&rsquo;s sorrow.</p>
+
+<p>The following extract deals with a very different subject, but
+illustrates directness equally well. The scene is the Athenian colony of
+Amphipolis on the Struma; the dramatis personae are the Spartan general
+Brasidas who wishes to capture it, and the Athenian Thucydides who was
+then at Thasos, distant half a day&rsquo;s sail from Amphipolis.
+&lsquo;As soon as Thucydides heard the news about Brasidas, he sailed
+quickly to Amphipolis ... in order to garrison it if possible before it
+could capitulate, or at any rate to occupy Eion (its seaport). Meanwhile
+Brasidas, fearing the arrival of the Athenian fleet at Thasos and
+hearing that Thucydides ... was one of the leading men of the country,
+did his utmost to get possession of the city before he arrived.... He
+therefore offered moderate terms.... These terms were accepted, and the
+city was surrendered to him. On the evening of the same day Thucydides
+and his ships sailed into Eion, but not until Brasidas had taken
+possession of Amphipolis: another night, and he would have seized
+Eion.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a>
+The gist of the story contained in this extract is plain. The Spartan
+general Brasidas seized the important town of Amphipolis, and the
+Athenian<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[273]</a></span>
+general came too late to save it. But who would guess that the Athenian
+general Thucydides was the historian Thucydides who wrote these words,
+and that the episode which he here describes with such detachment and
+neutrality earned him perpetual exile under pain of death, from the
+country which he passionately loved? Thucydides has told the bare facts,
+objectively, as if they related to some one else, without a comment,
+without a word of protest, excuse, explanation or regret on the crowning
+disaster of his life. He writes of himself in the third person. This is
+not the way in which modern generals write of their mishaps, but it is
+the Greek way. Thucydides has forgotten himself and his feelings; he
+sees only the disastrous day when he sailed up the Struma with his ships
+and found the gates of Amphipolis closed against him. He ignores himself
+so far that he does not call it disastrous, though disastrous it was for
+himself and his country. With the same detachment he speaks of the
+enslavement of Melos and the tragedy of Syracuse, though he thinks, and
+makes us feel, that the one was the crowning crime, the other the
+crowning disaster of his country. He narrates the plain facts and leaves
+the reader to draw his inferences. If we did not know that he was an
+Athenian, we could hardly tell from his history whether he took the side
+of Athens or Sparta in the war; so entirely are he and his feelings kept
+in the background. Yet he was an ardent patriot, and he is describing
+the war in which his country lost supremacy and empire. No historian of
+the war of 1914-18, whether on the Allied or the German side, is likely
+to write of it in this way.</p>
+
+<p>The art of Homer has the same quality of detachment. He is a Greek,
+writing of a ten years&rsquo; war between Greeks and Asiatics, yet most
+of his readers sympathize with Hector rather than with Achilles. He
+himself preferred neither, but saw and felt equally with both; with the
+hero who fought the losing battle for Troy, and with him who lost his
+friend, and,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[274]</a></span>
+intoxicated with sorrow, could see and feel nothing but a passion of
+revenge. It would seem hardly possible to write the close of the 22nd
+Book of the <i>Iliad</i>, where the heroes meet, without taking sides; we, no
+doubt, should take Hector&rsquo;s side. But Homer stands apart from the
+quarrel, and sees both men and the feelings of both, writing with the
+pen of the Recording Angel, not of the Judge. What he or Thucydides
+thought in each case can only be guessed at. They have presented the
+facts without comment, and the facts tell their own tale, explain
+themselves, carry with them the feelings they should evoke, and shine by
+their own light, like the phosphorescence of the sea.</p>
+
+<p>Little thinking is needed to see that the direct, detached, objective
+temper is the generative principle of the Greek achievement, for it is
+the parent of science and philosophy, which are the children of a desire
+to see things in themselves as they are, and not as the seer might wish
+them to be. The effects of this temper in poetry can be appreciated by a
+comparison of certain phenomena of our own literature which are absent
+from Greek. The comparison will indicate, too, what modern writers can
+learn from the Greeks, and enable us to judge whether the lessons are
+needed.</p>
+
+<p>The habit of keeping the eye on the subject, which is the essence of
+directness, discourages, and indeed excludes, conventionality,
+sentimentalism, fancifulness, which prevent a writer from seeing and
+recording life as it is. These failings are always with us, and as I
+have given one instance of their working in Ben Jonson&rsquo;s epigram
+and have discussed the matter elsewhere,<a name="FNanchor_120_120" id="FNanchor_120_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a>
+I shall pass to diseases which are more particularly modern, and with
+which directness is equally at war.</p>
+
+<p>The richness of the English language is in itself a danger. English,
+like Latin, lends itself superbly to ranting, a capacity
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[275]</a></span>
+discovered by the Elizabethans. Modern writers tend to more delicate
+excess, and have exploited the musical quality of English. This is clear
+from such a collection as the <i>Oxford Book of Victorian Verse</i>, which
+faithfully represents the output of the age, and contains some fine
+poetry, but also a very large percentage of what Horace called, <i>Versus
+inopes rerum nugaeque canorae</i>. There is an intolerable deal of sack to
+a very little bread among the imitators of Tennyson. To such rhetorical
+or musical trifles no better antidote can be found than Greek
+literature, for there is no rhetoric in it, and what melodious nothings
+it contained, were parodied in its own age and have scantily survived to
+ours. In general it avoided both by its directness. The rhetoric of
+Lucan or Byron, the predominance of sound over sense in some of Shelley
+and much of Swinburne arise because those poets shut their eyes to the
+real world and become lost in the music of words. The Greek, starting
+with facts, not with sounds or with feelings about facts, could not
+easily become the victim of words. The temptation did not arise for him,
+or if it did, his sin was easily detected. Herein he is a good model,
+especially for poets who are apt to lose sight of the earth and pass
+into an unearthly paradise of vague feelings. For the greatest poetry is
+the poetry of things, not of words, and to whatever regions the Muse may
+take her flight, she can only be safe if she starts from Earth, and
+keeps her communication with it open.</p>
+
+<p>Directness is also a protection against that literature of egotism which
+is the excess into which subjective poetry easily falls. Legitimate when
+kept within bounds, the habit of putting oneself into what one writes
+can become an offence, and from this offence English literature is not
+free. No one can complain because Milton and Wordsworth are less
+detached than Shakespeare or Sophocles; but the subjectivity of Byron or
+Carlyle is very different. Their subject is continually darkened by the
+shadow of their personality; it suffers a partial, at times
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[276]</a></span>
+a total, eclipse. Childe Harold sees himself in all that he sees,
+projects himself into Belgium, Athens and Rome, and colours the bluest
+skies with the jaundiced hues of his temperament. This is almost equally
+true of Carlyle&rsquo;s pupils, Ruskin and Froude, and, among the
+moderns, of a swarm of minor poets and novelists, who display before the
+public the pageant of their indignant or bleeding hearts. Egotism is a
+fault of manners as much as of morals, and has its peculiar effect and
+its appropriate penalty. Its effect is to distract a man&rsquo;s
+attention from major to minor issues, from the large world to the small
+self; its penalty is that it wearies its audience, and the next
+generation, if not its own, dislikes the continual obtrusion of an
+element in which it has no interest. Hence oblivion, often unjust, is
+the punishment which the egotist suffers. Even our age, interested as it
+is in personalities, has little time to spare for those of Byron or
+Carlyle; it is too busy with the characters of its own contemporaries to
+trouble about those of its predecessors. But no Greek writer is
+forgotten for this cause. Whatever their other offences, the Greeks are
+free from literary egotism. Directness turned their eyes to the external
+world, and taught them to see even themselves from without.</p>
+
+<p>Egotism is a minor defect in English literature. To some it may even
+seem to be a virtue. A more serious weakness, which our literature
+shares with other modern literatures, is one-sidedness or incompleteness
+of view, which reveals itself by a series of reactions, and in England
+has taken the form of an oscillation between sentimentalism and a rather
+cruel realism, the latter being dominant at the present time. These two
+schools represent excesses of temperament, the one of generosity and
+kindliness, the other of truth; and among our writers of genius Dickens
+and Hardy typify them well. The one school desire in fiction to reward
+their good characters and punish the bad, just as they would wish that
+life should do;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[277]</a></span>
+and truth is not allowed to thwart their benevolence or their
+indignation. In defiance of all probability Micawber and Mr. Mell make a
+success of life in Australia, though truth cries out that they were born
+to be failures; while the foot of punishment moves more swiftly and
+visibly in the pages of Dickens than it does in fact. Then comes the
+veracious person, who, growing indignant at a travesty of life that
+misleads the reader and insults truth, gives us the opposite extreme in
+an imagined world where the shadows are deepened and the high lights
+carefully blocked out. Scott and Dickens picture a world in which at the
+end vice finds itself in the gutter while virtue marries the heroine.
+Later, Thomas Hardy has given us <i>Jude the Obscure</i> and <i>Tess of the
+D&rsquo;Urbervilles</i>.<a name="FNanchor_121_121" id="FNanchor_121_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a>
+Here is a protest, a redressing of the balance, by an advocate who rises
+to supply a side of the case which has been ignored. Yet once again
+Truth is violated, and by her sworn servant; for the world that Hardy
+portrays is not the world as it is. When Dickens makes Mr. Micawber the
+District Magistrate of Port Middlebay, he is not representing life, but
+saying what he and his audience would like to believe in order to feel
+comfortable when they close the book. As a protest therefore against him
+in the next generation comes Thomas Hardy, who after recording the
+miserable end of Tess, writes &lsquo;The President of the immortals had
+ended his sport with Tess&rsquo;. In so writing he is no true recorder
+any more than was Dickens, but the self-appointed Judge of a universe
+which he conceives to be cruel.</p>
+
+<p>Neither Dickens nor Hardy can be called unveracious writers; both give a
+picture of life that is true up to a point. Hardy, in particular, errs
+less by distortion than by omission; he sees<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[278]</a></span>
+one side of life, but at the expense of another side; he fails to hold
+the balance fairly, and lacks the large charity of the universe. Both
+writers are incomplete. No one could say of them, what is completely
+true of most Greek writers and largely true of all, that they see life
+steadily and see it whole. Still less can this be said of their
+followers, who, after the fashion of disciples, imitate and develop
+their defects, and oscillate between sentimental falsity, and the
+starkness and brutality which have been familiar in English literature
+during the last twenty years and in French literature for a much longer
+period. None of these writers, not even the best, is direct. Like
+Dickens, they consult their generous hearts, or, worse, ask: &lsquo;Can
+truth be told without making the public angry?&rsquo; Or, like Hardy,
+they veil a didactic purpose under the name of realism, and register a
+bitter personal protest against the cruelty of life. In either case they
+narrow their view, and see the world through a mist of temperament.</p>
+
+<p>This point may be illustrated by examining a famous passage from Homer,
+and then asking how a sentimental and a realistic writer might have
+treated it. Imagine the death of Hector in the hands of Dickens or
+Hardy. The first most probably would not have permitted it to occur, or,
+if he had, would have made Achilles the villain of the piece and
+emphasized and developed the tragedy in the manner of his death scenes,
+till he had wearied the reader with pathos. Confronted with such a
+tragedy he would have given the rein to emotion. Mr. Hardy, we may
+guess, would be impressed less by the pathos of the scene, than by the
+savagery of Achilles and the misgovernment of a universe in which such
+things were possible, and he would not have let these morals escape his
+readers. By small touches, by stressing suitable incidents, he would
+have made the tragedy more tragic, and the brutality more brutal. It is
+thus that he has treated the death of Jude. By so doing, both Dickens
+and Hardy in their different ways, would have<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[279]</a></span>
+been allowing their own personalities rather than the facts to speak,
+and, seeing only one side of the story, would have made it less
+complicated than life and less complete. But in the <i>Iliad</i> we see
+nothing of Homer&rsquo;s personality and hear no voice but that of the
+facts. The story tells itself without the heightening of artifice. The
+two men are brought before our eyes&mdash;Hector, the last hope of Troy,
+with his wife and child waiting for him at home&mdash;Achilles, mad with
+the memory of his dead friend. There is no judgement and no comment, but
+only the thing as it was.</p>
+
+<p>To those who would maintain that Dickens or Hardy give an accurate
+picture of the world, there are two answers. First, their world is not
+the world as Shakespeare or Meredith sees it; this for many persons will
+be a sufficient disproof of its reality. Second, the history of English
+and French literatures has been for the last 150 years a history of
+successive reactions. The classical school was followed by the
+romantics, the romantics by the realists; each was a protest and a
+reaction against its predecessor. These swerving movements must have a
+cause. Now there are no reactions in literature unless there is some
+excess to provoke them. The existence of a reaction is a symptom of
+disease, and not only would it never take place apart from disease, but
+there is always a chance that it may go too far; for as in the body, so
+in the world of letters, a balance once disturbed is difficult to
+restore. But Greek literature, unlike our own and unlike French, at no
+stage developed by reaction. Its epic poets are followed by the lyrists
+and these by the tragedians: tragedy passes into the New Comedy, which
+is followed by the learned and artistic poetry of Alexandria. In prose
+the unperiodic style of Herodotus is succeeded by the style of
+Thucydides; while Plato and the various orators develop different types
+of writing. None of these styles, however, and none of these writers,
+are in reaction against one another. Some traces of reaction
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">[280]</a></span>
+against the Homeric outlook of Sophocles may perhaps be found in
+Euripides. But this contrast lies between two individual writers and not
+between two literary schools, and has no analogy with the relation of
+the romantic to the classical or to the realist movements. It is far
+less marked, for instance, than the contrast between Voltaire and Victor
+Hugo or that between Victor Hugo and Flaubert. There is no reaction in
+the development of Greek literature, because at no stage is there any
+excess to react from; and there is no excess, because the Greek writers
+are direct and objective, because they are mirrors that reflect life,
+not imperfect lenses that distort it each according to its own
+imperfection.</p>
+
+<p>The literature of the Elizabethans here resembles Greek. It is indeed
+more wayward, more fanciful, more personal, more luxuriant than the
+Greek; but it is on the whole more disinterested, freer from any
+didactic bent, more inclined to contemplate life for its own sake than
+the literature of any succeeding epoch in England. Since the Puritans a
+didactic strain has continually appeared in our writers. We have had
+revolts and protests, and then, by reaction, more protests and revolts.
+However admirable in morals, this Protestantism is injurious in
+literature, for, like all rebellions, it ends in excess and destroys the
+even-balanced temper which is essential to the creation of the greatest
+literature. This didactic temper, often disguised as realism, has never
+been stronger than in our own age, when many who might have found their
+profession in the Churches are diverted to other paths and seek in
+literature an outlet that in the past would have been found in the
+pulpit. Messrs. Wells, Shaw, Galsworthy&mdash;to mention no others&mdash;are
+parsons <i>manqu&eacute;s</i>, who were designed by nature to write not plays or
+novels but sermons. Or rather they are dual personalities: clergyman and
+creative writer have been combined in them and the clergyman has
+corrupted the poet. The unsatisfied appetite for preaching which a
+hundred years<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[281]</a></span>
+ago would have been quieted by writing an evangelical tract, to-day
+issues in a novel or a play. The moral differs, the form changes, the
+intention and temper are the same.</p>
+
+<p>It is ungrateful to cavil at this moralizing and didactic temper, which
+animates a large part of the nation and is responsible for much of the
+British achievement. But its place is in the world of action not in that
+of letters, and it does not produce the greatest literature or the
+truest thought. The Greeks might have gained by a greater infusion of
+it: we, on the other hand, can learn something from their intellectual
+disinterestedness which in political and social controversies would make
+opposing views more intelligible and the path to truth easier and
+plainer, in literature would free us from excesses that are followed by
+reaction to a contrary excess, and in national life would guard us from
+the materialism which besets an industrial and commercial age. It is not
+confined to the Greeks; but by no people is the ideal of intellectual
+truth more clearly and universally exhibited than by those who first
+brought it into an indifferent world, and who built upon it their
+literature and art no less than their science and philosophy.</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>The last quality of Greek literature of which I wish to speak is not one
+which we should expect to find in combination with truthfulness; it is
+certainly very rare in modern realists. Yet the Greek instinct for
+beauty is beyond question. There is the evidence of Winckelmann, who,
+living in a world that had forgotten Greek, rediscovered it; or of
+Keats, who was not brought up to the familiarity with Greek that breeds
+obtuseness and indifference, but made acquaintance with it when he was
+of an age to judge. The impression made both on Keats and Winckelmann is
+that of a new and surpassing beauty. There is the evidence of &lsquo;the
+beautiful mythology of Greece&rsquo;,<a name="FNanchor_122_122" id="FNanchor_122_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a>
+the offspring of an untaught folk-imagination, and so far
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[282]</a></span>
+richer in the quality of beauty than the mythology of the North. Even
+in the sawdust of a mythological dictionary the stories of Atalanta,
+Narcissus, Pygmalion, Orpheus and Eurydice, Phaethon, Medusa keep their
+magic.</p>
+
+<p>The following extract from the hymn of Demeter may illustrate this
+beauty, though it is not one of the greatest passages of Greek
+literature and its writer is unknown. It is the story of the Earth
+Mother and her daughter Persephone:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i12">ἡν Αιδωνευς<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">ἡρπαξεν, δωκεν δε βαρυκτυπος ευρυοπα Ζευς,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">παιζουσαν κουρησι συν Ωκεανου βαθυκολποις<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">ανθεα τ&rsquo; αινυμενην, ῥοδα και κροκον ηδ&rsquo; ια καλα<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">λειμων&rsquo; αμ μαλακον και αγαλλιδας ηδ&rsquo; ὑακινθον<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">ναρκισσον θ&rsquo;, ὁν φυσε δολον καλυκωπιδι κουρη<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Γαια Διος βουλησι χαριζομενη Πολυδεκτη,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">θαυμαστον γανοωντα· σεβας το γε πασιν ιδεσθαι<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">αθανατοις τε θεοις ηδε θνητοις ανθρωποις·<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">του και απο ῥιζης ἑκατον καρα εξεπεφυκει,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">κωζ&rsquo; ἡδιστ&rsquo; οδμη, πας δ&rsquo; ουρανος ευρυς ὑπερθε<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">γαια τε πας&rsquo; εγελασσε και ἁλμυρον οιδμα θαλασσης.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">ἡ δ&rsquo; αρα θαμβησας&rsquo; ωρεξατο χερσιν ἁμ&rsquo; αμφω<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">καλον αθυρμα λαβειν· χανε δε χθων ευρυαγυια<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Νυσιον αμ πεδιον, τη ορουσεν αναξ Πολυδεγμων<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">ἱπποις αθανατοισι.<a name="FNanchor_123_123" id="FNanchor_123_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a><br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i12">{hên Aidôneus<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">hêrpaxen, dôken de baryktypos euryopa Zeus,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">paizousan kourêsi syn Ôkeanou bathykolpois<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">anthea t' ainymenên, rhoda kai krokon êd' ia kala<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">leimôn' am malakon kai agallidas êd' hyakinthon<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">narkisson th', hon physe dolon kalukôpidi kourê<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Gaia Dios boulêsi charizomenê Polydektê,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">thaumaston ganoônta; sebas to ge pasin idesthai<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">athanatois te theois êde thnêtois anthrôpois;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">tou kai apo rhizês hekaton kara exepephykei,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">kôz' hêdist' odmê, pas d' ouranos eurys hyperthe<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">gaia te pas' egelasse kai halmyron oidma thalassês.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">hê d' ara thambêsas' ôrexato chersin ham' amphô<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">kalon athyrma labein; chane de chthôn euryagyia<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Nysion am pedion, tê orousen anax Polydegmôn<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">hippois athanatoisi.}<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>Turn from this to some parallel poem in English literature,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[283]</a></span>
+such as <i>Oenone</i> or <i>Tithonus</i>. Beautiful as Tennyson is, the Greek has
+a better beauty, a beauty not of words or metaphors or highly-wrought
+art, but simpler, more spontaneous and more instinctive, as though not
+man but nature herself was speaking. Two writers, who are qualified to
+judge by being themselves among the great poets of the world, and who
+knew and appreciated other literatures, but speak in this way about
+Greek alone, have testified to the uniqueness of this beauty. Goethe
+says stiffly but precisely: &lsquo;in the presence of antiquity the mind
+feels itself placed in the most ideal state of nature; and even to this
+day the Homeric hymns have the power of freeing us, at any rate, for
+moments, from the terrible burden which the tradition of many hundreds
+of years has rolled upon us.&rsquo; In these words Goethe has touched on
+the simplicity and the naturalness of Greek beauty, in contrast to the
+more exotic and elaborate beauty of which mediaeval and modern art and
+literature are full. Keats writing about the Grecian urn also had in his
+mind the liberating power of Greek beauty:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Thou, silent form, dost tease us out of thought<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">As doth eternity; Cold Pastoral!<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">When old age shall this generation waste<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">Thou shalt remain, in midst of other woe<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Than ours, a friend to man, to whom thou sayst,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">&lsquo;Beauty is truth, truth beauty&rsquo;&mdash;that is all<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">Ye know on earth and all ye need to know.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>These words point to another trait of Greek beauty, which any one who
+has seen Greek statues must have felt: it does not provoke speculation
+just as it does not excite desire, because no elements are mingled with
+it that might stir such feelings. It has no admixture, but is mere
+beauty, sought for itself.</p>
+
+<p>Not only is Greek beauty different in quality from our own, but it is
+more abundant. This surely would be the verdict of an impartial critic
+who compared Homer, the lyrists, the tragedians, Plato, Theocritus, the
+epigrammatists, with the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[284]</a></span>
+corresponding names in modern literatures. It amounts to a different
+way of viewing the world; the Greeks were more sensitive to beauty than
+we are, just as some people are more sensitive than others to colours or
+sounds, to moral or intellectual issues. This is curiously illustrated
+in their treatment of tragic themes. There is no want of tragedy in
+Homer or the dramatists&mdash;their view of life is probably darker than
+our own&mdash;and they have been praised for a pessimism that faced and
+admitted the black truth. Yet the cloud of evil is continually broken by
+rays of beauty. Thus Homer lights up the tragic parting of Hector and
+Andromache by the story of the child and the nodding plumes, yet does
+not use the incident, as many writers would have used it, to heighten
+the tragedy, which indeed it neither emphasizes nor diminishes: it is
+merely a gratuitous touch of delight in children, as accidental and
+natural as the brighter moments which, in life if not in realistic
+novels, diversify the darkest hours. Thus too Aeschylus preludes the
+bloody slaughter of Salamis with the white horses of the dawn, the
+echoes in the cliffs, the foam whitening beneath the oars, and when he
+speaks of the island where the Persians are butchered, does not forget
+the dances in which Pan rejoiced there of old. Thus, again, one of the
+most tragic moments in the <i>Hippolytus</i> is followed by the song,</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Could I take me to some cavern for mine hiding,<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">In the hill-tops where the Sun scarce hath trod;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Or a cloud make the home of mine abiding,<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">As a bird among the bird-droves of God!<br /></span>
+<span class="i4">Could I wing me to my rest amid the roar<br /></span>
+<span class="i4">Of the deep Adriatic on the shore,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Where the water of Eridanus is clear,<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">And Pha&euml;thon&rsquo;s sad sisters by his grave<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Weep into the river, and each tear<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">Gleams, a drop of amber, in the wave.<a name="FNanchor_124_124" id="FNanchor_124_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a><br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[285]</a></span>
+The union of beauty and tragedy may be a paradox, but no reader can miss
+its power. The mere story of Hector&rsquo;s death as told by Homer is
+poignant, even when read in an English translation: the magic of the
+original language and metre doubles the effect. The combination of these
+two apparently inconsistent things, which is one of the marks of Greek
+poetry, is, of course, found in other literatures; the description of
+Ophelia&rsquo;s death in <i>Hamlet</i> is an instance of it. But no drama
+except Greek has that regular interweaving of tragedy with exquisite
+lyrics by which some of its most powerful effects are secured.</p>
+
+<p>Effect is the wrong word to use, for we have here no literary trick, but
+a view of life, which is naturally complete and clearsighted, which is
+sensitive to the beauty that no evil can destroy, which sees the
+splendour in tragedy itself, and remembers that though the days of
+darkness are many it is a pleasant thing for the eyes to behold the sun.
+This philosophy, implied throughout Greek literature, commends it to
+many people. Those who disagree with the philosophy will not quarrel
+with the beauty itself. Hellenism is one of the forces which are
+continually being buried and re-found, and which, like talismans, have a
+disturbing power when they fall afresh into human hands. Those who read
+the literature of the age which rediscovered Greek will see that it
+brought above all a sense of liberation and expansion. At the
+Renaissance as in the eighteenth century, Greece found the world in
+chains, and broke them and threw down the prison walls. The fetters of
+the two epochs were different, but freedom was brought, at the
+Renaissance partly, and in the age of Winckelmann entirely, by the
+vision of beauty which Greece exhibited. Our own age has many chains and
+knows well the burden of which Goethe spoke. It has multiplied ugliness
+far faster than beauty, and its writers, prolific, interesting, and
+thoughtful as they are, do not help it here. It may well find, as other
+ages have<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[286]</a></span>
+found, in this quality of Greek literature a healing and liberating
+power.</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>English literature is surpassed by none, but its defects or dangers are
+at points where Greek is strong. Greek simplicity recalls us to the
+central interests of the human heart. Greek truthfulness is a challenge
+to see the world as it is and shun the emptiness of mere music, the
+falsities of rhetoric or sentiment, the incompleteness of writers who,
+instead of seeing life as a whole, ignore or emphasize a part of it as
+their own sympathies dictate. Greek beauty is a memorial of an aspect of
+the universe to which ages of thought are often blind. Greek technique
+is a lesson in &lsquo;form&rsquo; and a reminder of its place in
+literature.</p>
+
+<p>Nor is the study of Greek a danger to our national genius. Contact with
+highly developed foreign models may warp or cramp a literature in its
+infancy, but cannot harm it when full grown and robust. The native
+character is then too firmly established to be corrupted, and it is pure
+gain to have another standard for comparison, for detection of
+weaknesses and their cure. A reference to English literature will
+support this view and show that though the influence of Greek there has
+often been great, it has not been distorting. Consider the English poets
+who owe most to Greece&mdash;Milton, Gray, Shelley, Keats, Landor, Tennyson,
+Matthew Arnold, Swinburne, Bridges. It would puzzle any critic to find a
+common denominator between these men, or to trace back to Greece any
+universal feature in their poetry, except perhaps perfection of form.
+Technical perfection is not so serious or frequent a vice in English
+writers, that it can be complained of, and even this common element
+vanishes, if we add to the poets already quoted the Brownings, who
+prized and understood Greek and the Greek spirit as well as any of them.</p>
+
+<p>At first sight it may seem strange that Shelley and Keats, Arnold and
+Swinburne, who were not merely passionate admirers
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[287]</a></span>
+of Greece but drew their chief inspiration from her, should be so
+different in style and matter. The explanation is simple. Some
+influences are tyrannous; they impose themselves, they dominate, they
+enslave. But there is a better and rarer type of influence, which
+stimulates and inspires yet leaves the poet free to develop his own
+genius with enlarged horizons and quickened sensibilities. Greek
+influence on our writers has been of this kind; perhaps because its
+literature is singularly free from the artifice and mannerism which lend
+themselves to mimicry and seems like Nature with her many voices
+speaking.</p>
+
+<p class='sig sc'>R. W. Livingstone.</p>
+
+<hr /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[289]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="HISTORY" id="HISTORY"></a>HISTORY</h2>
+
+<h3>I<br />
+<i>The Relationship between Ancient Greek and Modern Western Civilization</i></h3>
+
+<p>Ancient Greek society perished at least as long ago as the seventh
+century <span class='lc sc'>A. D.</span> Many historians would date its death a good many centuries
+earlier, and all would agree that even if there are symptoms that life
+still lingered in the body down to this time, its mental and physical
+energies had long failed, and that the change from lethargy to death was
+hardly perceptible when it came. Thus even on the most cautious
+reckoning, there is an interval of thirteen centuries between the close
+of Greek history and our own times, and the great age of Greek
+history&mdash;the time when Ancient Greek society was in its prime, when it
+was shaping its own destiny and deflecting the destiny of its
+neighbours&mdash;is separated from our generation by more than two thousand
+years. What legacy has come down, through these great periods of time,
+from Ancient Greek society to the contemporary world? Before trying to
+answer this big question, let us consider a smaller one: What is the
+legacy of Ancient Greek History to our own society? That portion of
+contemporary humanity which inhabits Western Europe and America
+constitutes a specific society, for which the most convenient name is
+&lsquo;Western Civilization&rsquo;, and this society has a relationship
+with Ancient Greek society which other contemporary societies&mdash;for
+instance, those of Islam, India, and China&mdash;have not. It is its child.</p>
+
+<p>This description of the relationship between Ancient Greece
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[290]</a></span>
+and the modern Western world may be something more than a metaphor, for
+societies like individuals are living creatures, and may therefore be
+expected to exhibit the same phenomena. At any rate the metaphor
+illustrates the facts. To begin with, the histories of the two societies
+overlap. The origins of modern Western society may be traced back a
+century or two before the Christian era, when the lands and races of
+Western Europe came into contact with the Levant, where Greek society
+had grown up and was then in its maturity. The germ of Western society
+first developed in the body of Greek society, like a child in the womb.
+The Roman Empire was the period of pregnancy during which the new life
+was sheltered and nurtured by the old. The &lsquo;Dark Age&rsquo; was
+the crisis of birth, in which the child broke away from its parent and
+emerged as a separate, though naked and helpless, individual. The Middle
+Ages were the period of childhood, in which the new creature, though
+immature, found itself able to live and grow independently. The
+fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, with their marked characteristics of
+transition, may stand for puberty, and the centuries since the year 1500
+for our prime. The metaphor works out sufficiently well to throw light
+on our particular problem: the legacy bequeathed to the Modern West by
+Ancient Greece.</p>
+
+<p>Children &lsquo;inherit&rsquo; from their parents in several senses of
+the word. There are features and instincts physically transmitted from
+the one to the other. There are imitations in early childhood of the
+parent&rsquo;s speech and gesture which are not perhaps strictly
+predetermined by the relationship, but which are yet performed
+subconsciously and are in fact so inevitable that the child is never
+aware that it is exercising choice in the matter. And there is
+deliberate and conscious imitation at a later stage when the child is
+sufficiently mature to appreciate its parent&rsquo;s character. These
+several forms of &lsquo;legacy&rsquo; from parent to child differ
+primarily in the extent<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[291]</a></span>
+to which the acceptance and use of them depends upon the child&rsquo;s
+own will, and it will probably be admitted that the legacies which are
+the less certain to be transmitted are also the more important if the
+transmission happens to take place. For example, a child&rsquo;s life
+and character are more affected by deliberate imitation of its parent at
+a relatively advanced age than by the unchosen inheritance of some
+particular colour of hair and eye or shape of chin or pitch of
+temperament. On the other hand, while the inheritance of these latter
+characteristics from one among a limited number of ancestral strains is
+inevitable, the voluntary legacy may never be transmitted at all. The
+child will not claim it unless he knows his parent and admires or
+respects him. The parent&rsquo;s premature death or removal or the lack
+of sufficient sympathy between the parent and the child can in this case
+inhibit the transmission, and the potential legacy, with its momentous
+possibilities of influence upon the child&rsquo;s career, will never in
+fact be bequeathed.</p>
+
+<p>These considerations may guide us in an analysis of the legacy which we
+have received from our parent society&mdash;the civilization of Ancient
+Greece. First, has Ancient Greece transmitted to us anything comparable
+to the physical and psychological legacy of an individual human parent
+to her child? This is a difficult question for us to answer, just as it
+is difficult for members of the same family to appreciate the
+&lsquo;family likeness&rsquo; between them. A Moslem or Hindu or
+Chinaman could judge better than we. But it is certainly possible that
+the comparative similarity of climatic conditions and the comparative
+unity of racial stock has created a closer relationship between these
+two societies than between either one of them and any other. The poetry
+and philosophy and social life and political institutions of Ancient
+Greece and the Modern West may conceivably constitute a single species
+when contrasted with the institutions of other civilizations.
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[292]</a></span>
+A modern West European or American may have a greater innate
+appreciation for Homer than for the Old Testament or for Sokrates than
+for Buddha or Confucius. The parallel which historians so often draw, or
+imply, between the conflict of Ancient Greece with the Ancient East and
+that of the Modern West with the Modern East may rest on a real kinship
+between the two Occidental civilizations as contrasted with their
+respective Oriental neighbours. But this is uncertain and on the whole
+unprofitable ground. When we come to the &lsquo;subconsciously
+chosen&rsquo; type of legacy, the analogy with the relationship between
+parent and child becomes more evident.</p>
+
+<p>Legacies of this type from Ancient Greek society are prominent in the
+Middle Ages&mdash;the childhood of modern Western civilization which followed
+the &lsquo;Dark Age&rsquo; crisis of birth. One of the first needs of
+our young Western society as it struggled to its feet was a symbol of
+its unity&mdash;something corresponding to the attainment of
+self-consciousness by the individual human being&mdash;and for this it
+borrowed the last constructive idea of the Ancient Greek world. The
+mediaeval &lsquo;Holy Roman Empire&rsquo; had quite a different purpose
+and function, in the childhood of modern Western civilization, from the
+purpose and function of the Roman Empire in the old age of Ancient
+Greece. But the young civilization did not think of inventing a new
+institution for its individual needs. In its subconscious pursuit of its
+own development it conceived itself to be reviving one of the customs of
+its venerable parent. The political thinkers of Charlemagne&rsquo;s day
+never imagined that the idea of world unity could be embodied in any
+other form.</p>
+
+<p>Again, a century or so later, certain portions of Western society,
+especially the populations of North and Central Italy and the Low
+Countries, had outdistanced the rest in economic development and needed
+institutions of local self-government to give their economic vitality
+free play. In this case, again, Western civilization reverted to an
+Ancient Greek institution<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[293]</a></span>
+and revived the &lsquo;city-state&rsquo;. A little later still, the
+rapidly growing and differentiating body of Western civilization was
+impelled towards territorial expansion, and sought it, like Ancient
+Greece in a similar period, round the shores of the Mediterranean. This
+mediaeval movement of expansion, which is commonly called the Crusades,
+but which made itself felt in Spain and Sicily and the Aegean as well as
+in the &lsquo;Holy Land&rsquo;, is a remarkable parallel to the
+propagation of Ancient Greek city-states round the same shores between
+about 750 and 600 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> In drifting back upon the
+Mediterranean, the mediaeval West was searching for new realms to
+conquer, but it was really captured by the romance of its ancestral
+home.</p>
+
+<p>Here, then, are three prominent features in mediaeval Western
+history&mdash;the Holy Roman Empire, the Flemish and Italian communes, and
+the Crusades&mdash;which were legacies from Ancient Greek history in the
+sense of being subconscious reversions to the habits of the parent
+society. But have these mediaeval legacies from Ancient Greece been
+really important constituents in our history viewed as a whole? Have
+they not rather been false growths which led to little or nothing? The
+Holy Roman Empire was never more than a mirage. The sense of unity in
+the modern Western world is derived not from this but from a really
+original institution, the early Papal Church, in which any legacy from
+Ancient Greece would be hard to discern. The national states of modern
+Europe and America are derived not from mediaeval Ghent or Bruges or
+Florence or Venice but from the new, though clumsy, feudal communities
+of mediaeval England and France. And the expansion of Western society
+has not followed the direction indicated by the Crusades. The false
+trail of the Mediterranean was practically abandoned after less than
+three centuries&rsquo; trial. The true domain of modern Western
+civilization has been found in regions which Ancient Greece hardly
+explored: Northern Germany and Scandinavia and the British Isles, the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[294]</a></span>
+North Sea and the Baltic, the Atlantic and the continent of America.
+Thus our mediaeval legacies from Ancient Greece&mdash;the subconscious
+reversions of childhood&mdash;are historical curiosities rather than vital
+links between the two civilizations. Our really important legacy from
+Ancient Greece was adopted with full consciousness and deliberation when
+we stood on the threshold of our own maturity.</p>
+
+<p>The legacy of this third type which we have received from Ancient Greece
+has been given the general name of the Renaissance. It was a determined
+and successful attempt, on the part of our society, to learn everything
+that the literary and artistic remains of our great predecessor could
+teach us. It lay within our choice to study these remains or to pass
+them by, and the fact that we chose to study them has been one of the
+greatest and the most fortunate decisions in the career of our
+civilization. The several aspects of this acceptance of what Ancient
+Greece had to offer have been treated already in the other chapters in
+this volume. Here it is merely necessary to point out that the
+Renaissance was a study and assimilation not only of Ancient Greek
+literature and art, but of architecture, natural science, mathematics,
+philosophy, political ideas, and all the other higher expressions of a
+great society. The absorption of this vast current of life largely
+accounts for the wonderful impetus which has revealed itself in Western
+civilization during the last four centuries.</p>
+
+<p>Has the current now spent its force? Has the legacy adopted four
+centuries ago been used up and exhausted? Under the inspiration of
+Ancient Greece, has the modern West now created a literature, art,
+architecture, science, mathematics, philosophy, and political thought
+which equal or surpass the Ancient patterns and turn them from an
+inspiration into an encumbrance? That seems to be the fundamental
+question behind the controversy about the study of Ancient Greek life in
+England to-day. Perhaps the answer may be found&mdash;if we
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[295]</a></span>
+may go back to our metaphor&mdash;in the uniqueness of the individual
+personality.</p>
+
+<p>If one considers the relations of a parent and child, or indeed of any
+two human beings, it is evident that the one could never exhaust all
+that could be learnt from the personality of the other. The one might
+acquire every physical, mental, and moral attainment that the other
+could display, and yet the other&rsquo;s unique individuality would
+remain&mdash;an inexhaustible subject of study, throwing perpetual new light
+upon the life of the observer himself and of his fellow human beings.
+This is true of any two human beings, but if the two happen to be people
+of commanding character and genius it becomes a truism which it would be
+almost ludicrous to question. Let us apply this to the study not of one
+individual but of one society by another, and let us take the case in
+point, in which the two societies happen to be great civilizations. The
+study of a great civilization has a unique value, not merely for members
+of another civilization which stands to it in the relation of child to
+parent, but for every seeker after knowledge who has a civilization of
+his own. This ultimate and most precious legacy of Ancient Greece is at
+the disposal of Moslems, Hindus, and Chinese, as well as Westerners. For
+receiving it there are two qualifications: a good understanding and an
+open mind.</p>
+
+<h3>II<br />
+<i>Ancient Greek Civilization as a Work of Art</i></h3>
+
+<p>Civilizations are the greatest and the rarest achievements of human
+society. Innumerable societies have been coming into being and perishing
+during many hundreds of thousands of years, and hardly any of them have
+created civilizations. One can count the civilizations on one&rsquo;s
+fingers. We have had perhaps three in Europe: the Minoan in the Aegean
+Islands <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[296]</a></span>
+(the dates 4000-1100 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> roughly cover its history);
+the Greek or Graeco-Roman round the coasts of the Mediterranean (its
+history extends between the eleventh century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>
+and the seventh century <span class='lc sc'>A. D.</span>); and our modern
+Western civilization round the coasts of the Atlantic, which began to
+emerge from twilight in the eighth century <span class='lc sc'>A. D.</span>
+and is still in existence. Then there are the ancient civilizations of
+Egypt and Lower Mesopotamia, which were first dominated by Ancient
+Greece and then amalgamated into the single Middle Eastern civilization
+of Islam; and there are the civilizations of India and China. Even if we
+count as civilizations the societies existing in Mexico and Peru before
+the Spanish Conquest, the total number of known independent
+civilizations, compared with the total number of known human societies,
+is very small. And it is so because the achievement is astonishingly
+difficult. There are two constant factors in social life&mdash;the
+spirit of man and its environment. Social life is the relation between
+them, and life only rises to the height of civilization when the spirit
+of man is the dominant partner in the relationship&mdash;when instead of
+being moulded by the environment (as it is in the tropical forests of
+Central Africa and Brazil), or simply holding its own against the
+environment in a kind of equilibrium (as it does on the steppes of
+Central Asia or Arabia, among the nomads), it moulds the environment to
+its own purpose, or &lsquo;expresses&rsquo; itself by
+&lsquo;impressing&rsquo; itself upon the world. The study of a
+civilization is not different in kind from the study of a literature. In
+both cases one is studying a creation of the spirit of man, or, in more
+familiar terms, a work of art.</p>
+
+<p>Civilization is a work of art&mdash;in the literal meaning of the phrase and
+not merely by a metaphor. It is true that works of art are made by
+individuals, civilization by a society. But what work of art is there in
+which the individual artist owes nothing to others? And a civilization,
+the work of countless individuals and many generations, differs in this
+respect from a poem or a statue not in kind but only in degree. It is a
+social<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[297]</a></span>
+work of art, expressed in social action, like a ritual or a
+play. One cannot describe it better than by calling it a tragedy with a
+plot, and history is the plot of the tragedy of civilization.</p>
+
+<p>Students of the drama, from Aristotle onwards, seem to agree that nearly
+all the great tragedies in literature are expositions of quite a few
+fundamental plots. And it is possible that the great tragedies of
+history&mdash;that is, the great civilizations that have been created by the
+spirit of man&mdash;may all reveal the same plot, if we analyse them rightly.
+Each civilization&mdash;for instance, the civilization of Mediaeval and
+Modern Europe and again that of Ancient Greece&mdash;is probably a variant of
+a single theme. And to study the plot of civilization in a great
+exposition of it&mdash;like the Hellenic exposition or our own Western
+exposition&mdash;is surely the right goal of a humane education.</p>
+
+<p>But of course one asks: Why study Ancient Hellenic civilization rather
+than ours? The study of any one civilization is so complex, it demands
+so many preliminary and subordinate studies&mdash;linguistic, institutional,
+economic, psychological&mdash;that it is likely to absorb all one&rsquo;s
+energies. The greatest historians have generally confined themselves to
+the study of a single civilization, and the great Greek
+historians&mdash;Herodotus, Thucydides, and Polybius&mdash;concentrated on their
+own, and only studied others in so far as their own came into contact
+with them. Clearly, people who are going to be historians, not for life,
+but as an education for life, must make their choice. They must
+practically confine themselves to studying one civilization if they are
+to reap the fruits of study at all, and in this case it is natural to
+ask: Why study Hellenism rather than our own history? There are two
+obvious arguments in favour of studying modern history. It seems more
+familiar and it seems more useful. And it would be a mistake to
+misrepresent these arguments by stating them only in their cruder forms.
+&lsquo;Familiar&rsquo; does not mean &lsquo;easy&rsquo;, and to say that
+modern<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[298]</a></span>
+history seems more useful than ancient does not mean that the
+study of it is a closer approximation to a Pelman course. There is an
+exceedingly crude view of education among some people just now&mdash;perhaps
+it is largely due to the war, and may disappear like other ugly effects
+of the war&mdash;which inclines to concentrate education on applied
+chemistry, say, or engineering, with a vague idea that people whose
+education has been devoted to these subjects will be more capable of
+competing with foreigners in the dye industry or of working in munition
+factories in the next emergency. In the same way, conceivably,
+concentration on modern history might be supposed to equip a student for
+securing concessions abroad for a firm, or for winning a parliamentary
+election. Of course, this attitude, though it is rather widespread just
+now, is absurd. The fallacy lies in confusing the general theoretical
+knowledge of a subject acquired through being educated in it with the
+technical knowledge and personal experience which one must have to turn
+the same subject to practical account in after life. There is no
+difference of opinion on this point between &lsquo;humanists&rsquo; and
+&lsquo;scientists&rsquo;. The issue is between people who do not
+appreciate the value of the pursuit of knowledge as an end in itself,
+and those who do appreciate it and who therefore understand what
+education means. True lovers of knowledge and true believers in
+education will be found on the same side in this controversy, whether
+the subject of their study happens to be the spirit of man or the laws
+of its environment. But apart from that crude utilitarianism, which is
+as unscientific as it is un-humane, a serious argument for studying
+modern rather than ancient history can also be stated from the humane
+and the scientific point of view. It may be argued that the direct
+experience we have of our own civilization makes it possible for us to
+have a deeper, and therefore a more humane and scientific, understanding
+of it than we can ever have of Ancient Greece. And one might go on to
+argue, on grounds<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[299]</a></span>
+of humanism alone, that such a comprehension of the character and
+origins of our civilization would have a more profound humanizing
+influence upon its development than a less intimate study of a different
+civilization could produce. This argument is bound to appeal to the
+generation which has experienced the war. The war is obviously one of
+the great crises of our civilization. It is like a conflagration
+lighting up the dim past and throwing it into perspective. The war makes
+it impossible for us to take our own history for granted. We are bound
+to inquire into the causes of such an astonishing catastrophe, and as
+soon as we do that we find ourselves inquiring into the evolution of
+Western Civilization since it emerged from the Dark Age. The shock of
+the Peloponnesian War gave just the same intellectual stimulus to
+Thucydides, and made him preface his history of that war with a critical
+analysis, brief but unsurpassed, of the origins of Hellenic
+civilization&mdash;the famous introductory chapters of Book I. May not
+these chapters point the road for us and counsel us to concentrate upon
+the study of our own history?</p>
+
+<p>This question deserves very serious consideration, not merely from the
+utilitarian, but from the scientific and humane point of view. But the
+answer is not a foregone conclusion. There is a case for studying the
+civilization of Ancient Greece which can be summed up in four points, as
+follows:</p>
+
+<p>(i) In Greek history the plot of civilization has been worked out to its
+conclusion. We can sit as spectators through the whole play; we can say:
+&lsquo;This or that is the crisis; from this point onwards the end is
+inevitable; or if this actor had acted otherwise in those circumstances
+the issue would not nave been the same.&rsquo; We can grasp the
+structure of the tragedy and divide it into acts. But in our own history
+we are like players in the middle of the piece, and though we may be
+able to say &lsquo;This is the third act or the fourth act&rsquo;, we
+cannot say &lsquo;This is the last act or the last but one&rsquo;. We
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">[300]</a></span>
+cannot foretell the future; the work of art we are studying is
+incomplete, and therefore we cannot possibly apprehend it as an artistic
+whole, however vivid may be our experience of isolated scenes and
+situations. The first point in favour of Greek history is its
+completeness and its true perspective from our point of view.</p>
+
+<p>(ii) The second is that the historical experience of the Greeks has been
+more finely expressed than ours. Its expression is in all Greek art and
+literature&mdash;for it is a great mistake to suppose that historical
+experience is expressed in so-called historical records alone. The great
+poets of Greece are of as much assistance in understanding the mental
+history of Greece (which is after all the essential element in any
+history) as the philosophers and historians. And Greek historical
+experience or mental history is better expressed in Greek literature
+than ours is in the literature of modern Europe. Without attempting to
+compare the two literatures as literatures it can be said with some
+confidence that the surviving masterpieces of Greek literature give a
+better insight into the subjective side of Greek history&mdash;into the
+emotions and speculations which arose out of the vicissitudes of Greek
+society and were its most splendid creations&mdash;than any insight into the
+subjective side of modern history which we can obtain by studying it
+through modern literature.</p>
+
+<p>(iii) The third point is expressed in the concluding phrase of
+Aristotle&rsquo;s definition of tragedy (<i>Poetics</i>, vi. 2).
+&lsquo;Tragedy&rsquo;, he says, &lsquo;is an imitation of an action that
+is serious, complete, and of a certain magnitude ... through pity and
+fear effecting the proper <span class='t' title='katharsis'>καθαρσις</span>
+or purgation, of these emotions.&rsquo; (Butcher&rsquo;s translation.)
+This word <span class='t' title='katharsis'>καθαρσις</span>&mdash;purgation,
+purification, cleansing, discharge&mdash;has been the subject of
+interminable controversy among scholars, but any one acquainted with
+Ancient Greek literature who has lived through the war will understand
+what it means. Certainly the writer found, in the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[301]</a></span>
+worst moments of the war, that passages from the classics&mdash;some
+line of Aeschylus or Lucretius or Virgil, or the sense of some speech in
+Thucydides, or the impression of some mood of bitterness or serenity in
+a dialogue of Plato&mdash;would come into his mind and give him relief.
+These men had travelled along the road on which our feet were set; they
+had travelled it farther than we, travelled it to the end; and the
+wisdom of greater experience and the poignancy of greater suffering than
+ours was expressed in the beauty of their words. In the writer&rsquo;s
+personal experience that relief was obtained from acquaintance with
+Greek civilization as expressed in Greek literature. It put one in
+communication with a different civilization from our own&mdash;with
+people who had experienced all and more than we had experienced, and who
+were now at peace beyond the world of time and change.
+<span class='t' title='Katharsis'>Καθαρσις</span>, then,
+is the emotional value which is peculiar to the study of a different
+civilization, and which one cannot get, at any rate with the same
+intensity, by the study of his own.</p>
+
+<p>(iv) This emotional value has its intellectual counterpart in the
+comparative method of study, which one gets by studying, not his own
+circumstances, but circumstances comparable to, without being identical
+with, his own. This is a commonplace in the field of language. The study
+of Ancient Greek is generally admitted to have more educative value for
+an Englishman than the study of modern French or German, because Greek
+and English embody the fundamental principles of human language in
+entirely independent forms of expression, while French and English, in
+addition to the elements common to all language, share the special
+background of the Bible and the Classics, which have given them an
+extensive common stock of phraseology and imagery. This applies equally
+to the study of civilization. One learns more by studying Ancient Greek
+religion and comparing it with Christianity than by studying
+Christianity in ignorance of other religious phenomena;
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">[302]</a></span>
+and one learns more about institutions by studying the Greek city-state
+and comparing it with the modern national state than by merely studying
+the evolution of the national state in modern Europe. If we take utility
+to mean intellectual and not practical utility&mdash;and as humanists
+and scientists we do&mdash;we may claim without paradox that the study
+of Greek civilization is valuable just because it is not our own.</p>
+
+<p>These, then, are four points in favour of Greek history: we possess the
+whole tragedy, it is a magnificent expression of the plot, and it has a
+peculiar emotional value and a peculiar intellectual value which the
+drama in which we ourselves are actors cannot have for us.</p>
+
+<p>At this point it is necessary to give a sketch of the plot of Greek
+history&mdash;every one must make his own sketch; the writer offers his to
+provoke the reader to make his own&mdash;and then to illustrate the second
+point, the beauty of the expression, by quoting half a dozen passages
+from ancient authors. The other two points&mdash;the cathartic and the
+comparative value of Greek history&mdash;are matters of personal experience.
+I have little doubt that the reader will experience them himself if he
+takes up this study seriously and from a broad point of view.</p>
+
+<h3>III<br />
+<i>The Plot of Ancient Greek Civilization</i></h3>
+
+<p>The genesis of Ancient Greek civilization is certainly later than the
+twelfth century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>, when Minoan civilization, its predecessor, was
+still in process of dissolution; and the termination of Ancient Greek
+civilization must certainly be placed before the eighth century <span class='lc sc'>A. D.</span>,
+when modern Western civilization, its successor, had already come into
+being. Between these extreme points we cannot exactly date its beginning
+and end, but we can see that it covers a period of seventeen or eighteen
+centuries.</p><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">[303]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>It is easier to divide the tragedy into acts. We can at once discern two
+dramatic crises&mdash;the outbreak of the Peloponnesian War and the
+foundation of the Roman Empire. We can for convenience take precise
+dates&mdash;431 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> and 31
+<span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>&mdash;and group the action into three acts or
+phases, one before, one between, and one after these critical moments.</p>
+
+<p>It is best to give the analysis in tabular form:</p>
+
+<p class="noin"><i>Act I</i> (11th cent.-431 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>).</p>
+
+<ol><li>Synoikismos (formation of the city-state, the cell of Greek
+society), 11th cent.-750 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span></li>
+
+<li>Colonization (propagation of the city-state round the
+Mediterranean), 750-600 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span></li>
+
+<li>Economic revolution (change from extensive to intensive
+growth), 600-500 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span></li>
+
+<li>Confederation (repulse of Oriental universal empire and
+creation of an inter-state federation, the Delian League),
+500-431 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span></li></ol>
+
+<p class="noin"><i>Act II</i> (431 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>-31
+<span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>).</p>
+
+<ol><li>The Greek wars (failure of inter-state federation), 431-355
+<span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span></li>
+
+<li>The Oriental wars (the superman, conquest of the East,
+struggle for the spoils, barbarian invasion), 355-272 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span></li>
+
+<li>The first rally (change of scale and fresh experiments in
+federation&mdash;Seleucid Asia, Roman Italy, Aetolian and
+Achaean &lsquo;United States&rsquo;), 272-218 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span></li>
+
+<li>The Roman wars (destruction of four great powers by one;
+devastation of the Mediterranean world), 218-146 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span></li>
+
+<li>The class wars (capitalism, bolshevism, Napoleonism),
+146-31 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span></li></ol>
+
+<p class="noin"><i>Act III</i> (31 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>-7th cent.
+<span class='lc sc'>A. D.</span>).</p>
+
+<ol><li>The second rally (final experiment in federation&mdash;compromise
+between city-state autonomy and capitalistic
+centralization), 31 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>-<span class='lc sc'>A. D.</span>
+180.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">[304]</a></span></li>
+
+<li>The first dissolution (external front broken by tribesmen,
+internal by Christianity), <span class='lc sc'>A. D.</span> 180-284.</li>
+
+<li>The final rally (Constantine <span class='t' title='ton dêmon prosetairizetai'>τον
+δημον προσεταιριζεται</span>&mdash;tribesmen on to the land, bishops into the
+bureaucracy), <span class='lc sc'>A. D.</span> 284-378.</li>
+
+<li>The final dissolution (break of tradition), <span class='lc sc'>A. D.</span>
+378-7th cent.</li></ol>
+
+<p>This analysis is and must be subjective. Every one has to make his own,
+just as every one has to apprehend for himself the form of a work of
+art. But however the historian may analyse the plot and group it into
+acts, it must be borne in mind that the action is continuous, and that
+the first emergence of the Greek city-state in the Aegean and the last
+traces of municipal self-government in the Roman Empire are phases in
+the history of a single civilization. It may seem a paradox to call this
+civilization a unity. But the study of Greek and Latin literature leaves
+no doubt in one&rsquo;s mind that the difference of language there is
+less significant than the unity of form, and that one is really dealing
+with a single literature, the Hellenic, which in many of its branches
+was imitated and propagated in the Latin language, just as it was to a
+lesser extent in Hebrew, or later on in Syriac and Arabic. The unity is
+even more apparent when, instead of confining our attention to
+literature, we regard the whole field of civilization. It is not really
+possible to draw a distinction between Greek history and Roman history.
+At most one can say that at some point Greek history enters on a phase
+which it may be convenient to distinguish verbally by connecting it with
+the name of Rome. To take the case of the Roman Empire&mdash;the reader may
+possibly have been surprised to find the Roman Empire treated as the
+third act in the tragedy of Greece; yet when one studies the Empire one
+finds that it was essentially a Greek institution. Institutionally it
+was at bottom a federation of city-states, a solution of the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">[305]</a></span>
+political problem with which Greek society had been wrestling since the
+fifth century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> And even the non-municipal
+element, the centralized bureaucratic organization which Augustus spread
+like a fine, almost impalpable net to hold his federation of
+municipalities together, was largely a fruit of Greek administrative
+experience. As papyrology reveals the administrative system of the
+Ptolemaic Dynasty&mdash;the Greek successors of Alexander who preceded
+the Caesars in the government of Egypt&mdash;we are learning that even
+those institutions of the Empire which have been regarded as most
+un-Greek may have been borrowed through a Greek intermediary. Imperial
+jurisprudence, again, interpreted Roman municipal law into the law of a
+civilization by reading into it the principles of Greek moral
+philosophy. And Greek, not Latin, was still the language in which most
+of the greatest literature of the Imperial period was written. One need
+only mention works which are still widely read and which have influenced
+our own civilization&mdash;Plutarch&rsquo;s <i>Lives</i>, Marcus
+Aurelius&rsquo; <i>Meditations</i>, and the New Testament. They are all
+written in Greek, and who will venture to assert that the age in which
+they were written falls outside Greek history, or that the social
+experience which produced them was not an act in the tragedy of Hellenic
+civilization? Even statistically the Empire was more Greek than anything
+else. Probably a considerable majority of its inhabitants spoke Greek as
+a lingua franca, if not as their mother-tongue. Nearly all the great
+industrial and commercial centres were in the Greek or Hellenized
+provinces. Possibly, during the first two centuries of the Empire, more
+Greek was spoken than Latin by the proletariat of Rome itself. The Greek
+core of the Roman Empire played the part of Western Europe in the modern
+world. The Latinized provinces were thinly populated, backward, and only
+superficially initiated into the fraternity of civilization. Latinized
+Spain and Africa were the South America, Latinized Gaul and Britain the
+Russia of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">[306]</a></span>
+the Ancient Greek world. The pulse of the Empire was driven by a Greek
+heart, and it beat comparatively feebly in the non-Greek extremities.</p>
+
+<h3>IV<br />
+<i>The Literary Expression of the Plot</i></h3>
+
+<p>And now, after having suggested a reading of the plot, it is time to let
+the actors speak for themselves. There is only space to quote half a
+dozen passages, but they have been chosen to illustrate the critical
+scenes and situations in the drama as it has been sketched out, and they
+may persuade the reader that there is something to be said for the
+present interpretation.</p>
+
+<p>We shall not dwell on the period I have called the first act&mdash;that is,
+the period before 431 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> But the reader is
+recommended, again, not to lay aside the Greek poets when he takes up
+the Greek historians. Homer will reveal more of the opening scenes than
+Herodotus; and the exaltation of spirit produced by the repulse of the
+Persians, and expressed institutionally in the foundation of the Delian
+League, can hardly be realized emotionally without the poetry of
+Aeschylus. But the philosophers and scientists are indispensable too.
+Professor Burnet&rsquo;s <i>Early Greek Philosophy</i>, or his <i>Greek
+Philosophy from Thales to Plato</i>, throws light on history and not merely
+on the Greek theory of knowledge. And the reader should make
+acquaintance with the little work on &lsquo;Atmospheres, Waters, and
+Localities&rsquo; emanating from the Hippokratean school of medicine. It
+is only thirty-eight pages in the Teubner text (Hippocratis <i>Opera</i>,
+vol. i), and it gives clearer expression than Herodotus to the
+fifth-century scientific point of view. Here is one passage which might
+have been written in Victorian England. The writer is describing a
+peculiar disease prevalent among the nomads of southern Russia.
+&lsquo;The natives&rsquo;, he remarks, &lsquo;believe that this disease
+is sent by God, and they reverence and worship its victims, in fear of
+being stricken by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">[307]</a></span>
+it themselves. I too am quite ready to admit that these phenomena are
+caused by God, but I take the same view about all phenomena and hold
+that no single phenomenon is more or less divine in origin than any
+other. All are uniform and all may be divine, but each phenomenon obeys
+a law, and natural law knows no exceptions.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>It is hard to leave this first act of the tragedy. It is a triumph of
+youth, and the phrase in which Herodotus sums up the early history of
+Sparta expresses the prevailing spirit of early Hellenic civilization.
+<span class='t' title='Ana te edramon kai euthenêthêsan'>Ανα τε εδραμον
+και ευθενηθησαν</span>: &lsquo;They shot up and throve.&rsquo; But there is
+another phrase in Herodotus which announces the second act&mdash;an
+ominous phrase which came so natural to him that one may notice about a
+dozen instances of it in his history. <span class='t' title='Edei gar tô
+deini genesthai kakôs'>Εδει γαρ τω δεινι γενεσθαι κακως</span>: &lsquo;Evil had
+to befall so-and-so, and therefore&rsquo;&mdash;the story of a
+catastrophe follows in each case. The thought behind the phrase is
+expressed in Solon&rsquo;s words to Croesus (Herodotus, Bk. I, ch. 32):
+&lsquo;Croesus, I know that God is ever envious and disordering&rsquo;
+(<span class='t' title='tarachôdes'>ταραχωδες</span>), &lsquo;and you
+ask me about the destiny of man!&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>Note the epithet translated &lsquo;disordering&rsquo;; we shall meet the
+word <span class='t' title='tarachê'>ταραχη</span> again. It is the bitter
+phrase of a man who lived on from the great age into the war, but not so
+bitter as the truth which the writer could not bring himself wholly to
+express. &lsquo;No single phenomenon&rsquo;, as contemporary Greek
+science realized, &lsquo;is more or less divine than any other&rsquo;,
+and the &lsquo;envious and disordering&rsquo; power, which wrecked Greek
+civilization, was not an external force, but the very spirit of man by
+which that civilization had been created. There is a puzzling line in
+Homer which is applied once or twice to features in a
+landscape&mdash;for instance, to a river: &lsquo;The gods call it
+Xanthos, mankind Skamandros.&rsquo; So we might say of the downfall of
+Greece: the Greeks attributed it to the malignity of God, but the divine
+oracles gave a different answer.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">[308]</a></span>
+Why did the Confederacy of Delos break down and Greece lose her youth in
+a ruinous war? Because of the evil in the hearts of men&mdash;the envy
+aroused by the political and commercial greatness of Athens in the
+governing classes of Sparta and Corinth; and the covetousness aroused by
+sudden greatness in the Athenians, tempting their statesmen to degrade
+the presidency of a free confederacy into a dominion of Athens over
+Greece, and tempting the Athenian proletariat, and the proletariat in
+the confederate states, to misuse democracy for the exploitation of the
+rich by the poor. Envy and covetousness begat injustice, and injustice
+disloyalty. The city-states, in their rivalry for dominion or their
+resentment against the domineering of one state over another, forgot
+their loyalty to the common weal of Greece and fought each other for
+empire or liberty. And the wealthy and well-born citizens forgot their
+loyalty to the city in their blind, rancorous feud against the
+proletariat that was stripping them of property and power, and betrayed
+their community to foreign enemies.</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;Strange how mortals blame the gods. They say that evil is our
+handiwork, when in truth they bring their sufferings on themselves. By
+their own folly they force the hand of fate. See, now, how Aigisthos
+forced it in taking the wedded wife of Atreides and slaying her lord
+when he returned, yet he had sheer destruction before his eyes, for we
+ourselves had forewarned him not to slay the king nor wed his wife, or
+vengeance would come by Atreides&rsquo; son Orestes, whene&rsquo;er he
+should grow to manhood and long for his home. So spake our messenger,
+but with all his wisdom he did not soften the heart of Aigisthos, and
+now he has paid in full&rsquo; (<i>Odyssey, a 32-43</i>).</p>
+
+<p>These lines from the first canto of the <i>Odyssey</i> were imagined by a
+generation which could still afford to err, but as Greece approached her
+hour of destiny, her prophetic inspiration grew clearer. The poets of
+the sixth century were haunted more insistently than the Homeridai by
+the possibilities of disaster<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">[309]</a></span>
+inherent in success of every kind&mdash;in personal prosperity, in
+military victory, and in the social triumph of civilization. They traced
+the mischief to an aberration of the human spirit under the shock of
+sudden, unexpected attainment, and they realized that both the
+accumulated achievement of generations and the greater promise of the
+future might be lost irretrievably by failure at this critical moment.
+&lsquo;Surfeit (<span class='t' title='koros'>κορος</span>) breeds sin
+<span class='t' title='hubris'>ὑβρις</span> when prosperity visits
+unbalanced minds.&rsquo; In slightly different words, the proverb recurs
+in the collections of verses attributed to Theognis and to Solon. Its
+maker refrained from adding what was in his and his hearers&rsquo;
+thoughts, that <span class='t' title='hubris'>ὑβρις</span>, once engendered,
+breeds <span class='t' title='aiê'>αιη</span>&mdash;the complete and
+certain destruction into which the sinner walks with unseeing eyes. But
+the whole moral mystery, to its remorseless end, was uttered again and
+again in passionate words by Aeschylus, who consciously discarded the
+primitive magical determinism in which Herodotus afterwards vainly
+sought relief.</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Φιλει δε τικτειν ὑβρις<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">μεν παλαια νεα—<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">ζουσαν εν κακοις βροτων<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">ὑβρις τοτ&rsquo; η τóθ&rsquo;, ὁτε το κυριον μολη<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">φαος τοκου,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">δαιμονα τ&rsquo; εταν, αμαχον, απολεμον,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">ανιερον θρασος, μελαι—<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">νας μελαθροισιν Ατας,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">ειδομενας τοκευσιν.<br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">{Philei de tiktein hubris<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">men palaia nea—<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">zousan en kakois brotôn<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">hubris tot&rsquo; ê tóth&rsquo;, hote to kyrion molê<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">phaos tokou,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">daimona t&rsquo; etan, amachon, apolemon,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">anieron thrasos, melai—<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">nas melathroisin Atas,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">eidomenas tokeusin.}<br /></span>
+</div>
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">But Old Sin loves, when comes the hour again,<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">To bring forth New,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Which laugheth lusty amid the tears of men;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Yea, and Unruth, his comrade, wherewith none<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">May plead nor strive, which dareth on and on,<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">Knowing not fear nor any holy thing;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Two fires of darkness in a house, born true,<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">Like to their ancient spring.<br /></span>
+<span class="i4">(<i>Agamemnon</i>, vv. 763-71, Murray&rsquo;s transl.)<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">[310]</a></span>
+The poet of the crowning victory over Persia was filled with awe, as
+well as exultation, at the possibilities for good or evil which his
+triumphant generation held in their hands. Were they true metal or base?
+The times would test them, but he had no doubt about the inexorable law.</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Ου γαρ εστιν επαλξις<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">πλουτου προς κορον ανδρι<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">λακτισαντι μεγαν δικης<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">βωμον εις αφανειαν.<br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">{Ou gar estin epalxis<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">ploutou pros koron andri<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">laktisanti megan dikês<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">bômon eis aphaneian.}<br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Never shall state nor gold<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">Shelter his heart from aching<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Whoso the Altar of Justice old<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">Spurneth to night unwaking.<br /></span>
+<span class="i4">(<i>Agamemnon</i>, vv. 381-4, Murray&rsquo;s transl.)<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>The <i>Agamemnon</i> was written when Athens stood at the height of her glory
+and her power, and before her sons, following the devices of their
+hearts, &lsquo;like a boy chasing a wing&egrave;d bird&rsquo;, had set a fatal
+stumbling-block in the way of their city, or smirched her with an
+intolerable stain. The generation of Marathon foreboded the catastrophe
+of the Peloponnesian War, yet the shock, when it came, was beyond their
+powers of imagination, and the effect of it on the mind of Greece was
+first expressed by the generation which was smitten by the war in early
+manhood. This is how it was felt by Thucydides (iii. 82):</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;So the class-war at Korkyra grew more and more savage, and it
+made a particular impression because it was the first outbreak of an
+upheaval that spread in time through almost the whole of Greek society.
+In every state there were conflicts of class, and the leaders of the
+respective parties now procured the intervention of the Athenians or the
+Lakedaimonians on their side. In peace-time they would have had neither
+the opportunity nor the inclination to call in the foreigner, but now
+there was the war, and it was easy for any party of violence
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">[311]</a></span>
+to get their opponents crushed and themselves into power by an alliance
+with one of the belligerents. This recrudescence of class-war brought
+one calamity after another upon the states of Greece&mdash;calamities
+that occur and will continue to occur as long as human nature remains
+what it is, however they may be modified or occasionally mitigated by
+changes of circumstance. Under the favourable conditions of peace-time,
+communities and individuals do not have their hands forced by the logic
+of events, and can therefore act up to a higher standard. But war strips
+away all the margins of ordinary life and breaks in character to
+circumstance by its brutal training. So the states were torn by the
+class-war, and the sensation made by each outbreak had a sinister effect
+on the next&mdash;in fact, there was something like a competition in
+perfecting the fine art of conspiracies and atrocities....</p>
+
+<p>(iii. 83) &lsquo;Thus the class-war plunged Greek society into every
+kind of moral evil, and honesty, which is the chief constituent of
+idealism, was laughed out of existence in the prevailing atmosphere of
+hostility and suspicion. No argument was cogent enough and no pledge
+solemn enough to reconcile opponents. The only argument that appealed to
+the party momentarily in power was the unlikelihood of their remaining
+there long and the consequent advisability of taking no risks with their
+enemies. And the stupider the combatants, the greater their chances of
+survival, just because they were terrified at their deficiencies,
+expected to be outwitted and outmanœuvred, and therefore plunged
+recklessly into action, while their superiors in intellect, who trusted
+to their wits to protect them and disdained practical precautions, were
+often caught defenceless and brought to destruction.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>There is the effect of the great Greek war upon the first generation.
+Thucydides, of course, had a sensitive and emotional temperament. He is
+always controlling himself and reining himself in. But one is struck by
+an outburst of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">[312]</a></span>
+same feeling in a younger man, Xenophon, who was ordinarily in harmony
+with his age and was probably rather unimaginative and self-complacent
+by nature. The war had given Xenophon his opportunity as a soldier and a
+writer. He was not inclined to quarrel with the &lsquo;envious and
+disordering&rsquo; powers that had ruined Greek civilization. But in the
+last paragraph of the History of his Own Times he is carried away, for
+he has just been describing the battle of Mantinea (362
+<span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>), in which he had lost his son.</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;The result of the battle&rsquo;, he writes, &lsquo;disappointed
+every one&rsquo;s expectations. Almost the whole of Greece had mobilized
+on one side or the other, and it was taken for granted that if it came
+to an action, the victors would be able to do what they liked and the
+vanquished would be at their mercy. But Providence so disposed it that
+both sides ... claimed the victory and yet neither had gained a foot of
+territory, a single city or a particle of power beyond what they had
+possessed before the battle. On the contrary, there was more
+unsettlement and disorder (<span class='t' title='tarachê'>ταραχη</span>)
+in Greece after the battle than before it. But I do not propose to carry
+my narrative further and will leave the sequel to any other historian
+who cares to record it.&rsquo; (<i>Hellenica</i>, vii. 5 fin.)</p>
+
+<p>Space forbids quotation from Plato, but the reader is recommended, while
+studying his metaphysics for his philosophy, to note his moods and
+emotions for the light they throw upon the history of his lifetime.
+Plato&rsquo;s long life&mdash;427 to 347 <span class='lc sc'>B.
+C.</span>&mdash;practically coincided with the first phase of the second act of
+the tragedy&mdash;the series of wars that began in 431 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>,
+and that had reduced the Greek city-states to complete disunion and
+exhaustion by 355. Plato belonged to the cultured governing class which
+was hit hardest by these first disasters. At the age of twenty-nine,
+after witnessing the downfall of Athens, he had to witness the judicial
+murder of Sokrates&mdash;the greatest man of the older generation, who
+had been appreciated<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">[313]</a></span>
+and loved by Plato and his friends. Plato&rsquo;s own most promising
+pupil, whom he had marked out for his successor, was killed in action in
+a particularly aimless recrudescence of the war. Plato&rsquo;s political
+disillusionment and perversity are easy to understand. But it is curious
+and interesting to watch the clash between his political bitterness and
+his intellectual serenity. In the intellectual and artistic
+sphere&mdash;as a writer, musician, mathematician,
+metaphysician&mdash;he stood consciously at the zenith of Greek history;
+but whenever he turned to politics he seems to have felt that the spring
+had gone out of the year. He instinctively antedated the setting of his
+dialogues. The characters nearly all belong to the generation of
+Sokrates, which had grown to manhood before the war and whose memories
+conjured up the glory that the war had extinguished. Note, also, his
+&lsquo;other-worldliness&rsquo;, for it is a feature that comes into
+Greek civilization with him and gradually permeates it. He turns from
+science to theology, from the world of time and change to the world of
+archetypes or ideas. He turns from the social religion of the city-state
+to a personal religion for which he takes symbols from primitive
+mythology. He turns from politics to utopias. But Plato only lived to
+see the first phase of the catastrophe. As we watch the remainder of
+this second act&mdash;those four terrible centuries that followed the
+year 431 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>&mdash;there come tidings of
+calamity after calamity, like the messages of disaster in the Book of
+Job, and as the world crumbles, people tend more and more to lay up
+their treasure elsewhere. In the <i>Laws</i>, Plato places his utopia no
+farther away than Crete. Two centuries later the followers of
+Aristonikos the Bolshevik, outlawed by the cities of Greece and Asia,
+proclaim themselves citizens of the City of the Sun. Two centuries later
+still, the followers of Jesus of Nazareth, despairing of this world,
+pray for its destruction by fire to make way for the Kingdom of Heaven.</p>
+
+<p>Plato&rsquo;s state of mind gives the atmosphere of the first phase
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">[314]</a></span>
+after the catastrophe. For the second phase&mdash;the conquest of the East
+and the struggle for the spoils&mdash;the reader may be referred to Mr. Edwyn
+Bevan&rsquo;s <i>Lectures on the Stoics and Sceptics</i> and to Professor
+Gilbert Murray&rsquo;s Conway Memorial lecture on <i>The Stoic
+Philosophy</i>. They will show him a system of philosophy which is no
+longer a pure product of speculation but is primarily a moral shelter
+erected hastily to meet the storms of life. The third phase&mdash;the rally
+of civilization in the middle of the third century <span class='lc sc'>B.
+C.</span>&mdash;is mirrored in Plutarch&rsquo;s lives of the Spartan kings Agis
+and Kleomenes. Any one who reads them will feel the gallantry of this
+rally and the pathos of its failure. And then comes the fourth
+phase&mdash;the Roman wars against the other great powers of the
+Mediterranean world. The Hannibalic war in Italy was, very probably, the
+most terrible war that there has ever been, not excepting the recent war
+in Europe. The horror of that war haunted later generations, and its
+mere memory made oblivion seem a desirable release from an intolerable
+world.</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Nil igitur mors est ad nos neque pertinet hilum,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">quandoquidem natura animi mortalis habetur.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">et velut anteacto nil tempore sensimus aegri,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">ad confligendum venientibus undique Poenis,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">omnia cum belli trepido concussa tumultu<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">horrida contremuere sub altis aetheris oris,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">in dubioque fuere utrorum ad regna cadendum<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">omnibus humanis esset terraque marique,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">sic, ubi non erimus, cum corporis atque animai<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">discidium fuerit quibus e sumus uniter apti,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">scilicet haud nobis quicquam, qui non erimus tum,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">accidere omnino poterit sensumque movere,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">non si terra mari miscebitur et mare caelo.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p class="noin">That is a passage of Lucretius (iii. 830-842) which follows upon an
+elaborate argument to prove that death destroys personality and that the
+soul is not immortal. Here is an attempt at a translation:</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">[315]</a></span>
+&lsquo;So death is nothing to us and matters nothing to us, since we
+have proved that the soul is not immortal. And as in time past we felt
+no ill, when the Phoenicians were pouring in to battle on every front,
+when the world rocked with the shock and tumult of war and shivered from
+centre to firmament, when all mankind on sea and land must fall under
+the victor&rsquo;s empire and victory was in doubt&mdash;so, when we have
+ceased to be, when body and soul, whose union is our being, have been
+parted, then nothing can touch us&mdash;we shall not be&mdash;and nothing can make
+us feel, no, not if earth is confounded with sea and sea with
+heaven.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>Lucretius wrote that about a hundred and fifty years after Hannibal
+evacuated Italy, but the horror is still vivid in his mind, and his
+poetry arouses it in our minds as we listen. The writer will never
+forget how those lines kept running in his head during the spring of
+1918.</p>
+
+<p>But the victors suffered with the vanquished in the common ruin of
+civilization. The whole Mediterranean world, and the devastated area in
+Italy most of all, was shaken by the economic and social revolutions
+which the Roman wars brought in their train. The proletariat was
+oppressed to such a degree that the unity of society was permanently
+destroyed and Greek civilization, after being threatened with a violent
+extinction by Bolshevik outbreaks&mdash;the slave wars in Sicily, the
+insurrection of Aristonikos and the massacres of Mithradates in
+Anatolia, the outbreaks of Spartakos and Catilina in Italy&mdash;was
+eventually supplanted by a rival civilization of the proletariat&mdash;the
+Christian Church. The revolutionary last phase in the second act&mdash;the
+final phase before the foundation of the Empire&mdash;has left its expression
+in the cry of the Son of Man: &lsquo;The foxes have holes and the birds
+of the air have nests, but the Son of Man hath not where to lay his
+head.&rsquo; It was one of those anonymous phrases that are in all
+men&rsquo;s mouths because they express what is in all men&rsquo;s
+hearts.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">[316]</a></span>
+Tiberius Gracchus used it in his public speeches at Rome; two
+centuries later it reappears in the discourses of Jesus of Nazareth.</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Ergo inter sese paribus concurrere telis<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Romanas acies iterum videre Philippi,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">nec fuit indignum superis bis sanguine nostro<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Emathiam et latos Haemi pinguescere campos....<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Di patrii, Indigetes, et Romule, Vestaque mater<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">quae Tuscum Tiberim et Romana Palatia servas,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">hunc saltem everso iuvenem succurrere saeclo<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">ne prohibete. satis iam pridem sanguine nostro<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Laomedonteae luimus periuria Troiae....<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">vicinae ruptis inter se legibus urbes<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">arma ferunt; saevit toto Mars impius orbe;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">ut cum carceribus sese effudere quadrigae,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">addunt in spatio, et frustra retinacula tendens<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">fertur equis auriga neque audit currus habenas.<br /></span>
+<span class="i8">(<i>Georgics</i>, i. 489 seqq.)<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>&lsquo;Therefore Philippi saw Roman armies turn their swords against
+each other a second time in battle, and the gods felt no pity that
+Emathia and the broad plains of Haemus should twice be fattened with our
+blood....</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;Gods of our fathers, gods of our country, god of our city,
+goddess of our hearths who watchest over Tuscan Tiber and Roman
+Palatine, forbid not this last saviour to succour our fallen generation.
+Our blood has flowed too long. We have paid in full for the sins of our
+forefathers&mdash;the broken faith of ancient Troy....</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;The bonds are broken between neighbour cities and they meet in
+arms. Ungodly war rages the world over. The chariots launched on the
+race gather speed as they go; vainly dragging on the reins the driver is
+swept away by his steeds and the team heeds not the bridle.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>It is a prayer for the lifting of the curse, and this time the
+&lsquo;envious and disordering&rsquo; powers gave ear. The charioteer
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">[317]</a></span>
+regained control, and we are carried on to the third act of the tragedy,
+in which no small part of its beauty and a very great part of its
+significance is to be found. The imperial peace could not save the body
+of Greek civilization&mdash;the four centuries of war had inflicted mortal
+wounds; but possibly it saved its soul. Although Augustus had not the
+abilities of Caesar, he felt and pitied the sorrows of the world, and he
+succeeded in expressing the pity and repentance, the ruthfulness for and
+piety towards the past, which were astir in the spirits of his
+generation. But what phrase is adequate to characterize the Empire? The
+words &lsquo;Decline and Fall&rsquo; suggest themselves, but how should
+they be applied? Gibbon took the second century of the Empire, the age
+of the Antonines, as the Golden Age of the Ancient World, and traced the
+decline and fall of the Empire from the death of Marcus Aurelius. On the
+other hand, if the present reading of the plot is right, the fatal
+catastrophe occurred six centuries earlier, in the year 431 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>,
+and the Empire itself was the decline and fall of Greek civilization.
+But was it only that? One is apt to think so when one reads the diary of
+Marcus Aurelius, and pictures him in his quarters at Carnuntum, fighting
+finely but hopelessly on two fronts&mdash;against the barbarians on the
+Danube and the sadness in his own soul.</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;Human life! Its duration is momentary, its substance in perpetual
+flux, its senses dim, its physical organism perishable, its
+consciousness a vortex, its destiny dark, its repute uncertain&mdash;in fact,
+the material element is a rolling stream, the spiritual element dreams
+and vapour, life a war and a sojourning in a far country, fame oblivion.
+What can see us through? One thing and one only&mdash;philosophy, and that
+means keeping the spirit within us unspoiled and undishonoured, not
+giving way to pleasure or pain, never acting unthinkingly or deceitfully
+or insincerely, and never being dependent on the moral support of
+others. It also means taking what comes contentedly as all
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">[318]</a></span>
+part of the process to which we owe our own being; and, above all, it
+means facing death calmly&mdash;taking it simply as a dissolution of the
+atoms of which every living organism is composed. Their perpetual
+transformation does not hurt the atoms, so why should one mind the whole
+organism being transformed and dissolved? It is a law of nature, and
+natural law can never be wrong.&rsquo; (<span class='t' title='Márkos
+Antôninos eis eautón'>Μáρκος Αντωνινος εις εαυτóν</span>, ii fin.)</p>
+
+<p>But after quoting Marcus Aurelius, the first citizen of the Empire, it
+is necessary to add a quotation from Paul of Tarsos, a citizen who has
+as good a claim as any other to be heard:</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;&ldquo;How are the dead raised up? With what body do they
+come?&rdquo; Thou fool, that which thou sowest is not quickened, except
+it die.... It is sown in corruption, it is raised in incorruption; it is
+sown in dishonour, it is raised in glory; it is sown in weakness, it is
+raised in power.&rsquo; ...</p>
+
+<p>It startles us to be reminded that these two actors appeared on the
+stage in the same act of the drama, and that Paul actually played his
+part a century before Marcus played his. Paul&rsquo;s voice suggests not
+only a younger generation but quite a different play. His thought in the
+lines just quoted is inspired by a predecessor whom Marcus regarded as
+one of the innumerable prophets of the proletariat. &lsquo;Except a corn
+of wheat fall into the ground and die, it abideth alone, but if it die,
+it bringeth forth much fruit.&rsquo; The saying was included in the
+miscellaneous traditions about Jesus of Nazareth which were passing from
+mouth to mouth among the illiterate masses, but which had not begun to
+excite the curiosity of the educated classes in Marcus&rsquo;s day. What
+would the scholar have made of it if a collection of these traditions
+had fallen under his eye, scrawled on bad paper in barbarous Greek?
+Little enough, for he would have missed the whole background of his own
+sentiment and thought, which was nothing less than the background of
+Greek civilization. Great literary memories crowd
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">[319]</a></span>
+the brief passage of his diary quoted above&mdash;Epiktetos and
+Lucretius and the Stoa, Plato and Sokrates, Demokritos and the
+Hippokratean school of medicine from which we took our first quotation,
+and simpler minds and more primitive artists in the dim generations
+behind. We are carried right back through the tragedy at which we have
+been looking on. The two men are worlds apart, in spite of the fact that
+their propositions, when we strip them naked, are much the same.
+&lsquo;The organism is transformed and
+dissolved.&rsquo;&mdash;&lsquo;That which thou sowest is not quickened
+except it die.&rsquo; They are both representing death as a phase in the
+process of nature, but it is not till we grasp the similarity of the
+thought that we fully realize the difference in the outlook and the
+emotion.</p>
+
+<p>Under the smooth surface of the Empire there was a great gulf fixed
+between the &lsquo;bourgeois&rsquo; society of the city-states and the
+descendants of the slaves imported during the Roman Wars; but the
+Empire, by gradually alleviating the material condition of the
+proletariat, insensibly affected their point of view. The development of
+their religion&mdash;the one inalienable possession carried by the slaves
+from their Oriental homes&mdash;is an index of the psychological change. In
+the last phase of the Second Act, the &lsquo;Red Guards&rsquo; of Sicily
+and Anatolia had been led by prophets and preachers of their Oriental
+gods. Their religion had lent itself to their revolutionary state of
+mind. But under the Empire, as descendants of the plantation-slaves
+succeeded in purchasing their freedom and forming a new class of
+shopkeepers and clerks, their religion correspondingly reflected their
+rise in the world. They remained indifferent, if not hostile, to the
+Imperial Hellenic tradition, but they began to aspire to a kingdom of
+their own in this world as well as in the next. The force which had
+broken out desperately in the crazy wonder-working of Eunous of Enna and
+had then inspired the &lsquo;other-worldly&rsquo; exaltation of Paul of
+Tarsos, was soon conducted into the walls of chapels, and the local
+associations<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">[320]</a></span>
+of Christian chapel-goers were steadily linked up into a federation so
+powerfully organized that the Imperial federation of city-states had
+eventually to choose between going into partnership with it or being
+supplanted. Thus the empire of which Marcus and Paul were citizens was
+more than the third act in the tragedy of Ancient Greece. While it
+retarded the inevitable dissolution of one civilization it conceived its
+successor, and when, after Marcus&rsquo;s death, imperial statesmanship
+failed, and the ancient organism long preserved by its skill at last
+broke down, the shock did not extinguish new and old together, but
+brought the new life to birth. By the seventh century after Christ, when
+Ancient Greek civilization may be said finally to have dissolved, our
+own civilization was ready to &lsquo;shoot up and thrive&rsquo; and
+repeat the tragedy of mankind.</p>
+
+<p>The writer can best express his personal feeling about the Empire in a
+parable. It was like the sea round whose shores its network of
+city-states was strung. The Mediterranean seems at first sight a poor
+substitute for the rivers that have given their waters to make it. Those
+were living waters, whether they ran muddy or clear; the sea seems just
+salt and still and dead. But as soon as we study the sea, we find
+movement and life there also. There are silent currents circulating
+perpetually from one part to another, and the surface-water that seems
+to be lost by evaporation is not really lost, but will descend in
+distant places and seasons, with its bitterness all distilled away, as
+life-giving rain. And as these surface-waters are drawn off into the
+clouds, their place is taken by lower layers continually rising from the
+depths. The sea itself is in constant and creative motion, but the
+influence of this great body of water extends far beyond its shores. One
+finds it softening the extremes of temperature, quickening the
+vegetation, and prospering the life of animals and men, in the distant
+heart of continents and among peoples that have never heard its name.</p>
+
+<p class='sig sc'>Arnold Toynbee.</p>
+
+<hr /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">[321]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="POLITICAL" id="POLITICAL"></a>POLITICAL THOUGHT</h2>
+
+<p>In a survey of the legacy of Ancient Greece to our modern civilization
+and its problems, it might well seem at first sight as though the
+political contribution of Greece could be ignored. Greek art, Greek
+literature, Greek philosophy are among the world&rsquo;s abiding
+possessions, for the human passions and questionings which gave them
+birth and the human needs to which they minister will last as long as
+human life itself. But Greek political thinking is so much bound up with
+the peculiar and evanescent external conditions of fifth and fourth
+century Greece, centres indeed so exclusively round the special problems
+of its intellectual metropolis, Athens, that its interest might appear
+to have passed away with the r&eacute;gime to which it owes its existence. The
+<i>Agamemnon</i> and the <i>Antigone</i>, with their teachings of destiny and
+duty, the Hermes of Olympia and the Parthenon frieze, with their
+ever-irresistible charm of youthfulness, the <i>Phaedo</i> with its
+discussion of immortality, the <i>Metaphysics</i> of Aristotle with their
+still subtler and more abstruse speculations, source of so much of our
+Christian doctrine and apologetic&mdash;all these require little defence
+against the Philistine of to-day, if only he can be induced to gaze at
+his intended victim before he delivers his blow. But Thucydides with his
+long and detailed account of an inter-tribal or inter-municipal war,
+decked out with sham speeches which were never delivered: Plato with his
+imaginary Utopia, half a small Greek provincial town, half an impossible
+and unendurably regimented socialist model community, based on a
+fine-drawn and fallacious comparison between the qualities of the human
+soul and the class-divisions which happened to prevail in the Greek
+society of the time: Aristotle with his laborious investigations
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">[322]</a></span>
+into the municipal pathology of his day and his detailed prescriptions
+for the betterment of his fellow-provincials and their
+institutions&mdash;what have we to do with all this in an age of world
+problems and conflicts and of not merely continent-wide but
+international ideas and projects of organization? The first duty of any
+one who seeks to interest the modern reader in Greek political
+discussion is to be perfectly frank and lucid about its limitations. He
+need have no cause to be afraid that, when these have been written off
+from his prospectus, there will be too little of value remaining.</p>
+
+<p>These limitations can be summarized under two main heads. They arise,
+firstly, from a <i>difference of scale</i>, and secondly, from a <i>difference
+of outlook</i>, between ancient and modern political thought.</p>
+
+<p>The difference of scale leaps to the eye at once, although its
+consequences are not all of them so obvious. Ancient Greece was, for
+political purposes, a congeries of sovereign states, generally centring
+round the urban metropolis of a rural district smaller than that of an
+average English county. The material upon which Greek political thought
+worked was, therefore, from our modern point of view not only
+small-scale but almost Lilliputian. This can best be appreciated when we
+consider how many gradations of scale are interposed in the modern world
+between the government of a town or district of the size of
+fifth-century Athens and the government of our own sovereign state, the
+British Commonwealth. Athens was far smaller than Leeds, Johannesburg,
+or Chicago: yet to be Mayor of any of these is not to fill a position of
+commanding responsibility, as political responsibility is understood in
+the large-scale world of to-day. The American State, the South African
+province and Dominion and (for certain purposes) the English County
+stand between the giant municipality and the sovereign parliament. To a
+British Premier passing from a coal strike which reacts upon the trade
+of the entire world to an Imperial Conference
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">[323]</a></span>
+Engaged In Tracing Out An Agreed Line Of Policy On The Pacific
+Question, The Problems Of A Pericles, Or Even Of An Alexander, Would
+Seem But Child&rsquo;s Play.</p>
+
+<p>Let us see what results from this difference of scale. In the first
+place, Greek political thought although (as we shall see) it aimed at
+<i>universality</i>, at arriving at certain definite laws or conclusions
+about politics, never succeeded in divesting itself of a certain element
+of local or national individuality. When Plato and Thucydides think and
+write of &lsquo;the State&rsquo; they are also thinking of the City&mdash;the
+same word, <i>polis</i>, serves indeed for the two&mdash;and not merely of the
+City, i. e., of any municipality, but of a particular city. There are
+elements in Greek political thought which, just because they owe their
+inspiration to Athens, can never be universalized. A treatise on
+education in which general psychological conclusions were intermingled
+with conclusions based on experience at some English school with a very
+unique tradition, would require to be carefully examined and applied
+with caution to the problems of adolescent life in Japan or Nigeria.
+Similarly, in so far as Greek political thought is Athenian or (to use a
+much disputed term in what I hold to be its proper sense) <i>national</i>, it
+is not truly political.</p>
+
+<p>The distinction that I am trying to draw is a difficult one and cannot
+be understood without a short digression about the nature of the study
+of politics. Politics is the study or activity of government, of the
+management of the public or common affairs of men. We need
+&lsquo;politicians&rsquo;, men who will devote themselves to meeting the
+demand for the management of our common affairs&mdash;we need them not
+because we are Englishmen, Irishmen, or Americans, but because we are
+human beings living together in society, and because our co-operative
+relations and activities require to be guided and controlled. Whether
+the &lsquo;politician&rsquo; is a tyrant or a Minister of the people is
+not here to the point; the point is that he is the manager of what the
+Romans called <i>res publica</i>, the Latin<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">[324]</a></span>
+for the good old English word &lsquo;Commonwealth&rsquo;. Politics is
+therefore primarily concerned with the practical problems arising out of
+the fact that a number of different human beings are living together,
+and the more different they are and the smaller their greatest common
+measure, the more truly political do such problems become. The first
+business, of the politician or governor is, as Aristotle said, to see
+that men shall live (the twin problems of supply and defence), his
+second to see that they shall live well (in the first instance the
+problems of health and physical development and well-being). In the last
+analysis <i>pure politics</i>, as our great grandchildren may discover if
+ever the World-State becomes a reality, is mainly concerned with
+<i>administration</i>, administration of the affairs common to all in the
+interests of all.</p>
+
+<p>Now ancient Greek politics were entangled, and modern politics also are
+still too largely entangled, with the discussion of matters which are
+not <i>common</i> at all, and do not constitute the material of politics in
+the true sense of the word&mdash;with questions arising, not out of the
+common need for a common law, but out of the inner ultimate and
+ineradicable differences between the various nations and other groupings
+of mankind. When the League of Nations or the Dublin City Council is
+discussing an epidemic of small-pox or the improvement of some dock or
+wharf, or schools for mothers, or the problem of juvenile employment it
+is dealing with common interests which affect human beings as human
+beings: it is on the plane of politics proper. But when the Dublin City
+Council, following in the wake of the nineteenth century democratic
+movement throughout Europe, puts forward some proposal in order to give
+satisfaction to the sentiment that Ireland being the home of a nation
+ought to be a sovereign state, and when the League of Nations is asked
+to deal with the political situation created by the clash of contending
+nationalisms in the British Isles or elsewhere, both bodies, as
+governing bodies, are out of their depth: for they are faced with an
+impossible<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">[325]</a></span>
+task. Established to deal with politics proper, with the common affairs
+of men as men, they are bound to flounder helplessly when they are
+cajoled into the thorny intimate and (let it be added) far more
+fascinating region of national and individual personality&mdash;to a
+region where, the deeper you penetrate, the less common, uniform,
+standardized or standardizable are the interests involved, and the less
+susceptible of being &lsquo;settled&rsquo;, or even understood, by the
+rough and ready politician accustomed to deal with matters in the bulk
+and to measure up the results on a quantitative reckoning in the cold
+and cosmopolitan language of statistics.</p>
+
+<p>In reading the Greek political writers then, we must be careful to
+distinguish the universal from the local and ephemeral element. The
+latter is indeed of great interest and value; but we shall tend to miss
+the really precious and permanent elements in their thought if we do not
+take pains to disentangle Thucydides the disillusioned Athenian patriot
+from Thucydides the scientific historian and psychologist, and Plato the
+aristocrat born out of due season from Plato the unrivalled student of
+human nature and of the permanent needs of human society.</p>
+
+<p>The failure to recognize this distinction has led to much
+misunderstanding and shallow thinking in attempts to apply Greek ideas
+and maxims too literally to modern life. It is only too common to hear
+Englishmen, whose knowledge of politics and history, outside the
+newspapers, is confined to stray reminiscences from a not very ardent
+pursuit of the classics in their school and college days, basing
+confident predictions of the failure of modern democracy on some <i>obiter
+dictum</i> of Thucydides or Plato and assessing the fate of the British
+Commonwealth in terms borrowed from some judgement of Sallust or Tacitus
+on its wholly different Roman prototype. It is flippancy or pedantry
+like this which gives rise to the onslaughts of a Cobden or Herbert
+Spencer or an H. G. Wells and to the practical man&rsquo;s suspicion of
+a classical education. One might as well go to last year&rsquo;s market
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">[326]</a></span>
+reports for guidance in a business deal of to-day as have recourse to
+Plato, or, for that matter, to Macchiavelli, in an existing political
+emergency. If a classical education, designed as it is in England to
+promote &lsquo;character&rsquo; rather than &lsquo;intellect&rsquo; (a
+vicious distinction which leaves no room for such a quality as
+intellectual integrity) often leaves behind it but a meagre residuum of
+knowledge and ideas, it should at least cause the public school man of
+yesterday and the London clubman of to-day to realize the limitations of
+his field of study and to abstain from confident political
+generalization. The Labour M.P. who once remarked to the writer, <i>&agrave;
+propos</i> of an Indian debate, that he had been in the House just long
+enough to know that all he knew about India was that he knew nothing
+about it, had been brought up, if not in a better at least in a cannier
+school. There is no sounder training for the student of politics and
+history, or indeed of any serious subject, than to know everything about
+something, whether it be the chronological order of Plato&rsquo;s
+dialogues or the problem of humidity in weaving-sheds, or about placing
+a field or keeping a wicket. That is why the Duke of Wellington who, if
+he lacked the intellectuality of a Foch, at least knew both his England
+and his own job of military science, selected the playing fields rather
+than the classical classrooms of Eton as the home and training-ground of
+that concentrated and disinterested endeavour of mind and spirit which
+had carried his army through patient years of effort to victory. It is
+all to the good that our classical devotees, faced with criticism and
+competition from many quarters, should be acquiring both a greater
+humility and a greater seriousness.</p>
+
+<p>Our first caution then, is that Greek political thought is both national
+and universal, and that we must learn to distinguish what pertains to
+nationality from what pertains to government.</p>
+
+<p>A second result which flows from the small-scale character of Greek
+politics is that we nowhere find an adequate treatment
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">[327]</a></span>
+of the problem of <i>foreign relations</i>. Foreign policy is one of the
+weak spots of modern democracy; it is, perhaps, the element in our
+political technique which is most in need of thoroughgoing revision. We
+have yet to induce the modern citizen to pay continuous attention to
+issues which, although they are seemingly remote from his purview, may
+at any moment shake the whole fabric of his everyday existence; and,
+when we have done this, we have to persuade him to approach these
+world-problems not in the spirit of a competitive aggrandizement but
+with a view to discovering what is the best line of policy in the
+interests of the world as a whole. So long as the peoples remain
+self-absorbed, the governments will continue to conduct their mutual
+relations on a basis of individual self-interest, and the meetings of
+the Assembly of the League of Nations will remain what they are at
+present, not gatherings of statesmen solely bent, each from his own
+angle and upbringing, on the welfare of humanity, but barterings of
+politicians who (with rare exceptions) have come to the fair to do the
+best business they can for their own clients. Now Thucydides and Plato
+give us no help for the League of Nations. Such a phrase as &lsquo;the
+interests of humanity as a whole&rsquo; would have been politically
+meaningless to them. They did not think of humanity as a whole; they
+thought of it as divided sharply into two sections, Greeks and
+Barbarians, and of the Greek world as a small oasis of intelligence and
+culture ringed round by a wide and indefinite expanse of barbarism. We
+also, it is true, speak of &lsquo;advanced&rsquo; and
+&lsquo;backward&rsquo; peoples: but the latter are not, as they were to
+the Greeks, a formidable mass, tribe upon tribe, of military power
+extending up to and beyond the known or legendary confines of the world;
+they are child-races under our watchful care and control. We have
+explored and surveyed the whole earth, and where we find weakness or
+inferiority, we establish a trusteeship. To the Greeks, ever on their
+guard against barbarian inroads from north, south, east and west,
+from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">[328]</a></span>
+Scythians and Libyans, Persians and Carthaginians, the mandate clause
+of the Covenant would have seemed both theoretically undesirable and
+practically impossible. No Greek writer ever dreamed of a system of
+international co-operation between the governments of the world as men
+then knew it. All of them thought in terms of competition and
+ever-recurrent warfare or, at best, of a precarious balance of power.
+Even Plato&rsquo;s Utopia had its soldier class; and they were real
+soldiers, not merely police. In this respect, at any rate, vanquished
+Germany, with practically the whole of her population relieved from
+military duty and available for productive tasks, has the advantage over
+the most ideal construction of ancient Greece.</p>
+
+<p>There is a further point to be noted under this head. If Greek thought
+gives us no guidance in foreign policy, it is no more helpful, except
+very indirectly, in another difficult region, that of <i>industrial
+policy</i>. The problem of industrial policy, or what is sometimes roughly
+described as the Labour problem, may perhaps be thus stated: how to
+secure or maintain for civilized mankind (or for our own particular
+section of it) the goods and services it needs, whilst at the same time
+providing justice and freedom for those who produce them. To put it more
+shortly, how to secure that a good life for the consumer shall be
+compatible with a good life for the producer. It is a problem which goes
+to the root of democracy: for the world has never yet known a time when
+the increase of wealth and the consequent growth of refinement and
+civilization in the upper section of the community did not lead to
+degradation and injustice in the lower. Here too the Greeks can give us
+no help. They did not even face the problem but fail to solve it, like
+the Romans. Their material civilization was so simple that the problem
+hardly arose for them at all&mdash;except in certain cases, such as that of
+the mine-slaves. But the fact that they acquiesced, without a twinge of
+conscience or a trace of repining, in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">[329]</a></span>
+institution of slavery indicates how they would probably have faced it
+had it arisen. Confront Plato with the complexity of modern industry,
+prove to him, as any modern lecturer could, that, for Northern man at
+any rate, life can only be maintained without degradation on a basis of
+widespread industrialism and with our familiar equipment of railways,
+steamships, telephones, <i>et hoc genus omne</i>, and it is safe to predict
+that he would fail to give the reply which the modern reformer would
+expect from him. Instead of embracing one of the many current varieties
+of socialism which masquerade as his bastard progeny, he would either
+accept his interlocutor&rsquo;s premisses and tell him to build up his
+precious northern civilization on a basis of slavery; or he would reject
+them and advise him, with Samuel Butler, to make a bonfire of the
+machines. The latter is, indeed, the more probable alternative; for it
+is that to which the more thoughtful and prophetic (perhaps one can add
+also, the more Hellenic) of our modern guides are turning. When men so
+diverse as Tagore the Indian sage and Rathenau the German Trust magnate
+tell us that the disease from which we are suffering is
+&lsquo;mechanization&rsquo;, and that our crying need is for greater
+simplicity, it seems safe to predict that Plato would not reject the
+possibility of providing a &lsquo;good life&rsquo; for the modern man in
+a world divested of most of the rattling and tinkling paraphernalia of
+which the nineteenth century so plumed itself as the inventor.</p>
+
+<p>Let us pass now to our second limitation, that arising not from the
+difference of scale but from the difference of outlook between Greek and
+modern speculation. We can best sum this up by saying that whereas
+modern political thought, like modern thought generally, works from the
+inner to the outer, from the individual to the state and society, the
+ancient thinkers habitually work in the opposite direction, setting the
+interests of the community or state above those of the individual. This
+is what Fustel de Coulanges intended to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">[330]</a></span>
+convey when he declared that ancient man had no conception of the
+meaning of liberty. Liberty is no doubt a somewhat confusing and
+ambiguous term; it is hard to cut it loose from its political
+associations, from national independence and democratic self-government.
+We can perhaps therefore improve upon the French writer by saying that
+the Greek political thinkers do not recognize, or do not make proper
+allowance for, the rights and responsibilities of the individual soul.
+Just as they failed to distinguish between Nationality and Government,
+so they failed also to distinguish between Conscience and Public duty.
+Socrates, indeed, meeting his death in obedience both to Conscience and
+Law, had a glimpse of the higher truth; but his followers did not take
+up this side of his message or, in so far as they did so in their study
+of individual morality, they did not relate it to their theories of
+politics. It was a greater than Socrates who summed up and put the
+problem with his incomparable directness and irony: <i>Render unto Caesar
+the things which are Caesar&rsquo;s and unto God the things which are
+God&rsquo;s</i>. If this had been said in the presence of Thucydides, the
+keenest practical brain that applied itself to Greek political thinking,
+he simply would not have known what it meant. To him Caesar and God, or,
+to translate them into his own language, Athens and Athena, were not
+opposing but practically identical terms. When the Athenian, as he
+described him, &lsquo;spent his body, as a mere external tool, in the
+city&rsquo;s service and counted his mind as most truly his own when
+employed on her behalf,&rsquo; he was, according to the universal Greek
+belief, serving both his God and his neighbour, both his own highest
+good and the noblest of the world&rsquo;s causes. His life was a unity:
+for he had not yet learned to disentangle his soul from the soul of the
+City or the herd, or his God from the god of Israel or of Athens. The
+Greek thinkers, as we shall see, sincerely endeavoured to distinguish
+between the &lsquo;good citizen&rsquo; and &lsquo;the good man&rsquo;
+and to base the State on foundations of the spirit; but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">[331]</a></span>
+their work was vitiated by their failure to realize the extent and
+urgency of the claim of the individual soul. Men must be spiritually
+free before they can co-operate politically on the highest terms. In the
+last analysis the weakness of Greek political speculation can be traced
+back to the weakness of Greek religion. Even Plato played with Pagan
+orthodoxy and gave the Delphic Apollo a titular place in his Utopia,
+proving himself as timid in touching Greek superstitions as English
+thinkers to-day are in touching the Monarchy. It is this basis of
+insincerity which reveals itself throughout the superstructure. Greek
+political thought contains already the germs of the disease which,
+centuries later, led men, plebeians first, later patricians also, to
+turn away from the outworn symbols that stood for the union of Church
+and State and to seek comfort in a religion which, if it undermined and
+eventually overturned the last and greatest of the ancient Empires,
+established the City of the Soul upon a firm and enduring basis.
+Julian&rsquo;s <i>Vicisti Galilaee</i> marked the end of one strain or
+tradition in ancient political thought which, originating in the local
+worships of the City-State, had lasted on, with gathering momentum,
+until, all over the known world, men bowed the knee before the altar of
+Caesar, the God-Emperor. From this there was no way forward except
+through revolution; and mankind paid, in the night of the Dark Ages, for
+sins of compromise and insincerity committed during long centuries of
+enlightenment.</p>
+
+<p>The liabilities thus frankly stated, let us turn to the assets.</p>
+
+<p>The first valuable contribution the Greeks made to political study was
+that they invented it. It is not too much to say that, before
+fifth-century Greece, politics did not exist. There were powers and
+principalities, governments and subjects, but politics no more existed
+than chemistry existed in the age of alchemy. An imitation of an idea,
+as Plato has taught us, is not the same as an idea; nor is the imitation
+of a science the same as a science. Rameses and Nebuchadnezzar, Croesus
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">[332]</a></span>
+the Lydian and Cyrus the Persian, ruled over great empires; but within
+their dominions there were no politics because there were no public
+affairs. There were only the private affairs of the sovereign and his
+ruling class. Government and all that pertained to it, from military
+service and taxation to the supply of women for the royal harem, was
+simply the expression of the power and desire of the ruler. The great
+advance made by Greece was to have recognized that public or common
+interests exist and to have provided, first for their management, and
+secondly for their study. In other words, the Greeks were the first to
+rescue the body politic from charlatans and to hand it over to
+physicians.</p>
+
+<p>How great an achievement this was we can best recognize when we consider
+how large a place the true study of politics, and the terms and ideas to
+which it has given rise, fills in the life of the modern man&mdash;especially
+of the modern Englishman. Justice and liberty, law and democracy,
+parliament and public opinion&mdash;all these and many more we owe to the
+peasants and craftsmen of the small Greek republics who, having felt the
+need for a better management of their humble concerns, set to work to
+provide it, with the same inventiveness, the same adaptation of means to
+end, which led them, in other fields, to the invention of the classic
+temple or of the drama. If it is going too far to say that every modern
+politician owes his stock-in-trade of general ideas to the Greeks, there
+are certainly few who do not owe them their perorations.</p>
+
+<p>This is not the place to enlarge on the features of Greek political
+organization or to point out the various elements in Greek political
+theory or practice which have proved of permanent value. Only a very
+summary appreciation can be attempted. But certain points can be picked
+out as being of special interest to the citizen of to-day.</p>
+
+<p>In the first place, the Greeks, having made clear to themselves that
+public or common affairs existed, sat down resolutely to study them.
+Convinced believers in reason,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">[333]</a></span>
+they did not fall into the convenient English fallacy of believing that
+institutions are not made but &lsquo;grow&rsquo;, or that difficulties
+which seem too thorny for timid fingers to touch will settle themselves
+by being left alone. Political problems, they felt, were caused by men,
+by the interaction of human wills and desires, and by men, by the
+conscious and deliberate application of human intelligence, they could
+and must be solved. In spite of their belief in mysterious powers which
+control the destinies of men and nations, they did not think it decent
+to abandon public affairs to Providence; nor did they avert their gaze
+from them as too mundane for the squeamish intellectual to handle and
+turn them over to the tender mercies of the ignorant and less scrupulous
+demagogue or doctrinaire. Their public affairs were no more interesting
+than ours: they were indeed considerably less interesting&mdash;unless
+we are prepared to argue that the election of generals to command an
+army far smaller than the Swiss is a more arresting issue than the
+choice of a government to bear rule over 400 millions of men on five
+continents, or that the question of peace or war between two small
+neighbouring mountain territories outweighs in interest the discussion
+of the relations between the white and yellow races of mankind. And, if
+Greek politics were not interesting in themselves, they suffered still
+further by comparison with the other topics which lay ready to claim the
+Greek citizen&rsquo;s attention. The modern voter who is too idle to
+cast his ballot, will give up to business or to pleasure, to motor-car
+and music-hall, the time and the trouble that he owes to humanity. When
+the Athenian spent a hot and exhausting day (for why should we think
+their nerves less susceptible to glare than ours?) listening to a
+parliamentary debate or to a lawsuit on a hard stone seat in the open
+air, he was postponing till to-morrow, or till his crops and fruit-trees
+permitted him the leisure, the discussion of some masterpiece of drama
+or some new issue of human thought which had leapt during the last few
+days<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">[334]</a></span>
+or months from the brain of a fellow citizen into immortality. If it is
+hard for the citizen of New York to spare the time to dethrone Tammany,
+or for the electors of Great Britain to uproot its more outwardly
+respectable analogue on this side of the Atlantic, when his life, and
+his newspapers, are full of vulgar and ephemeral distractions, how much
+harder must it have been for a Euripidean enthusiast, or a student of
+Socrates or Protagoras, to descend for long days to solid earth in order
+to strike a bargain with a Thracian chieftain or to assess some poor
+devil&rsquo;s damages in drachmae! Let us honour, not pity or despise
+them, for having thought it right to do so, for having deliberately
+determined to infuse into public affairs, in themselves so drab and
+dull, so deficient in the fineness and subtlety which characterize
+men&rsquo;s more intimate concerns, the interest derived from the very
+fact that honest, sincere, and able minds devoted themselves to their
+study. As Huxley could make the geological procession of the ages
+revolve round a piece of chalk, and Sir Richard Owen reconstruct
+primitive man from the bone of his great toe, so the citizen of Athens,
+as we see him depicted for us in the pages of Thucydides, could raise
+the great permanent issues of politics, and cause them to remain living
+for us two thousand years later, in debates which were ostensibly
+concerned with mere provincial trivialities. When such was the
+atmosphere created, no wonder that those who stayed away were held up to
+obloquy in an expression (<span class='t' title='idiôtês'>ιδιωτης</span>)
+of which our English &lsquo;idiot&rsquo; is the exact transcription.</p>
+
+<p>Let us dwell for a moment on the attitude of mind in which the Greek
+citizen approached political problems. He was both a Conservative and a
+Radical; or rather, he brought to politics the best of Conservatism
+together with the best of Radicalism. He was a Conservative because he
+reverenced tradition and recognized the power and value of custom. None
+of our modern Conservative writers and defenders of the existing order,
+not Burke himself or Bismarck or Chateaubriand,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">[335]</a></span>
+had a deeper sense than the Athenian for &lsquo;those unwritten
+ordinances whose transgression brings admitted shame&rsquo;. Athens was
+a Conservative democracy. Most democracies, despite the labels of their
+politicians, are in reality Conservative; for the common man whose
+r&eacute;gime they represent is Conservative from the very nature of his
+life and occupation; it takes leisure and travel, or a wider education
+than any democracy has as yet bestowed on its young people, to lift the
+minds of the mass of men out of the rut of habit. But Athens was far
+more Conservative than the modern democracies with whom we are
+acquainted. Where the British public rebukes an awkward writer by
+conspiring to boycott his books, so that, unless he has private means,
+he is eventually silenced, where the United States, going a step
+farther, deny his works the privilege of the mails, Athens does not
+scruple to administer hemlock, and, if an <i>&eacute;lite</i> is indignant or
+sorrowful, the democracy applauds. Even at the height of the recent Red
+Terror the United States never went so Conservative as this. This should
+help us to realize the rock-firm basis of tradition, of use and wont, of
+patriarchal sanctities, which underlay the working of fifth-century
+Athenian democracy as we watch its apparent vicissitudes. The citizen
+could use his mind as freely as he would on the material presented to
+him for his consideration; but there was a point at which the State, and
+his own instincts, cried &lsquo;Halt&rsquo;; and, except in rare cases,
+he obeyed. It is only fair to add that the most enlightened modern
+opinion would entirely support the Athenian view against the discussion
+of &lsquo;unwritten laws&rsquo; in Parliament. The difference between
+the Conservative Athenian democrat and the modern Liberal in such
+matters is, not that the one refuses, while the other demands, the
+discussion of life&rsquo;s sanctities in Parliament and law-court, but
+that the one appeals to custom and the other to conscience as the
+sanction of the unwritten law itself. Whether it be the gods or man, the
+law of the hearth or of the heart, that is at issue,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">[336]</a></span>
+both agree that what is private and holy has no place in the forum of
+common debate.</p>
+
+<p>But, within these well-recognized limits, the Greek citizen was a
+Radical; that is to say, he was ready to apply his reason to public
+affairs without fear or prejudice. He loved straight and sincere
+thinking; he tried hard to face the real situation before him and not to
+be clouded or led astray by side-issues or inhibitions. There is many a
+lesson in common honesty to be learnt by our politicians and public in
+the speeches of Thucydides. Shallow critics have been known to dub them
+cynical, an adjective which the English, adepts in self-deception, are
+fond of applying to nations sincerer in self-analysis than themselves.
+When we refuse formally to reopen an issue on which action is in fact
+being taken daily, because it is a party question and a Coalition
+government is in power, when we leave to the healing mercies of time a
+problem with regard to which inaction itself constitutes a policy, when
+we deliberately invent party labels or election cries designed to
+confuse the mind of the voter and to distract him from the real issue,
+when our politicians have become professionals in the art of what
+Thucydides described as &lsquo;the use of fair phrases to arrive at
+guilty ends&rsquo; and a British Premier, more euphemistically, as
+&lsquo;political strategy&rsquo;, we might do worse than sit down to
+read, mark, learn, digest, and apply to our modern situations, the
+immortal speeches or essays in which Thucydides lays bare for us the
+heart of the political life of his day, and to let them act as a purge
+of some of our own too sugary diet. The bitter-sweet of truth is not
+always popular on the hustings; but it is good feeding for the plain
+citizen, whether ancient or modern.</p>
+
+<p>This leads on to a further reflection. The Greeks, in their political
+thinking, were essentially realists, rather than idealists. This is true
+of all the Greek writers, even those who, like Plato, starting from the
+market-place of Athens, lead us up to a Utopia in the clouds. They were
+realists in that they based<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">[337]</a></span>
+their political studies on the world as it is and human nature as it
+is, rather than on some personal and fanciful conception of what man and
+the world ought to be. To put it in other words, they are realists
+because they are psychologists, because they applied the psychological
+method to political problems. That they were the first to do so goes
+without saying: for no one before them had applied any method at all,
+except in the most rough-and-ready manner. But they did it so perfectly,
+with such utter and artistic simplicity, that those who followed them
+accepted or criticized their results without observing the basis of
+human study on which they were built up, and it is only in quite recent
+years, through the work of patient inquirers who, like Graham Wallas,
+have laboured systematically in both fields, that politics and
+psychology have once more been drawn together.</p>
+
+<p>It may perhaps seem strange to a modern reader to be told that, in this
+very important respect, Thucydides, Plato, and Aristotle are sounder in
+their method than the whole long line of political thinkers and
+statesmen up to our own day. Let the reader who doubts it turn to the
+texts. He will find that all the three writers whom I have named toiled
+at the study of human nature before they set pen to paper. The
+<i>Republic</i> opens with several books of psychological analysis, no doubt
+at times a little fantastic in its attempts at premature classification,
+but full of life and reality, and not only Greek reality but human
+reality. Aristotle precedes his work on <i>Politics</i>, in which he embodied
+the results of a study of all the available political and constitutional
+material of his day&mdash;for a Greek could work like a modern German or
+American thesis-grubber when he tried&mdash;with a book on <i>Ethics</i> which is
+still regarded, quite rightly, as a standard work for the modern
+student. As for Thucydides, his knowledge of men, the fruit of patient
+experience deepened by disappointment, is felt behind every line of his
+book, as one descries it in the features of his undegenerate descendant
+Venizelos. Turn now to the moderns. Where<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">[338]</a></span>
+in Hobbes or in Bentham, in Locke or Burke or Rousseau, in the
+individualists or the Socialists, the Hegelians or the anarchists, do we
+find, until quite recently, a really wide and open-minded attempt to see
+man as he is? Our ears are assailed by a chorus of catchwords, based on
+some arbitrary and ephemeral estimate of men&rsquo;s reactions to
+outward events and institutions. Men argue backwards and forwards as to
+whether &lsquo;human nature can be changed&rsquo;, whether man is guided
+solely by self-interest, or is only waiting to be set free from sordid
+cares to be guided solely by his love for his fellows, whether fear or
+hope, custom or the sense of adventure, form his natural and most
+compelling spur to action. Meanwhile in the great debate, in
+Burke&rsquo;s <i>Reflections</i> as in Marx&rsquo;s <i>Capital</i>, in Maine and
+Mill and Mazzini, as among the hacks who vulgarize their results in
+text-books and election literature, man as he is has vanished behind a
+cloud of doctrine or verbiage. We need the simplicity, or cynicism, of
+the Greeks to recall us to realities.</p>
+
+<p>Let us for a moment imagine Thucydides face to face with the problems of
+our post-war world of to-day. We have only to read his immortal analysis
+of the war-mood of Greece, and of the nervous and emotional phenomena
+which accompanied it, to realize that his first effort would have been
+to explain us to ourselves. He would not allow us to acquiesce idly in
+our vague disillusionment, our impatience of foreigners, our suspicion
+of the idealisms of the Wilson brand. He would trace our discontent
+ruthlessly to its sources and hold up to our eyes the strange compound
+of sorrow and fatigue, impatience and disappointment, aspiration and
+helplessness which makes us what we are. &lsquo;The war-mood brought
+with it many and terrible symptoms such as have occurred and will always
+continue to occur, so long as human nature remains what it is; though in
+a severer or milder form, according to the variety of the particular
+cases.&rsquo; Thucydides would have had eyes for it in all its forms,
+mild or severe, simple or complex,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">[339]</a></span>
+pitiful or repulsive. He would show us the English upper and middle
+class, shaken out of its comfort and complacency, its easy and
+patronizing security, by the shock of war and bereavement, facing a
+future of unknown and terrifying ideas and forces, with the brutal
+tax-gatherer administering the <i>coup de gr&acirc;ce</i> to its equanimity:
+the working class, called to fight for a cause which it but dimly
+understood, in the hope of a new world which victory was to call into
+being, exhorted by the nation&rsquo;s leaders to be as daring in its
+home policies as in the trenches, and then confronted with a world of
+failing markets and impoverished customers and with the full rigour of
+the merciless laws of supply and demand which, just because it had
+wished them out of existence, it had grown accustomed to believe could
+be ignored, oscillating, according to age, temperament or experience,
+between resignation and impotent fury, between old-fashioned
+trade-unionism and the latest fashion in extremism: France, emerging
+nerve-racked from a fifty years&rsquo; obsession and a five years&rsquo;
+nightmare, half-dead with sorrow and suspense, yet too proud in victory
+to own her weakness, looking round, half-defiant, half-wistful, among
+her allies for one who can understand her unspoken need, and longing,
+with all the intensity of her sensitive nature, to be able to resume, in
+security and quietness of mind, the arts and activities of normal life
+in which she has been, and will be again, the Athens of the modern
+world: Germany, tougher in fibre than her western neighbour yet equally
+shaken and exhausted: a land of sheep without a shepherd, rushing hither
+and thither seeking for a direction and a <i>Weltanschauung</i>, her amazing
+powers of industry and concentration and her rich and turbid life of
+feeling running to waste for lack of channelled guidance: Belgium,
+self-confident, industrious and rejuvenated: Italy, made one at last and
+measuring her strength to face the tasks of a new epoch in her history:
+and, behind, the great new surging world of the Slav, from the
+disciplined enthusiasm of Prague, under her philosopher-president,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">[340]</a></span>
+to the birth-agonies of a new Russia in the grip of the rough
+tyrant-physicians of the Kremlin. All this a modern Thucydides would
+attempt to set before us, not forgetting the conservative forces and the
+gods of the older generation, the great Catholic and Protestant, Moslem
+and Socialist traditions, the power of the bankers and the merchants,
+the universities and the press, and all the various types of humanity
+produced and hall-marked by their activity. And then, and not till then,
+having shown us what we are, each of us in his niche and all of us
+together in our little corner in the vast Temple of mankind, having made
+us see our pettyisms and orthodoxies against a universal background of
+time and space, he would have broken silence and allowed himself to
+speak to us of remedies. <i>Know yourself</i> is the first, perhaps the only,
+message of the scientific historian to our bewildered age.</p>
+
+<p>But by what right, it will be asked, in this age of <i>Wissenschaft</i> and
+<i>Fachmenschen</i>, of specialism and research-institutes and organized
+intellectual production, do you speak of Thucydides as a scientific
+historian? Here is a man who, without a university degree or any
+university training at all, after a brief military career for which he
+took no staff college course (as witness his generalship), sits down to
+write a chronicle of the war in which he played a part, basing his
+account simply on his own experience and on the testimony of such
+eye-witnesses as he was able to meet. Any tiro on the history staff at a
+modern college or university could predict the result&mdash;one of those
+bulky volumes, full of detail and post-prandial reminiscence, in which
+splenetic elderly gentlemen have so often sought to justify their own
+existence, and to call down damnation on the War Office, before an
+indifferent public. How can anything better be expected from a mere
+soldier, a rough practical man, untrained in the arts of research, in
+collecting facts on slips of paper and arranging and re-arranging them
+till an induction emerges, in looking up reference books in
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">[341]</a></span>
+libraries and &lsquo;listing&rsquo; them in a neat alphabetical
+bibliography, totally ignorant of the <i>Hilfswissenschaften</i>, the
+laborious subsidiary studies on the basis of which scientific history is
+built up, ignorant even of foreign languages, who has read no sociology,
+and is not even aware of its existence, whose geographical studies are
+limited to his own journeys and the tales of his friends, who, finally,
+has the impertinence to intersperse his narrative with fictitious
+speeches, thus destroying any pretence at a scientific character for his
+treatise, and revealing it in its true nature as a mere work of art or
+imagination? It may indeed be doubted whether a modern trained
+librarian, working according to the classification laid down by the
+standard Congress library at Washington, would, when his attention was
+drawn to it, admit so offending a writer on to his history shelves at
+all. His place, he would probably say, is with the prose-poets, or with
+the writers of historical fiction next door to them.</p>
+
+<p>Yet turn to the opening chapters of Thucydides&rsquo; book. You will
+find most of the sciences on which long modern treatises are written:
+but you will find something more: you will find them blended into a
+unity. Let those who deny that Thucydides was a sociologist, who
+continue to claim that Herbert Spencer, inventor of the horrid word,
+invented also the science, re-read Thucydides&rsquo; account of the
+evolution (for it was as an evolution that he saw and depicted it) of
+Greek society from the earliest times to his own day. Let those who cry
+up anthropology examine into his treatment of legend and custom and his
+power, untrained in Seminar or institute, to use it as sociological
+evidence. Let the geographers, too forgetful sometimes that man is not
+the creature of environment alone, refresh their minds by recalling
+those brilliant sallies in geographical thinking in which he explains
+some of the features of early Greek settlement and city-building. It is
+not only orthodox history, of the school of Ranke, of which Thucydides
+is the father and inspirer: there<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">[342]</a></span>
+is not one of the many movements which have sought to broaden out
+historical study in recent years, from Buckle and Leplay and Vidal de la
+Blache down to the psycho-analysts of our own day and of to-morrow who
+will not find in Thucydides some gleaming anticipation along the path of
+their own thought.</p>
+
+<p>Here we touch upon what is perhaps the cardinal merit of the Greek
+political thinkers, as it is of the Greek contribution as a whole. They
+saw all the problems: but saw each in its place within the larger whole.
+They &lsquo;saw life steadily and saw it whole&rsquo;. Matthew
+Arnold&rsquo;s line is hackneyed enough; but it cannot be bettered. To
+put the same thought in another way, the Greeks were natural Catholics,
+while we of to-day, especially on the political field, are constantly
+relapsing into an unhelpful Protestantism. By Catholicism I mean nothing
+doctrinal, or indeed religious at all, but simply the habit of mind
+which insists on looking at the whole before the parts, at setting the
+common before the sectional interest, and in sweetening and harmonizing
+the inevitable contrarieties and antagonisms of life by remaining
+steadily conscious of its major and reconciling interests. A Catholic is
+one whose intellect, to use the words of Newman, himself, despite his
+religious label, one of the greatest of the tribe, &lsquo;cannot be
+partial, cannot be exclusive, cannot be impetuous, cannot be at a loss,
+cannot but be patient, collected and majestically calm, because it
+discerns the end in every beginning, the origin in each end, the law in
+every interruption, the limit in each delay, because it ever knows where
+it stands and how its path lies from one point to another&rsquo;.
+Protestantism, on the other hand, is the attitude of protest, of revolt,
+of indignation: the spirit which is conscious only of what it is
+<i>against</i>, and is too ignorant, or too angry, to survey the whole field
+of problems involved in its protest or to think out an alternative
+scheme. If the Greeks can render us no other service in our discontents
+they can at least lift us, by the example of their wide and fearless
+vision, out of our petty Protestant rebelliousness
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">[343]</a></span>
+and recrimination and plant our feet solidly on the rock of steady
+Catholic thinking.</p>
+
+<p>Take a few instances, drawn from Plato, of what I call the Catholic
+spirit. Perhaps the most difficult and unsettling of all our modern
+problems is that of the relations between men and women in a society
+which has granted or is about to grant to women complete equality of
+rights and opportunities without having effected the corresponding inner
+revolution of thought and sentiment. Masculine society, in other words,
+despite a multitude of professions, has not yet admitted, still less
+assimilated, the educated woman into its ranks. Here is a problem with
+far reaching and most difficult implications which Plato discussed more
+than two thousand years ago, but in how different a spirit from so many
+of the &lsquo;feminists&rsquo; of to-day. Not that he was less
+&lsquo;advanced&rsquo; in his speculations: he was ready to face all
+that there was to face and to go a good deal farther in his suggestions
+of policy than would be regarded as printable in a modern English or
+American review. But his spirit is throughout perfectly serene and, in
+the best sense of the word, scientific, so that he can work out his
+argument to the end without a trace of squeamishness or false modesty.
+Where shall we find in our modern discussions of women&rsquo;s
+employment, equal work for equal pay, and the like, the central point so
+simply and clearly stated as in the following sentence: &lsquo;Then, if
+we find either the male or the female sex excelling the other in any art
+or other pursuit, we shall say that this particular pursuit must be
+assigned to one and not to the other; but if we find that the difference
+simply consists in this, that the female conceives and the male begets,
+we shall not allow that that goes any way to prove that a woman differs
+from a man with reference to the subject of which we are speaking, and
+we shall still consider that our guardians and their wives should follow
+the same pursuits.&rsquo; If all our modern discussion were as clean and
+direct as this, we should have made greater progress in this subject by
+now. Greek<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">[344]</a></span>
+intellectual integrity, and clarity of thought and expression, were not
+hampered by a festering and obstructive legacy of what it is a libel on
+a great movement to describe as Puritanism.</p>
+
+<p>Take a second example&mdash;the influence of occupation on character. This is
+a subject which goes to the root of many of our social problems for,
+till we have studied the reactions of different classes of employment,
+not only on the body but on the mind, and perfected our methods of
+vocational guidance, we shall still have left open one of the greatest
+avenues to unhappiness. The modern inquirer will find a very interesting
+adumbration of this line of thought in the <i>Republic</i>; and if here, as
+in the problem of the relations between men and women, he finds
+Plato&rsquo;s remedies somewhat drastic, and is inclined to dissent from
+his veto on actors and acrobats, let him consider the appalling extent
+to which, during recent generations, the consumer has been pampered at
+the expense of the producer, and ask himself how often, when he attends
+a music-hall as a narcotic after a distracting day, or when he rings up
+on the telephone or books a ticket at a railway office, he considers the
+kind of life to which he is an accomplice in condemning those who
+minister to his needs and desires. Plato believed in the value of beauty
+and, being more than a mere modern aesthete, held no skindeep creed. He
+knew and understood the vital significance of rhythm and harmony, of
+grace and freedom, in the outward order of life as in the soul; and if
+he found himself plunged down in the centre of one of our modern hives
+of progress he would have some searching questions to ask. For
+&lsquo;absence of grace&rsquo; he tells us &lsquo;and bad rhythm and bad
+harmony are sisters to bad words and bad nature&rsquo; and &lsquo;we
+would not have our guardians reared among images of evil as in a foul
+pasture and there day by day, and little by little, gather impressions
+from all that surrounds them, until at last a great mass of evil gathers
+in their inmost souls and they know it not&rsquo;. Has the most
+widespread malady of our time ever been better diagnosed; and do not our
+capitalist and socialist physicians,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">[345]</a></span>
+with their merely material remedies, look very small by the side of
+this commanding and convincing simplicity of statement?</p>
+
+<p>We have dwelt upon some of the special directions in which Thucydides
+and Plato can be of help to us. Let us now turn briefly to the third of
+the great triad. Aristotle is, of course, the most systematic thinker of
+the three: and it is just for that very reason that the two elements
+already noted in Greek political thought, the local and ephemeral and
+the universal, are most closely interwoven and most baffling to
+disentangle. Tutor of Alexander though he was, his mind is incapable of
+stepping outside the city-state framework. His <i>Ethics</i> is half a
+treatise on human nature, half a book, akin to the <i>Characters</i> of
+Theophrastus, on deportment for a Greek citizen. No wonder that
+successive generations of English undergraduates have failed to respond
+to the human excellence or social charm, of his hero or paragon,
+described as &lsquo;the big-souled&rsquo; or &lsquo;magnificent
+man&rsquo;. Similarly the <i>Politics</i> is a book in which it needs a
+trained reader, already familiar with Greek life, to pick out the
+universal from the particular and draw his own modern conclusions. But
+when you have read, say, the first book of the <i>Politics</i> in this
+spirit, when you have ruled out from what is said of the State all that
+pertains solely to the City, when you have made allowance for the
+hazardous biological, psychological, and sociological generalizations
+(&lsquo;man is more of a political animal than bees or other gregarious
+animals&rsquo;, &lsquo;he who is by nature not his own but
+another&rsquo;s and not a man is by nature a slave&rsquo;, &lsquo;the
+state is by nature clearly prior to the family and to the individual,
+since the whole is of necessity prior to the part&rsquo;), based, as the
+examples show, on the embryonic condition of those sciences at the time,
+you have a large residuum of practical wisdom that is and will remain of
+value to the modern world.</p>
+
+<p>Let us look for a moment at one element in this legacy, for it has
+recently become a subject of much controversy&mdash;Aristotle&rsquo;s
+conception of the State, and of its relation to other social and
+political groupings. As has already been said, Greek
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">[346]</a></span>
+political thought is open to criticism for unduly neglecting the claim
+of the individual. Aristotle is less open to this indictment than either
+of his great compeers: he does indeed allow, for certain favoured
+individuals, an inner or &lsquo;theoretical&rsquo; life, as he calls it,
+remote from the concerns of the City-State and almost, except for its
+excessive intellectuality, recalling the monastic ideal of the Middle
+Age. But this is only for the fewest. Nevertheless it involved the
+admission that behind the citizen remained the man, who might
+conceivably on occasion have his rights, that &lsquo;political
+science&rsquo;, as he says, &lsquo;does not make men&rsquo;, as
+Thucydides regarded Athens as making Athenians, &lsquo;but receives them
+from nature and uses them&rsquo;. And the justification for this taking
+over of human nature by the state, this subjection of man over the whole
+or part of his nature, is clearly set forth. It is that &lsquo;man when
+perfected [i. e. taken over and educated by the State] is the best of
+animals, but, when separated from law and justice, he is the worst of
+all&rsquo;, or, as he puts it in another place, the man who does not
+participate in State or city life is &lsquo;either a beast or a
+god&rsquo;&mdash;more likely (as the order of the words indicates) the
+former. In other words, it is law and justice, not, as Thucydides would
+have it, an exaltation of the spirit to its highest power, nor, as Plato
+preaches, some organic identification between the inner life of the soul
+and the outward order of society, which is the basis and justification
+of politics. &lsquo;It is justice&rsquo;, he says, using the word in a
+strict, not a platonic or metaphysical sense, &lsquo;which is the bond
+of men in states, and the administration of justice, i. e. the
+determination of what is just, which is the principle of order in
+political society.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>Now, with this principle clearly laid down, and with the claim of the
+individual thus partially or at least implicitly recognized, it is
+easier to understand Aristotle&rsquo;s <i>intransigeant</i> attitude towards
+the claims of associations other than the state, a point on which much
+recent controversy has turned. &lsquo;Every state&rsquo;, so his
+<i>Politics</i> open, &lsquo;is an association of some kind, and every
+association is established with a view to some<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">[347]</a></span>
+good.... But if all associations aim at some good, the state, or
+political association, <i>which is the highest of all and which embraces
+all the rest</i>, aims, and in a greater degree than any other, at the
+highest good.&rsquo; In other words, in cases of conflict of allegiance
+between the state or political association and some other form of
+grouping, whether Church or Trade Union or professional or humanitarian
+organization, the claim of the state must take precedence.</p>
+
+<p>This doctrine has been much attacked as involving an indefensible
+&lsquo;State absolutism&rsquo;, a denial of &lsquo;personality&rsquo; to
+lesser groups, even as a negation of the right to lesser loyalties. Mr.
+Figgis, in a number of suggestive, if unconvincing, writings, has
+recalled the theories of the Jesuits and other anti-state minorities and
+protestants on this subject, reinforcing them from the Nonconformist and
+Trade Union theories or inclinations of our own day: and a whole school
+of younger &lsquo;progressive&rsquo; intellectuals made bold to follow
+him. The assault on state-sovereignty has, however, already been brought
+to a standstill by the impact of fact. Strange as it may appear in an
+age of sectarianism and rebel theorizing, the war revealed the truth
+that the mass of mankind, now as in ancient Greece, respond at need to
+the call of citizenship: that when the cry goes up summoning each and
+all to the tents, it is not this or that little tabernacle but the
+protecting shelter of the larger and more truly representative state
+organizations to which men flock; that the sects and conventicles which
+have fed the enthusiasm and provided the activity of leisure hours
+cannot maintain their appeal when the whole fabric of our society is in
+danger. Exclusive of those who refused allegiance on true grounds of
+conscience, and the despicable remnant who shammed a similar conviction,
+the number of Englishmen who definitely set allegiance to some other
+political or social grouping before allegiance to the state was
+surprisingly small. So little are fundamental loyalties, or the dictates
+of an unanalysed common sense, affected, in this country, by fine-spun
+theories and arguments.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">[348]</a></span>
+But what we called commonsense views, after all, can be analysed and
+ought to be analysed. And there is a very sound and practical reason, as
+Aristotle knew, why men prefer the state to lesser associations. It is
+because the state leaves them more free. Those who talk of
+state-absolutism are ignoring the simple truth that there is no tyranny
+like the tyranny of near neighbours. The smaller the group the tighter
+its stranglehold over your life and activities. Groups and lesser
+loyalties are highly necessary, and indeed desirable, in our modern
+large-scale society; but they involve men, and especially weak-willed
+and thoughtless men, in far greater dangers than their larger
+citizenship. What the confessional at its worst may be to a woman,
+professional or business or other loyalty may be to a man. The modern
+world is full of men who have bartered away their integrity of soul to
+preserve the unity of the party or the unbroken tradition of the
+organization or the interests of the trade or even the existence of the
+business. If the secrets of all hearts could be revealed, how many high
+officials and dignitaries in Church and Party, in Trade Union and
+employers&rsquo; federation, would be discovered to be thinking and even
+saying in private what their lesser loyalties forbid them to proclaim in
+public to their fellow-guildsmen. The state, in its larger field, may
+sometimes commit terrible blunders and even crimes; but at least, in
+these days of large-scale government, it does not expose its citizens to
+the daily falsehoods and hypocrisies, to the insidious clogging of the
+wheels of progress with the grit of petty personal considerations, which
+seem inevitable in the life of the smaller groupings of men and women.
+Seen in this light, the state stands out as the guardian not only of
+justice but of freedom, of an inner freedom of soul and spirit with
+which the professional and syndicalist attitude of mind is so often in
+flagrant, if unavowed, contradiction. If all this was not visible to
+Aristotle when he penned his immortal opening paragraph of the
+<i>Politics</i>, he is at least entitled to the credit of having laid his
+doctrine of state-sovereignty on a foundation<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">[349]</a></span>
+so sure that over twenty centuries of discussion from the Stoics and
+Cynics, through Augustine and Dante, down to Rousseau and Lenin, have
+not been able to shake it. Against Church and Soviet, as against sage
+and hermit and anarchist, the territorial state still holds its own over
+the whole civilized world; and the latest construction of idealism at
+Geneva, misnamed though it is, is but an association of such states, far
+larger indeed in average size, but of the same kind and composition as
+those upon which the Greek philosopher fixed as the true object of
+political study and the most effective and enduring agency for securing
+a good life for civilized mankind.</p>
+
+<p>What are the chief and most enduring thoughts which contact with the
+Greek political thinkers leaves with us? They are surely twofold, the
+first concerning the material of politics, the second concerning the men
+and women of to-day who are called to be citizens. Public affairs, we
+feel, so far from being a tiresome preoccupation or &lsquo;a dirty
+business&rsquo; are one of the great permanent interests of the race: if
+they were not too trivial or too debasing for great artists like
+Thucydides and Plato, we need not fear lest they be too trivial or
+debasing for ourselves. And if they are not beneath our study, neither
+should they elude it by being enwrapped in clouds of rhetoric or in the
+cotton-wool of sentimentality. The Greeks should teach us, once and for
+all, that the common affairs of mankind are matter to think about as
+well as to feel about. What distinguishes what we call a
+&lsquo;good&rsquo; statesman and a &lsquo;public-spirited&rsquo; citizen
+from their less truly political colleagues is not that they have warmer
+feelings&mdash;there are as many affectionate sons and loving husbands among
+the tools of politics as among the elect&mdash;but the fact that by a
+resolute use of the related powers of intellect and imagination they
+have been able to raise their feelings on to a higher plane and to face
+great issues with a mind attuned, not to the familiar appeal of hearth
+and home, but to the grander and more difficult music of humanity. The
+psychologists are teaching us, in the individual life, how we can
+&lsquo;sublimate&rsquo; our emotions,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">[350]</a></span>
+when life denies them an outlet on the level of our desire, by raising
+them to a higher and more rarified range of feeling and action. As we
+can sublimate our love of individuals, so we can sublimate our love of
+country, not quenching or denying our patriotism, but consciously
+dividing and apportioning it. We must learn to preserve for our blood
+and nation that precious part of our gift of service which, just because
+it is intimate and of the family, cannot be offered directly to
+humanity; but we must learn also the more difficult lesson of
+transferring to the international stage, the arena where men, because
+they are men, labour at common tasks and seek a greatest common measure
+of co-operation, all these interests and loyalties which safely and
+rightly belong there. This is the claim and call of the modern Caesar,
+whether his separate capitals remain, as they are to-day, in London,
+Paris, Washington, and the other centres of state-sovereignty, or
+whether mankind can rise, if not in our own day, to the level of a
+single allegiance. We shall neglect that call at our peril. For, unless
+we render unto Caesar that which is properly his, unless we discard our
+unthinking and divisive nationalisms, our noble sentiments will avail us
+nothing and, in the civil war of the angels, patriotism against
+patriotism, Mammon and Beelzebub will come into their own. In these days
+of large-scale organization and mammoth syndicates, it takes a Caesar, a
+multi-national government, to keep a giant trust at bay. Had the land of
+Washington and Lincoln been broken up into separate governments instead
+of drawn together into a single territory of United States, private
+interests would have taken and defeated each government in detail, and
+freedom would have vanished from the land&mdash;unless indeed, in some
+conflict of devil with devil, of bank and railroad against oil and
+lumber, the angels crept once more into their own. The same reasoning
+applies to the smaller governments in other continents to-day. Local
+patriotism is but a stripling David in face of the Goliaths of modern
+commercialism. More and more men will be driven, if not by reason, then
+by exploitation and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">[351]</a></span>
+suffering, to learn the lesson of what is still mistakenly thought of
+as imperialism until they find themselves crying out, with the apostle
+of the Gentiles, who fought his own battle against nationalism, &lsquo;I
+appeal unto Caesar.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>But the Greeks have a message for us not only as regards the material of
+our politics but as regards ourselves. What can we do to help humanity
+forward in these problems of its common affairs? The age of
+Utopia-dreams is over. We know now that modern science has made the
+world one place and that social salvation is not to be found, as the
+early socialists imagined, by fleeing from the haunts of men and
+founding some model city in a wilderness. We must make our contribution
+here and now, in the drab world in which fate has set us. If we cannot
+hope to turn it into Utopia, let us at least make it as much like Utopia
+as we can. This, after all, is Plato&rsquo;s message, even in the most
+idealistic and visionary of his books. The famous passage is worth
+quoting in detail:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>&lsquo;Then do you think any less of our argument because we cannot
+prove that it is possible to found a state of the kind we have
+described?&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;Surely not,&rsquo; he said....</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;Then do not compel me to show that what we have decided in
+our argument could in all respects be reproduced in experience. If
+we manage to discover how a state could be organized in any close
+correspondence to our description, then you must allow that we have
+discovered that your commands could be realized. Will you not be
+content with that? I certainly should be.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;Yes, I will,&rsquo; he said.</p>
+
+<p>&rsquo;Then next apparently we must try to discover ... what is the
+smallest change by which a state might arrive at this manner of
+constitution....&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;Most certainly,&rsquo; he said.</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;Well, there is one change,&rsquo; I said, &lsquo;which I
+think we could certainly prove would bring about the revolution. It
+is certainly neither a small nor an easy change, but it is
+possible.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;What is it?&rsquo; he said.</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;Now,&rsquo; I said, &lsquo;I am at the very topic which we
+likened to the greatest wave. Spoken, however, it shall be, even
+though<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">[352]</a></span>
+it is likely to deluge me with laughter and ridicule.... Consider then
+what I am about to say.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;Say on,&rsquo; he said.</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;Unless,&rsquo; I said, &lsquo;lovers of wisdom bear
+sovereign rule in states, or those who are now called sovereigns
+and governors become sincere and capable lovers of wisdom, and
+government and love of wisdom be brought together, and unless the
+numerous natures who at present pursue either government or wisdom,
+the one to the exclusion of the other, be forcibly debarred from
+this behaviour, there will be no respite from evil, my dear
+Glaucon, for states, nor, I fancy, for humanity; nor will this
+constitution, which we have just described in our argument, come to
+that realization which is possible for it and see the light of day.
+It is this which has for so long made me hesitate to speak. I saw
+how paradoxical it would sound. For it is given to few to perceive
+that no other constitution could ever bring happiness either to
+states or individuals.&rsquo;</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Thus far the philosopher of antiquity. His words are sometimes
+interpreted as a cry for some philosopher-genius to take the task of
+government out of our too feeble grasp. But that is not his message for
+us. The age in which philosopher-emperors were possible has passed
+beyond recall. To us Plato&rsquo;s words are an appeal to become, each
+and all of us, in our own sphere, lovers of wisdom according to the
+measure of our ability. If we would amend the world around us&mdash;and it is
+in sore need of amendment&mdash;our first duty is to eschew falsehood and to
+follow truth in our own lives, in our thoughts and actions. Revolutions
+spring not from without inwards but from within outwards; and it is
+often when the external world seems most sick and sorrowful, when
+selfishness and irresponsibility sit enthroned in the world&rsquo;s
+seats of government, that the power of truth is most active in the
+silent region of the soul, strengthening it in order that it may issue
+forth once again to impress man&rsquo;s unconquerable purpose of order,
+justice and freedom upon the recalcitrant material which forms the stuff
+of men&rsquo;s common problems on this small globe of ours.</p>
+
+<p class='sig sc'>A. E. Zimmern.</p>
+
+<hr /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">[353]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="ART" id="ART"></a>THE LAMPS OF GREEK ART</h2>
+
+<p>Amid the superficialities and struggles of the world around us, it is
+refreshing to turn back for a moment to the mellow wisdom of Matthew
+Arnold; and I will start with a quotation from <i>Literature and Dogma</i>:
+&lsquo;As well imagine a man with a sense for sculpture not cultivating
+it by the help of the remains of Greek art, or a man with a sense for
+poetry not cultivating it by the help of Homer and Shakespeare, as a man
+with a sense for conduct not cultivating it by the help of the
+Bible.&rsquo; To Arnold the Bible, Homer, Shakespeare, Greek art, are
+the great and eternal classics, which for all time must be the stimulus
+and the models for the greatest of human achievements. Beyond doubt in
+the fifty years since Arnold wrote there has been a marked drift away
+from classics of every kind. To acknowledge classics at all seems a
+survival of the spirit of aristocracy. We are convinced that we are
+better than our fathers, and must break away from their tutelage. In
+some degree this arises out of the unrest and nervous strain produced by
+the great war. But it does not come only from nervous tension. It is a
+definite tendency of society, which has to be considered on its merits
+by all who feel called on to take a share in the world movement. We
+cannot ignore those who are drifting away from the settled anchorages,
+or we run the risk of being ignored ourselves.</p>
+
+<p>The task has fallen to me to try to give reasons why Greek art has still
+a claim on our attention. Among Englishmen the appreciation of art never
+has been and never can be as keen as the appreciation of poetry and
+philosophy. But on the other hand I think it can be shown that in the
+field of art our<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">[354]</a></span>
+debt to Greece is even greater than in the field of philosophy and
+poetry. For in these latter we have a certain national genius, and have
+produced classics recognized through Europe. But in art our achievements
+have been but moderate; and at the present time a living sense of art is
+probably rarer among us than in any highly civilized country except
+America.</p>
+
+<p>I will begin with a bold assertion, which I hope to justify as we
+proceed. But for ancient Greece, the art of Europe would to-day be on
+much the same level as the fantastic and degraded art of India. And but
+for the continued influence of Greek art, that of Europe would
+continually be in danger of drifting into chaotic extravagance.</p>
+
+<p>In the century before the Persian wars of 500-480 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>,
+Greece, both Ionian and Dorian, was throwing out fresh shoots of life in
+every direction, breaking through the crust of archaic convention,
+producing a new standard of excellence, in poetry, in philosophy, in
+history, and in art. In every province, morals, intellect, imagination,
+Greece was striking out, to the right and the left. And in the century
+after the Persian wars, she reaped the full harvest of her splendid
+sowing, and produced the masterpieces which have remained ever since
+memorable, to the study of which each generation recurs, and whence it
+learns of what human nature is capable.</p>
+
+<p>After 400 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> there was not, as many suppose,
+a sudden decline in the quality of artistic production. Many of the
+works of the later centuries were in their way almost unsurpassable. The
+philosophy of Aristotle, the poetry of Theocritus, such statues as the
+Aphrodite of Melos and the Victory of Samothrace, are great lights for
+all time. But the works of maturity have seldom the charm which marks
+those which are full of the optimism and promise of youth.</p>
+
+<p>Ruskin has written an admirable work on the Seven Lamps of Architecture,
+a work which, though it sometimes passes into extravagance, is full of
+suggestion and even inspiration.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">[355]</a></span>
+It seems to me strange that while the economic views of Ruskin, full of
+generosity, but also wanting in measure and any basis of fact, should
+still be current among us, his writings on art, in which his genius had
+full course, should be comparatively neglected. However that may be, as
+one who has been greatly stimulated by those writings, I propose to try
+to produce a faint echo of one of them by speaking successively of the
+lamps of Greek art, lamps which give us light and serve to show our way.
+I find in Greek art eight notable features: (1) Humanism, (2)
+Simplicity, (3) Balance and Measure, (4) Naturalism, (5) Idealism, (6)
+Patience, (7) Joy, (8) Fellowship.</p>
+
+<p>As my space is closely limited I cannot attempt to develop the subject
+of Greek art in all its provinces and in all its bearings. I must limit
+myself to the art of sculpture, the most characteristic branch, and the
+only branch which has left us sufficient materials for the formation of
+a satisfactory notion. And I must limit myself further to such of the
+sculpture as represents the human form. In the representation of some
+animals, such as the horse, the later Greeks produced some wonderful
+examples, but in the depiction of animals other peoples have rivalled
+them, whereas in the depiction of men and women they stand alone.</p>
+
+<h3>I</h3>
+
+<p><i>Humanism.</i> Three great discoveries lay open to the awakened spirit of
+man, when he began to realize and reflect upon his surroundings. The
+first was the discovery of God, which was mainly the work of the
+Prophets of Israel, though no doubt Greece added much on the
+intellectual side; and the religions both of Judaea and Greece were
+carried to a higher point by Christianity. The second was the discovery
+of man himself, which was in all essentials the great work of Greek
+thinkers and writers. The third, begun in Greece, has been carried
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">[356]</a></span>
+very much farther in modern times, the discovery of nature and her
+laws. I think that reflection will show that of the three discoveries
+the last is the least important, for though it has vastly changed the
+habits and the surroundings of mankind, and has offered him long vistas
+of material progress, yet it has not changed his nature much, nor added
+greatly to his happiness. We know how the delights of thought, of art,
+of poetry and music have overcome barbarism and given to multitudes a
+new pleasure in existence. But the results of scientific progress have
+not as yet done all that we might have hoped for mankind. Every great
+discovery in physical science has been turned, primarily, not to the
+welfare but to the destruction of mankind. The ocean-going ship is
+tracked by the submarine; air-ships are used to drop bombs on
+defenceless cities, some of the most notable achievements of chemistry
+are poison-gases. We may of course hope that this is but a passing
+phase, and that brighter times are before us. But I venture to suggest
+that the true road to progress cannot be found unless we preserve the
+Jewish and the Greek points of view. We must not lose sight of the
+ethical and religious bearing of science, and not be content with merely
+regarding it as a means of exploiting the material world. Instead of
+harnessing the forces of nature to true human ends, to happiness, we
+have allowed them to be used for any purpose, moral or immoral, by any
+one who by cunning or pushing has gained control of them. We have
+dehumanized the world, and allowed it to ride rough shod over human
+life.</p>
+
+<p>The discovery of man and his capacities, then, is the great gift of
+Greece to the world. There were epics before the <i>Iliad</i>, but no epic
+full of charm, of tragedy, of tears and laughter. There were
+philosophers before Socrates; but they were busied in trying to find the
+physical constituents of the world. Socrates took up the motto of Delphi
+&lsquo;Know thyself&rsquo;, and became the progenitor of all who study
+the nature of duty and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">[357]</a></span>
+of happiness. In the same way there was much art in the world before
+the rise of Greece, in Egypt, in Mesopotamia, in Crete. But it was not a
+humanist art. It represented the worship of the Gods, battles, and
+sieges, the life of the fields. But the human figures in these scenes
+were conventional: there was nothing in them to stir the finer feelings,
+to produce a love of beauty, to raise man above the ordinary daily
+level. The Greeks knew of earlier works of art; but they declined to be
+seduced, as the Phoenicians and Etruscans were seduced, into a facile
+imitation of them. They realized, no doubt subconsciously rather than
+consciously, that they were called to set forth a new and human art, and
+had in them powers which could produce it. They began a process which
+developed with astonishing rapidity, and which cannot cease, unless, as
+seems now not impossible, barbarism reinvades a weary world.</p>
+
+<p>&lsquo;Man is the measure of all things&rsquo; is the doctrine ascribed
+to Protagoras of Abdera, which shocked the people of Athens and is
+attacked by Plato in his more constructive mood. It is a doctrine
+lending itself to abuse, and still more to caricature; but it is really
+the teaching of Socrates no less than of Protagoras; and it has held its
+own from his times to those of the Utilitarians and Pragmatists.
+Certainly it is at the basis of the Greek view of life, in which man
+with his feelings, his faculties, and his endeavours, stands in the
+foreground, and all else appears as a vague background.</p>
+
+<p>It was quite natural that as the Greek thinkers interpreted all
+experience in relation to human powers and faculties, so the artists of
+Greece thought of all nature in terms of the human body. Thus while the
+stern monotheism of later Israel absolutely prohibited the
+representation in art of any living thing, and especially of man, Greek
+artists entirely devoted themselves to such representation.</p>
+
+<p>The great result of the working of the spirit of humanism in Greek art
+was the representation of the Gods in human form.
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">[358]</a></span>
+There is still prevalent among us a survival of the Jewish hatred of
+the representation of the divine element in the world by the mimetic art
+of sculpture. We still repeat, day by day, the Jewish commandment,
+&lsquo;Thou shalt not make to thyself any graven image&rsquo;. Now I am
+not going to find any fault with the intense feeling of iconoclasm,
+which was one of the mainsprings of Jewish religion. I have no doubt
+that in the development of that religion, hatred and contempt for the
+idols of the surrounding nations was of inestimable value to the race.
+The struggle, ever renewed, against the invasion of idolatry was
+necessary to the development of that pure prophetic religion which it
+was the highest mission of the Jewish race to set forth and propagate in
+the world. I would not even speak against the echoes of it in the modern
+world. To the Moslems of our days, as to the ancient Jews, it appears to
+be a necessary corollary of any lofty and spiritual conception of the
+divine. And when we read of the destruction of religious images by our
+Puritan ancestors we cannot withhold from them an inner sympathy. The
+hatred of images was one side of the pure and passionate belief in
+spiritual religion which it was the mission of the great Reformers to
+revive and propagate in Europe.</p>
+
+<p>But it is possible to appreciate this side of religion without being
+blind to other aspects of it. Our religion comes not only from Judaea,
+but also from Greece. The Jewish passion for the divine righteousness
+lies at its roots. But that passion is consistent with narrowness,
+bigotry, inhumanity. For the modifications of it which come from the
+working of the spirit of humanism we have to turn to the Hellenes, for
+the feeling of the likeness in nature between God and man, the love of
+the beauty of the created works of God, the joy in whatever is sweet,
+whatever is comely, whatever is charming. The beauty and majesty of God
+appealed to the Greek, as the unapproachable transcendence of God
+inspired the Jew.</p>
+
+<p>So it fell to the Greek artists to try to set forth in marble
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">[359]</a></span>
+and in bronze the gentler and more social side of the divine nature.
+There is a sweet reasonableness in the words of Maximus of Tyre:
+&lsquo;The Greek custom is to represent the Gods by the most beautiful
+things on earth&mdash;pure material, the human form, consummate art. The
+idea of those who make divine images in human shape is quite reasonable,
+since the spirit of man is nearest of all things to God and most
+godlike.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>The whole history of Greek sculpture, from its rise in the sixth century
+to its decline in the third, is inspired by this desire to represent the
+divine by the most beautiful things on earth. The sculpture of the great
+nations of the East, Egypt and Assyria, is full of figures of the Gods,
+and of scenes of worship. But these figures do not rise above the human.
+The gods appear as conventional figures, mere ordinary men and women.
+And to distinguish them from mortal beings, the artists of the East
+proceed in the manner of symbolism: they make additions to the human
+types which are to signify the divine attributes, but do not really
+embody them. They add wings to represent the swiftness of the deity,
+wings not meant for actual flight, but only symbols of rapid motion.
+They represent them as victoriously overthrowing wild beasts and
+monsters, which stand for the powers of evil, ever bent on thwarting
+their action. In some of their most archaic works, the Greeks fall into
+the imitation of this way. They represent Apollo flanked by two
+vanquished griffins, Artemis with wings, and holding in her hands
+captive lions. But their artistic sense soon revolted against such crude
+and clumsy ways of representation. They began to try to represent the
+divine character of their deities, not by arbitrary and external
+symbols, but by modifying the human types in the direction of the ideal.
+Sometimes, indeed, in later art we find survivals of early symbolism in
+the form of an attribute. Hermes is still winged, but the wings are
+transferred to his cap or his boots. Zeus may still carry the
+thunderbolt, the symbol of his rule over the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">[360]</a></span>
+storm. Apollo may be still radiate, combining human form with the rays
+which proceed from the visible sun.</p>
+
+<p>But these are only survivals, and do not affect the process, carried on
+by artist after artist and school after school, by which the gods
+absorbed ever more fully the qualities of the most perfect manhood.
+Zeus, as father of gods and men, is an idealization of the human father,
+combining justice and dignity with benevolence and kindness; Athena
+becomes the embodiment of the divine reason and wisdom, perhaps the most
+fully idealized of all the forms of the gods, since this armed and
+victorious virgin with wisdom seated on her brow had little in common
+with the secluded and domestic women of her city of Athens. Apollo has
+not the muscles of the trained athlete, but in his nobleness of
+countenance and perfect symmetry of shape, he stands for all that a
+young man might grow towards by self-restraint and aspiration. At a
+somewhat lower level Herakles bears the form of the wrestler, admirably
+proportioned but more powerful than even the greatest of athletes;
+Hermes is the ideal runner, every muscle adapted to swift and lithe
+movements.</p>
+
+<p>Thus in the types of the gods which were produced when Greek art was at
+its best we have a series of supermen and superwomen who represent the
+highest and best to which mortals can hope to attain, types embodying
+the highest perfection of body and mind. The influence of those types
+has gone on from century to century, never in the darkest ages wholly
+forgotten, and serving at all times to redeem human nature from foulness
+and degradation. All through the history of art they have been acting as
+a raising and purifying element.</p>
+
+<p>It was not until the decay of the Olympic religion in the fourth century
+that these types fell to a lower level. The sense of beauty in the
+artist remained as keen as ever, the technique of art even improved, but
+the religion of humanism was debased by less noble tendencies, and the
+gods took on too much not<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">[361]</a></span>
+the nature of man as he might become, but the form of man as he
+actually is in the world.</p>
+
+<p>Not the forms only of the gods, but the history of their appearances on
+earth and their dealings with mankind found expression in painting and
+relief. Plato, as we know, condemned the myths of the gods as unworthy
+from the ethical point of view. But we shall misjudge myths if we
+suppose that they were actually believed in, or served to regulate
+conduct. What they did was greatly to further the picturesqueness and
+joy of life. And when they became less important in cultus they survived
+in poetry, and served greatly to temper the harsh prose of actual life.
+We must remember that some of the Jewish tales which have so much
+interested and charmed our forefathers are hardly to be defended on
+strict ethical principles, yet they have been a leavening and widening
+influence. Who would wish to expel from churches the stories of Adam and
+Eve, of Joseph and David, on grounds of ethical purism? The life of the
+many is not so highly decorated that we should wish to expel from it
+elements so pleasing.</p>
+
+<p>As the Gods tend more and more to take forms beautiful but entirely
+human, so do the notable features of the landscape, rivers and
+mountains, sky and sea, take on themselves human shape. Sun and moon,
+wind and storm, are completely humanized. The society of Olympus, the
+powers manifested in nature, appear in sculpture as a human society, but
+of more than human beauty and dignity. And such rendering of the gods
+leads, as we shall presently see, to an ideal rendering of men. As the
+gods come down in the likeness of men, so men are raised to the level of
+the gods. Hence the intrinsic and inexhaustible idealism of Greek
+sculpture, to which I will presently return.</p>
+
+<p>Few works of art more fully and more attractively show the
+anthropomorphic tendency of Greek art than the sunrise vase of the
+British Museum. It shows us the whole morning<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">[362]</a></span>
+pageant of nature humanized. On the right appears the sun-god driving a
+chariot of winged horses, who rise out of the sea. Before him the stars,
+represented as youths, plunge into the water. To the left is the
+moon-goddess on horseback, setting behind the hills, on one of which is
+a mountain-god in an attitude of surprise. Before the sun hurries Eos,
+the winged dawn, who by a bold citation of mythology is represented as
+pursuing Cephalus the hunter, of whom she was enamoured. We have the
+features of the daybreak; but they are all represented not as facts of
+nature, but in their influence on Gods and men.</p>
+
+<p>I do not figure this vase, as I have already done so in my <i>Principles
+of Greek Art</i>; but instead I give an almost equally beautiful
+representation from the lid of a toilet vase in the Sabouroff Collection
+at Berlin. We have here the same three figures of the sun-god, the
+moon-goddess, and the winged dawn, who, however, in this case is driving
+a chariot. The form of the whole group and the radiate symbol in the
+midst stands admirably for the vault of heaven (Fig. 1).</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 550px;">
+<img src="images/illus-358-9-a.jpg" width="550" height="550" alt="Fig. 1. VASE REPRESENTING SUNRISE" title="" />
+<span class="caption">Fig. 1. VASE REPRESENTING SUNRISE</span></div>
+
+<p>Another extreme example of anthropomorphism is the embodiment of the
+sustaining power of the pillar in the so-called Caryatids of the
+Erechtheum (Fig. 2). Really they are Corae, maidens dedicated to Athena,
+and willingly in her service bearing up the weight of the architrave of
+her temple. Possibly the notion is not wholly satisfactory; but if it be
+tolerated, could it have been more nobly carried out? The square and
+stalwart form of the women, the mass of hair which strengthens their
+necks, the easy pose, all make us feel that the task is not beyond their
+strength or oppressive.</p>
+
+<p>Beside the Greek Caryatid I must be allowed to place a modern version,
+by Rodin. For the power and the technique of Rodin I have great
+admiration; but when his works are placed beside those of Greece, we
+feel at once their inferiority in dignity, in simplicity, in ideality
+(Fig. 3).</p>
+
+<div class='c'><table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="">
+<tr><td align='center'><div class="figcenter" style="width: 205px;">
+<img src="images/illus-358-9-b.jpg" width="205" height="600" alt="Fig. 2. CARYATID of Erechtheum" title="" />
+<span class="caption">Fig. 2. CARYATID<br />of Erechtheum</span></div></td>
+<td><div class="figcenter" style="width: 379px;">
+<img src="images/illus-358-9-c.jpg" width="379" height="600" alt="Fig. 3. CARYATID by Rodin" title="" />
+<span class="caption">Fig. 3. CARYATID<br />by Rodin</span></div></td></tr>
+</table></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">[363]</a></span></p>
+<h3>II</h3>
+
+<p>The second lamp of Greek art is <i>Simplicity</i>. The artist sees quite
+clearly what he desires to produce, and sets about producing it without
+hesitation, without self-consciousness, with no beating about the bush.
+Of course the more primitive and less conventional a society is, the
+easier it is for artists to be simple. In a complicated society
+simplicity and directness are apt to be confused with what is
+commonplace or even with the foolish. The simplicity of Wordsworth and
+of Tennyson does sometimes cross the line. The Greeks had the great
+advantage of coming before other cultivated peoples, so that there was
+no commonplace to avoid. They could be simple, as the wild rose and the
+primrose are simple. What could be more simple than the <i>Iliad</i>? The
+same simplicity marks Greek sculpture. It requires no great exercise of
+the intellect to understand it. It presents every figure in a clear and
+unsophisticated way.</p>
+
+<p>As there is no more sure sign of a fine nature than the absence of
+self-consciousness, so there is no more sure sign of greatness in art
+than simplicity. The Greeks did not strive to be original, to make
+people stare, to do the unusual. One of the most usual subjects in Greek
+relief is a battle between male warriors and Amazons. Such battles adorn
+many temples. And in every case they are distinctive in style. One could
+not mistake a group from the temple at Phigaleia for a group from the
+Mausoleum. And there is no sameness: almost every group has some point
+or touch of its own, which makes it a variety on the usual theme. One
+Amazon is falling from her horse, one is asking for quarter, one is
+following up a retreating foe. But no group is insistent that the
+passer-by should look at it. The relief was the decoration of a temple;
+and if its originality drew men&rsquo;s attention from the temple
+itself, or from the Deity seated enthroned within, it might justly be
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">[364]</a></span>
+accused of impertinence, of exceeding due measure. The sculptor did his
+best; but he was careful to do nothing which was out of harmony with its
+surroundings. He sank himself in his work. And even when he was engaged
+on a more serious substantive work, what he most avoided was the
+incongruous and unbecoming. He so worked that the attention of the
+spectator was concentrated not on the character of the workmanship, but
+on the person or the subject portrayed. The idea which he tried to
+incorporate in marble or bronze was not his own thought about the
+subject, but the character which really belonged to it in the mind of
+the people.</p>
+
+<p>This singleness of purpose is well illustrated by a story about the
+painter Protogenes. He painted the figure of a Satyr, and beside it, as
+a trifle, he inserted a partridge. But when he found that admiration for
+the lifelikeness of the partridge tended to distract the attention of
+visitors from the main figure, he painted it out.</p>
+
+<p>No doubt simplicity implies limitation. It is not easy in any age to
+strike the deepest note without some surrender of simplicity. The higher
+phases of the mental and spiritual life, mysticism, symbolism, and the
+like are not to be expressed with complete simplicity in any form of
+art. One cannot deny that the Greek view of life was limited; that the
+Greeks did not attempt to represent in art the highest aspirations of
+the soul. It was an entirely perverted ingenuity which sought a
+generation ago to find mystic meaning in the representations on Greek
+vases. Attempts to portray the Deities of the Mysteries scarcely count
+as works of art. Such figures as Sabazius, Isis, Mithras, only come into
+ancient art in its decadence. I would not maintain that the modern
+world, with its infinitely varied emotions, or the higher aspirations of
+religions like the Christian or the Buddhist, could be satisfied with
+such simple schemes as those of Greek sculpture, which appeal to human
+instinct and human intelligence rather than to the more
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">[365]</a></span>
+recondite emotions. Such emotions, however, in my opinion, do not find
+any appropriate embodiment in the arts of which I am treating&mdash;the
+graphic and plastic arts. In poetry they have at all times found a noble
+expression; and in modern days a perhaps still completer expression in
+music, which was in pre-Christian days in a very rudimentary condition.
+But painting is but ill suited to the rendering of these vague
+aspirations. And still more unsuited is sculpture, the most imitative
+and objective of all the arts. The attempts which have been made in
+recent years by some sculptors to give a mystic turn to their art seems
+to me doomed to failure by the essential nature of sculpture. A Western
+mind can have little sympathy with the art which has moved most on
+mystic lines, the art of India, which in such efforts has abandoned the
+search for beauty, and so given up the really artistic point of view.
+Mere prettiness no doubt is an unsatisfying ideal: but a loftier beauty,
+in harmony with the world around us and the soul within us, is another
+thing.</p>
+
+<p>In order that simplicity may be in the highest degree admirable, it must
+be combined with two other qualities&mdash;intense love of beauty, and the
+utmost patience in execution. It must not lead on the one side to a mere
+unideal copy of nature, nor on the other to a hasty and slovenly kind of
+work.</p>
+
+<p>The figure already mentioned, the Caryatid of the Erechtheum, is a model
+of perfect simplicity. For further illustration of the quality I have
+chosen the bronze charioteer from Delphi, and the Artemis from Gabii,
+now in the Louvre. The former (Fig. 4) is a youth of noble family, clad
+in the long dress necessary to protect from the wind a man driving a
+chariot. The latter (Fig. 5), a work of the school of Praxiteles,
+represents a young girl fastening her dress on her shoulder. Both are as
+free as they can be from any attempt at novelty or originality: yet no
+one with any taste could for a moment<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">[366]</a></span>
+hesitate to pronounce them admirable. The object of the artist was to
+make works as perfect as possible. And to that end he goes straight,
+without any complication, and without the least care that others may
+have done similar works, against which he must assert originality.</p>
+
+<div class='c'><table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="">
+<tr><td align='center'><div class="figcenter" style="width: 224px;">
+<img src="images/illus-362-3-a.jpg" width="224" height="600" alt="Fig. 4 CHARIOTEER of Delphi" title="" />
+<span class="caption">Fig. 4 CHARIOTEER<br />of Delphi</span></div></td>
+<td><div class="figcenter" style="width: 207px;">
+<img src="images/illus-362-3-b.jpg" width="207" height="600" alt="Fig. 5 ARTEMIS of Gabii" title="" />
+<span class="caption">Fig. 5 ARTEMIS<br />of Gabii</span></div></td></tr>
+</table></div>
+
+<p>Beside the two figures I have cited I place a more modern group (Fig.
+6), also by a man of genius, Peter Vischer. It has the same simplicity
+and the same care in execution as the Greek works, but in beauty it will
+not compare with them; and one feels regret that so great an artist
+should have spent his powers on so unsuitable a subject as the rivets
+and plates of a suit of armour. The lady, though not without charm,
+seems artificial and affected beside the exquisite freshness of the girl
+of Praxiteles.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 325px;">
+<img src="images/illus-362-3-c.jpg" width="325" height="600"
+alt="Fig. 6. KNIGHT AND LADY By Peter Vischer" title="" />
+<span class="caption">Fig. 6. KNIGHT AND LADY<br />By Peter Vischer</span></div>
+
+<h3>III</h3>
+
+<p>The third lamp of Greek art is <i>Balance and Measure</i>, the recognition of
+limit and law. This is most obvious in architecture, and especially in
+its most characteristic production, the temple. The form of the temple,
+when once established, remained fixed, within certain limits of
+variation, for all time. A most accomplished writer, M. Boutmy, has
+admirably shown how all the constituent parts of the temple are related
+one to the other, how a plan, a consistent rhythm, runs throughout it.
+Each part has a definite function, which it accomplishes in the simplest
+and clearest way. The pillars are made simply to support, and their
+shape and slight decoration is in accordance with that purpose. Their
+form ensures a maximum of stability. The channeling or fluting carries
+the eye of the spectator upwards to the capital which swells outwards to
+support the heavy straight line of the cornice. Above the cornice, the
+grooves of the triglyphs carry on the lines of fluting from the columns
+towards the roof. The walls of the temple are not primarily intended to
+support, but to enclose the sacred<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">[367]</a></span>
+cella, and are adorned only at their upper edge, as a curtain might be,
+with a decorative frieze. The whole building is thought out as a home
+for the statue of the deity which it encloses; and no part is allowed to
+adorn itself except in subordination to this general purpose. Like the
+shells of molluscs or the hives of bees, it is the direct embodiment of
+an idea, a purpose, only a conscious and reflective, not a merely
+instinctive purpose.</p>
+
+<p>The sculptural decoration, which is so striking a feature of the temple,
+is also carefully subordinated to purpose and idea. No part of the
+structure which bears a strain, if we except one or two early and
+unsatisfactory experiments, was decorated. The business of column and
+architrave was to bear weight; and if they were ornate they would seem
+less well adapted to that purpose. Only in parts of the building which
+were from the point of view of construction otiose, such as pediment and
+metope, was the art of the sculptor allowed to play; and even then it
+was bound to play appropriately to the nature of the deity within and
+the festivals of which the temple was to be the focus. There was no room
+for cross-purposes or disturbing thoughts.</p>
+
+<p>This rigidity of form and subordination to reason is as characteristic
+of Attic tragedies as of temples. It would indeed be possible to work
+out a close parallel between the two forms of art. But we must return to
+our immediate subject, sculpture. Temple sculpture exhibits the
+qualities of balance and measure in the highest degree. In case of the
+pediment there is a central point, just under the apex, where the
+dominant figures of the scene portrayed are placed; and on either side
+of this central figure or group, figure balances figure, until we come
+to the corners, which are occupied by reclining forms, dying warriors,
+or river-gods or spectators. In case of the metope, the square field is
+filled with two or three figures balanced about a central line, a scheme
+self-contained and harmonious, which may be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">[368]</a></span>
+compared to a geometrical diagram, and carries simplicity to the
+farthest point.</p>
+
+<p>Rhythm, balance, symmetry are the translation into sculpture of the
+spirit of discipline and self-control, which the Greeks learned by hard
+necessity. The civilization of the Ionians in Asia is a brilliant
+sunrise, an overflowing of the delight in life, in beauty, in the
+exercise of all the faculties, which for a time dominated Greece itself.
+And their art was joyous and free. The artists of Ionia invaded Athens
+in the sixth century, visiting the luxurious court of Peisistratus, and
+inspiring Peloponnesus, even Sparta, as the excavations of the British
+School in Athens have abundantly shown. But the Ionians were trodden
+down under the heavy foot of Persia: excess of freedom and want of
+cohesion and discipline was their ruin. The Great King of Persia was
+determined to trample in a like manner on Greece Proper; and he would
+have succeeded but for the discipline and devotion of the Dorians. It
+was the Spartans, aided by the brilliant military talent of Miltiades
+and Themistocles, who saved Greece from slavery. A military caste, like
+the Templars and Hospitallers of mediaeval Europe, they furnished the
+backbone of the Greek army and dispersed the hordes of Asia as easily as
+did the hardy Macedonians of Alexander the Great a century and a half
+later.</p>
+
+<p>The Athenians, with their quick wits, understood whence came their
+salvation, and in the early part of the fifth century the tide of Ionian
+influence was turned back, and Dorian manners, Dorian dress, Dorian art,
+became dominant from Thessaly to Laconia. It is precisely the Dorian
+ideas of discipline, of measure, of self-control, which entering into
+the art of Greece made it a noble and continuous development, instead of
+a mere brilliant flash. Plato was well aware of the dangers which beset
+the Athenians from their extreme versatility and want of reverence, and
+he foresaw how these qualities would in the end destroy the civilization
+which they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">[369]</a></span>
+had adorned. He so clearly saw this that he was inclined to prefer the
+conventional and monotonous art of Egypt to the brilliant Greek art of
+his own time. This is, of course, to carry ethical prejudice to the
+length of fanaticism, and to transgress the very law of moderation which
+inspired him. But it was only in his old age that he went thus far.</p>
+
+<p>This careful balance and proportion may be observed, as has often been
+pointed out, in the designs of Greek vases, where the painted subject
+not only is in itself a balanced scheme, but is also planned in relation
+to the shape of the vases themselves. A group suitable to an amphora
+would look out of place on a drinking cup. And in the cup itself the
+outside requires a different treatment from the inside. The whole is
+planned not merely to give free scope to the artist, but to be
+appropriate, fitting, harmonious. Our first figure well illustrates this
+thesis.</p>
+
+<p>Even in the case of substantive sculpture, figures or groups made to
+stand by themselves in market-place or portico, the Greek love of
+harmony, or as they would have put it, of rhythm and symmetry prevails:
+ancient critics in those accounts of Greek sculpture, of which fragments
+have come down to us in the writings of Pliny and Quintilian, lay great
+stress on these features. They show us that whereas in early art a
+merely external and mechanical balance had prevailed, in the course of
+the fifth century this love of order and measure was taken into the very
+being of art. Pythagoras of Rhegium, whose works are unfortunately lost
+to us, made great progress in rhythm and symmetry. His contemporaries,
+Myron and Polycleitus, who carried the athletic art of Peloponnesus
+almost to its highest point, were celebrated, Myron for the rhythm in
+motion which he infused into his sculpture, Polycleitus for the careful
+balance of his athletes and the system of proportion which he embodied
+in their figures. Pheidias was more essentially ideal than either of
+these, as we shall presently see,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">[370]</a></span>
+but he also most diligently preserved in the Parthenon and other works
+a spirit of measure and reasonableness.</p>
+
+<p>Measure and balance in art differ widely from mere convention.
+&lsquo;Order is Heaven&rsquo;s first law.&rsquo; All fine character is
+formed, not by following random impulses as they arise, but by making
+them conform to reason and duty, disciplining them as wild horses are
+disciplined and taught to serve mankind. Horses indeed may be
+over-disciplined, and by cruelty all spirit may be taken out of them.
+And men may be over-disciplined, so that their impulses die away from
+inanition. The Spartans were over-disciplined; and through constant
+repression of natural tendencies they became mere machines, and before
+long died out. But reasonable restraint imposed on strong natural
+tendencies produces noble results in all spheres of activity.</p>
+
+<p>The same thing is true in art. Measure and discipline do not of course
+make it easier to produce works of art; for in the nature of the case
+discipline is at first grievous and is felt as a barrier. But for the
+production of good and lasting works of art, discipline and law are
+necessary. Take as an example the art which is simplest, poetry. It is
+easier to write blank verse than to write sonnets. But it is far easier
+to write <i>good</i> sonnets than good blank verse, simply because the
+constant restraint of the form stimulates thought and invention,
+prevents too great haste, exercises the ingenuity. In the same way the
+somewhat rigid laws of composition of pediment metope and frieze
+compelled the Greek artist to think out schemes suitable to those forms.</p>
+
+<p>It would not be possible to find a better example of order and balance
+in reliefs than is furnished by the magnificent sarcophagus from Sidon
+(Fig. 7), on one side of which is represented one of the victories of
+Alexander the Great. At first sight it may seem a confused m&ecirc;l&eacute;e. But
+when we look closer we see careful arrangement underlying the apparent
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">[371]</a></span>
+disorder. Alexander, charging from the left, is balanced by Parmenio
+charging from the right: the horseman in the middle between the leaders
+seems to come out of the background; and on either side of him is a
+fighting group, to the left a Macedonian foot soldier fighting a Persian
+on foot, to the right a light-armed Greek resisting a Persian horseman.
+Two Persian archers balance one another. There are in the scene five
+Greeks to eight Persians, indicating the numerical superiority of the
+latter. And if we knew more about the battle we should probably find its
+principal phases hinted at in the groups. The relief tells us far more
+about the battle than would a naturalistic representation of one corner
+of the field. The Greek artist could not work without using his reason
+and his sense of order as well as his skilled hand.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;">
+<img src="images/illus-372-3.jpg" width="600" height="358" alt="Fig. 7. SARCOPHAGUS FROM SIDON" title="" />
+<span class="caption">Fig. 7. SARCOPHAGUS FROM SIDON</span></div>
+
+<h3>IV</h3>
+
+<p>The fourth notable quality of Greek art is <i>Naturalism</i>. Painting and
+sculpture, being representative or mimetic arts, are dependent for their
+effects on the careful observation and loving study of nature. Probably
+this is not the feature in works of Greek sculpture which would be most
+conspicuous to a modern eye. And it cannot be doubted that the habit of
+exact observation produced by modern nature studies, our familiarity
+with such helps to sight as telescopes and magnifying glasses, our
+constant use of photography, have made most of us better acquainted with
+the phenomena of the world about us than were the Greeks. But compared
+with the works of preceding ages, Greek sculpture must have seemed
+amazingly naturalist. Even works of the archaic period, like the
+pediments from Aegina, show a knowledge of the human form infinitely
+more accurate than any to be found in Assyrian palaces or Egyptian
+temples. There is probably always a good deal of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">[372]</a></span>
+illusion in the minds of the schools which are constantly springing up,
+which profess to break away from all conventions and to go back to
+nature herself. To reach nature except through human senses and human
+combinations is quite impossible. And any artist who determines to give
+us nature merely as the photographic plate or the mechanical cast gives
+it to us simply wastes his powers, and produces a result of no interest
+whatever to any one. According to Pliny Lysippus professed to take
+nature alone for his teacher; but in fact the works of Lysippus, so far
+as we can recover or trace them, are full of most definite style. An
+artist has to look at nature through his own eyes, and those eyes give
+to what he sees a character based in part on his own personality.
+Everything he sees is refracted in the waters of his subjectivity, from
+which he cannot escape.</p>
+
+<p>Nevertheless, the whole historic course of Greek sculpture is steeped in
+the study of nature; and we see as it proceeds more and more clearly the
+results of careful observation. The artist had in fact opportunities for
+the study of what he considered the one important group of phenomena,
+human bodies, such as a modern artist cannot hope to compass. In the
+baths and gymnasia where all young men of free birth spent part of their
+mornings in running, leaping, wrestling, or swimming, he could daily
+watch the beautiful bodies of athletes in every variety of pose and
+action. He knew them as a trainer knows horses, or a fancier knows dogs.
+He would have little need of a special model; but would daily observe
+some fresh detail of muscles, some notable pose which he could add from
+memory to his conception of the human body.</p>
+
+<p>But in the greatest periods of art naturalism is not predominant. Its
+constantly working tendency is kept in check by noble ideas and noble
+style. There is in the development of sculpture a constant approach to
+nature, but nothing of the nihilism which looks on all aspects of nature
+as equally fit subjects for art. The artists of the pediments of Aegina
+could<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">[373]</a></span>
+not bring themselves to conceal the beautiful bodies of the fighting
+warriors by rigid armour like that copied in Vischer&rsquo;s group. Thus
+we find the paradox of armed men in battle, but without armour. The
+utmost pains are taken with the nude limbs. In the wonderful bronze
+charioteer found at Delphi (Fig. 4), which dates from about 470 <span
+class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>, the garment necessary to protect the man from the
+rush of air is very simply treated; but the arms and feet, which the
+garment does not conceal, are wrought with marvellous accuracy and truth
+to nature. It seems almost as if the artist were compensating himself
+for the extremely simple work on the drapery by an almost excessively
+close study of nature where it was possible. The head, on the other
+hand, is typical and not individual; for in fact individual portraits
+were scarcely possible at the time.</p>
+
+<p>This would be the place to speak of Greek portraits, if space allowed
+it. I will only point out the erroneousness of the popular view, that
+Greek portraits were conventional and uninteresting; and that it was the
+Romans who introduced individuality into portraiture. It is strange that
+a view which is utterly false should have gained such currency. It is
+true that Greek portraits of the fifth and even the fourth century have
+in them much of the type, and individual traits are softened in accord
+with the strongly idealizing tendencies of the age. But from the third
+and second centuries we have a great number of portraits which are in
+the highest degree characteristic and individual, a wonderful gallery of
+philosophers and poets and statesmen which for lifelikeness cannot be
+surpassed. All the finest of the portraits of Romans were by Greek
+artists. I can give but one example of really fine Greek portraiture, a
+statue of Demosthenes of the third century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>
+(Fig. 8). It is a portrait indeed. The long lean arms and the pose are
+quite as individual and characteristic as the face with its melancholy
+expression and deep lines of anxiety. We have the man from head to foot;
+not as is so<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">[374]</a></span>
+often the case in modern statues, a portrait head set on a conventional
+body.</p>
+
+<p>For comparison with Demosthenes I set a statue of a great modern
+statesman, Abraham Lincoln, by Barnard (Fig. 9), not the best statue of
+him, but one which is approved by many. It aims at truth, but only
+attains caricature, by exaggerating Lincoln&rsquo;s awkwardness and
+angularity, the size of his hands and feet, and the anxiety in his face.
+This exaggeration has been proved by a comparison with many photographs
+of Lincoln, which show that he was careful in dress and by no means
+wanting in dignity. The statue of Demosthenes is marvellous for truth;
+but it adds a touch of pathos; the statue of Lincoln misses the truth,
+through exaggerating the least pleasing features of the subject.</p>
+
+<div class='c'><table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="">
+<tr><td align='center'><div class="figcenter" style="width: 238px;">
+<img src="images/illus-374-5-a.jpg" width="238" height="600" alt="Fig. 8. DEMOSTHENES By Polyeuctus" title="" />
+<span class="caption">Fig. 8. DEMOSTHENES<br />By Polyeuctus</span></div></td>
+<td><div class="figcenter" style="width: 188px;">
+<img src="images/illus-374-5-b.jpg" width="188" height="600" alt="Fig. 9. ABRAHAM LINCOLN By Barnard" title="" />
+<span class="caption">Fig. 9. ABRAHAM LINCOLN<br />By Barnard</span></div></td></tr>
+</table></div>
+
+<p>When we want to ascertain how close Greek sculpture could come to actual
+fact, we turn from the great ideal age to the Hellenistic period.
+Lysistratus, the brother of Lysippus, began to take moulds in plaster
+from individual faces. At the great medical school of Alexandria the
+anatomy of the human frame, from which earlier ages in a spirit of piety
+had shrunk, became usual: some of the great physicians, such as
+Herophilus and Erasistratus, being noted for the completeness of their
+study of anatomy. In the art of the third century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>
+we see the inevitable result of such studies in a more precise and
+learned rendering of the muscles and the skin. And artists no longer
+hesitated to represent bodies wasted with toil and exposure to the
+weather, or emaciated with fasting. There are many such figures in our
+museums, showing a marvellously close study of the forms of peasants and
+old women and children. I figure one of these, preserved in the museum
+of the Conservatori of the Capitol at Rome, an aged shepherdess carrying
+a lamb (Fig. 10). But it will be observed that close as this form is to
+the facts of common life, there is yet in it nothing repulsive. It is in
+a sense a type rather than an<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">[375]</a></span>
+individual, a poem of nature rather than a portrait. It is parallel
+to the pastorals of Theocritus. It strongly contrasts with such
+loathsome figures as some modern sculptors in their exaggerated love of
+fact, even if repulsive, have inflicted upon us, such as the Vieille
+H&eacute;aulmi&egrave;re of Rodin (Fig. 11), a figure of an aged and
+decayed prostitute. I know, of course, that some critics would defend
+the last-mentioned work on ethical grounds, as showing how hideous the
+decay of sensual beauty may become; but I venture to doubt whether
+sculpture is an appropriate vehicle for a moral lesson of that kind,
+because it can only represent and cannot explain.</p>
+
+<div class='c'><table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="">
+<tr><td align='center'><div class="figcenter" style="width: 211px;">
+<img src="images/illus-378-9-a.jpg" width="211" height="600" alt="Fig. 10 AGED SHEPHERDESS Alexandrian" title="" />
+<span class="caption">Fig. 10<br />AGED SHEPHERDESS<br />Alexandrian</span></div></td>
+<td><div class="figcenter" style="width: 372px;">
+<img src="images/illus-378-9-b.jpg" width="372" height="600" alt="Fig. 11 LA VIEILLE H&Eacute;AULMI&Egrave;RE By Rodin" title="" />
+<span class="caption">Fig. 11<br />LA VIEILLE H&Eacute;AULMI&Egrave;RE<br />By Rodin</span></div></td></tr>
+</table></div>
+
+<h3>V</h3>
+
+<p>So we come to the fifth lamp of Greek art, <i>Ideality</i>. It is in the
+idealism of their rendering of the body of man that the Greeks have
+surpassed all other peoples and left an imperishable record. The history
+of Greek art is the history of a search for beauty, for poetry, for
+whatever can charm and delight.</p>
+
+<p>In the earliest sculptural works of Greece, as Lange the Dane was the
+first to point out, we find not a direct imitation of the facts of the
+visible world, but impressions taken from that world, stored in the
+memory, and put together in accordance with subjective purpose rather
+than objective law. It is indeed thus that clever children work, when in
+the picture-writing of their sketch books they violate the laws of
+perspective by combining separate aspects and memories of an object into
+an inconsistent whole. They will not omit any peculiarity of a person
+which happens to have struck them, even when in the profile which they
+sketch it would be invisible. They think of a face as turned towards
+them, of legs as walking past them. Every face must have two eyes, every
+body two arms, whether they would be visible under the natural
+conditions or not. In early Greek reliefs it is common to find the body
+down to the waist<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">[376]</a></span>
+full-face, the body below the waist in profile, with no transition
+between the two. The well-known metopes from Selinus in Sicily are good
+examples. It is a kind of procedure common to the early art of all
+peoples. But the Greeks differ from other nations in this; that when
+they improved away these early crudities they retained the predominance
+of thought over things, of man over nature, in a word of the ideal
+element in art. They regarded the body of man not, as the materialists
+do, as man himself, but as a shell produced by the inner working of the
+spirit, to be seen by the eyes of thought and imagination, as well as by
+the bodily eyes. Hence they were always aspiring from that which exists
+in appearance to that which lies behind the mere phenomenon. They
+realized that nature, when she produces an individual, never wholly
+succeeds, she falls short of the idea. And the artist by a loving
+sympathy with the creative Spirit, may venture to improve what she has
+made, to carry out her intentions more fully, to incorporate more
+completely the idea. The Greek artist, appreciating and venerating the
+body, tries to raise it to a higher and more perfect level. A simple
+kind of idealism may be found in athletic art. In their practice of
+athletics the Greeks did not, like the moderns, think only of the number
+of feet an athlete could leap, or the space of time he would take to run
+a distance. They thought also of his <i>form</i>, of the rhythmic and
+harmonious character of his action. If an athlete showed ugly form, they
+would hiss him, as they would an incompetent actor. Most of their
+exercises were done to the accompaniment of the flute. In all the
+statues of athletes which have come down to us, not one shows an
+inharmonious development, powerful chest and weak legs, or muscular legs
+and poor arms. It is more than probable that as the features of
+Alexander the Great influenced the portraits of his officers and
+followers, so the specially beautiful forms of some of the athletes who
+were most admired, tended to create a type, something of which appears
+in all the athlete figures of the time.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">[377]</a></span>
+No doubt any one who is well acquainted with Greek types and with the
+forms of modern athletes will observe that the Greek physical build is
+not identical with that of our days. The equable climate and the
+unstrained life of the young men produced something more rounded and
+fleshy than we see in the north. Our athletes are less harmoniously
+built, with more prominent sinews, more harsh and wiry in type. An
+American trainer who is also a sculptor, Dr. Tait McKenzie, working as
+some of the Greek sculptors worked, from the average measurements of a
+number of young men, has produced types of strength and beauty, by no
+means exactly like the statues of Greece, but in their way almost
+equally beautiful. I instance the beautiful fifth-century figures of
+Greek boxers, softened by idealism, but admirable for strength and
+symmetry; and the Apoxyomenos, a man scraping himself with a strigil, as
+was the custom in the baths (Fig. 12). This is a work of the third
+century, after the artists had imported their knowledge of anatomy into
+their works, which had effects both good and bad. And beside the
+Apoxyomenos I place an athlete by Tait McKenzie, produced from the
+careful comparison and measurements of hundreds of young athletes of
+Harvard and Philadelphia (Fig. 13). This is a work of modern idealism
+produced by similar processes to those to which we owe the excellence of
+Greek athletic sculpture.</p>
+
+<div class='c'><table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="">
+<tr><td align='center'><div class="figcenter" style="width: 223px;">
+<img src="images/illus-380-1-a.jpg" width="223" height="600" alt="Fig. 12 ATHLETE WITH STRIGIL" title="" />
+<span class="caption">Fig. 12<br />ATHLETE WITH STRIGIL</span></div></td>
+<td align='center'><div class="figcenter" style="width: 227px;">
+<img src="images/illus-380-1-b.jpg" width="227" height="600" alt="Fig. 13 ATHLETE, by Tait McKenzie" title="" />
+<span class="caption">Fig. 13<br />ATHLETE, by Tait McKenzie</span></div></td></tr>
+</table></div>
+
+<p>The types of female beauty come into Greek sculpture later than the
+types of male beauty. In Ionian and early Attic sculpture women appear
+closely wrapped up in drapery. Pheidias and his contemporaries did not
+venture to represent undraped women. They showed the beauties of the
+female form not apart from, but by the help of, drapery. It was reserved
+for the age of Praxiteles and Scopas to represent the Goddess of Love in
+the guise of a nude woman; and Praxiteles made an apology for the
+innovation by introducing the motive of bathing as an explanation and a
+palliation. And even the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">[378]</a></span>
+Aphrodite of Praxiteles is remarkably free from all attempt at sensuous
+attraction, or self-consciousness. Solid, noble, and stately in form,
+she is a type or model rather than an individual. Later sculptors, it is
+true, departed from this line of simple harmoniousness, and tried to
+make the figure more attractive to the average man. But it does not
+become weak, and it does not become vulgar. The noble Aphrodites of the
+fourth century have fixed the type of female beauty in school after
+school of artists down to our own time.</p>
+
+<p>This ideal is perhaps for us best incorporated in the Aphrodite of Melos
+in the Louvre, a work of the Hellenistic age, combining with the great
+fourth-century tradition a perfection of detail and an informing life
+which belong to a later time. But while most people of taste profess a
+devotion to her, that devotion is usually untinged by knowledge or real
+appreciation; for there could hardly be a greater contrast than that
+between the bodily forms of the Goddess of Melos and those of the women
+who are most admired in our days. I was almost disposed to figure side
+by side the Goddess and the bodily forms which figure in our fashion
+plates. The fashion plates do not represent women as they are, but as
+they would like to be; they represent not the actual, but the modern
+ideal. And what an ideal!</p>
+
+<p>Some readers may smile at the notion of taking seriously these ephemeral
+productions. But no one would take them lightly who was familiar with
+the facts of psychology. We well know that when certain types of women
+are set constantly before the rising generation as beautiful and to be
+imitated they will necessarily exercise a great influence on the future
+of the race. Young men will look out for such types to admire and to
+court: young women will try to resemble them. The hideous mistake in
+aesthetics will exercise a constant dragging power, pulling the young
+away from the light and the air of heaven towards the caves of evil
+spirits.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">[379]</a></span>
+Few more charming representations of young womanhood in Greece exist
+than the Artemis from Gabii already cited (Fig. 5). One must confess
+that the divine element in it is but slight. But what could be fresher,
+simpler, more exquisitely natural?</p>
+
+<p>No doubt as in the case of men, so in the case of women, we must make
+allowance for race and climate. A full and rotund development of
+physique is far rarer in northern than in southern Europe. The English
+race is taller, less solidly built, slighter than the ancient Greek.
+Among us hard tendons usually take the place of solid muscles. And the
+practise of athletic games by women undoubtedly tends to make them in
+some respects conform more to the male type. In moderation physical
+exercises may improve health and strength without tending to deprive the
+vital organs of nourishment. But the overtrained woman is farther from
+the healthy life of nature than the overtrained man. And whether the
+overexertion be of the body or of the intelligence, it tends to destroy
+true womanliness.</p>
+
+<p>It is a pity that some sculptor does not do for the ideal of womanhood
+what Dr. Tait McKenzie has done for the ideal of athletic manhood. Of
+course the process would not be the same. No one wants an ideal type of
+the female athlete, unless we wish to restore the race of Amazons, but
+we do sorely need to have before our eyes types which embody the
+physical ideal of efficient womanhood. At present while nude womanhood
+in art conforms in a great measure to the Greek tradition, clothed
+womanhood follows the types of the street, modified by the baseless
+caprices of fashion. The two stand in unreconciled contrast. The Greeks
+when painting women on a vase often drew their figures in outline before
+they added clothes. But any one who tries to draw the outline of the
+female figure beneath the clothes on a fashion-plate will stand aghast
+at what he has produced.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">[380]</a></span>
+Cicero repeats an instructive story in regard to the painter Zeuxis, who
+lived about 400 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> He was commissioned to make
+for the people of Croton a painting of Helen of Troy. He first inquired,
+what seems to have been a matter of common knowledge, who were the most
+beautifully made young men in that city, which was noted for its
+athletes. He next asked that he should be allowed to study the forms of
+the sisters of these men, judging that the sisters must partake of the
+beauty of the brothers. Out of these he selected five girls for more
+continued study, and by such aid produced his picture. We cannot suppose
+that he would be so clumsy as to select at random beautiful details from
+each of the five; in that way he would produce only an eclectic
+monstrosity. But, working in the presence of beautiful examples, his
+sense of beauty would rise in tone to the highest of which he was
+capable.</p>
+
+<p>In this story several points are noteworthy. It shows that the type of
+beauty in men was more advanced and more generally recognized than the
+type of beauty in women. And it shows the Greek artistic mind ever on
+the watch to catch some new note of beauty to add to the traditional
+stock. Professor Br&uuml;cke, in his excellent work on the beauties of the
+human form, observes that in the ideal statues of Greece many features
+may be discovered which in the actual world of men and women are very
+rare, but the charm of which can scarcely be disputed. There went on
+from school to school, and from period to period, a sort of accumulation
+of beauty which was ever increasing. Every beautiful model which was
+studied added something to what Br&uuml;cke calls the stock of beauty at the
+disposal of artists.</p>
+
+<h3>VI</h3>
+
+<p>The sixth lamp of Greek art is <i>Patience</i> in striving after perfection.
+In the finer work of Greek sculptors one finds an utterly ungrudging
+expenditure of time and care which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">[381]</a></span>
+reminds one of the working of Nature herself, Nature who is never in
+a hurry, who is never contented with a hasty sketch, but works
+regardless of time. We are told of Protogenes that he spent seven years
+on a single figure, and I think he would have spent seven more if he had
+thought that he could thereby have improved his painting. Nothing
+strikes one more strongly in such works as the charioteer of Delphi and
+the Hermes of Praxiteles than the pains taken with every detail. It is
+by careful work, continued through successive generations, that
+sculpture attained such mastery in the representation of the muscles of
+the body as we find in the Borghese fighting figure of the Louvre, and
+such delicacy in the rendering of drapery as we find in the Victories of
+the Balustrade at Athens, or the Victory of Samothrace.</p>
+
+<p>But the delicacy and minuteness of Greek work is of course most obvious
+in the reliefs of coins and in gems. The coins were not primarily meant
+to please the eye, but to circulate in the fish-market; yet a multitude
+of the dies are so exquisitely finished that they lose little when
+magnified to many diameters, and will bear the most critical
+examination. The intaglio gems were meant for the sealing of documents,
+the seal taking the place of the modern signature; but the figures upon
+seals are in their way as finished as great works of sculpture. Seals
+even more usually than coins gain rather than lose if they are enlarged.
+Yet they were executed without the help of magnifying glasses. Their
+subjects are taken from the widest field, the figures of deities, tales
+from mythology, portraits, animal forms; like the coins they introduced
+as an undercurrent to the prosaic life of every day an element of poetry
+and imagination.</p>
+
+<h3>VII</h3>
+
+<p>The seventh lamp, which goes as naturally with idealism as care and
+patience go with naturalism, is joy, <i>joie de vivre</i>.
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">[382]</a></span>
+Keats has expressed the Greek sense of art in an immortal line,
+&lsquo;A thing of beauty is a joy for ever&rsquo;. It was the
+overflowing gladness which lies at the root of creation and evolution
+which took eternal form in the painting and sculpture of the Greeks and
+inspired all their works. The same irrepressible joy which gives colour
+to the flowers, sweetness to the fruit, song to the birds, and sexual
+desire to mankind reached here one of its most perfect manifestations.
+The life of the Greeks was by no means one of unmixed happiness. Each
+city was not unfrequently at war with its neighbours; and the penalty of
+complete defeat was sometimes the razing of its walls, the slaughter of
+its men, and the enslavement of its women. Disease, even plague,
+constantly ravaged the land; and the resources of modern surgery and
+modern anaesthetics were not present to curb their ravages. The life of
+the majority in country huts, and still more in the slums of the cities,
+most of all in the mines, was rougher and more sordid than is the case
+in the modern world, in countries in their normal state. And the people
+had not even that hope of a blessed hereafter which sustained the people
+of the Middle Ages. Yet under all these clouds, their spirit was hopeful
+and aspiring. And their art reflects ever the brighter side of things.
+Surely they were wise and right. We seek out works of art not to foster
+pessimism but to inspire optimism, not to show us the world of nature on
+its repulsive side, but to reveal to us how much underlying beauty is to
+be found in it. &lsquo;&rsquo;Tis life not death for which we pant, More
+life and fuller that we want.&rsquo;</p>
+
+<p>At the same time, Greek art in some forms was extremely serious and
+keenly alive to the darker side of existence. The Greeks invented
+tragedy, the poetical reflection of the severity of fate. Would any
+modern audience be found, which would be prepared to sit for a whole
+summer day listening eagerly to the grand expression by such poets as
+Aeschylus and Sophocles of the power of Nemesis, the instability of all
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">[383]</a></span>
+prosperity, the misfortunes which hunt those who have the ill luck to
+displease the gods? Surely not. And not in Greek tragedy only, but in
+elegiac poetry and in epigram, we find perfect reflections of our most
+gloomy moods. But for such expressions of sorrow and despair the Greeks
+felt that sculpture, and even painting, were not suitable vehicles. They
+belong to moods, and are not suitable for illustration in the market
+place and the temple. The roads which led to Greek cities were
+frequently bordered with monumental tombs. If in the reliefs and
+inscriptions of these tombs there had been any telling echo of the
+sorrow and regret of bereaved survivors, every one would have entered
+the cities in a black mood. As it is, as every one who has been in the
+museums of Athens knows, the sepulchral artists carefully avoided
+anything which might harrow the feelings. They represented the dead at
+their best, engaged in victorious warfare, or in athletic sports or in
+the happy family circle. A gentle air of melancholy could not be
+avoided; but there was nothing to shock, nothing to oppress the spirits.
+The deceased represented seemed still to share the occupations and
+pleasures of the living, not to be shut off from the world of happiness.</p>
+
+<p>Milton has expressed, in his magnificent prose, the profound joy of the
+world of the Renaissance at the recovery of the Bible, and free liberty
+of reading it, after it had been shut away from the laity by the
+organized Church. Equally intense, and more exuberant, was the delight
+of scholars and artists, when the asceticism and pessimism of the Middle
+Ages, which had given birth to such bodies as the Carmelite monks and
+the mendicant friars, gave way before the revival of Greek literature
+and art. The world seemed suddenly to have renewed its youth. No doubt
+the sudden expansion led to foul excesses; but it was yet a great
+landmark in human progress.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384">[384]</a></span></p>
+<h3>VIII</h3>
+
+<p>The eighth light of Greek art is <i>Fellowship</i>. Perhaps there is no
+quality in it which is more instructive for our days than this. The
+extreme individualism which is the most remarkable characteristic of
+modern times lays the utmost stress on the right or the duty of an
+artist to express <i>himself</i> in his work, to work out his own vein of
+originality, to give to the world a rendering of his own qualities and
+individuality. And no doubt no great artist can help doing this in a
+measure. When he works he must be himself; he can only see the world
+through the medium of his character and talents. And as every man is a
+microcosm, a reflection in miniature of the great world of human beings,
+what is really good and original in an artist must appeal to something
+in the human world; must have a meaning for people of a certain class or
+a certain training, or a certain country. But whether an artist is the
+better for a conscious attempt thus to externalize his personality;
+whether he is improved by being self-conscious and reflective in his art
+is a different question.</p>
+
+<p>Scarcely any feature of Greek art is more impressive to a student than
+its continuous and uninterrupted course. When once it has started it
+does not turn back, but goes forward steadily, for a time rising
+superior to difficulty after difficulty, attaining a higher and higher
+level, then in the fifth century branching out in various directions
+into styles and groups, then going on with great technical skill, but
+with a loss of inspiration. It is a course of evolution as steady as
+that of any kind of plant or animal. This shows that it did not depend
+upon the rise of successive men of talent or genius, each of whom was
+intent on expressing himself; but upon the rise and influence of
+successive artistic schools, each of which did not merely follow the
+personality of a founder or teacher, but stood for a phase in the
+development of the common life<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">[385]</a></span>
+of the Greek people. The schools were Ionian or Dorian, Attic or
+Argive, and harmonized with the whole civilization of such fractions of
+the race. Ionian art went with the gay and pleasure-loving ways of the
+Asiatic coast. Dorian art reflected the restraint, the balance, the
+self-control of the people of Peloponnesus. Attic art not only conformed
+to the refined taste of the people of Athens, but suited also the strong
+mental bias of the most intellectual city which ever existed. Of course
+these schools did not flourish in complete isolation one from the other;
+city influenced city and artist artist; but in a far less degree than
+would be the case now. A school of sculpture was a species; and all the
+individuals of the species were more like one another than they were
+like any of their contemporaries outside.</p>
+
+<p>Thus when we examine any work of Greek sculpture, before the eclectic
+schools came into being, we find it easy to determine its period, often
+within narrow limits, and we are usually able to assign it with
+confidence to a particular school, imperfect as is our knowledge of the
+history of Greek art. But we can scarcely ever say that it is the work
+of an individual artist, unless it stands on a basis bearing the
+author&rsquo;s name, or unless ancient critics and historians have left
+us detailed descriptions of a work which survives. I am speaking of
+Greek originals; the copies of earlier works made by Greek artists of a
+late period for Roman galleries are often so confused in style and so
+careless in execution that they serve only to mislead, even if they have
+escaped the Italian restorer of recent date.</p>
+
+<p>Great and connected series of statues and reliefs, such as constitute
+the sculptural adornment of such temples as that of Zeus at Olympia or
+the Parthenon or the Mausoleum, are the joint productions of a number of
+sculptors who worked together, no doubt under the general supervision of
+some architect or chief mason, but probably under very little control.
+Such works combine considerable variety in execution with
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386">[386]</a></span>
+a general similarity so great that a superficial observer does not see
+their differences. Public opinion in London seems to hold that Pheidias
+made the whole of the pediments and the frieze of the Parthenon; though
+in some cases contiguous figures are so markedly various amid the
+general likeness as to prove separate hands. In the case of the
+Erechtheum at Athens there is extant a long list of payments to a number
+of artists for the several figures of the frieze. There was no general
+contractor, no artist who hired his masons by the day, but every man who
+produced one of the figures in relief was paid for it sixty drachmas,
+without regard to its difficulty or its simplicity.</p>
+
+<p>It is comparatively easy to get a set of skilled stone-masons to carry
+out with exactness a plan of which all the details are worked out for
+them, and which requires only faithful copying. And it must have been
+easy for a set of Egyptian sculptors who made their figures according to
+a rigid conventional pattern to produce a uniform result. But for a
+number of skilled workers who were allowed great liberty in detail to
+produce an harmonious whole was infinitely harder. And that the Greek
+masons regularly accomplished this result shows how strong upon them was
+the influence of the school. Nor did they merely work from nature; but
+their production was of an idealizing kind. It is clear that they must
+have had not merely similar tools and similar mechanical processes, but
+the same purposes and ideals. They must have had what we should call a
+collective personality. It is more than probable that among the workers
+on the Parthenon were Alcamenes and Agoracritus, two sculptors who rose
+to great fame. It is certain that among the workers on the Erechtheum
+was Praxias, a pupil of Calamis, and probably a relative of Praxiteles.
+The distinction between artist and mason, so marked in our day, scarcely
+existed in Greece. The mason who had talent became a noted sculptor; and
+the sculptor, instead of making a model in wax or plaster,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387">[387]</a></span>
+set to work, like Michelangelo, on the block of marble himself.
+Probably sometimes, like Benvenuto Cellini, he cast his own bronze
+statues.</p>
+
+<p>Generally in all great periods of art there is such fellowship. And in
+sculpture in particular the design and the execution are so closely
+connected that it is an abuse to assign the two functions to different
+men, and even to different classes of men. Greece was pre-eminently the
+land of productive guilds, of families of artists, of groups of workers
+who were of one heart and one spirit, and who therefore worked in one
+style. One of the closest parallels to a Greek school of sculpture is to
+be found in the group of Pre-Raphaelite artists of the middle of the
+last century, Morris, Burne-Jones, Rossetti, Millais, Collins, and their
+companions. This group had a religious or ideal starting-point in the
+revived Anglo-Catholicism which arose in Oxford at the time, and they
+had principles of art in common which they embodied in their work. Their
+paintings, before they diverged one from another, form a distinct
+species, and have an interest for the historian of civilization greater
+than that of any other English school.</p>
+
+<h3>IX</h3>
+
+<p>In order that we may estimate the influence of Greek art on the
+civilization of Europe, it is necessary briefly to trace its
+reappearances through the ages. Its first conquest was Rome. The
+victorious Roman Generals, Marcellus, Scipio, Flamininus, Mummius, and
+others, brought to the imperial city, to adorn their triumphs, an
+immense quantity of Greek sculpture and paintings, of which they robbed
+the great storehouses of works of art in the temples and stoae of
+Hellas, Sicily, and Asia Minor. The earlier Emperors, especially Nero,
+followed their example, so that in the time of Pliny the naturalist all
+the public places of Rome were crowded with sculptures of bronze
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388">[388]</a></span>
+and marble and with the painted masterpieces of great artists. It
+became fashionable for wealthy Romans, such as Hortensius and Cicero, to
+stock their country-houses with such works. Even so, the demand was not
+satisfied; and Greek artists were imported into Rome, where they set up
+great workshops, and poured out an incessant stream of fresh works of
+art. Of such our modern museums are full. Generally speaking they are of
+little artistic merit, copies of various degrees of excellence of the
+great works of earlier generations. For the Roman plutocrats had little
+taste. Because certain figures or groups had a great reputation, and
+especially because they had been purchased at a high price by Greek
+cities and kings, the Roman collector liked to have copies of them in
+his villa; and the artists who produced these copies were mere workers
+for hire, without originality and without aspirations. Sometimes when
+employed on such works as the Arch of Titus, or the Column of Trajan,
+the novelty of the theme stimulated the artist to attempt something of a
+more original kind. And occasionally the fire within took course and
+produced a finer work than ordinary. Under the art-loving Emperor
+Hadrian there was a sort of St. Martin&rsquo;s summer of sculpture; but
+its productions were smooth, elegant and refined rather than original or
+interesting. The charm of art was not appreciated by the Roman people;
+only the few who professed cultivation really cared whether a figure was
+good or bad, and even the few were a little ashamed of their
+preferences.</p>
+
+<p>Into the Roman Empire, in the first three centuries of our era,
+Christianity gradually ate its way. It originated among the Jews, to
+whom all representation of living things was hateful. And it developed
+under the influence of Greek oriental mysticism, which had no kinship
+with sculpture and painting; and so far as it had any expression in
+those arts worked in the direction of that symbolism against which Greek
+art was a protest. Thus we could not expect any fresh
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_389" id="Page_389">[389]</a></span>
+inspiration for art from early Christianity; on the contrary,
+Christianity would work upon it as a blighting influence. If we examine
+the remains of Christian art in those early centuries, in sarcophagus
+and mural painting, we find that it merely copied the contemporary pagan
+art, only changing the subjects portrayed, and introducing a further
+development in the symbolic interpretation of ordinary scenes.</p>
+
+<p>Christianity offered almost no field for the exercise of Greek
+anthropomorphism. The latter was closely bound up with polytheism and
+hero-worship. The Christian Apostles and Saints, who took the place of
+the pagan Deities, were men who had lived on the earth and whose deeds
+belonged not to mythology but to history, although at the time the line
+between history and mythology was not clearly drawn, and history was
+largely diluted with myth. A few impersonations of nature, such as
+river-gods, lingered on in the paintings of the Roman catacombs. And
+winged genii were common there, whether cupids or cherubs it would be
+hard to say. But there was no realm into which artistic fancy could
+stray, filling it with super-men and super-women. Angels might be
+portrayed; but they all came from the Jewish angelology; and there was
+no artistic tradition as to their types: it was only later that the
+types of Michael, Raphael, Gabriel, and others were distinguished.</p>
+
+<p>The second principle of Greek art, balance and symmetry, had almost
+disappeared in pagan art in the Antonine age. The reliefs of triumphal
+arches and of sarcophagi are crowded with figures inserted without order
+or method. Even the mural paintings of Pompeii have escaped from
+control; and show no purposeful arrangement. Law and order have given
+place to individual fancy, unless in cases where earlier schemes are
+adopted. And with artistic arrangement has disappeared all attempt to
+idealize, to produce forms nobler and more beautiful than those seen
+every day. The figure of Antinous is the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_390" id="Page_390">[390]</a></span>
+latest in which we find any attempt to produce a type of ideal beauty.
+Even the Virgin Mary and her Son are depicted without any attempt to
+render them beautiful. Nor indeed does naturalism fare better than
+idealism. The representation of the human body is no longer studied. The
+figures are clothed: and the clothing is purely conventional, while the
+features of the landscape are far less carefully introduced than in
+Hellenistic Greek art.</p>
+
+<p>In fact one feels that the artist had little interest in his art. Scenes
+from the Old and the New Testament are the usual subjects. But the
+depiction is little more than picture-writing, mere copies of
+traditional groups. The only thing regarded as of any interest is the
+meaning. The ethical and spiritual point of view overlies and smothers
+any interest in the representation.</p>
+
+<p>And this predominance of the didactic element over the sense of
+proportion, the love of beauty, the appreciation of nature prevails more
+and more as Europe slowly moves towards the dark ages. The lamps of
+Greek art burn more and more dimly. They are never wholly extinguished;
+for in all ages there are born artists to whom they are the light of
+life; and in mediaeval carvings one finds here and there a touch of
+humanism, most often in grotesque or satyric figures. We must never
+forget that some of the later masterpieces of Greek work, such as the
+Column of Trajan and the Arch of Beneventum, were always to be seen. And
+little as they were appreciated by ordinary people, an artist here and
+there derived from them some appreciation of the beauty of humanity.</p>
+
+<p>Then in the thirteenth century the dry bones began to come together. The
+breath of fresh life stirred Europe, or at least parts of Europe, such
+as North Italy, Southern Germany, Eastern France. The magnificent Gothic
+Cathedrals rising in the north called forth the talent of the painter
+and the sculptor for their adornment. A great Christian art arose,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_391" id="Page_391">[391]</a></span>
+and in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries flourished widely.
+Certain qualities of high art it certainly had. It was lighted by the
+lamp of fellowship. The sculpture was the work not of individuals, but
+of guilds, groups of workers of the same style, and inspired by the same
+motives. It attained to great beauty in decoration, in the adaptation to
+architectural purpose of the forms of plants and flowers. Where it was
+most defective was in the rendering of the human form, whether nude or
+draped, for in such matters the artists had no schooling to be compared
+with that of the Greeks.</p>
+
+<p>When the full Renaissance came with the dispersion of the educated
+Greeks through Europe, there was a conscious reawakening of the artistic
+influence of Greece, contemporaneously with the revived interest in
+Greek literature and philosophy. A few great works of ancient sculpture,
+the Laocoon, the Dying Gaul of the Capitol, the Apollo Belvedere were
+discovered; and collections of ancient gems and coins were formed by
+many of the wealthy. We can judge from the life of Benvenuto Cellini how
+profound was the effect produced by such discoveries. The great Italians
+of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries felt as if they had climbed out
+of darkness into light. To rival works of Greek art was looked upon as
+the highest ambition which an artist could cherish. Sculptors so great
+as Donatello and Michelangelo took the scanty remains of Greek
+masterpieces as their models, and measured their attainments by the
+degree of success which they reached in copying them. The lamps of Greek
+balance and symmetry, Greek idealism, and Greek naturalism were
+rekindled, and the crowd of artists vied one with another in walking by
+their light.</p>
+
+<p>We may mark four stages in the rediscovery of Greek sculpture. The first
+is the Italian Renaissance already mentioned. The second originated in
+the visit of Winckelmann to Italy in 1755, and the application by Goethe
+and Lessing of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_392" id="Page_392">[392]</a></span>
+his discoveries to the judgement of contemporary art. It tended greatly
+to the raising and purifying of the artistic taste of Europe. The
+splendid promise of the Renaissance had degenerated into the mannerism
+and extravagance of Bernini and his contemporaries. Winckelmann called
+it back to simplicity, to self-restraint, to ideality. But before long
+this teaching also was perverted; and such sculptors as Thorwaldsen and
+Canova were misled by the defects of the inferior examples of Greek
+sculpture, which were the only ones accessible to Winckelmann, into a
+slavish copy of the antique or works of an artificial grand style. Then
+came the third wave of revived Greek influence, when the sculptures of
+the Parthenon found a home in London, and critics were able to observe
+how infinitely superior the masterpieces of a really great age were to
+the copies of Roman times and the adaptations of the Hellenistic age.
+When Haydon the painter first saw the Parthenon marbles he was immensely
+impressed; but that which struck him most strongly was not the ideality,
+for which they have since become proverbial, but the wonderful
+naturalism of much of their detail in contrast to the grandiose
+conventions of his contemporaries. The fourth stage in our knowledge of
+Greek sculpture comes from the very fruitful excavations on Greek soil,
+especially at Athens, Olympia, and Delphi, which have shown us how
+widely varied is the range of the ancient sculptors, how many their
+styles, how admirable their technique. This extension of our knowledge
+has not, it is true, as yet much affected contemporary art, as art was
+affected by the teachings of Winckelmann and the publishing of the
+marbles of the Parthenon. Until last year there was no book in English
+setting forth the results of the excavations of Delphi; and there is
+even now no book in English performing the same service for the
+excavations at Olympia. Sculptors are so little educated in the history
+of their craft, that they do not easily learn from new sources of
+knowledge.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_393" id="Page_393">[393]</a></span>
+But by degrees, beyond doubt, the new views of Greek art will filter
+down to them. A few recently discovered sculptures, such as the
+Charioteer of Delphi, the Hermes of Praxiteles, the bronze head from
+Beneventum in the Louvre, the Demeter of Cnidus, have by their
+overpowering charm affected artists and art. And most sculptors profess
+a great admiration for Greek works, notably Rodin, who, although the
+tendency of his works is not in a classical direction, yet uses the
+strongest language in praising the Greek masterpieces. But in general
+the tendency of art towards extreme individualism and the search after
+novelty have more than counteracted the somewhat shallow admiration of
+sculptors for what is antique.</p>
+
+<h3>X</h3>
+
+<p>At present religion and culture alike are struggling against the waves
+of barbarism reinvading. It is not my business to speak here of the
+forces which are trying to crush religion among us. But I may fitly
+conclude by sketching some of the tendencies against which culture based
+upon that of Greece is our best antidote. If I have rightly set forth
+the principles of Greek literature and art in past pages, the nature of
+their influence under present conditions will be clear.</p>
+
+<p>I must venture on a parallel which seems to me very suggestive, though
+some readers may regard it as risky. There are two great standards set
+up in the past, to control the wayward fanaticisms of men, and to keep
+them within the bounds of reason and good sense. The standard in
+religion is set by the New Testament: the standard in art is set by
+Greece. As at the Renaissance the peoples of Europe went back for their
+inspiration and their models to the literature and the art of Hellas, so
+at the Reformation they, or at all events the Teutonic races, went back
+to the early records of Christianity, appealing to them against the
+venality and corruption of the dominant<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_394" id="Page_394">[394]</a></span>
+Church. And ever since, at intervals, there has arisen, alike in the
+field of culture and in that of religion, an echo of the appeal to the
+classical past. It is to the New Testament that Apostles like John
+Wesley and George Fox made their appeal, setting up in opposition to the
+conventions and worldliness of the Church in their times the
+spirituality and simplicity of the apostolic age, just as Goethe and
+Lessing turned men&rsquo;s minds from what was contrary to reason and
+good taste in their surroundings to Greek beauty and simplicity. And
+however some of the followers of Wesley and Fox may have gone beyond due
+bounds towards fanaticism, yet in every branch of the Christian Society
+the influence of those modern prophets has been renovating and
+purifying, just as the schools of critics which followed Goethe tended
+greatly to increase among us sweetness and light.</p>
+
+<p>In our schools and colleges, until quite lately, the religion of the New
+Testament and the tradition of the Greek and Roman Classics have gone
+together, the one preserving us from superstition and materialism in
+religion, the other making war upon the inherited barbarisms and
+brutalities which we have from our not very distant ancestors. The
+spirit of anarchy in religion would persuade us that there is no divine
+sanction for goodness and no eternal stamp on vice, that morality is a
+matter of convention which every society and every nation has a right to
+invert if it judges such inversion in the line of its interests. The
+spirit of anarchy in art proclaims that all the works of nature are
+equally beautiful or equally ugly, that nothing which exists is unfit to
+be represented in our galleries and public places, that so long as a
+picture or a statue arouses a sentiment it does not matter whether the
+sentiment be one of delight and aspiration or one of horror. If once the
+idea of beauty as the end to be aimed at be expelled from art, art sinks
+like a stone to the bottom of the sea. Some people are ready to tolerate
+any monstrosity in art, however remote<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_395" id="Page_395">[395]</a></span>
+from nature, however offensive to decency, however repugnant to
+humanity. The whole artistic inheritance of the race from the day when
+men began to climb out of barbarism is liable to be thrown away by an
+age which has unbounded confidence in its own wisdom.</p>
+
+<p>I should, however, be sorry to stop at this point, for I might leave on
+readers the impression that I am in favour of the mere imitation of
+works of Greek art. That is by no means my view. In the last century
+several sculptors, overpowered by the charm of the antique, produced
+statues which closely followed ancient patterns, such as the Hope and
+the Hebe of Thorwaldsen, some of the statues of Rauch and Schadow, and
+the tinted Venus of Gibson. Such works were necessarily stillborn; they
+had not in them any breath of the life of a new age, any attempt to
+conform to changed conditions. Very different was the following of the
+antique by Michelangelo. He admired with enthusiasm such works of the
+Greek chisel as he knew; but he produced not dull and academic
+reflections of them, but works of the most splendid originality and the
+greatest charm. He imbibed not the letter but the spirit of Greek art;
+and even succeeded better than most artists in combining that spirit
+with a breath of Christianity.</p>
+
+<p>The parallel which I have drawn may be carried farther. A reversion to
+the letter of the New Testament writers has been often attempted by
+considerable religious leaders of our time, especially Tolstoi and the
+Quakers. They have gone back to the injunctions of the Sermon on the
+Mount, and tried literally to abide by them. But it has become apparent
+to all but fanatics that such procedure would be fatal to civil
+government and civilized life. It is the spirit not the letter of the
+teaching of Jesus which is life-giving. In just the same way an
+acceptance of the mere externals of Greek art would not help us at all;
+but a revival of its spirit would be a great inspiration to modern
+artists. The lamps of Greek art will<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_396" id="Page_396">[396]</a></span>
+give light in any age. Greek idealism, Greek balance and measure, Greek
+love of what is natural and healthful, Greek simplicity and moderation
+are of the very essence of good art in all ages. We can no more revive
+the exact conditions under which art arose than we can import into
+England the clear air, the bright sun, the clear-cut shadows of the
+Greek landscape. But we can still look up to the philosophy, the poetry,
+and the art of Greece as classical, as a revelation of what is most
+pleasing and most enduring in human nature. And if we neglect them and
+reject them from the education of our children, we shall destroy what
+has been ever since the Renaissance the source of pure joy and refined
+feeling in the majority of cultured men; we shall make a great gap which
+material prosperity, a deeper knowledge of the secrets of nature, the
+invention of fresh modes of amusement, can never fill. And if we trust
+merely to the reflections of the Greek spirit in modern literature and
+art, we shall be acting as the Roman Church in its darker ages has
+acted, in shutting away from the people recourse to the primary
+documents of religion, and obliging them to be content with such
+interpretations of those documents as the ruling hierarchy judged to be
+useful. We must retain the right of appeal to our classical examples,
+whether in religion, in literature, or in art. Arnold was right. The
+Bible, Homer, Shakespeare, Greek art remain the stars by which we may
+direct our course over stormy seas.</p>
+
+<p class='sig sc'>P. Gardner.</p>
+
+<hr /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_397" id="Page_397">[397]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="ARCHITECTURE" id="ARCHITECTURE"></a>ARCHITECTURE</h2>
+
+<p>Nobody has ever disputed the beauty of Greek Architecture. We recognize
+the justice of a description of the Parthenon as &lsquo;le supr&ecirc;me
+effort du g&eacute;nie &agrave; la poursuite du beau&rsquo;; but the layman must
+sometimes ask himself what does it mean? Where did it come from, where
+did it go to, why is it thought so beautiful, how was it that this
+people relatively insignificant in power, in territory, and in numbers,
+was able to attain to this astonishing supremacy in art? These are
+questions not easily answered. The evidence is fragmentary and not
+always conclusive, the ruins of a few temples and buildings, a technical
+treatise by a garrulous third-rate writer in the first century <span class='lc sc'>A.
+D.</span>,<a name="FNanchor_125_125" id="FNanchor_125_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a>
+the anecdotes of an indefatigable collector<a name="FNanchor_126_126" id="FNanchor_126_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a>
+a little later, the notes of a traveller in the second
+century,<a name="FNanchor_127_127" id="FNanchor_127_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a>
+and the materials collected by the patient research of scholars and
+archaeologists, pieced together on more or less ingenious hypotheses.
+Indeed, a great part of what is written on Greek Architecture is simply
+hypothesis. There is not much to go on, yet Greek Architecture (and by
+this I mean the architecture of the sixth and fifth centuries <span
+class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>) remains one of the great outstanding facts in the
+history of the Architecture of the Western world, and the Art of the age
+of Pericles is the fountain-head to which artists still return.</p>
+
+<p>Where that art sprang from, and how it grew, is largely a matter of
+speculation. There have been legends of civilizations wiped out in
+tremendous cataclysms that left no trace behind them. Vague suggestions
+are made that the cradle<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_398" id="Page_398">[398]</a></span>
+of the race was in Asia. All we know for certain is that the earliest
+civilizations of which actual historical evidence remains are those of
+Chaldea and Egypt, and that the art of these countries reached a high
+degree of attainment long before we come upon the earliest traces of art
+of any sort in Greece. That both these countries contributed in varying
+degrees to the art of Greece is certain, but that is not the whole of
+the story. As we shall see, another element comes into play, which made
+of that art almost a new creation, differing in outlook and ideal from
+any art that preceded it, stamped by the genius of a vigorous northern
+race with a character all its own. The art of the East and the art of
+the West never really fused. There is a difference in kind between the
+joyous vitality of pure Greek art, and the gloomy vision of Asia, with
+its craving for the vast and terrible, its sombre imagination, its lack
+of humanity and indifference to the individual.</p>
+
+<p>It is not, however, till far down in the progress of history that this
+differentiation asserts itself. Greek art is relatively a late
+development. The Great Pyramid at Ghizeh was built some 2,000 years
+before a stone was laid of the masonry of Mycenae. The Hall of Columns
+of Karnak, with its columns sixty feet high, was probably coeval with
+the Treasury of Atreus: in other words, when the art of Greece and of
+the islands was scarcely out of the barbaric stage, a wonderful art had
+been in existence across the Mediterranean from time immemorial. Both
+Egypt and Chaldea attained a high degree of civilization long before the
+Dorians were ever heard of. At some remote period the Egyptian influence
+penetrated to Crete and Cyprus, the islands of the Aegean, and the
+mainland of Greece; and the intermediaries were the Phoenicians, that
+enterprising race of merchant adventurers, whose home was in Syria, and
+whose fleets traversed the Mediterranean from East to West. The
+Phoenicians were traders and not artists. In Egypt they came into
+contact with a highly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_399" id="Page_399">[399]</a></span>
+developed art, beyond their comprehension in its essential features,
+yet including details which could easily be apprehended by their quick
+commercial intelligence. Wherever they touched on their voyages, Cyprus,
+Crete, the southern islands of the Aegean, the mainland of Greece, the
+south of Italy, Sicily, Carthage, the Balearic islands, Spain in the far
+west, they probably carried with them, for trading purposes, minor
+articles of Egyptian workmanship which may have supplied hints to the
+indigenous peoples. Where they established settlements, they reproduced
+what they could recollect of the methods of Egyptian architecture,
+possessing at second-hand a knowledge of technical methods in advance of
+anything within the knowledge of the people among whom they settled.
+Rudimentary anticipations of the Ionic volute are found in Phoenician
+capitals, vague reminiscences of what the traders had seen in Egypt and
+elsewhere. Moreover, the Phoenicians, who possessed the skill of sailors
+in the use of tackle, would have had little difficulty in handling large
+stones set dry in more or less regular courses, which was a
+characteristic feature of Cretan and Mycenaean building. It is too soon
+to describe the work as architecture. It is doubtful if the Phoenicians
+possessed any aptitude for the arts. Their r&ocirc;le was that of
+intermediaries only.</p>
+
+<p>Obscure as was the part played by the Phoenicians in the early origins
+of art in Greece and the islands, there was another channel through
+which Eastern influences came to bear on its development, which is even
+more uncertain. To the west of Chaldea and north of Syria, dwelt a race
+of which little is known, the Hittites. Carchemish, their capital, was
+on the upper Euphrates, north-east of Antioch, and their power appears
+to have extended westward through Asia Minor to the shores of the
+Aegean. Dr. Sayce says that in the thirteenth century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>
+it extended from &lsquo;the banks of the Euphrates to the shores of the
+Aegean, including both the cultured Semites<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_400" id="Page_400">[400]</a></span>
+of Syria and the rude barbarians of the Greek Seas&rsquo;, he even says
+that the Hittites &lsquo;brought the civilization of the East to the
+barbarous tribes of the distant West&rsquo;. What actually remains of
+Hittite art hardly bears out this statement. When the Hittite power was
+at its height, Minoan &lsquo;art&rsquo; had long been practised in
+Crete, and according to the most popular chronology, had already passed
+its prime and given way to the art of Mycenae and Tiryns. The scanty
+evidence of Hittite art consists of bas-reliefs of figures and animals
+cut on the face of rocks along the natural caravan routes through Asia
+Minor from East to West. This and the evidence of seals and engraved
+gems show that Hittite art was derived first from Chaldea, later from
+Egypt. It undoubtedly exercised some influence on the art of the early
+Greek settlers on the eastern side of the Aegean, and gave it an Asiatic
+cast, which it never lost throughout all its later developments. For the
+Greeks of Asia Minor never really understood the austere ideal of Doric
+art. Ionian art crossed westward to Greece, but the Dorian never went
+east. It was the art of a strong northern race, that found no place for
+itself among the softer peoples of Asia Minor.</p>
+
+<p>At this point we can take up the first rudimentary beginnings of Greek
+art. The discoveries of the last forty years have proved the existence
+in Crete and Cyprus, Southern Greece, and the islands of the Aegean, of
+an archaic art of obscure origin, of very great interest, and of
+remarkable attainment in certain directions, long before the earliest
+beginnings of what we mean when we speak of Greek architecture. So far
+as architecture is concerned, this archaic art is of relatively minor
+importance. It plays a small part, if any, in subsequent developments,
+and though enthusiastic explorers claim to find in it anticipations of
+the details of modern domestic architecture, the evidence produced is
+unconvincing. Great movements in the arts always owe some debt to the
+periods that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_401" id="Page_401">[401]</a></span>
+have preceded them, but Minoan and Mycenaean art, at any rate in
+regard to architecture, was rather the last word of a decaying
+civilization than the first herald of the glorious art of Greece in the
+sixth and fifth centuries <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> We are still
+far back in remote ages, remote that is so far as Greek art is
+concerned, anywhere between 2000 and 1000 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> or even
+earlier,<a name="FNanchor_128_128" id="FNanchor_128_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a>
+back in the Minoan age of Crete with its rudimentary architecture, and
+its relatively high excellence in the crafts, and in the age of Mycenae
+and Tiryns, the age that produced the Lion Gate at Mycenae, and that
+strange half-barbaric work, if I may be pardoned the term, the Treasury
+of Atreus. It is worth pausing to consider these archaic buildings, not
+so much to show a relationship to later work (which scarcely existed),
+as to call attention to the fact that the Minoan and Mycenaean builders
+were moving unconsciously in a direction that would never have led to
+the column and lintel architecture of the seventh and sixth centuries
+<span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> It might have led to some form of dome
+construction, it could never have led to the Doric of the Sicilian
+temples. No stronger evidence of the genius of the Dorian invaders could
+be produced than that, with this unpromising art in possession, they
+were yet able in the course of three or four centuries to create Greek
+architecture. The design of the Lion Gate is a strange jumble of
+ill-adjusted motives. It is set in a wall of great stones roughly
+squared and laid dry. Two monolith jambs support a huge lintel, cambered
+in the middle like the tie-beams of our sixteenth-century roofs. Above
+the lintel the courses are gathered over, leaving between their lower
+faces and the top <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_402" id="Page_402">[402]</a></span>
+of the lintel a triangular space of a steep pitch (about 60&deg;), in
+which was inserted a frontispiece carved on a single stone representing
+two lions standing up on either side of an archaic column supporting a
+fragment of a rudimentary architrave.<a name="FNanchor_129_129" id="FNanchor_129_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a>
+The heraldic pose of the lions and the technique of their sculpture, so
+suggestive of Assyrian reliefs with their splendid sense of muscular
+form and energy, are far ahead of an architecture that is still
+barbaric, scarcely architecture at all. There is here nothing to suggest
+the Doric of Paestum and Selinus, much to recall the megalithic
+buildings of Syria, and the sculpture of the farther East.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 443px;">
+<img src="images/illus-400-1.jpg" width="443" height="600" alt="Fig. 1. LION GATE, MYCENAE" title="" />
+<span class="caption">Fig. 1. LION GATE, MYCENAE</span></div>
+
+<p>The Treasury of Atreus is still more remarkable, not only because it
+shows more skill in building, but because its design is based on a
+structural motive which seems to have been wholly abandoned by the
+successors of the Mycenaean builders. The Treasury of Atreus (or Tomb of
+Agamemnon) was excavated in a hill, and consists of a long passage about
+120 ft. by 21 ft. wide, with retaining walls of megalithic masonry on
+either side, terminating in a great entrance doorway. This doorway is
+flanked on either side by columns tapering downwards, and decorated with
+chevrons in a manner very similar to Norman work of the eleventh
+century, and apparently intended solely for ornament.<a name="FNanchor_130_130" id="FNanchor_130_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a>
+The entrance opened into a circular domed chamber about 48 ft. 6 in. in
+diameter, 45 ft. 4 in. high, out of which opened another smaller
+chamber. The dome, in section, is built on the curve of a parabola,
+formed with courses projecting over one another, and not set out radial
+to the curve of the dome&mdash;in other words it is not a true dome or
+arch, but a succession of corbels. The internal face of the dome is
+dressed down, and was covered with ornament of some sort, whether metal
+rosettes,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_403" id="Page_403">[403]</a></span>
+or enamelled terra-cotta, or wholly in metal, possibly the famous gold
+of Mycenae, is not known. The whole of this chamber was covered in with
+a mound of earth, in accordance with the primitive custom of concealing
+the chieftain&rsquo;s grave. It is impossible to find, in this extremely
+interesting monument or in the domed chamber of Orchomenos in Boeotia,
+any trace of future developments in Greek architecture. Both in
+intention and in its psychological background it seems almost as remote
+from the Doric Temple as the Great Pyramid itself. In point of fact
+architecture was still in a rudimentary stage. It has been proved
+abundantly that Architecture comes late in the sequence of the Arts.
+People could draw well, long before they could design. Among the
+cavemen, for example, there were admirable draughtsmen, but they had to
+make their drawings on the sides of caves. That there existed in the
+Minoan and Mycenaean ages skilful potters and metal-workers, is shown by
+the vases of Knossos and the gold cups found at Vaphio near Sparta; that
+they built habitable buildings and decorated them to the best of their
+ability is also proved, as, for example, the palace of Tiryns, but it
+has not yet been shown that their builders reached the degree of skilled
+design, at which building becomes architecture. Architecture had not yet
+found itself in Greece.</p>
+
+<p>Then somewhere about 1000 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> came the Dorian
+invasions, and the art of Crete and Mycenae vanished into
+space&mdash;possibly the legend was right which said that the conquered
+people of the mainland carried it away with them to Asia. Anyhow, the
+three or four centuries following the Dorian invasions are a blank which
+future research may fill out for us, and so far as art is concerned,
+there appears to have been a <i>d&eacute;tente</i>, during which the new race
+was settling down to its conquest, finding itself, and assimilating
+something at any rate of the older civilization. The survival of such
+buildings as the Treasury of Atreus show that the Dorians were not
+simple<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_404" id="Page_404">[404]</a></span>
+barbarians, destroying all that came in their way. Even Sparta in its
+earlier days was not a mere military machine. Discoveries made in 1906-9
+suggest that from the ninth to the seventh centuries <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> Sparta had
+some sort of an art of its own showing traces of Asiatic influence in
+its pottery&mdash;a little later Sparta concluded an alliance with
+Croesus, King of Lydia, and Bathycles, an artist of Magnesia in Ionia,
+was treated with honour in Sparta. The Dorians were something more than
+fighters, they seem to have possessed some sort of civilization, and to
+have been endowed with a natural capacity for the arts, which after two
+or three centuries of experiment will find its own splendid expression
+within very definite and original lines. The legend of the return of the
+Heracleidae was to be justified by their later history. No merely
+imitative race could have evolved the perfect manner of the great Doric
+temples from the scraps of Egypt and the East, and the rudimentary
+buildings of Crete and Mycenae.</p>
+
+<p>Greek architecture for the purpose of this study is Dorian architecture,
+and its elements are simple. It was evolved in the design of their
+temples, and with the exception of their theatres it was summed up in
+these temples. From the period during which Greek architecture was being
+built up to its maturity, say from the seventh century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>
+to the completion of the Parthenon in the fifth century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>,
+the whole life of the Greek was coloured and dominated by his religion
+and its observances; and his religion was not the sinister mystery of
+Egypt, but on the whole a cheerful open-air Pantheism that gloried in
+the life and beauty of the visible world in which he lived. He himself
+was content to live in a poor house, so long as he had his market-place,
+his ceremonial theatre, and the glorious temples of his Gods. Moreover,
+to whatever depths the Athenians may have sunk in the time of St. Paul,
+in the heroic days of Pericles they were remarkable for constancy of
+purpose and the steadfastness of their ideals. They<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_405" id="Page_405">[405]</a></span>
+stood on the ancient ways, and it never occurred to them to abandon the
+tradition of their fathers, their business was to carry it forward to
+perfection. The result was that the architecture of their temples
+proceeded on lines that long use had made sacrosanct; and its technique
+is summed up in the history of two orders, the Doric and the
+Ionic.<a name="FNanchor_131_131" id="FNanchor_131_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a></p>
+
+<p>Now, the order, its character, dimensions and disposition, with the wall
+of the Cella (or enclosed shrine) within the colonnade, summed up the
+elements, the vocabulary, if one may so put it, of Greek architecture;
+and we come here at the outset on a curious quality of the Greek genius,
+and one that differentiates it from the Roman. The properties of wood
+and stone as materials are clearly different, things can be done with
+the one which are impossible with the other; but the Greeks either did
+not realize this or did not trouble their heads about it. They found
+that the post and lintel was a simple means of building, and they
+adopted it as their permanent method of construction. If the span became
+too wide, they thickened the posts (the columns of Paestum are 7 ft. in
+diameter) and increased the strength of the beam (the architrave). Hence
+the vast solidity of the Doric order of the temples of Sicily and Magna
+Graecia. The Greek was incurious about construction <i>qua</i> construction.
+He found, in the column and the lintel, means perfectly adequate to
+realize his ideal of high unalterable beauty, and he was content. The
+Romans, who for a time were satisfied with these simple methods, became
+impatient of the constructive limitation of the post and lintel. They
+wanted to cover in great spaces,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_406" id="Page_406">[406]</a></span>
+and to leave the floor unencumbered; and concentrating on this they
+arrived at the arch, the vault, and the dome, and so became the greatest
+builders of the world. To them, the orders were a mere appanage of
+decoration, which they never properly appreciated, of which they mistook
+the intention, adopted the worst elements, and often enough made a gross
+misuse. The Greeks took another line. They adopted the column and lintel
+once for all as the only possible method of construction, and devoted
+all their labours to the incessant refinement of this type, eliminating
+the unessential, arriving by constant selection at the most perfect
+expression of their purpose, and their purpose was not that of the Roman
+and the modern architect, mainly utilitarian, it was directed entirely
+to the aesthetic appeal, the appeal to the emotions through beauty of
+line, of form, and in a less degree of colour. &lsquo;The whole fabric
+of Greek art goes to pieces when it is brought into contact with a
+purely utilitarian nation like Rome.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_132_132" id="FNanchor_132_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a></p>
+
+<p>Of the two orders, the Doric and the Ionic, the Doric seems to me the
+purest embodiment of the true Greek spirit, in its faultless form, and
+its austere restraint and rejection of the unessential. It was,
+moreover, the order <i>par excellence</i> of the Greek temple of the
+mainland. The Erechtheum was the only Ionic temple of first-rate
+importance in Greece, and the employment of the Ionic order in Greece
+was confined to interiors and minor buildings. As for the Corinthian
+order, the favourite order of the Romans, it was scarcely recognized by
+the Greeks. In all their great temples, in Greece, in Sicily, and Magna
+Graecia, they used the Doric order.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;">
+<img src="images/illus-406-7.jpg" width="600" height="261" alt="Fig. 2. TEMPLE OF NEPTUNE AT PAESTUM" title="" />
+<span class="caption">Fig. 2. TEMPLE OF NEPTUNE AT PAESTUM</span></div>
+
+<p>How this order was arrived at we do not really know. Ingenious
+conjectures have been made as to its origin in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_407" id="Page_407">[407]</a></span>
+wooden construction, and though some of these conjectures are more
+probable than others they leave us pretty well where we were in regard
+to the stages by which it reached its final form. It has been suggested
+that the Doric column originated in the wooden post of the earliest
+temples, such as are supposed to have existed in the Heraion at Olympia.
+The square post would have its angles taken off, and become an octagon,
+and the further elimination of the angles would gradually produce a form
+nearly circular in plan, in which the arrises of the chamfered angles
+would remain, and this might easily suggest to artists so sensitive as
+the Greeks, their further refinement and definition by a slight hollow
+between the arrises which would constitute the flutings of the Doric
+column. Its derivations from the Minoan and Mycenaean columns seems most
+improbable. There are two essential parts in the Doric column, the shaft
+and the capital (the Greeks did not use any base for this order). The
+Minoan columns taper downwards instead of upwards, an utterly
+unconstructional form, and though in the palace of Knossos and at Tiryns
+columns of this shape appear to have been used to carry lintels, the
+stone columns on either side of the entrance to the Treasury of Atreus
+at Mycenae were used for decorative and not for structural purposes. On
+the other hand columns of great massiveness tapering upwards had been
+used long before in Egypt; and though there is evidence against it, it
+still seems probable that the suggestion of the shaft of the Doric
+column may have come from Egypt. We first find it in Greece in the
+seventh century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> at the period when
+Psammetichus I (671-617 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>) opened Egypt
+to Greek trade and settlement. The Greek colony of Naukratis on the west
+side of the Nile delta was founded by Milesians about 650
+<span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> and by the middle of the sixth century
+<span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> definite trade relations were established
+between Naukratis and the mainland of Greece. The Greek settlement at
+Daphnae on the eastern arm of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_408" id="Page_408">[408]</a></span>
+Nile appears to have been founded at about the same time as Naukratis,
+in both cases with the sanction and encouragement of the Egyptian king.
+The earliest Doric temples in Greece, Sicily, and Magna Graecia date
+from the end of the seventh century and early part of the sixth century.
+The nearness of date makes it probable that the shaft of the Doric order
+had its origin in the Egyptian column seen by some quick-witted Greek
+when trading in Egypt. When we come to the capital of the column, the
+r&ocirc;les seem to be reversed, for we find nothing in Egyptian
+architecture to suggest the echinus moulding under the square abacus of
+the Doric column; whereas the Mycenaean column had a rudimentary capital
+which may have suggested the idea of the Doric capital. But the notable
+thing about it is that when we first come across the Doric capital in
+Sicily and Greece, it is already far in advance of anything that had
+gone before it in Greece, and it is quite different from the columns of
+Egypt. In the Doric temple of Corinth (650-600 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>)
+the columns have already reached the type form, the tapered shaft with
+its entasis or slight convex curvature in outline, its massive solidity
+(the ratio is one of diameter to four and a quarter of height), and the
+bold parabolic curve of the echinus moulding under the abacus of its
+cap. In this form, the Doric column was an absolutely fresh note in
+architecture. Archaic though they were, these columns at Corinth show
+that the Greeks were already on the track of those refinements of form,
+those optical corrections and compensations, which differentiate Greek
+architecture from that of any other race. The exaggeration in the
+entasis of the archaic column disappears, its tapering was diminished,
+its height increased, and the overhang of the capitals reduced, till in
+the Theseion (465 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>) and the Parthenon (450-438
+<span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>) we reach the final inimitable type. The
+column, which at Paestum was not much over four times the height of its
+correct diameter, is now over five times, the great overhanging
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_409" id="Page_409">[409]</a></span>
+capitals are reduced to reasonable dimensions, the depth of the
+entablature is diminished, the axis of the column is slightly inclined
+inwards to give the impression of stability, the shafts have the slight
+curve or &lsquo;entasis&rsquo; just sufficiently marked to prevent the
+outline of the column looking incurved; the lines of the stylobate, or
+continuous base, on which the columns stand, and the entablature which
+they carry, have a slight rise toward the centre in order to correct the
+impression of the lines sinking in the middle; the columns at the angles
+are thickened, because standing free with the light all round them they
+would otherwise appear smaller than the columns standing against the
+background of the building. Nothing was left to chance; every aspect of
+the building, the relation of every part to the whole, and of the whole
+to its part, was studied profoundly, so that there should be no failure
+in its perfect harmony. Except in Egyptian architecture, and there to a
+much smaller extent, nothing like this had been done before. What the
+Greeks did, was to formulate a rhythmical architecture, in which each
+part stood in a definite and considered relation to the whole, so that
+even in their ruined state these Doric temples give an irresistible
+impression of a great idea, a great architectural epic, in which each
+detail, however beautiful, was subordinated to the unity of the
+conception as a whole. It is this abstract quality which lifts Greek
+Doric so far above the ambitious art of later ages, and indeed above all
+but the very finest work of any period of architecture.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;">
+<img src="images/illus-410-1.jpg" width="600" height="280" alt="Fig. 3. DORIC TEMPLE, CORINTH" title="" />
+<span class="caption">Fig. 3. DORIC TEMPLE, CORINTH</span></div>
+
+<p>Many attempts have been made to discover the secret of this wonderful
+perfection of proportion. That the Greeks had a system of their own,
+that they worked to definite ratios of dimension and number, and
+employed graphic methods of determining their proportions, such as the
+use of triangles and the like to determine the limits of their designs,
+seems certain. But no contemporary account of any such system remains;
+and all the explanations that are given are <i>ex post facto</i>, made
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_410" id="Page_410">[410]</a></span>
+by theorists analysing existing buildings, not by architects designing
+new ones. Some four or five hundred years later Vitruvius compiled a
+treatise on architecture, in which, following the doctrines of the
+school of Alexandria, he expounded a Greek theory of proportion on the
+basis of the human figure. Vitruvius is obscure, and does not seem to
+have been certain himself whether the proportion of the parts of a
+design were to bear a relation to the whole, analogous to that of
+members of a human body to the body as a whole, or whether the
+proportions of the order were to be taken from the actual proportions of
+the human body; and he complicates the position by reference to the
+&lsquo;perfect numbers&rsquo; of the Greeks. But here again he was
+uncertain whether the &lsquo;perfect number&rsquo; was ten or six. After
+which, and having, in his reference to the human figure as the canon of
+proportion, unwittingly set a trap for the scholars and artists of the
+Renaissance, he drops the subject and digresses into a general
+classification of temples, with formal rules for the placing and
+dimensions of columns, which have formed the staple of treatises on
+classical architecture ever since. One should speak with gratitude of
+the labours of Vitruvius, because, after all, his is the only technical
+treatise left us on the subject; but he applied to the pure Greek
+temples a system evolved centuries later by critics and theorists; he
+was thinking chiefly of Roman versions of Greek architecture, and he was
+more interested in technical rules and precepts for the use of
+architects than in that abstract beauty which was all the Greek cared
+for. No classification, however laborious, will reach the mystery of
+Greek architecture. Its beauty is too subtle to be reduced to any
+formula.</p>
+
+<p>The Doric order reigned supreme throughout the great period from the
+sixth till the end of the fifth century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>
+It failed with the failure of the high ideals of Athens. Other forces
+came into play to which it no longer responded, and later Greek critics
+even found fault with the Doric order<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_411" id="Page_411">[411]</a></span>
+for certain &lsquo;mendosae et inconvenientes
+symmetriae&rsquo;;<a name="FNanchor_133_133" id="FNanchor_133_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a>
+but that order, the true symbol of the sons of Heracles, was one of the
+most momentous contributions ever made to the art of architecture. It
+was the keynote of Greek architecture throughout its finest period.
+Later it was superseded by the Ionic order, and when Rome became
+paramount in the western world, that, in its turn, yielded its place of
+pride to the Corinthian order, opulent, luxurious, a little vulgar, a
+true register of the lowering of the sense and standard of beauty that
+followed the downfall of Athens.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile, on the other side of the Aegean, the Ionic order was reaching
+its perfect form through a similar process of systematic thought on a
+type definitely adopted. The Greek colonies in Asia Minor were of very
+early origin. Legend attributed their foundation to the earlier
+inhabitants of Greece, driven out by the Dorians. By the sixth century
+<span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> the Greek colonies were well established
+on the west and south-west coasts of Asia Minor, and had evolved their
+own characteristic architectural idiom in the Ionic order and its
+column, more slender than the Doric, with its moulded base and its
+strange characteristic capital, unsuitable from the constructional point
+of view in stone or marble, yet ultimately attaining the exquisite
+beauty of line and modelling of the capitals of the Erechtheion at
+Athens. Two things seem fairly certain as to the origin of this capital;
+first, that it was derived from the wooden horizontal head-pieces fixed
+on posts to reduce the bearing of the primitive wooden lintels; and,
+secondly, that the first suggestion of the volute reached
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_412" id="Page_412">[412]</a></span>
+the Ionian Greeks from the East. A crude anticipation of the volute is
+found in Phoenician work, and it also appears on a Hittite relief at
+Boghaz Keui in the middle of Asia Minor. Its origin in either case was
+oriental, and we have here the other motive in Greek architecture,
+Eastern, at any rate exotic, and, as compared with Doric, almost alien
+to the true Greek genius. Yet this astonishing people gave it a form as
+far removed from its barbarous originals, as the Doric capitals of the
+Parthenon from the capitals of the columns of Mycenae, and when the
+Greeks of both sides of the Aegean drew together after the defeat of the
+Persians, the Ionic order crossed the sea, and assumed a place of honour
+in the temples of Greece, still, however, with rare exceptions, in
+subordination to the Doric order. In the colonies in Asia Minor, the
+supremacy of the Ionic order had long been recognized. The Ionic temple
+of Hera at Samos, 368 ft. long by 178 ft. wide, is supposed to have been
+built at the end of the sixth or early in the fifth century <span
+class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>, and this was the forerunner of the great
+fourth-century temples of Ionia, built when Architecture had changed its
+direction and Hellenistic Art was beginning its adventurous career.</p>
+
+<p>With these two orders as the terms and idioms of expression the Greeks
+built up the architecture of their temples. Their plans were the
+simplest possible. The rudimentary type was a simple chamber or cella,
+with a loggia open to the air except for two columns standing between
+the two extremities of the side walls, which terminated in pilasters
+known as &lsquo;antae&rsquo;.<a name="FNanchor_134_134" id="FNanchor_134_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a>
+The next stage was to bring the colonnade forward,<a name="FNanchor_135_135" id="FNanchor_135_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a>
+stage number three repeated the column at the other end of the
+building,<a name="FNanchor_136_136" id="FNanchor_136_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a>
+stage number four continued the colonnade along the
+sides,<a name="FNanchor_137_137" id="FNanchor_137_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a>
+stage number five doubled the colonnade on all
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_413" id="Page_413">[413]</a></span>
+four sides,<a name="FNanchor_138_138" id="FNanchor_138_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a>
+and stage number six retained the outer rows of columns but omitted the
+inner row along the sides, leaving a wide passage-way all round the main
+building.<a name="FNanchor_139_139" id="FNanchor_139_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a>
+Vitruvius gives a further classification by the spacing of columns which
+will be found in all the handbooks of classic architecture. With minor
+variations in detail, these types remained constant for the temples of
+Greece and Rome. The principal alterations occurred in the extension of
+the temple proper, at the expense of the surrounding colonnade. In the
+Archaic temples, such as the older temples of Selinus in Sicily (sixth
+century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>), the portico and colonnade
+occupy three-quarters of the site. In the temple of Hephaestus
+(Theseion) at Athens (fifth century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>)
+the cella occupies only a little more than half the total area, and in
+the Parthenon, built some twenty years later, the size of the cella is
+still further increased. Most of these temples were covered in.
+Hypaethral temples, in which the cella was open to the sky, are
+mentioned by Vitruvius, and it is probable that some of the larger ones
+at any rate were partly open to the sky. But how the openings were
+arranged is almost entirely a matter of conjecture. The roof used was of
+a very flat pitch, one of height to four of base, later it was even
+flatter, and this dictated the slope of the pediments. This roof covered
+the whole of the building, that is, both the cella and the colonnades on
+either side of it, and as the Greeks were ignorant of the principle of
+the triangulated truss built up of beams in compression and tension,
+they were at a loss to know how to carry their roof without pushing out
+their walls. Hence the great solidity of their buildings, and the rather
+clumsy expedient of the colonnades in the interiors of temples which
+appear to have been the only means they could think of to carry the
+roof. One has to bear it in mind in thinking of Greek architecture, that
+the Greeks were not constructors in the sense that the Romans were; they
+built well, and the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_414" id="Page_414">[414]</a></span>
+best of their masonry was extraordinarily skilful&mdash;only by unusual
+skill in the cutting and setting of stone could they have carried out
+the delicate curves in the columns and other parts of their
+buildings&mdash;but construction, in the sense of the invention of new
+methods to meet difficult conditions, did not interest the Greek, and
+one cannot help thinking that the Greeks may have been more successful
+with the outside of their buildings than with the inside. It seems clear
+that they devoted most of their attention to the external elevations. It
+is not really known for certain how they lit their temples, though of
+course all sorts of suggestions of top-lighting have been made. It is
+possible that in some cases they were lit only from the principal
+entrance, and it is certain that the Greek did not want for the interior
+of his temple any such floods of light as are necessary under our
+northern skies. In the first place, he enjoyed a most brilliant and
+penetrating light, so that within his colonnades reflected light was
+amply sufficient to show the friezes and other ornaments, and he did not
+hesitate to use strong primary colours to heighten and explain their
+effect, wherever he found it necessary. In the second place, within the
+shrine itself, other considerations came into play. A certain luminous
+atmosphere, rather than positive light was what was aimed at, and the
+deep shadows of these internal colonnades might have helped this effect,
+adding to the mystery of the figure of the God.</p>
+
+<p>This, too, may be the explanation of what must strike an architect as an
+anomaly of design, the Greek habit of placing enormous figures in the
+interior of their temples. The Greek, in his own way, was a very
+religious man. In his temple, he was doing his utmost to set forth the
+majesty of his God, and if it was necessary for this purpose he was even
+prepared to sacrifice his principles as an artist, to ignore the scale
+of his interior and the rhythmic harmony of his design, by the
+introduction of gigantic figures. The eye judges by what it
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_415" id="Page_415">[415]</a></span>
+knows, and the readiest way of arriving at some idea of the size of a
+building or a monument is by relating it to the normal size of the human
+figure. Vitruvius, in his confused way, suggested that the human figure
+was the canon and standard of architectural design, but how is it
+possible to determine the scale of a building which contained a figure
+at least six times the size of a man, reaching from the floor to the
+roof? The chryselephantine figure of Zeus at Olympia, made by Pheidias,
+is supposed to have been some thirty-five feet high, and to have reached
+nearly to the roof, passing the double tier of columns and the gallery
+above the aisles of the cella. Moreover, this god was represented as
+seated on his throne, so that by no possibility could it have been in
+scale with the building so far as the architecture was concerned. Even
+the gigantic temple of Zeus at Agrigentum with its external columns 61
+ft. 9 in. in height, and large enough for a man to stand within one of
+the flutings of the columns, could hardly have stood up to figures on
+such a scale as this. Such a violent contrast in scale broke the
+principle of <span class='t' title='symmetria'>συμμετρια</span>, that
+strict relation of the part to the whole which the Greek artists
+maintained elsewhere with scrupulous care. Artists with such a
+consummate sense of proportion as the Greeks possessed would hardly have
+made a mistake here, and the conclusion one comes to is that where their
+religion was in question, everything had to give way. Indeed, one can
+imagine the tremendous effect of this colossal figure seen dimly in the
+half-light of the cella, filling the whole temple with its presence. The
+same anomaly in scale occurred in the Akropolis at Athens, where the
+vast figure of Athene Promachos must have reduced the beautiful
+Caryatides of the Erechtheum to insignificance. M. Choisy makes a
+gallant effort to show that this want of relationship in scale, and also
+in the siting of the temples, was deliberate and considered. As a fact,
+the general rule that seems to have been observed in the time of
+Pericles was that new temples should always be built on
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_416" id="Page_416">[416]</a></span>
+the site of the older ones,<a name="FNanchor_140_140" id="FNanchor_140_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a>
+but axis lines were neglected, and even the masses of the Propylaea,
+beautiful building as it must have been, did not balance. The Akropolis
+was just a collection of unrelated buildings, and in the great Temenos
+of Delphi the various monuments were all
+anyhow.<a name="FNanchor_141_141" id="FNanchor_141_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a>
+The Sacred Way meandered about like an <b>S</b>, and the only method it
+observed was to clear the various treasuries and shrines which appear to
+have been scattered about within the enclosure, with a disregard of each
+other little less than brutal&mdash;a rather suggestive symbol of the
+internecine rivalry of the small Greek states. At Delphi, also, there
+was a huge figure of Apollo Sitalkas said to have been seventeen metres
+high, which must have been hopelessly out of scale. The fact was that
+Greek architects of the fifth century had not yet arrived at the
+conception of the city as a whole. They had an admirable eye for a site,
+for example, the position of the Parthenon itself, and the temple of
+Hera Lacinia at Agrigentum placed high above the sea, but it is
+unhistorical to invest even the architects of the Parthenon and the
+Propylaea with a knowledge and outlook which was not thought of till a
+hundred years later. Even the Greek architects and sculptors of the
+fifth century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> were not omniscient, yet within their limits, in
+their mastery of what they set themselves to do, the artists of the age
+of Pericles remain unapproachable, and theirs was the Golden Age of
+Architecture. They had fixed for all time essential elements of the art,
+and had set up a standard of attainment in pure form which no subsequent
+architecture has ever been able to reach.</p>
+
+<p>The fall of Athens closed this splendid chapter, but Greek
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_417" id="Page_417">[417]</a></span>
+architecture was by no means done with. The Silver Age, the Hellenistic
+art that followed, is of intense interest. With the rise of the
+Macedonian monarchy the stage of history shifted from the mainland to
+the Ionian colonies on the coast of Asia Minor. Cities such as Ephesus
+and Miletus became immensely prosperous, Mausolus of Halicarnassus, the
+Attalids of Pergamon, possessed wealth that would have been unimaginable
+to the Greeks of Marathon. The City State, fighting desperately for its
+existence, inspired by high ideals of patriotism and religion, was a
+thing of the past. These Greeks of Ionia were well content to enjoy the
+comfort and prosperity of a settled civilization without having to fight
+for it; and the whole atmosphere of their existence must have been
+different from the strenuous life of Greece in the fifth century.
+Moreover, the Ionian Greek, influenced, even if subconsciously, by the
+spirit of Asia, was by temperament unable to maintain the intellectual
+level of the Doric architecture of the mainland; and a difference
+appears in the whole orientation of art, in sculpture perhaps even more
+than in architecture. The history of Hellenistic art has yet to be
+written. It has been described as decadent, and it was undoubtedly
+responsible for some very poor stuff, but it also produced the
+&lsquo;Victory&rsquo; of Samothrace, one of the finest things ever done
+in sculpture, and some very remarkable developments in architecture. It
+is not to be judged by the standards of the art that preceded it. The
+Ionian Greek of the fourth and third centuries <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>
+broke away from the tradition of the mainland, a tradition always rather
+alien to his instincts. His interest lay less in a somewhat impersonal
+religion than in the assertion of his own individuality. He did not
+understand the lofty patriotism, and the high ideal of abstract beauty
+that had inspired Pericles and his artists in the Akropolis; indeed,
+there is a curiously modern feeling about much of his work, which became
+more marked as he came under the dominance of Rome. The individualism,
+the realism, the revivalism, and the commercialism
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_418" id="Page_418">[418]</a></span>
+of modern art, were all anticipated by the Hellenistic artists of
+Ionia, of Rhodes, of Alexandria, and of Athens itself in the Roman
+period. Civilization was becoming more complex, and one finds this
+reflected in Hellenistic art, at once more florid than the Doric of the
+fourth century, yet also more skilful in its handling of complicated
+problems of planning and design. No one wanted archaic simplicity when
+the wealth of Asia was flowing into the treasuries of the Ionian states,
+and the expression of this opulent ease is found in their magnificent
+temples, such as the third temple of Artemis at Ephesus, of which the
+outer colonnade measured 342 ft. 6 in. by 163 ft. 9 in., or the vast
+temple of Apollo Didymaeus at Miletus, 165 ft. wide by 360 ft. long out
+to out of the colonnades; or the amazing monument of Mausolus of Caria
+at Halicarnassus, or the great altar of Pergamon. Fragments of the
+columns of the Temple of Artemis, now in the British Museum, tell of its
+size and richness, they also give the first hint of the downfall of art
+and civilization which was to follow centuries later. The Greeks of the
+great period had kept the structural parts of their building free of
+ornament. It would never have occurred to them to interfere with the
+lines of the column in any way that would contradict its purpose; but
+the Greek architects of Ephesus not only placed their columns on
+pedestals (making them so far less stable in appearance), but they
+adorned the lower part of their Ionic columns with figures, of admirable
+execution, but perfectly inappropriate in the position they occupy. One
+cannot imagine Pheidias making a mistake such as this. Splendid in
+execution as Hellenistic sculpture often was, it won its place at the
+expense of architecture; one looks in vain for that selection and
+restraint which give its undying distinction to the earlier work.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;">
+<img src="images/illus-416-7.jpg" width="600" height="248" alt="Fig. 4. TEMPLE OF THESEUS, ATHENS" title="" />
+<span class="caption">Fig. 4. TEMPLE OF THESEUS, ATHENS</span></div>
+
+<p>The Greeks of the fifth century realized that architecture is an art
+with a definite purpose other than that of a mere vehicle for sculpture,
+and that it makes its aesthetic appeal by its own inherent qualities of
+rhythm, and proportion, spacing,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_419" id="Page_419">[419]</a></span>
+mass, and outline. Though they used sculpture and colour to heighten
+and intensify the effect of their architecture, they saw very clearly
+the function of the arts in relation to each other, and kept their
+sculpture and their colour in strict relation to the aesthetic purpose
+of their architecture. It is a point on which later architects went
+lamentably astray. A great deal of early Renaissance work is mere
+ornamentation of buildings, indeed in buildings such as the Certosa of
+Pavia the architecture has almost ceased to exist; and most of the bad
+architecture of the last fifty years is due to the deplorable fallacy
+that ornament is architecture. The columns of Ephesus, the sculpture of
+the altar of Pergamon, brilliant as they were in technical
+accomplishment, were the first hint of that decline which was in time to
+undermine the whole fabric of the Arts. Architecture was deposed from
+its high intellectual dominance. It tended more and more to become a
+conventional affair, and it was an easy transition from the exuberance
+of Hellenistic art to the point-blank vulgarity of Roman ornamental
+architecture.</p>
+
+<p>It was, however, inevitable that the fine simplicity of Periclean art
+should vanish with its ideals, and one finds a certain compensation in
+the extension of the range and outlook of architecture, which we owe to
+the Hellenistic architects of the fourth and succeeding centuries
+<span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> So far as perfection of form was concerned,
+it was impossible to carry the art beyond the stage to which Ictinus and
+Callicrates had brought it; but there still remained something, and
+something very important, to be done. Axial planning, the consideration
+of the relation of building to building, seem to have been outside the
+consciousness of Greeks of the fifth century, and each building was
+treated as an unrelated unit. But the inconvenience of this, its loss of
+opportunity, and the necessity of order and method, must have become
+apparent, as civilization became more complex and more exacting. By the
+end of the fourth century <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span> the tradition
+of architectural <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_420" id="Page_420">[420]</a></span>
+technique was firmly established, and architects were able to turn
+their attention to problems of large planning, and these they seem to
+have handled with extraordinary skill. So far, what had been done in
+this direction had been due to religious inspiration, as in the
+processional ways leading to the Egyptian temples or the avenue of
+figures at Branchidae. What the Hellenistic architects did was to think
+out consecutive schemes of city planning, in which the dominant motive
+of arrangement was artistic. They had learnt to treat the temples, the
+public buildings, the open spaces and approaches, as the elements of one
+harmonious composition, in which the utmost use was made of the natural
+opportunities of the site. At Ephesus, for example, there is supposed to
+have existed a consecutive scheme, larger than anything of the kind
+carried out even in France in the eighteenth century, though the
+evidence, it should be noted, is largely conjectural. As presented by
+sanguine and enthusiastic restorers the scheme was magnificent. Next the
+port, and facing it on one side, was the Arsenal, a regular building
+opening on to a court surrounded by a colonnade, which again opened on
+to the great &lsquo;Place&rsquo;, a square enclosure some 850 ft. wide
+north and south, by 650 ft. east and west,<a name="FNanchor_142_142" id="FNanchor_142_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a>
+surrounded by a colonnade on all four sides, with exhedrae, or
+semicircular recesses. In the centre of this Place was an oblong
+water-piece, about 300 ft. by 200 ft., and on the farther side, opposite
+the Arsenal buildings, were the Senate House and other public buildings;
+and behind these and to the right and left of them the Theatre and the
+Stadium, partly excavated in Mount Coressus. The Arsenal, the great
+Place with its water-piece, and the public buildings, were laid out on
+an axis line, and on a regular rectangulated plan.</p>
+
+<p>A scheme such as this (if it is possible to accept a conjectural
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_421" id="Page_421">[421]</a></span>
+restoration), thought out in all its bearings, meant a real advance in
+the range of architecture. It is useless to look for the faultless
+beauty of the fifth century, but the resourcefulness and skill of the
+Hellenistic architects gave a new meaning to the art; and indeed they
+might almost be said to have established the first stage in the
+development of its modern practice. It was from these able Hellenistic
+architects that the Romans learnt the monumental planning of their
+cities, and for centuries the architects most frequently employed were
+Greeks of Asia Minor. At this point, Hellenistic architecture merges
+into Roman, and loses its distinctive character. Through Roman it passes
+on to modern architecture, and so in a sense the chain is complete; but
+between this later art and pure Greek architecture there is a great gulf
+fixed, differences not only of technique but of outlook, of ideal, and
+of temperament. The mighty Doric of Paestum, Selinus, and Segesta, the
+Theseion and the Parthenon, remains for all time the perfect expression
+of the soul of ancient Greece.</p>
+
+<p>It is one of the ironies of history that when in the fifteenth and
+sixteenth centuries scholars and artists awoke to the fact that there
+had been a great architecture in the past they should have known of no
+other version of it but the Roman. What splendid developments might have
+followed if the finer spirits of the Renaissance, Alberti, Bramante, or
+Peruzzi, had founded their theories of architecture on the temples of
+Sicily and Magna Graecia, instead of on the debased examples of Imperial
+Rome! They, at least, would have caught a glimpse of the beauty of
+abstract form and perfect harmony, the secret of which seems to have
+been revealed to the Greeks alone among the peoples of the world&mdash;and to
+them for only a transient period of their history. Unfortunately, when
+Greek architecture was discovered in the second half of the eighteenth
+century, it became the shibboleth of the &lsquo;virtuosi&rsquo;. The
+national traditions, both of France and England, were lost, Greek
+architecture became the fashion, and the misguided<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_422" id="Page_422">[422]</a></span>
+enthusiasm of pedants and amateurs insisted on literal reproductions
+which completed the extinction of architecture as a vernacular art, and
+replaced it by the series of revivalisms from which it has suffered for
+the last one hundred and fifty years. Conscious and deliberate tinkering
+with the art of architecture ended by destroying it.</p>
+
+<p>We can never hope to revive Greek architecture, nor should we attempt to
+do so. There was once a well-known Scotch architect who held that the
+column and the lintel was the only permissible form of construction, and
+with this limitation and ill-selected Greek details he produced some
+fantastically ugly buildings. Following a similar line of thought a
+famous critic of the last century condemned methods of construction not
+sanctioned by the Old Testament. Both were wide of the mark; because,
+above and beyond all technical details of architecture is the spirit in
+which it is approached, the intellectual outlook of the artist on his
+art, and this may express itself in widely differing forms. In Greek
+architecture of the Golden period, that outlook was definite and
+distinctive, and it was one that has a very urgent lesson for us to-day.
+The aim and ideal of the Greek was beauty of form, and this beauty,
+which he sought in the first instance as the expression of his religion,
+ultimately became almost a religion in itself. To the realization of
+this ideal he devoted all his powers, sparing himself no pains in
+chastening his work till it had attained the utmost perfection possible.
+He merged himself in this work, without thought of the expression of
+himself in his vision of a divine and immutable beauty. It hardly
+occurred to him that his individual emotions were worth preserving. (In
+the sculpture of the great period the expression of the face is usually
+one of unruffled calm.) Although religious emotion was the source and
+inspiration of his work, his work was impersonal. He was aloof from that
+feverish anxiety for self-revelation which has made much modern art so
+interesting pathologically, and so detestable otherwise. Nor again had
+he anything of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_423" id="Page_423">[423]</a></span>
+the virtuoso about him. To him technique was not an end in itself. In
+Hellenistic art it became so, but not in the Golden Age. Indeed, he was
+sometimes almost careless of exact modelling, and in architecture he did
+not use the order as a mere exhibition of scholarship. In his search for
+beautiful form, he stood upon the ancient ways, patient and serene,
+moving steadily to his appointed end. &lsquo;Ainsi proc&egrave;de le
+g&eacute;nie grec, moins soucieux du nouveau que du mieux, il reporte
+vers l&rsquo;&eacute;puration des formes l&rsquo;activit&eacute; que
+d&rsquo;autres d&eacute;pensent en innovations souvent st&eacute;riles,
+jusqu&rsquo;&agrave; ce qu&rsquo;enfin il atteigne l&rsquo;exquise
+mesure dans les efforts, et dans les expressions l&rsquo;absolue
+justesse.&rsquo;<a name="FNanchor_143_143" id="FNanchor_143_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a>
+There have been rare periods since, when Architecture has moved with the
+same calm unhesitating purpose, Gothic architecture, for example, in the
+twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and certain phases of
+eighteenth-century architecture in France and England, when tradition
+was still active and vital, and artists were content to let well alone.</p>
+
+<p>Modern conditions seem to be wholly against the Greek standpoint in art.
+The Arts are in the melting-pot, the old standards of attainment are
+trampled under foot, and the prophets prophesy falsely. Quite lately we
+were asked to find our inspiration in the fetishes of the Gold Coast,
+and if the aim of the artist is to outstrip his brethren in brutality,
+the advice is sound. A recent critic justified the antics of certain
+artists by the necessity they were under of advertising themselves.
+That, no doubt, is the readiest way to immediate success. But the
+question for the critic is, not the personal advancement of the artist
+but the value of his work; and one would ask if any good work at any
+period in the history of art has been inspired by this ambition to shout
+louder than one&rsquo;s neighbours. Certainly, the standpoint of the
+Greek was the exact opposite. He did not seek advertisement and
+notoriety. He was happy with his inner vision of beauty, and intent only
+on its realization. He had not the smallest desire to shock or
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_424" id="Page_424">[424]</a></span>
+startle any one. There are occasions when shock tactics are necessary,
+but they are not necessary every day in the week, nor is it necessary to
+make a clean sweep of the past before one sets to work in one&rsquo;s
+own little corner of art.</p>
+
+<p>What is wanted in modern art is some consciousness of this old Greek
+spirit, some recognition of its value. The Greeks of the age of Pericles
+wanted neither revivalism nor revolution; they moved forward, without
+haste or anxiety, on traditional lines, and they were able to do so
+because their art was so interwoven with their life that, in the plastic
+arts, they could no more have changed their methods of expression than
+they could have changed their manner of speech. That high outlook on
+life is lost and hardly to be recovered under modern conditions of
+social life and political government. It was perhaps only possible under
+the true democracy of the small Greek city state, when every citizen
+took his share in the ordered life of the community. Yet the Greek ideal
+remains. In our fitful fever of honest intention and wrong judgement,
+high endeavour and point-blank commercialism, Greek art, the art of
+Pheidias and Ictinus, is still the wise mother to whom we must return.
+The lesson of the Parthenon is the lesson of a
+<ins class="corr" title="Transcriber's Note: The original showed 'stedfast'.">steadfast</ins>
+vision of beauty, held high above individual effort and failure,
+realizing itself not in complex detail or calculated eccentricity, but
+in a serene and exquisite simplicity of form. It teaches us that in the
+arts there are no short cuts, and that anarchy, the destruction of what
+has been won for us in the past, is not advance but the straight road to
+the bottomless pit of barbarism. Instead of repudiating the work of his
+fathers, the Greek carried it on to its perfection, and built his palace
+of art on a sure foundation because he turned neither to the right hand
+nor to the left, but steadily set his face towards the light.</p>
+
+<p class='sig sc'>Reginald Blomfield.</p>
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="FOOTNOTES" id="FOOTNOTES"></a>FOOTNOTES:</h2>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a>
+Since this paper was first written <i>Euclid</i>, Book I, in the
+Greek, has been edited with a commentary by Sir Thomas Heath (Cambridge
+Press, 1920). It is full of interest and instruction.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
+See my paper on &lsquo;The Socratic Doctrine of the
+Soul&rsquo;. <i>Proceedings of the British Academy</i>, 1915-16, pp. 235
+sqq.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
+In the case of the parabola, the base (as distinct from the
+&lsquo;erect side&rsquo;) of the rectangle is what is called the
+<i>abscissa</i> (Gk. <span class='t' title='apotemnomenê'>αποτεμνομενη</span>,
+&lsquo;cut off&rsquo;) of the ordinate, and the rectangle itself is
+equal to the square on the ordinate. In the case of the central conics,
+the base of the rectangle is &lsquo;the transverse side of the
+figure&rsquo; or the transverse diameter (the diameter of reference),
+and the rectangle is equal to the square on the diameter conjugate to
+the diameter of reference.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
+This word primarily means an all-round athlete, a winner in all five of
+the sports constituting the <span class='t' title='pentathlon'>πενταθλον</span>,
+namely jumping, discus-throwing, running, wrestling, and boxing (or
+javelin-throwing).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a>
+επι δε τουτοις Πυθαγορας την περι αυτην φιλοσοφιαν εις σχημα παιδειας
+ελευθερου μετεστησεν. {epi de toutois Pythagoras tên peri autên
+philosophian eis schêma paideias eleutherou metestêsen.} <i>Procli
+Comment. Euclidis lib. I, Prolegom. II</i> (p. 65, ed. Friedlein).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a>
+The word <i>Biology</i> was introduced by Gottfried Reinhold Treviranus
+(1776-1837) in his <i>Biologie oder die Philosophie der lebenden Natur</i>, 6
+vols., G&ouml;ttingen, 1802-22, and was adopted by J.-B. de Lamarck
+(1744-1829) in his <i>Hydrog&eacute;ologie</i>, Paris, 1802. It is probable
+that the first English use of the word in its modern sense is by Sir
+William Lawrence (1783-1867) in his work <i>On the Physiology, Zoology,
+and Natural History of Man</i>, London, 1819; there are earlier English
+uses of the word, however, contrasted with <i>biography</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a>
+The remains of Alcmaeon are given in H. Diel&rsquo;s <i>Die Fragmente der
+Vorsokratiker</i>, Berlin, 1903, p. 103. Alcmaeon is considered in the
+companion chapter on <i>Greek Medicine</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a>
+Especially the <span class='t' title='peri gynaikeiês physios'>περι
+γυναικειης φυσιος</span>, <i>On the nature of woman</i>, and the
+<span class='t' title='peri gynaikeiôn'>περι γυναικειων</span>,
+<i>On the diseases of women</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a>
+<span class='t' title='peri hebdomadôn'>περι ἑβδομαδων</span>. The Greek
+text is lost. We have, however, an early and barbarous Latin
+translation, and there has recently been printed an Arabic commentary.
+G. Bergstrasser, <i>Pseudogaleni in Hippocratis de septimanis commentarium
+ab Hunnino Q. F. arabice versum</i>, Leipzig, 1914.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a>
+<span class='t' title='peri nousôn d'>περι νουσων δ</span>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a>
+<span class='t' title='peri kardiês'>περι καρδιης</span>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a>
+Especially in the <span class='t' title='peri gonês'>περι γονης</span>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a>
+The three works <span class='t' title='peri gonês, peri physios paidiou,
+peri nousôn d'>περι γονης, περι φυσιος παιδιου, περι νουσων δ</span>, <i>On
+generation</i>, <i>on the nature of the embryo</i>, <i>on diseases, book IV</i>,
+form really one treatise on generation.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a>
+<span class='t' title='peri physios paidiou'>περι φυσιος παιδιου</span>,
+<i>On the nature of the embryo</i>, &sect; 13. The same experience is
+described in the <span class='t' title='peri sarkôn'>περι σαρκων</span>,
+<i>On the muscles</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a>
+<span class='t' title='peri physios paidiou'>περι φυσιος παιδιου</span>,
+<i>On the nature of the embryo</i>, &sect; 29.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a>
+<span class='t' title='peri physios paidiou'>περι φυσιος παιδιου</span>,
+<i>On the nature of the embryo</i>, &sect; 22.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a>
+Ibid. &sect; 23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a>
+It is possible that Theophrastus derived the word pericarp from
+Aristotle. Cp. <i>De anima</i>, ii. 1, 412 b 2. In the passage
+<span class='t' title='to phyllon perikarpiou skepasma, to de
+perikarpion karpou'>το φυλλον περικαρπιου σκεπασμα, το δε περικαρπιον
+καρπου</span>, in the <i>De anima</i> the word does not, however, seem to have the
+full technical force that Theophrastus gives to it.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a>
+<i>Historia plantarum</i>, i. 2, vi.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a>
+<i>Ibid.</i> i. 1, iv.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a>
+<i>Historia plantarum</i>, ii. 1, i.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a>
+<i>Historia plantarum</i>, viii. 1, i.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a>
+Nathaniel Highmore, <i>A History of Generation</i>, London, 1651.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a>
+Marcello Malpighi, <i>Anatome plantarum</i>, London, 1675.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a>
+Nehemiah Grew, <i>Anatomy of Vegetables begun</i>, London, 1672.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a>
+Pliny, <i>Naturalis historia</i>, xiii. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a>
+The curious word <span class='t' title='olynthazein'>ολυνθαζειν</span>,
+here translated <i>to use the wild fig</i>, is from <span class='t'
+title='olynthos'>ολυνθος</span>, a kind of wild fig which seldom ripens. The
+special meaning here given to the word is explained in another work of
+Theophrastus, <i>De causis plantarum</i>, ii. 9, xv. After describing
+caprification in figs, he says το δε επι των φοινικων συμβαινον ου
+ταυτον μεν, εχει δε τινα ὁμοιοτητα τουτω δι&rsquo; ὁ καλουσιν ολυνθαζειν
+αυτους {to de epi tôn phoinikôn symbainon ou tauton men, echei de tina
+homoiotêta toutô di&rsquo; ho kalousin olynthazein autous} &lsquo;The
+same thing is not done with dates, but something analogous to it, whence
+this is called <span class='t' title='olynthazein'>ολυνθαζειν</span>&rsquo;.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a>
+<i>Historia plantarum</i>, ii. 8, iv.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p>
+<a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a>
+Herodotus i. 193.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a>
+<i>Historia plantarum</i>, ii. 8, i.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a>
+<i>Ibid.</i> ii. 8, ii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a>
+<i>Historia plantarum</i>, ii. 8, iv.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a>
+<i>Ibid.</i> i. 1, ix.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a>
+<i>Ibid.</i> iii. 18, x.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a>
+<i>De causis plantarum</i>, ii. 23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a>
+<i>Historia plantarum</i>, i. 13, iii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a>
+See the companion chapter on <i>Greek Medicine</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a>
+The surviving fragments of the works of Crateuas have recently been
+printed by M. Wellmann as an appendix to the text of Dioscorides, <i>De
+materia medica</i>, 3 vols., Berlin, 1906-17, iii. pp. 144-6. The source
+and fate of his plant drawings are discussed in the same author&rsquo;s
+<i>Krateuas</i>, Berlin, 1897.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a>
+The manuscript in question is Med. Graec. 1 at what was the Royal
+Library at Vienna. It is known as the <i>Constantinopolitanus</i>. After the
+war it was taken to St. Mark&rsquo;s at Venice, but either has been or
+is about to be restored to Vienna. A facsimile of this grand manuscript
+was published by Sijthoff, Leyden, 1906.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a>
+The lady in question was Juliana Anicia, daughter of Anicius Olybrius,
+Emperor of the West in 472, and his wife Placidia, daughter of
+Valentinian III. Juliana was betrothed in 479 by the Eastern Emperor
+Zeno to Theodoric the Ostrogoth, but was married, probably in 487 when
+the manuscript was presented to her, to Areobindus, a high military
+officer under the Byzantine Emperor Anastasius.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a>
+The importance of this manuscript as well as the position of Dioscorides
+as medical botanist is discussed by Charles Singer in an article
+&lsquo;Greek Biology and the Rise of Modern Biology&rsquo;, <i>Studies in
+the History and Method of Science</i>, vol. ii, Oxford, 1921.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a>
+This manuscript is at the University Library at Leyden, where it is
+numbered Voss Q 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a>
+A good instance of Galen&rsquo;s teleological point of view is afforded
+by his classical description of <i>the hand</i> in the <span class='t'
+title='peri chreias tôn en anthrôpou sômati moriôn'>περι χρειας των εν
+ανθρωπου σωματι μοριων</span>, <i>On the uses of the parts of the body of man</i>,
+i. 1. This passage is available in English in a tract by Thomas Bellott,
+London, 1840.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a>
+The early European translations from the Arabic are tabulated with
+unparalleled learning by M. Steinschneider, &lsquo;Die Europ&auml;ischen
+Uebersetzungen aus dem Arabischen bis Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts&rsquo;,
+in the <i>Sitzungsberichte der kais. Akad. der Wissenschaften in Wien</i>,
+cxlix and cli, Vienna, 1904 and 1905.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a>
+C. H. Haskins, &lsquo;The reception of Arabic science in England,&rsquo;
+<i>English Historical Review</i>, London, 1915, p. 56.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a>
+Roger Bacon, <i>Opus majus</i>, edited by J. H. Bridges, 3 vols., London,
+1897-1900. Vol. iii, p. 66.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a>
+On the Aristotelian translations of Scott see A. H. Querfeld, <i>Michael
+Scottus und seine Schrift, De secretis naturae</i>, Leipzig, 1919; and C.
+H. Haskins, &lsquo;Michael Scot and Frederick II&rsquo; in <i>Isis</i>, ii.
+250, Brussels, 1922.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a>
+J. G. Schneider, <i>Aristotelis de animalibus historiae</i>, Leipzig, 1811,
+p. cxxvi. L. Dittmeyer, <i>Guilelmi Moerbekensis translatio commentationis
+Aristotelicae de generatione animalium</i>, Dillingen, 1915. L. Dittmeyer,
+<i>De animalibus historia</i>, Leipzig, 1907.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a>
+The subject of the Latin translations of Aristotle is traversed by A.
+and C. Jourdain, <i>Recherches critiques sur l&rsquo;&acirc;ge des
+traductions latines d&rsquo;Aristote</i>, 2nd ed., Paris, 1843; M.
+Grabmann, <i>Forschungen uber die lateinischen Aristoteles Ubersetzungen
+des XIII. Jahrhunderts</i>, M&uuml;nster i/W., 1916; and F.
+W&uuml;stenfeld, <i>Die Ubersetzungen arabischer Werke in das Lateinische
+seit dem XI. Jahrhundert</i>, G&ouml;ttingen, 1877.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a>
+The enormous <i>De Animalibus</i> of Albert of Cologne is now available in an
+edition by H. Stadler, <i>Albertus Magnus De Animalibus Libri XXVI nach
+der c&ouml;lner Urschrift</i>, 2 vols., M&uuml;nster i/W., 1916-21. The
+quotation is translated from vol. i, pp. 465-6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a>
+Conrad&rsquo;s work is conveniently edited by H. Schultz, <i>Das Buch der
+Natur von Conrad von Megenberg, die erste Naturgeschichte in deutscher
+Sprache, in Neu-Hochdeutsche Sprache bearbeitet</i>, Greifswald, 1897.
+Conrad&rsquo;s work is based on that of Thomas of Cantimpr&eacute;
+(1201-70).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a>
+Hieronimo Fabrizio of Acquapendente, <i>De formato foetu</i>, Padua, 1604.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a>
+William Harvey, <i>Exercitationes de generatione animalium</i>, London, 1651.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a>
+Karl Ernst von Baer, <i>Ueber die Entwickelungsgeschichte der Thiere</i>,
+K&ouml;nigsberg, 1828-37.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a>
+The works of Herophilus are lost. This fine passage has been preserved
+for us by Sextus Empiricus, a third-century physician, in his <span
+class='t' title='pros tois mathêmatikous aitirrêtikoi'>προς τοις
+μαθηματικους αιτιρρητικοι</span>, which is in essence an attack on all positive
+philosophy. It is an entertaining fact that we should have to go to such
+a work for remains of the greatest anatomist of antiquity. The passage
+is in the section directed against ethical writers, xi. 50.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a>
+The word <span class='t' title='physikos'>φυσικος</span>, though it passed
+over into Latin (Cicero) with the meaning <i>naturalist</i>, acquired the
+connotation of <i>sorcerer</i> among the later Greek writers. Perhaps the
+word <i>physicianus</i> was introduced to make a distinction from the
+charm-mongering <i>physicus</i>. In later Latin <i>physicus</i> and <i>medicus</i>
+are almost always interchangeable.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a>
+This fragment has been published in vol. iii, part 1, of the
+<i>Supplementum Aristotelicum</i> by H. Diels as <i>Anonymi Londinensis ex
+Aristotelis Iatricis Menonis et Aliis Medicis Eclogae</i>, Berlin, 1893.
+See also H. Bekh and F. Sp&auml;t, <i>Anonymus Londinensis, Auszuge eines
+Unbekannten aus Aristoteles-Menons Handbuch der Medizin</i>, Berlin, 1896.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a>
+As we go to press there appears a preliminary account of the very
+remarkable Edwin Smith papyrus, see J. H. Breasted in <i>Recueil
+d&rsquo;&eacute;tudes egyptologiques d&eacute;di&eacute;es &agrave; la
+m&eacute;moire de Champollion</i>, Paris 1922, and <i>New York Historical
+Society Bulletin</i>, 1922.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a>
+It is tempting, also, to connect the Asclepian snake cult with the
+prominence of the serpent in Minoan religion.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a>
+This word <i>pronoia</i>, as Galen explains (<span class='t' title='eis to
+Hippokratous prognôstikon'>εις το Ἱπποκρατους προγνωστικον</span>, K. xviii, B.
+p. 10), is not used in the philosophic sense, as when we ask whether the
+universe was made by chance or by <i>pronoia</i>, nor is it used quite in the
+modern sense of <i>prognosis</i>, though it includes that too. <i>Pronoia</i> in
+Hippocrates means knowing things about a patient before you are told
+them. See E. T. Withington, &lsquo;Some Greek medical terms with
+reference to Luke and Liddell and Scott,&rsquo; <i>Proceedings of the
+Royal Society of Medicine</i> (<i>Section of the History of Medicine</i>), xiii,
+p. 124, London, 1920.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a>
+<i>Prognostics</i> 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a>
+There is a discussion of the relation of the Asclepiadae to temple
+practice in an article by E. T. Withington, &lsquo;The Asclepiadae and
+the Priest of Asclepius,&rsquo; in <i>Studies in the History and Method of
+Science</i>, edited by Charles Singer, vol. ii, Oxford, 1921.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a>
+The works of Anaximenes are lost. This phrase of his, however, is
+preserved by the later writer Aetios.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a>
+For the work of these physicians see especially M. Wellmann,
+<i>Fragmentsammlung der griechischen Aerzte</i>, Bd. I, Berlin, 1901.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a>
+Galen, <span class='t' title='peri anatomikôn encheirêseôn'>περι ανατομικων εγχειρησεων</span>,
+<i>On anatomical preparations</i>, &sect; 1, K. II, p. 282.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a>
+<i>Historia animalium</i>, iii. 3, where it is ascribed to Polybus. The same
+passage is, however, repeated twice in the Hippocratic writings, viz. in
+the <span class='t' title='peri physios anthrôpou'>περι φυσιος ανθρωπου</span>,
+<i>On the nature of man</i>, Littr&eacute;, vi. 58, and in the <span
+class='t' title='peri osteôn physios'>περι οστεων φυσιος</span>, <i>On the nature
+of bones</i>, Littr&eacute;, ix. 174.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a>
+<span class='t' title='Parangeliai'>Παραγγελιαι</span>, &sect; 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a>
+See Fig. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a>
+Translation by Professor Arthur Platt.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a>
+It must, however, be admitted that in the Hippocratic collection are
+breaches of the oath, e. g. in the induction of abortion related in
+<span class='t' title='peri physios paidiou'>περι φυσιος παιδιου</span>.
+There is evidence, however, that the author of this work was not a
+medical practitioner.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a>
+Rome Urbinas 64, fo. 116.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a>
+K&uuml;hlewein, i. 79, regards this as an interpolated passage.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a>
+Littr&eacute;, ii. 112; K&uuml;hlewein, i. 79. The texts vary:
+K&uuml;hlewein is followed except in the last sentence.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a>
+<span class='t' title='Peri technês'>Περι τεχνης</span>, &sect; 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a>
+<span class='t' title='Peri nousôn a&rsquo;'>Περι νουσων α'</span>, &sect; 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a>
+A reference to dissection in the <span class='t' title='peri arthrôn'>περι
+αρθρων</span>, <i>On the joints</i>, &sect; 1, appears to the present writer to be
+of Alexandrian date.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a>
+They are to be found as an Appendix to Books I and III of the
+<i>Epidemics</i> and embedded in Book III.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a>
+John Cheyne (1777-1836) described this type of respiration in the
+<i>Dublin Hospital Reports</i>, 1818, ii, p. 216. An extreme case of this
+condition had been described by Cheyne&rsquo;s namesake George Cheyne
+(1671-1743) as the famous &lsquo;Case of the Hon. Col. Townshend&rsquo;
+in his <i>English Malady</i>, London, 1733. William Stokes (1804-78)
+published his account of Cheyne-Stokes breathing in the <i>Dublin
+Quarterly Journal of the Medical Sciences</i>, 1846, ii, p. 73.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a>
+The Epidaurian inscriptions are given by M. Fraenkel in the <i>Corpus
+Inscriptionum Graecarum</i> IV, 951-6, and are discussed by Mary Hamilton
+(Mrs. Guy Dickins), <i>Incubation</i>, St. Andrews, 1906, from whose
+translation I have quoted. Further inscriptions are given by Cavvadias
+in the <i>Archaiologike Ephemeris</i>, 1918, p. 155 (issued 1921).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a>
+We are almost told as much in the apocryphal <i>Gospel of Nicodemus</i>,
+&sect; 1, a work probably composed about the end of the fourth century.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a>
+Astley Paston Cooper, <i>Treatise on Dislocations and Fractures of the
+Joints</i>, London, 1822, and <i>Observations on Fractures of the Neck and
+the Thighbone</i>, &amp;c., London, 1823.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a>
+This famous manuscript is known as Laurentian, Plutarch 74, 7, and its
+figures have been reproduced by H. Sch&ouml;ne, <i>Apollonius von Kitium</i>,
+Leipzig, 1896.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a>
+The first lines are the source of the famous lines in Goethe&rsquo;s
+<i>Faust</i>:</p>
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">&lsquo;Ach Gott! die Kunst ist lang<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Und kurz ist unser Leben,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Mir wird bei meinem kritischen Bestreben<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Doch oft um Kopf und Busen bang.&rsquo;<br /></span>
+</div></div></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a>
+The extreme of treatment refers in the original to the extreme
+restriction of diet, <span class='t' title='es akribeiên'>ες ακριβειην</span>,
+but the meaning of the Aphorism has always been taken as more
+generalized.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a>
+The ancients knew almost nothing of infection <i>as applied specifically</i>
+to disease. All early peoples&mdash;including Greeks and
+Romans&mdash;believed in the transmission of qualities from object to
+object. Thus purity and impurity and good and bad luck were infections,
+and diseases were held to be infections in that sense. But there is
+little evidence in the belief of the special infectivity of <i>disease as
+such</i> in antiquity. Some few diseases are, however, unequivocally
+referred to as infectious in a limited number of passages, e. g.
+ophthalmia, scabies, and phthisis in the <span class='t' title='peri
+diaphoras pyretôn'>περι διαφορας πυρετων</span>, <i>On the differentiae of
+fevers</i>, K. vii, p. 279. The references to infection in antiquity are
+detailed by C. and D. Singer, &lsquo;The scientific position of Girolamo
+Fracastoro&rsquo;, <i>Annals of Medical History</i>, vol. i, New York, 1917.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a>
+K. F. H. Marx, <i>Herophilus, ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Medizin</i>,
+Karlsruhe, 1838.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a>
+Galen, <span class='t' title='peri anatomikôn encheirêseôn'>περι
+ανατομικων εγχειρησεων</span>, <i>On anatomical preparations</i>, ix. 5 (last
+sentence).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a>
+Galen, <span class='t' title='peri phlebôn kai artêriôn anatomês'>περι
+φλεβων και αρτηριων ανατομης</span>, <i>On the anatomy of veins and
+arteries</i>, i.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a>
+The quotation is from chapter xxxiii, line 44 of the <i>Anonymus
+Londinensis</i>. H. Diels, <i>Anonymus Londinensis</i> in the <i>Supplementum
+Aristotelicum</i>, vol. iii, pars 1, Berlin, 1893.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a>
+Sanctorio Santorio, <i>Oratio in archilyceo patavino anno 1612 habita; de
+medicina statica aphorismi</i>. Venice, 1614.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a>
+This is the only passage of Hegetor&rsquo;s writing that has survived.
+It has been preserved in the work of Apollonius of Citium.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a>
+Leyden Voss 4&deg; 9<sup>*</sup> of the sixth century is a fragment of this work.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a>
+V. Rose, <i>Sorani Ephesii vetus translatio Latina cum additis Graeci
+textus reliquiis</i>, Leipzig, 1882; F. Weindler, <i>Geschichte der
+gyn&auml;kologisch-anatomischen Abbildung</i>, Dresden, 1908.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a>
+The discovery and attribution of these figures is the work of K.
+Sudhoff. A bibliography of his writings on the subject will be found in
+a &lsquo;Study in Early Renaissance Anatomy&rsquo; in C. Singer&rsquo;s
+<i>Studies in the History and Method of Science</i>, vol. i, Oxford, 1917.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a>
+First Latin edition Venice, 1552; first Greek edition Paris, 1554.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a>
+e. g. <span class='t' title='peri kraseôs kai dynameôs tôn hapantôn
+pharmakôn'>περι κρασεως και δυναμεως των ἁπαντων φαρμακων</span>
+and the <span class='t' title='pharmaka'>φαρμακα</span>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a>
+e. g. <i>De dinamidiis Galeni</i>, <i>Secreta Hippocratis</i> and many
+astrological tracts.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a>
+Dissection of animals was practised at Salerno as early as the eleventh
+century.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a>
+The sources of the anatomical knowledge of the Middle Ages are discussed
+in detail in the following works: R. R. von T&ouml;ply, <i>Studien zur
+Geschichte der Anatomie im Mittelalter</i>, Vienna, 1898; K. Sudhoff,
+<i>Tradition und Naturbeobachtung</i>, Leipzig, 1907; and also numerous
+articles in the <i>Archiv f&uuml;r Geschichte der Medizin und
+Naturwissenschaften</i>; Charles Singer, &lsquo;A Study in Early
+Renaissance Anatomy&rsquo;, in <i>Studies in the History and Method of
+Science</i>, vol. i, Oxford, 1917.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a>
+Benivieni&rsquo;s notes were published posthumously. Some of the
+spurious Greek works of the Hippocratic collection have also case notes.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a>
+<i>Tusc.</i> 1. 1. 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a>
+<i>Inst. Or.</i> I. 1. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a>
+Goethe, <i>Gespr&auml;che</i>, 3. 387.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a>
+Ibid., 3. 443.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a>
+Wordsworth, <i>Table-talk</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a>
+Shelley, <i>On the Manners of the Ancients</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a>
+Mill, <i>Dissertations</i>, ii. 283 f.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a>
+Macaulay, <i>Life and Letters</i>, i. 43.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a>
+Homer, <i>Iliad</i>, vi. 466 ff. (with omissions: chiefly from the
+translation of Lang, Leaf, and Myers). It should be remembered that, of
+the three figures in this scene, the husband will be dead in a few days,
+while within a year the wife will be a slave and the child thrown from
+the city wall.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a>
+Genesis xxi. 14 f.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a>
+<i>Iliad</i>, xvi. 428 f.: &lsquo;As vultures with crooked talons and curved
+beaks that upon some high crag fight, screaming loudly.&rsquo; <i>Ibid.</i>
+v. 770 f.: &lsquo;As far as a man&rsquo;s view ranges in the haze, as he
+sits on a point of outlook and gazes over the wine-dark sea, so far at a
+spring leap the loud-neighing horses of the gods.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a>
+<i>Poetics</i>, c. 23 (tr. Butcher).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a>
+&lsquo;Stranger, tell the Spartans that we lie here,
+obeying their words.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a>
+<i>Phaedo</i>, 118 B.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a>
+fr. 95: &lsquo;Star of evening, bringing all things that bright dawn has
+scattered, you bring the sheep, you bring the goat, you bring the child
+back to its mother.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a>
+<i>Iliad</i>, xxiv. 277 f. (with omissions).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a>
+I have taken these quotations of Keats from Bradley, <i>Oxford Lecture on
+Poetry</i>, p. 238.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a>
+Callimachus, <i>Epigr.</i> 20: &lsquo;His father Philip laid here to rest his
+twelve-year old son, his high hope, Nicoteles.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a>
+<i>Thuc.</i> iv. 104, 105, 106 (tr. Jowett, mainly).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_120_120" id="Footnote_120_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a>
+<i>The Greek Genius and its Meaning to us</i>, pp. 74 ff.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_121_121" id="Footnote_121_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a>
+In these novels and in <i>The Dynasts</i> Mr. Hardy allows his personal views
+to depress one side of the scales: in his lesser novels he has often
+shown that he can hold the balance even. This distinction should be
+borne in mind in all the criticisms of his work, which I have ventured
+to make.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_122_122" id="Footnote_122_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a>
+Keats, <i>Preface to Endymion</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_123_123" id="Footnote_123_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a>
+<i>Hymn to Demeter</i>, l. 2 ff. The translation is mainly from Pater, <i>Greek
+Studies</i>. &lsquo;Whom, by the consent of far-seeing, deep-thundering
+Zeus, Aidoneus carried away, as she played with the deep-bosomed
+daughters of Ocean, gathering flowers in a meadow of soft grass and
+roses and crocus and fair violets and iris and hyacinths and the strange
+glory of the narcissus which the Earth, favouring the desire of
+Aidoneus, brought forth to snare the flower-like girl. A wonder it was
+to all, immortal gods and mortal men. A hundred blossoms grew up from
+the roots of it, and very sweet was its scent, and the broad sky above,
+and all the earth and the salt wave of the sea laughed to see it. She in
+wonder stretched out her two hands to take the lovely plaything:
+thereupon the wide-wayed earth opened in the Nysian plain and the king
+of the great nation of the dead sprang out with his immortal
+horses.&rsquo;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_124_124" id="Footnote_124_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a>
+ll. 732 f. (tr. Murray).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_125_125" id="Footnote_125_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a>
+Vitruvius, <i>De Architectura</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_126_126" id="Footnote_126_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a>
+Pliny the Elder, <i>Historia Naturalis</i>, xxxvi.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_127_127" id="Footnote_127_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a>
+Pausanias, <span class='t' title='Hellados Periêgêsis'>Ἑλλαδος Περιηγησις</span>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_128_128" id="Footnote_128_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a>
+Sir Arthur Evans has drawn up an ingenious chronology of Early Minoan
+(2800-2200 <span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>), Middle Minoan (2200-1700
+<span class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>), and Late Minoan (1700-1200 <span
+class='lc sc'>B. C.</span>). The evidence is almost entirely that of pottery
+discovered on the site. The whole question of the relations of Minoan to
+Mycenaean art, and of this archaic art to the earlier civilizations of
+Egypt and Chaldea, is very obscure and uncertain.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_129_129" id="Footnote_129_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a>
+The heraldic treatment of the lions is of Eastern origin. The Greeks had
+a tradition that the chieftains of Mycenae came from Lydia.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_130_130" id="Footnote_130_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a>
+Portions of these columns are now in the British Museum.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_131_131" id="Footnote_131_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a>
+The order, I may say for the uninitiated, means the complete ordonnance
+of the column, the architrave resting immediately on its capital, the
+frieze and the cornice. It is the final expression of the simple device
+of the post and lintel, of the beam resting on the heads of two or more
+posts; and there is little doubt that in its ultimate origin, the Order
+is the translation into stone of the details of a rudimentary wooden
+construction.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_132_132" id="Footnote_132_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a>
+<i>Hellenistic Sculpture</i>, by Guy Dickins, p. 85. The author, who wrote
+with something of the insight of the artist as well as the accurate
+knowledge of the scholar, died of wounds, on the Somme, in 1916.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_133_133" id="Footnote_133_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a>
+<i>Vitruvius</i>, iii. 1. The difficulty was, that if the triglyph was placed
+on the angle of the building (the practice of the Greeks) and the next
+triglyph was placed over the axis of the column, the metope (or panel)
+between these two triglyphs would be larger than the metopes between the
+triglyphs axial over the other columns. The Greeks solved it by reducing
+the width of the end intercolumniation, but later critics disliked this,
+and solved it by removing the end triglyph from the angle and placing it
+axial over the end column.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_134_134" id="Footnote_134_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a>
+Vitruvius gives this as the &lsquo;aedes in antis&rsquo;.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_135_135" id="Footnote_135_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a>
+Pro-style (colonnade in front).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_136_136" id="Footnote_136_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a>
+Amphipro-style (colonnade at both ends).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_137_137" id="Footnote_137_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a>
+Peripteral (single colonnade all round).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_138_138" id="Footnote_138_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a>
+Dipteral (double colonnade all round).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_139_139" id="Footnote_139_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a>
+Pseudo-dipteral (inner row of columns omitted).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_140_140" id="Footnote_140_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a>
+The Erechtheum was an exception.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_141_141" id="Footnote_141_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a>
+See <i>Delphi</i>, by Dr. Frederick Poulsen, p. 52. It is suggested that the
+Sacred Way was in existence before the shrines were built, and that its
+wanderings were necessitated by the gradients of the hillside. No sort
+of attempt, however, seems to have been made to correct this, or to
+treat it as an element of design.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_142_142" id="Footnote_142_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a>
+The Place Vend&ocirc;me measures 450 ft. &times; 420 ft.; Grosvenor
+Square about 650 &times; 530; and Lincoln&rsquo;s Inn Fields about 800
+&times; 630, measured from wall to wall of buildings.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+<p><a name="Footnote_143_143" id="Footnote_143_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a>
+Choisy, <i>History of Architecture</i>, vol. i, p. 298.</p></div>
+
+<div class='blurb'>
+<h3>Transcriber&rsquo;s Notes and Errata</h3>
+
+<p>Illustrations have been moved to the appropriate placed in the text.</p>
+
+<p>The following typographical errors have been corrected.</p>
+
+
+<div class='center'>
+<table border="1" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="">
+<tr class='b'><td align='left'>Page</td><td align='left'>Error</td><td align='left'>Correction</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>218</td><td align='left'>back</td><td align='left'>black</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>424</td><td align='left'>stedfast</td><td align='left'>steadfast</td></tr>
+</table></div>
+
+<p>The following words are found in hyphenated and unhyphenated forms in the text.
+The numbers of instances are given in parentheses.</p>
+
+
+<div class='center'>
+<table border="1" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="">
+<tr><td align='left'>cuttle-fish (2)</td><td align='left'>cuttlefish (1)</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>fresh-water (1)</td><td align='left'>freshwater (1)</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left' rowspan='2'>pre-occupation (4)</td><td align='left'>preoccupation (1)</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>preoccupations (1)</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>re-arranging (1)</td><td align='left'>rearranging (1)</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>re-discovery (2)</td><td align='left'>rediscovery (3)</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>super-men (1)</td><td align='left'>supermen (1)</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>super-women (1)</td><td align='left'>superwomen (1)</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>text-book (5)</td><td align='left'>textbook (2)</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>text-books (2)</td><td align='left'>textbooks (3)</td></tr>
+</table></div>
+</div>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Legacy of Greece, by Various
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+</pre>
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+</body>
+</html>
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diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt
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+This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements,
+metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be
+in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES.
+
+Procedures for determining public domain status are described in
+the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org.
+
+No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in
+jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize
+this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright
+status under the laws that apply to them.
diff --git a/README.md b/README.md
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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #22259 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/22259)